_This is Volume VI of a complete set of_ The Great Events by FamousHistorians. 

_Issued Strictly as a Limited Edition. In Volume I of this Set will befound the Official Certificate, under the Seal of the National Alumni, as to the Limitation of the Edition, the Registered Number, and theName of the Owner. _

BINDING - Vol. VI

The binding of this volume is a facsimile of the original onexhibition in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. 

It was executed by Geoffroy Tory, and presented by him to King FrancisI. 

The broken vase so cleverly worked into the tooled design was thedevice of Tory, which, as explained in his book, _Champfleury_, represents our frail body--a vessel of clay. 

Tory was professor of philosophy and literature in several colleges. In 1518 he set up a printing-press, from whence he brought outbeautiful editions of the Greek and Latin authors, translated andannotated by himself. In 1530 he was appointed Printer to King FrancisI. 

[Illustration]

[Illustration: Tragic death of Archbishop Thomas A. Becket at thealter of the Cathedral of Canterbury Painting by A. Dawant. ]

THE GREAT EVENTS

BY

FAMOUS HISTORIANS

A COMPREHENSIVE AND READABLE ACCOUNT OF THE WORLD'S HISTORY, EMPHASIZING THE MORE IMPORTANT EVENTS, AND PRESENTING THESE ASCOMPLETE NARRATIVES IN THE MASTER-WORDS OF THE MOST EMINENT HISTORIANS

NON-SECTARIANNON-PARTISANNON-SECTIONAL

ON THE PLAN EVOLVED FROM A CONSENSUS OF OPINIONS GATHERED FROM THEMOST DISTINGUISHED SCHOLARS OF AMERICA AND EUROPE, INCLUDING BRIEFINTRODUCTIONS BY SPECIALISTS TO CONNECT AND EXPLAIN THE CELEBRATEDNARRATIVES, ARRANGED CHRONOLOGICALLY, WITH THOROUGH INDICES, BIBLIOGRAPHIES, CHRONOLOGIES, AND COURSES OF READING. 

SUPERVISING EDITORROSSITER JOHNSON, LL. D. 

LITERARY EDITORSCHARLES F. HORNE, Ph. D. JOHN RUDD, LL. D. 

DIRECTING EDITORWALTER F. AUSTIN, LL. M. 

_With a staff of specialistsVOLUME VI_

The National Alumni

CONTENTS

VOLUME VI PAGE

_An Outline Narrative of the Great Events_, CHARLES F. HORNE xiii

_Archiepiscopate of Thomas Becket__His Defence of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction__His Assassination (A. D. 1162-1170)_, JOHN LINGARD 1

_The Peace of Constance Secures the Liberties of the Lombard Cities (A. D. 1183)_, ERNEST F. HENDERSON 28

_Saladin Takes Jerusalem from the Christians (A. D. 1187_), SIR GEORGE W. COX 41

_The Third Crusade (A. D. 1189-1194)_, HENRY VON SYBEL 54

_The Teutonic Knights__Their Organization and History (A. D. 1190-1809)_, F. C. WOODHOUSE 68

_Philip of France Wins the French Domains of the English Kings (A. D. 1202-1204)_, KATE NORGATE 86

_Founding of the Mongol Empire by Genghis Khan (A. D. 1203), HENRY H. HOWORTH 103

_Venetians and Crusaders Take Constantinople__Plunder of the Sacred Relics (A. D. 1204), EDWIN PEARS 121

_Latin Empire of the East__Its Foundation and Fall (A. D. 1204-1261)_, W. J. BRODRIBB SIR WALTER BESANT 140

_Innocent III Exalts the Papal Power (A. D. 1208)_, T. F. TOUT 156

_Signing of Magna Charta (A. D. 1215)_, DAVID HUME 175

_The Golden Bull, "Hungary's Magna Charta, " Signed (A. D. 1222)_, E. O. S. , 191

_Russia Conquered by the Tartar Hordes__Alexander Nevski Saves the Remnant of His People (A. D. 1224-1262)_, ALFRED RAMBAUD 196

_The Sixth Crusade__Treaty of Frederick II with the Saracens (A. D. 1228)_, SIR GEORGE W. COX 208

_Rise of the Hanseatic League (A. D. 1241)_, H. DENICKE 214

_Mamelukes Usurp Power in Egypt (A. D. 1250)_, SIR WILLIAM MUIR 240

_The "Mad Parliament"__Beginning of England's House of Commons (A. D. 1258)_, JOHN LINGARD 246

_Louis IX Leads the Last Crusade (A. D. 1270)_, JOSEPH FRANÇOIS MICHAUD 275

_Height of the Mongol Power in China (A. D. 1271)_, MARCO POLO 287

_Founding of the House of Hapsburg (A. D. 1273)_, WILLIAM COXE 298

_Edward I Conquers Wales (A. D. 1277)_, CHARLES H. PEARSON 316

_Japanese Repel the Tartars (A. D. 1281)_, EDWARD H. PARKER MARCO POLO 327

_The Sicilian Vespers (A. D. 1282)_, MICHELE AMARI 340

_Expulsion of Jews from England (A. D. 1290)_, HENRY HART MILMAN 356

_Exploits and Death of William Wallace, the "Hero of Scotland" (A. D. 1297-1305)_, SIR WALTER SCOTT 369

_First Great Jubilee of the Roman Catholic Church (A. D. 1300)_, FERDINAND GREGOROVIUS 378

_Universal Chronology (A. D. 1162-1300)_, JOHN RUDD 385

ILLUSTRATIONS

VOLUME VI

_Tragic death of Thomas A Becket at the altar of theCathedral of Canterbury (page 26), _Painting by Albert Dawant. Frontispiece

_The lust of the army spared neither maiden nor thevirgin dedicated to God_, Painting by E. Luminais. 128

_King Edward I fulfils his promise of giving theWelsh "a native prince; one who could not speaka word of English"_, Painting by Ph. Morris. 324

AN OUTLINE NARRATIVE

TRACING BRIEFLY THE CAUSES, CONNECTIONS, AND CONSEQUENCES OF GREATEVENTS (FROM BARBAROSSA TO DANTE)

CHARLES F. HORNE

It was during the period of about one hundred fifty years, extendingfrom the middle of the twelfth to the close of the thirteenth century, that the features of our modern civilization began to assume arecognizable form. The age was characterized by the decline offeudalism, and by the growth of all the new influences which combinedto create a new state of society. 

With the decay of the great lords came the rise of the great cities, the increased power and importance of the middle classes, the burghersor "citizens, " who dominate the world to-day. In opposition to thesethere came also an unforeseen accession of strength to kings. Theboundaries of modern states grew more clearly defined; modernnationalities were distinctly established; Europe assumed something ofthe outline, something of the social character, which she stillretains. 

The period includes not only the culmination and close of thecrusading fervor, but also, coincident with this, the culmination ofboth the religious and the temporal powers of the popes, and thescarce recognized beginning of their decline. Universities, vaguelyexistent before, now increase rapidly in numbers and importance, receive definite outlines and foundations, and exert a mightyinfluence. In fact it has been not inaptly said that the rule ofmediæval Europe was divided amid three powers--the emperor, the pope, and the University of Paris. Books, from which we can trace thehistory of the time, become as numerous as before they had been scantand vague and misleading. Thought reveals itself struggling everywherefor expression, displayed at times in the sunshine of song and rhymeand merry laughter, at times in the storms of philosophic dispute andreligious persecution. 

In short, this was an age of strife between old ways and new. It sawthe granting of Magna Charta, but it saw also the establishment of theInquisition, and the creation of the two great monastic orders, whoseopposing methods, the Dominicans ruling by fear and the Franciscans bylove, are typical of the contrasting spirits of the time. It was theage which in the next century under Dante's influence was to burstinto blossom as the Renaissance. 

FREDERICK BARBAROSSA

Not often has one man proven influential enough to dominate and alterthe direction of his epoch; but very frequently we see one takingadvantage of its tendencies and so managing these, so directing them, that he seems almost to create his surroundings, and becomes to allmen the expression and example of his times. Such a leader was theemperor Frederick Barbarossa (1152-1190), and we may follow hisfortunes in tracing the early part of this era. 

The First Crusade had depleted Europe of half a million fighting men. Then came a pause of fifty years, after which it was learned thatJerusalem was again in danger of falling into the hands of theMahometans. So, in 1147, another vast crusading army set out to therescue. Barbarossa himself went with this Second Crusade, as a youngGerman noble. He was one of the few who escaped death in the Asiandeserts, one of the very few who from the colossal failure of theexpedition returned to Europe with added honor and reputation. He waselected Emperor. The crusade had been as deadly as the first, thoughless successful, and when this nominal leadership of Western Europewas thus conferred on the gallant Frederick, he found the Teutonicraces weakened by the loss of a million of their most valiantwarriors--that is, of the feudal lords and their retainers. 

Here we find at once one of the great causes of the decay ofFeudalism. Many of the old families had become wholly extinct; andunder the feudal system their estates lapsed to their overlords, thekings. Other families were represented only by heiresses; and themarrying of these ladies became a recognized move in the game forpower, in which the kings, and especially the emperor Frederick, nowtook a foremost part. 

Previous emperors had been figureheads; Frederick became the realruler of Europe. The kings of Denmark and Poland fully acknowledgedthemselves his vassals. So also, though less definitely, did the Kingof England. For a moment the imperial unity of Europe seemed reviving. Only one of the Emperor's great dukes, Henry the Lion, of Saxony, dared stand against him; and Henry was ultimately crushed. Thewar-cries of the two opponents, however, became eternalized asfactional names in the struggle of Frederick's successors againstother foes. For generations whoever upheld the empire was a Waibling, and whoever would attack it, on whatsoever plea, a Welf. Frederick, having established his power in Germany, attempted to assert it inItaly as well; and so the strife passed over the Alps and became thatof Ghibelline against Guelf, in Italian phrase, of emperor againstpope, of monarchy against democracy. 

It was this fatal insistence upon Italian authority that broughtdisaster upon Frederick and all his house, and ultimately upon theempire as well, and on the entire German race. The Italians had beenquite content to call themselves subjects of a Holy Roman Empire whichextended but vaguely over Europe, and whose chief took his title fromtheir ancient city and only came among them to be crowned. They lookedat the matter in a wholly different light when Frederick regarded hisposition seriously, and interfered in their affairs with the stronghand, crushing their feuds and exacting money tribute. Rebellion waspromptly kindled, and for twenty years one German army after anotherdwindled away in the passage of the Alps, wasted under the fevers ofItalian marshes, or was crushed in desperate battle. By the treaty ofConstance, in 1183, Frederick confessed the one defeat of his career. He acknowledged the practical independence of the Italian cities. [1]

CITIES AND KINGS

The Emperor had in fact encountered a power too strong for him. He hadbeen struggling against the beginnings of modern democracy, a systemstronger even in its infancy than the ancient rule of the aristocracywhich it has gradually supplanted. The resistance of Italy came notfrom its knights and lords, but from its great cities, which had beenslowly growing more and more self-reliant and independent. The rise ofthese city republics of the Middle Ages cannot be fully traced. Everywhere little communities of men seem to have been driven bydesperation to build walls about their group of homes and to defy allcomers. As it was in Italy that the ancient Roman civilization hadbeen most firmly established and the barbarian dominance leastcomplete, so it was in Italy that these walled towns first assertedtheir importance. Venice indeed, protected by her marshes, we haveseen establishing a somewhat republican form even from her foundation. She and Genoa and Pisa defended themselves against the Saracens andbuilt ships and grew to be the chief maritime powers of theMediterranean, rulers of island empires. They fought wars against oneanother, and Pisa was overwhelmed and ruined in a tremendous conflictwith Genoa. Genoa's fleets carried supplies for the first crusaders. In later crusades, when the deadly nature of the long journey by landwas more clearly known, the wealthy maritime republics were hired tocarry the crusaders themselves to the East--and profited vastly by thebusiness. 

Gradually the inland cities took courage from their sea-boardneighbors. Florence became the centre of reviving art, her citizensthe chief bankers for all Europe. Milan became chief of the Lombardcities, leading them against Barbarossa. And when he captured anddestroyed the metropolis in 1161, the burghers of the surroundinglesser towns rallied to her help. No sooner was the Emperor out ofreach than walls and houses rose again with the speed of magic, tillMilan stood reincarnate, fairer and stronger than before. 

A similar though slower growth can be traced among the cities of theNorth. As early as 1067 we find the town of Mans near Normandyrebelling against its lord. Still earlier had Henry the City-builderthought it wise to strengthen and fortify his peasantry, despite thecounsel of his barons. Indeed, through all the Middle Ages we findkings and commons drawn often into union by their mutual antagonism tothe feudal nobility. Barbarossa, even while he quarrelled with theItalian cities, encouraged those of Germany. 

At the same time that Frederick was thus reasserting the imperialpower, England had a strong king in Henry II. By wedding the mostimportant feudal heiress in France, Henry added so many provinces tohis ancestral French domain of Normandy that more than half France layin his possession, and the French kings found that in this overgrownduke, who was also an independent monarch, they possessed a vassal farwealthier and more powerful than themselves. Henry took more than onestep toward the humiliation, or even subjugation, of France, but seemsto have been hampered by a real feudal respect for his overlord. Moreover, he got into the same difficulty as the Emperor. Hequarrelled with the Church, and found it too strong for him. Much ofhis time and most of his energy were devoted to his celebratedstruggle against his great bishop, Thomas Becket. [2]

Thus the French King was given time and opportunity to strengthen hissovereignty. Then came the great Third Crusade, altering and once moreupsetting the growing forces of the times, and among its manyunforeseen results was the rescue of France from the grip of her toomighty vassal. The long threatening recapture of Jerusalem became afact in 1187. [3] The Christian kingdom established by the FirstCrusade was overthrown; and Emperor Barbarossa, in his splendid andrevered old age, vowed to attempt its reëstablishment. 

Once more did all the nobility of Europe pour eastward, embracingeagerly the purpose of their chief. This was the last great crusade, those that followed being but feeble and unimportant efforts incomparison. Not only was the Emperor at its head, but the King ofEngland, son of Henry II, the famous Richard of the Lion Heart, tookup the movement with enthusiasm. So, also, though less passionately, did Philip Augustus, ablest of the kings of France. No other crusadecould boast such names as these. [4]

Yet the mighty undertaking ended in failure. Barbarossa perished inthe East, and the glory of his empire died with him. Richard andPhilip quarrelled about precedence, and the French King seized theopportunity to return home, full of shrewd plans for the humbling ofhis obnoxious vassal sovereign. Richard, left almost alone with hisdwindling plague-stricken forces, had finally to acknowledge thehopelessness of the cause. His adventures have been made the theme ofmany a romance. On his way home he was seized and imprisoned inGermany, and this and his death soon after left the throne to hisbrother John. 

BEGINNINGS OF MODERN GOVERNMENT

Historians have united to pour upon John every species of opprobrium. Certain it is that he secured his crown by evil means, that he soughtto protect it by falsity and treachery. But after all, his rival, Philip Augustus, could be treacherous too, and the main differencebetween them is that Philip defeated John. He wrenched from himNormandy and many of John's other French provinces, so that thedominions of the English kings were reduced to scarce half theirformer compass. Hence the opprobrium on John. [5]

Heavy as the loss might seem, it proved in reality a blessing to theEnglish race. Forced to confine themselves to Great Britain, her kingsbecame truly English, instead of French--which they had been hitherto. England ceased to be a mere appanage of Normandy, ruled by Normannobles. The Normans who had settled in the island became sharplydivided from those who remained in France, and Saxons andEnglish-Normans became firmly welded into a united race. This is whatEngland owes to John. 

Moreover his tyranny and falsehood led the lower classes in his realmto unite with the nobility against him. Thus the deepset classdistinction of feudal times between lord and serf, the owner and theowned, became less marked in England than elsewhere in Europe. Thevast threefold struggle which had everywhere to be fought out betweenkings, nobles, and commons was in England decided against the kings bythe union of the other two. 

Their combined strength forced from John the Magna Charta, or GreatCharter, the foundation of modern government in England, though thecelebrated document granted no new privilege to lord or citizen orpeasant. It only confirmed on parchment the rights which John wouldhave denied them. So this also, the corner-stone of liberty, thebeginning of constitutional progress, does England owe to heroppressor. Never perhaps has any man devoted to evil done unwittinglyso much of good as he. [6]

Thus the English nation grew united, while the French provinces werebrought into closer dependence on their own king. In fact, PhilipAugustus, by clever use now of the commons, now of the nobles, succeeded in dominating both. Following his example his successorsmanaged for many centuries to remain "lords of France" with a securityand absoluteness of power which no English king, no German emperor, was ever again to attain. 

In Germany the death of Barbarossa left his throne to a short-livedevil son and then to an infant grandson, Frederick II. Other claimantsto the realm sprang up, the great lords asserted and fully establishedtheir right to elect what emperor they pleased. Through this rightthey made themselves strong, their ruler weak, and so feudalismpersisted in Germany while it was fading in France and England. Private war continued, baron fought against baron, confusion andanarchy prevailed more and more, and in the march of civilizationGermany was left behind. She lagged for centuries in the rear of herneighbors, staring after them, despising, envying, scarcecomprehending. It is only within the last hundred and fifty years thatGermany has reasserted her ancient place among the foremost of thenations. 

THE PAPACY

We have said that the only place where Barbarossa failed was in hisItalian wars. These were waged against democracy and against thepopes. Southern Italy was at this time a kingdom, in Central Italy laythe papal states, and north of these were all the independent cities. Assuming the democratic leadership of the cities, the popes acquired astrong temporal power. The growth of this we have traced throughearlier periods; it reached its culmination under Pope Innocent III(1198-1216). He almost succeeded to the emperors as the acknowledgedruler of Europe. [7]

Secured from martial invasion by the strength of the federated cities, as well as by the spiritual dominion which he wielded, Innocentextended his authority over all men and all affairs. He orderedunlucky King John to accept a certain archbishop for England; and whenJohn refused, England was laid under an "interdict, " that is, nochurch services could be held there, not even to shrive the dying orbury the dead. For a while John was scornful, but at length hisaccumulating troubles forced him to kneel submissively to the Pope, surrender his crown, and receive it back as a vassal of the papacyunder obligation to pay heavy tribute. By the same weapon of aninterdict Innocent forced the mighty Philip Augustus to take back awife whom he had divorced without papal consent. And in GermanyInnocent twice secured the creation of an emperor of his own choice, the second being the child, Frederick II, who had been brought upunder the Pope's own guardianship. 

Among other spectacular features of his reign Innocent founded theInquisition, and thus formally divorced the Church from its earlierpreaching of universal peace and love. Moreover, he attempted adiversion of the tremendous, wasted power of the crusades. He wantedholy wars fought nearer home, and preached a crusade against John ofEngland. The mere threat brought John to his knees; and Innocent thenturned his newfound weapon against the heretics of southern France, the Albigenses. These unfortunate people, having a certain religiousfirmness wholly incomprehensible to John, refused submission. 

The crusade against them became an actual and awful reality. In thename of Christ, men devastated a Christian country. The spirit ofpersecution thus aroused became rampant in religion and remained sofor over half a thousand years. Rebels against the Church accepted itsmost evil teaching, and in their brief periods of power becametorturers and executioners in their turn. 

This first of the "religious wars" achieved its purpose. Itexterminated or at least suppressed the heresy by exterminating everyheretic who dared assert himself. Vast numbers of wholly orthodoxChristians perished also, since even they fought against the"crusaders" in defending their homes. War did not change its hideousface because man had presumed to place a blessing on it. Next toItaly, Southern France had been the most cultured land of Europe. Thecrusaders left it almost a desert. It had been practically independentof the kings at Paris, henceforth it offered them no resistance. 

A more excusable direction given by Innocent to the crusadingenthusiasm was against the Saracens in Spain. A new and tremendousarmy of these had come over from Africa to reënforce their brethren, who shared the peninsula with the Spaniards. The Pope's preaching sentsixty thousand crusaders to help the Spaniards against this swarm ofinvaders, and the Saracens were completely defeated. The battle ofNavas de Tolosa, in 1212, settled that Spain was to be Christianinstead of Mahometan. [8]

THE LATER CRUSADES

Against the Saracens of the East, however, crusades grew less and lesseffective. "Geography explains much of history. " In Spain the Saracenswere weak because far from the centre of their power. In the East theEuropeans were at the same disadvantage. For one man who fell inbattle in the Holy Land, twenty perished of starvation or disease uponthe journey thither. Europe began to realize this. The East no longerlured men with the golden glamour that it held for an earliergeneration. Kings had the contrasted examples of Philip Augustus andthe heroic Richard to teach them the value of staying at home. 

We need glance but briefly at these later crusades. The fourth wasundertaken in 1203. Venice contracted to transport its warriors to theHoly Land, but instead persuaded them to join her in an attack uponthe decrepit Empire of the East. [9] Constantinople fell before theirassault and received a Norman emperor, nor did the religious zeal ofthese particular followers of the cross ever carry them farther ontheir original errand. They were content to establish themselves askings, dukes, and counts in their unexpected empire. Some of thelittle Frankish states thus created lasted for over two centuries, though the central power at Constantinople was regained by the Greekemperors of the east in 1261. [10]

Meanwhile the patriotic and powerful King Andrew of Hungary led afifth crusade. The German Emperor, Frederick II, headed a sixth inwhich, by diplomacy rather than arms, he temporarily regainedJerusalem. [11] For a time this treaty of peace deprived of theiroccupation the orders of religious knighthood still warring in theEast. One of these, the Teutonic Knights, made friends with Frederick, and by his aid its members were transported to the eastern frontier ofGermany, where among the Poles and Po-russians (Prussians) they couldstill find heathen fighting to their taste. From this order sprang themilitary basis of modern Prussia. [12]

The Seventh and Eighth crusades were the work of the great French Kingand saint, Louis IX. The enthusiasm which had roused the mass ofordinary men to these vast destructive outpourings was faded. Louishad to coax and persuade his people to follow him, and even hisearnest purpose and real ability could not save his expeditions fromdisastrous failure. In the Seventh Crusade he attacked, not Jerusalem, but Egypt, then the centre of Mahometan power. He was defeated andmade prisoner; his army was practically exterminated. Yet by apersonal heroism, which shone even more brilliantly in adversity thanin success, he has won lasting fame. His captivity disrupted anempire. The mamelukes, the slave soldiers of Egypt, who had foughtmost valiantly against him, were wakened to a realization of their ownpower. They overthrew their sultan, and founded an Egyptian governmentwhich lasted until Napoleon's time. [13]

After much suffering, Louis was allowed to purchase his freedom andreturned to France. There he spent long years of wise government, ofnoble guidance of his people, and of secret preparations which hedared not avow. At length in his old age he confessed to his astoundednation that he meant to make one more attempt against the Saracens. Itwas a vow to God, he said, and he begged his people for assistance. The age had outgrown crusades. Perhaps no one man in all Louis'domains believed in the possibility of his success. History scarcepresents anywhere a spectacle more pathetic than this last crusade, compelled by the fire of a single enthusiast. In love of him, hissoldiers followed him, though with despair at heart; and the weepingcrowds who bade them farewell at their ships, mourned them as menalready dead. They attempted to attack the Saracens first at Tunis, and there Louis died of fever. The crusades perished with him. [14]

POPE AND EMPEROR

With the wane of the crusading fervor waned also the power of thepopes. Innocent had extended his authority by terror and physicalforce. But men soon ceased to find religious inspiration for such"holy wars, " and the calls of later popes fell upon deafened ears. Thedemocratic policy of Innocent's predecessors had rallied all Italyaround them; but his successors seem to have failed to recognize theirtrue sources of strength. They abandoned their allies and ruled withautocratic power. Italy became divided, half Guelf, half Ghibelline, Moreover, even Frederick II, the ward whom Innocent had placed on theimperial throne, refused to sanction the encroachments of papalauthority over the empire. So the strife of emperor and pope beganagain, only to terminate with the utter defeat and extermination ofthe great house of Barbarossa. Their possessions in Southern Italy andSicily were conferred by the popes upon Charles of Anjou, brother ofLouis IX of France. 

But while the popes were thus temporarily successful in the giantcontest against their greatest rival, to such partisan extremitieswere they driven by the necessities of the struggle, that theawakening world looked at them with doubtful eyes, began to questiontheir spiritual rights and honors, as well as the temporal authoritythey claimed. In Charles of Anjou the popes soon found that they hadbut substituted one master for another. Charles was rapidly becomingas obnoxious to Rome as the emperors had ever been, when suddenly thetyranny of his French soldiers roused the Sicilians to desperation, and by the massacre of the Sicilian Vespers[15] the French power inItaly was crushed. 

Men were slow to realize that the mighty hold which the papacy hadonce possessed on the deep heart of the world was being sapped at itsfoundation. Diplomatic pontiffs still managed for a time to play offone sovereign against another, and to have their battles fought byforeign armies on a business basis. As late as the year 1300 the firstgreat jubilee of the Church was celebrated and brought hundreds ofthousands of pilgrims flocking to Rome. [16] The papacy, though sorelypressed by many enemies, still proudly asserted its politicalsupremacy. But in truth it had lost its power, not only over the mindsof kings to hold them in subjection, not only over the interests ofnobles to stir them to revolt, but alas, even over the love of thelower classes to rally them for its defence. Within ten years from thegreat jubilee the papacy met complete defeat and subjugation at thehands of a far lesser man and feebler monarch than Frederick II. 

To the empire the long contest was as disastrous as to the papacy. When Frederick II, at one time the most splendid monarch of Europe, died in 1250, a crushed and defeated man, Germany sank into suchanarchy as it had not known since the days of the Hunnish invasion. "When the Emperor was condemned by the Church, " says an ancientchronicle, "robbers made merry over their booty. Ploughshares werebeaten into swords, reaping hooks into lances. Men went everywherewith flint and steel, setting in a blaze whatsoever they found. " Theperiod from 1254 to 1273 is known as the "Great Interregnum" in Germanhistory. There was no emperor, no authority, and every little lordfought and robbed as he pleased. The cities, driven to desperation, raised armed forces of their own and united in leagues, which laterdeveloped into the great Hanseatic League, more powerful thanneighboring kings. [17] The anarchy spread to Italy. Bands of "FreeCompanies" roamed from place to place, plundering, fighting battles, storming walled cities, and at last the Pope sent thoroughlyfrightened word to Germany that the lords must elect an emperor tokeep order or he would appoint one himself. 

The Church had learned its lesson, that without a strong civilgovernment it could not exist. And perhaps the government had at leastpartly seen what later ages learned more fully, that without religion_it_ could not exist. Church and state were gentler to each otherafter that. They realized that, whatever their quarrels, they muststand or fall together. 

So, in 1273, it was the Pope's insistence that led to the selection ofanother emperor, Rudolph of Hapsburg. He was one of the lesser nobles, elected by the great dukes so that he should be too feeble tointerfere with them. But he did interfere, and overthrew Ottocar ofBohemia, the strongest of them all, and restored some measure of lawand tranquillity to distracted Germany. His son he managed toestablish as Duke of Austria, and eventually the empire becamehereditary in the family; so that the Hapsburgs remained rulers ofGermany until Napoleon, that upsetter of so many comfortablesinecures, drove them out. Of Austria they are emperors even to thisday. [18]

THE TARTARS

As though poor, dishevelled Germany had not troubles sufficient of herown, she suffered also in this century from the last of the greatAsiatic invasions. About the year 1200 a remarkable military leader, Genghis Khan, appeared among the Tartars, a Mongol race of NorthernAsia. [19] He organized their wild tribes and started them on a bloodycareer of rapine and conquest. 

He became emperor of China; his hordes spread over India and Persia. In 1226 they entered Russia, and after an heroic struggle the Russianduchies and republics were forced into submission to the Tartaryoke. [20] For nearly two centuries Russia became part, not of Europe, but of Asia, and her civilization received an oriental tinge which ithas scarce yet outgrown. 

The huge Tartar invasion penetrated even to Silesia in EasternGermany, where the Asiatics defeated a German army at Liegnitz (1241). But so great was the invader's loss that they retreated, nor did theirleaders ever again seek to penetrate the "land of the iron-clad men. "The real "yellow peril" of Europe, her submersion under the flood ofAsia's millions, was perhaps possible at Liegnitz. It has never beenso since. In the construction of impenetrable armor the inventivegenius of the West had already begun to rise superior to the barbaricfury of the East. The arts of civilization were soon to soarimmeasurably above mere numerical superiority. 

In Asia the Tartar power probably reached its greatest height underKublai Khan, the Emperor of China whom Marco Polo visited. [21] And itis worth our modern notice that Kublai failed in an attempt to conquerJapan. Russia fell a victim to the Tartar hordes; Japan repelledthem. [22]

PROGRESS OF CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT

While Europe and Asia were thus in turmoil throughout most of thisera, England, secure in her island isolation, was making rapidprogress on the career of union and free government whereon John hadso unintentionally started her. The age thus adds to its other claimsto distinction that of having seen the beginnings of constitutionalgovernment. England's Magna Charta was paralleled by the "Golden Bull"of Hungary, a charter granted by the crusading King, Andrew, to histumultuous subjects. [23] In England the long reign of the weak HenryIII, son of John, took more and more from the power of the crown. Hewas opposed by Simon of Montfort, who, to secure the affections andsupport of the common people, summoned their representatives to meetin a parliament with the knights and bishops. His "Mad Parliament"[24]of 1258 contained the first shadow of a government by the people; hislater assemblies were still more democratic. Considered in this lightone likes to remember that Montfort's first assembly won its title of"mad" by passing such excellent laws that none of those in power wouldsubmit to them. 

Following Henry III, Edward I came to the throne, a man of broad viewsand legal mind. He confirmed and legalized the rights already attainedby his subjects, and centralized the authority of all Great Britain inhis own hands by conquering both Wales[25] and Scotland. The strugglesof Sir William Wallace and his devoted followers to throw off theEnglish yoke ended only in disaster. [26]

Edward, the most enlightened and perhaps the most brilliant sovereignof the thirteenth century, endeavored to protect the Jews, [27] but wasfinally compelled, by the clamor of his subjects, to expel theunfortunate race from his domains. He, however, permitted the exilesto take their wealth with them; and the scarcity thus created was oneof the contributing causes which compelled him to promise hisparliaments not to lay taxes without their consent. It was by thispower to control the purse of king and country that parliament finallyestablished itself as the supreme power in England. It "bought" eachone of its concessions, each added authority. So that we may fairlyfigure that, from this time, trade becomes as important as war. Goldbegins to seem to men not only more attractive, but more powerful thaniron. The age of brute strength has passed; the age of schemes andsubtle policies begun. The merchant dominates the knight. 

[FOR THE NEXT SECTION OF THIS GENERAL SURVEY SEE VOLUME VII. ]

ARCHIEPISCOPATE OF THOMAS BECKET

HIS DEFENCE OF ECCLESIASTICAL JURISDICTION: HIS ASSASSINATION

A. D. 1162-1170

JOHN LINGARD

 Henry II, son of the empress Matilda of Germany by her second husband, Geoffrey of Anjou, ascended the throne of England on the death of his uncle Stephen, the usurper, and was the first king of that Plantagenet line which ruled England for over three centuries. 

 Henry was crowned at Westminster on December 19, 1154, by Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury. Theobald by his authority and vigilance had maintained public tranquillity after the death of Stephen, and by his counsels of conciliation and peace and other services had earned the gratitude of the Monarch. 

 When age compelled Theobald to retire from the councils of his sovereign, he recommended Henry to accept as minister his archdeacon, Thomas Becket. 

 Becket was the son of Gilbert Becket, a prominent citizen of London. The boy's mother, according to an interesting tradition, had been the daughter of a Saracen emir who had made Gilbert a captive, in Jerusalem, after the First Crusade. The daughter helped Gilbert to escape, and later, for love of him, followed on an eastern ship bound for the English metropolis, although she knew no other words of the English language than "London" and "Gilbert. " Wandering desolately through the streets and markets, with these words on her lips, she was recognized by a servant who had shared his master's captivity. He hastened to tell Gilbert, who at once sought for, sheltered her, and, shortly afterward, made her his wife. 

 Their son Thomas was educated at the Abbey of Merton and in the schools of London, Oxford, and Paris. When his father died, Archbishop Theobald took the youth into his family. He studied civil and canon law on the Continent, attending, among others, the lectures of Gratian at Bologna. 

 His accomplishments and talents were fully recognized on his return to England, and preferments followed rapidly until he became archdeacon of Canterbury, a dignity with the rank of baron, next to that of bishop and abbot. He became confidential adviser to the Primate; as his representative twice visited Rome; and, recommended to the notice of King Henry, was appointed chancellor, preceptor of the young prince, depositary of the royal favor, and received several valuable sinecures. He assumed great splendor and magnificence in his retinue. He attended Henry on his expedition to France, and his chivalric exploits in Normandy at the head of seven hundred knights, twelve hundred cavalry, and four thousand infantry, were more befitting the career of a military adventurer than that of a churchman. 

 Archbishop Theobald died in 1161, and left at the royal disposal the highest dignity in the English Church. 

The favor enjoyed by the Chancellor Thomas Becket, and the situationwhich he filled, pointed him out as the person the most likely tosucceed Theobald. By the courtiers he was already called the "FutureArchbishop"; and when the report was mentioned to him, he ambiguouslyreplied that he was acquainted with four poor priests far betterqualified for that dignity than himself. But Henry, whatever were hisintentions, is believed to have kept them locked up within his ownbreast. During the vacancy the revenues of the see were paid into hisexchequer, nor was he anxious to deprive himself of so valuable anincome by a precipitate election. At the end of thirteen months (A. D. 1162) he sent for the Chancellor at Falaise, bade him prepare for avoyage to England, and added that within a few days he would bearchbishop of Canterbury. Becket, looking with a smile of irony on hisdress, replied that he had not much of the appearance of anarchbishop; and that if the King were serious, he must beg permissionto decline the preferment, because it would be impossible for him toperform the duties of the situation and at the same time retain thefavor of his benefactor. But Henry was inflexible; the legate Henry ofPisa added his entreaties; and Becket, though he already saw the stormgathering in which he afterward perished, was induced, against his ownjudgment, to acquiesce. 

He sailed to England (May 30); the prelates and a deputation of themonks of Canterbury assembled in the king's chapel at Westminster;every vote was given in his favor; the applause of the nobilitytestified their satisfaction; and Prince Henry in the name of hisfather gave the royal assent. Becket was ordained priest by the Bishopof Rochester, and the next day, having been declared free from allsecular obligations, he was consecrated by Henry of Winchester. It wasa most pompous ceremony, for all the nobility of England, to gratifythe King, attended in honor of his favorite. That the known intentionsof Henry must have influenced the electors there can be little doubt;but it appears that throughout the whole business every necessary formwas fully observed. Gilbert Foliot, Bishop of Hereford, a prelate ofrigid morals and much canonical learning, alone observed jeeringlythat the King had at last wrought a miracle; for he had changed asoldier into a priest, a layman into an archbishop. The sarcasm wasnoticed at the time as a sally of disappointed ambition. 

That Becket had still to learn the self-denying virtues of theclerical character is plain from his own confession; that his conducthad always defied the reproach of immorality was confidently assertedby his friends, and is equivalently acknowledged by the silence of hisenemies. The ostentatious parade and worldly pursuits of thechancellor were instantly renounced by the Archbishop, who in thefervor of his conversion prescribed to himself, as a punishment forthe luxury and vanity of his former life, a daily course of secretmortification. His conduct was now marked by the strictest attentionto the decencies of his station. To the train of knights and noblemen, who had been accustomed to wait on him, succeeded a few companionsselected from the most virtuous and learned of his clergy. His dietwas abstemious; his charities were abundant; his time was divided intocertain portions allotted to prayer and study and the episcopalfunctions. These he found it difficult to unite with those of thechancellor; and, therefore, as at his consecration he had beendeclared free from all secular engagements, he resigned that officeinto the hands of the King. 

This total change of conduct has been viewed with admiration orcensure according to the candor or prejudices of the beholders. By hiscontemporaries it was universally attributed to a conscientious senseof duty: modern writers have frequently described it as a mereaffectation of piety, under which he sought to conceal projects ofimmeasurable ambition. But how came this hypocrisy, if it existed, toelude, during a long and bitter contest, the keen eyes of hisadversaries? A more certain path would surely have offered itself toambition. By continuing to flatter the King's wishes, and by unitingin himself the offices of chancellor and archbishop, he might in allprobability have ruled without control both in church and state. 

For more than twelve months the primate appeared to enjoy his wontedascendency in the royal favor. But during his absence the warmth ofHenry's affection insensibly evaporated. The sycophants of the court, who observed the change, industriously misrepresented the actions ofthe Archbishop, and declaimed in exaggerated terms against theloftiness of his views, the superiority of his talents, and thedecision of his character. Such hints made a deep impression on thesuspicious and irritable mind of the King, who now began to pursue hislate favorite with a hatred as vehement as had been the friendshipwith which he had formerly honored him. 

Amidst a number of discordant statements it is difficult to fix on theoriginal ground of the dissension between them; whether it were theArchbishop's resignation of the chancellorship, or his resumption ofthe lands alienated from his see, or his attempt to reform theclergymen who attended the court, or his opposition to the revival ofthe odious tax known by the name of the _danegelt_. [28] But that whichbrought them into immediate collision was a controversy respecting thejurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts. A rapid view of the originand progress of these courts, and of their authority in civil andcriminal causes, may not prove uninteresting to the reader. 

From the commencement of Christianity its professors had been exhortedto withdraw their differences from the cognizance of profanetribunals, and to submit them to the paternal authority of theirbishops, who, by the nature of their office, were bound to heal thewounds of dissension, and by the sacredness of their character wereremoved beyond the suspicion of partiality or prejudice. Though anhonorable, it was a distracting, servitude, from which the more piouswould gladly have been relieved; but the advantages of the systemrecommended it to the approbation of the Christian emperors. 

Constantine and his successors appointed the bishops the generalarbitrators within their respective dioceses; and the officers ofjustice were compelled to execute their decisions without either delayor appeal. At first, to authorize the interference of the spiritualjudge, the previous consent of both the plaintiff and defendant wasrequisite; but Theodosius left it to the option of the parties, eitherof whom was indulged with the liberty of carrying the cause in thefirst instance into the bishop's court, or even of removing it thitherin any stage of the pleadings before the civil magistrate. Charlemagneinserted this constitution of Theodosius in his code, and ordered itto be invariably observed among all the nations which acknowledged hisauthority. If by the imperial law the laity were permitted, by thecanon law the clergy were compelled, to accept of the bishop as thejudge of civil controversies. It did not become them to quit thespiritual duties of their profession, and entangle themselves in theintricacies of law proceedings. The principle was fully admitted bythe emperor Justinian, who decided that in cases in which only one ofthe parties was a clergyman, the cause must be submitted to thedecision of the bishop. This valuable privilege, to which the teachersof the northern nations had been accustomed under their own princes, they naturally established among their converts; and it was soonconfirmed to the clergy by the civil power in every Christian country. 

Constantine had thought that the irregularities of an order of mendevoted to the offices of religion should be veiled from thescrutinizing eye of the people. With this view he granted to eachbishop, if he were accused of violating the law, the liberty of beingtried by his colleagues, and moreover invested him with a criminaljurisdiction over his own clergy. Whether his authority was confinedto lesser offences, or extended to capital crimes, is a subject ofcontroversy. There are many edicts which without any limitationreserve the correction of the clergy to the discretion of the bishop;but in the novels of Justinian a distinction is drawn betweenecclesiastical and civil transgressions. With the former the Emperoracknowledges that the civil power has no concern: the latter arecognisable by the civil judge. Yet before his sentence can beexecuted, the convict must be degraded by his ecclesiastical superior;or, if the superior refuse, the whole affair must be referred to theconsideration of the sovereign. That this regulation prevailed amongthe western nations, after their separation from the Empire, is provedby the canons of several councils; but the distinction laid down byJustinian was insensibly abolished, and, whatever might be the natureof the offence with which a clergyman was charged, he was, in thefirst instance at least, amenable to none but an ecclesiasticaltribunal. 

It was thus that on the Continent the spiritual courts were firstestablished, and their authority was afterward enlarged; but among theAnglo-Saxons the limits of the two judicatures were intermixed andundefined. When the Imperial government ceased in other countries, thenatives preserved many of its institutions, which the conquerorsincorporated with their own laws; but our barbarian ancestorseradicated every prior establishment, and transplanted the manners ofthe wilds of Germany into the new solitude which they had made. Aftertheir conversion, they associated the heads of the clergy with theirnobles, and both equally exercised the functions of civil magistrates. 

It is plain that the bishop was the sole judge of the clergy incriminal cases: that he alone decided their differences, and that tohim appertained the cognizance of certain offences against the rightsof the Church and the sanctions of religion; but as it was his duty tosit with the sheriff in the court of the county, his ecclesiasticalbecame blended with his secular jurisdiction, and many causes, whichin other countries had been reserved to the spiritual judge, weredecided in England before a mixed tribunal. This disposition continuedin force till the Norman Conquest; when, as the reader must haveformerly noticed, the two judicatures were completely separated by thenew sovereign; and in every diocese "Courts Christian, " that is, ofthe bishop and his archdeacons, were established after the model andwith the authority of similar courts in all other parts of the WesternChurch. 

The tribunals, created by this arrangement, were bound in the terms ofthe original charter to be guided in their proceedings by the"episcopal laws, " a system of ecclesiastical jurisprudence, composedof the canons of councils, the decrees of popes, and the maxims of themore ancient fathers. This, like all other codes of law, had in thecourse of centuries received numerous additions. New cases perpetuallyoccurred; new decisions were given; and new compilations were made andpublished. The two, which at the time of the Conquest prevailed in thespiritual courts of France, and which were sanctioned by the charterof William in England, were the collection under the name of Isidore, and that of Burchard, Bishop of Worms. 

About the end of the century appeared a new code from the pen of Ivo, Bishop of Chartres, whose acquaintance with the civil law of Romeenabled him to give to his work a superiority over the compilations ofhis predecessors. Yet the knowledge of Ivo must have been confined tothe Theodosian code, the institutes and mutilated extracts from thepandects of Justinian. But when Amalphi was taken by the Pisans in1137, an entire copy of the last work was discovered; and itspublication immediately attracted, and almost monopolized, theattention of the learned. Among the students and admirers of thepandects was Gratian, a monk of Bologna, who conceived the idea ofcompiling a digest of the canon law on the model of that favoritework; and soon afterwards, having incorporated with his own labors thecollections of former writers, he gave his "decretum" to the public in1151. From that moment the two codes, the civil and canon laws, weredeemed the principal repositories of legal knowledge; and the study ofeach was supposed necessary to throw light on the other. Roger, thebachelor, a monk of Bec, had already read lectures on the sistersciences in England, but he was advanced to the government of hisabbey; and the English scholars, immediately after the publication ofthe decretum, crowded to the more renowned professors in the city ofBologna. After their return they practised in the episcopal courts;their respective merits were easily appreciated, and the proficiencyof the more eminent was rewarded with an ample harvest of wealth andpreferment. 

This circumstance gave to the spiritual a marked superiority over thesecular courts. The proceedings in the former were guided by fixed andinvariable principles, the result of the wisdom of ages; the latterwere compelled to follow a system of jurisprudence confused anduncertain, partly of Anglo-Saxon, partly of Norman origin, anddepending on precedents, of which some were furnished by memory, others had been transmitted by tradition. The clerical judges were menof talents and education; the uniformity and equity of their decisionswere preferred to the caprice and violence which seemed to sway theroyal and baronial justiciaries; and by degrees every cause, whichlegal ingenuity could connect with the provisions of the canons, whether it regarded tithes, or advowsons, or public scandal, ormarriage, or testaments, or perjury, or breach of contract, was drawnbefore the ecclesiastical tribunals. A spirit of rivalry arose betweenthe two judicatures, which quickly ripened into open hostility. On theone side were ranged the bishops and chief dignitaries of the Church, on the other the King and barons; both equally interested in thequarrel, because both were accustomed to receive the principal shareof the fees, fines, and forfeitures in their respective courts. Archbishop Theobald had seen the approach, and trembled for the issueof the contest; and from his death-bed he wrote to Henry, recommendingto his protection the liberties of the Church, and putting him on hisguard against the machinations of its enemies. 

The contest at last commenced; and the first attack was made withgreat judgment against that quarter in which the spiritual courts werethe most defenceless, their criminal jurisdiction. The canons hadexcluded clergymen from judgments of blood; and the severestpunishments which they could inflict were flagellation, fine, imprisonment, and degradation. It was contended that such punishmentswere inadequate to the suppression of the more enormous offences; andthat they encouraged the perpetration of crime by insuring a speciesof impunity to the perpetrator. As every individual who had beenadmitted to the tonsure, whether he afterward received holy orders ornot, was entitled to the clerical privileges, we may concede thatthere were in these turbulent times many criminals among the clergy;but, if it were ever said that they had committed more than a hundredhomicides within the last ten years, we may qualify our belief of theassertion, by recollecting the warmth of the two parties, and theexaggeration to which contests naturally give birth. 

In the time of Theobald, Philip de Brois, a canon of Bedford, had beenarraigned before his bishop, convicted of manslaughter, [29] andcondemned to make pecuniary compensation to the relations of thedeceased. Long afterward, Fitz-Peter, the itinerant justiciary, alluding to the same case, called him a murderer in the open court atDunstable. A violent altercation ensued, and the irritation of Philipdrew from him expressions of insult and contempt. The report wascarried to the King, who deemed himself injured in the person of hisofficer, and ordered De Brois to be indicted for this new offence inthe spiritual court. He was tried and condemned to be publiclywhipped, to be deprived of the fruits of his benefice, and to besuspended from his functions during two years. 

It was hoped that the severity of the sentence would mitigate theKing's anger; but Henry was implacable: he swore "by God's eyes" thatthey had favored De Brois on account of his clerical character, andrequired the bishops to make oath that they had done justice betweenhimself and the prisoner (A. D. 1163). In this temper of mind hesummoned them to Westminster, and required their consent that, for thefuture, whenever a clergyman had been degraded for a public crime bythe sentence of the spiritual judge, he should be immediatelydelivered into the custody of a lay officer to be punished by thesentence of a lay tribunal. To this the bishops, as guardians of therights of the Church, objected. The proposal, they observed, went toplace the English clergy on a worse footing than their brethren in anyother Christian country; it was repugnant to those liberties which theKing had sworn to preserve at his coronation; and it violated thefirst principle of law, by requiring that the same individual shouldbe tried twice and punished twice for one and the same offence. Henry, who had probably anticipated the answer, immediately quitted thesubject, and inquired whether they would promise to observe theancient customs of the realm. The question was captious, as neitherthe number nor the tendency of these customs had been defined; and theArchbishop with equal policy replied that he would observe them, "saving his order. " The clause was admitted when the clergy sworefealty to the sovereign; why should it be rejected when they onlypromised the observance of customs? The King put the questionseparately to all the prelates, and, with the exception of the Bishopof Chichester, received from each the same answer. His eyes flashedwith indignation: they were leagued, he said, in a conspiracy againsthim; and in a burst of fury he rushed out of the apartment. The nextmorning the primate received an order to surrender the honor of Eyeand the castle of Berkhamstead. The King had departed by break of day. 

The original point in dispute was now merged in a more importantcontroversy; for it was evident that under the name of the customs wasmeditated an attack not on one, but on most of the clericalimmunities. Of the duty of the prelates to oppose this innovation noclergyman at that period entertained a doubt; but to determine how farthat opposition might safely be carried was a subject of uncertaindiscussion. The Archbishop of York, who had been gained by the King, proposed to yield for the present, and to resume the contest undermore favorable auspices; the undaunted spirit of Becket spurned thetemporizing policy of his former rival, and urged the necessity ofunanimous and persevering resistance. Every expedient was employed tosubdue his resolution; and at length, wearied out by therepresentations of his friends and the threats of his enemies, thepretended advice of the Pontiff, and the assurance that Henry would becontent with the mere honor of victory, he waited on the King atWoodstock, and offered to make the promise and omit the obnoxiousclause. He was graciously received; and to bring the matter to anissue, a great council was summoned to meet at Clarendon after theChristmas holidays. 

In this assembly, January 25, 1164, John of Oxford, one of the royalchaplains, was appointed president by the King, who immediately calledon the bishops to fulfil their promise. His angry manner andthreatening tone revived the suspicions of the Primate, who venturedto express a wish that the saving clause might still be admitted. Atthis request the indignation of the King was extreme; he threatenedBecket with exile or death; the door of the next apartment was thrownopen, and discovered a body of knights with their garments tucked up, and their swords drawn; the nobles and prelates besought theArchbishop to relent; and two Knights Templars on their knees conjuredhim to prevent by his acquiescence the massacre of all the bishops, which otherwise would most certainly ensue. Sacrificing his ownjudgment to their entreaties rather than their arguments, he promisedin the word of truth to observe the "customs, " and required of theKing to be informed what they were. 

The reader will probably feel some surprise to learn that they wereyet unknown; but a committee of inquiry was appointed, and the nextday Richard de Lucy and Joscelin de Baliol exhibited the sixteenConstitutions of Clarendon. Three copies were made, each of which wassubscribed by the King, the prelates, and thirty-seven barons. Henrythen demanded that the bishops should affix their seals. After whathad passed, it was a trifle neither worth the asking nor the refusing. The Primate replied that he had performed all that he had promised, and that he would do nothing more. His conduct on this trying occasionhas been severely condemned for its duplicity. To me he appears moredeserving of pity than censure. His was not the tergiversation of onewho seeks to effect his object by fraud and deception: it was ratherthe hesitation of a mind oscillating between the decision of his ownjudgment and the opinions and apprehensions of others. His convictionseems to have remained unchanged: he yielded to avoid the charge ofhaving by his obstinacy drawn destruction on the heads of hisfellow-bishops. 

After the vehemence with which the recognition of the "customs" wasurged, and the importance which has been attached to them by modernwriters, the reader will naturally expect some account of theConstitutions of Clarendon. I shall therefore mention the principal:

I. It was enacted that "the custody of every vacant archbishopric, bishopric, abbey, and priory of royal foundation ought to be given andits revenues paid to the king; and that the election of a newincumbent ought to be made in consequence of the king's writ, by thechief clergy of the church, assembled in the king's chapel, with theassent of the king, and with the advice of such prelates as the kingmay call to his assistance. " The custom recited in the first part ofthis constitution could not claim higher antiquity than the reign ofWilliam Rufus, by whom it was introduced. It had, moreover, beenrenounced after his death by all his successors, by Henry I, byStephen, and, lastly, by the present King himself. On what pleatherefore it could be now confirmed as an ancient custom it isdifficult to comprehend. 

II. By the second and seventh articles it was provided that in almostevery suit, civil or criminal, in which each or either party was aclergyman, the proceeding should commence before the king's justices, who should determine whether the cause ought to be tried in thesecular or episcopal courts; and that in the latter case a civilofficer should be present to report the proceedings, and thedefendant, if he were convicted in a criminal action, should lose hisbenefit of clergy. This, however it might be called for by theexigencies of the times, ought not to have been termed an ancientcustom. It was most certainly an innovation. It overturned the law asit had invariably stood from the days of the Conqueror, and did notrestore the judicial process of the Anglo-Saxon dynasty. 

III. It was ordered that "no tenant-in-chief of the king, no officerof his household, or of his demesne, should be excommunicated, or hislands put under an interdict, until application had been made to theking, or in his absence to the grand justiciary, who ought to takecare that what belongs to the king's courts shall be there determined, and what belongs to the ecclesiastical courts shall be determined inthem. "

Sentences of excommunication had been greatly multiplied and abusedduring the Middle Ages. They were the principal weapons with which theclergy sought to protect themselves and their property from thecruelty and rapacity of the banditti in the service of the barons. They were feared by the most powerful and unprincipled, because, atthe same time that they excluded the culprit from the offices ofreligion, they also cut him off from the intercourse of society. Menwere compelled to avoid the company of the excommunicated, unless theywere willing to participate in his punishment. Hence much ingenuitywas displayed in the discovery of expedients to restrain the exerciseof this power; and it was contended that no tenant of the crown oughtto be excommunicated without the king's permission, because itdeprived the sovereign of the personal services which he had a rightto demand of his vassal. This "custom" had been introduced by theConqueror, and, though the clergy constantly reclaimed, had often beenenforced by his successors. 

IV. The next was also a custom deriving its origin from the Conquest, that no archbishop, bishop, or dignified clergyman should lawfully gobeyond the sea without the king's permission. Its object was toprevent complaints at the papal court, to the prejudice of thesovereign. 

V. It was enacted that appeals should proceed regularly from thearchdeacon to the bishop, and from the bishop to the archbishop. Ifthe archbishop failed to do justice, the cause ought to be carriedbefore the king, that by his precept the suit might be terminated inthe archbishop's court, so as not to proceed further without theking's consent. Henry I had endeavored to prevent appeals from beingcarried before the Pope, and it was supposed that the same was theobject of the present constitution. The King, however, thought properto deny it. According to the explanation which he gave, it prohibitedclergymen from appealing to the pope in _civil_ causes only, when theymight obtain justice in the royal courts. The remaining articles areof minor importance. They confine pleas of debt and disputesrespecting advowsons to the cognizance of the king's justices; declarethat clergymen who hold lands of the crown hold by barony, and arebound to the same services as the lay barons; and forbid the bishopsto admit to orders the sons of villeins, without the license of theirrespective lords. 

As the Primate retired he meditated in silence on his conduct in thecouncil. His scruples revived, and the spontaneous censures of hisattendants added to the poignancy of his feelings. In great agony ofmind he reached Canterbury, where he condemned his late weakness, interdicted himself from the exercise of his functions, wrote toAlexander a full account of the transaction, and solicited absolutionfrom that Pontiff. It was believed that, if he had submitted withcheerfulness at Clarendon, he would have recovered his formerascendency over the royal mind: but his tardy assent did not allay theindignation which his opposition had kindled, and his subsequentrepentance for that assent closed the door to forgiveness. Henry hadflattered himself with the hope that he should be able to extort theapprobation of the "customs" either from the gratitude of Alexander, whom he had assisted in his necessities, or from the fears of thatPontiff, lest a refusal might add England to the nations whichacknowledged the antipope. 

The firmness of the Pope defeated all his schemes, and the King in hisanger vowed to be revenged on the Archbishop. Among his advisers therewere some who sought to goad him on to extremities. They scatteredunfounded reports; they attributed to Becket a design of becomingindependent; they accused him of using language the most likely towound the vanity of the monarch. He was reported to have said to hisconfidants that the youth of Henry required a master; that theviolence of his passions must and might easily be tamed; and that heknew how necessary he himself was to a king incapable of guiding thereins of government without his assistance. It was not that these menwere in reality friends to Henry. They are said to have been equallyenemies to him and to the Church. They sighed after the licentiousnessof the last reign, of which they had been deprived, and sought toprovoke a contest, in which, whatever party should succeed, they wouldhave to rejoice over the defeat either of the clergy, whom theyconsidered as rivals, or of the King, whom they hated as theiroppressor. 

The ruin of a single bishop was now the principal object that occupiedand perplexed the mind of this mighty monarch. By the advice of hiscounsellors it was resolved to waive the controversy respecting the"customs, " and to fight with those more powerful weapons which thefeudal jurisprudence always offered to the choice of a vindictivesovereign. A succession of charges was prepared, and the Primate wascited to a great council in the town of Northampton. With a misbodingheart he obeyed the summons; and the King's refusal to accept from himthe kiss of peace admonished him of his danger. 

At the opening of the council, October 13th, John of Oxford presided;Henry exercised the office of prosecutor. The first charge regardedsome act of contempt against the King, supposed to have been committedby Becket in his judicial capacity. The Archbishop offered a plea inexcuse; but Henry swore that justice should be done him; and theobsequious court condemned Becket to the forfeiture of his goods andchattels, a penalty which was immediately commuted for a fine of fivehundred pounds. The next morning the King required him to refund threehundred pounds, the rents which he had received as warden of Eye andBerkhamstead. Becket coolly replied that he would pay it; more, indeed, had been expended by him in the repairs, but money shouldnever prove a cause of dissension between himself and his sovereign. 

Another demand followed of five hundred pounds received by theChancellor before the walls of Toulouse. It was in vain that theArchbishop described the transaction as a gift. Henry maintained thatit was a loan; and the Court, on the principle that the word of thesovereign was preferable to that of a subject, compelled him to givesecurity for the repayment of the money. The third day the Kingrequired an account of all the receipts from vacant abbeys andbishoprics which had come into the hands of Becket during hischancellorship, and estimated the balance due to the Crown at the sumof forty-four thousand marks. At the mention of this enormous demandthe Archbishop stood aghast. However, recovering himself, he repliedthat he was not bound to answer: that at his consecration both PrinceHenry and the Earl of Leicester, the justiciary, had publicly releasedhim by the royal command from all similar claims; and that on a demandso unexpected and important he had a right to require the advice ofhis fellow-bishops. 

Had the Primate been ignorant of the King's object, it wassufficiently disclosed in the conference which followed between himand the bishops. Foliot, with the prelates who enjoyed the royalconfidence, exhorted him to resign; Henry of Winchester alone had thecourage to reprobate this interested advice. On his return to hislodgings the anxiety of Becket's mind brought on an indispositionwhich confined him to his chamber; and during the next two days he hadleisure to arrange plans for his subsequent conduct. The first ideawhich suggested itself was a bold, and what perhaps might have proveda successful, appeal to the royal pity. He proposed to go barefoot tothe palace, to throw himself at the feet of the King, and to conjurehim by their former friendship to consent to a reconciliation. But heafterward adopted another resolution, to decline the authority of thecourt, and trust for protection to the sacredness of his character. 

In the morning, October 18th, having previously celebrated the mass ofSt. Stephen the first martyr, he proceeded to court, arrayed as he wasin pontifical robes, and bearing in his hand the archiepiscopal cross. As he entered, the King with the barons retired into a neighboringapartment, and was soon after followed by the bishops. The Primate, left alone with his clerks in the spacious hall, seated himself on abench, and with calm and intrepid dignity awaited their decision. Thecourtiers, to please the prince, strove to distinguish themselves bythe intemperance of their language. Henry, in the vehemence of hispassion, inveighed, one while against the insolence of Becket, atanother against the pusillanimity and ingratitude of his favorites;till even the most active of the prelates who had raised the stormbegan to view with horror the probable consequences. Roger of Yorkcontrived to retire; and as he passed through the hall, bade hisclerks follow him, that they might not witness the effusion of blood. Next came the Bishop of Exeter, who threw himself at the feet of thePrimate, and conjured him to have pity on himself and the episcopalorder; for the King had threatened with death the first man who shouldspeak in his favor. "Flee, then, " he replied; "thou canst notunderstand the things that are of God. " Soon afterward appeared therest of the bishops. Hilary of Chichester spoke in their name. "Youwere, " he said, "our primate; but by opposing the royal customs, youhave broken your oath of fealty to the King. A perjured archbishop hasno right to our obedience. From you, then, we appeal to the Pope, andsummon you to answer us before him. " "I hear, " was his only reply. 

The bishops seated themselves along the opposite side of the hall, anda solemn silence ensued. At length the door opened and the Earl ofLeicester at the head of the barons bade him hear his sentence. "Mysentence, " interrupted the Archbishop; "son and earl, hear me first. You know with what fidelity I served the King, how reluctantly, toplease him, I accepted my present office, and in what manner I wasdeclared by him free from all secular claims. For what happened beforemy consecration I ought not to answer, nor will I. Know, moreover, that you are my children in God. Neither law nor reason allows you tojudge your father. I therefore decline your tribunal, and refer myquarrel to the decision of the Pope. To him I appeal and shall now, under the protection of the Catholic Church and the apostolic see, depart. " As he walked along the hall, some of the courtiers threw athim knots of straw, which they took from the floor. A voice called hima traitor. At the word he stopped, and, hastily turning round, rejoined, "Were it not that my order forbids me, that coward shouldrepent of his insolence. " At the gate he was received withacclamations of joy by the clergy and people, and was conducted intriumph to his lodgings. 

It was generally believed that if the Archbishop had remained atNorthampton, that night would have proved his last. Alarmed byfrequent hints from his friends, he petitioned to retire beyond thesea, and was told that he might expect an answer the followingmorning. This unnecessary delay increased his apprehensions. Todeceive the vigilance of the spies that beset him, he ordered a bed tobe prepared in the church, and in the dusk of the evening, accompaniedby two clerks and a servant on foot, escaped by the north gate. Afterfifteen days of perils and adventures, Brother Christian (that was thename he assumed) landed at Gravelines in Flanders. 

His first visit was paid, November 3d, to the King of France, whoreceived him with marks of veneration; his second to Alexander, whokept his court in the city of Sens. 

He had been preceded by a magnificent embassy of English prelates andbarons, who had endeavored in vain to prejudice the Pontiff againsthim, though by the distribution of presents they had purchasedadvocates in the college of cardinals. The very lecture of theconstitutions closed the mouths of his adversaries. Alexander, havingcondemned in express terms ten of the articles, recommended theArchbishop to the care of the Abbot of Pontigny, and exhorted him tobear with resignation the hardships of exile. When Thomas surrenderedhis bishopric into the hands of the Pope, his resignation was hailedby a part of the consistory as the readiest means of terminating avexatious and dangerous controversy, but Alexander preferred honor toconvenience, and refusing to abandon a prelate who had sacrificed thefriendship of a king for the interests of the Church, reinvested himwith the archiepiscopal dignity. 

The eyes of the King were still fixed on the exile at Pontigny, and byhis order the punishment of treason was denounced against any personwho should presume to bring into England letters of excommunication orinterdict from either the Pontiff or the Archbishop. He confiscatedthe estates of that prelate, commanded his name to be erased from theliturgy, and seized the revenues of every clergyman who had followedhim into France or had sent him pecuniary assistance. 

By a refinement of vengeance, he involved all who were connected withhim either by blood or friendship, and with them their families, without distinction of rank or age or sex, in one promiscuous sentenceof banishment. Neither men, bowing under the weight of years, norinfants still hanging at the breast, were excepted. The list ofproscription was swelled with four hundred names; and the misfortuneof the sufferers was aggravated by the obligation of an oath to visitthe Archbishop, and importune him with the history of their wrongs. Day after day crowds of exiles besieged the door of his cell atPontigny. His heart was wrung with anguish; he implored the compassionof his friends, and enjoyed at last the satisfaction of knowing thatthe wants of these blameless victims had been amply relieved by thebenefactions of the King of France, the Queen of Sicily, and the Pope. Still Henry's resentment was insatiable. Pontigny belonged to theCistercians; and he informed them that if they continued to afford anasylum to the traitor, not one of their order should be permitted toremain within his dominions. The Archbishop was compelled to quit hisretreat; but Louis immediately offered him the city of Sens for hisresidence. 

Here, as he had done at Pontigny, Becket led the solitary andmortified life of a recluse. Withdrawing himself from company andamusements, he divided the whole of his time between prayer andreading. His choice of books was determined by a reference to thecircumstances in which he was placed; and in the canon law, thehistories of the martyrs, and the Holy Scriptures he sought for adviceand consolation. On a mind naturally firm and unbending, such studieswere likely to make a powerful impression; and his friends, dreadingthe consequences, endeavored to divert his attention to other objects. But their remonstrances were fruitless. 

Gradually his opinions became tinged with enthusiasm: he identifiedhis cause with that of God and the Church; concession appeared to himlike apostasy, and his resolution was fixed to bear every privation, and to sacrifice, if it was necessary, even his own life in so sacreda contest. The violence of Henry nourished and strengthened thesesentiments; and at last, urged by the cries of the sufferers, theArchbishop assumed a bolder tone, which terrified his enemies, andcompelled the court of Rome to come forward to his support. By asentence, promulgated with more than the usual solemnity, he cut offfrom the society of the faithful such of the royal ministers as hadcommunicated with the antipope, those who had framed the Constitutionsof Clarendon, and all who had invaded the property of the Church. Atthe same time he confirmed by frequent letters the wavering mind ofthe Pontiff, checked by his remonstrances the opposition of thecardinals who had been gained by his adversaries; and intimated toHenry, in strong but affectionate language, the punishment whichawaited his impenitence. 

This mighty monarch, the lord of so many nations, while he affected todespise, secretly dreaded, the spiritual arms of his victim. Thestrictest orders were issued that every passenger from beyond the seashould be searched; that all letters from the Pope or the Archbishopshould be seized; that the bearers should suffer the most severe andshameful punishments; and that all freemen, in the courts to whichthey owed service, should promise upon oath not to obey any censurepublished by ecclesiastical authority against the King or the kingdom. But it was for his Continental dominions that he felt chiefly alarmed. There the great barons, who hated his government, would gladly embracethe opportunity to revolt; and the King of France, his naturalopponent, would instantly lend them his aid against the enemy of theChurch. Hence for some years the principal object of his policy was toavert or at least to delay the blow which he so much dreaded. 

As long as the Pope was a fugitive in France, dependent on the bountyof his adherents, the King had hoped that his necessities would compelhim to abandon the Primate. But the antipope was now dead; and thoughthe Emperor had raised up a second in the person of Guido of Crema, Alexander had returned to Italy, and recovered possession of Rome. Henry therefore resolved to try the influence of terror, bythreatening to espouse the cause of Guido. He even opened acorrespondence with the Emperor; and in a general diet at Wuerzburghis ambassadors made oath in the name of their master, that he wouldreject Alexander, and obey the authority of his rival. Of this factthere cannot be a doubt. It was announced to the German nations by animperial edict, and is attested by an eye-witness, who from thecouncil wrote to the Pope a full account of the transaction. 

Henry, however, soon repented of his precipitancy. In 1167 his bishopsrefused to disgrace themselves by transferring their obedience at thenod of their prince; and he was unwilling to involve himself in a newand apparently a hopeless quarrel. To disguise or excuse his conducthe disavowed the act, attributed it to his envoys, and afterwardinduced them also to deny it. John of Oxford was despatched to Rome, who, in the presence of Alexander, swore that at Wuerzburg he had donenothing contrary to the faith of the Church or to the honor andservice of the Pontiff. 

His next expedient was one which had been prohibited by theConstitutions of Clarendon. He repeatedly authorized his bishops toappeal in their name and his own from the judgment of the Archbishopto that of the Pope. By this means the authority of that prelate wasprovisionally suspended; and though his friends maintained that theseappeals were not vested with the conditions required by the canons, they were always admitted by Alexander. The King improved the delay topurchase friends. By the Pontiff his presents were indignantlyrefused: they were accepted by some of the cardinals, by the freestates in Italy, and by several princes and barons supposed to possessinfluence in the papal councils. 

On some occasions Henry threw himself and his cause on the equity ofAlexander; at others he demanded and obtained legates to decide thecontroversy in France. Twice he condescended to receive the Primate, and to confer with him on the subject. To avoid altercation, it wasagreed that no mention should be made of the "customs"; but eachmistrusted the other. Henry was willing to preserve the liberties ofthe Church "saving the dignity of his crown"; and the Archbishop wasequally willing to obey the King, "saving the rights of the Church. "In the second conference these cautionary clauses were omitted; theterms were satisfactorily adjusted, and the Primate, as he was aboutto depart, requested of his sovereign the kiss of peace. It was theusual termination of such discussions, the bond by which thecontending parties sealed their reconciliation. But Henry coldlyreplied that he had formerly sworn never to give it him; and that hewas unwilling to incur the guilt of perjury. So flimsy an evasioncould deceive no one; and the Primate departed in the full convictionthat no reliance could be placed on the King's sincerity. 

He had now in view the coronation of his son Henry, a measure thepolicy of which has been amply but unsatisfactorily discussed bymodern historians. The performance of the ceremony belonged of rightto the Archbishop of Canterbury; and Becket had obtained from the Popea letter forbidding any of the English bishops to usurp an officewhich was the privilege of his see. But it was impossible for him totransmit this prohibition to those to whom it was addressed; and hisenemies, to remove the scruples of the prelates, exhibited a pretendedletter from the Pontiff empowering the Archbishop of York to crown theprince. He was knighted early in the morning of June 14th; thecoronation was performed with the usual solemnities in WestminsterAbbey; and at table the King waited on his son with his own hands. Thenext day William, King of Scotland, David his brother, and the Englishbarons and free tenants did homage and swore fealty to the young King. Why the wife of the Prince was not crowned with her husband we are notinformed; but Louis took to himself the insult offered to hisdaughter, and entered the borders of Normandy with his army. Henryhastened to defend his dominions; the two monarchs had a privateconference; the former treaty was renewed; and a promise was given ofan immediate reconciliation with the Primate. 

Every attempt to undermine the integrity of the Pontiff had nowfailed; and Henry saw with alarm that the thunder, which he had solong feared, was about to burst on his dominions. A plan of adjustmenthad been arranged between his envoys and Alexander; and to defeat thechicanery of his advisers, it was accompanied with the threat of aninterdict if it were not executed within the space of forty days. Heconsented to see the Archbishop, and awaited his arrival in a spaciousmeadow near the town of Freitville on the borders of Touraine (July22d). As soon as Becket appeared, the King, spurring forward his horsewith his cap in his hand, prevented his salutation; and, as if nodissension had ever divided them, discoursed with him apart, with allthat easy familiarity which had distinguished their former friendship. In the course of their conversation, Henry exclaimed, "As for the menwho have betrayed both you and me, I will make them such return as thedeserts of traitors require. " At these words the Archbishop alightedfrom his horse, and threw himself at the feet of his sovereign, butthe King laid hold of the stirrup, and insisted that he shouldremount, saying: "In short, my Lord Archbishop, let us renew ourancient affection for each other; only show me honor before those whoare now viewing our behavior. " Then returning to his attendants, heobserved: "I find the Archbishop in the best disposition toward me:were I otherwise toward him, I should be the worst of men. " Becketfollowed him, and by the mouth of the Archbishop of Sens presented hispetition. He prayed that the King would graciously admit him to theroyal favor, would grant peace and security to him and his, wouldrestore the possessions of the See of Canterbury, and would, in hismercy, make amends to that Church for the injury it had sustained inthe late coronation of his son. In return he promised him love, honor, and every service which an archbishop could render in the Lord to hisking and his sovereign. To these demands Henry assented: they againconversed apart for a considerable time; and at their separation itwas mutually understood that the Archbishop, after he had arranged hisaffairs in France, should return to the court, and remain there forsome days, that the public might be convinced of the renewal andsolidity of their friendship. 

If Henry felt as he pretended, his conduct in this interview willdeserve the praise of magnanimity, but his skill in the art ofdissimulation may fairly justify a suspicion of his sincerity. The manwho that very morning had again bound himself by oath in the presenceof his courtiers to refuse the kiss of peace, could not be animatedwith very friendly sentiments toward the Archbishop; and the mind ofthat prelate, though his hopes suggested brighter prospects, was stilldarkened with doubt and perplexity. Months were suffered to elapsebefore the royal engagements were executed; and when at last, with theterrors of another interdict hanging over his head (November 12th), the King restored the archiepiscopal lands, the rents had beenpreviously levied, the corn and cattle had been carried off, and thebuildings were left in a dilapidated state. 

The remonstrances of the Primate and his two visits to the courtobtained nothing but deceitful promises; his enemies publiclythreatened his life, and his friends harassed him with the most gloomypresages; yet, as the road was at last open, he resolved to return tohis diocese, and at his departure wrote to the King an eloquent andaffecting letter. "It was my wish, " he concludes, "to have waited onyou once more, but necessity compels me, in the lowly state to which Iam reduced, to revisit my afflicted church. I go, sir, with yourpermission, perhaps to perish for its security, unless you protect me. But whether I live, or die, yours I am, and yours I shall ever be inthe Lord. Whatever may befall me or mine, may the blessing of God reston you and your children. " Henry had promised him money to pay hisdebts and defray the expenses of his journey. Having waited for it invain, he borrowed three hundred pounds of the Archbishop of Rouen, andset out in the company, or rather in the custody, of his ancientenemy, John of Oxford. 

Alexander, before he heard of the reconciliation at Freitville, hadissued letters of suspension or excommunication against the bishopswho had officiated at the late coronation; he had afterward renewedthem against Roger of York (September 26th), Gilbert of London, andJoscelin of Salisbury, to whose misrepresentations was attributed thedelay of the King to fulfil his engagements. For the sake of peace theArchbishop had wisely resolved to suppress these letters; but thethree prelates, who knew that he brought them with him, had assembledat Canterbury, and sent to the coast Ranulf de Broc, with a party ofsoldiers, to search him on his landing, and take them from him. Information of the design reached him at Whitsand; and in a moment ofirritation he despatched them before himself by a trusty messenger, bywhom, or by whose means, they were publicly delivered to the bishopsin the presence of their attendants. It was a precipitate andunfortunate measure, and probably the occasion of the catastrophewhich followed. The prelates, caught in their own snare, burst intoloud complaints against his love of power and thirst of revenge; theyaccused him to the young King of violating the royal privileges, andwishing to tear the crown from his head; and they hastened to Normandyto demand redress from the justice or the resentment of Henry. 

Under the protection of his conductor the Primate reached Canterbury, December 3d, where he was joyfully received by the clergy and people. Thence he prepared to visit Woodstock, the residence of the youngHenry, to pay his respects to the Prince and to justify his lateconduct. But the courtiers, who dreaded his influence over the mind ofhis former pupil, procured a peremptory order, December 15th, for himto return, and confine himself to his own diocese. He obeyed, andspent the following days in prayer and the functions of his station. Yet they were days of distress and anxiety. The menaces of his enemiesseemed to derive importance from each succeeding event. His provisionswere hourly intercepted; his property was plundered; his servants werebeaten and insulted. 

On Christmas Day he ascended the pulpit. His sermon was distinguishedby the earnestness and animation with which he spoke. At theconclusion he observed that those who thirsted for his blood wouldsoon be satisfied, but that he would first avenge the wrongs of hisChurch by excommunicating Ranulf and Robert de Broc, who for sevenyears had not ceased to inflict every injury in their power on him, onhis clergy, and on his monks. On the following Tuesday (December 28th)arrived secretly in the neighborhood four knights, Reginald Fitzurse, William Tracy, Hugh de Moreville, and Richard Brito. They had beenpresent in Normandy when the King, irritated by the representations ofthe three bishops, had exclaimed, "Of the cowards who eat my bread, isthere not one who will free me from this turbulent priest?" andmistaking this passionate expression for the royal license, had boundthemselves by oath to return to England and either carry off or murderthe Primate. They assembled at Saltwood, the residence of the Brocs, to arrange their operations. 

The next day (December 29th), about two in the afternoon the knightsabruptly entered the Archbishop's apartment, and, neglecting hissalutation, seated themselves on the floor. It seems to have beentheir wish to begin by intimidation; but if they hoped to succeed, they knew little of the intrepid spirit of their opponent. Pretendingto have received their commission from Henry, they ordered the Primateto absolve the excommunicated prelates. He replied with firmness, andoccasionally with warmth, that if he had published the papal letters, it was with the royal permission; that the case of the Archbishop ofYork had been reserved to the Pontiff; but that he was willing toabsolve the others on condition that they previously took theaccustomed oath of submitting to the determination of the Church. Itwas singular that of the four knights, three had, in the days of hisprosperity, spontaneously sworn fealty to him. Alluding to thiscircumstance he said, as they were quitting the room, "Knowing whatformerly passed between us, I am surprised you should come to threatenme in my own house. "

"We will do more than threaten, " was their reply. 

When they were gone, his attendants loudly expressed their alarm: healone remained cool and collected, and neither in his tone nor gesturebetrayed the slightest symptom of apprehension. In this moment ofsuspense the voices of the monks singing vespers in the choir strucktheir ears; and it occurred to someone that the church was a place ofgreater security than the palace. The Archbishop, though he hesitated, was borne along by the pious importunity of his friends; but when heheard the gates close behind him he instantly ordered them to bereopened, saying that the temple of God was not to be fortified like acastle. 

He had passed through the north transept, and was ascending the stepsof the choir, when the knights with twelve companions, all in completearmor, burst into the church. As it was almost dark, he might, if hehad pleased, have concealed himself among the crypts or under theroof; but he turned to meet them, followed by Edward Grim, hiscross-bearer, the only one of his attendants who had not fled. To thevociferations of Hugh of Horsea, a military subdeacon, "Where is thetraitor?" no answer was returned; but when Fitzurse asked, "Where isthe Archbishop?" he replied: "Here I am, the Archbishop, but notraitor. Reginald, I have granted thee many favors. What is thy objectnow? If you seek my life, I command you in the name of God not totouch one of my people. " When he was told that he must instantlyabsolve the bishops he answered, "Till they offer satisfaction I willnot!"

"Then die!" exclaimed the assassin, aiming a blow at his head. 

Grim interposed his arm, which was broken, but the force of the strokebore away the Primate's cap and wounded him on the crown. As he feltthe blood trickling down his face he joined his hands and bowed hishead saying, "In the name of Christ and for the defence of his ChurchI am ready to die. " In this posture, turned toward his murderers, without a groan and without a motion, he awaited a second stroke, which threw him on his knees; the third laid him on the floor at thefoot of St. Bennet's altar. The upper part of his skull was broken inpieces, and Hugh of Horsea, planting his foot on the Archbishop'sneck, with the point of his sword drew out the brains and strewed themover the pavement![30]

Thus at the age of fifty-three perished this extraordinary man, amartyr to what he deemed to be his duty, the preservation of theimmunities of the Church. The moment of his death was the triumph ofhis cause. His personal virtues and exalted station, the dignity andcomposure with which he met his fate, the sacredness of the placewhere the murder was perpetrated, all contributed to inspire men withhorror for his enemies and veneration for his character. The advocatesof the "customs" were silenced. Those who had been eager to condemn, were now the foremost to applaud, his conduct; and his bitterest foessought to remove from themselves the odium of having been hispersecutors. The cause of the Church again flourished: its libertiesseemed to derive new life and additional vigor from the blood of theirchampion. 

THE PEACE OF CONSTANCE SECURES THE LIBERTIES OF THE LOMBARD CITIES

A. D. 1183

ERNEST F. HENDERSON

 Frederick, Duke of Swabia, and his brother Conrad, Duke of the Franks, grandsons of Henry IV, were the hereditary and dynastic successors to the throne of Germany, when with the death of Henry V in 1125 the male line of the Franconian dynasty ended. The brothers demanded the assertion of the elective right in the imperial office, and Lothair, Duke of Saxony, was elected emperor of Germany. 

 Lothair died in 1138. His son-in-law, the Wolf or Welf nobleman, Henry the Proud, Duke of Bavaria, whom Lothair had nominated as his successor, was opposed by the Swabian faction--also known as the Waiblingen faction--from the Franconian village in which the Swabian duke Frederick was born. 

 The Waiblingen faction elected as emperor of Germany Conrad the Crusader, in whom began the Hohenstaufen dynasty, so named from the Swabian family seat on the lofty Staufen hill rising from the Rems River. 

 From this event dates the strife of the Welfs and Waiblingens, who in Italy became known as Guelfs and Ghibellines. The chief opponents in the long strife that ensued were the Guelf dukes, Henry the Proud and Henry the Lion, and the Ghibelline emperor Frederick Barbarossa. 

 Frederick Barbarossa (Redbeard) succeeded his father Conrad in 1152, and began a reign which was disturbed by wars with his nobility and by expeditions into Italy to subdue the revolts of the city republics of Lombardy against imperial authority. During his first expedition to Italy, 1154-1155, Barbarossa soon crushed all opposition and was crowned Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, at Rome, by Pope Hadrian IV. During his second expedition, 1158-1162, he destroyed the city of Milan and dispersed the inhabitants, who sought refuge in cities with which they had formerly been at enmity. Barbarossa's violence antagonized the Italians, and they combined in the Lombard League to drive him out of Italy. He was excommunicated by Pope Alexander III, who succeeded Hadrian in 1159, and to inaugurate the league a town named Alessandria in honor of the Pope was founded on the Piedmont frontier. In the expedition of 1166-1168 Barbarossa, who had set up an antipope, captured Rome and enthroned Paschal III as pope. His triumph however, was shortened by a pestilence which decimated his troops, and thence began a series of reverses which ended in the ascendency of the Lombard League. 

No sooner had Frederick passed through North Italy on the way to histriumph and ultimate humiliation in Rome than the formation was begunof that greater Lombard League which was to prove so terrible andinvincible an enemy. Cremona was, according to the Emperor's ownaccount, the prime mover in the matter. Mantua, Bergamo, and Bresciajoined with that city, and bound themselves to mutual protection. Theleague, which was to last for fifty years, was not openly hostile tothe Emperor; fidelity to him, indeed, was one of the articles of itsconstitution. But only such duties and services were to be performedas had been customary in the time of Conrad III; so the citiespractically renounced the Roncaglian decrees and declared themselvesin revolt. 

From the beginning, too, the league took sides with Alexander. But itsmost daring act of insubordination was the leading back in triumph ofthe Milanese to the scene of their former glory. The outer walls ofMilan had not been entirely levelled to the ground, and the city aroseas if by magic from her ruins. Bergamo, Brescia, and Cremona lent herefficient aid in the work of restoration. 

A sculpture executed in 1171 by order of the consuls, and showing thereturn, accompanied by their allies, of the exiles, is still to beseen in Milan, near the Porta Romana. How few of those who look on itto-day realize what that return meant to the long-suffering citizens, and what premonitions of evil to come must have gone with them. 

The Lombard League spread rapidly. Lodi, after much demur and afterbeing surrounded by an army, was forced to join it. Piacenza needed noconstraint, and Parma yielded after some opposition. Including Milanthere were soon eight cities in the confederation. The imperialofficials were disavowed and the old consular rule reëstablished, while everywhere Alexandrine bishops replaced those that had beeninvested by Victor and Paschal. 

Returning almost in disgrace from Rome, Frederick took up the struggleagainst the revolted cities, sending an appeal for reinforcements toGermany. But an attack on Milan proved fruitless, as did also one onPiacenza, and the Emperor was soon forced to intrench himself inPavia. His position became more and more desperate, the more so as thenew archbishop of Milan, Galdinus, unfolded a great activity in favorof Alexander. The Pope named him apostolic legate for the whole ofLombardy, and it was doubtless due to his influence that at this timethe Verona coalition formally joined the Lombard League. 

Sixteen cities were now banded together against the Emperor, whoremained helpless in their midst. Pavia soon ceased to be a saferefuge, and he retired to Novara and then to Vercelli; but both citieswere even then planning to join the confederation. 

In the end Frederick prepared to leave Italy as a fugitive, and withbut a small train of followers. In Susa, where the road begins whichleads over the Mount Cenis pass, he was told that he must give up thefew remaining hostages he was leading with him. All exits were foundto be closed against him, and it came to his ear that an attempt wasto be made upon his life. 

The Emperor fled from Susa disguised as a servant, while hischamberlain, Hartmann of Siebeneichen, who bore him a strikinglikeness, continued to play the part of captive monarch. A band ofassassins actually made their way into the royal chamber, but seem tohave spared the brave chamberlain on learning their mistake. 

The real object of their attack was meanwhile hastening on towardBasel, which he finally reached in safety. 

It was to be expected that a man of Frederick's iron will would soonreturn to avenge the humiliations he had suffered, and the Leaguehastened to strengthen itself in all directions. Alexander was invitedto take up his residence in their midst, and he, although obliged torefuse, continued to work for the rebel cities. The latter showedtheir gratitude by founding a new town, which was to be a commonfortress for the whole league, and naming it Alessandria in honor oftheir ally. The citizens took an oath of fealty to the Pope and agreedto pay him a yearly tax. The new foundation, although laughed at atfirst by the imperialists and called Alessandria della Paglia, fromits hastily constructed straw huts, soon held a population of fifteenthousand. It continues to-day to reflect credit on its sponsor. 

Contrary to all expectations it was six years before Frederickreturned to Italy, and the Lombard League was meanwhile left master ofthe field. This delay is undoubtedly ascribable to the fact that theEmperor found it impossible at once to raise another army. The recentblows of fate had been too severe, and no enthusiasm for a new Italianwar could be called into being. When, later, Frederick did recross theAlps it was with the mere shadow of an army; the nobles had seizedevery possible excuse to remain at home. 

No doubt but that the enforced rest was of benefit to Germany; thereat least the Emperor's power was undiminished. Indeed, the lands ofmany of those who had been carried away by the pestilence had fallento him by inheritance, or lapsed as fiefs of the crown. Frederick isthe first of the emperors who really acquired great familypossessions. These helped him to maintain his imperial power withouthaving to rely too much on the often untrustworthy princes of therealm. The Salian estates, to which his father had fallen heir on thedeath of Henry V, formed a nucleus, while, by purchase and otherwise, he acquired castle after castle, and one stretch of territory afteranother, especially in Suabia and the Rhine Palatinate. 

By the Emperor's influence feud after feud was settled, and theprinces were induced to acknowledge his second son--why not his eldesthas never been explained--as successor to the throne. The internalprosperity and concord were not without their influence on theneighboring powers, and Hungary, Bohemia, and Poland were forced toacknowledge and fulfil their feudal duties. 

Meanwhile Tuscany and a part of the Romagna had remained true to theempire. Frederick's emissary, Christian of Mayence, who was sent toItaly in 1171, was able to play a leading _rôle_ in the hostilitiesbetween Pisa and Genoa, and, in 1173, to again besiege Ancona, whichwas still a centre for Greek intrigues. Christian was able to assurethe Emperor that some allies at least were left in Italy. 

In one way time had worked a favorable change. So long as an immediateattack was to be feared the Lombard cities--between thirty and fortyof which, including such towns as Venice, Bologna, and Pavia, hadfinally joined the League--were firmly united and ready to make anyeffort. But as the years went on and the danger became less pressing, internal discord crept in among them. Venice, for instance, helpedChristian of Mayence in besieging Ancona; and Pavia, true to its oldimperial policy, was only waiting for an opportunity for deserting itslatest allies. The league feared, too, that Alexander might leave itto its fate and make an independent peace with the Emperor. 

As a matter of fact, in 1170, strong efforts had been made to bringabout such a consummation. But Frederick was bound by the Wuerzburgdecrees, and his envoy could not offer the submission that Alexanderrequired. 

John of Salisbury tells us that the Emperor made a proposition to theeffect that he himself, for his own person, should not be compelled torecognize any pope "save Peter and the others who are in heaven, " butthat his son Henry, the young King of the Romans, should recognizeAlexander, and, in return, receive from him the imperial coronation. The bishops ordained by Frederick's popes were to remain in office. Alexander answered these proposals with a certain scorn, and theimperial ambassador, Eberhard of Bamberg, returned from Veroli, wherethe conference had taken place, with nothing to show for his pains. 

Alexander's next move was to send an account of the interview to theheads of the Lombard League, and at the same time to consecrate, as itwere, that organization. He declared that it had been formed for thepurpose of defending the peace of the cities which composed it, and ofthe Church, against the "so-called Emperor, Frederick, " whose yoke ithad seen fit to cast off. The rectors of the confederation were takenunder the wing of the papacy, and those who should disobey themthreatened with the ban. The Pope recommended a strict embargo onarticles of commerce from Tuscany should the cities of that provincerefuse to join the league. 

At this same time Alexander showed his friendliness toward the EasternEmpire by performing in person the marriage ceremony over the niece ofthe Emperor Manuel and one of the Roman Frangipani. 

Frederick's first act on entering Italy in 1174 was to wreak vengeanceon Susa, where he had once been captive; no half measures were used, and the town was soon a heap of ashes. Asti, also, the first leaguetown which lay in the path of the imperial army, was straightway madeto capitulate. But, although the fall of these two cities induced manyto abandon the cause of the league, the new fortress of Alessandria, situated as it was in the midst of a swampy plain and surrounded withmassive earth walls, proved an effectual stumbling-block in the way ofthe avenger. Heavy rains and floods came to the aid of the besiegedcity and the imperial tents and huts were almost submersed, whilehunger and other discomforts caused many of the allies of the Germansto desert. The siege was continued for six months, but Frederick atlast abandoned it on learning that an army of the league was about todescend on his weakened forces. He burned his besieging implements, his catapults, battering rams, and movable towers, and retreated toPavian territory. 

The forces of the allied cities were sufficient to alarm Frederick, but they did not follow up their advantage. One is surprised to findnegotiations for a peace begun at a time when a decisive battle seemedimminent. What preliminary steps were taken, or why the Lombardsshould have been the first to take them, is not clear; although someslight successes gained by Christian of Mayence at this juncture inthe neighborhood of Bologna may have been not without effect. 

A commission of six men was appointed to draw up the articles oftreaty, three being chosen from the cities, three appointed by theEmperor. The consuls of Cremona were to decide on disputedpoints--points, namely, as to which it was impossible to arrive at amutual agreement. A truce to all hostilities was meanwhile declared, and at Montebello both sides bound themselves to concur in whateverarrangement should be made by the commission and the consuls. TheLombards meanwhile went through the form of a submission, knelt at theEmperor's feet, and lowered their standards before him. Frederickthereupon received them into favor and dismissed the greater part ofhis army, the league doing likewise. 

Naturally enough the disputed points were the most important ones, andhad to be referred to the consuls of Cremona. But the rage anddisappointment of the Lombards went beyond bounds when the differentdecisions, which, indeed, were remarkably fair, at last were madeknown. The Emperor was to exercise no prerogatives in Northern Italythat had not been exercised in the time of Henry V; he was also tosanction the continuance of the league. But no arrangement was madefor a peace between the heads of Christendom, although the league hadmade this its first demand. Then, too, Alessandria, which Frederickconsidered to have been founded in scorn of himself, was to cease toexist, and its inhabitants were to return to their former homes. 

The report of the consuls roused a storm of indignation; in many casesthe document embodying it was torn in shreds by the mob. The Lombardsaltogether refused to be bound by the terms of the treaty, andreopened hostilities. Frederick hastily gathered what forces he couldand sent a pressing call to Germany for aid. 

It was now that the greatest vassal of the Crown, Henry the Lion, rewarded twenty years of trustfulness and favor by deserting Frederickin his hour of need. The only cause that is known, a strangelyinsufficient one, was a dispute concerning the town of Goslar, whichthe Emperor had withdrawn from Henry's jurisdiction. The details ofthe meeting, which took place according to one chronicle atPartenkirchen, to another at Chiavenna, are but vaguely known to us, but Frederick is said to have prostrated himself at the feet of hismighty subject and to have begged in vain for his support. 

We have seen how Frederick, at the beginning of his reign, had causedHenry, who was already in possession of Saxony, to be acknowledgedDuke of Bavaria in place of Henry Jasomirgott, who was conciliated bythe gift of the new duchy of Austria. From that moment Henry theLion's power had steadily grown. He increased his glory, and above allhis territory, by constant wars against the Wends, developing ahitherto unheard-of activity in the matter of peopling Slavic landswith German colonists. The bishoprics of Lubeck, Ratzeburg andSchwerin owed to him their origin, while he it was who caused themarshy lands around Bremen to be reclaimed and cultivated. 

When, on various occasions, conspiracies were formed against Henry byother Saxon nobles, the Emperor had boldly and successfully taken hispart, helping in person to quell the insurgents; in 1162 he hadprevented the Duke of Austria and the King of Bohemia from trying tobring about their rival's downfall. 

A marriage with Matilda, daughter of the King of England, hadincreased the great Saxon's influence; and during the continuedabsences of the Emperor in Italy his rule was kingly in all but name. In 1171 he affianced his daughter to the son of King Waldemar ofDenmark, and by this alliance secured his new colonies from Danishhostility. 

In actual extent and productiveness his estates fairly surpassed thoseof his imperial cousin, and the defection of such a man signified thedeath knell of the latter's cause. 

The battle of Legnano, fought on May 29, 1176, ended in disaster anddefeat. Frederick himself, who was wounded and thrown from his horse, finally reached Pavia after days of adventurous flight, havingmeanwhile been mourned as dead by the remnant of his army. 

All was not yet lost, indeed, for the league, not knowing whatreinforcements were on the way from Germany--the small army ofChristian of Mayence, too, was still harvesting victories in the Marchof Ancona--did not follow up its successes. Cremona, moreover, jealousof Milan, began to waver in her allegiance to the cause of which shehad so long been the leader, and eventually signed a treaty with theEmperor. 

But Frederick, although he at first made a pretence of continuing thewar, was soon forced by the representations of his nobles to abandonthe policy of twenty-four years, and to make peace on the best termsobtainable with Alexander III, and, through him, with the Lombardcities. The oath of Wuerzburg was broken, and the two treaties ofAnagni and Venice put an end to the long war. 

At Anagni the articles were drawn up on which the later long andwearisome negotiations were based. The Emperor, the Empress, and theyoung King of the Romans were to acknowledge Alexander as the Catholicand universal pope, and to show him all due respect. Frederick was togive up the prefecture of Rome and the estates of Matilda, and to makepeace with the Lombards, with the King of Sicily, the Emperor ofConstantinople, and all who had aided and supported the Roman Church. Provision was to be made for a number of German archbishops andbishops who had received their authority from the antipopes. 

There is no need to dwell on the endless discussions that ensued withregard to these matters; more than once it seemed as though allattempts at agreement would have to be abandoned. But both partieswere sincerely anxious for peace, and at last a remarkably skilfulcompromise was drawn up at Venice. 

Frederick had objected strongly to renouncing the rights of the empireregarding the estates of Matilda; he was to be allowed to draw therevenues of those estates for fifteen years to come, and the questionwas eventually to be settled by commissioners. The form of the peacewith the Lombards was a still more difficult matter, but the Pope madea wise suggestion which was adopted. A truce of six years wasdeclared, at the end of which time it was hoped that a basis wouldhave been found for a readjustment of the relations between theEmperor and the league. With Sicily, too, hostilities were to ceasefor a term of fifteen years. 

It will be seen that all the great questions at issue, save therecognitions of Alexander as pope, were thus relegated to a futuretime; to a time when the persons concerned would no longer be swayedby passion, and when the din of war would be forgotten. 

During the negotiations the Pope had remained for the most part inVenice, while Frederick had not been allowed to enter the city, buthad remained in the neighborhood in order that the envoys might passmore quickly to and fro. The terms of the treaty were finally assentedto by the Emperor at Chioggia, July 21, 1177. Alexander now preparedto carry out his cherished project of holding a mighty peace congressat Venice; and there, at the news of the approaching reconciliation, nobles and bishops and their retinues came together from all parts ofEurope. 

Now that the peace was to become an accomplished fact, Venice outdidherself in preparing to honor the Emperor. The latter, too, wasdetermined to spare no expense that could add to the splendor of theoccasion. He had negotiated for a loan with the rich Venetians, and henow imposed a tax of one thousand marks of silver on his nobles. 

Frederick's coming was announced for Sunday, July 24th, and by thattime the city had donned its most festive attire. Two tall masts hadbeen erected on the present Piazzetta, and from them floated bannersbearing the lion of St. Mark's. A platform had been constructed at thedoor of the church, and upon it was placed a raised throne for thePope. 

When the Emperor landed on the Lido he was met by cardinals whomAlexander had sent to absolve him from the ban. The Doge, thePatriarch of Grado, and a crowd of lesser dignitaries then appearedand furnished a brilliant escort with their gondolas and barks. Havingreached the shore Frederick, in the presence of an immense crowd, approached the papal throne, and, throwing off his purple mantle, prostrated himself before the Pope and kissed the latter's feet. Threered slabs of marble mark the spot where he knelt. It was a moment ofworld-wide importance; the Empire and the papacy had measuredthemselves in mortal combat, and the Empire, in form at least, was nowsurrendering at discretion. No wonder that later ages have fabled muchabout this meeting. The Pope is said, with his foot on the neck of theprostrate King, to have exclaimed aloud, "The lion and the youngdragon shalt thou trample under thy feet!"

As a matter of fact Alexander's letters of this time express anythingbut insolent triumph, and his relations with the Emperor after thepeace had been sworn to assumed the friendliest character. On the dayafter his entry into Venice Frederick visited him in the palace of thePatriarch, and we are told that the conversation was not onlyamicable, but gay, and that the Emperor returned to the Doge's palacein the best of moods. 

A year after the congress at Venice the antipope--Calixtus III hadsucceeded Paschal in 1168 without in any way altering the complexionof affairs--made a humble submission to Alexander at Tusculum. Therewith the schism ended, and a year later, in 1179, Alexander helda great council in the Lateran, where it was decreed that a two-thirdsmajority in the college of cardinals was necessary to make valid thechoice of a pope. There was no mention of the clergy and people ofRome, none of the right of confirmation on the part of the Emperor. 

It was not to be supposed that Frederick would ever forgive that actof Henry the Lion by which the whole aspect of the war in Italy hadbeen changed. Yet it is probable that technically Henry had committedno offence against the Empire; for no charge of desertion or"_herisliz_, " as refusal to do military service was called, or even ofneglect of feudal duties, was ever brought against him. He probablypossessed some privilege, like that bestowed on Henry Jasomirgott, rendering it optional with him to accompany the Emperor on expeditionsout of Germany. 

But the circumstances had been so exceptional, so much had hung in thebalance at the time of Frederick's appeal for aid, that no one canblame the Emperor for now letting Henry feel the full weight of hisdispleasure. Nor was an occasion lacking by which his ruin might beaccomplished. For years the Saxon nobles and bishops had writhed underHenry's oppressions, and the Emperor had hitherto taken sides with hispowerful cousin; he now lent a willing ear to the charges of thelatter's enemies. 

The restitution to Udalrich of Halberstadt of his bishopric, arestitution that had been provided for in the treaty of Venice, gavethe signal for the conflict. Henry the Lion refused to restore certainfiefs which, as Udalrich asserted, belonged to the Halberstadt Church. Archbishop Philip of Cologne and others came forward with similarclaims. 

Henry was repeatedly summoned to answer his accusers, but did notdeign to appear. On the contrary he prepared to raise up for himselfallies and to besiege the castles of those who would not join him. Hisown lands were thereupon laid waste by his private enemies, and thatwith the Emperor's consent. But Halberstadt, which took part in one ofthese plundering expeditions, suffered a terrible vengeance at thehand of the enraged Guelf. In one destructive blaze the city, churchesand all, was reduced to ashes. In the war that he was now waging Henrydid not hesitate to call in even the Wends to his aid, but Westphaliawas soon lost to him, and only in East Saxony was he able to maintainhimself. 

At a diet held in Wuerzburg in January, 1180, the Emperor laid thequestion before the princes what was to be done to one who hadrefused, after having been three times summoned, to come before theimperial tribunal. The answer was that he was to be deprived of allhonor, to be judged in the public ban, and to lose his duchy and allhis benefices. Thus was final sentence passed on the chief man inGermany next to the Emperor himself. 

An imperial army was now raised and several fortresses were besieged. No battle took place, but the fact that Frederick had a large force athis command was sufficient to cause defection in the ranks of Henry'sallies. In 1181 the Emperor's army marched as far as Lubeck, whichcity, Henry's proudest foundation, was forced to submit. The wholeregion north of the Elbe followed Lubeck's example, and Henry was soonforced to confess that his cause was hopeless. He laid down his arms, and was summoned to a diet at Erfurt to learn his fate. Here he fellon his knees before Frederick, who, with tears in his eyes, raised himand kissed him in token of peace. 

He was made to surrender all his possessions with the exception ofBrunswick and Luneburg. He was to go into exile, and to bind himselfby an oath not to return without the Emperor's permission. He soonafterward passed over to Normandy, where he stayed for two years withhis father-in-law, Henry II. He then passed over with the latter toEngland. 

The years immediately following the Congress of Venice were, strangeto say, the most brilliant period of Frederick's reign. It was, afterall, only his ideals that had suffered, and a time of prosperity nowsettled down upon the nation. 

With Alexander the Emperor remained on friendly terms; but the Pope in1181 died in exile, having been forced by the faithless Romans, asGregory VII had been a century before, to flee the holy city. 

The peace with the Lombard towns was signed at Constance within thesix years agreed upon, on June 23, 1183. The communal freedom forwhich they had fought so long was now accorded them; the Emperor gaveup all right to the regalia and recognized the Lombard League. Hisdream of becoming a second Justinian had not been realized. 

The cities received the privilege of using the woods, meadows, bridges, and mills in their immediate vicinity, and of raisingrevenues from them; the jurisdiction in ordinary, civil, and criminalcases; the right of making fortifications. The Emperor was, to acertain extent, to be provided for when he chose to come to Italy; buthe promised to make no long stay in any one town. The cities were tochoose their own consuls, who were to be invested with their dignityby the Emperor or his representatives. The ceremony, however, was tobe performed only once in five years. In important matters where morethan a certain sum was at stake, appeals to the Emperor were to beallowed. 

With the city of Alessandria, so long to him a thorn in the flesh, Frederick had already come to a separate agreement by consent of theleague. The city was, technically, to be annihilated, and then to berefounded; it was no longer to bear the name of the Pope, but that ofthe Emperor. Alessandria was to become Cæsarea; yet none of theInhabitants was to suffer by the change. 

The treaty is extant; it provided that the people should leave thecity and remain without the walls until led back by an imperial envoy. All the male inhabitants of Cæsarea were then to swear fealty to theEmperor and to his son Henry VI. 

The Lombard cities, from this time forward, remained true toFrederick. 

SALADIN TAKES JERUSALEM FROM THE CHRISTIANS

A. D. 1187

SIR GEORGE W. COX

 Eight days after their conquest of the Holy City, in 1099, the first crusaders proceeded to establish the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, with Godfrey of Bouillon as its first king. On the death of Godfrey, in 1100, his brother Baldwin succeeded him, and in 1118 he was succeeded by Baldwin II, Count of Edessa. The fourth king was Fulc, Count of Anjou and son-in-law of Baldwin II (1131-1144), and after him reigned his son, Baldwin III (1144-1162). This King came to the throne at the age of thirteen. Early in his reign the Christian stronghold of Edessa, in Mesopotamia, was captured by the Turks, and its loss, which seemed to threaten the destruction of the kingdom of Jerusalem itself, was the occasion of an appeal to Europe which called out the Second Crusade. The great preacher of this crusade was St. Bernard of Clairvaux, a man who, in earnestness and eloquence, closely resembled Pope Urban and Peter the Hermit. Bernard's influence won to his cause not only the common people, but also nobles and kings, and the Second Crusade was led by Louis VII, King of France, and Conrad III, Emperor of Germany. 

 The time of the Second Crusade was 1147-1149. Louis and Conrad each commanded a great army, but they made the mistake of working separately. Conrad reached Constantinople first, and partly in consequence of the faithless conduct of Manuel, the Byzantine emperor--who, like his predecessor Alexius, in the time of the First Crusade, threw obstacles in the way of the western hosts--the whole German army was cut to pieces in Asia Minor, only the Emperor himself, with a few followers, escaping. Louis, soon arriving with his army, received the same treatment from Manuel, and after taking a few towns he saw his forces likewise destroyed by the Turks. Louis himself escaped and returned to France. 

 So ended in utter failure and shame the Second Crusade. The event seemed to give the lie to the glowing promises of St. Bernard, who was charged by anguished women with sending their fathers, husbands, and sons forth on a fruitless errand to disgrace and death. The Latin kingdom of Jerusalem profited nothing from this ignominious enterprise. The power of that kingdom was already waning, and, but for the knights of the military orders now in Jerusalem, the city must have yielded to the Turcoman hordes that continually menaced it. Baldwin III died in 1162, at the age of thirty-three, loved and lamented by his people and respected by his foes. He died childless, and his brother Almeric was elected to succeed him. What experience and what fate awaited the kingdom after this will be seen in the remarkable narration which follows. 

Almost at the beginning of Almeric's reign the affairs of the Latinkingdom became complicated with those of Egypt; and the Christians areseen fighting by the side of one Mahometan race, tribe, or factionagainst another. The divisions of Islam may have turned less on pointsof theology, but they were scarcely less bitter than those ofChristendom; and Noureddin, the sultan of Aleppo, eagerly embraced theopportunity which gave him a hold on the Fatimite Caliph of Egypt, when Shawer, the grand _wazir_ of that Caliph, came into his presenceas a fugitive. A soldier named Dargham had risen up and deposed him, and the deposition of the wazir was the deposition of the real ruler, for the Fatimite caliphs themselves were now merely the puppets whichthe Merovingian kings had been in the days of Charles Martel andPépin. 

Among the generals of Noureddin were Shiracouh and his nephew Saladin(Salah-ud-deen) of the shepherd tribe of the Kurds. These Noureddindespatched into Egypt to effect the restoration of Shawer. His enemyDargham had sought by lavish offers to buy the aid of the Latins; butthe terms were still unsettled when he was worsted in a battle byShiracouh and slain. Shawer again sat in his old seat; but withsuccess came the fear that his supporters might prove not lessdangerous than his enemies. He refused to fulfil his compact withNoureddin and ordered his generals to quit the country. Shiracouhreplied by the capture of Pelusium, and Shawer, more successful thanDargham in obtaining aid from Jerusalem, besieged Shiracouh in hisnewly conquered city with the help of the army of Almeric. The LatinKing after a fruitless blockade of some months found himself calledaway to meet dangers nearer home; and the besieged general, notknowing the cause, accepted an offer of capitulation binding him toleave Egypt after the surrender of his prisoners. But the Latin armieswere transferred from Egypt only to undergo a desperate defeat at thehands of Noureddin in the territory of Antioch, and thus to leaveAntioch itself at the mercy of the enemy. 

Noureddin may have hesitated to attack Antioch, from the fear thatsuch an enterprise might bring upon him the arms of the Greek Emperor. He was more anxious to extinguish the Fatimite power in Egypt; inother words, to become lord of countries hemming in the Latin kingdomto the south as well as to the north; and it was precisely this dangerwhich King Almeric knew that he had most reason to fear. To put thebest color on his design, Noureddin obtained from Mostadhi, the caliphof Bagdad, the sanction which converted his enterprise into a war asholy as that which the Norman conqueror waged against Harold ofEngland. The story of the war attests the valor of both sides, underthe alternations of disaster and success. The Latin King had alreadyentered Cairo, when a large part of the force of Shiracouh wasoverwhelmed by a terrific sandstorm. But the retreat of Shiracouhacross the Nile failed to reassure the Egyptians. Almeric received twohundred thousand gold pieces for the continuance of his help, with thepromise that two hundred thousand more should be paid to him on thecomplete destruction of their enemies; and the treaty was ratified inthe presence of the powerless sovereign, whose consent was never askedfor the alliances or treaties of the minister who was his master. Theremaining events of the campaign were a battle, in which a part of thearmy of Almeric was defeated by Shiracouh and his nephew Saladin; thesurrender of Alexandria on the summons of Shiracouh; and the blockadeof that city by Almeric, who at length obtained from the Turk thepledge that after an exchange of prisoners he would lead his forcesaway from Egypt, on the condition that the road to Syria should beleft open to him. 

The banners of Almeric and the Fatimite Caliph waved together on thewalls of Alexandria; but on either side the peace or truce was a meremakeshift for the purpose of gaining time. Neither the Latin King northe Sultan of Aleppo had given up the thought of the conquest ofEgypt; and Almeric found a ready cause of quarrel in the plea thatsince his own return to Palestine the Egyptians had entered intocommunication with their enemy and his. The King of Jerusalem hadlately married the niece of the Greek Emperor, and the latter promisedto aid the expedition with his fleet. The help of the KnightsHospitalers was easily obtained, while (some said, on this account)that of the Knights Templars was refused. At length with a large andpowerful army Almeric left Jerusalem, pretending that his destinationwas the Syrian town of Hems; but after a while his march was suddenlyturned. In ten days he reached Pelusium; and the storm and capture ofthat city were followed by a wanton carnage which served to increase, if anything could increase, the reputation of the Christians formerciless cruelty. The prayers of the wazir Shawer for help were nowdirected as earnestly to the Turkish Sultan as they had once been tothe Latin King of Jerusalem; but his envoys were also sent to Almericoffering him a million pieces of gold, of which a tenth part wasproduced on the spot. 

Almeric took the bribe; and when his army looked for nothing less thanthe immediate sack of Cairo, they were told that they must remain idlewhile the rest of the money was being collected. The wazir took carethat the gathering should not be ended before the soldiers ofNoureddin had reached the frontier, and Almeric found too late that hewas caught in the trap which his own greed had laid for him. He couldhimself do nothing but retreat, and his retreat was as disastrous asit was ignominious. The Greek fleet had shown itself off the mouths ofthe Nile, and had sailed away again. The Greek Emperor could not bepunished; but a scapegoat for the failure of the enterprise was foundin the grand master of the Hospitalers, who was deprived of hisdignity by his knights. 

The triumph of Shiracouh brought with it the fall of the wazir Shawer, who was seized and put to death, while the man whose aid he hadinvoked was chosen to fill his place. But Shiracouh himself lived onlytwo months; and then by way of choosing one whose love of pleasure andlack of influence seemed to promise a career of useful insignificance, the Fatimite Caliph made the young Saladin his minister. The Caliphwas mistaken. Saladin brought back his Kurds, and so used thetreasures which his office placed at his command that the new yokebecame stronger than the old one. 

To the Latins the exaltation of Saladin signified the formation of areally formidable power on their southern frontier. Their alarmprompted embassies to the court of the Eastern Emperor and the princesof Western Christendom. But the time was not yet come for a thirdcrusade; and only from Manuel was any help obtained. His fleet aidedthe Latins in a fruitless siege of Damietta; and a terrible earthquakewhich laid Aleppo in ruins and shattered the walls of Antioch savedthem from attack by the army of Noureddin which was approaching fromthe north. Still, in spite of conspiracies or revolutions of the oldnobility, the power of Saladin was growing, and at length he dealtwith the mock sovereignty of the Fatimites as Pépin dealt with that ofthe Merovingians. The last Fatimite Sultan, then prostrate in his lastillness, never knew that the public prayer had been offered in thename of the Caliph of Bagdad; but Saladin had the glory of ending aschism which had lasted two hundred years, and from Mostadhi, thevicar of the Prophet, he received the gift of a linen robe and twoswords. 

But the healing of one schism led only to the opening of another. Saladin was the servant of the Sultan of Aleppo, and he had beenrecognized and confirmed in office by Mostadhi strictly on the scoreof this lieutenancy. But the new wazir of Egypt had no mind to obeyany longer the summons of his old master, and to his threat ofchastisement Saladin in his council of emirs retorted by a threat ofwar. His vehemence was cooled when his own father declared before theassembly that, were he so commissioned by Noureddin, he would strikehis son's head off from his shoulders. In private, he let Saladin knowthat his mistake lay not in thinking of resistance, but in speaking ofit; and a letter sent by his advice sufficed for the present to smoothmatters over. But the time of quietness could not last long. Thedesigns of Saladin became continually more manifest, and Noureddin wason his way to Egypt when he was struck down by illness and died atDamascus. 

The widow of Noureddin held the fortress of Paneas; and her husband'sdeath encouraged Almeric to undertake the siege. A bribe to abandon itwas at first refused. A fortnight later it was accepted; but Almericreturned to Jerusalem only to die. His life had lasted only five yearslonger than that of his predecessor Baldwin; but it had been longenough to win for him a reputation for consummate avarice andmeanness. His son and successor, Baldwin IV, was a leper, and hisdisease made such rapid strides as to make it necessary to delegatehis authority to another. His first choice fell on Guy of Lusignan, the husband of his sister Sibylla, but either the weakness of Guy orthe quarrels of the barons brought everything into confusion, andBaldwin, foiled in his wish to annul his marriage, devised his crownto Baldwin, the infant son of Sibylla by her first marriage, RaymondII, Count of Tripoli, being nominated regent and Joceline of Courtenaythe guardian of the child. But within three years the leper King died, followed soon after by the infant Baldwin V, and in the renewed strifeconsequent on these events Guy of Lusignan managed to establishhimself, by right of his wife, King of Jerusalem. He was still quite ayoung man, but he had earned for himself an evil name. The murderer ofPatric, Earl of Salisbury, he had been banished by Henry II from hisdominions in France; and the opinion of those who knew him foundexpression in the words of his brother Geoffrey, "Had they known me, the men who made my brother king would have made me a god. "

Guy was king; but Raymond of Tripoli refused him his allegiance. Guybesieged him in Tiberias, and Raymond made a treaty with Saladin. ButSaladin was now minded to seize a higher prey. He was master of Syriaand Egypt: he was resolved that the Crescent should once more displacethe Cross on the mosque of Omar. Pretexts for the war were almostsuperfluous; but he had an abundance of them in the ravages committedby barons of the Latin kingdom on the lands and the property ofMoslems. Fifty thousand horsemen and a vast army on foot gatheredunder his standard, when he declared his intention of attackingJerusalem; but their first assault was on the castle of Tiberias. Onhearing these ominous tidings Raymond of Tripoli at once laid asideall thought of private quarrels. Hastening to Jerusalem he said thatthe safety of his own city was a very secondary matter, and earnestlybesought Guy to confine himself to a strictly defensive war, whichwould soon reduce the invader to the extremity of distress. The advicewas wise and good; but the grand master of the Templars fastened onthe very nobleness of his self-sacrifice and the disinterestedness ofhis counsel as proof of some sinister design which they were intendedto hide. 

Had it been Baldwin III to whom he was speaking, the insinuation wouldhave been thrust aside with scorn and disgust. To the mean mind of Guyit carried with it its own evidence; and it was resolved to meet theSaracen on ground of his own choosing. The troops of Saladin werealready distressed by heat and thirst when they encountered the Latinarmy from Jerusalem. The issue of the first day's fighting wasundecided; but the heat of a Syrian summer night was for theChristians rendered more terrible by the stifling smoke of woods seton fire by the orders of Saladin. Parched with thirst, and wellknowing that on the event of that day depended the preservation of theHoly Sepulchre, the crusaders at sunrise rushed with their fiercewar-cries on the enemy. Before them the golden glory of morning lit upthe radiant shores of the tranquil sea where the Galilean fishermanhad heard from the lips of Jesus of Nazareth the word of life. 

But nearer still was a memorial yet more holy, a pledge of divinefavor yet more assuring. On a hillock hard by was raised the relic ofthe true cross, and this hillock was many times a rallying pointduring this bloody day. There was little of generalship perhaps oneither side; and where men are left to mere hard fighting, numbersmust determine the issue. The hosts of Saladin far outnumbered thoseof the Latin chiefs; and for these retreat ended in massacre. The Kingand the grand master of the Templars were taken prisoners; the holyrelic which had spurred them on to desperate exertion fell into thehands of the infidels. 

The victory of Saladin was rich in its fruits. Tiberias was taken. Berytos, Acre, Cæsarea, Jaffa opened their gates; Tyre alone was savedby the heroism of Conrad of Montferrat, brother of the first husbandof Queen Sibylla. Not caring to undertake a regular siege, Saladinmarched to Ascalon, and offered its defenders an honorable peace, which after some hesitation was accepted. 

The rejection of Raymond's advice had left Jerusalem practically atthe mercy of Saladin. It was crowded with people, but the garrison wasscanty, and the armies which should have defended it were gone. Theirpresence would not, probably, have availed to give a different issueto the siege; but it must have added fearfully to its horrors. Saladinhad made up his mind that the Latin kingdom must fall, and he wouldhave fought on until either he or his enemies could fight no longer. Numbers, wealth, resources, military skill, instruments of war, allcombined to give him advantages before which mere bravery must sooneror later go down; and protracted resistance meant nothing more thanthe infliction of useless misery. 

Saladin may have been neither a saint nor a hero; but it cannot bedenied that his temper was less fierce and his language more generousthan that of the Christians who under Godfrey had deluged the citywith blood. He had no wish, he said, so to defile a place hallowed byits associations for Moslems as well as Christians, and if the citywere surrendered, he pledged himself not merely to furnish theinhabitants with the money which they might need, but even to providethem with new homes in Syria. But superstition and obstinacy are toall intents and purposes words of the same meaning. The offer, honorable to him who made and carrying no ignominy to those who mightaccept it, was rejected, and Saladin made a vow that entering the cityas an armed conqueror he would offer up within it a sacrifice as awfulas that by which the crusaders had celebrated their loathsome triumph. Most happily for others, most nobly for himself, he failed to keepthis vow to the letter. 

Fourteen days sufficed to bring the siege to an end. The Christianshad done what they could to destroy the military engines of theirenemies; the golden ornaments of the churches had been melted down andturned into money; but no solid advantage was gained by all theirefforts. The conviction of the Christian that death brought salvationto the champions of the cross, the assurance of the Moslem that tothose who fell fighting for the creed of Islam the gates of paradisewere at once opened, only added to the desperation of the combatantsand to the fearfulness of the carnage. At length the besiegeddiscovered that the walls near the gate of St. Stephen had beenundermined, and at once they abandoned all hope of safety except frommiraculous intervention. Clergy and laity crowded into the churches, their fears quickened by the knowledge that the Greeks within the citywere treating with the enemy. 

The remembrance of Saladin's offer now came back with more persuasivepower; but to the envoys whom they sent the stern answer was returnedthat he was under a vow to deal with the Christians as Godfrey and hisfellows had dealt with the Saracens. Yet, conscious or unconscious ofthe inconsistency of his words with the oath which he professed tohave sworn, he promised them his mercy if they would at once surrenderthe city. The besieged resolved to trust the word of the conqueror, asthey could not resist his power. The agreement was made that thenobles and fighting men should be taken to Tyre, which still held outunder Conrad; that the Latin inhabitants should be redeemed at therate of ten crowns of gold for each man, five for each woman, one foreach child; and that failing this ransom, they should remain slaves. On the sick and the helpless he waged no war; and although the Knightsof the Hospital were among the most determined of his enemies, hewould allow their brethren to remain for a year in their attendance onthe sufferers who could not be moved away. 

In the exasperation of a religious warfare now extended over nearly acentury these terms were very merciful. It may be said that this mercywas the right of a people who submitted to the invader, and that inthe days of Godfrey and Peter the Hermit the defenders had resisted tothe last. It is enough to answer that the capitulation of the Latinswas a superfluous ceremony and that Saladin knew it to be so, while, if the same submission had been offered to the first crusaders, itwould have been sternly and fiercely refused. 

Four days were allowed to the people to prepare for their departure. On the fifth they passed through the camp of the enemy, the womencarrying or leading their children, the men bearing such of theirhousehold goods as they were able to move. On the approach of theQueen and her ladies in the garb and with the gestures of suppliantsSaladin himself came forward, and with genuine courtesy addressed tothem words of encouragement and consolation. Cheered by his generouslanguage, they told him that for their lands, their houses, and theirgoods they cared nothing. Their prayer was that he would restore tothem their fathers, their husbands, and their brothers. Saladingranted their request, added his alms for those who had been leftorphans or destitute by the war, and remitted a portion of the ransomappointed for the poor. In this way the number of those who remainedunredeemed was reduced to eleven or twelve thousand; and Saracenicslavery, although degrading, was seldom as cruel as the slavery whichhad but as yesterday been extinguished by the most fearful of recentwars. 

The entry of Saladin into Jerusalem was accompanied by the usual signsof triumph. Amid the waving of banners and the clash of martial musiche advanced to the Mosque of Omar, on the summit of which theChristian cross still flashed in the clear air. A wail of agony burstfrom the Christians who were present as this emblem was hurled down tothe earth and dragged through the mire. For two days it underwent thisindignity, while the mosque was purified from its defilements bystreams of rosewater, and dedicated afresh to the worship of the oneGod adored by Islam. The crosses, the relics, the sacred vessels ofthe Christian sanctuaries, which had been carefully stowed away infour chests, had fallen into the hands of the conquerors, and it wasthe wish of Saladin to send them to the Caliph of the Prophet as theproudest trophies of his victory. Even this wish he generouslyconsented to forego. The chests were left in the keeping of thepatriarch, and the price put upon them, fifty-two thousand goldenbezants, was paid by Richard of England. 

Conrad still held out in Tyre, nor was he induced to surrender evenwhen Saladin himself assailed its walls. The siege was raised; and thenext personage to appear before its gates was Guy of Lusignan, who, having regained his freedom, insisted on being admitted as lord of thecity. The grand master of the Templars seconded his demand. The replywas short and decisive. The people would own no other master than thegallant knight who had so nobly defended them. But the escape of Tyrehad no effect on the general issue of the war. Town after townsubmitted to Saladin; and the long series of his triumphs closed whenhe entered the gates of Antioch. 

Eighty-eight years had passed away since the crusaders of Godfrey andTancred had stood triumphant on the walls of the Holy City; and duringall those years the Latin kingdom had seldom rested from wars andforays, from feuds and dissensions of every kind. From the first itdisplayed no characteristics which could give it any stability; fromthe first it exhibited signs which foreboded its certain downfall. 

It sanctified treachery, for it rested on the principle that no faithwas to be kept with the unbeliever; and the sowing of wind by theconstant breach of solemn compact made them reap the whirlwind. Aright of pasturage round Paneas had been granted to the Mahometans byBaldwin III. When the ground was covered with their sheep theChristian troops burst in, murdered the shepherds, and drove awaytheir flocks--not with the sanction, we may hope, of the mosthigh-minded of the Latin kings of Jerusalem. 

It recognized no title to property except in those who professed thefaith of Christ, and the power to commit injustice with practicalimpunity tended still further to demoralize the people. 

It gave full play to the passions of men in random wars and pettyforays, while it did nothing to keep up or to promote either militaryscience or the discipline without which that science becomes useless. 

It was marked by an almost total lack of statesmanship. In a countryso circumstanced a wise ruler would strain every nerve to conciliatethe conquered people, to strengthen himself by alliances which shouldbe firmly maintained and by treaties which should be scrupulouslykept, to weaken such states as he might fail to win over to hisfriendship by anticipating combinations which might bring with themfatal dangers for his power. That the history of the Latin kingdom ofJerusalem presents a mournful and even ludicrous contrast to thispicture it must surely be unnecessary to say. In the case of Egyptalone did the Latin kings show some sense of the course which prudencecalled upon them to take; and even here this course was followed withmiserable indecision, and at last disgracefully abandoned through merelust of gold. 

It had to deal with an immorality not of its own creating, but whichin mere regard to its own safety it should have striven to keep wellin check. No such efforts were made, and the words of William ofTyre--even if taken with a qualification--when he speaks of the Latinwomen, point to a state of things which must involve grave andimminent peril. 

It was the misfortune of this kingdom that it was called into being bytroops of adventurers banded together--it cannot be saidconfederated--for a religious rather than a political purpose; inother words, for personal rather than for public ends. It startedtherefore without any principle of cohesion. The warriors who engagedin the enterprise might abandon it when they thought that they hadfulfilled the conditions of their vow, and although the continuance oftheir efforts was indispensably needed for the military and politicalsuccess of the undertaking. 

The private and personal character of these enterprises led to theperpetuation and multiplication of private and personal interests, andthus to the endless divisions and feuds between the barons of thekingdom, which were a constant scandal and menace and which ledfrequently to deliberate treachery. It encouraged, or permitted, orwas compelled to tolerate the growth of societies which arrogated tothemselves an independent jurisdiction, and thus rendered impossible acentral authority of sufficient coercive power. The origin of themilitary orders may have been in the highest degree edifying. TheKnights Templars might begin as the humble guardians of the holyplaces: the Knights Hospitalers may have been the poor brothers of St. John bound to the service of the sick and helpless among the pilgrimsof the cross. But in the land where they might at any time encounter amerciless or at the least a detested enemy, they were justified inbearing arms; the necessity of bearing arms involved the need ofdiscipline; and the discipline of an enthusiastic fraternity cut offfrom the world and centred upon itself cannot fail to becomeformidable. 

The natural strength of these orders was increased by immunities andprivileges granted partly by the Latin kings of Jerusalem, but ingreater part by the popes. The Hospitalers, as bestowing their goodsto feed the poor and to entertain pilgrims, were freed from theobligation of paying tithe, or of giving heed to interdicts even ifthese were laid upon the whole country, while it was expresslyasserted that no patriarch or prelate should dare to pass any sentenceof excommunication against them. In other words, a society was calledinto existence directly antagonistic to the clergy, and anirreconcilable conflict of claims was the inevitable consequence. Norcan we be surprised to find the clergy complaining that the knights, not content with the immunities secured to themselves, gave shelter topersons who, not belonging to their order but lying under sentence ofexcommunication, sought to place themselves under their protection. 

But if the Knights of the Hospital had thus their feuds with theclergy, they had feuds still more bitter with the rival order of theTemplars. With different interests and different aims, the one soughtto promote enterprises against which the other protested, or stickledabout points of precedence when common decency called for harmoniousaction, or withheld its aid when that aid was indispensable for thevery safety of the State. Thus we have the triple discord of the Kingand his barons struggling against the claims of the clergy, and themilitary orders in conflict with the barons and the clergy alike. Of astate so circumstanced the words are emphatically true that a housedivided against itself shall not stand. 

THE THIRD CRUSADE

A. D. 1189-1194

HENRY VON SYBEL

 Although after the failure of the Second Crusade the interest felt by the western nations in the kingdom of Jerusalem, established by the first crusaders in 1099, had greatly diminished, still the news of the loss of the Holy City--which was taken by Saladin, Sultan of Egypt and Syria, in 1187--fell like a thunderbolt on men's minds. Once more the flame which had kindled the mystic war of God blazed high. "What a disgrace, what an affliction, " cried Pope Urban III, "that the jewel which the second Urban won for Christendom should be lost by the third!" He vehemently exhorted the Church and all her faithful to join the war, worked day and night, prayed, sighed, and so wore himself out with grief and anger that he sickened and died in a few weeks. His successor, Gregory VIII, and afterward Pope Clement III, were inspired by the same feeling and exerted themselves for the great cause with untiring energy. 

 In 1185 a number of English barons had put on the cross on hearing of Saladin's menacing progress; toward the end of 1187 the heir to the throne, Richard, followed their example; some months later King Henry II had a meeting with his former enemy, Philip Augustus of France, at Gisors, where they vowed to abandon their earthly quarrels and become warriors of the everlasting God. Nearly the whole nobility and a number of the lower class of people were carried away by their example. King William of Sicily fitted out his fleet, and was only prevented by death from joining it himself. From Denmark, Scandinavian pilgrims thronged to Syria both by land and water. In Germany, now as formerly, the zeal was not so great, until in March, 1188, the emperor Frederick Barbarossa, at the age of near seventy, put on the cross, and by his ever firm and powerful will collected together a mass of nearly one hundred thousand pilgrims. All the western nations rose to arms. 

 The news of this enormous movement reached the East, and the ferocious war-cry of Europe was answered by a voice of defiance. Saladin had organized his dominions almost according to the western system. Under an oath of allegiance and service in war he granted to each of his emirs a town of feudal tenure; its surrounding land they again divided among their followers; the Sultan thus attached those wandering hordes of horsemen to the soil and kept those restless spirits permanently together. He then invoked the religious zeal of all the Mahometans with such success that volunteers flocked to his standard from every quarter. 

 These masses dispersed at the beginning of every winter, but on the return of fair weather they again collected in ever-increasing numbers. Saladin well knew the mutual hatred which divided the Greek Byzantines and the Latin Franks, and kept so securely alive in the Eastern Emperor, Isaac Angelus, the fear of the insolence of the western soldiers that he concluded an offensive and defensive alliance with Saladin against those who shared his own faith. 

 The leaders of the Third Crusade--Richard I ("the Lion-hearted"), King of England; Frederick I, surnamed "Barbarossa, " of Germany, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire; and Philip Augustus, King of France--were the most powerful monarchs of Europe. A halo of false romance and glory, however, surrounds this crusade, mainly by reason of the associations connecting it with the self-seeker Richard. In the real conduct of the crusaders appears a sordid greed glutting itself with atrocities as savage as those perpetrated under Godfrey of Bouillon a century before. In Richard the world now sees a destroying "hero, " one of the scourges of mankind. The son of Henry II, Richard became King of England in 1189. His chief ambition appears to have been the spread of his own renown, and this aim he sought to achieve in Palestine. He raised moneys by the sale of titles, lands, etc. , and then started for the Holy Land. Modern history presents him, as well as his colleagues and followers, divested of the glamour which for centuries hung about the Third Crusade, of which the only heroic figure on the Christian side is the likewise pitiable Barbarossa. 

The whole East, from the Danube to the Indus, from the Caspian Sea tothe sources of the Nile, prepared with one intent to withstand thegreat invasion of Europe. Amid cares and preparations which hadreference to three-quarters of the globe, Saladin neglected hisnearest enemy, the feeble remnant of the Christian States in Syria, which, although unimportant in themselves, were of great consequenceas landing-places for the invading western nations during theapproaching war. The small principalities of Antioch and Tripoli stillexisted, and in the midst of the Turkish forces the marquis Conrad ofMontferrat still displayed the banner of the cross upon the rampartsof Tyre. 

It seems as if in this instance Saladin had abandoned himself too muchto the superb and easy carelessness of his nature. Hitherto he had notshrunk from the most strenuous exertions; but he was so certain of hisvictory that he neglected to strike the final blow. Not until theautumn of 1187 did he begin the siege of Tyre; and for the first timein his life he found a dangerous adversary in Conrad of Montferrat, aman of cool courage and keen determination, whose soul was unmoved byreligious enthusiasm, and equally free from weakness or indecision; sothat under his command the inhabitants of the city repulsed everyattack with increasing assurance and resolution. 

Saladin hereupon determined to try starvation, which a strict blockadeby sea and land was to cause in the town; but in June, 1188, theSicilian fleet appeared, gave the superiority by sea to theChristians, and brought relief to Tyre. The Sultan retreated, andmarched through the defenceless provinces of Antioch and Tripoli, butthere too he left the capitals in peace upon the arrival of theSicilian fleet in their waters. The following summer he spent intaking the Frankish fortresses in Arabia Petræa, the possession ofwhich was important to him in order to secure freedom of communicationbetween Egypt and Syria. 

Meanwhile the reinforcements from the West were pouring into theChristian seaport towns. In the first place, the two military andreligious orders, the Templars and the Knights of St. John, hadcollected munitions of war of every kind from all their Europeanpossessions, and increased the number of their mercenaries to fourteenthousand men. King Guy[31] also had ransomed himself from captivityand had gone to Tripoli, where by degrees the remnant of the Syrianbarons, and pilgrims of all nations, gathered round him. They took theright resolution to remain no longer inactive, but with the giganticpreparations in Europe in prospect, to begin the attack at once. 

On August 28, 1189, Guy commenced the siege of the strong maritimefortress of Ptolemais (St. Jean d'Acre). A fleet from Pisa had alreadyjoined the Sicilian one; in October there arrived twelve thousandDanes and Friesians, and in November a number of Flemings, under theCount of Avesnes, French knights under the Bishop of Beauvais, andThuringians, under their landgrave, Louis. Saladin, roused from hisinactivity by these events, hastened to the spot with his army, and inhis turn surrounded the Christian camp, which lay in a wide semicircleround Ptolemais, and was defended by strong intrenchments within andwithout. It formed an iron ring round the besieged town, whichSaladin, spite of all his efforts, could not break through. Each wingof the position rested upon the sea, and was thus certain of itssupplies, and able to protect the landing of reinforcements, whichcontinually arrived in constantly increasing numbers--Italians, French, English and Germans, Normans, and Swedes. "If on one day wekilled ten, " said the Arabs, "on the next, a hundred more arrivedfresh from the West. "

The fighting was incessant by land and by sea, against the town andagainst the Sultan's camp. Sometimes the Egyptian fleet drove theChristian ships far out to sea; and Saladin could then succor thegarrison with provisions and fresh troops, till new Frankish squadronsagain surrounded the harbor, and only a few intrepid divers couldsteal through between the hostile ships. On land, too, now one sideand now the other was in danger. One day the Sultan scaled theChristian intrenchments, and advanced close to the walls of the city, before the Franks rallied sufficiently to drive him back by adesperate attack; but they soon took their revenge in a night sortie, when they attacked the Sultan in his very tent, and he narrowlyescaped by rapid flight. Against the town their progress was veryslow, as the garrison, under an able and energetic commander, Bohaeddin, showed itself resolute and indefatigable. One week passedafter another, and the condition of the Franks became painfullycomplicated. They could go neither backward nor forward, they couldmake no impression on the walls; nor could they re-embark in the faceof an active enemy. There was no choice but to conquer or die; sopreparations were made for a long sojourn; wooden barracks, and forthe princes even stone houses were built, and a new hostile town aroseall around Ptolemais. In spite of this the winter brought innumerablehardships. In that small space more than a hundred thousand men werecrowded together, with insufficient shelter, and uncertain supplies ofwretched food; pestilential diseases soon broke out, which swept awaythousands, and were intensified by the exhalations from the heaps ofdead. Saladin retreated from their deadly vicinity to more airyquarters on the adjacent hills; his troops also suffered from thesevere weather, but were far better supplied than the Christians withwater, provisions, and other comforts, as the caravans from Cairo andBagdad met in their camp, and numbers of merchants displayed inglittering booths all kinds of eastern wares. 

It was an unexampled assemblage of the forces of two quarters of theworld round one spot, unimportant in itself, and chosen almost byaccident. Our own times have seen a counterpart to it in the siege ofSebastopol, which, though in a totally different form, was a new actin the same great struggle between the East and the West. Happily thewestern nations did not derive their warlike stimulus from religioussources, and they displayed, if not their military, at any rate, theirmoral superiority, in the most brilliant manner. 

Although, in the fight around Ptolemais, the superiority was doubtlesson Saladin's side, there was a moment in which Europe threatened tooppose to the mighty Sultan an antagonist as great as himself. In May, 1189, the emperor Frederick IX marched out of Ratisbon with his armyfor Syria. He had already ruled thirty-seven years over Germany andItaly, and his life had been one of war and labor, of small results, but growing fame. He was born a ruler in the highest sense of theword; he possessed all the attributes of power; bold yet cautious, courageous and enduring, energetic and methodical, he towered proudlyabove all who surrounded him, and had the highest conception of hisprincely calling. But his ideas were beyond his time, and while hetried to open the way for a distant future, he was made to feel thepenalty of running counter to the inclination of the presentgeneration. It seemed to him unbearable that the Emperor, who wasextolled by all the world as the defender of the right and thefountain-head of law, should be forced to bow before unruly vassals orunlimited ecclesiastical power. He had, chiefly from the study of theRoman law, conceived the idea of a state complete within itself, andstrong in the name of the common weal, a complete contrast to theexisting condition of Europe, where all the monarchies were breakingup, and the crowned priest reigned supreme over a crowd of pettyprinces. 

Under these circumstances he appeared foreshadowing modern thoughtsdeep in the Middle Ages, like a fresh mountain breeze, dispersing theincense-laden atmosphere of the time. This discrepancy caused thegreatness and the misfortune of the mighty Emperor. The current of histime set full against him. When, as the representative of the State, he enforced obedience to the law, he appeared to some an impiousoffender against the Holy Church; to others, a tyrant trampling on thegeneral freedom; and while conquering in a hundred fights, he wasdriven from one position after another by the force of opinion. But socommanding was the energy, so powerful the earnestness, and soinexhaustible the resources of his nature that he was as terrible tohis foes on the last day as on the first, passionless and pitiless, never distorted by cruelty, and never melted by pity, an iron defenderof his imperial rights. 

We can only guess at the reasons which may have induced a sovereign ofthis stamp to leave a sphere of domestic activity for the fantasticwars of the crusades. Once, in the midst of his Italian feud, when thedeeds of Alexander the Great were read aloud to him, he exclaimed:"Happy Alexander, who didst never see Italy! happy I had I never beenin Asia!" Whether piety or love of fame ultimately decided him, hefelt within himself the energy to take a great decision, and at onceproceeded to action. The aged Emperor once more displayed in this lasteffort the fulness of his powerful and ever-youthful nature. For thefirst time during these wars, since the armed pilgrimages had begun, Europe beheld a spirit conscious of their true object, and capable ofcarrying it out. The army was smaller than any of the former ones, consisting of twenty thousand knights and fifty thousand squires andfoot soldiers; but it was guided by one inflexible, indomitable will. With strict discipline, the imperial leader drove all disorderly anduseless persons out of his camp; he was always the first to face everyobstacle or danger, and showed himself equal to all the political ormilitary difficulties of the expedition. The Greek empire had to betraversed first, whose Emperor, Isaac, had allied himself withSaladin; but at the sight of these formidable masses he shrank interror from any hostile attempt, and hastened to transport the Germanarmy across into Asia Minor. 

There they hoped for a friendly reception from the Emir of Iconium, who was reported to have a leaning toward Christianity; but in themean time the old ruler had been dethroned by his sons, who opposedthe Germans with a strong force. They were destined to feel the weightof the German arm. After their mounted bowmen had harassed theChristian troops for a time with a shower of arrows, the Emperor broketheir line of battle, and scattered them by a sudden attack of cavalryin all directions, while at the same moment Frederick's sonunexpectedly scaled the walls of their city. The crusaders thenmarched in triumph to Cilicia; the Armenians already yieldedsubmissively to a cessation of hostilities; and far and widethroughout Turkish Syria went the dread of Frederick's irresistiblearms. Even Saladin himself, who had boldly defied the disorderlyattacks of the hundreds of thousands before Ptolemais, now lost allhope, and announced to his emirs his intention of quitting Syria onFrederick's arrival, and retreating across the Euphrates. 

On this every highway in the country became alive, the emirs quittedtheir towns, and began to fly with their families, their goods, andchattels, and hope rose high in the Christian camp. This honor wasreserved for the Emperor; that which no other Frankish sword couldachieve he had done by the mere shadow of his approach; he had forcedfrom Saladin a confession of inferiority. But he was not destined tosee the realization of his endeavors here, any more than in Europe. His army had entered Cilicia, and was preparing to cross the rapidmountain stream of the Seleph. On June 10, 1190, they marched slowlyacross the narrow bridge, and the Emperor, impatient to get to thefront, urged his horse into the stream, intending to swim to theopposite shore. The raging waters suddenly seized him, and hurried himaway before the eyes of the people. When he was drawn out, far downthe river, he was a corpse. 

Boundless lamentations resounded throughout the army; the mostbrilliant ornament and sole hope of Christendom was gone; the troopsarrived at Antioch in a state of the deepest dejection. From thence anumber of the pilgrims returned home, scattered and discouraged, and apestilence broke out among the rest, which was fatal to the greaternumber of them. It seemed, says a chronicler, "as though the memberswould not outlive their head. " The Emperor's son, Duke Frederick ofSwabia, reached the camp before Ptolemais with five thousand men, instituted there the Order of the Teutonic Knights--who were destinedhereafter to found a splendid dominion on the distant shores of theGerman Ocean--and soon afterward followed his father to the grave. 

The highest hopes were soon destroyed by this lamentable downfall. Itseemed as if a stern fate had resolved to give the Christian world adistant view of the possibility of victory; the great Emperor mighthave secured it, but the generation which had not understood him wasdoomed to misery and defeat. A second winter, with the same fearfuladditions of hunger and sickness, came upon the camp before Ptolemais, and the measure of misfortune was filled by renewed and bitterquarrels among the Frankish princes. King Guy was as incompetent asever, and so utterly mismanaged the Christian cause that the marquisConrad of Montferrat indignantly opposed him. Queen Sibylla, bymarriage with whom Guy had gained possession of the crown, died justat this juncture. Conrad instantly declared that Sibylla's sisterEliza was the only rightful heir, and, as he held every step towardadvancement to be laudable, did not for a moment scruple to elope withher from her husband, to marry her himself, and to lay claim to thecrown. 

Amid all this confusion and disaster the eyes of the crusaders turnedwith increasing anxiety toward the horizon, to catch a glimpse of thesails which were to bring to them two fresh leaders, the kings ofFrance and of England. Their preparations had not been very rapid. Henry II of England had, even since his oath, got into a new quarrelwith Philip Augustus of France, which only ended with his death, in1189. His son and successor, Richard, whose zeal had led him to put upthe cross earlier than the rest, instantly began to arrange theexpedition with Philip. In his impetuous manner he exulted in theprospect of unheard-of triumphs; the government of England was hastilyand insufficiently provided for during the absence of the King; aboveall, money was needed in great quantities, and raised by everyexpedient, good or bad. When someone remonstrated with the Kingconcerning these extortions, he exclaimed, "I would sell Londonitself, if I could but find a purchaser. " He legislated with the sameinconsiderate vehemence as to the discipline and order of his army:murderers were to be buried alive on land, and at sea to be tied tothe corpses of their victims and thrown into the water; thieves wereto be tarred and feathered; and whoever gambled for money, be he kingor baron, was to be dipped three times in the sea, or flogged nakedbefore the whole army. 

Richard led his army through France, and went on board his splendidfleet at Marseilles, while Philip sailed from Genoa in hired vessels. Half way to Sicily, however, Richard got tired of the sea voyage, landed near Rome, and journeyed with a small retinue through theAbruzzi and Calabria, already on the lookout for adventures, and oftenengaged in bloody quarrels with the peasants of the mountain villages. When he at last arrived in Sicily his unstable mind suddenly underwenta total change; a quarrel with the Sicilian King, Tancred, drove theHoly Sepulchre entirely out of his head. Now fighting, nownegotiating, he stayed nine months at Messina--hated and feared by theinhabitants, who called him the Lion, the Savage Lion--deaf to theentreaties of his followers, who were eager to get to Syria, andheedless and defiant to all Philip Augustus' representations anddemands. 

At last the French King, losing patience, sailed without him, andarrived at Ptolemais in April, 1191. He was received with eager joy, but did not succeed in at all advancing the siege operations; for somany of the French pilgrims had preceded him that the army he broughtwas but small, and, though an adroit and cunning diplomatist, a triedand unscrupulous statesman, he lacked the rough soldierly vigor andbravery on which everything at that moment depended. At length Richardwas again on his road, and again he allowed himself to be turned asidefrom his purpose. One of his ships, which bore his betrothed bride, had stranded on the Cyprian coast, and, in consequence of thehostility of the king of that island, had been very inhospitablyreceived. Richard was instantly up in arms, declared war against theComnene, [32] and conquered the whole island in a fortnight--animpromptu conquest, which was of the highest importance to theChristian party in the East for centuries after. 

Still occupied in establishing a military colony of his knights, hewas surprised by a visit from King Guy, of Jerusalem, who wished tosecure the support of the dreaded monarch in his party contests athome. Guy complained to King Richard of the matrimonial offences ofhis rival, informed him that Philip Augustus had declared in favor ofConrad's claims, and on the spot secured the jealous adherence of theEnglish monarch. He landed on June 8th at Ptolemais; the Christianscelebrated his arrival by an illumination of the camp: and without amoment's delay, by his warlike ardor, he roused the whole army out ofthe state of apathy into which it had lately fallen. Day after day thewalls of the city were energetically assailed on every side. On July8th Saladin made his last attempt to raise the siege, by an attack onthe Christian intrenchments; he was driven back with great loss, whereupon he permitted the besieged to capitulate. The townsurrendered, with all its stores, after a siege of nearly three years'duration; the heroic defenders still remaining, about three thousandin number, were to be exchanged within the space of forty days, fortwo thousand captive Christians, and a ransom of two hundred thousandpieces of gold. The war, according to all reports, had by this timecost the crusaders above thirty thousand men. 

Those among the pilgrims who were enthusiastic and devout now hopedtheir way would lead straight to the Holy Sepulchre. But it soonbecame manifest that the feeling which had prompted the crusades wasdead forever. The news of the fall of Jerusalem had awakened amomentary excitement in the western nations, but had failed to stir upthe old enthusiasm. On Syrian ground, the ideal faith rapidly gave waybefore substantial worldly considerations. Richard, Guy, and thePisans, on the one hand; Philip, Conrad, and the Genoese, on theother, were already in open discord, which was so embittered byRichard's blustering fury that Philip Augustus embarked at the end ofJuly for France, declaring upon his oath that he had no evilintentions toward England, but determined in his heart to let Richardfeel his resentment on the first opportunity. 

Meanwhile negotiations had begun between Saladin and Richard, which atfirst seemed to promise favorable results for the Christians, butunfortunately the day fixed for the exchange of the prisoners arrivedbefore Saladin was able to procure the whole of the promised ransom. Richard, with the most brutal cruelty, slaughtered two thousand sevenhundred prisoners in one day. Saladin magnanimously refused thedemands of his exasperated followers for reprisals, but of coursethere could be no further question of a treaty, and the warrecommenced with renewed fury. Richard led the army on an expeditionagainst Ascalon, defeated Saladin on his march thither at Arsuf, andadvanced amid incessant skirmishes and single combats, into which herecklessly plunged as though he had been a simple knight-errant. Accordingly his progress was so slow that Saladin had destroyed thetown before his arrival and rendered its capture worthless to theChristians. Again negotiations were begun, but in January, 1192, Richard suddenly advanced upon Jerusalem, and by forced marchesquickly reached Baitnuba, a village only a few miles distant from theHoly City. But there the Sultan had thrown up strong and extensivefortifications, and after long and anxious deliberations, the Franksreturned toward Ascalon. 

Meanwhile Conrad of Montferrat had placed himself in communicationwith Saladin, proposed to him point-blank an alliance against Richard, and by his prudent and consistent conduct daily grew in favor with theSultan. The Christian camp, on the other hand, was filled withever-increasing discord; and the difference between Richard and Conradreached such a height that the Marquis went back to Ptolemais, andregularly besieged the Pisans, who were friendly to the English. Intosuch a miserable state of confusion had the great European enterprisefallen for want of a good leader and an adequate object. 

In April news came from England that the King's brother, John, was inopen rebellion against him and in alliance with France; whereuponRichard, greatly alarmed, informed the barons that he must prepare forhis departure, and that they must definitively choose between Guy andConrad as their future ruler. To his great disappointment, the actualnecessities of the case triumphed over all party divisions, and allvoted for Conrad, as the only able and fitting ruler in the country. Nothing remained for Richard but to accede to their wishes, and as alast act of favor toward Guy, to bestow upon him the crown of Cyprus. Conrad did not delay one moment signing the treaty with Saladin, andthe Sultan left the new King in possession of the whole line of coasttaken by the crusaders, and also ceded to him Jerusalem, where, however, he was to allow a Turkish mosque to exist; the other towns ofthe interior were then to be divided between the two sovereigns. 

What a conclusion to a war in which the whole world had been engaged, and had made such incalculable efforts! After the only competentleader had been snatched from the Christians by an angry fate, theweakness and desultoriness of the others had destroyed the fruits ofconquest. The host of devout pilgrims had beheld Jerusalem fromBaitnuba, and had then been obliged to turn their backs upon the holyspot in impotent grief. Suddenly a nameless, bold, and cunning princemade his appearance in this great war between the two religions in theworld, a man indifferent to religion or morality, who knew no othermotive than selfishness, but who followed that with vigor andconsistency, and had already stretched forth his hand to grasp thecrown of the Holy Sepulchre. 

But on the 28th of April Conrad was murdered by two Saracen assassins;many said, at King Richard's instigation, but more affirmed it was bythe order of the Old Man of the Mountain, the head of a fanatical sectin Lebanon. Everything was again unsettled by this event. The Syrianbarons instantly elected Count Henry of Champagne as their king; fivedays after Conrad's death he married his widow Eliza, and wasperfectly ready to succeed to Conrad's alliance with Saladin, as wellas to his wife. But King Richard, with his usual thoughtlessness, allowed the scandalous marriage, but prevented the reasonablediplomatic arrangement. As he had a certain liking for Henry, who washis nephew, he wished to conquer a few more provinces for him in ahurry, and to win some fresh laurels for himself at the same time; andaccordingly began the war anew against Saladin. A Turkish fortress wastaken, when more evil tidings arrived from England, and Richardannounced that he could not remain a moment longer. The barons brokeout in a general cry of indignation that he who had plunged them intodanger should forsake them in the midst of it, and once more thevacillating King allowed himself to be diverted from his purpose. Again the Christians remained long inactive at Baitnuba, not daring toattack the city. 

The ultimate reason for this delay was illustrative of the state ofthings. The leaders knew that the great mass of pilgrims woulddisperse as soon as their vows were fulfilled by the deliverance ofthe Holy Sepulchre; this would seal the destruction of the Frankishrule in Syria, should it happen before the treaty of peace withSaladin was concluded. Thus the ostensible object of the crusade couldnot be achieved without ruining Christianity in the East. It isimpossible to give a stronger illustration of the hopelessness andinternal conflict of all their views and endeavors at that time. Theyat last turned back disheartened to Ramla, where they were startled bythe news that Saladin had unexpectedly assumed the offensive, attackedthe important seaport town of Jaffa, and was probably already inpossession of it. 

Richard's warlike impetuosity once more burst forth. With a handful offollowers he put to sea and hastened to Jaffa. When he came in sightof the harbor, the Turks were already inside the town, plundering inevery direction, and assailing the last remains of the garrison. Aftera short reconnoitre Richard drove his vessel on shore, rushed with anechoing war-cry into the midst of the enemy's superior force, and byhis mighty blows actually drove the Turks in terror and confusion outof the place. On the following day he encamped with contemptuousinsolence outside the gates with a few hundred horsemen, when he wassuddenly attacked by as many thousands. In one instant he was armed, drove back the foremost assailants, clove a Turk's head down to hisshoulders, and then rode along the wavering front of the enemy, fromone wing to the other. "Now, " cried he, "who will dare a fight for thehonor of God?" Henceforth his fame was such that, years after, Turkishmothers threatened their children with "King Richard is coming!" andTurkish riders asked their shying horses if "they saw the Lion-heartedKing. "

But these knightly deeds did not advance the war at all. It wasfortunate for the Franks that Saladin's emirs were weary of the longstrife, and the Sultan himself wished for the termination ofhostilities in consequence of his failing health. The favorable termsof the former treaty, more especially the possession of Jerusalem, were of course no longer to be obtained. The Christians were obligedto be content, on August 30, 1192, with a three-years' armistice, according to which the sea-coast from Antioch to Joppa was to remainin the possession of the Christians, and the Franks obtainedpermission to go to Jerusalem as unarmed pilgrims, to pray at the HolySepulchre. Richard embarked directly, without even taking measures forransoming the prisoners. 

As may easily be imagined, the Christians were deeply exasperated bysuch a peace; the Turks rejoiced, and only Saladin looked forward withanxiety to the future, and feared dangerous consequences from theduration of even the smallest Christian dominion in the East. The mostactive and friendly intercourse, rarely disturbed by suspicion, soonbegan between the two nations. On the very scene of the strugglemutual hatred had subsided, commercial relations were formed, andpolitical negotiations soon followed. In the place of the mystictrophy which was the object of the religious war, Europe had gained animmense extension of worldly knowledge and of wealth from the struggleof a hundred years. 

THE TEUTONIC KNIGHTS

THEIR ORGANIZATION AND HISTORY

A. D. 1190-1809

F. C. WOODHOUSE

 Scarcely less renowned than the Knights Templars, the Teutonic Knights carried the spirit and traditions of the great military religious orders of the Middle Ages far into the modern period. No earlier date for the foundation of the order than 1190 is given on recognized authority, its actual beginning, like that of the other orders of its kind, being humble and obscure. 

 It appears that about 1128 a wealthy German, having participated in the siege and capture of Jerusalem, settled there, and soon began to show pity for his unfortunate countrymen among the pilgrims who came, receiving some of them into his own house to be cared for. When the work became too great for him there, he built a hospital, in which he devoted himself to nursing sick pilgrims, to whose support he likewise gave all his wealth. Still the task outgrew the means at his command, and in order to increase his charity he began to solicit alms. While he took care of the men, his wife performed a like service for poor women pilgrims. 

 Soon they were joined by many of their wealthier countrymen who had come to fight for the Holy Land. Presently they "banded themselves together, after the pattern of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, and united the care of the sick and poor with the profession of arms in their defence, under the title of Hospitalers of the Blessed Virgin. " These Teutonic Hospitalers continued their work, in hospital and field, until the capture of Jerusalem by Saladin in 1187, and the conqueror, in recognition of their benevolent services, consented that some of them should remain there and continue their work. Out of these lowly beginnings grew one of the most powerful and widespread of the military religious orders. 

It was during the siege of Acre, 1189-1191, that the Teutonic Orderreceived its final and complete organization as one of the greatmilitary religious orders of Europe. The German soldiers sufferedgreat miseries from sickness and from their wounds, and as theirlanguage was not understood by the French and other Europeancontingents of the crusading army, they were left untended andfriendless. To meet this want, some citizens of Bremen and Lubeckprovided a sort of field hospital, and devoted themselves to the careof their wounded and sick countrymen. These were soon joined byothers, and by the brethren of the Hospital of the Blessed Virgin atJerusalem, whom Saladin had banished from the city, and the littlebody came to be known by the designation of the Teutonic Knights ofthe Hospital of the Blessed Virgin at Jerusalem. 

It is said that the order owed its constitution to Frederick, Duke ofSwabia; but there is much obscurity, and little authentic record todetermine this or to furnish particulars of the transaction. 

The order seems, however, to have been confirmed by Pope CelestineIII, the constitution and rules of the Templars and Hospitalers beingtaken as the model for the new order, Henry de Walpot being the firstmaster. This appears to have happened about 1190, though someauthorities maintain that it was not till 1191 or even later. While, therefore, the three great orders had much in common, there was thisdifference in their original foundation. The Hospitalers were at firsta nursing order, and gradually became military; the Templars werealways purely and solely military; while the Teutonic Knights werefrom the first both military and nursing. 

Contemporary chroniclers compare the Teutonic Knights with the mysticliving creature seen by Ezekiel, having the faces of a man and of alion, the former indicating the charity with which they tended thesick; the latter, the courage and daring with which they met andfought the enemies of Christ. 

The Teutonic Knights continued their care of the sick soldiers tillAcre was taken in July, 1191, by the united forces of Philip Augustus, King of France, and Richard Coeur de Lion, King of England. After thecapture of Acre by the Christian army, Henry de Walpot purchased asite within the city, and built a church and hospital for his order, the first that it possessed. To these buildings were gradually addedlodgings for the members of the order, for pilgrims, and for thesoldiers which were enlisted to assist the knights in the field. 

All this cost a large sum of money; but, as many wealthy Germans hadenrolled themselves as knights, means were not wanting as the occasionfor them occurred and the requirements of the order developed. Amongthe greatest of the earlier benefactors was Frederick, Duke of Swabia, who contributed money and aided the progress of the order by hisinfluence, and, when he died at Acre, was interred in the church ofthe knights. Contemporary writers speak in the highest terms of hisvirtues, saying that he lived a hero and died a saint. 

At this period and for the rest of its history, the constitution ofthe Teutonic order embraced two classes of members--the knights andthe clergy--both being exclusively of German birth. The knights wererequired to be of noble family, and, besides the ordinary threefoldmonastic vows, took a fourth vow, that they would devote themselves tothe care of the sick and to fight the enemies of the faith. Theirdress was black, over which a white cloak with a black cross upon theleft shoulder was worn. The clergy were not necessarily of noblebirth, their duties being to minister to the order in their churches, to the sick in the hospitals and on the field of battle. 

To these two classes, who constituted the order, were added servingbrethren, called _Heimlike_ and _Soldner_, and in Latin, _Familiares_. Many of these gave their services gratuitously from religious motives;others received payment and were really servants. The knights selectedtheir esquires from among the serving brothers. All these wore a dressof the same color as the knights, that they might be known at once tobelong to the order. 

The original rules of the order were very severe. All the memberslived in common; they slept in dormitories on small and hard beds;they took their meals together in the refectory, and their fare wasmeagre and of the plainest quality. They were required to attend thedaily services in the church, and to recite certain prayers andoffices privately. They were not permitted to leave their convent, norto write or receive letters, without permission of their superior. Their clothes, armor, and the harness of their horses were all of theplainest description; all gold, jewels, and other costly ornamentsbeing strictly forbidden. Arms of the best temper and horses of goodbreed were provided. When they marched to battle, each knight hadthree or four horses, and an esquire carried his shield and lance. 

The grand master was elected from the class of the knights only. Nextin rank to him was the preceptor, or grand commander, who had thegeneral supervision of the clergy and serving brethren, and whopresided in chapter in the absence of the grand master. Next to thepreceptor came the marshal, who acted as lieutenant-general in thefield of battle under the grand master. The third dignitary was thegrand hospitaler, who had the superintendence of the hospitals and ofall that related to their management. The fourth officer was thetrappier, who supplied the knights with their clothing andaccoutrements. And, lastly, there was the treasurer, who received andpaid all the money that passed through the hands of the order. Allthese officers were removable, and were commonly changed every year. 

As the order extended, new functionaries were required and wereappointed; namely, provincial masters of the several countries wherethe order obtained possessions, who took rank next after the grandmaster; and there were also many local officers as particularcircumstances required. The grand master was not absolute, but wasobliged to seek the advice of the chapter before taking any importantstep, and if he were necessarily absent, he appointed a lieutenant toact for him, who also governed the order after the death of the grandmaster till his successor was elected. 

After the death of Saladin disputes arose among his sons, and theopportunity was seized of commencing a new crusade, the history ofwhich is well known, and in which the Teutonic Knights took an activepart. At this time (1197) Henry VI, Emperor of Germany, gave theknights the monastery of the Cistercians, at Palermo, in Sicily, andseveral privileges and exemptions--a transaction that causedconsiderable disagreement between the Pope and the Emperor. Theknights were, however, finally confirmed in possession of themonastery, and it became the preceptory or chief house of the order inSicily, where other property was gradually bestowed upon the knights. 

Henry de Walpot, the first grand master, died at Acre, in 1200, andwas succeeded by Otho de Kerpen, who was an octogenarian at the timeof his election, but full of vigor and energy, which he displayed bydevoted attention to the duties of his office, and personal attendanceupon the sick in the hospitals. During the mastership of Otho deKerpen, an order of knighthood arose in the north of Europe, which wasafterward incorporated with the Teutonic order. Livonia, a countrysituated on the borders of the Baltic, was at this time still pagan. The merchants of Bremen and Lubeck, who had trading relations with theinhabitants, desired to impart to them the truths and blessings ofChristianity, and took a monk of the name of Menard to teach them theelements of the faith. The work succeeded, and Menard was consecratedbishop, and fixed his see at Uxhul, which was afterward transferred toRiga. 

The mission, however, as it advanced, aroused the jealousy andsuspicion of the pagan nobles, and they attacked and destroyed the newtown, with its cathedral and other buildings. The Bishop appealed tohis countrymen for help. Many responded to his call, and, as there wasat that time no crusade in progress in Palestine, the Pope (1199) waspersuaded to accord to those who took up arms for the defence of theChristians in Livonia the same privileges as were given to those whoactually went to the Holy Land. 

In consequence of these events a military religious order was founded, to assist in this war, called the Order of Christ, which was confirmedby Pope Innocent III, in 1205. The knights wore a white robe, uponwhich a red sword and a star were emblazoned. They maintained avigorous and successful conflict with the heathen, till circumstancesrendered it desirable that they should be incorporated with theTeutonic Knights. 

In the mean time the Latins had seized Constantinople, and set upBaldwin, Count of Flanders, as emperor, and divided the Eastern Empireamong themselves. The Teutonic Knights received considerablepossessions, and a preceptory was founded in Achaia. Some timeafterward another was established in Armenia, where also the order hadobtained property and territory in return for service rendered in thefield. The order also received the distinction of adding to theirbearings the Cross of Jerusalem. 

The valor of the knights, however, and the active part which they tookin all the religious wars of the day, cost them dear, and from time totime their numbers were greatly reduced; so much so that when Hermande Salza was elected grand master (1210) he found the order so weakthat he declared he would gladly sacrifice one of his eyes if he couldthereby be assured that he should always have ten knights to followhim to battle with the infidels. The vigor of his administrationbrought new life to the order, and he was able to carry on its missionwith such success that at his death there were no less than twothousand German nobles who had assumed the badge of the order andfought under its banner. Large accessions of property also came atthis time to the knights in Hungary, Prussia, Livonia, and elsewhere. 

In 1214 the emperor Frederick I decreed that the grand master shouldalways be considered a member of the imperial court, that whenever hevisited it he should be lodged at the Emperor's expense, and that twoknights should always have quarters assigned them in the imperialhousehold. In 1221 the emperor Frederick II, by an imperial act, tookthe Teutonic order under his special protection, including all itsproperty and servants; exempted them from all taxes and dues; and gaveits members free use of all pastures, rivers, and forests in hisdominions. And in 1227 Henry commanded that all proceedings in hiscourts should be conducted without cost to the order. The King ofHungary also, seeing the valor of the knights, endeavored to securehis own possessions by giving them charge of several of his frontiertowns. 

It would be unnecessary, as it would be tedious, to repeat all thedetails of the crusades, the varying successes and defeats, in all ofwhich the Teutonic Knights took part, both in Syria and in Egypt, fighting side by side with their brethren in arms, the Templars andHospitalers. They continued also their humane services to the sick andwounded, as the following curious contemporary document shows. Itforms part of a charter, obtained by one Schweder, of Utrecht, whosays that, being at the siege of Damietta, "he saw the wonderfulexertions of the brethren of the Teutonic Order, for the succor of thesick and the care of the soldiers of the army, and was moved to endowthe order with his property in the village of Lankarn. "

It was during the siege of Damietta that the famous St. Francis ofAssisi visited the crusading army, and endeavored to settle a disputethat had arisen between the knights and the foot soldiers of the army, the latter being dissatisfied and declaring that they were unfairlyexposed to danger as compared with the mounted knights. 

In 1226 the grand master was selected by the emperor Frederick andPope Honorius to be arbitrator in a dispute that had arisen betweenthem. So well pleased were they with his honorable and wise counselthat, in recognition of his services, he and his successors werecreated princes of the Empire, and the order was allowed to bear uponits arms the Imperial Eagle. The Emperor also bestowed a very preciousring upon the master, which was ever afterward used at the institutionof the grand master of the order. Again, in 1230, the Grand master wasone of the principal agents in bringing about a reconciliation betweenthe Emperor and Pope Gregory IX, whose dissensions had led to manytroubles and calamities. 

It has already been mentioned that the King of Hungary bestowed uponthe knights some territory on the borders of his dominions, with aview to their defending it from the incursions of the barbarous tribesin the vicinity. The King's anticipations were amply realized. Theknights maintained order in the disturbed districts, and by theirpresence put an end to the incursions of the predatory bands who cameperiodically to waste the country with fire and sword. The land soonsmiled with harvests, and a settled and contented population lived inpeace and quietness. 

But no sooner were these happy results attained than the King took amean advantage of the knights, and resumed possession of the countrywhich they had converted from a desert to a fruitful and valuabledistrict. The consequence was that the wild tribes renewed theirinvasions, and the reclaimed country once more lapsed into desolation. Then again the King made the border country over to the knights, whospeedily reasserted their rights, and established a settled governmentand general prosperity in the dominion made over to them. This grantand some others that followed were confirmed to the order by the bullof Pope Honorius III in 1222. 

A few years after this the Duke of Poland asked the aid of the orderagainst the pagan inhabitants of the country that was afterwardPrussia. These people were very savage and barbarous, and constantlycommitted horrible cruelties upon their more civilized neighbors, laying waste the country, destroying crops, carrying off cattle, burning towns, villages, and convents, and murdering the inhabitantswith circumstances of extreme atrocity, often burning their captivesalive as sacrifices to their gods. The grand master consulted with hischapter and with the Emperor on the proposed enterprise, and finallyresolved to enter upon it, the Emperor undertaking to secure to theorder any territory that they might be able to conquer and hold inPrussia. Pope Gregory IX, in 1230, gave his sanction to theexpedition, and conferred on those concerned in it all the privilegesaccorded to crusaders. 

In the following year an army invaded Prussia and erected a fortressat Thorn, on the Vistula, on the site of a grove of enormous oaks, which the inhabitants looked upon as sacred to their god Thor. Thiswas followed, in 1232, by the foundation of another stronghold atCulm. A successful campaign followed, and the castle of Marienwerder, lower down the Vistula, was after some reverses and delayssuccessfully built and fortified. The grand master then established afirm system of government over the conquered country, and drew up lawsand regulations for the administration of justice, for the coining ofmoney, and other necessary elements of civilization. Other fortifiedplaces were built which gradually developed into cities and towns. Butall this was not effected without many battles and much patientendurance, and frequent defeats and checks. 

Nor did the knights forget the spiritual needs of their heathensubjects. Mission clergy labored among them, and by their instruction, and still more by their holy, self-denying lives, they succeeded inwinning many to forsake their idols and become Christians. 

The order received an important accession to its ranks at this time(1237) by the incorporation into it of the ancient Order of Christ, inLivonia, which had considerable possessions. This was followed shortlyafterward by an agreement between the order and the King of Denmark, by which the former undertook the defence of the kingdom against itspagan neighbors. 

In 1234 the order received into its ranks Conrad, Landgrave ofThuringia and Hesse, a man who had led a wicked and violent life, but, being brought to see his errors, made an edifying repentance, andbecame a Teutonic Knight, and afterward was elected grand master. ThisConrad was brother to Louis of Thuringia, who was the husband of St. Elizabeth of Hungary. After the death of Elizabeth, the hospital atMarburg, where she had passed the latter years of her widowhood in thecare of the sick, was made over to the Teutonic Knights, and after hercanonization a church was built to receive her remains, and placedunder the care of the order. 

In 1240 the knights received an earnest petition from the Duke ofPoland, for aid against the Turks, who were ravaging his dominions, and by the enormous multitude of their hosts were able to defeat anyarmy he could bring into the field. The knights accepted theinvitation, and took part in a series of bloody and obstinate battles, in which they lost many of their number. They had also a new enemy toencounter in the Duke of Pomerania, who had been their ally, but whonow sided with the Prussians against them. In the war that ensued theDuke was defeated, several of his strongholds were taken, and he wasobliged to sue for peace. 

A few years afterward, however (1243), the Duke recommencedhostilities, and with more success. Culm was besieged by him, and thegreatest miseries were endured by the inhabitants, the slaughter beingso great in the numerous conflicts before the walls that at last veryfew men remained. The Bishop even counselled the widows to marry theirservants, that the population of the town might not become extinct. The war was continued for several years with varying fortune, till apeace was at last concluded, principally through the mediation of theDuke of Austria. 

About this time a disputed election caused a schism in the order, andtwo rival grand masters for several years divided the allegiance ofthe knights, till Henry de Hohenlohe was recognized by both sides asmaster. During his term of office successful war was carried on inCourland and other neighboring countries, which resulted in the spreadof Christianity and the advance of the power of the order. At the sametime, the Teutonic order took part in the crusades in Palestine, andshared with the Templars and Hospitalers the successes and reversesthere. 

It would be tedious to enter upon all the details of the conflictsundertaken by the order against the Prussians and others; suffice itto say that the knights, though often defeated, steadily advancedtheir dominion, and secured its permanence by the erection offortresses, the centres about which cities and towns ultimately arose. Among these were Dantzic, Koenigsberg, Elbing, Marienberg, and Thorn. 

By the year 1283 the order was in possession of all the countrybetween the Vistula and the Memel, Prussia, Courland, part of Livonia, and Samogitia; commanderies were established everywhere to hold it insubjection, and bishoprics and monasteries were founded for the spreadof Christianity among the heathen population. In the contests betweenthe Venetians and the Genoese, the Teutonic Knights aided the former, and in 1291, after the loss of Acre, the grand master took up hisresidence in Venice. 

About this time the Pope originated a scheme for the union of thethree orders of the Hospitalers, the Templars, and the TeutonicKnights, into one great order, purposing at the same time to engagethe Emperor and the kings of Christendom to lay aside all theirquarrels, and combine their forces for the recovery once for all ofthe Holy Land. Difficulties without number, which proved insuperable, prevented the realization of this scheme. Among these was theobjection raised by the Teutonic Knights, that while the Hospitalersand Templars had but one object in view--the recovery of Palestine, their order had to maintain its conquests in the North of Europe, andto prosecute the spread of the true faith among the still heathennations. 

In 1309, when all hope of the recovery of the Christian dominion inthe East had been abandoned, and no further crusades seemed probable, it was determined to remove the seat of the grand master from Veniceto Marienberg. At a chapter of the order held there, furtherregulations were agreed upon for the government of the conqueredcountries, some of which are very curious, but give an interestingpicture of the state of the people and of society at that period. Thusit was commanded that no Jew, necromancer, or sorcerer should beallowed to settle in the country. Masters who had slaves, andgenerally Prussians, prisoners of war, were obliged to send them tothe parish church to be instructed by the clergy in the Christianreligion. German alone was to be spoken, and the ancient language ofthe country was forbidden, to prevent the people hatchingconspiracies, and to do away with the old idolatry and heathensuperstitions. Prussians were not allowed to open shops or taverns, nor to act as surgeons or accoucheurs. 

The wages of servants were strictly settled, and no increase ordiminution was permitted. Three marks and a half a year were the wagesof a carpenter or smith, two and a half marks of a coachman, a markand a half of a laborer, two marks of a domestic servant, and half amark of a nurse. Masters had the right to follow their runawayservants, and to pierce their ears; but if they dismissed a servantbefore the end of his term of service, they must pay him a year'swages. Servants were not allowed to marry during time of harvest andvintage, under penalty of losing a year's wages and paying a fine ofthree marks. No bargains were to be made on Sundays and festivals, andno shops were to be open on those days till after morning service. 

Sumptuary laws of the most stringent nature were passed, some of whichappear very singular. At a marriage or other domestic festival, officers of justice might offer their guests six measures of beer, tradesmen must not give more than four, peasants only two. Playing formoney, with dice or cards, was forbidden. Bishops were to visit theirdioceses every three years, and to aid missions to the heathen. Thosewho gave drink to others must drink of the same beverage themselves, to avoid the danger of poisoning, as commonly practised by the heathenPrussians. A new coinage was also issued. 

The next half-century was a period of general prosperity and advancefor the order. It was engaged almost incessantly in war, either forthe retention of its conquests or for the acquisition of newterritory. There were also internal difficulties and dissensions, andcontests with the bishops. In 1308 the Archbishop of Riga appealed toPope Clement V, making serious charges against the order, andendeavoring to prevail upon him to suppress it in the same way as theTemplars had lately been dealt with. Gerard, Count of Holstein, however, came forward as the defender of the knights. A formal inquirywas opened before the Pope at Avignon in 1323. The principal chargesbrought forward by the Archbishop were, that the order had notfulfilled the conditions of its sovereignty in defending the Churchagainst its heathen enemies; that it did not regard excommunications;that it had offered insolence to the Archbishop, and seized some ofthe property of his see, and other similar accusations. The grandmaster explained some of these matters, denied others, and produced anautograph letter of the Archbishop's, in which he secretly endeavoredto stir up the Grand Duke of Lithuania to make a treacherous attackupon some of the fortresses of the knights. The end of the matter wasthat the case was dismissed, and there is little doubt that there wereserious faults on both sides. 

The times were indeed full of violence, cruelty, and crime. The annalsabound with terrible and shameful records, bloody and desolating wars, and individual cases of oppression, injustice, and cruelty. Now agrand master is assassinated in his chapel during vespers; now a judgeis proved to have received bribes, and to have induced a suitor tosacrifice the honor of his wife as the price of a favorable decision. Wealth and power led to luxury and sensuality, the weaker wereoppressed, noble and bishop alike showing themselves proud andtyrannical. There are often two contradictory accounts of the sametransaction, and it is impossible to decide where the fault reallywas, when there seems so little to choose between the conduct ofeither side. 

The conclusion seems forced upon us that human nature was in thosedays much the same as it is now, and that riches and irresponsibleauthority scarcely ever fail to lead to pride and to selfish andoppressive treatment of inferiors. When we gaze upon the magnificentcathedrals that were rising all over Europe at the bidding of thegreat of those times, we are filled with admiration, and disposed toimagine that piety and a high standard of religious life must haveprevailed; but a closer acquaintance with historical facts dissipatesthe illusion, and we find that then as now good and evil were mingled. 

The history of the order for the next century presents little ofinterest. In 1388 two of the knights repaired to England by order ofthe grand master, to make commercial arrangements with that country, which had been rendered necessary by the changes introduced into thetrade of Europe by the creation of the Hanseatic League. A secondcommercial treaty between the King of England and the order was madein 1409. 

The order had now reached the summit of its greatness. Besides largepossessions in Germany, Italy, and other countries, its sovereigntyextended from the Oder to the Gulf of Finland. This country was bothwealthy and populous. Prussia is said to have contained fifty-fivelarge fortified cities, forty-eight fortresses, and nineteen thousandand eight towns and villages. The population of the larger cities musthave been considerable, for we are told that in 1352 the plaguecarried off thirteen thousand persons in Dantzic, four thousand inThorn, six thousand at Elbing, and eight thousand at Koenigsberg. Oneauthority reckons the population of Prussia at this time at twomillion one hundred and forty thousand eight hundred. The greater partof these were German immigrants, since the original inhabitants hadeither perished in the war or retired to Lithuania. 

Historians who were either members of the order or favorably disposedtoward it, are loud in their praise of the wisdom and generosity ofits government; while others accuse its members and heads of pride, tyranny, luxury, and cruel exactions. 

In 1410 the Teutonic order received a most crushing defeat atTannenberg from the King of Poland, assisted by bodies of Russians, Lithuanians, and Tartars. The grand master, Ulric de Jungingen, wasslain, with several hundred knights and many thousand soldiers. 

There is said to have been a chapel built at Gruenwald, in which aninscription declared that sixty thousand Poles and forty thousand ofthe army of the knights were left dead upon the field of battle. Thebanner of the order, its treasury, and a multitude of prisoners fellinto the hands of the enemy, who shortly afterward marched againstMarienberg and closely besieged it. Several of the feudatories of theknights sent in their submission to the King of Poland, who began atonce to dismember the dominions of the order and to assign portions tohis followers. But this proved to be premature. The knights found inHenry de Planau a valiant leader, who defended the city with suchcourage and obstinacy that, after fifty-seven days' siege, the enemyretired, after serious loss from sorties and sickness. A series ofbattles followed, and finally a treaty of peace was signed, by whichthe order gave up some portion of its territory to Poland. 

But a new enemy was on its way to inflict upon the order greater andmore lasting injury than that which the sword could effect. Thedoctrines of Wycklif had for some time been spreading throughoutEurope, and had lately received a new impulse from the vigorousefforts of John Huss in Bohemia, who had eagerly embraced them, andset himself to preach them, with additions of his own. Several knightsaccepted the teaching of Huss, and either retired from the order orwere forcibly ejected. Differences and disputes also arose within theorder, which ended in the arrest and deposition of the grand master in1413. But the new doctrines had taken deep root, and a large partywithin the order were more or less favorable to them, so much so thatat the Council of Constance (1415) a strong party demanded the totalsuppression of the Teutonic order. This was overruled; but it probablyinduced the grand master to commence a series of persecutions againstthose in his dominions who followed the principles of Huss. 

The treaty that had followed the defeat at Tannenberg had been almostfrom the first disputed by both parties, and for some years appealswere made to the Pope and the Emperor on several points; but thedecisions seldom gave satisfaction or commanded obedience. The generalresult was the loss to the order of some further portions of itsdominions. 

Another outbreak of the plague, in 1427, inflicted injury upon theorder. In a few weeks no less than eighty-one thousand seven hundredand forty-six persons perished. There were also about this timecertain visions of hermits and others, which threatened terriblejudgments upon the order, because, while it professed to exist andfight for the honor of God, the defence of the Church, and thepropagation of the faith, it really desired and labored only for itsown aggrandizement. 

It was said, too, that it should perish through a goose (_oie_), andas the word "Huss" means a goose in Bohemian _patois_, it was saidafterward that the writings of Huss, or more truly, perhaps, the workof the goose-quill, had fulfilled the prophecy in undermining andfinally subverting the order. There were also disputes respecting thetaxes, which the people declared to be oppressive, and finally, in1454, a formidable rebellion took place against the authority of theknights. 

Casimir, King of Poland, who had long had hostile intentions againstthe order, secretly threw all his weight into the cause of themalcontents, who made such way that the grand master was forced toretire to Marienberg, his capital, where he was soon closely besieged. Casimir now openly declared war, and laid claim to the dominions ofthe knights in Prussia and Pomerania, formally annexing them to thekingdom of Poland. 

The grand master sent petitions for aid to the neighboring princes, but without success. The kings of Denmark and Sweden excusedthemselves on account of the distance of their dominions from the seatof war. Ladislaus, King of Bohemia and Hungary, was about to marry hissister to Casimir, and the religious dissensions of Bohemia and theattacks of the Turks upon Hungary fully occupied his attention anddemanded the employment of all his troops and treasure; and finallythe capture of Constantinople by Mahomet at this very time (1458)seemed to paralyze the energies of the European powers. 

The grand master, Louis d'Erlichshausen, thus found himself desertedin his time of need. He did what he could by raising a considerablebody of mercenaries, and with these, his knights, and the regulartroops of the order, he defended himself with courage and wonderfulendurance, so that he not only succeeded in holding the city, butrecovered several other towns that had revolted. 

But his resources were unequal to the demands made upon them, hisenemy overwhelmed him with numbers, his own soldiers clamored fortheir pay long overdue, and there was no prospect of aid from without. There was nothing left, therefore, to him but to make the best termshe could. He adopted the somewhat singular plan of making overMarienberg and what remained of the dominions of the order to thechiefs who had given him aid, in payment for their services, and hehimself, with his knights and troops, retired to Koenigsberg, whichthen became the capital of the order. Marienberg soon afterward cameinto the hands of Casimir; but the knights again captured it, andagain lost it, 1460. 

War continued year after year between Poland and the knights, thegeneral result of which was that the latter were defeated and lost onetown after another, till, in 1466, a peace was concluded, by the termsof which the knights ceded to Poland almost all the western part oftheir dominions, retaining only a part of Eastern Prussia, withKoenigsberg for their capital, the grand master acknowledging himselfthe vassal of the King of Poland, with the title of Prince andCouncillor of the kingdom. 

In 1497 the order lost its possessions in Sicily through the influenceof the Pope and the King of Aragon, who combined to deprive it ofthem. It still retained a house at Venice, and some other property inLombardy. In 1511 Albert de Brandenberg was elected grand master. Hemade strenuous efforts to procure the independence of the order, andsolicited the aid of the Emperor to free it from the authority ofPoland, but without success. The grand master refused the customaryhomage to the King of Poland, and, after fruitless negotiations, warwas once more declared, which continued till 1521, when peace wasconcluded; one of the results of which was the separation of Livoniafrom the dominion of the order, and its erection into an independentstate. 

All this time the doctrines of Luther had been making progress andspreading among all classes in Prussia and Germany. In 1522 the grandmaster went to Nuremberg to consult with the Lutherans there, andshortly afterward he visited Luther himself at Wittenberg. Luther'sadvice was decided and trenchant. He poured contempt upon the rules ofthe order, and advised Albert to break away from it and marry. Melancthon supported Luther's counsels. Shortly after, Luther wrote avigorous letter to the knights of the order, in which he maintainedthat it was of no use to God or man. He urged all the members to breaktheir vow of celibacy and to marry, saying that it was impossible forhuman nature to be chaste in any other way, and that God's law, whichcommanded man to increase and multiply, was older than the decrees ofcouncils and the vows of religious orders. At the request of the grandmaster he also sent missionaries into Prussia to preach the reformeddoctrines. One or two bishops and many of the clergy accepted them, and they spread rapidly among the people. Services began to be said inthe vulgar tongue, and images and other ornaments were pulled down inthe churches, especially in the country districts. 

In 1525 Albert met the King of Poland at Cracow, and formally resignedhis office as grand master of the Teutonic order, making over hisdominions to the King, and receiving from him in return the title ofhereditary Duke of Prussia. Shortly afterward he followed Luther'sadvice, and married the princess Dorothea of Denmark. Many of theknights followed his example. The annals and archives of the orderwere transferred to the custody of the King of Poland, and were lostor destroyed during the troubles that subsequently came upon thatkingdom. 

A considerable number of the knights refused to change their religionand abandon their order, and in 1527 assembled in chapter atMergentheim to consult as to their plans for the future. They electedWalter de Cronberg grand master, whose appointment was ratified by theEmperor, Charles V. In the religious wars that followed, the knightsfought on the side of the Emperor, against the Protestants. In 1595the commandery of Venice was sold to the Patriarch and was convertedinto a diocesan seminary; and in 1637 the commandery of Utrecht waslost to the order. In 1631 Mergentheim was taken by the Swedes underGeneral Horn. 

In the war against the Turks during this period some of the knights, true to the ancient principles of their order, took part on theChristian side, both in Hungary and in the Mediterranean. In the warsof Louis XIV, the order lost many of its remaining commanderies, andby an edict of the King, in 1672, the separate existence of the orderwas abolished in his dominions, and its possessions were conferred onthe Order of St. Lazarus. 

When Prussia was erected into a kingdom, in 1701, the order issued asolemn protest against the act, asserting its ancient rights over thatcountry. The order maintained its existence in an enfeebled conditiontill 1809, when it was formally abolished by Napoleon. In 1840 Austriainstituted an honorary order called by the same name, and in 1852Prussia revived it under the designation of the Order of St. John. 

PHILIP OF FRANCE WINS THE FRENCH DOMAINS OF THE ENGLISH KINGS

A. D. 1202-1204

KATE NORGATE

 When Richard "the Lion-hearted" died in 1199, he left no son to follow him on the throne of England and to claim possession of the vast French fiefs of the Plantagenet family. These fiefs, which covered more than half of France and made their undisputed lord more powerful than the French King himself, became at once a source of strife. 

 John, nicknamed "Lackland, " the youngest brother of Richard, succeeded him in England and in Normandy without dispute. But their little nephew Arthur was already Count of Brittany; and the other French possessions of the Plantagenets--Anjou, Maine, and Touraine--declared for Arthur in preference to John. 

 At this time France was ruled by Philip Augustus, who ranks among the shrewdest and ablest of all her monarchs. Dreading the vast power of the Plantagenets, he naturally sought to divide their domains by upholding Arthur. This unhappy lad, only twelve years old, was made a mere pawn in the savage game of his elders. His tragic fate is powerfully depicted by Shakespeare in his _King John_. 

 After some fighting and several sharp political moves and countermoves, John and Philip came to terms, May 18, 1200, by which the French King conferred almost all of the disputed fiefs on John. Constant bickering, however, continued. John had to do homage for his fiefs, and his French vassals took every opportunity to appeal from him to Philip, as their overlord. 

 Finally, when the moment seemed propitious, Philip demanded from his overgrown vassal certain Norman castles as a sort of guarantee of good behavior. This led up to the war in which the Plantagenets lost alltheir French domains, and became lords only of England. 

It was arranged that John and Philip should hold a conference atBoutavant. John, it appears, kept--or at least was ready to keep--theappointment; but Philip either was, or pretended to be, afraid ofventuring into Norman territory, and would not advance beyondGouleton. Thither John came across the river to meet him. No agreementwas arrived at. Finally, Philip cited John to appear in Paris fifteendays after Easter, 1202, at the court of his overlord the King ofFrance, to stand to its judgment, to answer to his lord for hismisdoings, and undergo the sentence of his peers. The citation wasaddressed to John as Count of Anjou and Poitou and Duke of Aquitaine;the Norman duchy was not mentioned in it. This omission was clearlyintentional; when John answered the citation by reminding Philip thathe was Duke of Normandy, and as such, in virtue of ancient agreementbetween the kings and the dukes, not bound to go to any meeting withthe King of France save on the borders of their respectiveterritories, Philip retorted that he had summoned not the Duke ofNormandy, but the Duke of Aquitaine, and that his rights over thelatter were not to be annulled by the accidental union of the twodignities in one person. 

John then promised that he would appear before the court in Paris onthe appointed day, and give up to Philip two small castles, Thillierand Boutavant, as security for his submitting to its decision. April28th passed, and both these promises remained unfulfilled. One Englishwriter asserts that thereupon "the assembled court of the King ofFrance adjudged the King of England to be deprived of all his landwhich he and his forefathers had hitherto held of the King of France, "but there is reason to think that this statement is erroneous, andderived from a false report put forth by Philip Augustus for politicalpurposes two or three years later. It is certain that after the dateof this alleged sentence negotiations still went on; "great andexcellent mediators" endeavored to arrange a pacification; and Philiphimself, according to his own account, had another interview withJohn, at which he used all his powers of persuasion to bring him tosubmission, but in vain. Then the French King, by the advice of hisbarons, formally "defied" his rebellious vassal; in a sudden burst ofwrath he ordered the Archbishop of Canterbury--evidently one of themediators just referred to--out of his territories, and dashing afterhim with such forces as he had at hand, began hostilities by a raidupon Boutavant, which he captured and burned. Even after this, if wemay trust his own report, he sent four knights to John to make a finalattempt at reconciliation; but John would not see them. 

The war which followed was characteristic of both kings alike. Philip's attack took the form not of a regular invasion, but of aseries of raids upon Eastern Normandy, whereby, in the course of thenext three months, he made himself master of Thillier, Lions, Longchamp, La Fertéen-Braye, Orgueil, Gournay, Mortemer, Aumale, andthe town and county of Eu. John was throughout the same periodflitting ceaselessly about within a short distance of all theseplaces; but Philip never came up with him, and he never but once cameup with Philip. On July 7, 1202, the French King laid siege toRadepont, some ten miles to the southeast of Rouen. John, who was atBonport, let him alone for a week, and then suddenly appeared beforethe place, whereupon Philip immediately withdrew. John, however, madeno attempt at pursuit. According to his wont, he let matters taketheir course till he saw a favorable opportunity for retaliation. Atthe end of the month the opportunity came. 

At the conclusion of the treaty in May, 1200, Arthur, after doinghomage to his uncle for Brittany, had been by him restored to theguardianship of the French King. The death of the boy's mother inSeptember, 1201, left him more than ever exposed to Philip'sinfluence; and it was no doubt as a measure of precaution, in view ofthe approaching strife between the kings, that John on March 27, 1202, summoned his "beloved nephew Arthur" to come and "do right" to him atArgentan at the octave of Easter. The summons probably met with nomore obedience than did Philip's summons to John; and before the endof April Philip had bound Arthur securely to his side by promising himthe hand of his infant daughter Mary. This promise was ratified by aformal betrothal at Gournay, after the capture of that place by theFrench; at the same time Philip made Arthur a knight, and gave him theinvestiture of all the Angevin dominions except Normandy. 

Toward the end of July Philip despatched Arthur, with a force of twohundred French knights, to join the Lusignans in an attack on Poitou. The barons of Brittany and of Berry had been summoned to meet him atTours, but the only allies who did meet him there were three of theLusignans and Savaric de Mauléon, with some three hundred knights. Overruling the caution of the boy-duke, who wished to wait forreinforcements from his own duchy, the impetuous southerners urged animmediate attack upon Mirebeau, their object being to capture QueenEleanor, [33] who was known to be there, and whom they rightly regardedas the mainstay of John's power in Aquitaine. Eleanor, however, becameaware of their project in time to despatch a letter to her son, begging him to come to her rescue. He was already moving southwardwhen her courier met him on July 30th as he was approaching Le Mans. By marching day and night he and his troops covered the whole distancebetween Le Mans and Mirebeau--eighty miles at the least--inforty-eight hours, and appeared on August 1, 1202, before the besiegedcastle. The enemies had already taken the outer ward and thrown downall the gates save one, deeming their own valor a sufficient safeguardagainst John's expected attack. So great was their self-confidencethat they even marched out to meet him. Like most of those who at onetime or another fought against John, they underrated the latentcapacities of their adversary. They were driven back into the castle, hotly pursued by his troops, who under the guidance of William desRoches forced their way in after the fugitives, and were in a shorttime masters of the place. The whole of the French and Poitevin forceswere either slain or captured; and among the prisoners were the threeLusignans and Arthur. 

Philip was at that moment busy with the siege of Arques; on thereceipt of these tidings he left it and turned southward, but hefailed, or perhaps did not attempt, to intercept John, who, bringinghis prisoners with him, made his way leisurely back to Falaise. Therehe imprisoned Arthur in the castle, and despatched his victorioustroops against Arthur's duchy; they captured Dol and Fougères, andharried the country as far as Rennes. Philip, after ravaging Touraine, fired the city of Tours and took the citadel; immediately afterward hewithdrew to his own territories, as by that time John was again atChinon. As soon as Philip was gone, John, in his turn, entered Toursand wrested the citadel from the French garrison left there by hisrival; but his success was won at the cost of another conflagration, which, an English chronicler declares, was never forgiven him by thecitizens and the barons of Touraine. 

For the moment, however, he was in luck. In Aquitaine he seemed in afair way to carry all before him without striking a blow. Angoulêmehad passed into his hands by the death of his father-in-law on June17th. Guy of Limoges had risen in revolt again, but at the end ofAugust or early in September he was captured. The Lusignans, fromtheir prison at Caen, made overtures for peace, and by dint ofprotestations and promises succeeded ere long in regaining theirliberty, of course on the usual conditions of surrendering theircastles and giving hostages for their loyalty. It was almost equally amatter of course that as soon as they were free they began intriguingagainst John. But the chronic intrigues of the south were inreality--as John himself seems to have discovered--a far less seriousdanger than the disaffection in his northern dominions. This last evilwas undoubtedly, so far as Normandy was concerned, owing in greatmeasure to John's own fault. He had intrusted the defence of theNorman duchy to his mercenaries under the command of a Provençalcaptain--whose real name is unknown--who seems to have adopted forhimself the nickname of _Lou Pescaire_ ("the Fisherman")--which theNormans apparently corrupted into "Louvrekaire"--and who habituallytreated his employer's peaceable subjects in a fashion in which othercommanders would have shrunk from treating avowed enemies. Side byside with the discontent thus caused among the people there was arapid growth of treason among the Norman barons--treason fraught withfar greater peril than the treason of the nobles of Aquitaine, becauseit was more persistent and more definite in its aim; because it was atonce less visible and tangible and more deeply rooted; because itspread in silence and wrought in darkness; and because, while nosouthern rebel ever really fought for anything but his own hand, thenorthern traitors were in close concert with Philip Augustus. Johnknew not whom to trust; he could, in fact, trust no one; and hereinlay the explanation of his restless movements, his unaccountablewanderings, his habit of journeying through byways, his constantchanges of plan. Moreover, besides the Aquitanian rebels, the Normantraitors, and the French enemy, there were the Breton partisans ofArthur to be reckoned with. These had now found a leader in Williamdes Roches, who, when he saw that he could not prevail upon John toset Arthur at liberty, openly withdrew from the King's service andorganized a league of the Breton nobles against him. 

These Bretons, reinforced by some barons from Anjou and Maine, succeeded, on October 29, 1202, in gaining possession of Angers. Itmay have been to watch for an opportunity of dislodging them thatJohn, who was then at Le Mans, went to spend a fortnight at Saumur andanother at Chinon. Early in December, however, he fell back uponNormandy, and while the intruders were harrying his ancestral countieswith fire and sword, he kept Christmas with his Queen at Caen, "faringsumptuously every day, and prolonging his morning slumbers tilldinner-time. " It seems that shortly afterward the Queen returned toChinon, and that in the middle of January, 1203, the enemies at Angerswere discovered to be planning an attempt to capture her there. Johnhurried to Le Mans, only stopping at Alençon to dine with Count Robertand endeavor to secure his suspected loyalty by confirming him in allhis possessions. No sooner had they parted, however, than Robert rodeoff to the French court, did homage to Philip, and admitted a Frenchgarrison into Alençon. While John, thus placed between two fires, washesitating whether to go on or to go back, Peter des Préaux succeededin getting the Queen out of Chinon and bringing her to her husband atLe Mans; thence they managed to make their way back in safety toFalaise. 

This incident may have suggested to John that it was time to take somedecisive step toward getting rid of Arthur's claims. According to oneEnglish chronicler, some of the King's counsellors had already beenurging this matter upon him for some time past. They pointed out thatso long as Arthur lived, and was neither physically nor legallyincapacitated for ruling, the Bretons would never be quiet, and nolasting peace with France would be possible. They therefore suggestedto the King a horrible scheme for rendering Arthur incapable of beingany longer a source of danger. The increasing boldness of the Bretonsat last provoked John into consenting to this project, and hedespatched three of his servants to Falaise to put out the eyes of thecaptive. Two of these men chose to leave the King's service ratherthan obey him; the third went to Falaise as he was bidden, but foundit impossible to fulfil his errand. Arthur's struggles were backed bythe very soldiers who guarded him, and the fear of a mutiny drovetheir commander, Hubert de Burgh, to prevent the execution of an orderwhich he felt that the King would soon have cause to regret. He gaveout, however, that the order had been fulfilled, and that Arthur haddied in consequence. 

The effect of this announcement proved at once the wisdom of Hubertand the folly of those to whose counsel John had yielded. The fury ofthe Bretons became boundless; they vowed never to leave a moment'speace to the tyrant who had committed such a ghastly crime upon theirDuke, his own nephew, and Hubert soon found it necessary, for John'sown sake, to confess his fraud and demonstrate to friends and foesalike that Arthur was still alive and uninjured. John himself nowattempted to deal with Arthur in another way. Being at Falaise at theend of January, 1203, he caused his nephew to be brought before him, and "addressed him with fair words, promising him great honors if hewould forsake the King of France and cleave faithfully to his uncleand rightful lord. " Arthur, however, rejected these overtures withscorn, vowing that there should be no peace unless the whole Angevindominions, including England, were surrendered to him as Richard'slawful heir. John retorted by transferring his prisoner from Falaiseto Rouen and confining him, more strictly than ever, in the citadel. 

Thenceforth Arthur disappears from history. What was his end no oneknows. The chronicle of the Abbey of Margan in South Wales, achronicle of which the only known manuscript ends with the year 1232, and of which the portion dealing with the early years of John's reignwas not compiled in its present form till after 1221 at earliest, asserts that on Maunday Thursday (April 3, 1203), John, "after dinner, being drunk and possessed by the devil, " slew his nephew with his ownhand and tied a great stone to the body, which he flung into theSeine; that a fisherman's net brought it up again, and that, beingrecognized, it was buried secretly, "for fear of the tyrant, " in theChurch of Notre Dame des Prés, near Rouen. William the Breton, in hispoem on Philip Augustus, completed about 1216, relates in detail, butwithout date, how John took Arthur out alone with him by night in aboat on the Seine, plunged a sword into his body, rowed along forthree miles with the corpse, and then threw it overboard. Neither ofthese writers gives any authority for his story. The earliestauthority of precisely ascertained date to which we can trace theassertion that Arthur was murdered was a document put forth by apersonage whose word, on any subject whatever, is as worthless as theword of John himself--King Philip Augustus of France. In 1216--aboutthe time when his Breton historiographer's poem was completed--Philipaffected to regard it as a notorious fact that John had, either inperson or by another's hand, murdered his nephew. But Philip at thesame time went on to assert that John had been summoned to trialbefore the supreme court of France, and by it condemned to forfeitureof all his dominions, on that same charge of murder; and this latterassertion is almost certainly false. Seven months after the dateassigned by the Margan annalist to Arthur's death--in October, 1203--Philip owned himself ignorant whether the Duke of Brittany werealive or not. [34] Clearly, therefore, it was not as the avenger ofArthur's murder that Philip took the field at the end of April. On theother hand, Philip had never made the slightest attempt to obtainArthur's release; early in 1203, if not before, he was almost openlylaying his plans in anticipation of Arthur's permanent effacement frompolitics. 

The interests of the French King were in fact no less concerned inArthur's imprisonment, and more concerned in his death, than were theinterests of John himself. John's one remaining chance of holdingPhilip and the Bretons in check was to keep them in uncertaintywhether Arthur were alive or dead, in order to prevent the Bretonsfrom adopting any decided policy, and hamper the French King in hisdealings with them and with the Angevin and Poitevin rebels bycompelling him to base his alliance with them on conditions avowedlyliable to be annulled at any moment by Arthur's reappearance on thepolitical scene. If, therefore, Arthur--as is most probable--was nowreally dead, whether he had indeed perished a victim of one of thosefits of ungovernable fury in which--and in which alone--the Angevincounts sometimes added blunder to crime, or whether he had died anatural death from sickness in prison, or by a fall in attempting toescape, [35] it would be equally politic on John's part to let rumor doits worst rather than suffer any gleam of light to penetrate themystery which shrouded the captive's fate. 

John's chance, however, was a desperate one. A fortnight after Easter, 1203, the French King attacked and took Saumur. Moving southward, hewas joined by some Poitevins and Bretons, with whose help he capturedsundry castles in Aquitaine. Thence he went back to the Norman border, to be welcomed at Alençon by its count, and to lay seige to Conches. John, who was then at Falaise, sent William the Marshal to Conches, tobeg that Philip would "have pity on him and make peace. " Philiprefused; John hurried back to Rouen, to find both city and castle inflames--whether kindled by accident or by treachery there is nothingto show. Conches was taken; Vaudreuil was betrayed; the few othercastles in the county of Evreux which had not already passed, eitherby cession, conquest, or treason, into Philip's hands shared the likefate, while John flitted restlessly up and down between Rouen andvarious places in the neighborhood, but made no direct effort to checkthe progress of the invader. Messenger after messenger came to himwith the same story: "The King of France is in your land as an enemy;he is taking your castles; he is binding your seneschals to theirhorses' tails and dragging them shamefully to prison; he is dealingwith your goods at his own pleasure. " John heard them all with anunmoved countenance, and dismissed them all with the unvarying reply:"Let him alone! Some day I shall win back all that he is winning fromme now. "

It was by diplomacy that John hoped to parry the attack which he knewhe could not repel by force. Early in the year he had complained tothe Pope of the long course of insult and aggression pursued towardhim by Philip, and begged Innocent to interfere in his behalf. Thereupon Philip, in his turn, sent messengers and letters to thePope, giving his own version of his relations with John, andendeavoring to justify his own conduct. On May 26th, Innocentannounced to both kings that he was about to despatch the abbots ofCasamario, Trois Fontaines, and Dun as commissioners to arbitrate uponthe matters in dispute between them. 

These envoys seem to have been delayed on their journey; and when theyreached France they, for some time, found it impossible to ascertainwhether Philip would or would not accept their arbitration. When atlast he met them in council at Mantes on August 26th, he told thembluntly that he "was not bound to take his orders from the apostolicsee as to his rights over a fief and a vassal of his own, and that thematter in dispute between the two kings was no business of thePope's. " John meanwhile had, on August 11th, suddenly quitted hispassive attitude and laid siege to Alençon; but he retired on Philip'sapproach four days later. An attempt which he made to regain Brezolleswas equally ineffectual. Philip, on the other hand, was now resolvedto bring the war to a crisis. It was probably straight from thecouncil at Mantes that he marched to the siege of Château Gaillard. 

Château Gaillard was a fortress of far other importance than any ofthe castles which both parties had been so lightly winning, losing, and winning again, during the last ten years. It was the key of theSeine above Rouen, the bulwark raised by Richard Coeur de Lion toprotect his favorite city against attack from France. Not till thefortifications which commanded the river at Les Andelys were eitherdestroyed or in his own hands could Philip hope to win the Normancapital. And those fortifications were of no common order. Theirbuilder was the greatest, as he was the last, of the "great builders"of Anjou; and his "fair castle on the Rock of Andelys" was at once thesupreme outcome of their architectural genius, and the earliest andmost perfect example in Europe of the new development which thecrusaders' study of the mighty works of Byzantine or even earlierconquerors, quickened and illuminated as it was by the exigencies oftheir own struggle with the infidels, had given to the science ofmilitary architecture in the East. During the past year John had addedto his brother's castle a chapel with an undercroft, placed at thesoutheastern corner of the second ward. The fortress, which nature andart had combined to make impregnable, was well stocked with suppliesof every kind; moreover, it was one of the few places in Normandywhich Philip had no hope of winning, and John no fear of losing, through treason on the part of its commandant. Roger de Lacy, to whomJohn had given it in charge, was an English baron who had no stake inNormandy, and whose personal interest was therefore bound up with thatof the English King; he was also a man of high character and dauntlesscourage. Nothing short of a siege of the most determined kind wouldavail against the "Saucy Castle"; and on that siege Philip nowconcentrated all his forces and all his skill. 

As the right bank of the Seine at that point was entirely commanded bythe castle and its neighbor fortification, the walled town--also builtby Richard--known as the New or Lesser Andely, while the river itselfwas doubly barred by a stockade across its bed, close under the footof the rock, and by a strong tower on an island in midstream justbelow the town, he was obliged to encamp in the meadows on theopposite shore. The stockade, however, was soon broken down by thedaring of a few young Frenchmen; and the waterway being thus clearedfor the transport of materials, he was enabled to construct below theisland a pontoon, by means of which he could throw a portion of histroops across the river to form the siege of the New Andely, place theisland garrison between two fires, and at once keep open his owncommunications and cut off those of the besieged with both sides ofthe river alike. 

These things seem to have been done toward the end of August. On the27th and 28th of that month John was at Montfort, a castle somefive-and-twenty miles from Rouen, held by one of his few faithfulbarons, Hugh of Gournay. On the 30th, if not the 29th, he and all hisavailable forces were back at Rouen, ready to attempt on that verynight the relief of Les Andelys. The King's plan was a masterpiece ofingenuity; and the fact that the elaborate preparations needed for itsexecution were made so rapidly and so secretly as to escape detectionby an enemy so close at hand goes far to show how mistaken are thecharges of sloth and incapacity which, even in his own day, menbrought against "John Softsword. "[36]

He had arranged that a force of three hundred knights, three thousandmounted men-at-arms, and four thousand foot, under the command ofWilliam the Marshal, with a band of mercenaries under Lou Pescaire, should march by night from Rouen along the left bank of the Seine, andfall, under cover of darkness, upon the portion of the French armywhich still lay on that side of the river. Meanwhile, seventytransport vessels, which had been built by Richard to serve either forsea or river traffic, and as many more boats as could be collected, were to be laden with provisions for the distressed garrison of theisland fort, and convoyed up the stream by a flotilla of smallwarships, manned by "pirates" under a chief named Alan and carrying, besides their own daring and reckless crews, a force of three thousandFlemings. Two hundred strokes of the oar, John reckoned, would bringthese ships to the French pontoon; they must break it if they could;if not, they could at least coöperate with the Marshal and LouPescaire in cutting off the northern division of the French host fromits comrades and supplies on the left bank, and throw into the islandfort provisions which would enable it to hold out till John himselfshould come to its rescue. 

One error brought the scheme to ruin, an error neither of strategy norof conduct, but of scientific knowledge. John had miscalculated thetime at which, on that night, the Seine would be navigable upstream, and his counsellors evidently shared his mistake till it was broughthome to them by experience. The land forces achieved their marchwithout hinderance, and at the appointed hour, shortly beforedaybreak, fell upon the French camp with such a sudden and furiousonslaught that the whole of its occupants fled across the pontoon, which broke under their weight. But the fleet, which had been intendedto arrive at the same time, was unable to make way against the tide, and before it could reach its destination the French had rallied onthe northern bank, repaired the pontoon, recrossed it in full force, and routed John's troops. The ships, when they at last came up, thusfound themselves unsupported in their turn, and though they made agallant fight they were beaten back with heavy loss. In the flush ofvictory one young Frenchman contrived to set fire to the island fort;it surrendered, and the whole population of the New Andely fled in apanic to Château Gaillard, leaving their town to be occupied byPhilip. 

The Saucy Castle itself still remained to be won. Knowing, however, that for this nothing was likely to avail but a blockade, which wasnow practically formed on two sides by his occupation of the islandfort and the Lesser Andely, Philip on the very next day set off tomake another attempt on Radepont, whence he had been driven away byJohn a year before. This time John made no effort to dislodge him. Itwas not worth while; the one thing that mattered now was ChâteauGaillard. Thither Philip, after receiving the surrender of Radepont, returned toward the end of September, 1203, to complete the blockade. 

No second attempt to relieve it was possible. It may have been for thepurpose of endeavoring to collect fresh troops from the westerndistricts, which were as yet untouched by the war, that John aboutthis time visited his old county of Mortain, and even went as far asDol, which his soldiers had taken in the previous year. But hismilitary resources in Normandy were exhausted; the Marshal bluntlyadvised him to give up the struggle. "Sire, " said William, "you havenot enough friends; if you provoke your enemies to fight, you willdiminish your own force; and when a man provokes his enemies, it isbut just if they make him rue it. "

"Whoso is afraid, let him flee!" answered John. "I myself will notflee for a year; and if indeed it came to fleeing, I should not thinkof saving myself otherwise than you would, wheresoever you might be. "

"I know that well, sire, " replied William; "but you, who are wise andmighty and of high lineage, and whose work it is to govern us all, have not been careful to avoid irritating people. If you had, it wouldhave been better for us all. Methinks I speak not without reason. "

The King, "as if a sword had struck him to the heart, " spoke not aword, but rushed to his chamber; next morning he was nowhere to befound; he had gone away in a boat, almost alone, and it was only atBonneville that his followers rejoined him. This was apparently at thebeginning of October, 1203. For two months more he lingered in theduchy, where his position was growing more hopeless day by day. At theend of October, or early in November, he took the decisive step ofdismantling Pont de l'Arche, Moulineaux, and Montfort, three castleswhich, next to Château Gaillard, would be of the greatest value to theFrench for an advance upon Rouen. To Rouen itself he returned oncemore on November 9th, and stayed there four days. On the 12th he setout for Bonneville, accompanied by the Queen, and telling his friendsthat he intended to go to England to seek counsel and aid from hisbarons and people there, and would soon return. In reality hisdeparture from the capital was caused by a rumor which had reached himof a conspiracy among the Norman barons to deliver him up to PhilipAugustus. At Bonneville, therefore, he lodged not in the town, but inthe castle, and only for a few hours; the Marshal and one or twoothers alone were warned of his intention to set forth again beforedaybreak, and the little party had got a start of seven leagues on theroad to Caen before their absence was discovered by the rest of thesuite, of whom "some went after them, and the more part went back. "Still John was reluctant to leave Normandy; he went south to Domfrontand west to Vire before he again returned to the coast at Barfleur onNovember 28th, and even then he spent five days at Gonneville and oneat Cherbourg before he finally took ship at Barfleur on December 5th, to land at Portsmouth next day. 

It was probably before he left Rouen that he addressed a letter to thecommandant of Château Gaillard in these terms: "We thank you for yourgood and faithful service, and desire that, as much as in you lies, you will persevere in the fidelity and homage which you owe to us;that you may receive a worthy meed of praise from God and from ourselfand from all who know your faithfulness. If, however--which Godforbid!--you should find yourself in such straits that you can holdout no longer, then do whatsoever our trusty and well-beloved Peter ofPréaux, William of Mortimer, and Hugh of Howels, our clerk, shall bidyou in our name. "

An English chronicler says that John "being unwilling"--or"unable"--"to succor the besieged, through fear of the treason of hismen, went to England, leaving all the Normans in a great perturbationof fear. " It is hard to see what they feared, unless it were John'spossible vengeance, at some future time, for their universal readinessto welcome his rival. Not one town manned its walls, not one baronmustered his tenants and garrisoned his castles, to withstand theinvader. Some, as soon as John was out of the country, openly made atruce with Philip for a year, on the understanding that if notsuccored by John within that time they would receive the French Kingas their lord; the rest stood passively looking on at the one realstruggle of the war, the struggle for Château Gaillard. 

At length, on March 6, 1204, the Saucy Castle fell. Its fall openedthe way for a French advance upon Rouen; but before taking thisfurther step Philip deemed it politic to let the Pope's envoy, theAbbot of Casamario, complete his mission by going to speak with John. The abbot was received at a great council in London at the end ofMarch; the result was his return to France early in April, in companywith the Archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Norwich and Ely, andthe earls of Pembroke and Leicester, all charged with a commission "tosound the French King, and treat with him about terms of peace. " Onthe French King's side the negotiation was a mere form; to whateverconditions the envoys proposed, he always found some objection; andhis own demands were such as John's representatives dared not attemptto lay before their sovereign--Arthur's restoration, or, if he weredead, the surrender of his sister Eleanor, and the cession to Philip, as her suzerain and guardian, of the whole Continental dominions ofthe Angevin house. 

Finally, Philip dropped the mask altogether, and made a direct offer, not to John, but to John's Norman subjects, including the two layambassadors. All those, he said, who within a year and a day wouldcome to him and do him homage for their lands should receiveconfirmation of their tenure from him. Hereupon the two English earls, after consulting together, gave him five hundred marks each, on theexpress understanding that he was to leave them unmolested in theenjoyment of their Norman lands for a twelvemonth and a day, and thatat the expiration of that time they would come and do homage for thoselands to him, if John had not meanwhile regained possession of theduchy. Neither William the Marshal nor his colleague had any thoughtof betraying or deserting John; as the Marshal's biographer says, they"did not wish to be false"; and when they reached England they seem tohave frankly told John what they had done, and to have received noblame for it. 

The return of the English embassy was followed by a letter from thecommandant of Rouen--John's "trusty and well-beloved" Peter ofPréaux--informing the English King that "all the castles and townsfrom Bayeux to Anet" had promised Philip that they would surrender tohim as soon as he was master of Rouen, an event which, Peter plainlyhinted, was not likely to be long delayed. This information about thewestern towns was probably incorrect, for it was on Western Normandythat Philip made his next attack. John meanwhile had in Januaryimposed a scutage of two marks and a half per shield throughoutEngland, and, in addition, a tax of a seventh of movables, which, though it fell upon all classes alike, the clergy included, he is saidto have demanded expressly on the ground of the barons' desertion ofhim in Normandy. 

The hire of a mercenary force was of course the object to which theproceeds of both these taxes were destined; but they took time tocollect and John soon fell back upon a readier, though lesstrustworthy, resource, and summoned the feudal host of England to meethim at Portsmouth, seemingly in the first week of May. It gathered, however, so slowly that he was obliged to give up the expedition. Philip was about this time besieging Falaise; he won it, and went onin triumph to receive the surrender of Domfront, Séez, Lisieux, Caen, Bayeux, Coutances, Barfleur, and Cherbourg. He was then joined byJohn's late ally, the Count of Boulogne, as well as by Guy of Thouars, the widower of Constance of Brittany; and these two, their forcesswelled by a troop of mercenaries who had transferred their servicesfrom John to Philip after the surrender of Falaise, completed theconquest of Southwestern Normandy, while the French King at last sethis face toward Rouen. He was not called upon to besiege it, nor evento threaten it with a siege. On June 1, 1204, Peter de Préaux made inhis own name, and in the names of the commandants of Arques andVerneuil, a truce with Philip, promising that these two fortresses andRouen should surrender if not succored within thirty days. The threecastellans sent notice of this arrangement to John, who, powerless andpenniless as he was, scornfully bade them "look for no help from him, but do whatsoever seemed to them best. " It seemed to them best noteven to wait for the expiration of the truce; Rouen surrendered onJune 24th, and in a few days Arques and Verneuil followed its example. 

Thus did Normandy forsake--as Anjou and Maine had alreadyforsaken[37]--the heir of its ancient rulers for the King of theFrench. 

FOUNDING OF THE MONGOL EMPIRE BY GENGHIS KHAN

A. D. 1203

HENRY H. HOWORTH

 The origin and early history of the Mongols are very obscure, but from Chinese annals we learn of the existence of the race, from the sixth to the ninth century, in regions around the north of the great desert of Gobi and Lake Baikal in Eastern Asia. The name Mongol is derived from the word _mong_, meaning "brave" or "bold. " Chinese accounts show that it was given to the Mongol race long before the time of Genghis Khan. It is conjectured that the Mongols were at first one tribe of a great confederacy whose name was probably extended to the whole when the power of the imperial house which governed it gained the supremacy. The Mongol khans are traced up to the old royal race of the Turks, who from a very early period were masters of the Mongolian desert and its borderland. Here from time immemorial the Mongols "had made their home, leading a miserable nomadic life in the midst of a wild and barren country, unrecognized by their neighbors, and their very name unknown centuries after their kinsmen, the Turks, had been exercising an all-powerful influence over the destinies of Western Asia. "

 But at the beginning of the thirteenth century arose among them a chief, Genghis Khan, the "very mighty ruler, " whose prowess was destined to lead the Mongolian hordes to the conquest of a vast empire, extending over China and from India through Persia and into Russia. 

 Who and what this mighty ruler was, and by what achievements he advanced to lay the foundations of his empire, are told by Howorth, not only with an authoritative fidelity to history, but with a literary art that is no less faithful in its appreciation of oriental character and custom. 

Among the men who have influenced the history of the world GenghisKhan holds a foremost place. Popularly he is mentioned with Attila andwith Timur as one of the "scourges of God, " one of those terribleconquerors whose march across the page of history is figured by thesimile of a swarm of locusts, or a fire in a Canadian forest; but thisis doing gross injustice to Genghis Khan. Not only was he a conqueror, a general whose consummate ability made him overthrow every barrierthat must intervene between the chief of a small barbarous tribe of anobscure race and the throne of Asia, and this with a rapidity anduniform success that can only be compared to the triumphant march ofAlexander, but he was far more than a conqueror. Alexander, Napoleon, and Timur were all more or less his equals in the art of war. But thecolossal powers they created were merely hills of sand, that crumbledto pieces as soon as they were dead. 

With Genghis Khan matters were very different: he organized the empirewhich he had conquered so that it long survived and greatly thrivedafter he was gone. In every detail of social and political economy hewas a creator; his laws and his administrative rules are equallyadmirable and astounding to the student. Justice, tolerance, discipline--virtues that make up the modern ideal of a state--weretaught and practised at his court. And when we remember that he wasborn and educated in the desert, and that he had neither the sages ofGreece nor of Rome to instruct him, that unlike Charlemagne and Alfredhe could not draw his lessons from a past whose evening glow was stillvisible in the horizon, we are tempted to treat as exaggerated thehistory of his times, and to be sceptical of so much political insighthaving been born of such unpromising materials. 

It is not creditable to English literature that no satisfactoryaccount of Genghis Khan exists in the language. Baron D'Ohsson inFrench, and Erdmann in German, have both written minute and detailedaccounts of him, but none such exists in English, although the subjecthas an epic grandeur about it that might well tempt some well-groundedscholar to try his hand upon it. 

Genghis Khan received the name of Temudjin. According to thevocabulary attached to the history of the Yuen dynasty, translatedfrom the Chinese by Hyacinthe, _temudjin_ means the best iron orsteel. The name has been confounded with _temurdji_, which means asmith, in Turkish. This accounts for the tradition related byPachymeres, Novairi, William of Ruysbrok, the Armenian Haiton, andothers, that Genghis Khan was originally a smith. 

The Chinese historians and Ssanang Setzen place his birth in 1162;Raschid and the Persians in 1155. The latter date is accommodated tothe fact that they make him seventy-two years old at his death in1227, but the historian of the Yuen dynasty, the Kangmu, and SsanangSetzen are all agreed that he died at the age of sixty-six, and theyare much more likely to be right. Mailla says he had a piece ofclotted blood in his fist when born--no bad omen, if true, of hisfuture career. According to De Guignes, Karachar Nevian was named histutor. 

Ssanang Setzen has a story that his father set out one day to find hima partner among the relatives of his wife, the Olchonods, and that onthe way he was met by Dai Setzen, the chief of the Kunkurats, who thusaddressed him: "Descendant of the Kiyots and of the race of theBordshigs, whither hiest thou?"

"I am seeking a bride for my son, " was his reply. Dai Setzen then saidthat he recently had a dream, during which a white falcon had alightedon his hand. "This, " he said, "Bordshig, was your token. From ancientdays our daughters have been wedded to the Bordshigs, and I now have adaughter named Burte who is nine years old. I will give her to thyson. "

"She is too young, " he said; but Temudjin, who was present, urged thatshe would suit him by and by. The bargain was thereupon closed, and, having taken a draught of koumiss and presented his host with twohorses, Yissugei returned home. 

On his father's death Temudjin was only thirteen years old, an agethat seldom carries authority in the desert, where the chief isexpected to command, and his mother acted as regent. This enabledseveral of the tribes which had submitted to the strong hand ofYissugei to reassert their independence. The Taidshuts, under theirleaders Terkutai, named Kiriltuk, _i. E. _, the Spiteful, thegreat-grandson of Hemukai, and his nephew Kurul Bahadur, were thefirst to break away, and they were soon after joined by one ofYissugei's generals with a considerable following. To the reproachesof Temudjin the latter answered: "The deepest wells are sometimes dry, and the hardest stones sometimes split; why should I cling to thee?"Temudjin's mother, we are told, mounted her horse, and taking theroyal standard called Tuk (this was mounted with the tails of the yakor mountain cow, or, in default, with that of a horse; it is the _tau_or _tu_ of the Chinese, used as the imperial standard, and conferredas a token of royalty upon their vassals, the Tartar princes) in herhand, she led her people in pursuit of the fugitives, and brought agood number of them back to their allegiance. 

After the dispersion of the Jelairs, many of them became the slavesand herdsmen of the Mongol royal family. They were encamped nearSarikihar, the Saligol of Hyacinthe, in the district of Ulagai Bulak, which D'Ohsson identifies with the Ulengai, a tributary of the Ingoda, that rises in the watershed between that river and the Onon. One dayTagudshar, a relative of Chamuka, the chief of the Jadjerats, washunting in this neighborhood, and tried to lift the cattle of aJelair, named Jusi Termele, who thereupon shot him. This led to a longand bitter strife between Temudjin, who was the patron of the Jelairs, and Chamuka. He was of the same stock as Temudjin, and now joined theTaidshuts, with his tribe the Jadjerats. He also persuaded the Udutsand Nujakins, the Kurulas and Inkirasses, to join them. 

Temudjin struggled in vain against this confederacy, and one day hewas taken prisoner by the Taidshuts. Terkutai fastened on him a_cangue_-- the instrument of torture used by the Chinese, consistingof two boards which are fastened to the shoulders, and when joinedtogether round the neck form an effectual barrier to desertion. He oneday found means to escape while the Taidshuts were busy feasting. Hehid in a pond with his nostrils only out of water, but was detected bya pursuer named Surghan Shireh. He belonged to the Sulduz clan; hadpity on him; took him to his house; hid him under some wool in a cartso that his pursuers failed to find him, and then sent him to his ownpeople. This and other stories illustrate one phase of Mongolcharacter. We seldom hear among them of those domestic murders sofrequent in Turkish history; pretenders to the throne were reduced toservitude, and generally made to perform menial offices, but seldommurdered. They illustrate another fact: favors conferred in distresswere seldom forgotten, and the chroniclers frequently explain the riseof some obscure individual by the recollection of a handsome thingdone to the ruler in his unfortunate days. 

Another phase of Mongol character, namely, the treachery and craftwith which they attempt to overreach one another in war, may beillustrated by a short _saga_ told by Ssanang Setzen, and probablyrelating to this period of Temudjin's career. It is curious howcircumstantial many of these traditions are. "At that time, " he says, "Buke Chilger of the Taidshuts dug a pit-fall in his tent and coveredit with felts. He then, with his brothers, arranged a grand feast, towhich Temudjin was invited with fulsome phrases. 'Formerly we knew notthine excellence, ' he said, 'and lived in strife with thee. We havenow learnt that thou art not false, and that thou art a _Bogda_ of therace of the gods. Our old hatred is stifled and dead; condescend toenter our small house. '

"Temudjin accepted the invitation, but before going he was warned byhis mother: 'Rate not the crafty foe too lightly, ' she said. 'We donot dread a venomous viper the less because it is so small and weak. Be cautious!'

"He replied: 'You are right, mother, therefore do you, Khassar, havethe bow ready: Belgutei, you also be on your guard: you, Chadshikin, see to the horse; and you, Utsuken, remain by my side. My nine Orloks, you go in with me; and you, my three hundred and nine bodyguards, surround the _yurt_. '

"When he arrived he would have sat down in the middle of thetreacherous carpet, but Utsuken pulled him aside and seated him on theedge of the felt. Meanwhile a woman was meddling with the horse andcut off its left stirrup. Belgutei, who noticed it, drove her out, andstruck her on the leg with his hand, upon which one Buri Buke struckBelgutei's horse with his sword. The nine Orloks now came round, helped their master to mount the white mare of Toktanga Taishi of theKortshins; a fight began, which ended in the defeat and submission ofthe enemy. "

Once more free, Temudjin, who was now seventeen years old, marriedBurte Judjin. He was not long in collecting a number of his mentogether, and soon managed to increase their number to thirteenthousand. These he divided into thirteen battalions of one thousandmen each, styled _gurans_, each guran under the command of a_gurkhan_. The gurkhans were chosen from his immediate relatives anddependents. The forces of the Taidshuts numbered thirty thousand. Withthis much more powerful army Temudjin risked an encounter on the banksof the Baldjuna, a tributary of the Ingoda, and gained a completevictory. Abulghazi says the Taidshuts lost from five thousand to sixthousand men. The battle-field was close to a wood, and we are toldthat Temudjin, after his victory, piled fagots together and boiledmany of his prisoners in seventy caldrons--a very problematical story. 

Among his neighbors were the Jadjerats, or Juriats, the subjects ofChamuka, who, according to De Guignes, fled after the battle with theTaidshuts. 

One day a body of the Jadjerats, who were hunting, encountered some ofTemudjin's followers, and they agreed to hunt together. The former ranshort of provisions, and he generously surrendered to them a largepart of the game his people had captured. This was favorably comparedby them with the harsh behavior of their suzerains, the Taidshutprinces, and two of their chiefs, named Ulugh Bahadur and Thugai Talu, with many of the tribe went to join Temudjin. They were shortly afterattacked and dispersed by the Taidshuts. This alarmed or disgustedseveral of the latter's allies, who went over to the party ofTemudjin. Among these were Chamuka, who contrived for a while to hidehis rancor; and the chiefs of the Suldus and Basiuts. Their examplewas soon followed by the defection of the Barins and the Telenkuts, abranch of the Jelairs. 

Temudjin's repute was now considerable, and De Mailla tells us thatwishing to secure the friendship of Podu, chief of the Kieliei, orYkiliesse (_i. E. _, the Kurulats), who lived on the river Ergone(_i. E. _, the Argun), and who was renowned for his skill in archery, heoffered him his sister Termulun in marriage. This was gladly accepted, and the two became fast friends. As a sign of his good-will, Poduwished to present Temudjin with fifteen horses out of thirty which hepossessed, but the latter replied: "To speak of giving and taking isto do as merchants and traffickers, and not allies. Our elders tell usit is difficult to have one heart and one soul in two bodies. It isthis difficult thing I wish to compass; I mean to extend my power overmy neighbors here; I only ask that the people of Kieliei shall aidme. "

Temudjin now gave a grand feast on the banks of the Onon, anddistributed decorations among his brothers. To this were invitedSidsheh Bigi, chief of the Burgins or Barins, his own mother, and twoof his step-mothers. A skin of koumiss, or fermented milk, was sent toeach of the latter, but with this distinction: in the case of theeldest, called Kakurshin Khatun, it was for herself and her family; inthat of the younger, for herself alone. This aroused the envy of theformer, who gave Sichir, the master of ceremonies, a considerableblow. The undignified disturbance was winked at by Temudjin, but thequarrel was soon after enlarged. One of Kakurshin's dependents had thetemerity to strike Belgutei, the half-brother of Temudjin, and woundedhim severely in the shoulder, but Belgutei pleaded for him. "The woundhas caused me no tears. It is not seemly that my quarrels shouldinconvenience you, " he said. Upon this Temudjin sent and counselledthem to live at peace with one another, but Sidsheh Bigi soon afterabandoned him with his Barins. He was apparently a son of KakurshinKhatun, and therefore a step-brother of Temudjin. 

About 1194 Temudjin heard that one of the Taidshut chiefs, calledMutchin Sultu, had revolted against Madagu, the Kin Emperor of China, who had sent his _chinsang_ ("prime minister"), Wan-jan-siang, with anarmy against him. He eagerly volunteered his services against the oldenemies of his people, and was successful. He killed the chief andcaptured much booty; _inter alia_ was a silver cradle with a coveringof golden tissue, such as the Mongols had never before seen. As areward for his services he received from the Chinese officer the titleof _jaut-ikuri_--written "Tcha-u-tu-lu" in Hyacinthe, who says itmeans "commander against the rebels. " According to Raschid, on thesame occasion Tului, the chief of the Keraits, was invested with thetitle of _wang_ ("king"). On his return from this expedition, desiringto renew his intercourse with the Barins, he sent them a portion ofthe Tartar booty. The bearers of this present were maltreated. Mailla, who describes the event somewhat differently, says that ten of themessengers were killed by Sidsheh Bigi to revenge the indignities thathad been put on his family. Temudjin now marched against the Barins, and defeated them at Thulan Buldak. Their two chiefs escaped. According to Mailla they were put to death. 

In 1196 Temudjin received a visit from Wang Khan, the Kerait chief, who was then in distress. His brother Ilkah Sengun, better known asJagampu Keraiti, had driven him from the throne. He first soughtassistance from the chief of Kara Khitai, and, when that failed him, turned to Temudjin, the son of his old friend. Wang Khan was a chiefof great consequence, and this appeal must have been flattering tohim. He levied a contribution of cattle from his subjects to feast himwith, and promised him the devotion of a son in consideration of hisancient friendship with Yissugei. 

Temudjin was now, says Mailla, one of the most powerful princes ofthese parts, and he determined to subjugate the Kieliei, theinhabitants of the Argun, but he was defeated. During the action, having been hit by twelve arrows, he fell from his horse unconscious, when Bogordshi and Burgul, at some risk, took him out of the struggle. While the former melted the snow with some hot stones and bathed himwith it, so as to free his throat from the blood, the latter, duringthe long winter night, covered him with his own cloak from the fallingsnow. He would, nevertheless, have fared badly if his mother had notcollected a band of his father's troops and come to his assistancetogether with Tului, the Kerait chief, who remembered the favors hehad received from Temudjin's father. Mailla says that returning homewith a few followers, he was attacked by a band of robbers. He wasaccompanied by a famous crossbowman, named Soo, to whom he had giventhe name of Merghen. While the robbers were within earshot, Merghenshouted: "There are two wild ducks, a male and a female; which shall Ibring down?"

"The male, " said Temudjin. 

He had scarcely said so when down it came. This was too much for therobbers, who dared not measure themselves against such marksmanship. 

The Merkits had recently made a raid upon his territory, and carriedoff his favorite wife, Burte Judjin. It was after her return from hercaptivity that she gave birth to her elder son, Juji, about whoselegitimacy there seems to have been some doubt in his father's mind. It was to revenge this that he now (1197) marched against them, anddefeated them near the river Mundsheh (a river "Mandzin" is still tobe found in the canton Karas Muren). He abandoned all the booty toWang Khan. The latter, through the influence of Temudjin, once moreregained his throne, and the following year (1198) he headed anexpedition on his own account against the Merkits, and beat them at aplace named Buker Gehesh, but he did not reciprocate the generosity ofhis ally. 

In 1199 the two friends made a joint expedition against the Naimans. This tribe was now divided between two brothers who had quarrelledabout their father's concubine. One of them, named Buyuruk, hadretired with a body of the people to the Kiziltash mountains. Theother, called Baibuka--but generally referred to by his Chinese titleof Taiwang, or Tayang--remained in his own proper country. It was thelatter who was now attacked by the two allies, and forced to escape tothe country of Kem Kemdjut--_i. E. _, toward the sources of theYenissei. Chamuka, the chief of the Jadjerats, well named Satchan, or"the Crafty, " still retained his hatred for Temudjin. He now whisperedin the ear of Wang Khan that his ally was only a fair-weather friend. Like the wild goose, he flew away in winter, while he himself, likethe snowbird, was constant under all circumstances. These and othersuggestions aroused the jealousy of Wang Khan, who suddenly withdrewhis forces, and left Temudjin in the enemy's country. The latter wasthereupon forced to retire also. He went to the river Sali or Sari. Gugsu Seirak, the Naiman general, went in pursuit, defeated Wang Khanin his own territory, and captured much booty. Wang Khan was hardpressed, and was perhaps only saved by the timely succor sent byTemudjin, which drove away the Naimans. Once more did the latterabandon the captured booty to his treacherous ally. After the victory, he held a Kuriltai, on the plains of Sari or Sali, to which Wang Khanwas invited, and at which it was resolved to renew the war against theTaidshuts in the following year. The latter were in alliance with theMerkits, whose chief, Tukta, had sent a contingent, commanded by hisbrothers, to their help. The two friends attacked them on the banks ofthe river Onon. Raschid says in the country of Onon, _i. E. _, the greatdesert of Mongolia. The confederates were beaten. Terkutai Kiriltukand Kuduhar, the two leaders of the Taidshuts, were pursued andovertaken at Lengut Nuramen, where they were both killed. Another oftheir leaders, with the two chiefs of the Merkits, fled toBurghudshin, _i. E. _, Burgusin on Lake Baikal, while the fourth foundrefuge with the Naimans. 

This victory aroused the jealousy of certain tribes which were as yetindependent of Temudjin, namely, the Kunkurats, Durbans, Jelairs, Katakins, Saldjuts, and Taidshuts, and they formed a confederacy toput him down. We are told that their chiefs met at a place called AruBulak, and sacrificed a horse, a bull, a ram, a dog, and a stag, andstriking with their swords, swore thus: "Heaven and earth, hear ouroaths, we swear by the blood of these animals, which are the chiefs oftheir kind, that we wish to die like them if we break our promises. "

The plot was disclosed to Temudjin by his father-in-law, Dai Setzen, achief of the Kunkurats. He repaired to his ally, Wang Khan, and thetwo marched against the confederates, and defeated them near the LakeBuyur. He afterward attacked some confederate Taidshuts and Merkits onthe plain of Timurkin, _i. E. _, of the river Timur or Temir, anddefeated them. Meanwhile the Kunkurats, afraid of resisting anylonger, marched to submit to him. His brother, Juji Kassar, notknowing their errand, unfortunately attacked them, upon which theyturned aside and joined Chamuka. 

That inveterate enemy of Temudjin had at an assembly of the tribes, Inkirasses, Kurulasses, Taidshuts, Katakins, and Saldjuts, held in1201, been elected gurkhan. They met near a river, called Kieiho byMailla; Kian, by Hyacinthe; and Kem, by Raschid, and then adjourned tothe Tula, where they made a solemn pact praying that "whichever ofthem was unfaithful to the rest might be like the banks of that riverwhich the water ate away, and like the trees of a forest when they arecut into fagots. " This pact was disclosed to Temudjin by one of hisfriends who was present, named Kuridai. He marched against them, anddefeated them at a place north of the Selinga, called Ede Kiurghan, _i. E. _, site of the grave mounds. Chamuka fled, and the Kunkuratssubmitted. 

In the spring of 1202, Temudjin set out to attack the tribes Antshiand Tshagan. These were doubtless the subjects of Wangtshuk andTsaghan, mentioned by Ssanang Setzen. They were probably Tungusiantribes. The western writers tell us that Temudjin gave orders to hissoldiers to follow up the beaten enemy, without caring about thebooty, which should be fairly divided among them. His relatives, Kudsher, Daritai, and Altun, having disobeyed, were deprived of theirshare, and became, in consequence, his secret enemies. Ssanang Setzenhas much more detail, and his narrative is interesting because, asSchmidt suggests, it apparently contains the only account extant ofthe conquest of the tribes of Manchuria. He says that while Temudjinwas hawking between the river Olcho and the Ula, Wangtshuk Khakan, ofthe Dschurtschid (Niutchi Tartars of Manchuria), had retired fromthere. Temudjin was angry, and went to assemble his army to attack theenemy's capital. But as a passage was forbidden him across the riverUla, and the road was blockaded, the son of Toktanga Baghatur Taidshi, named Andun Ching Taidshi, coupled ten thousand horses together bytheir bridles, and pressed into the river, forced a passage, and thearmy then began to besiege the town. 

Temudjin sent word to Wangtshuk, and said, "If you will send me tenthousand swallows and one thousand cats then I will cease attackingthe town"; upon which the required number was procured. Temudjinfastened some lighted wool to the tail of each and let them go; thenthe swallows flew to their nests in the houses, and the cats climbedand jumped on the roofs; the city was fired, by which means Temudjinconquered Wangtshuk Khakan, and took his daughter Salichai for hiswife. He then marched farther eastward to the river Unegen, but hefound it had overflowed its banks, whereupon he did not cross it, butsent envoys to Tsaghan Khakan of the Solongos, _i. E. _, of the Solons. "Bring me tribute, or we must fight, " he said; upon which TsaghanKhakan was frightened, sent him a daughter of Dair Ussun, named KulanGoa, with a tent decorated with panther skins, and gave him the tribesof Solongos and Bughas as a dowry, upon which he assisted TsaghanKhakan, so that he brought three provinces of the Solongos under hisauthority. 

Ssanang Setzen at this point introduces one of those quaint sagas, which, however mythical in themselves, are true enough to the peculiarmode of thought of the Mongols to make them very instructive. The sagaruns thus:

"During a three years' absence of her husband, Brute Judjin sentArghassun Churtshi, _i. E. _, Arghassun the lute-player, to him. Whenthe latter was introduced, he spoke thus: 'Thy wife, Burte JudjinKhatun, thy princely children, the elders and princes of thy kingdom, all are well. The eagle builds his nest in a high tree; at times hegrows careless in the fancied security of his high-perched home; theneven a small bird will sometimes come and plunder it and eat the eggsand young brood: so it is with the swan whose nest is in the sedges onthe lake. It, too, trusts too confidently in the dark thickets ofreeds, yet prowling water falcons will sometimes come and rob it ofeggs and young. This might happen to my revered lord himself!'

"These words aroused Temudjin from his confident air. 'Thou hastspoken truly, ' he said, and hied him on his way homeward. But whensome distance still from home he began to grow timid. 'Spouse of myyoung days, chosen for me by my noble father, how dare I face thee, home-tarrying Burte Judjin, after living with Chulan, whom I cameacross in my journey? It would be shameful to seem unfriendly in theassembly of the people. One of you nine Orloks his you to Burte Judjinand speak for me. '

"Mukuli, of the Jelair tribe, volunteered, and when he came to her, delivered this message: 'Besides protecting my own lands I have lookedaround also elsewhere. I have not followed the counsel of the greaterand lesser lords. On the contrary, I have amused myself with thevariegated colors of a tent hung with panther skins. Distant people torule over, I have taken Chulan to be my wife: the Khan has sent me totell you this. '" His wife seems to have understood the enigmaticalphrases, for Setzen says: "The sensible (!) Burte Judjin thus replied:'The wish of Burte Judjin and of the whole people is that the might ofour sovereign may be increased. It rests with him whom he shallbefriend or bind himself to. In the reedy lakes there are many swansand geese. If it be his wish to shoot arrows at them until his fingerbe weary, who shall complain? So also there are many girls and womenamong our people. It is for him to say who the choicest and luckiestare. I hope he will take to himself both a new wife and a new house. That he will saddle the untractable horse. Health and prosperity arenot wearisome, nor are disease and pain desirable, says the proverb. May the golden girth of his house be immortal. '"[38]

When he arrived at home he discovered that Arghassun had appropriatedhis golden lute; upon which he ordered Boghordshi and Mukuli to killhim. They seized him, gave him two skins full of strong drink, andthen went to the Khan, who had not yet risen. Boghordshi spake outsidethe tent: "The light already shines in your _Ordu_. We await yourcommands; that is, if your effulgent presence, having cheerfullyawoke, has risen from its couch! The daylight already shines. Condescend to open the door to hear and to judge the repentantculprit, and to exercise your favor and clemency. " The Khan now aroseand permitted Arghassun to enter, but he did not speak to him. Boghordshi and Mukuli gave him a signal with their lips. The culpritthen began: "While the seventy-tuned Tsaktsaghai unconcernedly sings'tang, tang, ' the hawk hovers over and pounces suddenly upon him andstrangles him before he can bring out his last note, 'jang. ' So did mylord's wrath fall on me and has unnerved me. For twenty years have Ibeen in your household, but have not yet been guilty of dishonesttrickery. It is true I love smoked drink, but dishonesty I have not inmy thought. For twenty years have I been in your household, but I havenot practised knavery. I love strong drink, but am no trickster. " Uponwhich Temudjin ejaculated, "My loquacious Arghassun, my chattering_Churtchi!_" and pardoned him. 

Temudjin now seems to have been master of the country generally knownas Eastern Dauria, watered by the Onon, the Ingoda, the Argun; andalso of the tribes of the Tungusic race that lived on the Nonni andthe Upper Amur. The various victims of his prowess began to gathertogether for another effort. Among these were Tukta, the chief of theMerkits, with the Naiman leader, Buyuruk Khan, the tribes Durban, Katagun, Saldjut, and Uirat, the last of whom were clients of theNaimans. Wang Khan was then in alliance with him. At the approach ofthe enemy they retired into the mountains Caraun Chidun, in theKhinggan chain, on the frontiers of China, where they were pursued. The pursuers were terribly harassed by the ice and snow, which Maillasaid was produced by one of their own shamans, or necromancers, andwhich proved more hurtful to them than to the Mongols. Many of themperished, and when they issued from the defiles they were too weak toattack the two allies. The latter spent the winter at Altchia Kungur. Here their two families were united by mutual betrothals; as these, however, broke down, ill-feeling was aroused between them, and Chamukahad an opportunity of renewing his intrigues. He suggested thatTemudjin had secret communications with the Naimans, and was not longin arousing the jealousy of Wang Khan and his son Sengun. Theyattempted to assassinate him, but he was warned in time. 

He now collected an army and marched against the Keraits. His army wasvery inferior in numbers, but attacked the enemy with ardor. WangKhan's bravest tribe, the Jirkirs, turned their backs, while theTunegkaits were defeated, but numbers nevertheless prevailed, andTemudjin was forced to fly. This battle, which is renowned in Mongolhistory, was fought at a place called Kalanchin Alt. Raschid says thisplace is near the country of the Niuchis, not far from the riverOlkui. Some of the Chinese authorities call it Khalagun ola and Halachon, and D'Ohsson surmises that it is that part of the Khinggan chainfrom which flow the southern affluents of the Kalka, one of which iscalled Halgon in D'Anville's map. Mailla, however, distinctly placesit between the Tula and the Onon, which is probably right. Abandonedby most of his troops, he fled to the desert Baldjuna, where he wasreduced to great straits. Here are still found many grave mounds, andthe Buriats relate that this retired place, protected on the north bywoods and mountains, was formerly an asylum. A few firm friendsaccompanied him. They were afterward known as Baldjunas, a namecompared by Von Hammer with that of Mohadshirs, borne by thecompanions of Mahomet's early misfortunes. Two shepherds, namedKishlik and Badai, who had informed him of Wang Khan's march, werecreated Terkhans. 

Having been a fugitive for some time, Temudjin at length moved to thesoutheast, to the borders of Lake Kara, into which flows the riverUldra; there he was joined by some Kunkurats, and he once more movedon to the sacred Mongol lake, the Dalai Nur. Thence he indited thefollowing pathetic letter to Wang Khan:

"1. O Khan, my father, when your uncle, the Gur Khan, drove you forhaving usurped the throne of Buyuruk, and for having killed yourbrothers Tatimur Taidshi and Buka Timur, to take refuge at KeraunKiptchak, where you were beleaguered, did not my father come to yourrescue, drive out, and force the Gur Khan to take refuge in Ho Si (thecountry west of the Hwang-ho), whence he returned not? Did you notthen become Anda (_i. E. _, sworn friend) with my father, and was notthis the reason I styled _you_ 'father'?

"2. When you were driven away by the Naimans, and your brother, IlkahSengun, had retired to the far east, did I not send for him backagain; and when he was attacked by the Merkits, did I not attack anddefeat them? Here is a second reason for your gratitude. 

"3. When in your distress you came to me with your body peeringthrough your tatters, like the sun through the clouds, and worn outwith hunger, you moved languidly like an expiring flame, did I notattack the tribes who molested you; present you with abundance ofsheep and horses? You came to me haggard. In a fortnight you werestout and well-favored again. Here is a third service we have doneyou. 

"4. When you defeated the Merkits so severely at Buker Gehreh, yougave me none of the booty; yet shortly after, when you were hardpressed by the Naimans, I sent four of my best generals to yourassistance, who restored you the plunder that had been taken from you. Here is the fourth good office. 

"5. I pounced like a jerfalcon onto the mountain Jurkumen, and thenceover the lake Buyur, and I captured for you the cranes with blue clawsand gray plumage, that is to say, the Durbans and Taidshuts. Then Ipassed the lake Keule. There I took the cranes with blue feet; thatis, the Katakins, Saldjuts, and Kunkurats. This is the fifth service Ihave done you. 

"6. Do you not remember, O Khan, my father, how on the river Kara, near the mount Jurkan, we swore that if a snake glided between us, andenvenomed our words, we would not listen to it until we had receivedsome explanation? yet you suddenly left me without asking me toexplain. 

"7. O Khan, my father, why suspect me of ambition? I have not said, 'My part is too small, I want a greater;' or 'It is a bad one, I wanta better. ' When one wheel of a cart breaks, and the ox tries to dragit, it only hurts its neck. If we then detach the ox, and leave thevehicle, the thieves come and take the load. If we do not unyoke it, the ox will die of hunger. Am I not one wheel of thy chariot?"

With this letter Temudjin sent a request that the black gelding ofMukuli Bahadur, with its embroidered and plated saddle and bridle, which had been lost on the day of their struggle, might be restored tohim; he also asked that messengers might be sent to treat for a peacebetween them. Another letter was sent to his uncle Kudshir, and to hiscousin Altun. 

This letter is interesting, because it perhaps preserves for us somedetails of what took place at the accession of Genghis. It is wellknown that the Mongol Khan affected a coy resistance when asked tobecome chief. The letter runs thus: "You conspired to kill me, yetfrom the beginning did I tell the sons of Bartam Bahadur (_i. E. _, hisgrandfather), as well as Satcha (his cousin), and Taidju (his uncle). Why does our territory on the Onon remain without a master? I tried topersuade you to rule over our tribes. You refused. I was troubled. Isaid to you, 'Kudshir, son of Tekun Taishi, be our khan. ' You did notlisten to me; and to you, Altun, I said, 'You are the son of KutlukKhan, who was our ruler. You be our khan. ' You also refused, and whenyou pressed it on me, saying, 'Be you our chief, ' I submitted to yourrequest, and promised to preserve the heritage and customs of ourfathers. Did I intrigue for power? I was elected unanimously toprevent the country, ruled over by our fathers near the three rivers, passing to strangers. As chief of a numerous people, I thought itproper to make presents to those attached to me. I captured manyherds, yurts, women, and children, which I gave you. I enclosed foryou the game of the steppe, and drove toward you the mountain game. You now serve Wang Khan, but you ought to know that he is fickle. Yousee how he has treated me. He will treat you even worse. "

Wang Khan was disposed to treat, but his son Sengun said matters hadgone too far, and they must fight it out. We now find Wang Khanquarrelling with several of his dependents, whom he accused ofconspiring against him. Temudjin's intrigues were probably at thebottom of the matter. The result was that Dariti Utshegin, with atribe of Mongols, and the Sakiat tribe of the Keraits, went over toTemudjin, while Altun and Kudshir, the latter's relations, who haddeserted him, took refuge with the Naimans. 

Among the companions of his recent distress, a constant one was hisbrother Juji Kassar, who had also suffered severely, and had had hiscamp pillaged by the Keraits. Temudjin had recourse to a ruse. He senttwo servants who feigned to have come from Juji, and who offered hissubmission on condition that his wife and children were returned tohim. Wang Khan readily assented, and to prove his sincerity sent backto Juji Kassar some of his blood in a horn, which was to be mixed withkoumiss, and drunk when the oath of friendship was sworn. Wang Khanwas completely put off his guard, and Temudjin was thus able tosurprise him. His forces numbered about four thousand six hundred, andhe seems to have advanced along the banks of the Kerulon, toward theheights of Jedshir, between the Tula and the Kerulon, and thereforetoward the modern Urga, where Wang Khan was posted. In the battlewhich followed, and which was fought in the spring of 1203, the latterwas defeated; he fled to the Naimans, and was there murdered. Temudjinwas sincerely affected by the death of the old man. 

The Naiman chief, Tayang, had his skull encased in silver andbejewelled, and afterward used it as a ceremonial cup; a custom veryfrequent in Mongolia. Such cups have been lately met with in Europe, one of which was exhibited at the great exhibition of 1851, where itwas shown as the skull of Confucius. Another, or perhaps the same, which was encased in marvellous jeweller's work, has been latelydestroyed; the gold having been barbarously melted by the Jews. By thedeath of Wang Khan, Temudjin became the master of the Kerait nation, and thus both branches of the Mongol race were united under one head. 

He now held a _kuriltai_, where he was proclaimed khan. There is someconfusion about the period when he adopted the title of Genghis, butthe probability is that he did so three years later. The earlier date(1203) is the one, however, from which his reign is often reckoned tohave commenced. 

VENETIANS AND CRUSADERS TAKE CONSTANTINOPLE

PLUNDER OF THE SACRED RELICS

A. D. 1204

EDWIN PEARS

 In the treaty arranged at the end of the Third Crusade (1192) it was stipulated that all hostilities between the Christians and the Moslems should cease. The Fourth Crusade (1196-1197), which is sometimes considered merely as a movement supplementary to the Third, forced renewed hostilities, against the wishes of the Palestine Christians, who preferred that the three-years' peace should continue. The Fourth Crusade ended disastrously, those who remained longest to prosecute it being finally cut to pieces at Jaffa in 1197. The travellers returning to the West from Syria besought immediate help for the Christian survivors there. The Byzantine empire had fallen into decrepitude, and the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem was reduced to a mere strip of coast. Only by prompt action could it be hoped to save any portion of it from complete wreck. 

 Innocent III, who became pope in 1198, well understood the meaning of the Moslem triumphs. The four crusades had already greatly extended the papal jurisdiction, and Innocent himself was the moving spirit of the Fifth, although an ignorant priest named Fulk also preached it with a success almost equal to that of Peter the Hermit in the first expedition. Vast numbers of warriors took the cross, though no king and only a few minor princes joined them. Most famous among the leaders were Boniface II, Marquis of Montferrat, and Baldwin IV, Count of Flanders. 

 Venice joined the crusaders under the lead of her doge, Henry Dandolo, then more than ninety years old. When ambassador at the Byzantine court (1173) he was blinded by order of the emperor Manuel I, and revenge was probably one of the motives which took him again to the East. The Venetians, being asked to transport the crusaders, demanded an extortionate price; but as Venice was the only power possessing the necessary ships, a contract was made with her for the service in 1201. Immediately the Venetians, by a secret treaty with Egypt, for the sake of commercial privileges, betrayed the crusaders to the Moslems. Embarkation from Venice in the summer of 1202 was made very difficult, and many intending crusaders went home in disgust. Still Venice insisted upon the full price; but money to pay it was wanting; and in spite of the Pope and many of the bitter spirits, a bargain was struck--the crusaders agreed to help the Venetians in taking and plundering Zara, a rival Christian city on the eastern coast of the Adriatic. Zara was accordingly captured--ultimately to be destroyed by the Venetians, who next drew some of the crusaders into a plot to overthrow the Byzantine emperor Alexius IV, and place his son on the throne. By this means the Venetians thought to make good their promise to frustrate the crusade, and at the same time to obtain great commercial advantages at Constantinople. Thus was the pilgrim host "changed from a crusading army into a filibustering expedition. "

 Having wintered at Zara, the crusaders were landed, in June, 1203, under the walls of Constantinople. The Emperor was deposed by his own people, and his son, Alexius V, crowned during a revolution in the city, which followed an unsuccessful attack by the crusaders in July. The second and successful assault, in April, 1204, with its sequel of pillage and debauchery, forms the subject of Pears' brilliant narrative. The city, during these troubles, suffered from two fires, of which the second, in July, 1203, deserves to be reckoned among the great historic conflagrations of the world. 

The preparations which the leaders had been pushing on during severalweeks were completed in April, 1204, and that day was chosen for anassault upon Constantinople. Instead of attacking simultaneously aportion of the harbor walls and a portion of the landward walls, Venetians and crusaders alike directed their efforts against thedefences on the side of the harbor. The horses were embarked once morein the _huissiers_. [39] The line of battle was drawn up; the huissiersand galleys in front, the transports a little behind and alternatingbetween the huissiers and the galleys. The whole length of the line ofbattle was upward of half a league, and stretched from the Blachern tobeyond the Petrion. [40] The Emperor's vermilion tent had been pitchedon the hill just beyond the district of the Petrion, where he couldsee the ships when they came immediately under the walls. Before himwas the district which had been devastated by the fire. 

On the morning of the 9th the ships, drawn up in the order described, passed over from the north to the south side of the harbor. Thecrusaders landed in many places, and attacked from a narrow strip ofthe land between the walls and the water. Then the assault began interrible earnest along the whole line. Amid the din of the imperialtrumpets and drums the attackers endeavored to undermine the walls, while others kept up a continual rain of arrows, bolts, and stones. The ships had been covered with blanks and skins so as to defend themfrom the stones and from the famous Greek fire, and, thus protected, pushed boldly up to the walls. The transports soon advanced to thefront, and were able to get so near the walls that the attackingparties on the gangways or platforms, flung out once more from theships' tops, were able to cross lances with the defenders of the wallsand towers. 

The attack took place at upward of a hundred points until noon, or, according to Nicetas, [41] until evening. Both parties fought well. Theinvaders were repulsed. Those who had landed were driven back, andamid the shower of stones were unable to remain on shore. The invaderslost more than the defenders. Before night a portion of the vesselshad retired out of range of the mangonels, [42] while another portionremained at anchor and continued to keep up a continual fire againstthose on the walls. The first day's attack had failed. 

The leaders of both crusaders and Venetians withdrew their forces tothe Galata side. The assault had failed, and it became necessary atonce to determine upon their next step. The same evening a parliamentwas hastily called together. Some advised that the next attack shouldbe made on the walls on the Marmora side, which were not so strong asthose facing the Golden Horn. The Venetians, however, immediately tookan exception, which everyone who knew Constantinople would at oncerecognize as unanswerable. On that side the current is always much toostrong to allow vessels to be anchored with any amount of steadinessor even safety. There were some present who would have been very wellcontent that the current or a wind--no matter what--should havedispersed the vessels, provided that they themselves could have leftthe country and have gone on their way. 

It was at length decided that the two following days, the 10th and11th, should be devoted to repairing their damages, and that a secondassault should be delivered on the 12th. The previous day was aSunday, and Boniface and Dandolo made use of it to appease thediscontent in the rank and file of the army. The bishops and abbotswere set to work to preach against the Greeks. They urged that the warwas just; that the Greeks had been disobedient to Rome, and hadperversely been guilty of schism in refusing to recognize thesupremacy of the Pope, and that Innocent himself desired the union ofthe two churches. They saw in the defeat the vengeance of God onaccount of the sins of the crusaders. The loose women were ordered outof the camp, and, for better security, were shipped and sent far away. Confession and communion were enjoined, and, in short, all that theclergy could do was done to prove that the cause was just, to quietthe discontented, and to occupy them until the attack next day. 

The warriors had in the mean time been industriously repairing theirships and their machines of war. A slight, but not unimportant, changeof tactics had been suggested by the assault on the 9th. Eachtransport had been assigned to a separate tower. The number of men whocould fight from the gangways or platforms thrown out from the topshad been found insufficient to hold their own against the defenders. The modified plan was, therefore, to lash together, opposite eachtower to be attacked, two ships, containing gangways to be thrown outfrom their tops, and thus concentrate a greater force against eachtower. Probably, also, the line of attack was considerably shorterthan at the first assault. 

On Monday morning, the 12th, the assault was renewed. The tent of theEmperor[43] had been pitched near the monastery of Pantepoptis, [44]one of many which were in the district of the Petrion, extending alongthe Golden Horn from the palace of Blachern, about one-fourth of itslength. From this position he could see all the movements of thefleet. The walls were covered with men who were ready again to fightunder the eye of their Emperor. The assault commenced at dawn, andcontinued with the utmost fierceness. Every available crusader andVenetian took part in it. Each little group of ships had its ownspecial portion of the walls, with its towers, to attack. Thebesiegers during the first portion of the day made little progress, but a strong north wind sprang up, which enabled the vessels to getnearer the land than they had previously been. Two of the transports, the Pilgrim and the Parvis, lashed together, succeeded in throwing oneof their gangways across to a tower in the Petrion, and opposite theposition occupied by the Emperor. 

A Venetian, and a French knight, André d'Urboise, immediately rushedacross and obtained a foothold. They were at once followed by others, who fought so well that the defenders of the tower were either killedor fled. The example gave new courage to the invaders. The knights whowere in the huissiers, as soon as they saw what had been done, leapedon shore, placed their ladders against the wall, and shortly capturedfour towers. Those on board the fleet concentrated their efforts onthe gates, broke in three of them, and entered the city, while otherslanded their horses from the huissiers. As soon as a company ofknights was formed, they entered the city through one of these gates, and charged for the Emperor's camp. Mourtzouphlos[45] had drawn up histroops before his tents, but they were unused to contend with men inheavy armor, and after a fairly obstinate resistance the imperialtroops fled. The Emperor, says Nicetas--who is certainly not inclinedto unduly praise the Emperor, who had deprived him of his post of_grand logothete_--did his best to rally his troops, but all in vain, and he had to retreat toward the palace of the Lion's Mouth. Thenumber of the wounded and dead was _sans fin et sans mesure_. 

An indiscriminate slaughter commenced. The invaders spared neither agenor sex. In order to render themselves safe they set fire to the citylying to the east of them, and burned everything between the monasteryof Everyetis and the quarter known as Droungarios. [46] So extensivewas the fire, which burned all night and until the next evening, that, according to the marshal, more houses were destroyed than there werein the three largest cities in France. The tents of the Emperor andthe imperial palace of Blachern were pillaged, the conquerors makingtheir head-quarters on the same site at Pantepoptis. It was evening, and already late, when the crusaders had entered the city, and it wasimpossible for them to continue their work of destruction through thenight. They therefore encamped near the walls and towers which theyhad captured. Baldwin of Flanders spent the night in the vermiliontent of the Emperor, his brother Henry in front of the palace ofBlachern, Boniface, the Marquis of Montferrat, on the other side ofthe imperial tents in the heart of the city. 

The city was already taken. The inhabitants were at length awakenedout of the dream of security into which seventeen unsuccessfulattempts to capture the New Rome[47] had lulled them. Every charm, pagan and Christian, had been without avail. The easy sloth into whichthe possession of innumerable relics, and the consciousness of beingunder the protection of an army of saints and martyrs, had plunged alarge part of the inhabitants, had been rudely dispelled. The Panhagiaof the Blachern, with its relic of the Virgin's robe, the host ofheads, arms, bodies, and vestments of saints and of portions of theholy Cross, had been of no more use than the palladium which layburied then, as now, under the great column which Constantine hadbuilt. The rough energy of the Westerns had disregarded the talismansof the Greek Church as completely as those of paganism. In vain hadthe believers in these charms destroyed during the siege the statueswhich were believed to be of ill omen or unlucky. The invaders had asuperstition as deep as their own, but with the difference that theycould not believe that a people in schism could have the protection ofthe hierarchy of heaven, or be regarded as the rightful possessors ofso many relics. 

During the night following its capture the Golden Gate, which was atthe Marmora side of the landward walls, had been opened, and alreadyan affrighted crowd was pressing forward to make its escape from thecaptured city. Others were doing their best to bury their treasures. The Emperor himself, either seized with panic or finding that all waslost--as, indeed, everything was lost so soon as the army hadsucceeded in obtaining a foothold within the walls--fled from thecity, He, too, escaped by the Golden Gate, taking with him Euphrosyne, the widow of Alexis. The brave Theodore Lascaris determined, however, to make one more attempt. His appeal to the people was useless. Thosewho were not panic-stricken appear to have been indifferent. Some, atleast, were apparently still dreaming of a mere change of rulers, likethose of which the majority of them had seen several. But before anyattempt at reorganization could be made the enemy was in sight, andTheodore himself had to fly. 

The crusaders had expected another day's fighting, and knew nothing ofthe flight of Mourtzouphlos. To their surprise they encountered noresistance. The day was occupied in taking possession of theirconquest. The Byzantine troops laid down their arms on receivingassurances of personal safety. The Italians who had been expelled tookadvantage of the entry of their friends and appear to have retaliatedupon the population for their expulsion. Two thousand of theinhabitants, says Gunther, were killed, and mostly by these returnedItalians. As the victorious crusaders passed through the streets, women, old men, and children, who had been unable to flee, met them, and, placing one finger over another so as to make the sign of thecross, hailed the Marquis of Montferrat as king, while a hastilygathered procession, with the cross and the sacred emblems of Christ, greeted him in triumph. 

Then began the plunder of the city. The imperial treasury and thearsenal were placed under guard; but with these exceptions the rightto plunder was given indiscriminately to the troops and sailors. Neverin Europe was a work of pillage more systematically and shamelesslycarried out. Never by the army of a Christian state was there a morebarbarous sack of a city than that perpetrated by these soldiers ofChrist, sworn to chastity, pledged before God not to shed Christianblood, and bearing upon them the emblem of the Prince of Peace. Reciting the crimes committed by the crusaders, Nicetas says, withindignation: "You have taken up the cross, and have sworn on it and onthe holy Gospels to us that you would pass over the territory ofChristians without shedding blood and without turning to the righthand or to the left. You told us that you had taken up arms againstthe Saracens only, and that you would steep them in their blood alone. You promised to keep yourselves chaste while you bore the cross, asbecame soldiers enrolled under the banner of Christ. Instead ofdefending his tomb, you have outraged the faithful who are members ofhim. You have used Christians worse than the Arabs used the Latins, for they at least respected women. "

An immense mass of treasure was found in each of the imperial palacesand in those of the nobles. Each baron took possession of the castleor palace which was allotted to him, and put a guard upon the treasurewhich he found there. "Never since the world was created, " says themarshal, "was there so much booty gained in one city. Each man tookthe house which pleased him, and there were enough for all. Those whowere poor found themselves suddenly rich. There was captured animmense supply of gold and silver, of plate and of precious stones, ofsatins and of silk, of furs, and of every kind of wealth ever foundupon earth. "

The sack of the richest city in Christendom, which had been the bribeoffered to the crusaders to violate their oaths, was made in thespirit of men who, having once broken through the trammels of theirvows, are reckless to what lengths they go. Their abstinence and theirchastity once abandoned, they plunged at once into orgies of everykind. 

[Illustration: The lust of the army spared neither maiden nor thevirgin dedicated to God Painting by E. Luminais. ]

[Illustration]

The lust of the army spared neither maiden nor the virgin dedicated toGod. Violence and debauchery were everywhere present; cries andlamentations and the groans of the victims were heard throughout thecity; for everywhere pillage was unrestrained and lust unbridled. Thecity was in wild confusion. Nobles, old men, women, and children ranto and fro trying to save their wealth, their honor, and their lives. Knights, foot soldiers, and Venetian sailors jostled each other in amad scramble for plunder. Threats of ill-treatment, promises of safetyif wealth were disgorged, mingled with the cries of many sufferers. These "pious brigands, " as Gunther aptly calls them, acted as if theyhad received a license to commit every crime. Sword in hand, housesand churches were pillaged. Every insult was offered to the religionof the conquered citizens. Churches and monasteries were the richeststorehouses, and were therefore the first buildings to be rifled. 

Monks and priests were selected for insult. The priests' robes wereplaced by the crusaders on their horses. The icons were ruthlesslytorn down from the screens or were broken. The sacred buildings wereransacked for relics or their beautiful caskets. The chalices werestripped of their precious stones and converted into drinking-cups. The sacred plate was heaped with ordinary plunder. The altar clothsand the screens of cloth of gold, richly embroidered and bejewelled, were torn down, and either divided among the troops or destroyed forthe sake of the gold and silver which were woven into them. The altarsof Hagia Sophia, [48] which had been the admiration of all men, werebroken for the sake of the material of which they were made. Horsesand mules were taken into the church in order to carry off the loadsof sacred vessels and the gold and silver plates of the throne, thepulpits, and the doors, and the beautiful ornaments of the church. Thesoldiers made the chief church of Christendom the scene of theirprofanity. A prostitute was seated in the patriarchal chair, whodanced, and sang a ribald song for the amusement of the soldiers. 

Nicetas, in speaking of the desecration of the Great Church, writeswith the utmost indignation of the barbarians who were incapable ofappreciating and therefore respecting its beauty. To him it was an"earthly heaven, a throne of divine magnificence, an image of thefirmament created by the Almighty. " The plunder of the same church in1453 by Mahomet II compares favorably with that made by the crusadersof 1204. 

The sack of the city went on during the three days after the capture. An order was issued, probably on the third day, by the leaders of thearmy, for the protection of women. Three bishops had pronouncedexcommunication against all who should pillage church or convent. Itwas many days, however, before the army could be reduced to itsordinary condition of discipline. A proclamation was made throughoutthe army that all the booty should be collected, in order to bedivided fairly among the captors. Three churches were selected asdepots, and trusty guards of crusaders and Venetians were stationed towatch what was thus brought in. Much, however, was kept back, and muchstolen. Stern measures had to be resorted to before order wasrestored. Many crusaders were hanged. The Count of St. Paul hanged oneof his own knights with his shield round his neck because he had notgiven up the booty he had captured. A contemporary writer, thecontinuator of the history of William of Tyre, forcibly contrasts theconduct of the crusaders before and after the capture. When the Latinswould take Constantinople they held the shield of God before them. Itwas only when they had entered that they threw it away, and coveredthemselves with the shield of the devil. 

The Italians resident in Constantinople, who had returned to the citywith their countrymen, were conspicuous in their hostility to theGreeks. Amid this resentment there were examples, however, that formerfriendships were not forgotten. The escape of Nicetas himself is anillustration in point. He had held the position of grandlogothete, [49] but he had been deposed by Mourtzouphlos. When theLatins entered the city he had retired to a small house near HagiaSophia, which was so situated as to be likely to escape observation. His large house, and probably his official residence, which he iscareful to tell us was adorned with an abundant store of ornaments, had been burned down in the second fire. Many of his friends foundrefuge with him, apparently regarding his dwelling as speciallyadapted for concealment. Nothing, however, could escape theobservation of the horde which was now ransacking every corner. Whenthe Italians had been banished from the city Nicetas had sheltered aVenetian merchant, with his wife and family. This man now clothedhimself like a soldier and, pretending that he was one of theinvaders, prevented his countrymen or any other Latins from enteringthe house. For some time he was successful, but at length a crowd, principally of French soldiers, pushed past and flocked within. Fromthat time protection became impossible. 

The Venetian advised Nicetas to leave, in order to prevent himselffrom being imprisoned and to save the honor of his daughters. Nicetasand his friends accepted the advice. Having clothed themselves inskins or the poorest garments, they were conducted through the city bytheir faithful friend as if they were his prisoners. The girls andyoung ladies of the party were placed in their midst, their faceshaving been intentionally smeared in order to give them the appearanceof being of the poorest class. As they reached the Golden Gate thedaughter of a magistrate, who was one of the party, was suddenlyseized and carried off by a crusader. Her father, who was weak andold, and wearied with the long walk, fell, and was unable to doanything but cry for assistance. Nicetas followed and called theattention of certain soldiers who were passing, and after a long andpiteous appeal, after reminding them of the proclamation which hadbeen made against the violation of women, he ultimately succeeded insaving the maiden. The entreaties would have been in vain if theleader of the party had not at length threatened to hang the offender. A few minutes later the fugitives had passed out of the city, and fellon their knees to thank God for his protection in having permittedthem to escape with their lives. Then they set out on their weary wayto Silivria. The road was covered with fellow-sufferers. Before themwas the Patriarch himself, "without bag or money, or stick or shoes, with but one coat, " says Nicetas, "like a true apostle, or rather likea true follower of Jesus Christ, in that he was seated on an ass, withthe difference that instead of entering the new Zion in triumph he wasleaving it. "

A large part of the booty had been collected in the three churchesdesignated for that purpose. The marshal himself tells us that muchwas stolen which never came into the general mass. The stores whichhad been collected were, however, divided in accordance with thecompact which had been made before the capture. The Venetians and thecrusaders each took half. Out of the moiety belonging to the armythere were paid the fifty thousand silver marks due to the Venetians. Two foot sergeants received as much as one horse sergeant, and two ofthe latter sergeants received as much as a knight. Exclusive of whatwas stolen and of what was paid to the Venetians, there weredistributed among the army four hundred thousand marks, or eighthundred thousand pounds, and ten thousand suits of armor. 

The total amount distributed among the crusaders and Venetians showsthat the wealth of Constantinople had not been exaggerated. Eighthundred thousand pounds were given to the crusaders, a like sum to theVenetians, with the one hundred thousand pounds due to them. Thesesums had been collected in hard cash from a city where the inhabitantswere hostile, and where they had in their wells and cisterns an easymeans of hiding their treasures of gold, silver, and preciousstones--a means traditionally well known in the East. Abundance ofbooty was taken possession of by the troops which never went into thegeneral mass. Sismondi estimates that the wealth in specie and movableproperty before the capture was not less than twenty-four millionpounds sterling. 

The distribution was made during the latter end of April. Many worksof art in bronze were sent to the melting-pot to be coined. Manystatues were broken up in order to obtain the metals with which theywere adorned. The conquerors knew nothing and cared nothing for theart which had added value to the metal. The weight of the bronze wasto them the only question of interest. The works of art which theydestroyed were sacrificed not to any sentiment like that of the Moslemagainst images which they believed to be idols or talismans. No suchexcuse can be made for the Christians of the West Their motive fordestroying so much that was valuable was neither fanaticism norreligion. It was the simple greed for gain. No sentiment restrainedtheir cupidity. The great statue of the Virgin which ornamented theTaurus was sent as unhesitatingly to the furnace as the figure ofHercules. No object was sufficiently sacred, none sufficientlybeautiful, to be worth saving if it could be converted into cash. Amidso much that was destroyed it is impossible that there were not aconsiderable number of works of art of the best periods. The one listwhich has been left us by the Greek logothete professes to giveaccount of only the larger statues which were sent to the melting-pot. But it is worth while to note what were these principal objects sodestroyed. 

Constantinople had long been the great storehouse of works of art andof Christian relics, the latter of which were usually encased with allthe skill that wealth could buy or art furnish. It had the greatadvantage over the elder Rome that it had never been plundered byhordes of barbarians. Its streets and public places had been adornedfor centuries with statues in bronze or marble. In reading the worksof the historians of the Lower Empire the reader cannot fail to bestruck alike with the abundance of works of art and with theappreciation in which they were held by the writers. 

First among the buildings as among the works of art, in the estimationof every citizen, was Hagia Sophia. It was emphatically the GreatChurch. Tried by any test, it is one of the most beautiful of humancreations. Nothing in Western Europe even now gives a spectator who isable with an educated eye to restore it to something like its formercondition, so deep an impression of unity, harmony, richness, andbeauty in decoration as does the interior of the masterpiece ofJustinian. All that wealth could supply and art produce had beenlavished upon its interior--at that time, and for long afterward, theonly portion of a church which the Christian architect thoughtdeserving of study. "Internally, at least, " says a great authority onarchitecture, "the verdict seems inevitable that Santa Sophia is themost perfect and most beautiful church which has yet been erected byany Christian people. When its furniture was complete the verdictwould have been still more strongly in its favor. "

We have seen that to Nicetas, who knew and loved it in its best days, it was a model of celestial beauty, a glimpse of heaven itself. To themore sober English observer, "its mosaic of marble slabs of variouspatterns and beautiful colors, the domes, roofs, and curved surfaces, with gold-grounded mosaic relieved by figures or architecturaldevices, " are "wonderfully grand and pleasing. " All that St. Mark's isto Venice, Hagia Sophia was to Constantinople. But St. Mark's, thoughenriched with some of the spoils of its great original, is, as to itsinterior at least, a feeble copy. Hagia Sophia justified its founderin declaring, "I have surpassed thee, O Solomon!" and during sevencenturies after Justinian his successors had each attempted to add toits wealth and its decoration. Yet this, incomparably the mostbeautiful church in Christendom, at the opening of the thirteenthcentury was stripped and plundered of every ornament which could becarried away. It appeared to the indignant Greeks that the very stoneswould be torn from the walls by these intruders, to whom nothing wassacred. 

Around the Great Church were other objects which could be readilyconverted into bronze, and the destruction of which was irreparable. The immense hippodrome was crowded with statues. Egypt had furnishedan obelisk for the centre, Delphi had given its commemoratory bronzeof the victory of Platæa. Later works of pagan sculptors were there inabundance, while Christian artists had continued the traditions oftheir ancestors. The cultured inhabitants of Constantinopleappreciated these works of art and took care of them. In giving a listof the more important of the objects which went to the melting-pot, Nicetas again and again urges that these works were destroyed bybarbarians who were ignorant of their value. Incapable of appreciatingeither their historical interest or the value with which the labor ofthe artist had endowed them, the crusaders knew only the value of themetals of which they were composed. 

The emperors had been buried within the precincts of the Church of theHoly Apostles, the site of which was afterward chosen by Mahomet IIfor the erection of the mosque now called by his name. Their tombs, beginning with that of Justinian, were ransacked in the search fortreasure. It was not until the palaces of the nobles, the churches, and the tombs had been plundered that the pious brigands turned theirattention to the statues, A colossal figure of Juno, which had beenbrought from Samos, and which stood in the forum of Constantine, wassent to the melting-pot. We may judge of its size from the fact thatfour oxen were required to transport its head to the palace. Thestatue of Paris presenting to Venus the apple of discord followed. TheAnemodulion, or "Servant of the Winds, " was a lofty obelisk, whosesides were covered with bas-reliefs of great beauty, representingscenes of rural life, and allegories depicting the seasons, while theobelisk was surmounted by a female figure which turned with the wind, and so gave to the whole its name. The bas-reliefs were stripped offand sent to the palace to be melted. 

A beautiful equestrian statue of great size, representing eitherBellerophon and Pegasus or, as the populace believe, Joshua onhorseback commanding the sun to stand still, was likewise sent to thefurnace. The horse appeared to be neighing at the sound of thetrumpet, while every muscle was strained with the ardor of battle. Thecolossal Hercules of Lysippus, which, having adorned Tarentum, hadthence been transported to the Elder and subsequently to thehippodrome of the New Rome, met with a like fate. The artist hadexpressed, in a manner which had won the admiration of beholders, thedeep wrath of the hero at the unworthy tasks set before him. He wasrepresented as seated, but without quiver or bow or club. His lion'sskin was thrown loosely about his shoulders, his right foot and righthand stretched out to the utmost, while he rested his head on his lefthand with his elbow on his bent knee. The whole figure was full ofdignity; the chest deep, the shoulders broad, the hair curly, the armsand limbs full of muscle. 

The figure of an ass and its driver, which Augustus had had cast inbronze to commemorate the news brought to him of the victory ofActium, met with the same fate. 

For the sake of melting them down into money the barbarians seizedalso the ancient statue of the wolf suckling Romulus and Remus; thestatues of a sphinx, a hippopotamus, a crocodile, an elephant, andothers, which had represented a triumph over Egypt; the monster ofScylla and others; most of which were probably executed before thetime of Christ. 

The celebrated statue of Helen was destroyed by men who knew nothingof its original. There must be added to these the graceful figure of awoman who held in her right hand the figure of an armed man onhorseback. Then near the eastern goals, known as the "reds, " stood thestatues of the winners in the chariot races. They stood erect in theirbronze chariots, as the originals also had been seen when they gainedtheir victories, as if they were still directing their steeds to thegoals. A figure of the Nile bull in deadly conflict with a crocodilestood near. These and other statues were hastily sent to the furnaceto be converted into money. We may judge of the value and artisticmerit of the bronze statues which were destroyed, by the specimenswhich remain. The four horses which the emperor Theodosius had broughtfrom Chios and placed in the hippodrome escaped, by some lucky chance, the general plunder, and were taken to Venice, where they still adornthe front of St. Mark's. 

The pillage of the relics of Constantinople lasted for forty years. More than half of the total amount of objects carried off were, however, taken away between the years 1204 and 1208. During the fewdays which followed the capture of the city the bishops and priestswho were with the crusaders were active in laying hands on thisspecies of sacred spoil; and the statement of a contemporary writer isnot improbable, that the priests of the orthodox Church preferred tosurrender such spoil to those of their own cloth rather than to therough soldier or the rougher Venetian sailor. On the other hand, thehighest priestly dignitaries in the army--men, even, who refused totake of the earthly spoil--were eager to obtain possession of thissacred booty, and unscrupulous as to the means by which they obtainedit. The holy Cross was carefully divided by the bishops fordistribution among the barons. 

Gunther gives us a specimen of the means to which Abbot Martin, whohad had the German crusaders placed under his charge, had recourse. The abbot had learned that many relics had been hidden by the Greeksin a particular church. This building was attacked in the generalpillage. He, as a priest, searched carefully for the relics, while thesoldiers were looking for more commonplace booty. The abbot found anold priest, with the long hair and beard common then, as now, toorthodox ecclesiastics, and roughly addressed him, "Show me yourrelics, or you are a dead man. "

The old priest, seeing that he was addressed by one of his ownprofession, and frightened probably by the threat, thought, saysGunther, that it was better to give up the relics to him than to theprofane and blood-stained hands of the soldiers. He opened an ironsafe, and the abbot, in his delight at the sight, buried his hands inthe precious store. He and his chaplain filled their surplices, andran with all haste to the harbor to conceal their prize. That theywere successful in keeping it during the stormy days which followedcould only be attributed to the virtue of the relics themselves. 

The way in which Dalmatius de Sergy obtained the head of St. Clementis an illustration of the crusader's belief that the acquisition of arelic and its transport to the West would be allowed as a compensationfor the fulfilment of the crusader's vow. That knight was grievouslyafflicted that he could not go to the Holy Land, and earnestly prayedGod to show him how he could execute some other task equivalent tothat which he had sworn, but failed, to accomplish. His first thoughtwas to take relics to his own country. He consulted the two cardinalswho were then in Constantinople, who approved his idea, but chargedhim not to buy these relics, because their purchase and sale wereforbidden. He accordingly determined to steal them, if such a word maybe applied to an act which was clearly regarded as praiseworthy. Theknight, in order to discover something of especial value, remained inConstantinople until Palm Sunday in the following year. A Frenchpriest pointed out to him a church in which the head of St. Clementwas preserved. He went there in the company of a Cistercian monk andasked to see the relics. While one kept the persons in charge speakingwith him, the other stole a portion of the relic. 

On leaving, the knight was disgusted to find that the whole head hadnot been taken, and, on the pretext that he had left his gauntletbehind, a companion regained admittance to the church, while theknight again kept the monk in charge in conversation at the door. Dalmatius went to the chest behind the altar where the relic had beenkept, stole the remainder, went out, mounted his horse and rode away. The head was placed with pious joy in the chapel of his house. Hereturned, disguised, some days after to the church, in order, as hepretended, to do reverence to the relic--in order really to ascertainthat he had taken the right head, for there had been two in the chest. He was informed that the head of St. Clement had been stolen. Then, being satisfied as to its authenticity, he took a vow that he wouldgive the relic to the Church of Cluny in case he should arrive safely. He embarked. The devil, from jealousy, sent a hurricane, but the tearsand prayers before the relic defeated him, and the knight arrivedsafely home. The monks of Cluny received the precious treasure withevery demonstration of reverent joy, and in the fullest confidencethat they had secured the perpetual intercession of St. Clement onbehalf of themselves and those who did honor to his head. The relicsmost sought after were those which related to the events mentioned inthe New Testament, especially to the infancy, life, and passion ofChrist, and to the saints popular in the West. 

In the years which followed the conquest Latin priests were sent toConstantinople from France, Flanders, and Italy, to take charge of thechurches in the city. These priests appear to have been great huntersafter relics. Thus it came to pass that there was scarcely animportant church or monastery in most Western countries which did notpossess some share of the spoil which came from Constantinople. 

For some years the demand for relics seemed to be insatiable, andcaused fresh supplies to be forthcoming to an almost unlimited extent. The new relics, equally with the old, were certified in due form to bewhat they professed to be. Documents, duly attested and full ofdetailed evidence--sometimes, doubtless, manufactured for theoccasion--easily satisfied those to whom it was of importance topossess certified relics, and throughout the West the demand forrelics which might bring profit to their possessors continued toincrease. At length the Church deemed it necessary to put a stop tothe supply, and especially to that of the apocryphal and legendaryacts which testified to their authenticity, and in 1215 the fourthLateran council judged it necessary to make a decree enjoining thebishops to take means to prevent pilgrims from being deceived. 

LATIN EMPIRE OF THE EAST

ITS FOUNDATION AND FALL

A. D. 1204-1261

W. J. BRODRIBB AND SIR WALTER BESANT

 As a result of the intrigues connected with the Fifth Crusade, in which crusaders and Venetians--the latter for their own commercial advantage--jointly participated, it was decided to capture Constantinople, the seat of the Byzantine empire, and to partition the empire itself among the captors. The combined forces of the Latins accordingly made two assaults upon the capital of their Eastern fellow-Christians, who had from the first made passive opposition to the crusades, fearing for the integrity of their empire. The city succumbed to the second attack and was thoroughly plundered. The division of the empire was especially insisted upon by Dandolo, the aged doge, who led the Venetians in the expedition. 

 The Venetians well knew that whoever held the city of Constantinople held the key of the East. It proved in the end that they had an imperfect knowledge of the strength and resources, as well as of the peculiar weakness, of the Byzantine possessions, which at best were but loosely held together, and required ceaseless vigilance on the part of the central government to guard them against outward attack and hold in check the spirit of internal revolt. 

 It was nevertheless the cautious policy of the Venetians not to hold the key of the East, Constantinople, since to hold it would entail the necessity of defending its possessions. They preferred to be on such terms of friendship, not necessarily alliance, with those who should hold the key, as would give them all the advantages they desired, without involving them in irksome obligations if there came a change of masters. "Venice fought for her own hand, " let other nations as they might be led astray by illusory hopes of allies and friends bound by ties of gratitude. She well knew how to guard herself against the spirit of perfidy so active in the Middle Ages, as well as how to exercise that spirit in her own interest. 

 Once in possession and control of Constantinople, the Latins found it necessary to proceed directly to the partition of the empire. It had been agreed between old Dandolo and Baldwin, Boniface and others of the crusaders that one full quarter of the whole dominion was to be assigned to the Latin emperor, who was to be elected by Venetians and crusaders together. This left three-quarters remaining, of which Venice was to take half, the rest to be in some manner divided among the crusaders. First of all, however, came the election of an emperor for the new state. 

Venice wanted no imperial dignity, nor could any dignity be bestowedupon the nonagenarian Dandolo greater than that which he actuallyenjoyed as doge of his native republic. He accepted, however, thetitle of Despot of Romania. [50] The emperor must therefore be chosenfrom among the French or Flemings. Two of the chiefs might show strongclaims for the choice. Of these two, the Marquis of Montferrat, who atfirst seemed the most likely to be chosen, was already connected bymeans of his brother's marriage with the late reigning dynasty ofConstantinople. He was, besides, proved to be a valorous soldier and aprudent general. On the other hand, Baldwin, the count of Flanders, ayounger man, had displayed all the prowess of his rival, and waspersonally more popular. Besides, the larger part of the armyconsisted of his own people, Flemings. 

There was, therefore, no surprise when the council of electionannounced that the choice had fallen upon Baldwin, and his rival wasamong the first to acknowledge the validity of the election. TheMarquis of Montferrat obtained for his prize Crete and the Asiaticpart of the empire. As, however, he discovered that the latter part ofthe Byzantine realm would require to be conquered, he exchanged it forthe kingdom of Thessalonica. The Greek empire had at one blow fallento pieces. What the crusaders had conquered was that part of thecountry now called Roumelia. Across the Dardanelles, Theodore Lascarisestablished himself as emperor at Nicæa; and Alexius, a son of ManuelComnenus, created an empire for himself at Trebizond; anotherestablished himself as despot of Epirus; and the other two wanderingemperors, Alexius III and Alexius V, joined their forces, in the hopeof keeping the Latins out of the northwest provinces. 

But these two passed masters in duplicity could not, even inmisfortune, trust one another, and Alexius III, the craftier if notthe stronger of the two vagabond usurpers, seized his ally, put outhis eyes, and handed him over to the Latins. They went through theformality of a trial, and found him guilty of the murder of AlexiusIV. He was sentenced to death, and after a good deal of discussion itwas decided that the manner of his death should be by being hurledfrom the top of a lofty column, and this was accordingly done. 

As for Alexius III, after a great variety of adventures he finallyfell into the hands of his son-in-law, Theodore Lascaris, who shut himup in a monastery, where his troubled life came to an end. 

Baldwin began his reign by sending a conciliatory letter to thePope. [51] He had not, it is true, attempted to carry out the vowswhich he and his brother-crusaders had taken upon themselves. Palestine still groaned under the yoke of the infidel. At the sametime the Pope could not but feel gratified at the extinction of theGreek schism and the restoration of the unity of Christendom, Thatevent was undoubtedly due to him, and the Pope acknowledged it in acareful letter, which left him free at any time to express hisdisapprobation of the course pursued by the crusaders. To the King ofFrance Baldwin wrote, inviting the French knights to find their way tothis new scene of conquest and glory. To Palestine he sent promises ofassistance, with, as tokens of his power, the gates of Constantinopleand the chain which barred the port. 

And then, the empire being fairly parcelled out, the Marquis ofMontferrat took his knights and men-at-arms to establish his ownkingdom of Thessalonica. Other chiefs, who had obtained each his ownpart of the Byzantine territories, went off to conquer them forthemselves; and the Greeks began to perceive that they were ruled by amere handful of Latin adventurers, only to be dreaded when they weretogether, and now scattered in small garrisons and feeble bands allabout the country. When this knowledge was thoroughly acquired, troubles began to befall the new empire. 

These troubles were originated, however, not by the Greeks, but by theBulgarians, and were due to the arrogance and pride of Baldwin. John, King of this savage people, was of the Latin Church. Being as orthodoxas he was barbarous, he rejoiced mightily at the fall of the Greeks, and sent an embassy of congratulation to the new Latin Emperor. Weakas he was upon his unstable throne, Baldwin actually had the folly andimpudence to assault these ambassadors, to treat them as rebels, andto send a message to their master that, before his servants could bereceived at the Byzantine court, he must first deserve pardon bytouching with his forehead the footstool of the imperial throne. Itwas not likely that a high-spirited and independent sovereign wouldbrook such a message. 

He instantly threw the whole weight of his influence and strength intothe cause of the Greeks, and with their leaders concerted a scheme ofgeneral and simultaneous massacre worthy of his barbarism and theirtreachery. The secret was well kept; the conspirators were in no hurryto strike the blow. They waited patiently till a time when it seemedas if the force of the Latins was at the lowest; that is, when PrinceHenry, brother of the Emperor, had crossed the Hellespont with theflower of the troops. The empire in Europe was covered with thin andsparse garrisons; there were no forces in Constantinople to come totheir succor should they try to hold out; they might be taken indetail and at once. And then those Byzantine Vespers began. It was arevolt of thousands against tens; there was a great slaughter, a rushof the little bands who escaped upon Adrianople, where there was afresh slaughter; and while the Greeks were up in successful revolt, the Bulgarians, accompanied by a savage band of fourteen thousandComans, invaded the country, mad for pillage and revenge. 

The position was one of extreme peril. Baldwin sent messengers to hisbrother, ordering him to return in all haste, and then made such hastypreparations as were possible, and sallied forth to the siege ofAdrianople. Had he waited for Henry's return, all might have gone wellwith him, but he would not wait. It was the rule of the crusadersnever to refuse battle, whatever the odds, a rule to which theirgreatest victories as well as their greatest disasters were chieflydue. What Godfrey did before Ascalon, Baldwin was ready to do beforeAdrianople. He had with him no more than a hundred and forty knights, with three trains of archers and men-at-arms--say two thousand men inall. The gallant Villehardouin, Marshal of Romania, who was destinedto survive this day and write its story, led the vanguard. 

The main body, with whom was Baldwin, was commanded by the Count ofBlois; the rear was brought up by old Dandolo. The slender ranks ofthe little army were continually being recruited by the accession ofthe fugitive remains of the garrisons. On the way to Adrianople theymet the light cavalry of the Comans. Orders were given not to pursuethese light horsemen, who fought after the manner of the Parthians. Ina solid phalanx the western knights were able to face any odds, butscattered and dispersed they would fall beneath the weight of numbers. 

The order insisted on by Dandolo, who knew this kind of enemy, wasbroken by no others than the Emperor himself and the Count of Blois. The Comans, as usual, fled at the first charge of the heavily armedknights, who spurred after them, regardless of the order, and led bythe Emperor. When they had ridden a mile or so, when their horses werebreathed, then the Comans closed in upon the little band of knights, and the unequal contest began of a hundred and forty against fourteenthousand. Some few struggled out of the _mêlée_ and found their wayback to the rest of the army. Most fell upon the field. Among thesewas the Count of Blois. A few were taken prisoners, among whom was theEmperor. No one ever knew his fate. The wildest stories were told ofthis unfortunate Prince. His hands and feet, it was said, were cutoff, and he was exposed, mutilated, to the wild animals; he wasbeheaded; he enacted the part of Joseph--Potiphar's wife being KingJohn's queen. Nothing was too wild to be believed about him. Twentyyears later a hermit of the Netherlands thought it would be possibleto pass himself off as the real Baldwin, who had escaped fromcaptivity and was thus expiating his early sins. 

He obtained the fate from justice and the sympathy from the vulgarwhich have commonly been the lot of pretenders. Whatever the real endof this Emperor, King John wrote a year later to the Pope, calmlyinforming him that his intercession for Baldwin was no longer of anyuse, because he was no longer living. Then it was, and not till then, that his brother, Henry of Flanders, consented to assume the title ofEmperor. Already the leaders of the crusade, who only three yearsbefore had set sail so proudly from Venice, were dead or on the pointof death: Baldwin murdered in captivity; the Count of Blois killed onthe field of battle; Dandolo dead, at the age, say some writers, of ahundred, in the year 1205; the Marquis of Montferrat about to be slainin an obscure skirmish with the barbarous Bulgarians. 

Henry stood alone, save for the faithful Geoffrey de Villehardouin, Marshal of Champagne and Romania, who, though his narrative ceases atthis point, is believed to have remained with the new Emperor. Hisreign lasted for ten years only. It was a reign of successful, brave, and prudent administration in things military, civil, andecclesiastical Its success was greatly assisted by the fact that veryearly in his reign the Greeks discovered the mistake they had made inchanging the rule of the Latins for the rule of the Bulgarians. 

The first were hard masters, with rough, rude ways, and littlesympathy with the culture of the Byzantines; but the latter proposed, as soon as the Latins were driven south, to exterminate the populationof Thrace, or at least to transplant the Greeks beyond the Balkans. They called upon the Emperor to forgive them and to help them. Henry, with a little army of eight hundred knights, with archers andmen-at-arms, perhaps five thousand in all, made no scruple of goingout to attack this disorderly mob of forty thousand Bulgarians. As nomention is made of the Comans, it is presumable that these had gonehome again with their booty. At the siege of Thessalonica King Johnwas murdered--slain by no less a person than St. Demetrius himself, said the Greeks--and a peace was concluded between his successor andHenry. 

The last years of this exemplary monarch's life were spent in wiseadministration. He checked the zeal of the Pope's legate, and wouldnot countenance persecution about the double procession and othercontroverted dogmas. He checked the pretensions of the clergy, byplacing his throne on the same level with that of the Patriarch, whereas it had formerly been lower; and he prohibited the alienationof fiefs, which would have handed over the patrimony of the knights tothe Church, and turned, as Gibbon says, a colony of soldiers into acollege of priests. When he died, childless, the next heir to theempire was his sister Yolande, who had married Peter of Courtenay, Count of Auxerre, a member of that princely house which still survivesin the line of the English earls of Devon. 

It was an unfortunate day for that prince when he accepted the crownwhich had already in ten years carried off two of his brothers. Yetthe chance was splendid. What count or duke or knight of these daysbut would seize a crown thus offered, however great the peril? Heaccepted the crown, then, and, to make a worthy appearance on enteringinto possession, he either mortgaged or sold the best part of tenestates, and raised, with the help of Philip Augustus, an army of onehundred and forty knights and five thousand five hundred men-at-armsand archers. He persuaded the pope Honorius III to crown him, it beingunderstood that, as Emperor of the East, he had no claim tojurisdiction or right over Rome, and, following the example ofBaldwin, engaged the Venetians to convey him and his army toConstantinople. They would do so on similar terms and for aconsideration--let him first recover for them the port of Durazzo fromthe Despot of Epirus; this was no longer Michael, the founder of thekingdom, but his brother Theodore. The Emperor delivered his assaulton Durazzo, and was unsuccessful. Then the Venetians refused thetransport. Peter thereupon made an agreement with the despot Theodore, by which the latter undertook to convey him and his army safely to hisdominion overland. It is another story of Greek treachery. TheEmperor, with his troops, while in the mountains, was attacked byGreeks of Theodore's army. Such of his men as did not surrender werecut to pieces. He himself was taken prisoner, detained for two years, and then put to death in some mysterious way. 

Yolande, the Empress, while yet she was uncertain of the fate of herlord, gave birth to a son, the most unfortunate Baldwin. The eldest ofYolande's sons, Philip de Courtenay, had the singular good-sense andgood-fortune to decline the offered crown. He found plenty of fightingin Europe of an equally adventurous kind, and less treacherous thanthat among the Greeks. The second son, Robert, accepted theresponsibilities and dangers of the position. For seven years he heldthe sceptre with a trembling hand amid all kinds of disasters. TheDespot of Epirus, the treacherous Theodore, swept across the countryas far as Adrianople, where he raised his standard and called himselfemperor. Vatatces, the successor of Theodore Lascaris, seized upon thelast relics of the Asiatic possessions, intercepted western succor, actually persuaded a large body of French mercenaries to serve underhim, constructed a fleet, and obtained the command of the Dardanelles. 

A personal and private outrage of the grossest kind, offered to theunfortunate Emperor by an obscure knight, drove him in rage anddespair from the city. He sought refuge in Italy, but was recalled byhis barons, and was on his way back to Constantinople when he wasseized with some malady which killed him. It is a miserable record ofa weak and miserable life. On his death, his brother Baldwin beingstill a boy, the barons looked about them for a stronger hand to rulethe tottering State. They found the man they wanted in gallant oldJohn de Brienne, the last of those who raised themselves from simpleknightly rank to a royal palace. 

Gauthier de Brienne was King of Sicily and Duke of Apulia. Johnhimself, one of the last specimens of the great crusading heroes, wastitular King of Jerusalem, having married Constance, daughter ofIsabelle and granddaughter of Amaury. 

Philip Augustus himself selected John de Brienne as the most worthyknight to become the husband of Constance and the King of Jerusalem. He was now an old man of more than seventy years. His daughter, Yolande, was married to Frederick II, who had assumed the title ofKing of Jerusalem, but old as he was he was still of commandingstature and martial bearing. His arm had lost none of its strength, nor his brain any of its vigor. He accepted the crown on theunderstanding that the young Baldwin, then eleven years of age, shouldjoin him as emperor on coming of age. Great things were expected fromso stout a soldier. Yet for two years nothing was done. Then theEmperor was roused into action. 

It was understood at Constantinople that Vatatces, the successor ofTheodore Lascaris, was on the point of concluding an alliance, offensive and defensive, with Agan, King of the Bulgarians andsuccessor of John. The alliance could have but one meaning, thedestruction of the Latin empire. 

It must be remembered that the vast Roman Empire of the East wasshrunken in its dimensions to the city of Constantinople and thatnarrow strip of territory commanded by her walls, her scanty armies, and her diminished fleets. Of territory, indeed, the Latin empire hadnone in the sense of land producing revenue. What it held was heldwith the drawn sword in the hand ready for use. The kingdom ofThessalonica was gone; and though the dukedoms, marquisates, andcountships of Achaia, Athens, Sparta, and other independent pettystates were still held by the emperors or their sons, they were likethe outlying provinces of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem--Edessa, Tripoli, and the rest--a source of weakness rather than of strength. Little help, if any, could be looked for from them. 

The alliance, however, was concluded, and the allies, with an immensearmy, estimated at a hundred thousand, besides three hundredships-of-war, sat down before the city and besieged it by sea andland. The incident that follows reads like a story from the history ofAmadis de Gaul. Gibbon says that he "trembles" to relate it. Whilethis immense host lay outside his walls; while thirty ships armed withtheir engines of war menaced his long line of seaward defences in thenarrow strait, brave old John de Brienne, who had but one hundred andsixty knights with their following of men-at-arms and archers---saytwo thousand in all--led forth his little band, and at one furiousonset routed the besieging army. Probably it was mainly composed ofthe Bulgarian hordes, undisciplined, badly armed, and, like all suchhosts, liable to panic. Perhaps, too, the number of the enemy was byno means so great as is reported, nor were the forces of John deBrienne so small. 

Nor was his success limited to the rout of the army, for the citizens, encouraged by their flight, attacked the ships, and succeeded indragging five-and-twenty of them within the port. It would appear thatthe Bulgarians renewed their attempt in the following year, and wereagain defeated by the old Emperor. It would have been well for theLatins had his age been less. He died in the year 1237, and youngBaldwin, who was married to his daughter Martha, became sole emperor. John de Brienne made so great a name that he was compared with Ajax, Odin the Dane, Hector, Roland, and Judas Maccabæus. Baldwin, who cameafter him, might have been compared with any of those kinglings whosucceeded Charlemagne, and sat in their palaces while the empire fellto pieces. 

His incapacity is proved, if by nothing else, by his singular anduniform ill-luck. If, after the fight of life is over, no singlevaliant blow can be remembered, the record is a sorry one indeed. Baldwin's difficulties were, it must be owned, very great: they wereso great that for a considerable portion of the four-and-twenty yearsduring which he wore the Roman purple his crown was left him bysufferance, and his manner of reigning was to travel about Europebegging for money. The Pope proclaimed a crusade for him, but it wasextremely difficult to awaken general enthusiasm for a Courtenay indanger of being overthrown by a Lascaris; and the other point, thesubmission of Constantinople to Rome in things ecclesiastical, couldnot be said to touch the popular sentiment at all. The Pope, however, supplemented his exhortation by bestowing upon the indigent Emperor atreasure of indulgences, which he no doubt sold at their marketablevalue, whatever that was. One fears that it was not much. From Englandhe obtained, after an open insult at Dover, a small contributiontoward the maintenance of his empire. Louis IX of France would haverendered him substantial assistance, but for the more pressing claimsof the Holy Land and his project for delivering the holy places by anew method. His brother-in-law, Frederick II, excommunicated by theChurch, was not likely to manifest any enthusiasm for anecclesiastical cause; and those allies from whom he might haveexpected substantial aid, the Venetians, were at war with the Genoese;the Prince of Achaia was in captivity, and the feeble son of Boniface, King of Thessalonica--the sons of all these sturdy crusaders werefeeble, like the Syrian _pullani_, sons of Godfrey's heroes--had beendeposed. Yet money and men must be raised, or the city must beabandoned. A wise man would have handed over the empire to any whodared defend it. Baldwin was not a wise man. He proceeded to sell theremaining lands of Courtenay and the marquisate of Namur, and by thisand other expedients managed to return with an army of thirty thousandmen. What would not Baldwin I, or Henry his uncle, or John de Briennehis father-in-law have been able to effect with an army of thirtythousand soldiers of the West? But Baldwin the Incapable did next tonothing. 

By this time the strip of country remaining to the Emperor was onlythat immediately surrounding the city. All the rest was in the handsof Greek or of Bulgarian. When these were at war, the city was safe;when these were united, the city was every moment in danger offalling. Baldwin used his new recruits in gaining possession of thecountry for a distance of three days' journey round his capital--aboutsixty miles in all--which was something. But how was the position tobe maintained or to be improved? There were no revenues in thatbankrupt city, from whose port the trade had passed away, and whichhad lost the command of the narrow seas. What was the condition of thecitizens we know not. That of the imperial household was such that theEmperor's servants were fain to demolish empty houses for fuel, and tostrip churches of the lead upon their roofs to supply the daily wantsof his family. He sent his son Philip to Venice as security for adebt; he borrowed at enormous interest of the merchants of Italy; andwhen all else failed, and the money which he had raised at suchruinous sacrifices had melted away, and his soldiers were clamoringfor pay, he remembered the holy relics yet remaining to the city, inspite of the cartloads carried off during the great sack of 1204, andresolved to raise more money upon them. 

There was, first of all, the Crown of Thorns. This had been alreadypledged in Venice for the sum of thirteen thousand one hundred andthirty-four pieces of gold to the Venetians. As the money was spentand the relic could not be redeemed within the time, the Venetianswere preparing to seize it. They would have been within their right. But Baldwin conceived an idea, so clever that it must have beensuggested by a Greek, which, if successfully carried out, would resultin the attainment of much more money by its means. He would _give_ itto Louis IX of France. A relic of such importance might be pawned, itmight be given, but it could not be sold. Therefore Baldwin gave it toKing Louis. By this plan the Venetians were tricked of their relic, onwhich they had counted; the debt was transferred to France, whicheasily paid it; the precious object itself, to which Frederick IIgranted a free passage through his dominions, was conveyed byDominican friars to Troyes, whither the French court advanced toreceive it, and a gift of ten thousand marks reconciled Baldwin andhis barons to their loss. After all, as the prospects of the Statewere so gloomy, it might be some consolation to them to reflect thatso sacred a relic--which had this great advantage over the wood of thetrue Cross, that it had not been and could not be multiplied until itbecame equal in bulk to the wood of a three-decker--was consigned tothe safe custody of the most Christian King of France. 

This kind of traffic once begun, and proving profitable, there was noreason why it should not continue. Accordingly, the Crown of Thornswas followed by a large and very authentic piece of the true Cross. St. Louis gave Baldwin twenty thousand marks as an honorarium for thegift of this treasure, which he deposited in the Sainte-Chapelle. Hereit remained, occasionally working miracles, as every bit of the trueCross was bound to do, until the troubles of the league, when it wasmysteriously stolen. Most likely some Huguenot laid hands upon it, andtook the same kind of delight in burning it that he took in throwingthe consecrated wafer to the pigs. 

And then more relics were found and disposed of. There was the babylinen of our Lord; there was the lance which pierced his side; therewas the sponge with which they gave him to drink; there was the chainwith which his hands had been fettered: all these things, priceless, inestimable, wonder-working, Baldwin sent to Paris in exchange formarks of silver. And then there were relics of less holiness, butstill commanding the respect and adoration of Christians; these alsowere hunted up and sent. Among them were the rod of Moses, and aportion--alas! a portion only--of the skull of John the Baptist. Thirty or forty thousand marks for all these treasures! And it seemsbut a poor result of the conquest of Constantinople by the Latins thatall which came of it was the transferrence of relics from the East tothe West--nothing else. Such order as the later Greek emperors hadpreserved, changed into anarchy and misrule; such commerce asnaturally flowed from Asia into the Golden Horn, diverted and lost; astrange religion imposed upon an unwilling people; the break-up of theold Roman forms; the destruction by fire of a third of the city; thedisappearance of the ancient Byzantine families; the ruin of thewealthy, the depression of the middle classes; the impoverishment ofthe already poor; the decay and loss of learning: these were thethings which the craft and subtlety of Dandolo, working on the Franks'lust of conquest, had brought about for the proud city of the East. 

But the end was drawing daily nearer. Vatatces of Nicæa died. He wassucceeded by his son Theodore, on whose death the crown of Nicæadevolved upon an infant. The child was speedily, though notimmediately, openly dethroned by the regent, Michael Palæologus. Whenat length the imperial title was assumed by the latter, Baldwinthought it advisable to attempt negotiations with him. His ambassadorswere received with open contumely; Michael would give the Latinsnothing. "Tell your master, " he said, "that if he be desirous ofpeace, he must pay me, as an annual tribute, the sum which he receivesfrom the trade and customs of Constantinople. On these terms I mayallow him to reign; if he refuses, it will be war. "

That was in the year 1259. Michael, no putter-forth of empty andboastful words, prepared immediately for the coming war; so in hisfeeble way did Baldwin, but his money was spent, his recruits weremelting away, the Venetians alone were his allies, and the Genoese hadjoined the Greeks. And yet Michael did not know--so great was theterror of the Frank and Flemish name which the great Baldwin, Henry ofFlanders, and John de Brienne had left behind them--how weak was theLatin empire; how unstable were the defences of the city. 

Michael, in 1260, marched into Thrace, strengthened the garrisons, andexpelled the Latins yet remaining in the country. Had he, the sameyear, marched upon Constantinople, the city would have been his. Butthe glory of taking it was destined for one of his generals. 

The Greek Emperor, returning to Nicæa, sent Alexius Strategopoulos, his most trusted general, on whom he had conferred the title of cæsar, to take the command of his armies in Europe. He laid strict ordersupon him to enter the Latin territory as soon as the existing trucewas concluded: to watch, report--act upon the defensive ifnecessary--but nothing more. 

Now the lands round Constantinople had been sold by their Latinseigneurs to Greek cultivators, who, to defend their property, formedthemselves into an armed militia, called "Voluntaries. " With thesevoluntaries Alexius opened communications, and was by their aidenabled to get accurate information of all that went on among theLatins. As soon as the truce expired, he marched his troops across thefrontier and approached the city. His force--doubtless the Latins werebadly served by their spies--seemed too small to inspire any seriousalarm, and the Latins, who had recently received succor from Venicewhich made them confident, resolved on striking the first blow by anattack on the port of Daphnusia. They accordingly despatched a forceof six thousand men, with thirty galleys, leaving the city almost bareof defenders. This, then, was the moment for successful treachery. OneKoutrilzakes, a Greek voluntary, secured the assistance of certainfriends within the town. Either a subterranean passage was to beopened to the Greeks, or they were to be assured of friends upon thewalls. Alexius, at dead of night, brought his army close to the city. At midnight, against a certain stipulated spot the scaling-ladderswere placed, where there were none but traitors to receive the men; atthe same time, the passage was traversed, and Alexius found himselfwithin the walls of the city. [52] They broke open the Gate of theFountain; they admitted the Greek men-at-arms and the Comanauxiliaries before the alarm was given; and by daylight the Greeks hadcomplete command of the land wall, and were storming the imperialpalace. There was one chance left for Baldwin. He might have betakenhimself to the Venetians, and held their quarter until the unluckyexpedition to Daphnusia returned, when they might have expelled theGreeks, or made at least an honorable capitulation. But Baldwin wasnot the man to fight a lost or losing battle. He hastily fled to theport, embarked on board a vessel, and set sail for Euboea. In thedeserted palace the Greek soldiers found sceptre, crown, and sword, the imperial insignia, and carried them in mockery through thestreets. 

While Baldwin was flying from the palace to the port, behind him andaround him was the tramp of the rude Coman barbarians, proclaimingthat the city was taken. The houses, hastily thrown open as the firststreaks of the summer day lit up the sky, resounded with theacclamations of those, yesterday his own subjects, who welcomed thenew-comers with cries of "Long live Michael the Emperor of theRomans!" The house of Courtenay had played its last card and lost thegame. Pity that it was thrown away by so poor a player. 

It matters little about the end of Baldwin. He got safely to Euboea, thence to Rome, and lived twelve or thirteen years longer inobscurity. When he died, his only son, Philip, assumed the empty titleof emperor of Constantinople, which, Gibbon says, "too bulky andsonorous for a private name, modestly expired in silence andoblivion. " It took, however, a long time to expire. Two hundred andfifty years later one of its last holders was the inheritor of so manyshadowy claims that his very name in history is blurred by them. Renéof Anjou gave himself, among other titles, that of emperor ofConstantinople. 

Constantinople was taken, and the Latin Empire destroyed at a blow. There were, however, still remaining the Venetian merchants, who hadthe command of the port, and who might, by holding out until thereturn of the ships from Daphnusia, undo all. Alexius set fire totheir houses, but was careful to leave their communications with thevessels unmolested. They had therefore nothing left but to secure thesafety of their wives, families, and movable property, which they didby embarking them on board the ships. And when the Daphnusianexpedition returned, they found, to their surprise, that the Greeksheld the whole city except a small portion near the port, and hadmanned the walls. A hasty truce was arranged; the merchants loadedevery ship with their families and their property; the Latin fleetsailed down the Dardanelles, and the Latin Empire in the East was atan end. 

It began with violence and injustice: it ended as it began. There weresix Latin emperors, of whom the first was a gallant soldier; thesecond, a sovereign of admirable qualities, and an able administrator;the third, a plain French knight, who was murdered on his way toassume the purple buskins; the fourth, a weak and pusillanimouscreature; the fifth, a stout old warrior; and the last, a monarch ofwhom nothing good can be said and nothing evil, except that which wassaid of Boabdil (called _El Chico_), that he was unlucky. As theLatins never had the slightest right or title to these possessions inthe East, so the western powers were never impelled to assist them, and their downfall was merely a matter of time. In the interests ofcivilization their occupation of the city seems to have beenunfortunate; they learned nothing for themselves, they taught nothing;neither East nor West profited. They destroyed the old institutions, so that the ancient Roman Empire was broken up by their conquest; theyinflicted irreparable losses on learning and art; and perhaps the onlygood result of their conquest was that, for the moment, at least, itdeflected the course of trade with the East from the Golden Horn, andsent it by another route to Venice, Genoa, and Pisa. 

INNOCENT III EXALTS THE PAPAL POWER

A. D. 1208

T. F. TOUT

 Under Pope Innocent III the example of Gregory VII (Hildebrand) was followed, with the result of still further strengthening and extending the pontifical sway. When Innocent became pope (1198), the holy see was engaged in a desperate contest for supremacy with the Hohenstaufen rulers of the Holy Roman Empire. Henry VI, son of Frederick Barbarossa, had but recently died, leaving his wife Constance, heiress of the kingdom of Naples or the "Two Sicilies, " and a son, Frederick--afterward Frederick II--born in 1194, to be dealt with by the Pope. 

 While the imperial power under the Hohenstaufens was making head against the papal authority, Italy was overrun in parts by German subjects of the emperors, and in two expeditions (1194 and 1197) Henry VI recovered the Two Sicilies from the usurper Tancred of Lecce. In his dealings with the Sicilies Innocent therefore had to reckon with the German influence which played an important part in the new settlement of the kingdom. His triumphs in this field, as well as in his conflicts with Philip Augustus of France, Otto IV of Germany, and King John of England, and in the war which he made upon heretics, are set forth in the following article in their historical order, and the cumulative growth of his supremacy forms a subject of increasing interest to the end. 

After the great emperors came the great Pope. Within four months ofthe death of Henry VI, Celestine III had been succeeded by InnocentIII, under whom the visions of Gregory VII and Alexander III at lastbecame accomplished facts, the papal authority attained its highestpoint of influence, and the empire, raised to such heights byFrederick Barbarossa and Henry VI, was reduced to a condition ofdependence upon it. 

The new Pope had been Lothaire of Segni, a member of the noble Romanhouse of Conti, who had studied law and theology at Paris and Bologna, and had at an early age won for himself a many-sided reputation as ajurist, a politician, and as a writer. The favor of his uncle, ClementIII, had made him cardinal before he was thirty, but under CelestineIII he kept in the background, disliked by the Pope, and himselfsuspicious of the timid and temporizing old man. But on Celestine'sdeath on January 8, 1198, Lothaire, though still only thirty-sevenyears of age, was at once hailed as his most fitting successor, as thestrong man who could win for the Church all the advantages that shemight hope to gain from the death of Henry VI. Nor did Innocent'spontificate belie the promise of his early career. 

Innocent III possessed a majestic and noble appearance, an unblemishedprivate character, popular manners, a disposition prone to sudden fitsof anger and melancholy, and a fierce and indomitable will. He broughtto his exalted position the clearly formulated theories of thecanonists as to the nature of the papal power, as well as theoverweening ambition, the high courage, the keen intelligence and theperseverance and energy necessary to turn the theories of the schoolsinto matters of every-day importance. 

His enunciations of the papal doctrine put claims that Hildebrandhimself had hardly ventured to advance, in the clearest and mostdefinite light. The Pope was no mere successor of Peter, thevicegerent of man. "The Roman pontiff, " he wrote, "is the vicar, notof man, but of God himself. " "The Lord gave Peter the rule not only ofthe Universal Church, but also the rule of the whole world. " "The LordJesus Christ has set up one ruler over all things as his universalvicar, and as all things in heaven, earth, and hell bow the knee toChrist, so should all obey Christ's vicar, that there be one flock andone shepherd. " "No king can reign rightly unless he devoutly serveChrist's vicar. " "Princes have power in earth, priests have also powerin heaven. Princes reign over the body, priests over the soul. As muchas the soul is worthier than the body, so much worthier is thepriesthood than the monarchy. " "The Sacerdotium is the sun, the Regnumthe moon. Kings rule over their respective kingdoms, but Peter rulesover the whole earth. The Sacerdotium came by divine creation, theRegnum by man's cunning. "

In these unrestricted claims to rule over church and state alike weseem to be back again in the anarchy of the eleventh century. And itwas not against the feeble feudal princes of the days of Hildebrandthat Innocent III had to contend, but against strong national kings, like Philip of France and John of England. It is significant of thechange of the times, that Innocent sees his chief antagonist, not somuch in the empire as in the limited localized power of the nationalkings. When Richard of England had yielded before Henry VI, thenational state gave way before the universal authority of the lord ofthe world. But Innocent claimed that he alone was lord of the world. The empire was but a German or Italian kingdom, ruling over itslimited sphere. Only in the papacy was the old Roman tradition ofuniversal monarchy rightly upheld. 

Filled with these ambitions of universal monarchy, Innocent's surveytook in both the smallest and the greatest of European affairs. Primarily his work was that of an ecclesiastical statesman, andintrenched far upon the authority of the State. We shall see himrestoring the papal authority in Rome and in the Patrimony, [53]building up the machinery of papal absolutism, protecting the infantKing of Sicily, cherishing the municipal freedom of Italy, making andunmaking kings and emperors at his will, forcing the fiercest of thewestern sovereigns to acknowledge his feudal supremacy, and thegreatest of the kings of France to reform his private life at hiscommands, giving his orders to the petty monarchs of Spain andHungary, and promulgating the law of the Church Universal before theassembled prelates of Christendom in the Lateran Council. 

Nevertheless, the many-sided Pontiff had not less near to his heartthe spiritual and intellectual than the political direction of theuniverse. He had the utmost zeal for the extension of the kingdom ofChrist. The affair of the crusade was, as we shall see, ever his mostpressing care, and it was his bitterest grief that all his efforts torouse the Christian world for the recovery of Jerusalem fell on deafears. He was strenuous in upholding orthodoxy against the daringheretics of Southern France. He was sympathetic and considerate togreat religious teachers, like Francis and Dominic, from whose work hehad the wisdom to anticipate the revival of the inner life of theChurch. As many-sided as strong, and successful as he was strong, Innocent III represents it worthily and adequately. 

Even before Innocent had attained the chair of Peter, the worstdangers that had so long beset the successors of Alexander III wereover. After the death of Henry VI, the Sicilian and the German crownswere separated, and the strong anti-imperial reaction that burst outall over Italy against the oppressive ministers of Henry VI wasallowed to run its full course. The danger was not so much ofdespotism as of anarchy, and Innocent, like Hildebrand, knew how toturn confusion to the advantage of hierarchy. 

No real effort was made to obtain for the little Frederick the crownsof both Germany and Sicily, While Philip of Swabia, herbrother-in-law, hurried to Germany to maintain, if he could, the unityof the Hohenstaufen empire, Constance was quite content to secure herson's succession in Naples and Sicily by renewing the homage due tothe Pope. 

Having thus obtained the indispensable papal confirmation, Constanceruled in Naples as a national queen in the name of the littleFrederick. She drove away the German bandits, who had made the name ofher husband a terror to her subjects. Markwald of Anweiler left hisApulian fiefs[54] for Romagna. But the Pope joined with Constance inhostility to the Germans. Without Innocent's strong and constantsupport she could hardly have carried out her policy. Recognizing inthe renewal of the old papal protection the best hopes for theindependence of Sicily, Constance, on her death in 1198, called onInnocent III to act as the guardian of her son. Innocent loyally tookup her work, and struggled with all his might to preserve the kingdomof Frederick against his many enemies. But the contest was a long anda fierce one. 

No sooner was Constance dead than the Germans came back to their prey. The fierce Markwald, driven from Romagna by the papal triumph, claimedthe regency and the custody of the King. The Saracens and Greeks ofSicily, still numerous and active, joined the Germans. Walter, Bishopof Troja, Chancellor of Sicily, weaved deep plots against his masterand his overlord. But the general support of the Church gave Innocenta strong weapon. Roffrid, Abbot of Monte Casino, a tried friend ofHenry VI, declared for Innocent against Markwald, who in revengebesieged the great monastery, until a summer storm drove him baffledfrom its walls. But the purchased support of Pisa gave Markwald thecommand of the sea, and Innocent had too many schemes on foot and toolittle military power at his command to be able to make easy headwayagainst him. 

At last Innocent had reluctant recourse to Count Walter of Brienne, the French husband of Tancred's daughter Albina, and now a claimantfor the hereditary fiefs of Tancred, Lecce, and Taranto, from which, despite Henry VI's promise, he had long been driven. For almost thefirst time in Italian history, Frenchmen were thus called in to driveout the Germans. But it was then as afterward a dangerous experiment. Walter of Brienne and his small French following invaded Apulia, andfought hard against Diepold of Acerra, another of King Henry'sGermans. Meanwhile Markwald, now in open alliance with the Bishop ofTroja, made himself master of Sicily and regent of the young King. Hisdeath in 1202 removed the most dangerous enemy of both Innocent andFrederick. But the war dragged on for years in Apulia, especiallyafter Diepold had slain Walter of Brienne. The turbulent feudal baronsof Apulia and Sicily profited by this long reign of anarchy toestablish themselves on a permanent basis. At last Innocent sent hisown brother, Richard, Count of Segni, to root out the last of theGermans. So successful was he that, in 1208, the Pope himself visitedthe kingdom of his ward, and arranged for its future government bynative lords, helped by his brother, who now received a rich Apulianfief. It was Innocent's glory that he had secured for Frederick thewhole Norman inheritance. It was amid such storms and troubles thatthe young Frederick grew up to manhood. 

In Central and Northern Italy, Innocent III was more speedilysuccessful than in the South. On Philip of Swabia's return to Germany, Tuscany and the domains of the Countess Matilda fell away from theirforeign lord, and invoked the protection of the Church. The Tuscancities formed themselves into a new league under papal protection. Only Pisa, proud of her sea power, wealth, and trade, held aloof fromthe combination. It seemed as if, after a century of delays, thepapacy was going to enjoy the inheritance of Matilda, [55] and Innocenteagerly set himself to work to provide for its administration. In thenorth the Pope maintained friendly relations with the rivalcommunities of the Lombard plain. But his most immediate and brillianttriumph was in establishing his authority over Rome and the Patrimonyof St. Peter. On his accession he found his lands just throwing offthe yoke of the German garrisons that had kept them in subjectionduring Henry VI's lifetime. He saw within the city power dividedbetween the _præfectus urbis_, the delegate of the Emperor, and the_summus senator, _ the mouthpiece of the Roman commune. 

Within a month the prefect ceased to be an Imperial officer, andbecame the servant of the papacy, bound to it by fealty oaths, andreceiving from it his office. Within a year the senator also hadbecome the papal nominee, and the whole municipality was controlled bythe Pope. No less complete was Innocent's triumph over the nobility ofthe Campagna. He drove Conrad of Urslingen back to Germany, andrestored Spoleto to papal rule. He chased Markwald from Romagna andthe March of Ancona to Apulia, and exercised sovereign rights even inthe most remote regions that acknowledged him as lord. If it was novery real sway that Innocent wielded, it at least allowed the townleagues and the rustic nobility to go on in their own way, and made itpossible for Italy to work out its own destinies. More powerful andmore feared in Italy than any of his predecessors, Innocent couldcontentedly watch the anti-imperial reaction extending over the Alpsand desolating Germany by civil war. 

Despite the precautions taken by Henry VI, it was soon clear that theGerman princes would not accept the hereditary rule of a child ofthree. Philip of Swabia abandoned his Italian domains and hurried toGermany, anxious to do his best for his nephew. But he soon perceivedthat Frederick's chances were hopeless, and that it was all that hecould do to prevent the undisputed election of a Guelf. He was favoredby the absence of the two elder sons of Henry the Lion. Henry ofBrunswick the eldest, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, was away on acrusade, and was loyal to the Hohenstaufen, since his happy marriagewith Agnes. The next son Otto, born at Argenton during his father'sfirst exile, had never seen much of Germany. Brought up at his uncleRichard of Anjou's court, Otto had received many marks of Richard'sfavor, and looked up to the chivalrous, adventurous King as an idealof a warrior prince. Richard had made him Earl of Yorkshire, and hadinvested him in 1196 with the country of Poitou, that he might learnwar and statecraft in the same rude school in which Richard had firstacquainted himself with arms and politics. Even now Otto was not morethan seventeen years of age. Richard himself, as the new vassal of theEmpire for Aries and England, was duly summoned to the electoral diet, but his representatives impolitically urged the claims of Count Henry, who was ruled ineligible on account of his absence. Thus it was thatwhen the German magnates at last met for the election on the 8th ofMarch, 1198, at Muehlhausen, their choice fell on Philip the Arabian, who took the title of Philip II. 

Many of the magnates had absented themselves from the diet atMuehlhausen, and an irreconcilable band of partisans refused to bebound by its decisions. Richard of England now worked actively forOtto, his favorite nephew, and found support both in the old allies ofthe Angevins in the Lower Rhineland and the ancient supporters of thehouse of Guelf. Germany was thus divided into two parties, whocompletely ignored each other's acts. Three months after the diet ofMuehlhausen, another diet met at Cologne and chose Otto of Brunswickas King of the Romans. Three days afterward the young prince wascrowned at Aachen. 

A ten-years' civil war between Philip II and Otto IV now devastatedthe Germany that Barbarossa and Henry VI had left so prosperous. Themajority of the princes remained firm to Philip, who also had thesupport of the strong and homogeneous official class of_ministeriales_ that had been the best helpers of his father andbrother. Nevertheless, Otto had enough of a party to carry on thestruggle. On his side was Cologne, the great mart of Lower Germany, soimportant from its close trading relations with England, and nowgradually shaking itself free of its archbishops. The friendship ofCanute of Denmark and the Guelf tradition combined to give him hisearliest and greatest success in the North. It was the interest of thebaronage to prolong a struggle which secured their own independence atthe expense of the central authority. Both parties looked for outsidehelp. Otto, besides his Danish friends, relied on his uncle Richard, and, after his death, on his uncle John. Philip formed a league withhis namesake Philip of France. But distant princes could do but littleto determine the result of the contest. It was of more moment thatboth appealed to Innocent III, and that the Pope willingly acceptedthe position of arbiter. "The settlement of this matter, " he declared, "belongs to the apostolic see, mainly because it was the apostolic seethat transferred the Empire from the East to the West, and ultimatelybecause the same see confers the Imperial crown. "

In March, 1201, Innocent issued his decision. "We pronounce, " hedeclared, "Philip unworthy of empire, and absolve all who have takenoaths of fealty to him as king. Inasmuch as our dearest son in Christ, Otto, is industrious, discreet, strong, and constant, himself devotedto the Church and descended on each side from a devout stock, we, bythe authority of St. Peter, receive him as king, and will in duecourse bestow upon him the imperial crown. " The grateful Otto promisedin return to maintain all the possessions and privileges of the RomanChurch, including the inheritance of the countess Matilda. 

Philip of Swabia still held his own, and the extravagance of the papalclaim led to many of the bishops as well as the lay magnates ofGermany joining in a declaration that no former pope had ever presumedto interfere in an imperial election. But the swords of his Germanfollowers were a stronger argument in favor of Philip's claims thanthe protests of his supporters against papal assumptions. As time wenton, the Hohenstaufen slowly got the better of the Guelfs. With thefalling away of the North, Otto's cause became distinctly the losingone. In 1206, Otto was defeated outside the walls of Cologne, and thegreat trading city was forced to transfer its obedience to his rival. In 1207 Philip became so strong that Innocent was constrained toreconsider his position, and suggested to Otto the propriety ofrenouncing his claims. But in June, 1208, Philip was treacherouslymurdered at Bamberg by his faithless vassal, Otto of Wittelsbach, towhom he had refused his daughter's hand. It was no political crime, but a deed of private vengeance. It secured, however, the position ofOtto, for the ministeriales now transferred their allegiance to him, and there was no Hohenstaufen candidate ready to oppose him. Otto, moreover, did not scruple to undergo a fresh election which securedfor him universal recognition in Germany. By marrying Beatrice, Philipof Swabia's daughter, he sought to unite the rival houses, while heconciliated Innocent by describing himself as King "by the grace ofGod and the Pope. " Next year he crossed the Alps to Italy, and boundhimself by oath, not only to allow the papacy the privileges that hehad already granted, but to grant complete freedom of ecclesiasticalelections, and to support the Pope in his struggle against heresy. InOctober, 1209, he was crowned Emperor at Rome. After ten years ofwaiting, Innocent, already master of Italy, had procured for hisdependent both the German kingdom and the Roman Empire. 

Despite his preoccupation with Italy and Germany, the early years ofInnocent's pontificate saw him busily engaged in upholding the papalauthority and the moral order of the Church in every country inEurope. No consideration of the immediate interests of the Roman seeever prevented him from maintaining his principles even againstpowerful sovereigns who could do much to help forward his generalplans. The most conspicuous instance of this was Innocent's famousquarrel with Philip Augustus of France, when to vindicate a simpleprinciple of Christian morals he did not hesitate to abandon thealliance of the "eldest son of the Church" at a time when the fortunesof the papacy were everywhere doubtful. Philip's first wife, Isabellaof Hainault, the mother of the future Louis VIII, had died in 1190, just before her husband had started on his crusade. In 1193 Philipnegotiated a second marriage with Ingeborg, the sister of Canute VI, the powerful King of Denmark, hoping to obtain from his Danishbrother-in-law substantial help against England and the Empire. Philipdid not get the expected political advantages from the new connection, and at once took a strong dislike to the lady. On the day after themarriage Philip refused to have anything more to do with his bride. Within three months, he persuaded a synod of complaisant Frenchbishops of Compiègne to pronounce the marriage void by reason of aremote kinship that existed between the two parties. 

Ingeborg was young, timid, friendless, helpless, and utterly ignorantof the French tongue, but King Canute took up her cause, and, from herretreat in a French convent, she appealed to Rome against thewickedness of the French King and clergy. Celestine III proved herfriend, and finding protestations of no avail, he finally quashed thesentence of the French bishops and declared her the lawful wife of theFrench King. But Philip persisted in his repudiation of Ingeborg, andCelestine contented himself with remonstrances and warnings that wereutterly disregarded. In 1196 Philip found a fresh wife in Agnes, alady of the powerful house of Andechs-Meran, whose authority was greatin Thuringia, and whose Alpine lordships soon developed into thecountry of Tyrol. 

Innocent at once proved a stronger champion of Ingeborg than the weakand aged Celestine. He forthwith warned Philip and the French bishopsthat they had no right to put asunder those whom God had joinedtogether. "Recall your lawful wife, " he wrote to Philip, "and then wewill hear all that you can righteously urge. If you do not do this, nopower shall move us to right or left, until justice be done. " A papallegate was now sent to France, threatening excommunication andinterdict, were Ingeborg not immediately reinstated in her place. Fora few months the Pope hesitated, moved, no doubt, by his Italian andGerman troubles, and fearful lest his action against a Christianprince should delay the hoped-for crusade. But he gradually turned theleaders of the French clergy from their support of Philip, and atlast, in February, 1200, an interdict was pronounced forbidding thepublic celebration of the rites of the Church in the whole lands thatowed obedience to the King of France. 

Philip Augustus held out fiercely for a time, declaring that he wouldrather lose half his lands than be separated from Agnes. Meanwhile heused pressure on his bishops to make them disregard the interdict, andvigorously intrigued with the cardinals, seeking to build up a Frenchparty in the papal curia. Innocent so far showed complacency that thelegate he sent to France was the King's kinsman, Octavin, Cardinal-bishop of Ostia, who was anxious to make Philip's humiliationas light as possible. His labors were eased by the partial submissionof Philip, who in September visited Ingeborg, and promised to take heragain as his wife, and so gave an excuse to end the interdict. Philipstill claimed that his marriage should be dissolved; though here againhe suddenly abandoned a suit which he probably saw was hopeless. Thedeath of Agnes of Meran in July, 1201, made a complete reconciliationless difficult. Next year the Pope legitimated the children of Agnesand Philip, on the ground that the sentence of divorce, pronounced bythe French bishops, gave the King reasonable grounds for entering ingood faith on his union with her. Ingeborg was still refused therights of a queen, and constantly besought the Pope to have pity onher forlorn condition. The Pope was now forced to content himself withremonstrances. Philip declared that a baleful charm separated him fromIngeborg, and again begged the Pope to divorce him from a union basedon sorcery and witchcraft. 

The growing need of the French alliance now somewhat slackened theearly zeal of Innocent for the cause of the Queen. But no realcordiality was possible as long as the strained relations of Ingeborgand Philip continued. At last, in 1213, in the very crisis of hisfortunes, Philip completed his tardy reconciliation with his wife, after they had been separated for twenty years. Henceforth Philip wasthe most active ally of the papacy. 

While thus dealing with Philip of France, Innocent enjoyed easiertriumphs over the lesser kings of Europe. It was his ambition to breakthrough the traditional limits that separated the church from thestate, and to bind as many as he could of the kings of Europe to thepapacy by ties of political vassalage. The time-honored feudalsuperiority of the popes over the Norman kingdom of Sicily had beenthe first precedent for this most unecclesiastical of all papalaggressions. Already others of the smaller kingdoms of Europe, conspicuous among which was Portugal, had followed the example of theNormans in becoming vassals of the holy see. Under Innocent at leastthree states supplemented ecclesiastical by political dependence onthe papacy. Sancho, King of Portugal, who had striven to repudiate theformer submission of Alfonso I, was in the end forced to accept thepapal suzerainty. Peter, King of Aragon, went in 1204 to Rome and wassolemnly crowned king by Innocent. Afterward Peter deposited his crownon the high altar of St. Peter's and condescended to receive theinvestiture of his kingdom from the Pope, holding it as a perpetualfief of the holy see, and promising tribute to Innocent and hissuccessors. In 1213 a greater monarch than the struggling Christiankings of the Iberian peninsula was forced, after a long struggle, tomake an even more abject submission. 

The long strife of Innocent with John of Anjou, about the disputedelection to the see of Canterbury, was fought with the same weaponswhich the Pope had already employed against the King of France. ButJohn held out longer. Interdict was followed by excommunication andthreatened deposition. At last the English King surrendered his crownto the papal agent Pandulf, and, like Peter of Aragon, received itback as a vassal of the papacy, bound by an annual tribute. 

Nor were these the only kings that sought the support of the greatPope. The schismatic princes of the East vied in ardor with theCatholic princes of the West in their quest of Innocent's favor. KingLeo of Armenia begged for his protection. The Bulgarian prince Johnbesought the Pope to grant him a royal crown. Innocent posed as amediator in Hungary between the two brothers, Emeric and Andrew, whowere struggling for the crown. Canute of Denmark, zealous for hissister's honor, was his humble suppliant. Poland was equally obedient. The Duke of Bohemia accepted the papal reproof for allying himselfwith Philip of Swabia. 

Despite his vigor and his authority, Innocent's constant interferencewith the internal concerns of every country in Europe did not passunchallenged. Even the kings who invoked his intercession wereconstantly in conflict with him. Besides his great quarrels inGermany, France, and England, Innocent had many minor wars to wageagainst the princes of Europe. For five years the kingdom of Leon layunder interdict because its king Alfonso had married his cousin, Berengaria of Castile, in the hope of securing the peace between thetwo realms. It was only after the lady had borne five children toAlfonso that she voluntarily terminated the obnoxious union, andInnocent found it prudent, as in France, to legitimize the offspringof a marriage which he had denounced as incestuous. Not one of theprinces of the peninsula was spared. Sancho of Navarre incurredinterdict by reason of suspected dealings with the Saracens, while themarriage of his sister with Peter of Aragon, the vassal of the Pope, involved both kings in a contest with Innocent. Not only did themonarchs of Europe resent, so far as they were able, the Pope'shaughty policy; for the first time the peoples of their realms beganto make common cause with them against the political aggressions ofthe papacy. The nobles of Aragon protested against King Peter'ssubmission to the papacy, declared that his surrender of their kingdomwas invalid, and prevented the payment of the promised tribute. WhenJohn of England procured his Roman overlord's condemnation of MagnaCharta, the support of Rome was of no avail to prevent his indignantsubjects combining to drive him from the throne, and did not evenhinder Louis of France, the son of the papalist Philip II, fromaccepting their invitation to become English king in his stead. It wasonly by a repudiation of this policy, and by an acceptance of theGreat Charter, that the papacy could secure the English throne forJohn's young son, Henry III, and thus continue for a time itsprecarious overlordship over England. 

For the moment Innocent's iron policy crushed opposition, but inadding the new hostility of the national kings and the rising nationsof Europe to the old hostility of the declining empire, Innocent wasentering into a perilous course of conduct, which, within a century, was to prove fatal to one of the strongest of his successors. The morepolitical the papal authority became, the more difficult it was touphold its prestige as the source of law, of morality, of religion. Innocent himself did not lose sight of the higher ideal because hestrove so firmly after more earthly aims. His successors were notalways so able or so high-minded. And it was as the protectors of thepeople, not as the enemies of their political rights, that the greatpopes of the eleventh and twelfth centuries had obtained theirwonderful ascendency over the best minds of Europe. 

The coronation of Otto IV did not end Innocent's troubles with theEmpire. It was soon followed by an open breach between the Pope andhis nominee, from which ultimately developed something like a generalEuropean war, between a league of partisans of the Pope and a leagueof partisans of Otto. It was inevitable that Otto, as a crownedemperor, should look upon the papal power in a way very different fromthat in which he had regarded it when a faction leader struggling forthe crown. Then the support of the Pope was indispensable. Now theautocracy of the Pope was to be feared. The Hohenstaufenministeriales, who now surrounded the Guelfic Emperor, raised hisideals and modified his policy. Henry of Kalden, the old minister ofHenry VI, was now his closest confidant, and under his direction itsoon became Otto's ambition to continue the policy of theHohenstaufen. The great object of Henry VI had been the union ofSicily with the Empire. To the alarm and disgust of Innocent, hisancient dependent now strove to continue Henry VI's policy by drivingout Henry VI's son from his Sicilian inheritance. Otto now establishedrelations with Diepold and the other German adventurers, who stilldefied Frederick II and the Pope in Apulia. He soon claimed theinheritance of Matilda as well as the Sicilian monarchy. In August, 1210, he occupied Matilda's Tuscan lands, and in November invadedApulia, and prepared to despatch a Pisan fleet against Sicily. Innocent was moved to a terrible wrath. On hearing of the capture ofCapua, and the revolt of Salerno and Naples, he excommunicated theEmperor and freed his subjects from their oaths of fealty to him. But, despite the threats of the Church, Otto conquered most of Apulia andwas equally successful in reviving the Imperial authority in NorthernItaly. 

Innocent saw the power that he had built up so carefully in Italycrumbling rapidly away. In his despair he turned to France and Germanyfor help against the audacious Guelf. Philip Augustus, though still inbad odor at Rome through his persistent hostility to Ingeborg, was nowan indispensable ally. He actively threw himself into the Pope'spolicy, and French and papal agents combined to stir up disaffectionagainst Otto in Germany. The haughty manners and the love of the youngKing for Englishmen and Saxons had already excited disaffection. Itwas believed that Otto wished to set up a centralized despotism ofcourt officials, levying huge taxes on the model of the Angevinadministrative system of his grandfathers and uncles. The bishops nowtook the lead in organizing a general defection from the absentEmperor. In September, 1211, a gathering of disaffected magnates, among whom were the newly made king Ottocar of Bohemia and the dukesof Austria and Bavaria, assembled at Nuremberg. They treated the papalsentence as the deposition of Otto, and pledged themselves to elect astheir new king Frederick of Sicily, the sometime ward of the Pope. Itwas not altogether good news to the Pope that the German nobles had, in choosing the son of Henry VI, renewed the union of German andSicily. But Innocent felt that the need of setting up an effectiveopposition to Otto was so pressing that he put out of sight thegeneral in favor of the immediate interests of the Roman see. Heaccepted Frederick as emperor, only stipulating that he should renewhis homage for the Sicilian crown, and consequently renounce aninalienable union between Sicily and the Empire. Frederick now leftSicily, repeated his submission to Innocent at Rome, and crossed theAlps for Germany. 

Otto had already abandoned Italy to meet the threatened danger in theNorth. Misfortunes soon showered thick upon him. His Hohenstaufenwife, Beatrice, died, and her loss lessened his hold on SouthernGermany. When Frederick appeared, Swabia and Bavaria were alreadyeager to welcome the heir of the mighty southern line, and aid himagainst the audacious Saxon. The spiritual magnates flocked to theside of the friend and pupil of the Pope. In December, 1212, followedFrederick's formal election and his coronation at Mainz by thearchbishop Siegfried. Early in 1213 Henry of Kalden appeared at hiscourt. Henceforward the important class of the ministeriales wasdivided. While some remained true to Otto, others gradually went backto the personal representative of Hohenstaufen. 

Otto was now thrown back on Saxony and the Lower Rhineland. He againtook up his quarters with the faithful citizens of Cologne, when heappealed for help to his uncle, John of England, still under the papalban. With English help he united the princes of the Netherlands in aparty of opposition to the Pope and the Hohenstaufen. Frederickanswered by a closer and a more effective league with France. Evenbefore his coronation he had met Louis, the son of Philip Augustus, atVaucouleurs. All Europe seemed arming at the bidding of the Pope andEmperor. 

John of England now hastily reconciled himself to Innocent, at theprice of the independence of his kingdom. He thus became in a betterposition to aid his excommunicated nephew, and revenge the loss ofNormandy and Anjou on Philip Augustus. His plan was now a twofold one. He himself summoned the barons of England to follow him in an attemptto recover his ancient lands on the Loire. Meanwhile, Otto and theNetherlandish lords were encouraged, by substantial English help, tocarry out a combined attack on France from the north. The oppositionof the English barons reduced to comparative insignificance theexpedition to Poitou, but a very considerable army gathered togetherunder Otto, and took up its position in the neighborhood of Tournai. Among the French King's vassals, Ferrand, Count of Flanders, longhostile to his overlord Philip, and the Count of Boulogne foughtstrenuously on Otto's side; while, of the Imperial vassals, the Countof Holland and Duke of Brabant (Lower Lorraine) were among Otto's mostactive supporters. A considerable English contingent came also, headedby Otto's bastard uncle, William Longsword, Earl of Salisbury. Philiphimself commanded the chivalry of France, leaving his son Louis tofight against John in Poitou. On July 27th the decisive battle wasfought at Bouvines, a few miles southwest of Tournai. The army ofFrance and Church gained an overwhelming victory over the league whichhad incurred the papal ban, and Otto's fortunes were utterlyshattered. He soon lost all his hold over the Rhineland, and wasforced to retreat to the ancient domains of his house in Saxony. Hisremaining friends made their peace with Philip and Frederick. Thedefection of the Wittelsbachers lost his last hold in the south ofGermany, and the desertion of Valdemar of Denmark deprived him of astrong friend in the North. John withdrew from Continental politics tobe beaten more decisively by his barons than he had been beaten inPoitou or at Bouvines. 

Frederick II, was now undisputed King of the Romans, and Innocent IIIhad won another triumph. By the Golden Bull of Eger (July, 1213)Frederick had already renewed the concessions made by Otto to theChurch, and promised obedience to the holy see. In 1216 he pledgedhimself to separate Sicily from the Empire, and establish his sonHenry there as king, under the supremacy of the Church. But, like hisother triumphs, Innocent's victory over the Empire was purchased at nosmall cost. For the first time, a German national irritation at theaggressions of the papacy began to be distinctly felt. It found anadequate expression in the indignant verses of Walther von derVogelweide, protesting against the priests who strove to upset therights of the laity, and denouncing the greed and pride of theforeigners who profited by the humiliation of Germany. 

Amid all the distractions of western politics, Innocent III ardentlystrove to revive the crusading spirit. He never succeeded in raisingall Europe, as several of his predecessors had done. But after greatefforts, and the eloquent preaching of Fulk of Neuilly he stirred up afair amount of enthusiasm for the crusading cause, and, in 1204, aconsiderable crusading army, mainly French, mustered at Venice. It wasthe bitterest disappointment of Innocent's life that the FourthCrusade never reached Palestine, but was diverted to the conquest ofthe Greek empire. Yet the establishment of a Catholic Latin empire atConstantinople, at the expense of the Greek schismatics, was no smalltriumph. Not disheartened by his first failure, Innocent still urgedupon Europe the need of the holy war. If no expedition against theSaracens of Syria marked the result of his efforts, his pontificatesaw the extension of the crusading movement to other lands. Innocentpreached the crusade against the Moors of Spain, and rejoiced in thenews of the momentous victory of the Christians at Navas de Tolosa. Hesaw the beginnings of a fresh crusade against the obstinate heathen onthe eastern shores of the Baltic. 

But all these crusades were against pagans and infidels. Innocent madea much greater new departure when he proclaimed the first crusadedirected against a Christian land. The Albigensian crusade succeededin destroying the most dangerous and widespread popular heresy thatChristianity had witnessed since the fall of the Roman Empire, andInnocent rejoiced that his times saw the Church purged of its worstblemish. But in extending the benefits of a crusade to Christiansfighting against Christians, he handed on a precedent which was soonfatally abused by his successors. In crushing out the young nationallife of Southern France the papacy again set a people against itself. The denunciations of the German Minnesinger were reechoed in thecomplaints of the last of the Troubadours. Rome had ceased to do harmto Turks and Saracens, but had stirred up Christians to war againstfellow-Christians. God and his saints abandon the greedy, thestrife-loving, the unjust worldly Church. The picture is darklycolored by a partisan, but in every triumph of Innocent there lay theshadow of future trouble. 

Crusades, even against heretics and infidels, are the work of earthlyforce rather than of spiritual influence. It was to build up the greatoutward corporation of the Church that all these labors of Innocentmainly tended. Even his additions to the canon law, his reforms ofecclesiastical jurisdiction, dealt with the external rather than theinternal life of the Church. The criticism of James of Vitry, that theRoman curia was so busy in secular affairs that it hardly turned athought to spiritual things, is clearly applicable to much ofInnocent's activity. But the many-sided Pope did not ignore thereligious wants of the Church. His crusade against heresy was no merewar against enemies of the wealth and power of the Church. The newtendencies that were to transform the spiritual life of the thirteenthcentury were not strange to him. He favored the early work of Dominic;he had personal dealings with Francis, and showed his sympathy withthe early work of the poor man of Assisi. But it is as the conquerorand organizer rather than the priest or prophet that Innocent made hismark in the Church. It is significant that, with all his greatness, henever attained the honors of sanctity. 

Toward the end of his life, Innocent held a general council in thebasilica of St. John Lateran. A vast gathering of bishops heads oforders, and secular dignitaries gave brilliancy to the gathering andenhanced the glory of the Pontiff. Enthroned over more than fourhundred bishops, the Pope proudly declared the law to the world. "Twothings we have specially to heart, " wrote Innocent, in summoning theassembly, "the deliverance of the Holy Land and the reform of theChurch Universal. " In its vast collection of seventy canons, theLateran Council strove hard to carry out the Pope's programme. Itcondemned the dying heresies of the Albigenses and the Cathari, andprescribed the methods and punishments of the unrepentant heretic. Itstrove to rekindle zeal for the crusade. It drew up a drastic schemefor reforming the internal life and discipline of the Church. Itstrove to elevate the morals and the learning of the clergy, to checktheir worldliness and covetousness, and to restrain them from abusingthe authority of the Church through excess of zeal or more corruptmotives. It invited bishops to set up free schools to teach poorscholars grammar and theology. It forbade trial by battle and trial byordeal. It subjected the existing monastic orders to strictersuperintendence, and forbade the establishment of new monastic rules. It forbade superstitious practices and the worship of spurious orunauthorized relics. 

The whole series of canons sought to regulate and ameliorate theinfluence of the Church on society. If many of the abuses aimed atwere too deeply rooted to be overthrown by mere legislation, theattempt speaks well for the character and intelligence of Pope andcouncil. All mediaeval lawmaking, civil and ecclesiastical alike, wasbut the promulgation of an ideal, rather than the issuing of preceptsmeant to be literally executed. But no more serious attempt at rootingout inveterate evils was ever made in the Middle Ages than in thiscouncil. 

The formal enunciation of this lofty programme of reform broughtInnocent's pontificate to a glorious end. The Pontiff devoted whatlittle remained of his life to hurrying on the preparations for theprojected crusade, which was to set out 1217. But in the summer of1216 Innocent died at Perugia, when only fifty-six years old. If notthe greatest he was the most powerful of all the popes. For nearlytwenty years the whole history of Europe groups itself round hisdoings. 

SIGNING OF MAGNA CHARTA

A. D. 1215

DAVID HUME

 The Great Charter is one of the most famous documents in history. Regarded as the foundation of English civil liberty, it also stands as the historic prototype of later declarations of human freedom in various lands. In the Great Charter, as observed by Green, "the vague expressions of the older charters were exchanged for precise and elaborate provisions. The Great Charter marks the transition from the age of traditional rights to the age of written legislation, of parliaments and statutes, which was soon to come. "

 King John of England, although compelled to submit to the loss of his French provinces in 1204, never after lost sight of plans for the renewal of the war with France. A bitter controversy with Pope Innocent III began over an election for the archbishopric of Canterbury, and resulted in a bull deposing John, 1212, with a command to Philip of France to execute the deposition. John made terms with the Pope by agreeing to hold his kingdom in fief from the pontiff, and to pay an annual tribute of one thousand marks (1213). 

 John then invaded France, in alliance with Otho IV, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, and others, but was defeated at Bouvines, near Lille, 1214. This ended John's endeavors to recover his lost power in France, and he could only think henceforth of ruling peaceably his own kingdom and preserving, to his own advantage, his now close connection with the Pope. But although the English King's reign had been full of unfortunate events, the last and most grievous of his trials still awaited him, and "he was destined to pass through a series of more humiliating circumstances than had ever yet fallen to the lot of any other monarch. "

 Under the feudal law of William the Conqueror, the ancient liberties of the Anglo-Saxons were greatly curtailed; in fact, the whole English people were reduced to a state of vassalage, which for the majority closely bordered upon actual slavery. Even the proud Norman barons themselves submitted to a kingly prerogative more absolute than was usual in feudal governments. A charter of comparative liberality had been granted by Henry I, renewed by Stephen, and confirmed by Henry II, but had never, either in letter or spirit, been made effective. And now came the great crisis in which the matters at issue--first between the King and his barons, but ultimately between the Grown and the subjects at large--were to be adjusted. The event was hastened by the exactions and impositions of John himself, and by personal as well as official conduct which rendered him odious to his people--these causes at length producing a general combination against him. 

The effect of John's lawless practices had already appeared in thegeneral demand made by the barons of a restoration of theirprivileges; and after he had reconciled himself to the Pope, byabandoning the independence of the kingdom, he appeared to all hissubjects in so mean a light that they universally thought they mightwith safety and honor insist upon their pretensions. 

But nothing forwarded this confederacy so much as the concurrence ofLangton, Archbishop of Canterbury; a man whose memory, though he wasobtruded on the nation by a palpable encroachment of the see of Rome, ought always to be respected by the English. This prelate--whether hewas moved by the generosity of his nature and his affection to publicgood or had entertained an animosity against John, on account of thelong opposition made by that prince to his election, or thought thatan acquisition of liberty to the people would serve to increase andsecure the privileges of the Church--had formed the plan of reformingthe government. In a private meeting of some principal barons atLondon, he showed them a copy of Henry I's charter, which, he said, hehad happily found in a monastery; and he exhorted them to insist onthe renewal and observance of it. The barons swore that they wouldsooner lose their lives than depart from so reasonable a demand. 

The confederacy began now to spread wider, and to comprehend almostall the barons in England; and a new and more numerous meeting wassummoned by Langton at St. Edmundsbury, under color of devotion. Heagain produced to the assembly the old charter of Henry; renewed hisexhortations of unanimity and vigor in the prosecution of theirpurpose; and represented, in the strongest colors, the tyranny towhich they had so long been subjected, and from which it now behoovedthem to free themselves and their posterity. The barons, inflamed byhis eloquence, incited by the sense of their own wrongs, andencouraged by the appearance of their power and numbers, solemnly tookan oath, before the high altar, to adhere to each other, to insist ontheir demands, and to make endless war on the King till he shouldsubmit to grant them. They agreed that, after the festival ofChristmas, they would prefer in a body their common petition; and inthe mean time they separated, after mutually engaging that they wouldput themselves in a posture of defence, would enlist men and purchasearms, and would supply their castles with the necessary provisions. 

The barons appeared in London on the day appointed, and demanded ofthe King, that, in consequence of his own oath before the primate, aswell as in deference to their just rights, he should grant them arenewal of Henry's charter, and a confirmation of the laws of St. Edward. The King, alarmed with their zeal and unanimity, as well aswith their power, required a delay; promised that, at the festival ofEaster, he would give them a positive answer to their petition; andoffered them the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Ely, and theEarl of Pembroke as sureties for his fulfilling this engagement. Thebarons accepted of the terms, and peaceably returned to their castles. 

During this interval, John, in order to break or subdue the league ofhis barons, endeavored to avail himself of the ecclesiastical power, of whose influence he had, from his own recent misfortunes, had suchfatal experience. He granted to the clergy a charter, relinquishingforever that important prerogative for which his father and all hisancestors had zealously contended; yielding to them the free electionon all vacancies; reserving only the power to issue a _congé d'élire_, and to subjoin a confirmation of the election; and declaring that, ifeither of these were withheld, the choice should nevertheless bedeemed just and valid. 

He made a vow to lead an army into Palestine against the infidels, andhe took on him the cross, in hopes that he should receive from theChurch that protection which she tendered to everyone that had enteredinto this sacred and meritorious engagement. And he sent to Rome hisagent, William de Mauclerc, in order to appeal to the Pope against theviolence of his barons, and procure him a favorable sentence from thatpowerful tribunal. The barons, also, were not negligent on their partin endeavoring to engage the Pope in their interests. They despatchedEustace de Vescie to Rome; laid their case before Innocent as theirfeudal lord, and petitioned him to interpose his authority with theKing, and oblige him to restore and confirm all their just andundoubted privileges. 

Innocent beheld with regret the disturbances which had arisen inEngland, and was much inclined to favor John in his pretensions. Hehad no hopes of retaining and extending his newly acquired superiorityover that kingdom, but by supporting so base and degenerate a prince, who was willing to sacrifice every consideration to his presentsafety; and he foresaw that if the administration should fall into thehands of those gallant and high-spirited barons, they would vindicatethe honor, liberty, and independence of the nation, with the sameardor which they now exerted in defence of their own. He wroteletters, therefore, to the prelates, to the nobility, and to the Kinghimself. He exhorted the first to employ their good offices inconciliating peace between the contending parties, and putting an endto civil discord. To the second he expressed his disapprobation oftheir conduct in employing force to extort concessions from theirreluctant sovereign; the last he advised to treat his nobles withgrace and indulgence, and to grant them such of their demands asshould appear just and reasonable. 

The barons easily saw, from the tenor of these letters, that they mustreckon on having the Pope, as well as the King, for their adversary;but they had already advanced too far to recede from theirpretensions, and their passions were so deeply engaged that itexceeded even the power of superstition itself any longer to controlthem. They also foresaw that the thunders of Rome, when not secondedby the efforts of the English ecclesiastics, would be of small availagainst them; and they perceived that the most considerable of theprelates, as well as all the inferior clergy, professed the highestapprobation of their cause. Besides that these men were seized withthe national passion for laws and liberty, blessings of which theythemselves expected to partake, there concurred very powerful causesto loosen their devoted attachment to the apostolic see. It appeared, from the late usurpations of the Roman Pontiff, that he intended toreap alone all the advantages accruing from that victory, which underhis banners, though at their own peril, they had everywhere obtainedover the civil magistrate. 

The Pope assumed a despotic power over all the churches; theirparticular customs, privileges, and immunities were treated withdisdain; even the canons of general councils were set aside by hisdispensing power; the whole administration of the Church was centredin the court of Rome; all preferments ran, of course, in the samechannel; and the provincial clergy saw, at least felt, that there wasa necessity for limiting these pretensions. 

The legate, Nicholas, in filling those numerous vacancies which hadfallen in England during an interdict of six years, had proceeded inthe most arbitrary manner; and had paid no regard, in conferringdignities, to personal merit, to rank, to the inclination of theelectors, or to the customs of the country. The English Church wasuniversally disgusted; and Langton himself, though he owed hiselevation to an encroachment of the Romish see, was no soonerestablished in his high office than he became jealous of the privilegeannexed to it, and formed attachments with the country subjected tohis jurisdiction. These causes, though they opened slowly the eyes ofmen, failed not to produce their effect; they set bounds to theusurpations of the papacy; the tide first stopped, and then turnedagainst the sovereign Pontiff; and it is otherwise inconceivable howthat age, so prone to superstition, and so sunk in ignorance, orrather so devoted to a spurious erudition, could have escaped fallinginto an absolute and total slavery under the court of Rome. 

About the time that the Pope's letters arrived in England, themalcontent barons, on the approach of the festival of Easter, whenthey were to expect the King's answer to their petition, met byagreement at Stamford; and they assembled a force consisting of abovetwo thousand knights, besides their retainers and inferior personswithout number. Elated with their power, they advanced in a body toBrackley, within fifteen miles of Oxford, the place where the courtthen resided; and they there received a message from the King, by theArchbishop of Canterbury and the Earl of Pembroke, desiring to knowwhat those liberties were which they so zealously challenged fromtheir sovereign. They delivered to these messengers a schedule, containing the chief articles of their demands; which was no soonershown to the King than he burst into a furious passion, and asked whythe barons did not also demand of him his kingdom; swearing that hewould never grant them such liberties as must reduce himself toslavery. 

No sooner were the confederate nobles informed of John's reply thanthey chose Robert Fitz-Walter their general, whom they called "themareschal of the army of God and of Holy Church "; and they proceededwithout further ceremony to levy war upon the King, They besieged thecastle of Northampton during fifteen days, though without success; thegates of Bedford castle were willingly opened to them by WilliamBeauchamp, its owner; they advanced to Ware on their way to London, where they held a correspondence with the principal citizens; theywere received without opposition into the capital; and finding now thegreat superiority of their force, they issued proclamations, requiringthe other barons to join them, and menacing them, in case of refusalor delay, with committing devastation on their houses and estates. Inorder to show what might be expected from their prosperous arms, theymade incursions from London, and laid waste the King's parks andpalaces; and all the barons, who had hitherto carried the semblance ofsupporting the royal party, were glad of this pretence for openlyjoining a cause which they always had secretly favored. The King wasleft at Odiham, in Hampshire, with a poor retinue of only sevenknights, and after trying several expedients to elude the blow, afteroffering to refer all differences to the Pope alone, or to eightbarons, four to be chosen by himself, and four by the confederates, hefound himself at last obliged to submit at discretion. 

A conference between the King and the barons was appointed atRunnymede, between Windsor and Staines; a place which has ever sincebeen extremely celebrated, on account of this great event. The twoparties encamped apart, like open enemies; and after a debate of a fewdays, the King, with a facility somewhat suspicious, signed and sealedthe charter which was required of him. This famous deed, commonlycalled the "Great Charter, " either granted or secured very importantliberties and privileges to every order of men in the kingdom: to theclergy, to the barons, and to the people. The freedom of elections wassecured to the clergy; the former charter of the King was confirmed, by which the necessity of a royal congé d'élire and confirmation wassuperseded; all check upon appeals to Rome was removed, by theallowance granted every man to depart the kingdom at pleasure, and thefines to be imposed on the clergy, for any offence, were ordained tobe proportional to their lay estates, not to their ecclesiasticalbenefices. 

The privileges granted to the barons were either abatements in therigor of the feudal law or determinations in points which had beenleft by that law or had become, by practice, arbitrary and ambiguous. The reliefs of heirs succeeding to a military fee were ascertained: anearl's and baron's at a hundred marks, a knight's at a hundredshillings. It was ordained by the charter that, if the heir be aminor, he shall, immediately upon his majority, enter upon his estate, without paying any relief; the king shall not sell his wardship; heshall levy only reasonable profits upon the estate, without committingwaste or hurting the property; he shall uphold the castles, houses, mills, parks, and ponds, and if he commit the guardianship of theestate to the sheriff or any other, he shall previously oblige them tofind surety to the same purpose. 

During the minority of a baron, while his lands are in wardship, andare not in his own possession, no debt which he owes to the Jews shallbear any interest. Heirs shall be married without disparagement; andbefore the marriage be contracted, the nearest relatives of the personshall be informed of it. A widow, without paying any relief, shallenter upon her dower, the third part of her husband's rents; she shallnot be compelled to marry, so long as she chooses to continue single;she shall only give security never to marry without her lord'sconsent. The king shall not claim the wardship of any minor who holdslands by military tenure of a baron, on pretence that he also holdslands of the crown by socage or any other tenure. Scutages shall beestimated at the same rate as in the time of Henry I; and no scutageor aid, except in the three general feudal cases--the king'scaptivity, the knighting of his eldest son, and the marrying of hiseldest daughter--shall be imposed but by the great council of thekingdom; the prelates, earls, and great barons shall be called to thisgreat council, each by a particular writ; the lesser barons by ageneral summons of the sheriff. The king shall not seize any baron'sland for a debt to the crown if the baron possesses as many goods andchattels as are sufficient to discharge the debt. No man shall beobliged to perform more service for his fee than he is bound to by histenure. No governor or constable of a castle shall oblige any knightto give money for castle guard, if the knight be willing to performthe service in person, or by another able-bodied man; and if theknight be in the field himself, by the king's command, he shall beexempted from all other service of this nature. No vassal shall beallowed to sell so much of his land as to incapacitate himself fromperforming his service to his lord. 

These were the principal articles, calculated for the interest of thebarons; and had the charter contained nothing further, nationalhappiness and liberty had been very little promoted by it, as it wouldonly have tended to increase the power and independence of an order ofmen who were already too powerful, and whose yoke might have becomemore heavy on the people than even that of an absolute monarch. Butthe barons, who alone drew and imposed on the prince this memorablecharter, were necessitated to insert in it other clauses of a moreextensive and more beneficent nature: they could not expect theconcurrence of the people without comprehending, together with theirown, the interests of inferior ranks of men; and all provisions whichthe barons for their own sake were obliged to make in order to insurethe free and equitable administration of justice, tended directly tothe benefit of the whole community. The following were the principalclauses of this nature:

It was ordained that all the privileges and immunities abovementioned, granted to the barons against the King, should be extendedby the barons to their inferior vassals. The King bound himself not togrant any writ empowering a baron to levy aid from his vassals exceptin the three feudal cases. One weight and one measure shall beestablished throughout the kingdom. Merchants shall be allowed totransact all business without being exposed to any arbitrary tolls andimpositions; they and all freemen shall be allowed to go out of thekingdom and return to it at pleasure; London and all cities and burghsshall preserve their ancient liberties, immunities, and free customs;aids shall not be required of them but by the consent of the greatcouncil; no towns or individuals shall be obliged to make or supportbridges but by ancient custom; the goods of every freeman shall bedisposed of according to his will; if he die intestate, his heirsshall succeed to them. No officer of the crown shall take any horses, carts, or wood, without the consent of the owner. The king's courts ofjustice shall be stationary, and shall no longer follow his person;they shall be open to everyone; and justice shall no longer be sold, refused, or delayed by them. 

Circuits shall be regularly held every year; the inferior tribunals ofjustice, the county court, sheriff's turn, and courtleet shall meet attheir appointed time and place; the sheriffs shall be incapacitated tohold pleas of the crown, and shall not put any person upon his trial, from rumor or suspicion alone, but upon the evidence of lawfulwitnesses. No freeman shall be taken or imprisoned, or dispossessed ofhis free tenement and liberties, or outlawed, or banished, or anywisehurt or injured, unless by the legal judgment of his peers or by thelaw of the land; and all who suffered otherwise in this or the twoformer reigns shall be restored to their rights and possessions. Everyfreeman shall be fined in proportion to his fault; and no fine shallbe levied on him to his utter ruin; even a villein or rustic shall notby any fine be bereaved of his carts, ploughs, and implements ofhusbandry. This was the only article calculated for the interests ofthis body of men, probably at that time the most numerous in thekingdom. 

It must be confessed that the former articles of the Great Chartercontain such mitigations and explanations of the feudal law as arereasonable and equitable; and that the latter involve all the chiefoutlines of a legal government, and provide for the equal distributionof justice and free enjoyment of property; the great objects for whichpolitical society was at first founded by men, which the people have aperpetual and unalienable right to recall, and which no time, norprecedent, nor statute, nor positive institution ought to deter themfrom keeping ever uppermost in their thoughts and attention. 

Though the provisions made by this charter might, conformably to thegenius of the age, be esteemed too concise, and too bare ofcircumstances to maintain the execution of its articles, in oppositionto the chicanery of lawyers, supported by the violence of power, timegradually ascertained the sense of all the ambiguous expressions; andthose generous barons, who first extorted this concession, still heldtheir swords in their hands, and could turn them against those whodared, on any pretence, to depart from the original spirit and meaningof the grant. We may now, from the tenor of this charter, conjecturewhat those laws were of King Edward, which the English nation, duringso many generations, still desired, with such an obstinateperseverance, to have recalled and established. They were chieflythese latter articles of Magna Charta; and the barons who, at thebeginning of these commotions, demanded the revival of the Saxon laws, undoubtedly thought that they had sufficiently satisfied the people byprocuring them this concession, which comprehended the principalobjects to which they had so long aspired. 

But what we are most to admire is the prudence and moderation of thosehaughty nobles themselves who were enraged by injuries, inflamed byopposition, and elated by a total victory over their sovereign. Theywere content, even in this plenitude of power, to depart from somearticles of Henry I's charter, which they made the foundation of theirdemands, particularly from the abolition of wardships, a matter of thegreatest importance; and they seem to have been sufficiently carefulnot to diminish too far the power and revenue of the crown. If theyappear, therefore, to have carried other demands to too great aheight, it can be ascribed only to the faithless and tyrannicalcharacter of the King himself, of which they had long had experience, and which they foresaw would, if they provided no further security, lead him soon to infringe their new liberties, and revoke his ownconcessions. This alone gave birth to those other articles, seeminglyexorbitant, which were added as a rampart for the safeguard of theGreat Charter. 

The barons obliged the King to agree that London should remain intheir hands, and the Tower be consigned to the custody of the Primatetill the 15th of August ensuing or till the execution of the severalarticles of the Great Charter. The better to insure the same end, heallowed them to choose five-and-twenty members from their own body asconservators of the public liberties; and no bounds were set to theauthority of these men either in extent or duration. If any complaintwere made of a violation of the charter, whether attempted by theking, justiciaries, sheriffs, or foresters, any four of these baronsmight admonish the king to redress the grievance; if satisfaction werenot obtained, they could assemble the whole council of twenty-five;who, in conjunction with the great council, were empowered to compelhim to observe the charter, and, in case of resistance, might levy waragainst him, attack his castles, and employ every kind of violenceexcept against his royal person and that of his queen and children. 

All men throughout the kingdom were bound, under the penalty ofconfiscation, to swear obedience to the twenty-five barons; and thefreeholders of each county were to choose twelve knights, who were tomake report of such evil customs as required redress, conformably tothe tenor of the Great Charter[56]. The names of those conservatorswere: the Earls of Clare, Albemarle, Gloucester, Winchester, Hereford;Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk; Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford; WilliamMareschal, the younger; Robert Fitz-Walter, Gilbert de Clare, Eustacede Vescey, Gilbert Delaval, William de Moubray, Geoffrey de Say, Rogerde Mombezon, William de Huntingfield; Robert de Ros, the Constable ofChester; William de Aubenie, Richard de Perci, William Malet, JohnFitz-Robert, William de Lanvalay, Hugh de Bigod, and Roger deMontfichet. These men were, by this convention, really invested withthe sovereignty of the kingdom; they were rendered coördinate with theKing, or rather superior to him, in the exercise of the executivepower; and as there was no circumstance of government which, eitherdirectly or indirectly, might not bear a relation to the security orobservance of the Great Charter, there could scarcely occur anyincident in which they might not lawfully interpose their authority. 

John seemed to submit passively to all these regulations, howeverinjurious to majesty. He sent writs to all the sheriffs ordering themto constrain everyone to swear obedience to the twenty-five barons; hedismissed all his foreign forces; he pretended that his government wasthenceforth to run in a new tenor and be more indulgent to the libertyand independence of his people. But he only dissembled till he shouldfind a favorable opportunity for annulling all his concessions. Theinjuries and indignities which he had formerly suffered from the Popeand the King of France, as they came from equals or superiors, seemedto make but small impression on him; but the sense of this perpetualand total subjection under his own rebellious vassals sank deep in hismind; and he was determined, at all hazards, to throw off soignominious a slavery. 

He grew sullen, silent, and reserved; he shunned the society of hiscourtiers and nobles; he retired into the Isle of Wight, as ifdesirous of hiding his shame and confusion; but in this retreat hemeditated the most fatal vengeance against all his enemies. Hesecretly sent abroad his emissaries to enlist foreign soldiers, and toinvite the rapacious Brabançons into his service, by the prospect ofsharing the spoils of England and reaping the forfeitures of so manyopulent barons who had incurred the guilt of rebellion by rising inarms against him. And he despatched a messenger to Rome, in order tolay before the Pope the Great Charter, which he had been compelled tosign, and to complain, before that tribunal, of the violence which hadbeen imposed upon him. 

Innocent, considering himself as feudal lord of the kingdom, wasincensed at the temerity of the barons, who, though they pretended toappeal to his authority, had dared, without waiting for his consent, to impose such terms on a prince, who, by resigning to the Romanpontiff his crown and independence, had placed himself immediatelyunder the papal protection. He issued, therefore, a bull, in which, from the plenitude of his apostolic power, and from the authoritywhich God had committed to him, to build and destroy kingdoms, toplant and overthrow, he annulled and abrogated the whole charter, asunjust in itself, as obtained by compulsion, and as derogatory to thedignity of the apostolic see. He prohibited the barons from exactingthe observance of it; he even prohibited the King himself from payingany regard to it; he absolved him and his subjects from all oathswhich they had been constrained to take to that purpose; and hepronounced a general sentence of excommunication against everyone whoshould persevere in maintaining such treasonable and iniquitouspretensions. 

The King, as his foreign forces arrived along with this bull, nowventured to take off the mask; and, under sanction of the Pope'sdecree, recalled all the liberties which he had granted to hissubjects, and which he had solemnly sworn to observe. But thespiritual weapon was found upon trial to carry less force with it thanhe had reason from his own experience to apprehend. The Primaterefused to obey the Pope in publishing the sentence of excommunicationagainst the barons; and though he was cited to Rome, that he mightattend a general council there assembled, and was suspended, onaccount of his disobedience to the Pope and his secret correspondencewith the King's enemies; though a new and particular sentence ofexcommunication was pronounced by name against the principalbarons--John still found that his nobility and people, and even hisclergy, adhered to the defence of their liberties and to theircombination against him; the sword of his foreign mercenaries was allhe had to trust to for restoring his authority. 

The barons, after obtaining the Great Charter, seem to have beenlulled into a fatal security, and to have taken no rational measures, in case of the introduction of a foreign force, for reassembling theirarmies. The King was, from the first, master of the field, andimmediately laid siege to the castle of Rochester, which wasobstinately defended by William de Albiney, at the head of a hundredand forty knights with their retainers, but was at last reduced byfamine. John, irritated with the resistance, intended to have hangedthe governor and all the garrison; but on the representation ofWilliam de Mauleon, who suggested to him the danger of reprisals, hewas content to sacrifice, in this barbarous manner, the inferiorprisoners only. The captivity of William de Albiney, the best officeramong the confederated barons, was an irreparable loss to their cause;and no regular opposition was thenceforth made to the progress of theroyal arms. The ravenous and barbarous mercenaries, incited by a crueland enraged prince, were let loose against the estates, tenants, manors, houses, parks of the barons, and spread devastation over theface of the kingdom. 

Nothing was to be seen but the flames of villages, and castles reducedto ashes, the consternation and misery of the inhabitants, torturesexercised by the soldiery to make them reveal their concealedtreasures, and reprisals no less barbarous, committed by the baronsand their partisans on the royal demesnes, and on the estates of suchas still adhered to the Crown. The King, marching through the wholeextent of England, from Dover to Berwick, laid the provinces waste oneach side of him, and considered every estate which was not hisimmediate property as entirely hostile and the object of militaryexecution. The nobility of the North in particular, who had showngreatest violence in the recovery of their liberties, and who, actingin a separate body, had expressed their discontent even at theconcessions made by the Great Charter, as they could expect no mercy, fled before him with their wives and families, and purchased thefriendship of Alexander, the young King of Scots, by doing homage tohim. 

The barons, reduced to this desperate extremity, and menaced with thetotal loss of their liberties, their properties, and their lives, employed a remedy no less desperate; and making applications to thecourt of France, they offered to acknowledge Louis, the eldest son ofPhilip, for their sovereign, on condition that he would afford themprotection from the violence of their enraged Prince. Though the senseof the common rights of mankind, the only rights that are entirelyindefeasible, might have justified them in the deposition of theirKing, they declined insisting before Philip on a pretension which iscommonly so disagreeable to sovereigns and which sounds harshly intheir royal ears. They affirmed that John was incapable of succeedingto the crown, by reason of the attainder passed upon him during hisbrother's reign, though that attainder had been reversed, and Richardhad even, by his last will, declared him his successor. They pretendedthat he was already legally deposed by sentence of the peers ofFrance, on account of the murder of his nephew, though that sentencecould not possibly regard anything but his transmarine dominions, which alone he held in vassalage to that crown. On more plausiblegrounds they affirmed that he had already deposed himself by doinghomage to the Pope, changing the nature of his sovereignty, andresigning an independent crown for a fee under a foreign power. And asBlanche of Castile, the wife of Louis, was descended by her motherfrom Henry II, they maintained, though many other princes stood beforeher in the order of succession, that they had not shaken off the royalfamily in choosing her husband for their sovereign. 

Philip was strongly tempted to lay hold on the rich prize which wasoffered to him. The legate menaced him with interdicts andexcommunications if he invaded the patrimony of St. Peter or attackeda prince who was under the immediate protection of the holy see; butas Philip was assured of the obedience of his own vassals, hisprinciples were changed with the times, and he now undervalued as muchall papal censures as he formerly pretended to pay respect to them. His chief scruple was with regard to the fidelity which he mightexpect from the English barons in their new engagements, and thedanger of intrusting his son and heir into the hands of men who might, on any caprice or necessity, make peace with their native sovereign, by sacrificing a pledge of so much value. He therefore exacted fromthe barons twenty-five hostages of the most noble birth in thekingdom; and having obtained this security, he sent over first a smallarmy to the relief of the confederates; then more numerous forces, which arrived with Louis himself at their head. 

The first effect of the young Prince's appearance in England was thedesertion of John's foreign troops, who, being mostly levied inFlanders and other provinces of France, refused to serve against theheir of their monarchy. The Gascons and Poictevins alone, who werestill John's subjects, adhered to his cause; but they were too weak tomaintain that superiority in the field which they had hithertosupported against the confederated barons. Many considerable noblemendeserted John's party--the earls of Salisbury, Arundel, Warrenne, Oxford, Albemarle, and William Mareschal the Younger. His castles felldaily into the hands of the enemy; Dover was the only place which, from the valor and fidelity of Hubert de Burgh, the governor, maderesistance to the progress of Louis; and the barons had the melancholyprospect of finally succeeding in their purpose, and of escaping thetyranny of their own King, by imposing on themselves and the nation aforeign yoke. 

But this union was of short duration between the French and Englishnobles; and the imprudence of Louis, who on every occasion showed toovisible a preference to the former, increased their jealousy which itwas so natural for the latter to entertain in their present situation. The Viscount of Melun, too, it is said, one of his courtiers, fellsick at London, and, finding the approaches of death, he sent for someof his friends among the English barons, and, warning them of theirdanger, revealed Louis's secret intentions of exterminating them andtheir families as traitors to their Prince, and of bestowing theirestates and dignities on his native subjects, in whose fidelity hecould more reasonably place confidence. This story, whether true orfalse, was universally reported and believed; and, concurring withother circumstances which rendered it credible, did great prejudice tothe cause of Louis. The Earl of Salisbury and other noblemen desertedagain to John's party; and as men easily change sides in civil war, especially where their power is founded on a hereditary andindependent authority and is not derived from the opinion and favor ofthe people, the French Prince had reason to dread a sudden reverse offortune. 

The King was assembling a considerable army with a view of fightingone great battle for his crown; but passing from Lynne toLincolnshire, his road lay along the sea-shore, which was overflowedat high water; and not choosing the proper time for his journey, helost in the inundation all his carriages, treasure, baggage, andregalia. The affliction of this disaster, and vexation from thedistracted state of his affairs, increased the sickness under which hethen labored; and though he reached the castle of Newark, he wasobliged to halt there, and his distemper soon after put an end to hislife, in the forty-ninth year of his age and eighteenth of his reign, and freed the nation from the dangers to which it was equally exposedby his success or by his misfortunes. 

THE GOLDEN BULL, "HUNGARY'S MAGNA CHARTA, " SIGNED

A. D. _1222_

E. O. S. 

 During the century preceding the reign of Andrew II, King of Hungary, which began in 1205, that country had been engaged in frequent wars with Venice over the possession of Dalmatia, but no event of recent years had given much importance to Hungarian history. The reign of Andrew began in a time of great confusion in state and church, when the crusading spirit was still a power which both religious and secular rulers found it convenient to turn to the advancement of their own designs. 

 When Andrew deserted the cause of the crusaders in Palestine, after an unsuccessful attack upon a tower on Mount Tabor, he was doubtless piqued at the failure of the King of Jerusalem to render him any support in ordering his affairs at home, where, under his viceroy, the virtual absolutism of the government had become endangered. Out of the conditions which confronted him on his arrival in Hungary came the memorable event--forming one of the great chapters in his country's annals--faithfully and succinctly recounted in the following pages. 

The reign of Andrew II, in Hungary, forms one of the most importantepochs in the history of the country over which he reigned, since fromhim the nobles obtained their Golden Bull (_Bulla Aurea_), equivalentto the Magna Charta of England. The people of Hungary had, indeed, bytheir own determination and spirit of independence, and by the wisdomand virtue of the first kings of the race of Arpad, secured in theirconstitution the foundation of their liberties; but the power of thesovereign had in the mean time increased, so as to surpass thoselimits within which alone the office can be conducive to the happinessand welfare of the community. The ceremony of coronation wasconsidered, indeed, a necessary condition for the exercise of theroyal authority; but though this in some measure acted as a check uponhis inordinate power, still all offices and dignities were in the giftof the King, few, if any, being hereditary, and even the magnatescould not prevent the monarch giving away any part of his dominions. 

Wars with Russia and Poland occupied the first years after theaccession of Andrew, and much discontent was occasioned in the countryby the imperious character of Gertrude his Queen, who ruled over herhusband, and caused her relatives and friends to be raised to thehighest places in the State. The marriage of the young princessElizabeth to Louis, son of the Landgrave of Thuringia, was solemnizedwith great pomp at Presburg, in 1212. The period of prosperity toHungary which had followed the birth of this child made the peoplelook upon her as one favored by heaven, and her singular virtueshelped to confirm the superstition; her life has formed the groundworkof one of the most beautiful of saintly legends, and after her deathshe was canonized as St. Elizabeth of Hungary. 

At her nuptials, Queen Gertrude, assuming the authority of herhusband, not only presented the ambassadors of the Landgrave with richpresents of gold, silver, and jewels, but bid them tell their lordthat if a long life were granted to her she would send them stillgreater wealth. The following year Andrew accompanied his son Colomaninto Poland, to celebrate his marriage with a daughter of the duke, and intrusted the regency during his absence to Gertrude and herrelations. Time and opportunity favored a conspiracy against theimperious Queen, and the first attack was made on her brother, theArchbishop of Colocza. He, however, escaped with his life, and inrevenge he induced the Pope (Honorius) to lay Hungary under aninterdict. 

The people, however, showed small regard for the denunciations of adistant pontiff, and, irritated by fresh offences, committed bybrothers of the Queen, in which Gertrude herself appears to haveparticipated, they murdered her in her own palace, and her childrenonly escaped by the care and fidelity of their tutor. Their unclesfled from the country, carrying with them a large amount of treasurecollected by Andrew, who bitterly complained of their ingratitude in aletter to the holy see. 

The King shortly afterward married the daughter of Peter of Courtenay, Count of Auxerre, and made a vow to raise another crusade. The LatinEmperor of Constantinople dying about this time, the choice of asuccessor lay between the Hungarian King and his new father-in-law. Itfell upon Andrew, and he was invited to take possession of theimperial crown, but was dissuaded from accepting the honor by PopeHonorius, who had already crowned Peter emperor of the East. Peter wasopposed by Theodore Comnenus, by whom he was arrested and thrown intoa dungeon. The Pope appealed for assistance to Andrew, then on his wayto the Holy Land. Andrew accordingly proceeded to Acre, which hereached after a long voyage, but his expedition partook more of apilgrimage than of a crusade. He was absent from Hungary four years, and returned to find the whole kingdom in disorder, the treasuryemptied, and greedy prelates and magnates devouring the substance ofthe people. 

To replenish his treasury, Andrew appropriated the gold and jewelsleft by the empress Constantia, whose death, which took place aboutthis time, prevented her establishing her claim. He further suppliedhis own extravagance, by farming the taxes to Jews, deteriorating thecoin, mortgaging the domains belonging to the fortified castles, andselling the crown lands to wealthy magnates. 

His eldest son Bela had already gained the respect and affection ofthe people by the firmness of his character and his love of justice;and Andrew, jealous of his popularity, obliged him to fly the kingdomand seek protection from Leopold, Duke of Austria. The King was, however, at last persuaded to invite him to return, and, in order tosecure his throne, he established him at a distance from himself, inthe government of Croatia and Dalmatia. Two years later his youngerson Coloman took the place of Bela, who was intrusted with thegovernment of Transylvania and of all the country between the Theissand Aluta. With a weak monarch and an exhausted treasury, the land hadbecome the prey of barbarous invaders, and the disorders of thekingdom had reached such a climax that the magnates resolved to appealto the mediation of the Pope. 

Honorius commanded Andrew to restore the lands which he had partedwith in direct violation of his coronation oath, by which he had swornto preserve the integrity of the kingdom and the honor of the crown. Bela now assembled the nobles and franklins of Hungary, and, supportedby them, demanded the restoration of the ancient constitution. Theecclesiastics of Hungary, instigated by the Pope, offered to mediate apeace between the King, who was supported by the great magnates, andhis son, who had the voice of the people. The condition of this peacewas the Golden Bull of Hungary, which was granted in the year 1222. Itwas here enacted that, "As the liberties of the nobility, and ofcertain other natives of these realms, founded by King Stephen theSaint, have suffered great detriment and curtailment by the violenceof sundry kings impelled by their own evil propensities, by thecravings of their insatiable cupidity and by the advice of certainmalicious persons, and as the 'nobiles' of the country had preferredfrequent petitions for the confirmation of the constitution of theserealms; so that, in utter contempt of the royal authority, violentdiscussions and accusations had arisen, . .. The King declares he isnow willing to confirm and maintain, for all times to come, thenobility and freemen of the country in all their rights, privileges, and immunities, as provided by the statutes of St. Stephen. "

1. "That the 'nobiles' and their possessions shall not, for thefuture, be subject to taxes and impositions. 

2. "That no man shall be either accused or arrested, sentenced orpunished for a crime, unless he receive a legal summons, and until ajudicial inquiry into his case shall have taken place. 

3. "That though the 'nobiles' and franklins shall be bound to domilitary service at their own expense, it shall not be legal to forcethem to cross the frontier of their country. In a foreign war, theking shall be bound to pay the knights and the troops of the counties. 

4. "The king has no right to entail whole counties and the highoffices of the kingdom. 

5. "The king is not allowed to farm to Jews and Ishmaelites hisdomains, the taxes, the coinage, or the salt mines. "

The Golden Bull comprised thirty-one chapters, and seven copies weremade and delivered into the keeping of the Knights of St. John, theKnights Templars of Hungary and Slavonia, the King, the Palatine, thearchbishops of Gran and Colocza, and the Pope. The thirty-first clausegave every Hungarian noble a right of veto upon the acts of the kingif unconstitutional. This clause was, however, supposed to give anundue power to the people, and was revoked in 1687. 

Those magnates who, by the Golden Bull, were compelled to return theland unjustly alienated by King Andrew, formed a conspiracy tooverthrow the monarchy, abolish the constitution, and divide the landamong themselves. The conspiracy was discovered in time to prevent itsexecution, but Andrew lost courage and did not venture to insist onhis refractory nobles fulfilling their part in the conditions of theGreat Charter. He was, however, compelled to ratify it in a diet heldin Beregher Forest, in 1231, where the Golden Bull was signed andsealed with all solemnity in the city of Gran. 

Andrew married for a third time in his old age, Beatrice, daughter ofthe Marquis d'Este, and died in 1234. During his reign the court wasfirst held at a fixed place of residence; it was not only composed ofprelates and magnates, but was frequented by learned men, educated atthe schools of Paris and Bologna, as well as within the kingdom. Thecities acquired importance about this period, and the condition of theserfs underwent some amelioration. 

RUSSIA CONQUERED BY THE TARTAR HORDES

ALEXANDER NEVSKI SAVES THE REMNANT OF HIS PEOPLE

A. D. 1224-1262

ALFRED RAMBAUD

 Russia was for centuries the chief power of the Slavic race. On its plains and amid the neighboring lands they established a civilization and went through a development not unlike those which transformed Western Europe during the Middle Ages. Slavonia, like Gaul, had received Roman civilization and Christianity from the South. The Northmen had brought her an organization which recalls that of the Germans; and under Yaroslaff, 1016-1054, like the West under Charlemagne, she had enjoyed a certain semblance of unity, while she was afterward dismembered and divided like France in feudal times. 

 The Tartars seem to have been a tribe of the great Mongol race. They conquered Northern China and Central Asia, and after forty years of struggle were united with other Mongol tribes into one nation by Genghis Khan. His lieutenants subdued a multitude of Turkish peoples, passed the Caspian Sea by its southern shore, invaded Georgia and the Caucasus, and entered upon the southern steppes of Russia, where they came in contact with the Polovtsi, also a Mongol race, the hereditary enemies of the Russians proper. 

 This summary by the distinguished French academician, M. Rambaud--our leading authority in Russian history with its related studies--presents, with sufficient clearness, the character and tendency of Russia in the thirteenth century, when she was invaded and subjugated by Asiatic hordes. 

The Polovtsi asked the Christian princes for help against the Mongolsand Turks, who were their brothers by a common origin. "They havetaken our country, " said they to the descendants of St. Vladimir;"to-morrow they will take yours. " Mstislaf the Bold, then Prince ofGalitch, persuaded all the dynasties of Southern Russia to take uparms against the Tartars: his nephew Daniel, Prince of Volhynia, Mstislaf Romanovitch, Grand Prince of Kiev, Oleg of Kursk, Mstislaf ofTchernigof, Vladimir of Smolensk, and Vsevolod, for a short timePrince of Novgorod, [57] responded to his appeal. 

To cement his alliance with the Russians, Basti, Khan of the Polovtsi, embraced orthodoxy. The Russian army had already arrived on the LowerDnieper, when the Tartar ambassadors made their appearance. "We havecome, by God's command, against our slaves and grooms, the accursedPolovtsi. Be at peace with us; we have no quarrel with you. " TheRussians, with the promptitude and thoughtlessness that characterizedthe men of that time, put the ambassadors to death. They then wentfarther into the steppe, and encountered the Asiatic hordes on theKalka, a small river running into the Sea of Azov. 

The Russian chivalry, on this memorable day, showed the samedisordered and the same ill-advised eagerness as the French chivalryat the opening of the English wars. Mstislaf the Bold, Daniel ofGalitch, and Oleg of Kursk were the first to rush into the midst ofthe infidels, without waiting for the princes of Kiev, and evenwithout giving them warning, in order to gain for themselves thehonors of victory. In the middle of the combat, the Polovtsi wereseized with a panic and fell back on the Russian ranks, thus throwingthem into disorder. The rout became general, and the leaders spurredon their steeds in hopes of reaching the Dnieper. 

Six princes and seventy of the chief boyars or _voievodes_ remained onthe field of battle. It was the Crécy and Poitiers of the Russianchivalry. Hardly a tenth of the army escaped; the Kievians alone leftten thousand dead. The Grand Prince of Kiev, however, MstislafRomanovitch, still occupied a fortified camp on the banks of theKalka. Abandoned by the rest of the army, he tried to defend himself. The Tartars offered to make terms; he might retire on payment of aransom for himself and his _droujina_. He capitulated, and theconditions were broken. His guard was massacred, and he and his twosons-in-law were stifled under planks. The Tartars held their festivalover the inanimate bodies, 1224. 

After this thunderbolt, which struck terror into the whole of Russia, the Tartars paused and returned to the East. Nothing more was heard ofthem. Thirteen years passed, during which the princes reverted totheir perpetual discords. Those in the northeast had given no help tothe Russians of the Dnieper; perhaps the grand prince George II ofSuzdal[58] may have rejoiced over the humiliation of the Kievians andGalicians. The Mongols were forgotten; the chronicles, however, arefilled with fatal presages: in the midst of scarcity, famine andpestilence, of incendiaries in the towns and calamities of all sorts, they remark on the comet of 1224, the earthquake, and eclipse of thesun of 1230. 

The Tartars were busy finishing the conquest of China, but presentlyone of the sons of Genghis, Ugudei, sent his nephew Batu to the West. As the reflux of the Polovtsi had announced the invasion of 1224, thatof the Saxin nomads, related to the Khirghiz who took refuge on thelands of the Bulgarians of the Volga, warned men of a new irruption ofthe Tartars, and indicated its direction. It was no longer SouthRussia, but Sozdalian Russia, that was threatened. In 1237 Batuconquered the Great City, capital of the half-civilized Bulgars, whowere, like the Polovtsi, ancient enemies of Russia, and who were to beincluded in her ruin. Bolgary was given up to the flames, and herinhabitants were put to the sword. The Tartars next plunged into thedeep forests of the Volga, and sent a sorcerer and two officers asenvoys to the princes of Riazan. The three princes of Riazan, those ofPronsk, Kolomna, Moscow, and Murom, advanced to meet them. 

"If you want peace, " said the Tartars, "give us the tenth of yourgoods. "

"When we are dead, " replied the Russian princes, "you can have thewhole. "

Though abandoned by the princes of Tchernigoff and the grand princeGeorge II, of whom they had implored help, the dynasty of Riazanaccepted the unequal struggle. They were completely crushed; nearlyall their princes remained on the field of battle. Legend hasembellished their fall. It is told how Feodor preferred to die ratherthan see his young wife, Euphrasia, the spoil of Batu; and how, onlearning his fate, she threw herself and her son from the window ofthe _terem_. Oleg the Handsome, found still alive on the battle-field, repelled the caresses, the attention, and religion of the Khan, andwas cut in pieces. Riazan was immediately taken by assault, sacked, and burned. All the towns of the principality suffered the same fate. 

It was now the turn of the Grand Prince, for the Russia of thenortheast had not even the honor of falling in a great battle like theRussia of the southwest, united for once against the common enemy. TheSuzdalian army, commanded by a son of George II, was beaten on the dayof Kolomna, on the Oka. The Tartars burned Moscow, then besiegedVladimir, the royal city, which George II had abandoned to seek forhelp in the North. His two sons were charged with the defence of thecapital. Princes and boyars, feeling there was no alternative butdeath or servitude, prepared to die. The princesses and all the noblesprayed Bishop Metrophanes to give them the tonsure; and when theTartars rushed into the town by all its gates, the vanquished retiredinto the cathedral, where they perished, men and women, in a generalconflagration. Suzdal, Rostoff, Yaroslavl, fourteen towns, and amultitude of villages in the grand principality were also given overto the flames, 1238. The Tartars then went to seek the Grand Prince, who was encamped on the Sit, almost on the frontier of the possessionsof Novgorod. 

George II could neither avenge his people nor his family. After thebattle, the Bishop of Rostoff found his headless corpse. His nephew, Vassilko, who was taken prisoner, was stabbed for refusing to serveBatu. The immense Tartar army, after having sacked Tver, took Torjok;there "the Russian heads fell beneath the sword of the Tartars asgrass beneath the scythe. " The territory of Novgorod was invaded; thegreat republic trembled, but the deep forests and the swollen riversdelayed Batu. The invading flood reached the Cross of Ignatius, aboutfifty miles from Novgorod, then returned to the southeast. On the waythe small town of Kozelsk (near Kaluga) checked the Tartars for solong, and inflicted on them so much loss, that it was called by themthe "wicked town. " Its population was exterminated, and the princeVassili, still a child, was "drowned in blood. "

The two following years, 1239-1240, were spent by the Tartars inravaging Southern Russia. They burned Pereiaslaf and Tchernigoff, defended with desperation by its princes. Next Mangu, grandson ofGenghis Khan, marched against the famous town of Kiev, whose nameresounded through the East and in the books of the Arab writers. Fromthe left bank of the Dnieper, the barbarian admired the great city onthe heights of the right bank, towering over the wide river with herwhite walls and towers adorned by Byzantine artists, and innumerablechurches with cupolas of gold and silver. Mangu proposed capitulationto the Kievians; the fate of Riazan, of Tchernigof, of Vladimir, thecapitals of powerful states, announced to them the lot that awaitedthem in case of refusal, yet the Kievians dared to massacre the envoysof the Khan. Michael, their Grand Prince, fled; his rival, Daniel ofGalitch, did not care to remain. 

On hearing the report of Mangu, Batu came to assault Kiev with thebulk of his army. The grinding of the wooden chariots, the bellowingsof the buffaloes, the cries of the camels, the neighing of the horses, the howlings of the Tartars rendered it impossible, says the annalist, to hear your own voice in the town. The Tartars assailed the PolishGate and knocked down the walls with a battering-ram. The Kievians, supported by the brave Dmitri, a Galician boyar, defended the fallenramparts till the end of the day, then retreated to the Church of theDime, which they surrounded by a palisade. The last defenders of Kievfound themselves grouped around the tomb of Yaroslaff. Next day theyperished. The Khan gave the boyar his life, but the "Mother of Russiancities" was sacked. The pillage was most terrible. Even the tombs werenot respected. All that remains of the Church of the Dime is a fewfragments of mosaic in the Museum at Kiev. St. Sophia and theMonastery of the Catacombs were delivered up to be plundered, 1240. 

Volhynia and Galicia still remained, but their princes could notdefend them, and Russia found herself, with the exception of Novgorodand the northwest country, under the Tartar yoke. The princes had fledor were dead: hundreds of thousands of Russians were dragged intocaptivity. Men saw the wives of boyars, "who had never known work, whoa short time ago had been clothed in rich garments, adorned withjewels and collars of gold, surrounded with slaves, now reduced to bethemselves the slaves of barbarians and their wives, turning the wheelof the mill and preparing their coarse food. "

If we look for the causes which rendered the defeat of the braveRussian nation so complete, we may, with Karamsin, indicate thefollowing: 1. Though the Tartars were not more advanced, from amilitary point of view, than the Russians, who had made war in Greeceand in the West against the most warlike and civilized people ofEurope, yet they had an enormous superiority of numbers. Batu probablyhad with him five hundred thousand warriors. 2. This immense armymoved like one man; it could successively annihilate the droujinas ofthe princes, or the militia of the towns, which only presentedthemselves successively to its blows. The Tartars had found Russiadivided against herself. 3. Even though Russia had wished to form aconfederation, the sudden irruptions of an army entirely composed ofhorsemen did not leave her time. 4. In the tribes ruled by Batu, everyman was a soldier; in Russia the nobles and citizens alone bore arms:the peasants, who formed the bulk of the population, allowedthemselves to be stabbed or bound without resistance. 5. It was not bya weak nation that Russia was conquered. The Tartar-Mongols, underGenghis Khan, had filled the East with the glory of their name, andsubdued nearly all Asia. They arrived, proud of their exploits, animated by the recollection of a hundred victories, and reinforced bynumerous peoples whom they had vanquished, and hurried with them tothe West. 

When the princes of Galitch, of Volhynia, and of Kiev arrived asfugitives in Poland and Hungary, Europe was terror-stricken. The Pope, whose support had been claimed by the Prince of Galitch, summonedChristendom to arms. Louis IX prepared for a crusade. Frederic II, asemperor, wrote to the sovereigns of the West: "This is the moment toopen the eyes of body and soul now that the brave princes on whom wereckoned are dead or in slavery. " The Tartars invaded Hungary, gavebattle to the Poles in Liegnitz in Silesia, had their progress a longwhile arrested by the courageous defence of Olmutz in Moravia, by theTcheque voievode Yaroslaff, and stopped finally, learning that a largearmy, commanded by the King of Bohemia and the dukes of Austria andCarinthia, was approaching. The news of the death of Oktai, secondEmperor of all the Tartars, in China, recalled Batu from the West, andduring the long march from Germany his army necessarily diminished innumber. 

The Tartars were no longer in the vast plains of Asia and EasternEurope, but in a broken hilly country, bristling with fortresses, defended by a population more dense and a chivalry more numerous thanthose in Russia. 

To sum up, all the fury of the Mongol tempest spent itself on theSlavonic race. It was the Russians who fought at the Kalka, atKolomna, at the Sit; the Poles and Silesians at Liegnitz; theBohemians and Moravians at Olmutz. The Germans suffered nothing fromthe invasion of the Mongols but the fear of it. It exhausted itselfprincipally on those plains of Russia which seem a continuation of thesteppes of Asia. Only in Russian history did the invasion producegreat results. 

Batu built on one of the arms of the Lower Volga a city called Sarai(the Castle), which became the capital of a powerful Tartar empire, the "Golden Horde, " extending from the Ural and Caspian to the mouthof the Danube. The Golden Horde was formed not only of Tartar-Mongolsor Nogais, who even now survive in the Northern Crimea, butparticularly of the remains of ancient nomads, such as the Patzinaksand Polovtsi, whose descendants seem to be the present Kalmucks andBashkirs; of Turkish tribes tending to become sedentary, like theTartars of Astrakhan in the present day; and of the Finnishpopulations already established in the country, and which mixed withthe invaders. 

Oktai, Kuluk, and Mangu, the first three successors of Genghis Khan, elected by all the Mongol princes, took the title of "great khans, "and the Golden Horde recognized their authority; but under his fourthsuccessor, Kublai, who usurped the throne and established himself inChina, this bond of vassalage was broken. The Golden Horde became anindependent state, 1260. United and powerful under the terrible Batu, who died in 1255, it fell to pieces under his successors; but in thefourteenth century the khan Uzbeck reunited it anew, and gave theHorde a second period of prosperity. The Tartars, who were pagans whenthey entered Russia, embraced, about 1272, the faith of Islam, andbecame its most formidable apostles. 

Meanwhile Yaroslaff, brother of the grand prince George II, was hissuccessor in Suzdal. Yaroslaff, 1238-1246, found his inheritance inthe most deplorable condition. The towns and villages were burned, thecountry and roads covered with unburied corpses; the survivors hidthemselves in the woods. He recalled the fugitives and began torebuild. Batu, who had completed the devastation of South Russia, summoned Yaroslaff to do him homage at Sarai, on the Volga. Yaroslaffwas received there with distinction. Batu confirmed his title of grandprince, but invited him to go in person to the Great Khan, supremechief of the Mongol nation, who lived on the banks of the riverSakhalian or Amur. To do this was to cross the whole of Russia andAsia. Yaroslaff bent his knees to the new master of the world, Oktai, succeeded in refuting the accusations brought against him by a Russianboyar, and obtained a new confirmation of his title. On his return hedied in the desert of exhaustion, and his faithful servants broughthis body back to Vladimir. His son Andrew succeeded him in Suzdal, 1246-1252. His other son, Alexander, reigned at Novgorod the Great. 

Alexander was as brave as he was intelligent. He was the hero of theNorth, and yet he forced himself to accept the necessary humiliationsof his terrible situation. In his youth we see him fighting with allthe enemies of Novgorod, Livonian knights and Tchuds, Swedes andFinns. The Novgorodians found themselves at issue with theScandinavians on the subject of their possessions on the Neva and theGulf of Finland. As they had helped the natives to resist the Latinfaith, King John obtained the promise of Gregory IX that a crusade, with plenary indulgences, should be preached against the GreatRepublic and her _protégés_, the pagans of the Baltic. His son-in-law, Birger, with an army of Scandinavians, Finns, and western crusaders, took the command of the forces, and sent word to the Prince ofNovgorod: "Defend yourself if you can; know that I am already in yourprovinces. " The Russians on their side, feeling they were fighting fororthodoxy, opposed the Latin crusade with a Greek one. 

Alexander humbled himself in St. Sophia, received the benediction ofthe archbishop Spiridion, and addressed an energetic harangue to hiswarriors. He had no time to await reinforcements from Suzdal. Heattacked the Swedish camp, which was situated on the Ijora, one of thesouthern affluents of the Neva, which has given its name to Ingria. Alexander won a brilliant victory, which gained him his surname ofNevski, and the honor of becoming, under Peter the Great, the secondconqueror of the Swedes, one of the patrons of St. Petersburg. By theorders of his great successor his bones repose in the monastery ofAlexander Nevski. 

The battle of the Neva was preserved in a dramatic legend. An Ingrianchief told Alexander how, in the eve of the combat, he had seen amysterious bark, manned by two warriors with shining brows, glidethrough the night. They were Boris and Gleb, who came to the rescue oftheir young kinsman. Other accounts have preserved to us theindividual exploits of the Russian heroes--Gabriel, Skylaf ofNovgorod, James of Polotsk, Sabas, who threw down the tent of Birger, and Alexander Nevski himself, who with a stroke of the lance"imprinted his seal on his face, " 1240. Notwithstanding the triumph ofsuch a service, Alexander and the Novgorodians could not agree; ashort time after, he retired to Pereiaslavl-Zaliesski. The proudrepublicans soon had reason to regret the exile of this secondCamillus. The Order of the Swordbearers, the indefatigable enemy oforthodoxy, took Pskof, their ally; the Germans imposed tribute on theVojans, vassals of Novgorod, constructed the fortress of Koporie onher territory of the Neva, took the Russian town of Tessof inEsthonia, and pillaged the merchants of Novgorod within seventeenmiles of their ramparts. During this time the Tchuds and theLithuanians captured the peasants, and the cattle of the citizens. Atlast Alexander allowed himself to be touched by the prayers of thearchbishop and the people, assembled an army, expelled the Germansfrom Koporie, and next from Pskof, hanged as traitors the captiveVojans and Tchuds, and put to death six knights who fell into hishands. 

This war between the two races and two religions was cruel andpitiless. The rights of nations were hardly recognized. More than onceGermans and Russians slew the ambassadors of the other side. AlexanderNevski finally gave battle to the Livonian knights on the ice of LakePeipus, killed four hundred of them, took fifty prisoners, andexterminated a multitude of Tchuds. Such was the "Battle of the Ice, "1242. He returned in triumph to Novgorod, dragging with him hisprisoners in armor of iron. The grand master expected to see Alexanderat the gates of Riga, and implored help of Denmark. The Prince ofNovgorod, satisfied with having delivered Pskof, concluded peace, recovered certain districts, and consented to the exchange ofprisoners. At this time Innocent IV, deceived by false information, addressed a bull to Alexander, as a devoted son of the Church, assuring him that his father Yaroslaff, while dying among the Horde, had desired to submit himself to the throne of St. Peter. Twocardinals brought him this letter from the Pope, 1251. 

It is this hero of the Neva and Lake Peipus, this vanquisher of theScandinavians and Livonian knights, that we are presently to seegrovelling at the feet of a barbarian. Alexander Nevski had understoodthat, in presence of this immense and brutal force of the Mongols, allresistance was madness, all pride ruin. To brave them was to completethe overthrow of Russia. His conduct may not have been chivalrous, butit was wise and humane. Alexander disdained to play the hero at theexpense of his people, like his brother Andrew of Suzdal, who wasimmediately obliged to fly, abandoning his country to the vengeance ofthe Tartars. The Prince of Novgorod was the only prince in Russia whohad kept his independence, but he knew Batu's hands could extend asfar as the Ilmen. "God has subjected many peoples to me, " wrote thebarbarian to him: "will you alone refuse to recognize my power? If youwish to keep your land, come to me; you will see the splendor and theglory of my sway. " Then Alexander went to Sarai with his brotherAndrew, who disputed the grand principality of Vladimir with his uncleSviatoslaf. Batu declared that fame had not exaggerated the merit ofAlexander, that he far excelled the common run of Russian princes. Heenjoined the two brothers to show themselves, like their fatherYaroslaff, at the Great Horde; they returned from it in 1257. Kuiukhad confirmed the one in the possession of Vladimir, and the other inthat of Novgorod, adding to it all South Russia and Kiev. 

The year 1260 put the patience of Alexander and his politic obedienceto the Tartars to the proof. Ulavtchi, to whom the khan Berkai hadconfided the affairs of Russia, demanded that Novgorod should submitto the census and pay tribute. It was the hero of the Neva that wascharged with the humiliating and dangerous mission of persuadingNovgorod. When the _possadnik_ uttered in the _vetche_ the doctrinethat it was necessary to submit to the strongest, the people raised aterrible cry and murdered the possadnik. Vassili himself, the son ofAlexander, declared against a father "who brought servitude tofreemen, " and retired to the Pskovians. It needed a soul of irontemper to resist the universal disapprobation, and counsel theNovgorodians to the commission of the cowardly though necessary act. Alexander arrested his son, and punished the boyars who had led himinto the revolt with death or mutilation. The vetche had decided torefuse the tribute, and send back the Mongol ambassadors withpresents. 

However, on the rumor of the approach of the Tartars, they repented, and Alexander could announce to the enemy that Novgorod submitted tothe census. But when they saw the officers of the Khan at work, thepopulation revolted again, and the Prince was obliged to keep guard onthe officers night and day. In vain the boyars advised the citizens togive in: assembled around St. Sophia, the people declared they woulddie for liberty and honor. Alexander then threatened to quit the citywith his men and abandon it to the vengeance of the Khan. This menaceconquered the pride of the Novgorodians. The Mongols and their agentsmight go, register in hand, from house to house in the humiliated andsilent city to make the list of the inhabitants. "The boyars, " saysKaramsin, "might yet be vain of their rank and their riches, but thesimple citizens had lost with their national honor their most preciouspossession, " 1260. 

In Suzdal also Alexander found himself in the presence of insolentvictors and exasperated subjects. In 1262 the inhabitants of Vladimir, of Suzdal, of Rostof, rose against the collectors of the Tartarimpost. The people of Yaroslavl slew a renegade named Zozimus, aformer monk, who had become a Moslem fanatic. Terrible reprisals weresure to follow. Alexander set out with presents for the Horde at therisk of leaving his head there. He had likewise to excuse himself forhaving refused a body of auxiliary Russians to the Mongols, wishing atleast to spare the blood and religious scruples of his subjects. It isa remarkable fact that over the most profound humiliations of theRussian nationality the contemporary history always throws a ray ofglory. 

At the moment that Alexander went to prostrate himself at Sarai, theSuzdalian army, united to that of Novgorod, and commanded by his sonDmitri, defeated the Livonian knights and took Dorpat by assault. Thekhan Berkai gave Alexander a kind greeting, accepted his explanations, dispensed with the promised contingent, but kept him for a year nearhis court. The health of Alexander broke down; he died on his returnbefore reaching Vladimir. When the news arrived at his capital, themetropolitan Cyril, who was finishing the liturgy, turned toward thefaithful and said, "Learn, my dear children, that the Sun of Russia isset, is dead. "

"We are lost, " cried the people, breaking forth into sobs. Alexander, by this policy of resignation, which his chivalrous heroism does notpermit us to despise, had secured some repose for exhausted Russia. Byhis victories over his enemies of the West he had given her someglory, and hindered her from despairing under the most crushingtyranny, material and moral, which a European people had eversuffered. 

THE SIXTH CRUSADE

TREATY OF FREDERICK II WITH THE SARACENS

A. D. 1228

SIR GEORGE W. COX

 For six years after the end of the Fifth Crusade--in which the crusaders, forgetting their vows, instead of delivering Jerusalem sacked Constantinople--the Christians of Palestine were protected by a truce with Saphadin, who had succeeded his brother Saladin in power. This truce was broken by the action of the Latin Christians, Pope Innocent himself, who had been the leading spirit of the Fifth Crusade, continuing to make known his designs for the recovery of the Holy Land. Between the Fifth and the Sixth Crusades occurred that which was in some respects the strangest manifestation of the crusading mania, whereby the inspiration of the Pope and other preachers of a new crusade carried some fanatics to the maddest extremes. This movement, or series of movements, is known as the "Children's Crusade, " 1212. 

 In response to the appeals of certain priests who went about France and Germany calling upon the children to perform what, through wickedness, their fathers had failed to do, and assuring them of miraculous aid and success, fifty thousand boys and girls, braving parental authority, gathered together and pervaded both cities and countries, singing: "Lord Jesus, give us back thy Holy Cross, " and saying, "We are going to Jerusalem to deliver the Holy Sepulchre. " Some of them crossed the Alps, intending to embark at Italian ports; others took ship at Marseilles. Many were lost in the forests, and perished with heat, hunger, thirst, and fatigue. Some, after being stripped by thieves, were reduced to slavery, and a remnant, in sorrow and shame, returned to their homes. Of those who sailed, some were lost by shipwreck, and others sold as slaves to the Saracens. "No authority, " says Michaud, "interfered, either to stop or prevent the madness; and when it was announced to the Pope that death had swept away the flower of the youth of France and Germany, he contented himself with saying: 'These children reproach us with having fallen asleep, while they were flying to the assistance of the Holy Land. '"

 Innocent now called a general council of the Church--the Fourth Lateran Council, 1215--for the purpose of stimulating a new crusade. "The necessity for succoring the Holy Land, " said his letters of convocation, "and the hope of conquering the Saracens, are greater than ever. We renew our cries and our prayers to you to excite you to this noble enterprise. "

 The Sixth Crusade, which was inspired by the Pope and preached in France by his legate, Robert de Courçon, was divided in the sequel into three maritime expeditions. The first, 1216, consisted mainly of Hungarians under their King, Andrew; the second, 1218, was composed of Germans, Italians, French, and English nobles and their followers; and the third, 1228, was led by Frederick II in person. The first two produced no considerable advantage for the Christians; while Frederick, involved in the Hohenstaufen struggle with the papacy, evaded his crusading vows made long before. Innocent III died in 1216; Honorius III, the next pope, died in 1227; and his successor, Gregory IX, urged Frederick on to fulfil his promise. The Emperor embarked in 1227, but when he had been only three days at sea, by reason of his own illness or the sickness of his troops--accounts are not agreed--he returned to port. The Pope, furious at his conduct, excommunicated him. But in the following year, notwithstanding the ban, Frederick set sail for Palestine, and the story of this expedition is the essential history of the Sixth Crusade. 

After his excommunication, Frederick appealed not to the Pope, but tothe sovereigns of Christendom. His illness, he said, had been real, the accusations of the Pope wanton and cruel. "The Christian charitywhich should hold all things together is dried up at its source, inits stem, not in its branches. What had the Pope done in England butstir up the barons against John, and then abandon them to death orruin? The whole world paid tribute to his avarice. His legates wereeverywhere, gathering where they had not sown, and reaping where theyhad not strawed. "

But although he thus dealt in language as furious as that of the Pope, the thought of breaking definitely with him and of casting aside hiscrusading vow as worthless mockery never seems to have entered hismind. He undertook to bring his armies together again with all speed, and to set off on his expedition. His promise only brought him intofresh trouble with the Pope, who in the Holy Week next following laidunder interdict every place in which Frederick might happen to be. Ifthis censure should be treated with contempt, his subjects were atonce absolved from their allegiance. 

The Emperor went on steadily with his preparations, and then went toBrundisium. He was met by papal messengers who strictly forbade him toleave Italy until he had offered satisfaction for his offences againstthe Church. In his turn Frederick, having sailed to Otranto, sent hisown envoys to the Pope to demand the removal of the interdict; andthese, of course, were dismissed with contempt. 

In September the Emperor landed at Ptolemais; but the emissaries ofthe Pope had preceded him, and he found himself under the ban of theclergy and shunned by their partisans. The patriarch and the mastersof the military orders were to see that none served under his pollutedbanners. The charge was given to willing servants: but Frederick foundfriends in the Teutonic Knights under their grand master Herman deSalza, as well as with the body of pilgrims generally. He determinedto possess himself of Joppa, and summoned all the crusaders to hisaid. 

The Templars refused to stir, if any orders were to be issued in hisname; and Frederick agreed that they should run in the name of God andChristendom. But while the enemy was aided greatly by the divisionsamong the Christians, the death of the Damascene sultan Moadhin was oflittle use to Frederick. The Egyptian sultan, Kameel, was now in aposition of greater independence, and his eagerness for an alliancewith the Emperor had rapidly cooled down. 

Frederick, on his side, still resolved to try the effect ofnegotiation. His demands extended at first, it is said, to thecomplete restoration of the Latin kingdom, and ended, if we are tobelieve Arabian chroniclers, in almost abject supplications. At lengtha treaty was signed. It surrendered to the Emperor the whole ofJerusalem except the Temple or mosque of Omar, the keys of which wereto be retained by the Saracens; but Christians, under certainconditions, might be allowed to enter it for the purpose of prayer. Itfurther restored to the Christians the towns of Jaffa, Bethlehem, andNazareth. 

To Frederick the conclusion of this treaty was a reason for legitimatesatisfaction. It enabled him to hasten back to his own dominions, where a papal army was ravaging Apulia and threatening Sicily. Onetask only remained for him in the East. He must pay his vows at theHoly Sepulchre. But here also the hand of the Pope lay heavy upon him. Not merely Jerusalem, but the Sepulchre itself, passed under theinterdict as he entered the gates of the city, and the infidel Moslemsaw the churches closed and all worship suspended at the approach ofthe Christian Emperor. 

On Sunday, in his imperial robes and attended by a magnificentretinue, Frederick went to his coronation, as king of Jerusalem, inthe Church of the Sepulchre. Not a single ecclesiastic was there totake part in the ceremony. The archbishops of Capua and Palermo stoodaloof, while Frederick, taking the crown from the high altar, placedit on his own head. By his orders his friend Herman de Salza read anaddress, in which the Emperor acquitted the Pope for his hard judgmentof him and for his excommunication, and added that a real knowledge ofthe facts would have led him to speak not against him, but in hisfavor. He confessed his desire to put to shame the false friends ofChrist, his accusers and slanderers, by the restoration of peace andunity, and to humble himself before God and before his vicar uponearth. 

From the Saracens he won golden opinions. The cadi silenced a muezzinwho had to proclaim the hour of prayer from a minaret near the housein which the Emperor lodged, because he added to his call thequestion, "How is it possible that God had for his son Jesus the sonof Mary?" Frederick marked the silence of the crier when the hour ofprayer came round. On learning the cause he rebuked the cadi forneglecting, on his account, his duty and his religion, and warned himthat if he should visit him in his kingdom he would find no suchill-judged deference. He showed no dissatisfaction, it is said, withthe inscription which declared that Saladin had purified the city fromthose who worshipped many gods, or any displeasure when the Mahometansin his train fell on their knees at the times for prayer. His thoughtsabout the Christians were shown, it was supposed, when, seeing thewindows of the Holy Chapel barred to keep out the birds which mightdefile it, he asked: "You may keep out the birds; but how will youkeep out the swine?"

In glowing terms Frederick wrote to the sovereigns of Europe, announcing the splendid success which he had achieved rather by thepen than by the sword. He scarcely knew what a rock of offence he hadraised up among Christians and Moslems alike. By a few words on asheet of parchment the Christian Emperor had deprived his people ofthe hope of getting their sins forgiven by murdering unbelievers; bythe same words the Moslem Sultan had prevented his subjects frominsuring an entrance to the delights of paradise by the slaughter ofthe Nazarenes. 

From Gerold, Patriarch of Jerusalem, a letter went to the Pope, fullof virulent abuse of the Emperor as a traitor, an apostate, and arobber; but even before he received this letter Gregory had condemnedwhat he chose to consider as a monstrous attempt to reconcile Christand Belial, and to set up Mahomet as an object of worship in thetemple of God. "The antagonist of the Cross, " he wrote, "the enemy ofthe faith and of all chastity, the wretch doomed to hell, is lifted upfor adoration, by a perverse judgment, and by an intolerable insult tothe Saviour, to the lasting disgrace of the Christian name and thecontempt of all the martyrs who have laid down their lives to purifythe Holy Land from the defilements of the Saracens. "

But Frederick, in his turn, could be firm and unyielding. He returnedfrom Jerusalem to Joppa, from Joppa to Ptolemais; and there learningthat a proposal had been made to establish a new order of knights, hedeclared that no one should, without his consent, levy soldiers withinhis dominion. Summoning all the Christians within the city to thebroad plain without the gates, he spoke his mind freely about theconduct of the Patriarch and the Templars, with all who aided andabetted them, and insisted that all the pilgrims, having now paidtheir vows, should return at once to Europe. On this point he wasinexorable. His archers took possession of the churches; two friarswho denounced him from the pulpit were scourged through the streets;the Patriarch was shut up in his palace; and the commands of theEmperor were carried out. 

Frederick returned to Europe, to find that the Pope had been stirringup Albert of Austria to rebel against him, and that the papal forceswere in command of John of Brienne, who may have been the author ofthe false news of Frederick's death, and who certainly proclaimedhimself as the only emperor. To the Pope, Frederick sent his envoys, Herman de Salza at their head. They were dismissed with contempt; andtheir master was again placed under the greater excommunication withthe Albigensians, the Poor Men of Lyons, the Arnoldists, and otherheretics who, in the eyes of the faithful, were the worst enemies ofthe Christian church. Such was the reward of the man who had done moretoward the reëstablishment of the Latin kingdom in Palestine than hadbeen done by the lion-hearted Richard, and who, it may fairly be said, had done it without shedding a drop of blood. 

RISE OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE

A. D. 1241

H. DENICKE[59]

 Trade trusts, which have attained so large a growth in our day, are not an original product of the present age. The Hanseatic League, or _Hansa_--the word meaning a society, union--was the first trust of which we have authentic record. It began about A. D. 1140, but the league was not signed until 1241. It was first called into being to protect the property of the German merchants against the piratical Swedes and other Norsemen, but presently became submerged in a combination of certain cities to enlarge and control the trade of each country with which they had commerce. So powerful did the league become that it dominated kings, nobles, and cities by its edicts. 

 Those free cities which constituted the league had the emperor for their lord, were released from feudal obligations, and passed their own laws, subject only to his approval. The emperors, finding in the strength of the cities a bulwark against the bishops and the princes, constantly extended the municipal rights and privileges. The Hanseatic League at one time nearly monopolized the whole trade of Europe north of Italy. 

 It was an epoch of associations in which the league arose. The Church was but a society, fighting as an army for its liberty. Each trade had its guild, and none might practise his trade unless he was a member of the particular guild controlling it. The handicrafts were in the same case; and the real or operative freemasonry was instituted, about the same time, for the erection of ecclesiastical and palatial buildings. 

 Wealth, power, pomp, and pride began to wane in the cities of the league early in the fifteenth century, and the movement was accelerated by the change of ocean routes of trade due to the discovery of America, and the Cape of Good Hope way to India. The final extinction came as late as October, 1888, when the free cities of Hamburg and Bremen, whose right to remain free ports had been ratified in the imperial constitution of 1871, renounced their ancient privileges and became completely merged in the autocratic Fatherland. 

With good reason the world's commerce is to-day accepted as one of themost imposing and unique phenomena of our time. It is but necessary toconsult a statistical handbook in order to obtain a conception of thegigantic figures involved in the exports and imports of themultifarious articles of commerce to and from all countries--figureswhose magnitude precludes the possibility of forming an adequateconception of their true significance. No less astonishing are themeans employed by traffic to-day to develop our system of credit andour complex and useful web of communication. One fact, however, shouldbe borne in mind: namely, that our commerce is of comparatively moderngrowth. The two factors chiefly responsible for its development were:(1) The great voyages of discovery which began at the close of thefifteenth century and opened a theretofore unsuspected field ofproduction and consumption; and (2) the utilization of steam, thatgreat triumph of the nineteenth century. Perhaps a brief sketch ofthat earlier commercial development which immediately preceded ourextensive modern commercial network may not be unwelcome to the readerdesirous of contrasting the narrower but nevertheless fascinatingmediæval conditions of the German Hansa with those prevailing in ourpresent mercantile world. Let us inquire how the confederation of theHansa arose, and, after briefly sketching its external history, reviewin greater detail its commercial and industrial methods, its art work, domestic life, and constitution. 

The development of the German Hansa may be traced to two principalsources: (1) The associations formed by German merchants abroad, and(2) the union established by the Low-German cities at home. 

In the days of Charlemagne, Germany's eastern boundary was extended tothe Elbe, and beyond it to Holstein, but it was not until fourcenturies later, that is, in the reign of Frederick Barbarossa, thatthe Baltic was reached, the southern borders of which sea, nowconstituting Mecklenburg, Pomerania, and Prussia, having theretoforebeen inhabited chiefly by Slavonic and Lithuanian peoples. The creditfor this increase of power is due primarily to the Saxon duke Henrythe Lion, who, while the Emperor was engaged in maturing and executingmighty plans of world conquest, developed upon this virgin soil anextraordinary colonial activity, transplanting hither German peasants, burghers, and priests, and with them German customs and Christiancivilization. In this way there arose about the year A. D. 1200, uponsoil wrested from the Slavs, a number of promising towns, foremostamong which was Lubeck, a place endowed by Duke Henry with municipalrights especially designed to promote commercial intercourse andaffording liberal and far-reaching privileges to the counsellors andburghers. Soon thereafter the rapidly developing neighboring cities ofWismar, Rostock, Stralsund, Greifswald, Anklam, and Stettin, usuallycalled "the Wendish cities, " became participants in the constitutionthus granted. The territory now grew rapidly. In the course of thethirteenth century, the then pagan country of Prussia and the presentBaltic provinces of Russia were conquered by the Teutonic knights andkindred orders and were occupied and settled. The same historicalprocess which took place in Greece, and in more recent times inAmerica, also repeated itself here: the youthful colonial offshootsovercame the narrowing and confining influence of the mother country, yet reacted favorably upon it by virtue of that vivifying influence, due to more rapid and exuberant growth. 

In the mean time the other countries contiguous to the North andBaltic seas, that is, Russia, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and England, had become converted to Christianity. Some of them, indeed, hadembraced the Christian creed several centuries prior to this time. Thenatural consequence was that a lively intercourse was cultivated uponthe two seas, especially after the crusades, which enterprises, byopening new avenues of commerce and increasing the knowledgeconcerning numerous articles of utility, had greatly augmented thedemands of the people of the Occident. The extraordinary developmentof trade on the Baltic, indeed, vividly recalls the ancient commercialactivity on the Mediterranean; and the phrase, "a basin fruitful ofculture, " often applied to the latter region, may with equal justicebe applied also to the former. In the beginning, Russians, Danes, andEnglishmen participated in the active trade conducted on the northernlittoral. Eventually, however, they were displaced by their Germanrivals. As the northern nations upon their acceptance of Christianityhad once before formed their political and social institutions uponGerman models, so they now, in such cities as Stockholm, Bergen, Copenhagen, and others, became subject to the cultural and, above all, the commercial influence of the German burgher. 

It is interesting to note the manner in which this extraordinaryinfluence was secured. In later mediæval times all classes of thepopulation were compelled to rely upon self-help. In other words, theywere compelled to replace the defective or insufficient protectionafforded by the State by corporate bodies. Thus the merchants of aLow-German German town, when in search of a common centre of trade, pledged themselves by a solemn oath to a defensive and offensivealliance and mutual furtherance; and wider alliances between thevarious towns themselves soon followed. Of all these privatecommercial associations none attained to greater importance than didthe Gothland Company, a society of Low-German merchants who visitedGothland, the centre of commercial activity in the Baltic, for tradingpurposes. Here was the seat of the mighty city of Wisby, whichcontained such wealth that a Danish king once declared that the swinethere ate from silver troughs. Even at the present day the massiveruins of the old city wall and of the eighteen churches which onceexisted there bear testimony to the former magnitude and grandeur ofthe city. The Gothland Company flourished chiefly during thethirteenth century and enjoyed all the privileges of a politicalpower; bearing its own seal, policing the seas, and insisting uponstrict compliance on the part of all navigators of the Baltic with themarine laws which it had created. 

Parallel with this development was the formation of unions betweeninland towns, caused by the depredations of robber-knights; themenacing increase of power among the nobility; and by commercialmotives of all kinds, as, for example, the necessity of preventingbanished criminals and debtors from seeking an asylum in neighboringcommunities. Along the entire region from Esthland to Holland, both ofwhich at that time belonged to the German crown, the municipalitiesunited. In the far-western part of the German empire there was themunicipal group of the Netherlands, among which such cities asAmsterdam, Utrecht, and Deventer belonged. Farther inland was theRhenish-Westphalian group, consisting of Cologne, Dortmund, Munster, and others, which cities, though somewhat distant from the sea, nevertheless occupy a place of honor as pioneers of German marinecommerce. Between these two western groups and those in the East therewas a wide gap extending as far as the mouths of the Elbe and theWeser. At the entrance to these rivers, however, and along the bordersof the Baltic were the great maritime communities, the chief membersof the Hanseatic League, including the before-mentioned Wendish groupand the cities of Bremen and Hamburg. Yet not these alone, althoughthey were in some respects the most important. Inland, the municipalgroups extended so as to embrace Berlin, then very unimportant, Perleberg, etc. , in the Mark of Brandenburg, the Saxon cities ofMagdeburg, Hanover, Luneburg, Goslar, Hildesheim, Brunswick, andothers; in the far-eastern part of the empire the six rapidly growingcities of the Teutonic order, Kulm, Thorn, Dantzic, Elbing, Braunsberg, and Koenigsberg; and finally, in Livonia and Esthonia, Riga, Dorpat, Reval, and Pernau. Noteworthy was the treaty concludedin A. D. 1241, between Hamburg and Lubeck, whereby the former assumedcontrol of the interests in the North Sea and the Elbe, while thelatter safeguarded those of the Baltic. This treaty between Hamburgand Lubeck is sometimes regarded as the beginning of the HanseaticLeague. It has here been sufficiently demonstrated, however, that theassociation was the result of a slow and gradual process, enforced byconditions, and that it did not originate in the mind of anyparticular statesman as a definite plan. 

The two groups, the maritime and the inland municipal, had developedindependently: it now remained to unite them; and from the union thuseffected sprang the great institution of the German Hansa. The privateassociations, not excepting the Gothland Company, in view of the rapidextension of commerce and the consequent jealousy of foreigncompetitors, were no longer able to afford sufficient protection tothe foreign trade--a condition which did not escape the statesmen ofLubeck, with their marked power of initiative and political sagacity. 

Thus it came, during the last decades of the thirteenth century, thatthe private societies became more and more dependent upon themunicipal unions, which, under the leadership of the free andcentrally located city of Lubeck, now assumed the energeticguardianship of maritime commerce, by reason of which they were drawnfrom their hitherto isolated position and gradually became fused intoan increasingly compact union. 

Already at the close of the thirteenth century the young institutionof the Hansa received its initiation in warfare in a conflict with thekingdom of Norway, which country was compelled to purchase peace atthe price of new and greater concessions to the league. Soonthereafter, however, the steady progress of the Hansa met with arebuff. Denmark, at that time the foremost power of the North, had formore than a century endeavored to obtain the supremacy of the Baltic, at the entrance to which it was so advantageously situated. At onetime Lubeck was for an entire decade forced into a sort of vassalageto the energetic king Eric Menved of Denmark, although the relationsto the sister-cities of the league, which had never been entirelysevered, were subsequently restored and confirmed by new treaties. When finally, in A. D. 1361, the Danish king Waldemar Atterdag, inspired by rapacity and revenge, went so far as to fall upon themetropolis of the Baltic, the Swedish city of Wisby, in the midst ofpeace, and to annex it, thereby inflicting serious losses upon theresident Low-German merchants, Lubeck once more placed herself at thehead of the Wendish cities and at the diet of Greifswald decreed waragainst the ruthless invader. But the expedition proved disastrous, owing chiefly to the tardiness of the kings of Sweden and Norway, whohad been drawn into the alliance. Nevertheless, the unfortunateadmiral of the Lubeck fleet, Johann Wittenborg, who also enjoyed therank of burgomaster of the Hanseatic city, was put to the axe in thepublic market-place of Lubeck in expiation of his failure. 

A doubtful peace was now concluded with the Danes, but was soon brokenby their renewed plunderings of Hanseatic vessels and the obstaclesplaced by them upon traffic. Another passage at arms was required. Theensuing conflict was the greatest and most glorious ever fought, notonly by the Hansa, but by Germany, upon the sea. In 1367 deputies fromthe Prussian, Wendish, and Netherlandish cities assembled in the cityhall of Cologne and there prepared those memorable articles ofconfederation which decreed another war with King Waldemar of Denmark;stipulated the levying of a definite contingent of troops on the partof the contracting cities; provided for a duty on exports to defraythe expenses of the campaign; and draughted letters of protest to thePope, to Emperor Charles IV, and to many of the German princes. Thatauspicious day marks a turning-point in the history of the HanseaticLeague, and was fraught with high importance to the whole Germanempire. The preliminary history of the Hansa here ends and itsbrilliant epoch begins. The warships of the cities and their army sothoroughly vanquished Denmark that, after two years of warfare, theDanish royal council and the representatives respectively of themunicipalities, the nobility, and the clergy despatched a commissionof thirty-two to Stralsund to sign a treaty, ostensibly in the name oftheir fugitive ruler--a treaty which may justly be said to mark theclimax in the development of the power of the burghers of Germany. 

The treaty not only provided for considerable concessions in mattersof navigation and intercourse, but also conceded to the members of theCologne confederation, comprising about sixty Hansa cities, the rightto occupy and to fortify for a period of fifteen years the four chiefcastles on Skane--Helsingborg, Malmo, Scanov, andFalsterbo--commanding the sound, the most important maritime highwaytraversed by the Hanseatic vessels. 

But the most extraordinary privilege granted by this treaty was thatmaking the subsequent election of a king for Denmark subject to theapproval of the confederation--thus assigning to the burghers a rightsuch as no king or emperor of that time exercised over a foreignstate. The confederates, however, wisely declined to avail themselvesof this dangerous prerogative, not only for political reasons, butalso because of the clever negotiations of the youthful queenMargaret, the daughter and heir of Waldemar, who, by the union ofKalmar in 1397, became invested with the triple crown of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. The fact remains, however, that the Hansa for theensuing century and a half maintained its title as the foremost ofmaritime and as one of the principal political powers--and thatentirely unaided and without the sanction of kaiser or empire. 

Let us take a very general survey of this glorious period, concerningwhich many interesting disclosures have recently been made, andendeavor to obtain, if possible, a glimpse of the activity of thesebusy cities and of the confederation which they formed. 

As to commerce, the first task which the confederation set itself tofulfil was the abolition of that early mediæval condition whichinclined to regard the stranger in foreign parts as devoid of rights. The efforts of the confederation in this particular resulted in theacquisition of hundreds of privileges, secured either singly orconjointly by the cities. The contents of the treaties are usually thesame: (1) Protection of person and goods; (2) abolition of the lawwhich declared forfeit to the feudal lord such goods as, for instance, might happen to fall from a wagon and thereby touch the ground; (3)the abolition of the strand right, which had secured to the owner ofthe shore land the jetsam and flotsam of wrecked or stranded vessels;(4) the concession of legal procedure to the debtor; (5) liberationfrom the duel and other forms of the "divine judgment" in legalprocedure; (6) the reduction of duties; (7) permission to sell atretail, as for example, cloth and linen by the ell--a privilegepreviously accorded only to natives. These are but a few of theprivileges secured, the most important of which, however, remains tobe mentioned. This was the establishment of branches and bureaus inthe most frequented commercial centres abroad. On the other hand, theconfederation never had the remotest intention of granting similarprivileges to the nations from which these concessions had beensecured, such as the English, Flemish, Norwegians, Danes, andRussians. On the contrary. In Cologne, for example, foreign merchantswere permitted only three times a year and then for a period of threeweeks only. Never, perhaps, in history has a monopoly been so rigidlyand relentlessly enforced--a monopoly which not only rested upon thenation at home, but which made bold incursions into the sovereignty offoreign states in order to smother their independent trade, or, as inNorway, utterly to stamp it out. 

Of the two great avenues of trade, that indicated by the terminiBruges and Novgorod is first deserving of mention. For centuries itwas practically used exclusively by merchants of the Hansa, who, moreover, were forbidden to form copartnerships with foreigners, suchas Russians and Englishmen. Novgorod, well guarded against pirates andsituated in the navigable Volkhov, was at that time in a sense thecapital of the much-divided Russian empire. This city, since the dayof its founder, Rurik, had been the centre of Russian trade andenjoyed an almost republican independence. From this point divergedthe most frequented highways of trade to the Dnieper and the Volga. From Russia the German merchant exported chiefly fine furs, such asbeaver, ermine, and sable, and enormous quantities of wax, whichto-day, as formerly, is still obtained in the central wooded parts ofthe country where apiculture is extensively prosecuted. His imports, on the other hand, consisted of fine products of the loom, articles ofwool, linen, and silk; of boots and shoes, usually manufactured athome of Russian leather; and finally, of beer, metal goods, andgeneral merchandise. It is evident, therefore, that the Germanmerchant provided Russia--which country was at that time industriallyin a very primitive condition--with all the necessaries required. 

Bruges, in Flanders, the western terminus of the before-mentionedhighway of commerce, was during the last centuries of the Middle Agesapproximately what London is to the world of to-day. It was, besideVenice, the actual world-mart of the Continent, a centre whereItalians, Spaniards, Portuguese, Frenchmen, and High- andLow-Germans--a motley throng--congregated to exchange their goods. Thither the Hanseatic merchant transported wood and other forestproducts; building stones and iron, the latter being still forged inprimitive forest smithies; and copper from the rich mines of Falun, the ore from which was usually sold or mortgaged to the Lubeckmerchants. From the Baltic countries he imported grain, and fromScandinavia herring and cod--all natural products, in exchange forwhich he sent to the respective countries his own manufactured goods. In Bruges he represented the entire northern region, both in thegiving and the receiving of merchandise, for only through hisinstrumentality could the gifts of the East, such as oil, wine, spices, silk, and other articles of luxury, which were usuallytransported through the Alpine passes and thence down the Rhine toBruges, be distributed among the northern nations. This applies alsoto the highly prized textiles of Flanders, which in those days weresometimes sold at fabulous prices. 

The other stream of Hanseatic trade terminated at London. The Germanmerchant sent thither chiefly French wines and Venetian silks. It washe who attended to this traffic--not the consumer or the producer. Inexchange for these commodities he took English wool--the output beingalready at that time very extensive--transporting it to the mills ofFlanders. Such was at that time the commercial relation of Germany toEngland. If the latter country to-day, by virtue of its incomparablyfavorable geographical position, has become the first naval andcommercial power, it was in an economic sense at that time absolutelydependent upon Germany, which country, after the loss of its politicalsupremacy, outstripped all other nations in the contest for economicsupremacy--excepting perhaps the Arabians and the republics ofNorthern Italy, who controlled the trade in the Orient and theMediterranean. Naturally the English merchants were jealous andfrequently brought complaints before their kings and parliaments; butthe latter, despite occasional contentions, ever and again upheld theforeign invader. The reason is not far to seek: like the kings of thenorth, they could not dispense with the silver chests of the Hanseatictowns and merchants, who on more than one occasion secured their loansby appropriating the products of the tin mines or the duties on wool, or by taking in pawn crown and jewels. 

It is evident, therefore, that the greatest source of wealth to theHansa was this intermediary traffic. Several other importantcommercial connections will be touched upon later. Casual mentionshould here be made, however, to the trade with Scotland, Ireland, Brabant, and France, whose annual markets were regularly attended bythe Hansa merchants. While the trade of the cities of the league foundsuch wide extension abroad, however, the traffic with their nearestneighbors, the High-Germans, was very weak. Their domestic trade, indeed, was confined chiefly to the plains of Northern Germany, extending southward to Thuringia and eastward to the Oder and theVistula, where Cracow constituted the last outpost. The greatHigh-German communities along the Main and the Danube pursueddifferent political and economic interests. Being chieflymanufacturing cities, they formed only temporary unions. Dependentrather upon the south of Europe, they were also differentiated fromtheir northern brethren by their coinage, inasmuch as they acceptedgold as their standard, whereas the Low-Germans preferred silvermoney, especially that of Lubeck. Of course each Hanse town formed thenucleus of the local intercourse; and thither came noblemen andpeasant to barter the produce of the fields for the merchandise of thecity, and to invest, or probably more frequently to borrow, money. Lubeck and Bruges were in those days the money centres of NorthernEurope, and their councillors and commercial magnates were the bankersof kings and princes. 

The methods of transportation and intercourse at that time were verydifferent from those of to-day. There was no postal service, noinsurance, very sparse circulation of bills, and very little of thatagency--or commission--business, which relegates to a third party thetransportation and management of goods. Trade was very largely amatter of individual enterprise, demanding in a far greater measurethan to-day the personal superintendence of the merchant. Usually thelatter himself travelled well-armed across sand and sea to distantlands, trusting in God and upon his strong right arm. As master of avessel he did not fail to interest his crew in the safety of the shipand cargo by allotting to them part of the profits. Indeed, hisjourney was far more perilous than it is to-day. Upon the publichighway he was subject to the attack of the robber barons, who heldhim prisoner against heavy ransom; and in the innumerablehiding-places of the rock-bound northern coast his course was followedby the watch-boats of pirates. The occupations of highway robbery andpiracy were at that time still regarded among wide circles asexcusable. Dozens of feudal castles, the retreats of robber barons, were destroyed by the soldiers of the municipalities, and dozens offreebooting vessels were annihilated, the robbers themselves beingexecuted with axe or sword or thrown overboard. The piracy of that agereached its acme in the notorious "Society of Equal Sharers" or"Brotherhood of Victuallers. " This consisted of an incongruousaggregation of noble and plebeian blades, who, despite their excessivebrutality, nevertheless possessed some genuine knightlycharacteristics, the hardihood and bravery of the true mariner, and aboundless love of adventure. Formed during the eighth decade of thefourteenth century for the purpose of assisting the King of Swedenagainst the martial queen Margaret of Denmark, its immediate object atthat time was the supplying of victuals to the beleaguered city ofStockholm--whence its name. When, upon the surrender of the city andthe establishment of peace, the immediate object of the society hadbeen fulfilled, the attraction of freebooting proved too strong forthese wild companions, whose excesses now assumed an increasinglyalarming form. For more than a half century they remained the terrorof the northern seas. Almost annually the cities were compelled tosend out vessels against them, which, however, were not always sosuccessful as the celebrated Bunte Kuh ("Brindled Cow") of Hamburg, which captured the most dangerous of the piratic captains, ClausStoertebeker and Godeke Michel, with their followers and theirfabulous treasures, and brought them to Hamburg. Tradition has it thatfor three days the public executioner stood ankle-deep in the blood ofthe condemned. Nevertheless, the seafaring public did not suspect thepresence of a robber behind every bush or cliff. After all, anundisturbed voyage was the rule rather than the exception; sensationaloccurrences, of course, then, as now, playing an important part in thereports of the time. 

To these social disorders must be added elemental dangers of allkinds, such as the tides and shallows of the North Sea--the shallowwaters contiguous to the coast being chiefly navigated--dangersagainst which neither compass nor chronometer was then available. Evenbuoys and lighthouses were comparatively rare or inadequate at a timewhen nautical knowledge itself was still extremely defective. It wastherefore not astonishing that shipwrecks were of daily occurrence andwere of course followed by all the evils of that cruel and barbarous"Strand law" which, despite all papal edicts and voluntary treaties, could not be abrogated, but was actually carried out by the Archbishopof Bremen himself. 

Notwithstanding all these hinderances, the sea voyage, which, byreason of the dangers attending it, was strictly prohibited during thewinter months, was incomparably safer and pleasanter than the journeyby land. The traveller by land was strictly confined to the prescribedhighway of travel, every deviation from which was regarded as adefraudation of the customs and was punished by confiscation of goods. The inconveniences to which the merchant was subjected in the way oftaxes are almost incredible. As the mediæval spirit was reflected inthe confusion of coinage--nearly every petty count and every cityeventually enjoying the privilege of a private mint--so also was thedeplorable disunion existing among the German people mirrored in theinnumerable road and water taxes. Above Hamburg, along a road abouttwelve German miles in extent, there were not fewer than nine customsstations. Fortunately the tariff was not complicated, but was leviedon the freight of the ship or wagon, or estimated by the bale or boxirrespective of value or the quality of the goods under inspection. Upon the presented crucifix the merchant, aided occasionally by hiscojurors, solemnly swore to the correctness of his representationsconcerning the goods carried by him, the oath, as is well known, beingvery frequently brought into requisition in all judicial andcommercial transactions during mediæval times. 

The Hansa ships were usually round-bellied, high-boarded craft withone mast, and flew the pennant of their home port. They werecomparatively broad and built of heavy planks, and could easily betransformed into war vessels by furnishing them with a superstructureknown as the _castell_ ("castle") in which catapults and archers couldbe placed. In size they were probably as large as the trading vesselswhich cross the Baltic to-day. That they were skilfully handled isevident from the fact that a contemporaneous report mentions a tripfrom Ripen in Jutland to Amsterdam as having been successfully made intwo days. As regards the laws of navigation, a point especiallynoteworthy was the talent displayed in organizing fellowship unions. Reference is not here made to the habit of the merchants in sailing insquadrons so much as to the peculiar institutions which regulated thelife on board--institutions which have recently been justly designatedas the most perfect expression of that executive ability whichcharacterized the close of German mediævalism. An account of theseinstitutions dating from the middle of the sixteenth century hasfortunately been preserved. 

As soon as the vessel was upon the high sea the crew, which consistedof the captain and the "ship's children, " pledged itself strictly toobey orders and equitably to divide any booty eventually secured. Acourt of sheriffs was then organized, consisting of a judge, foursheriffs, a sergeant-at-arms, a secretary, an executioner, and severalother officials. Thereupon came the proclamation of the maritime lawupon which the eventual judgment of the court was based. The tenor ofthis law was as follows: It is forbidden to swear in God's name; tomention the devil; to sleep after the hour for prayer; to handlelights; to destroy or waste food; to meddle with the duties of thedrawer of liquor; to play at dice or cards after sunset; and to vexthe cook or annoy the crew under penalty of a monetary fine. Thefollowing are some of the penalties inflicted for various offences:Whoever sleeps while on guard or creates a disturbance between decksshall be drawn under the keel of the vessel; whoever attempts to drawweapons on board, be they long or short, shall have the respectiveweapon run through his hand into the mast, so that he will have todraw the weapon through his own hand again if he would free himself;whoever accuses another unjustly shall pay the double fine prescribedfor the offence charged; and no one shall endeavor to take revengeupon the executioners. Upon the completion of the voyage the courtresigned, after dispensing a general amnesty and partaking of breadand salt in company with the rest of the crew. Upon landing, themonetary fines which had been collected from delinquents on board werepresented to the lord of the strand for benevolent distribution. 

On arriving at the end of his journey the merchant was confronted bynew difficulties. It not infrequently happened that the master of theport visited by him had, within the time elapsed since the departureof the vessel from home, fallen into strife with the respective Hansetown whose ensign the vessel bore. As newspapers and despatches wereat that time unknown, it is not difficult to conjecture thedifficulties with which a merchant had to contend. Moreover, herequired an exact knowledge of local conditions and of the legalrights accorded him, which were different in each city and alwaysinferior to those of the native inhabitants. To-day, as a rule, aforeigner, wherever he may be, enjoys the full benefits of the placehe happens to visit, equally with the resident citizen. It was not soin the days of the Hansa, and hence the constant endeavor of theleague to obtain firmly established offices or bureaus abroad. At anearly date such a bureau existed in London under the name of theStahlhof, another at Novgorod under the name of the St. Petershof, andstill others at smaller towns in England and the Netherlands--eachhaving its peculiar privileges, customs, and mercantile usages, butall possessing in common the invaluable right of settling anydifficulty affecting the members of the league according to their ownnative code. In London the representative of the league was compelledto become an English citizen, and the entire bureau thus becamenaturalized, as it were. The same was true of the Hanse bureau atBruges, a city in which after all, in view of the powerful competitionprevailing there, a pronounced monopoly was certain to be curbed tosome extent. Here the league merely possessed warerooms, while theiragents lived privately among the burghers. The right of holding courtin the Carmelite monastery was conceded to them; and there, too, theyadministered their affairs. In Novgorod, however, the conditions wereentirely different. In view of the uncivilized condition and thenational prejudices of the Russians, the greatest care had to beexercised in all intercourse with the natives in order that theexistence of the entire Hanseatic colony might not be endangered. Consequently, this intercourse was regulated with great circumspectionand in all detail both by the diet of the Hanseatic League and by thechiefs of the bureau. 

It was, however, in Bergen, Norway, that northernmost station of theHansa, that the most interesting conditions prevailed. Here, that is, in Norway, the German merchant, by means of money or arms, graduallydrove all competitors, including Englishmen, from the field, and in1350 succeeded in establishing in the most favorably situated andliveliest city of the land, Bergen, the last of his numerousbureaus--a bureau which maintained itself, though in somewhatdeteriorated form, until the eighteenth century. This station, createdat a late period of Hanseatic expansion, bears testimony to thecolonial genius of the German merchants of the league and affords aglimpse into their business methods. It may therefore be deserving ofa more detailed consideration. 

Twenty-one farms or granges, belonging to as many Hanse towns, dottedthe shore. Each of these, surrounded by trees and lawns, coveredconsiderable space and included spacious granaries and dwellings, mostof which served also as warehouses. Each grange had its dock, whereships could conveniently land and discharge their goods. The entirespace thus occupied by the Hanses was enclosed by a wall, beyond whichand running parallel with it was the so-called "Schustergasse"--astreet occupied by German artisans, who, though permanently settledhere, nevertheless remained closely in touch with their Germanbrethren of the bureau. Every bureau had its _Schutting_--a spacious, windowless room which depended for light and air upon a hole in theroof, which likewise served as a vent for the smoke issuing from thehearth. It was in this room that the agents of the Hansa merchantsassembled to debate on judicial or mercantile affairs. During the longwinter evenings the families of the agents, as the assistants andapprentices of the resident factors were pleasantly termed, congregated here, each group at its own particular rough-hewn, woodentable, to indulge in strong drink and pleasant gossip. When theinterests of the entire colony were to be discussed, the _Ælterleute_("seniors") from every grange would meet in the Schutting belonging toBremen and called _Zum Mantel. _ This assemblage was called the"Council of Eighteen, " the representative of Lubeck enjoying thegreatest distinction and wielding the greatest influence among them byreason of the hegemony exercised by his native town. When matters ofparticular importance arose, or in case of a serious dispute, theaffair at issue was usually referred to the _Bergenfahrercollegium_("the town council"), or more frequently to the general convention ofthe Hansa at Lubeck. 

The expenses of maintaining the colony, in view of the almost monasticsimplicity of life prevailing there and the large membership, werenaturally small. In its zenith it probably numbered about threethousand persons, who were subjected to strict laws--as strict, indeed, as those of any camp or monastery. No woman was permittedwithin the colony, and no person was permitted out of doors aftersundown, unless, indeed, he wished to run the gauntlet of the fiercewatchdogs which guarded the reservations of the settlers. The membersand employés of the Hansa who resided here were not permitted to marryNorwegian women, in order that their special rights and privilegesmight not be endangered through intermixture with the natives. Howconsiderable were these special rights the reader may determine fromthe fact that, during the weekly markets, the members of the Hansabureaus had the streets barricaded by powerful fellows who permittedno one to interfere with the valuable privilege of priority concededto the Hanses in the matter of barter. Naturally enough the purchasingprice of goods was arbitrarily set by the latter under theseconditions, while the fixing of the selling price, in the absence ofall competition, was a matter of course. 

That the exercise of such pressure sometimes disturbed the serenity ofthe Norwegian can readily be conjectured, especially when it isconsidered that the average Northman is by no means indisposed to havea little brush with his neighbor now and then. But in such an eventthe Germans usually gave tit for tat, and that with a vengeance. Onone occasion they killed a bishop in the presence of the king; atvarious other times they burned monasteries over the heads of theinmates; and frequently they sheltered criminals, or demolished entiredwellings in order to obtain kindling wood speedily and conveniently. 

Only by means of concord among themselves and strict exclusivenesscould the Hanses for centuries maintain their position upon thatinhospitable and thinly peopled shore. The novice, who usually enteredthe service of the Hansa at the age of twelve, was compelled to servean apprenticeship of seven years, during which his duties consistedalso in cooking, cleaning, and washing for and in waiting upon theolder clerks. Thereafter he advanced to the position of journeyman, his inauguration being attended by festive, highly suggestive, and, tothe beholder, amusing ceremonies. These ceremonies began with a greatdrinking bout arranged at the youth's expense. The next feature of theprogramme was entitled _Das Staupenspiel im Paradies_ ("the Wallopingin Paradise"), a procedure to which every apprentice was exposedannually and to which on this occasion he bade a final farewell. Thispart of the ceremony consisted in setting apart a space enclosedwithin birch boughs, on entering which the blindfolded and scantilyattired youth who was to be initiated into the order of journeymen wasthoroughly trounced by "angels of paradise" in the form of lustycompanions who were usually unsparing of the rod. A festive processionthrough the streets followed. It was led by two fantastically attiredyoungsters who impersonated a Norwegian peasant and his wife, andwhose duty it was to play tricks upon the sightseers and to amusethem. After a baptism in the sea the unfortunate youth who figured asthe hero of this festival was subjected to a procedure akin to that ofroasting a herring in the flue; and it is singular enough that therecords show only one case of death by suffocation consequent uponthis ordeal. Good days, however, now followed upon evil ones, and theyouthful novitiate was fêted and entertained by his companions andmade to forget the sufferings and hardships of his initiation. Manyother pastimes were indulged in by the members of the bureaus, which, however, cannot be touched upon here. Suffice it to say that they werecharacterized by the humor and roughness of the age. Despite repeatedattempts of the Hansa and of the several cities to put an end to thesesports, they nevertheless continued to be practised for centuries, upon the rather plausible plea that they served as a wholesometraining for the mercantile youth. Never before or since, however, hasthe pedagogy of the rod found so thoroughgoing an application as here. 

One of the busiest centres of Hanseatic activity remains to be touchedupon: namely, the small tongue of land near Skanor and Falsterbo, andconstituting an appendage of the larger peninsula of Skane or Schonen. The once prosperous stretch of beach here referred to is now a deserttract of sand, the furrows and ruins on which are the only relics ofthe busy commercial life once prevailing. After the herring had duringthe tenth and eleventh centuries visited the Pomeranian coast in greatshoals, it changed its course to the above-mentioned region of theSound. The Hanses were not slow to avail themselves of thiscircumstance. They succeeded in securing a practical ownership of thismost valuable district of Denmark; thereby demonstrating howincredibly incompetent the princes of the land were at that time asregards the utilization of their natural resources. These princesactually granted to several German cities, and, moreover, to eachindividually, the right to establish reservations here--the so-called_Vitten_--consisting of fenced enclosures on the coast, within whichwere erected vendors' and fish-booths, dwellings, and even churches, all under the administration of special governors appointed by theGermans. From this point the herring grounds were readily accessible. The fishing lasted from July until October; and during this timemerchants, fishermen, and coopers resorted here by thousands to fishas well as to salt, smoke, pack, and load the produce of the net. Inconnection with this industry there were held in the immediatevicinity much-frequented annual markets, the distributing centres forhome consumption. At the beginning of the fifteenth century thecapricious fish suddenly took another direction, visiting the coast ofHolland, to the people of which he thenceforth became as lucrative asource of revenue as he had been to the Hanses. It has been said thatAmsterdam with all its wealth is built upon herrings; and a similarstatement could once be applied with equal justice to the Hansa citiesof the Baltic. 

Concerning the characteristic methods of conducting trade it may bewell here to add that during the distant period here underconsideration a so-called commission business could scarcely be saidto exist; and this is true also of speculation in the narrower sense. While buying and selling on time were not infrequent, especially inthe grain market, the transactions were upon an infinitely smallerscale than as conducted at present, when, as the saying goes, "goodsis sold a dozen times before it is actually available. " The unsoundmethods at present in vogue, based as they are upon fluctuations inprice, were then scarcely known. "Goods in exchange for goods or itsequivalent in money" was the motto of the Hanseatic merchant, who, however, was by no means always entirely guiltless of fraudulentoperations. Often enough the lowermost layers of herring in the kegconsisted of spoiled goods, and not infrequently a bale of linen hadto be returned from station to station to the place whence it was sentin order that it might be reëxamined as to quantity and quality. Inthese transactions the crafty dealer usually preferred to takeadvantage of the proverbial simplicity of the Norwegian. 

The scope of the Hansa trade was greater than one would imagine. Itwas greater, for example, than that of the maritime towns of Germanyfor the period immediately preceding the era of steam navigation, _i. E. _, about 1830. The fish trade was at that early period far morebrisk, partly because the herring then visited the shores of theBaltic, and partly because the church laws relative to abstinence frommeat during the fasts were rigidly observed by all the states ofChristian Europe. A few figures will serve vividly to illustrate thischange: In 1855, 3, 700 kegs of herring were imported by way of Lubeck, as against 33, 000 kegs for the period 500 years previous; and in theyear of war, 1369, despite the embargo with Denmark, a great consumer, the exports of herring from thirty Hanseatic ports yielded a sum of130, 000, 000 marks, 40, 000, 000 of which fell to the share of Hamburg, then a much smaller city than Lubeck. 

It is natural, in the light of these commercial conditions, thatindustry, and handicraft also, must have greatly flourished. In thosedays there were twice as many bakers in Lubeck as at present. Thecoopers, also, in view of the great demand for herring kegs, were inhigh repute, and scarcely less so the brewers, who at that timegreatly excelled their South German competitors. The beer of Hamburgor Rostock was never absent from a northern feast. Nearly all thecities from Livonia to the mouth of the Weser were surrounded bygardens of hops, and Hamburg especially owed its rapid rise during thefourteenth century chiefly to its brewers, at times five hundred ormore in number, one hundred and twenty-six of whom supplied the marketof Amsterdam alone. Not only representatives of the higher industrialarts, such as goldsmiths, metal workers, picture carvers, paternostermakers, and altar makers, but shoemakers and other handicraftsmen wereto be found in the Far North, which, at that time, was still somewhatdeficient in these matters. There is report of a worthy shoemaker, who, after sojourning in Russia, repaired to Stockholm, where heentered the service of a knight, and thence to Santiago di Compostela, where he wrought for pilgrims. 

All these trades were divided into guilds and sequestered in certainstreets or localities; and it was long before they were permitted toparticipate in the city government, which rested solely in the handsof the great landlords and merchant princes. In the fourteenthcentury, however, following the example of the South Germancommunities, the "Rebellious Guilds" arose also in the Hanse towns andinaugurated that far-reaching democratic movement akin to the War ofthe Classes in ancient Rome. The guilds demanded a seat and a voice inthe municipal councils, and made the payment of their quota dependentupon this concession. Most of the Northern cities experienced bloodyinsurrections at this time, and the hangman was very busy. Now thevictory was with the patricians, and anon with the plebeians; and thecontest was continually renewed with changing fortune. After holdingaloof for some time the Hanseatic League finally took part in thispurely internal affair of the several cities, and always in favor ofthe patrician party; in this way assuming a function originallyforeign to its purpose. 

The movement was a perfectly natural and justifiable one. Thoughoriginally subject to service and tribute on the part of bishop, cloister, or prince, the condition of the tradesman changed with theestablishment of the principle that long unchallenged residence in acity insured personal freedom to the individual--a privilege which inthose days of marked class discrimination was shared only by theburgher and the monk. Among the two last-mentioned classes even thelow-born individual could rise by his own efforts: here neitherprejudice nor privilege interfered with the free exercise of nativetalent. Many a poor apprentice in the bureau of Bergen eventuallybecame the progenitor of a long race of distinguished merchants; andsome of these families are flourishing in Europe to-day. It is butnatural that the handicraftsman, once released from his bonds, shouldhave desired to share these privileges, more particularly as the oldaristocratic _régime_ constantly became more assertive andpresumptuous. It is necessary also to consider that the former socialposition of the artisan should not be measured by present standards;for the difference in the educational status of the classes was notnearly so pronounced then as now, and the workman, moreover, wascharacterized by a spirit often as chivalrous as that of thecommercial magnate. There is a well-authenticated case of a shoemakerchallenging another member of his craft to a duel--which, by the way, had a fatal termination--without exciting either serious comment orridicule. 

History teaches that where commerce and industry flourish, art alsosecures its triumphs. The glorious Gothic cathedrals of the Hanseaticcities bear eloquent testimony to this truth. "The Northlander whoentered the Trave or the Vistula and beheld the multitude of soaringchurch spires must have felt as did once the German pilgrim to Rome, "says a modern investigator. The principal representative and patron ofthis art culture, here as elsewhere during the Middle Ages, was theChurch. But the splendid town halls as well as the few privatemansions preserved, with their step-like aggregation of gables, affordconvincing evidence alike of the solid appreciation of art as of thelove of splendor which characterized that distant generation. Certainit is that they greatly surpassed us in the domain of Gothicarchitecture. Owing to the strict adherence to the Catholic dogma ascientific development in the modern sense was, of course, impossiblein those days; and, although most of the parish churches had theirschools also, these were commonly designed chiefly for the sons ofpatricians, whose schooling usually embraced a little Latin and somereading, writing, and singing. Not infrequently the only scholar inthe place was the town clerk, the forerunner of our present recorder. 

The robust, healthy German of that day, yielding to a tendency whichhas characterized our people from immemorial times, preferred the moreto surrender himself to a life of solid comfort and good cheer. TheMiddle Age was one which inclined to favor the enjoyment of life. Itis but necessary to consider the variegated costumes, rich in color, whose ultimate extravagances necessitated special dress regulations, as well as the tournaments, the numerous archer festivals, and thefrequent masquerades, to realize that the people of that dayappreciated the good things of life. On the occasion of baptisms, weddings, and other domestic events, great feasts were frequentlyarranged in the house of the guilds or even in the town hall; and manyprincely visitors were here also entertained at the expense of themunicipal budget. The administration of the cellarage of the municipalcouncil was also then considered a far more respectable post than now. All these facts attest the prosperity of the Hanseatic towns. Fortunesof one hundred thousand marks were by no means exceptional, and wereoften invested in neighboring knightly estates (feofs), therebysometimes securing to the owner an eventual admission to the ranks ofthe nobility. At one time--_i. E. _, after the great Hanseatic war--thecity of Lubeck owned the entire dukedom of Lauenburg. 

The constitution of these municipalities provided for a councilconsisting of from twelve to twenty-four members who, though electedfor life, alternated in terms of office ranging from two to threeyears. These members had the privilege of appointing their successorsfrom among the eligible families of the Hanse town. The heads of thecouncil consisted of from two to four burgomasters, who presided atthe meetings. The position of member of the council was a purelyhonorary one. The duties comprised the administration of municipalaffairs; of military and judicial affairs; of the archives; theexercise of police supervision over the market, the marine service, and the guilds; and, most important of all, the administration of thefinances. They fixed the taxes, for which frequently no receipt wasgiven or demanded; the money on such occasions being depositedunnoticed in a box set apart for the purpose--a proof that the paymentof taxes at that time was regarded as a point of honor by the burgherand without suspicion by the magistrate. 

The general character of the municipal life of the Hanse towns inthose days has been well compared by a modern writer to a familyhousehold. The workman regarded himself within his circle as anofficial of the city--a fact shown by the use of the word _Aemter_("offices") to designate the guilds. Hence the strong municipalpatriotism which animated these burghers and which compensates in somedegree for the absence of that great political enthusiasm which isderived from the consciousness of a united country. A quaint genrepicture of the time, preserved at Bremen, represents a native of thelatter city and another from Lubeck sitting together in a tavern anddisputing as to the comparative merits of their respective towns. Thecontroversy reaches its climax by one of the disputants declaringstolidly that he too might "master such words" and taking a long andmighty draught. 

The separate towns, usually upon a request of the Lubeck council, would send their deputies to confer jointly upon matters affecting theleague, these conferences or diets usually being held in some Wendishcity. On no occasion, however, were all the towns of the leaguerepresented at these conferences. Their constitution was absolutelyfree from all theoretical or rigid forms or ordinances. Whoever foundthat his interests were especially affected by the subject underdiscussion sent representatives to the diet of the league, and theseusually discharged their duties faithfully, without shirking the longand arduous trip even during the winter season. The conferences heldin this way were probably wider in their scope than those of any otherpower of the time. Usually, however, not political, but commercial, matters were discussed. There was no common treasury. Whenever moneywas required an export duty was levied, with which absolute compliancewas demanded. An infraction of the laws of the league was punishableby a fine, and in extreme cases by exclusion from the Hansa--asentence necessarily involving the commercial isolation and eventualbankruptcy of the delinquent city. Bremen, it is true, once withstoodthe consequences of the Hanseatic ban for more than fifty years, butthis was before the extraordinary extension of Hanseatic powerconsequent upon the Danish war. From all this it appears that theconstitution of the Hansa was a very slack but elastic one, whicheasily adapted itself to the exigencies of the moment. A charter of aHanseatic constitution has never existed--proof in itself of thedesire to afford as much latitude as possible in the construction ofthe laws. Theory is regarded as valueless; immediate facts andinterests are all in all. The supremacy of Lubeck, for example, wasnever formally recognized by the other cities of the league. 

Thus did the Hansa flourish until the close of the Middle Ages. Withthe discovery of America and of the passage to India trade wasdiverted into new channels; it became transoceanic and, not withoutsome culpability on the part of the Hanses themselves, fell into thehands of the now more favorably situated countries of WesternEurope--Spain, Portugal, France, the Netherlands, and, finally, England. Equally detrimental to the Hansa was the politicaltransformation wrought at this time, especially as regards the rapidlygrowing power of the princes, who, with all the influence at theircommand, sought to abrogate all special privileges and to foster alevelling process in order that they alone might be exalted. One cityafter another sank into utter dependence upon the sovereign rulers ofthe respective provinces, who, in their turn, began to take aninterest in economic affairs, thus contributing to widen the breachbetween these respective cities and the league. It was under thesecircumstances that Gustavus Vasa declared of the Hansa that "Its teethwere falling out, like those of an old woman. " The Hollanders, especially, had long been converted from allies into formidablerivals. The most important and decisive factor of this decadence, however, was the victorious opposition to the Hanseatic monopoly nowbrought to bear by the hitherto commercially oppressed nations, England and Russia, who simply closed the doors of the bureaus andabrogated the privileges of the German merchants of the league. Thecondition of the Hansa was akin to that of a healthy, vigorous tree, set in poor soil and deriving its sustenance from the weakness of thehome rulers and the primitive or defective economic conditions offoreign countries. As soon as these negative mediæval conditions wereswept away by the storms of the Reformation the tree gradually butsurely fell into decay. With this later stage there is associated thehistoric tragedy of Jürgen Wullenwever, that genial and daringdemocratic innovator, who, in an endeavor to conquer Denmark in orderto restore the prestige of the Hansa, was betrayed by his patricianfellow-burghers and hanged. 

The Hansa, though in a stage of increasing decrepitude, now lingeredon until the final crash came in 1630, when all the members dissolvedtheir allegiance to the league. Only the three Hanse towns of Hamburg, Bremen, and Lubeck renewed the compact, which, however, to-day ispurely nominal. The Hansa had fulfilled its great historic mission. Ithad impressed the stamp of German culture upon the North; given Germancommerce the supremacy over that of all other nations; protected thenorthern and eastern boundaries of the empire at a time when theimperial power was impotent and the State disrupted; and maintainedand extended the prestige of the German flag in the northern seas. Said a great German writer: "When all on land was steeped inparticularism, the Hansa, our people upon the sea, alone remainedfaithful to the German spirit and to German tradition. "

MAMELUKES USURP POWER IN EGYPT

A. D. 1250

SIR WILLIAM MUIR

 From A. D. 969 to 1171 the Arabian dynasty of caliphs called Fatimites--because they professed to trace their descent from Fatima, the daughter of Mahomet--reigned in Egypt. Their downfall was due to their own decline into imbecility, through which they fell into the hands of Turkish viziers who, keeping their nominal masters in subserviency, themselves assumed the actual rule. 

 For several generations the caliphs of Bagdad, under whose sway the Fatimites were now reduced, had attracted to their capital slaves from Turcoman and Mongol hordes. These slaves they used both as bodyguards and as contingents to offset the dominating influence of the Arab soldiery in their affairs. In the end the slaves superseded the Arab soldiers altogether, and from bondmen became masters of the court. They stirred up riots and rebellion and hastened the fall of the effete caliphate. 

 Under the Eyyubite dynasty in Egypt, which Saladin founded about 1174, the same practice was followed with the same results. The Eyyubites were strangers in Egypt, and welcomed the support of foreign myrmidons. Slave dealers bought children of conquered tribes in Central Asia, promising them great fortunes in the West. These children, together with prisoners of war from the eastern hordes, streamed into Egypt, where they were again bought by the rulers, who thus unwittingly prepared the way for their own destruction. The military body created by Saladin, called mamelukes ("slaves;" literally "the possessed"), obtained ascendency in the manner here related by Muir. 

The thousands who, with uncomely names and barbarous titles, began tocrowd the streets of Cairo, occupied a position to which we have noparallel elsewhere. Finding a weak and subservient population, theylorded it over them. Like the children of Israel, they ever keptthemselves distinct from the people of the land--but the oppressors, not, like them, the oppressed. Brought up to arms, the best favoredand most able of the mamelukes when freed became, at the instance ofthe Sultan, emirs of ten, of fifty, of a hundred, and often, by rapidleaps, of a thousand. They continued to multiply by the purchase offresh slaves who, like their masters, could rise to liberty andfortunes. 

The sultans were naturally the largest purchasers, as they employedthe revenues of the state in surrounding themselves with a host ofslaves; we read, for example, of one who bought some six thousand. While the great mass pursued a low and servile life, the favorites ofthe emirs, and specially of the crown, were educated in the arts ofpeace and war, and, as pages and attendants, gradually rose to theposition of their masters--the slave of to-day, the commander, and notinfrequently the sultan of to-morrow. 

From the first, insolent and overbearing, the mamelukes began, as timepassed on, to feel their power, and grew more and more riotous andturbulent, oppressing the land by oft-repeated pillage and outrage. Broken up into parties, each with the name of some sultan or leader, their normal state was one of internal combat and antagonism; while, pampered and indulged, they often turned upon their masters. Some ofthe more powerful sultans were able to hold them in order, and therewere not wanting occasional intervals of quiet; but trouble and uproarwere ever liable to recur. 

The Eyyubite princes settled their mamelukes, chiefly Turks andMongols--so as to keep them out of the city--on an island in the Nile, whence they were called Baharites, and the first mameluke dynasty(1260-1382) was of this race, and called accordingly. The others, alater importation, were called Burjites, from living in the Citadel, or quarters in the town; they belonged more to the Circassian race. The second dynasty (1382-1517) was of these, and, like the Baharitedynasty, bore their name. The mamelukes were for the most partattached faithfully to their masters, and the emirs, with theirsupport, enriched themselves by exactions from the people, with theunscrupulous gains of office, and with rich fiefs from the state. Themamelukes, as a body, thus occupied a prominent and powerful position, and often, especially in later times, forced the Sultan to bend totheir will. 

Such is the people which for two centuries and a half ruled Egypt witha rod of iron, and whose history we shall now attempt to give. 

It was about the middle of the twelfth century that Nureddin and KingAmalrich both turned a longing eye toward Egypt, where, in thedecrepitude of the Fatimites, dissension and misrule prevailed. TheCaliph, in alarm, sought aid first from one and then from the other;and each in turn entered Egypt ostensibly for its defence, but inreality for its possession. A friendly treaty was at last concludedwith both; but it was broken by Amalrich, who invaded the country anddemanded a heavy ransom. In this extremity, the Caliph again appealedto Nureddin, sending locks of his ladies' hair in token of alarm. 

Glad of the opportunity, Nureddin despatched his general, Shirkoh, tothe rescue, before whom Amalrich, crestfallen, retired. Shirkoh, having thus delivered the Caliph, gained his favor, and, as vizier, assumed the administration. Soon after he died; and his nephew, Saladin, succeeded to the vizierate. The following year the Caliphalso died; and now Saladin, who had by vigorous measures put down allopposition, himself as sultan took possession of the throne. Thus theFatimite dynasty, which had for two centuries ruled over Egypt, cameto an end. 

Saladin was son of a Kurdish chief called Eyyub, and hence the dynastyis termed Eyyubite. His capital was Cairo. He fortified the city, using the little pyramid for material, and, abandoning the luxuriouspalace of the Fatimites, laid the foundations of the Citadel on thenearest crest of the Mokattam range, and to it transferred hisresidence. After a prosperous rule over Egypt and Syria of abovetwenty years he died, and his numerous family fell into dissension. Atlast his brother Adlil, gaining the ascendency, achieved a splendidreign not only at home, but also in the East, from Georgia to Aden. Hedied of grief at the taking of Damietta by the crusaders, and hisgrandson Eyyub succeeded to the throne. 

It was now that the Charizmian hordes fell upon Syria, and, withhorrible atrocities, sacked the holy city. Forming an alliance withthese barbarians, the Sultan sent the mameluke general Beibars to jointhem against his uncle, the Syrian prince Ismail, between whom and thecrusaders an unholy union had prevailed. Near Joppa the combined armyof Franks and Moslems met at the hands of Beibars and the easternhordes, with a bloody overthrow; and thus all Syria again fell underEgypt. To establish his power both at home and abroad, the Sultanbought vast numbers of Turkish mamelukes; and it was he who firstestablished them as Baharites on the Nile. His son Turan was the lastEyyubite sultan. 

In his reign Louis IX of France invaded Egypt, and, advancing uponCairo, was defeated and taken prisoner. Turan allowed him to go free;and for this act of kindness, as well as for attempts to curb theiroutlawry, he was pursued and slain by the Baharite mamelukes, whothereupon seized the government. 

The leading mamelukes chose one of themselves, the emir Eibek, to behead of the administration. He contented himself at first to govern inthe name of Eyyub's widow, who, indeed, had been in complicity withthe assassins of her stepson Turan. The Caliph of Bagdad, however, objected to a female reigning even in name, and so Eibek married thewidow; and still further to conciliate the Eyyubites of Syria andKerak, elevated to the title of sultan a child of the Eyyubite stock. 

This concession notwithstanding, Nasir the Eyyubite, ruler ofDamascus, advanced on Egypt, but, deserted by his Turkish slaves, wasbeaten back by Eibek, who returned in triumph to the capital. He soonfound it, however, impossible to hold the turbulent mamelukes in hand, for, with the victorious general Aktai at their head, they scorneddiscipline and defied authority. Eibek, therefore, compassed the deathof Aktai, on which the Baharite emirs all rose in rebellion. They weredefeated. Many were slain and cast into prison; the rest fled toNasir, and eventually to Kerak. Among the latter were Beibars andKilawun, of whom we shall hear more hereafter. 

Eibek was now undisputed Sultan, recognized as such by all the powersaround. And so he bethought him of taking a princess of Mosul foranother wife; on which the Sultana, already estranged, caused him tobe put to death; and she too, in the storm that followed, wasassassinated by the slave girls of still another wife. 

Eibek's minor son was now raised by the emirs to the titularsultanate; and Kotuz, a distinguished mameluke of Charizmian birth, persuaded to assume the uninviting post of vicegerent. The EyyubitePrince of Kerak, in whose service many of the Baharite mamelukes stillremained, attempting, with their help, to seize Egypt, was twicerepulsed by Kotuz, and thus obliged to disband the Baharites, whoreturned to their Egyptian allegiance. 

Their return was fortunate, a time of trial being at hand. For it wasnow that Holagu with his Mongol hordes, having overthrown Bagdad andslain the last of the Abbassides, launched his savage troops on theWest. He fulminated a despatch to Nasir the Eyyubite head of Syria, inwhich he claimed to be "the scourge of the Almighty, sent to executejudgment on the ungodly nations of the earth. " Nasir answered it inlike defiant terms; but, not being supported by Kotuz, had to fly fromDamascus, which was taken possession of by the Mongol tyrant. 

After ravaging Syria with unheard-of barbarity, Holagu was recalled toCentral Asia by the death of Mangu. Leaving his army behind underKetbogha, he sent an embassy to Egypt with a letter as threatening asthat to Nasir. Kotuz, who had by this time cast the titular Sultanaside and himself assumed the throne, summoned a council and by theiradvice put the embassy to death. Then awakening to the possibilitiesof the future, he roused the emirs to action by a stirring address onthe danger that threatened Egypt, their families, and their faith. 

Gathering a powerful army, the Egyptians advanced to Acre, where theyfound the crusaders bound by a promise to the Mongols of neutrality. The two armies met at Ain-Jalut, and there, after a fiercely contestedbattle, and mainly by the bravery of Beibars as well as of Kotuzhimself, the Mongols were beaten and Ketbogha slain. On the newsreaching Damascus, the city rose upon their barbarian tyrants, andslew not only all the Mongols, but great numbers also of the Jews andChristians who, during the interregnum, had raised their heads againstIslam. 

Following up their victory, the Egyptians drove the Mongols out ofSyria, and pursued them beyond Emessa. Kotuz, thus master of thecountry, reappointed the former governors throughout Syria, onreceiving oath of fealty, to their several posts. For his signalservice, Kotuz had led Beibars to expect Aleppo; but, suspicionaroused of dangerous ambition on Beibars' part, he gave that leadingcapital to another. 

Beibars upon this, fearing the fate that might befall him at Cairo, resolved to anticipate the danger. On the return journey, while Kotuzwas on the hunting-field alone, he begged for the gift of a Mongolslave girl, and, taking his hand to kiss for the promised favor, seized hold of it while his accomplices stabbed him from behind todeath. Beibars was forthwith saluted sultan, and entered Cairo withthe acclamations of the people, and with the same festive surroundingsas had been prepared for the reception of his murdered predecessor. 

THE "MAD PARLIAMENT"

BEGINNING OF ENGLAND'S HOUSE OF COMMONS

A. D. 1258

JOHN LINGARD

 With the loss of Normandy under King John, the barons of Norman descent in England had become patriotic Englishmen. They forced their monarch to sign the Magna Charta and thus laid the foundation of English constitutional liberty. 

 John died in 1216 and was succeeded by his son Henry of Winchester, a minor in his eleventh year. The celebrated Hubert de Burgh, chief justiciar, soon became regent, and reigned comparatively without control, even after the young King attained his majority. But in 1232 Henry, being in need of money, imprisoned the regent and compelled him to forfeit the greater part of his estate. 

 After De Burgh's fall, King Henry III became his own master, and was responsible for the measures of government, the wars with foreign powers, the disputes with the Pope and with the barons, during which the evolution of the English parliament made important progress, chiefly through the efforts of Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester. 

 One of the most important episodes of that evolution was the "Mad Parliament"--derisively so called by the royal partisans--at which the Provisions of Oxford, long considered the rash innovations of an ambitious oligarchy, were promulgated. Of this Mad Parliament it has been said, "It would have been well for England if all parliaments had been equally sane. "

 As to the opinion, repeatedly emphasized in the following account, that De Montfort was false and ambitious, it is well to remind the reader that other historians have looked upon Earl Simon as a disinterested patriot of the highest type. 

It was Henry's misfortune to have inherited the antipathy of hisfather to the charter of Runnymede, and to consider his barons asenemies leagued in a conspiracy to deprive him of the legitimateprerogatives of the crown. He watched with jealousy all theirproceedings, refused their advice, and confided in the fidelity offoreigners more than in the affection of his own subjects. Suchconduct naturally alienated the minds of the nobles, who boldlyasserted that the great offices of state were their right, and enteredinto associations for the support of their pretensions. Had the Kingpossessed the immense revenues of his predecessors he might perhapshave set their enmity at defiance; but during the wars between Stephenand Maud, and afterward between John and his barons, the royaldemesnes had been considerably diminished; and the occasionalextravagance of Henry, joined to his impolitic generosity to hisfavorites, repeatedly compelled him to throw himself on the voluntarybenevolence of the nation. Year after year the King petitioned for asubsidy, and each petition was met with a contemptuous refusal. If thebarons at last relented, it was always on conditions most painful tohis feelings. They obliged him to acknowledge his former misconduct, to confirm anew the two charters, and to promise the immediatedismissal of the foreigners. [60] But Henry looked only to the presentmoment: no sooner were his coffers replenished than he forgot hispromises and laughed at their credulity. Distress again forced him tosolicit relief, and to offer the same conditions. Unwilling to beduped a second time, the barons required his oath. He swore, and thenviolated his oath with as much indifference as he had violated hispromise. His next applications were treated with scorn; but hesoftened their opposition by offering to submit to excommunication ifhe should fail to observe his engagements. In the great hall ofWestminster the King, barons, and prelates assembled; the sentence waspronounced by the bishops with the usual solemnity; and Henry, placinghis hand on his breast, added, "So help me God, I will observe thesecharters, as I am a Christian, a knight, and a king crowned andanointed. " The aid was granted, and the King reverted to his formerhabits. 

It was not, however, that he was by inclination a vicious man. He hadreceived strong religious impressions; though fond of parade, hecautiously avoided every scandalous excess; and his charity to thepoor and attention to the public worship were deservedly admired. Buthis judgment was weak. He had never emancipated his mind from thetutelage in which it had been held in his youth, and easily sufferedhimself to be persuaded by his favorites that his promises were not tobe kept, because they had been compulsory and extorted from him inopposition to the just claims of his crown. 

On the fall of Hubert de Burgh the King had given his confidence tohis former tutor, Peter the Poitevin, Bishop of Winchester. That theremoval of the minister would be followed by the dismissal of theother officers of government, and that the favorite would employ theopportunity to raise and enrich his relatives and friends, is notimprobable; but it is difficult to believe, on the unsupportedassertion of a censorious chronicler, that Peter could be such anenemy to his own interest as to prevail on the King to expel allEnglishmen from his court, and confide to Poitevins and Bretons theguard of his person, the receipt of his revenue, the administration ofjustice, the custody of all the royal castles, the wardship of all theyoung nobility, and the marriages of the principal heiresses. But theascendency of the foreigners, however great it might be, was not ofvery long duration. The barons refused to obey the royal summons tocome to the council: the Earl Marshal unfurled the standard ofrebellion in Wales, and the clergy joined with the laity in censuringthe measures of government. Edmund, the new archbishop of Canterbury, attended by several other prelates, waited on Henry. He reminded theKing that his father, by pursuing similar counsels, had nearlyforfeited the crown; assured him that the English would never submitto be trampled upon by strangers in their own country; and declaredthat he should conceive it his duty to excommunicate every individual, whoever he might be, that should oppose the reform of the governmentand the welfare of the nation. Henry was alarmed, and promised to givehim an answer in a few weeks. A parliament of the barons was called, and Edmund renewed his remonstrance. The Poitevins were instantlydismissed, the insurgents restored to favor, and ministers appointedwho possessed the confidence of the nation. 

At the age of twenty-nine the King had married Eleanor, the daughterof Raymond, Count of Provence. The ceremony of her coronation, theoffices of the barons, the order of the banquet, and the rejoicings ofthe people are minutely described by the historian, who, in the warmthof his admiration, declares that the whole world could not produce amore glorious and ravishing spectacle. Eleanor had been accompanied toEngland by her uncle William, Bishop-elect of Valence, who soon becamethe King's favorite, was admitted into the council, and assumed theascendency in the administration. The barons took the firstopportunity to remonstrate; but Henry mollified their anger by addingthree of their number to the council, and, that he might be the moresecure from their machinations, obtained from the Pope a legate toreside near his person. This was the cardinal Otho, who employed hisinfluence to reconcile Henry with the most discontented of the barons. By his advice William returned to the Continent. He died in Italy, butthe King, mindful of his interests, had previously procured hiselection to the see of Winchester, vacant by the death of Peter desRoches. 

The next favorites were two other uncles of the Queen, Peter de Savoy, to whom Henry gave the honor of Richmond, and Boniface de Savoy, who, at the death of Edmund, was chosen archbishop of Canterbury. Thenatives renewed their complaints, and waited with impatience for thereturn of Richard, the King's brother, from Palestine; but that Princewas induced to espouse the cause of the foreigners, and to marrySanchia, another of the daughters of Raymond. But now Isabella, theQueen-mother, dissatisfied that the family of Provence shouldmonopolize the royal favor, sent over her children by her secondhusband, the Count de la Marche, to make their fortunes in England. Alice, her daughter, was married to the young Earl of Warenne; Guy, the eldest son, received some valuable presents and returned toFrance; William de Valence, with the order of knighthood, obtained anannuity and the honor of Hertford; and Aymar was sent to Oxford, preferred to several benefices, and at last made bishop of Winchester. 

Associations were formed to redress the grievances of the nation:under the decent pretext of preventing the misapplication of therevenue, a demand was repeatedly made that the appointment of theofficers of state should be vested in the great council; and at lengththe constitution was entirely overturned by the bold ambition of Simonde Montfort, Earl of Leicester. 

Simon was the younger of the two sons of the Count de Montfort, a namecelebrated in the annals of religious warfare. By the resignation ofAmauri, his brother, the constable of France, he had succeeded to theestates of his mother Amicia, the elder of the two sisters andcoheiresses of the late Earl of Leicester: his subsequent marriagewith Eleanor, the King's sister, had brought within his view theprospect of a crown; and his marked opposition to the extortions ofthe King and the pontiffs had secured to him, though a foreigner, theaffection of the nobility, the clergy, and the people. Policy requiredthat the King should not provoke, nor should oppress, so formidable asubject. But Henry did neither: he on some occasions employed the Earlin offices of trust and importance; on others, by a succession ofpetty affronts, irritated instead of subduing his spirit. Among theinhabitants of Guienne there were many whose wavering fidelity proveda subject of constant solicitude; and Simon had been appointed, bypatent, governor of the province for five years, with the hope thathis activity and resolution would crush the disaffected and secure theallegiance of the natives. They were to the earl years of continualexertion: his conduct necessarily begot enemies; and he was repeatedlyaccused to the King of peculation, tyranny, and cruelty. How far thecharges were true it is impossible to determine; but his accusers werethe Archbishop of Bordeaux and the chief of the Gascon nobility, whodeclared that, unless justice were done to their complaints, theircountrymen would seek the protection of a different sovereign. WhenSimon appeared before his peers, he was accompanied by Richard, theKing's brother, and the earls of Gloucester and Hereford, who hadengaged to screen him from the royal resentment; and the King, perceiving that he could not procure the condemnation of the accused, vented his passion in intemperate language. In the course of thealtercation the word "traitor" inadvertently fell from his lips. "Traitor!" exclaimed the earl; "if you were not a king, you shouldrepent of that insult. "

"I shall never repent of anything so much, " replied Henry, "as that Iallowed you to grow and fatten within my dominions. " By theinterposition of their common friends they were parted. Henryconferred the duchy and government of Guienne on his son Edward, butthe earl returned to the province, nor would he yield up his patentwithout a considerable sum as a compensation for the remaining yearsof the grant. Fearing the King's enmity, he retired into France, andwas afterward reconciled to him through the mediation of the Bishop ofLincoln. 

Though Richard had frequently joined the barons in opposing hisbrother, he could never be induced to invade the just rights of thecrown. He was as much distinguished by his economy as Henry was by hisprofusion; and the care with which he husbanded his income gave himthe reputation of being the most opulent prince of Europe. Yet heallowed himself to be dazzled with the splendor of royalty, andincautiously sacrificed his fortune to his ambition. In the beginningof the year 1256 the archbishops of Cologne and Mainz, with theElector Palatine, chose him at Frankfort king of the Romans; and a fewweeks later the Archbishop of Triers, the King of Bohemia, the Duke ofSaxony, and the Marquis of Brandenburg, the other four electors, gavetheir suffrages in favor of Alphonso, King of Castile. It was, however, in an evil hour for Henry that Richard departed for Germany. The discontented barons, no longer awed by his presence, associated toreform the State, under the guidance of the Earl of Leicester, highsteward, the Earl of Hereford, high constable, the Earl Marshal, andthe Earl of Gloucester. The circumstances of the times were favorableto their views. An unproductive harvest had been followed by a generalscarcity, and the people were willing to attribute their misery, notto the inclemency of the seasons, but to the incapacity of theirgovernors. Henry called a great council at Westminster, and on thethird day the barons assembled in the hall in complete armor. When theKing entered, they put aside their swords; but Henry, alarmed at theirunusual appearance, exclaimed, "Am I then your prisoner?" "No, sire, "replied Roger Bigod, "but by your partiality to foreigners, and yourown prodigality, the realm is involved in misery. Wherefore we demandthat the powers of government be delegated to a committee of baronsand prelates, who may correct abuses and enact salutary laws. " Somealtercation ensued, and high words passed between the Earl ofLeicester and William de Valence, one of the King's brothers. Henry, however, found it necessary to submit; and it was finally agreed thathe should solicit the Pope to send a legate to England and modify theterms on which he had accepted the kingdom of Sicily; that he shouldgive a commission to reform the State to twenty-four prelates andbarons, of whom one-half had been already selected from his council, the other half should be named by the barons themselves in aparliament to be held at Oxford; and that, if he faithfully observedthese conditions, measures should be taken to pay his debts, and toprosecute the claim of Edmund to the crown of the two Sicilies. 

At the appointed day the great council, distinguished in our annals bythe appellation of the "Mad Parliament, " assembled at Oxford. Thebarons, to intimidate their opponents, were attended by their militarytenants, and took an oath to stand faithfully by each other, and totreat as "a mortal enemy" every man who should abandon their cause. The committee of reform was appointed. Among the twelve selected byHenry were his nephew the son of Richard, two of his half-brothers, and the great officers of state; the leaders of the faction wereincluded in the twelve named by the barons. Every member was sworn toreform the state of the realm, to the honor of God, the service of theKing, and the benefit of the people; and to allow no consideration, "neither of gift nor promise, profit nor loss, love nor hatred norfear, " to influence him in the discharge of his duty. Each twelve thenselected two of their opponents; and to the four thus selected wasintrusted the charge of appointing fifteen persons to form the councilof state. Having obtained the royal permission, they proceeded to makethe choice with apparent impartiality. Both parties furnished an equalnumber; and at their head was placed Boniface, the Archbishop ofCanterbury, who, if he were connected with the court from hisrelationship to the Queen, was also known to lean to the popularfaction, through his jealousy of the superior influence of the King'shalf-brothers. In reality, however, these elections proved thedeclining influence of the Crown; for, while the chiefs of thereformers were named, Henry's principal friends, his nephew and hisbrothers, had been carefully excluded. In a short time the triumph ofLeicester was complete. The justiciary, the chancellor, the treasurer, all the sheriffs, and the governors of the principal castles belongingto the King, twenty in number, were removed, and their places weresupplied by the chiefs of the reformers, or the most devoted of theiradherents. The new justiciary took an oath to administer justice toall persons, according to the ordinances of the committee; thechancellor not to put the great seal to any writ which had not theapprobation of the King and the privy council, nor to any grantwithout the consent of the great council, nor to any instrumentwhatever which was not in conformity with the regulations of thecommittee; the governors of the castles to keep them faithfully forthe use of the King, and to restore them to him or his heirs, and noothers, on the receipt of an order from the council; and at theexpiration of twelve years to surrender them loyally on the demand ofthe King. Having thus secured to themselves the sovereign authority, and divested Henry of the power of resistance, the committee began thework of reform by ordaining: 1. That four knights should be chosen bythe freeholders of each county to ascertain and lay before theparliament the trespasses, excesses, and injuries committed within thecounty under the royal administration; 2. That a new high sheriffshould be annually appointed for each county by the votes of thefreeholders; 3. That all sheriffs, and the treasurer, chancellor, andjusticiary should annually give in their accounts; 4. And thatparliaments should meet thrice in the year, in the beginning of themonths of February, June, and October. They were, however, carefulthat these assemblies should consist entirely of their own partisans. Under the pretext of exonerating the other members from the troubleand expense of such frequent journeys, twelve persons were appointedas representatives of the commonalty, that is, the whole body ofearls, barons, and tenants of the Crown; and it was enacted thatwhatever these twelve should determine, in conjunction with thecouncil of state, should be considered as the act of the whole body. 

These innovations did not, however, pass without opposition. Henry, the son of the King of the Romans, Aymar, Guy and William, half-brothers to the King, and the Earl of Warenne, members of thecommittee, though they were unable to prevent, considerably retarded, the measures of the reformers, and nourished in the friends of themonarch a spirit of resistance which might ultimately prove fatal tothe projects of Leicester and his associates. It was resolved tosilence them by intimidation. They were required to swear obedience tothe ordinances of the majority of the members; proposals were made toresume all grants of the crown, from which the three brothers derivedtheir support; and several charges of extortion and trespass were madein the king's courts not only against them, but also against thefourth brother, Geoffrey de Valence. Fearing for their liberty orlives, they all retired secretly from Oxford, and fled to Wolvesham, acastle belonging to Aymar, as bishop-elect of Winchester. They werepursued and surrounded by the barons: their offer to take the oath ofsubmission was now refused; and of the conditions proposed to them thefour brothers accepted as the most eligible, to leave the kingdom, taking with them six thousand marks, and trusting the remainder oftheir treasures and the rents of their lands to the honor of theiradversaries. 

Their departure broke the spirit of the dissidents. John de Warenneand Prince Henry successively took the oath: even Edward, the King'seldest son, reluctantly followed their example, and was compelled torecall the grants which he had made to his uncles of revenues inGuienne, and to admit of four reformers as his council for theadministration of that duchy. To secure their triumph a royal orderwas published that all the lieges should swear to observe theordinances of the council; and a letter was written to the Pope in thename of the parliament, complaining of the King's brothers, solicitingthe deposition of the Bishop of Winchester, and requesting the aid ofa legate to coöperate with them in the important task of reforming thestate of the kingdom. 

In a short time Leicester was alarmed by the approach of a dangerousvisitor, Richard, King of the Romans. That Prince had squandered awayan immense mass of treasure in Germany, and was returning to replenishhis coffers by raising money on his English estates. At St. Omer, tohis surprise, he received a prohibition to land before he had taken anoath to observe the provisions of reform, and not to bring the King'sbrothers in his suite. His pride deemed the message an insult; but hisnecessities required the prosecution of his journey, and he gave areluctant promise to comply as soon as he should receive the King'spermission. At Canterbury Henry signified his commands, and Richardtook the oath. 

Henry had been for two years the mere shadow of a king. The acts ofgovernment, indeed, ran in his name; but the sovereign authority wasexercised without control by the lords of the council; and obedienceto the royal orders--when the King ventured to issue any orders--wasseverely punished as a crime against the safety of the State. But ifhe were a silent, he was not an inattentive, observer of the passingevents. The discontent of the people did not escape his notice; and hesaw with pleasure the intestine dissensions which daily undermined thepower of the faction. The earls of Leicester and Gloucester pursuedopposite interests and formed two opposite parties. Leicester, unwilling to behold the ascendency of his rival, retired into France;and Gloucester discovered an inclination to be reconciled to hissovereign. But to balance this advantage Prince Edward, who hadformerly displayed so much spirit in vindicating the rights of thecrown, joined the Earl of Leicester, their most dangerous enemy; andthis unexpected connection awakened in the King's mind the suspicionof a design to depose him and place his son on the throne. In thesedispositions of enmity, jealousy, and distrust the barons assembled inLondon to meet Henry in parliament. But each member was attended by amilitary guard; his lodgings were fortified to prevent a surprise; theapprehension of hostilities confined the citizens within their houses;and the concerns of trade with the usual intercourse of society weretotally suspended. After many attempts, the good offices of the Kingof the Romans effected a specious but treacherous pacification; andthe different leaders left the parliament friends in open show, butwith the same feelings of animosity rankling in their breasts, andwith the same projects for their own aggrandizement and the depressionof their opponents. 

At length Henry persuaded himself that the time had arrived when hemight resume his authority. He unexpectedly entered the council, andin a tone of dignity reproached the members with their affected delaysand their breach of trust. They had been established to reform theState, improve the revenue, and discharge his debts; but they hadneglected these objects, and had labored only to enrich themselves andto perpetuate their own power. He should, therefore, no longerconsider them as his council, but employ such other remedies as hethought proper. He immediately repaired to the Tower, which had latelybeen fortified; seized on the treasure in the mint; ordered the gatesof London to be closed; compelled all the citizens above twelve yearsof age to swear fealty in their respective wardmotes; and byproclamation commanded the knights of the several counties to attendthe next parliament in arms. The barons immediately assembled theirretainers, and marched to the neighborhood of the capital; but eachparty, diffident of its strength, betrayed an unwillingness to beginhostilities; and it was unanimously agreed to postpone the discussionof their differences till the return of Prince Edward, who was inFrance displaying his prowess at a tournament. He returned in haste, and, to the astonishment of all who were not in the secret, embracedthe interests of the barons. 

Henry, however, persevered in his resolution. By repeated desertionsthe party of his enemies had been reduced to the two earls ofLeicester and Gloucester, the grand justiciary, the Bishop ofWorcester, and Hugh de Montfort, whose principal dependence was on theoath which the King and the nation had taken to observe the Provisionsof Oxford. To this argument it was replied that the same authoritywhich enacted the law was competent to repeal it; and that an oathwhich should deprive the parliament of such right was in its ownnature unjust and consequently invalid. For greater security, however, the King applied to Pope Alexander, who by several bulls released bothhim and the nation from their oaths, on the principle that theProvisions of Oxford were injurious to the State, and thereforeincompatible with their previous obligations. These bulls Henrypublished, appointed a new justiciary and chancellor, removed theofficers of his household, revoked to himself the custody of the royalcastles, named new sheriffs in the counties, and by proclamationannounced that he had resumed the exercise of the royal authority. This was followed by another proclamation to refute the false reportscirculated by the barons. 

The King, now finding himself at liberty, was induced to visit Louisof France; and Leicester embraced the opportunity to return to Englandand reorganize the association which had so lately been dissolved. Hishopes of success were founded on the pride and imprudence of PrinceEdward, who, untaught by experience, had called around him a guard offoreigners, and intrusted to their leaders the custody of his castles. Such conduct not only awakened the jealousy of the barons, butalienated the affections of the royalists. Henry, at his return, awareof the designs of his enemies, ordered the citizens of London, theinhabitants of the Cinque Ports, and the principal barons, andafterward all freemen throughout the kingdom, to swear fealty not onlyto himself but, in the event of his death, to his eldest son thePrince Edward. To the second oath the Earl of Gloucester objected. Hewas immediately joined at Oxford by his associates; and in a few daysthe Earl of Leicester appeared at their head. With the royal bannerdisplayed before them, they took Gloucester, Worcester, andBridgenorth; ravaged without mercy the lands of the royalists, theforeigners, and the natives who refused to join their ranks, and, augmenting their numbers as they advanced, directed their march towardLondon. In London the aldermen and principal citizens were devoted tothe King: the mayor and the populace openly declared for the barons. Henry was in possession of the Tower; and Edward, after taking byforce one thousand marks out of the temple, hastened to throw himselfinto the castle of Windsor, the most magnificent palace, if we maybelieve a contemporary, then existing in Europe. The Queen attemptedto follow her son by water; but the populace insulted her with themost opprobrious epithets, discharged volleys of filth into the royalbarge, and prepared to sink it with large stones as it should passbeneath the bridge. The mayor at length took her under his protectionand placed her in safety in the episcopal palace near St. Paul's. 

The King of the Romans now appeared again on the scene in the qualityof mediator. The negotiation lasted three weeks: but Henry wascompelled to yield to the increasing power of his adversaries; and itwas agreed that the royal castles should once more be intrusted to thecustody of the barons, the foreigners be again banished, and theProvisions of Oxford be confirmed, subject to such alterations asshould be deemed proper by a committee appointed for that purpose. Henry returned to his palace at Westminster; new officers of statewere selected; and the King's concessions were notified to theconservators of the peace in the several counties. 

The King now found himself sufficiently strong to take the field. Hewas disappointed in an attempt to obtain possession of Dover; butnearly succeeded in surprising the Earl of Leicester, who with a smallbody of forces had marched from Kenilworth to Southwark. Henryappeared on one side of the town, the Prince on the other; and theroyalists had previously closed the gates of the city. So imminent wasthe danger that the Earl, who had determined not to yield, advised hiscompanions to assume the cross, and to prepare themselves for death bythe offices of religion. But the opportunity was lost by a strictadherence to the custom of the times. A herald was sent to require himto surrender; and in the mean while the populace, acquainted with thedanger of their favorite, burst open the gates and introduced him intothe city. 

The power of the two parties was now more equally balanced, and theirmutual apprehensions inclined them to listen to the pacificexhortations of the bishops. It was agreed to refer every subject ofdispute to the arbitration of the King of France; an expedient whichhad been proposed the last year by Henry, but rejected by Leicester. Louis accepted the honorable office, and summoned the parties toappear before him at Amiens. The King attended in person; the earl, who was detained at home in consequence of a real or pretended fallfrom his horse, had sent his attorneys. Both parties solemnly swore toabide by the decision of the French monarch. Louis heard theallegations and arguments of each, consulted his court, and pronouncedjudgment in favor of Henry. He annulled the Provisions of Oxford asdestructive of the rights of the crown and injurious to the interestsof the nation; ordered the royal castles to be restored; gave to theKing the authority to appoint all the officers of the state and of hishousehold, and to call to his council whomsoever he thought proper, whether native or foreigner; reinstated him in the same condition inwhich he was before the meeting of the "Mad Parliament, " and orderedthat all offences committed by either party should be buried inoblivion. This award was soon afterward confirmed by Pope Urban; andthe Archbishop of Canterbury received an order to excommunicate allwho, in violation of their oaths, should refuse to submit to it. 

The barons had already taken their resolution. The moment the decisionwas announced to them they declared that it was, on the face of it, contrary to truth and justice, and had been procured by the undueinfluence which the Queen of Louis, the sister-in-law to Henry, possessed over the mind of her husband. Hostilities immediatelyrecommenced; and as every man of property was compelled to adhere toone of the two parties, the flames of civil war were lighted up inalmost every part of the kingdom. In the North, and in Cornwall andDevon, the decided superiority of the royalists forced the friends ofthe barons to dissemble their real sentiments; the midland countiesand the marches of Wales were pretty equally divided: but in theCinque Ports, the metropolis, and the neighboring districts Montfortruled without opposition. His partisan, Thomas Fitz-Thomas, had beenintruded into the office of mayor of London; and a convention fortheir mutual security had been signed by that officer and thecommonalty of the city on the one part, and the earls of Leicester, Gloucester, and Derby, Hugh le Despenser, the grand justiciary, andtwelve barons on the other. In the different wardmotes every maleinhabitant above twelve years of age was sworn a member of theassociation: a constable and marshal of the city were appointed; andorders were given that at the sound of the great bell at St. Paul'sall should assemble in arms and obey the authority of these officers. The efficacy of the new arrangements was immediately put to the test. Despenser, the justiciary, came from the Tower, put himself at thehead of the associated bands, and conducted them to destroy the twopalaces of the King of the Romans, at Isleworth and Westminster, andthe houses of the nobility and citizens known or suspected to beattached to the royal cause. The justices of the king's bench and thebarons of the exchequer were thrown into prison; the moneys belongingto foreign merchants and bankers, which for security had beendeposited in the churches, were carried to the Tower; and the Jews, tothe number of five hundred, men, women, and children, were conductedto a place of confinement. Out of these, Despenser selected a few ofthe more wealthy, that he might enrich himself by their ransom; therest he abandoned to the cruelty and rapacity of the populace, who, after stripping them of their clothes, massacred them all in coldblood. Cock ben Abraham, who was considered the most opulentindividual in the kingdom, had been killed in his own house by JohnFitz-John, one of the barons. The murderer at first appropriated tohimself the treasure of his victim; but he afterward thought it moreprudent to secure a moiety, by making a present of the remainder toLeicester. [61]

Henry had summoned the tenants of the crown to meet him at Oxford; andbeing joined by Comyn, Bruce, and Baliol, the lords of the Scottishborders, unfurled his standard and placed himself at the head of thearmy. His first attempts were successful. Northampton, Leicester, andNottingham, three of the strongest fortresses in the possession of thebarons, were successively reduced; and among the captives werereckoned Simon the eldest of Leicester's sons, fourteen otherbannerets, forty knights, and a numerous body of esquires. FromNottingham he was recalled into Kent by the danger of his nephewHenry, besieged in the castle of Rochester, At his approach the enemy, who had taken and pillaged the city, retired with precipitation; andthe King, after an ineffectual attempt to secure the coöperation ofthe Cinque Ports, fixed his head-quarters in the town of Lewes. 

Leicester, having added a body of fifteen thousand citizens to hisarmy, marched from London, with a resolution to bring the controversyto an issue. From Fletching he despatched a letter to Henry, protesting that neither he nor his associates had taken up armsagainst the King, but against the evil counsellors who enjoyed andabused the confidence of their sovereign. Henry returned a publicdefiance, which was accompanied by a message from Prince Edward andthe King of the Romans, declaring in the name of the royal barons thatthe charge was false; pronouncing Montfort and his adherents perjured;and daring the earls of Leicester and Derby to appear in the King'scourt and prove their assertion by single combat. After theobservation of these forms, which the feudal connection between thelord and the vassal was supposed to make necessary, Montfort preparedfor the battle. It was the peculiar talent of this leader to persuadehis followers that the cause in which they fought was the cause ofheaven. He represented to them that their objects were liberty andjustice; and that their opponent was a prince whose repeated violationof the most solemn oaths had released them from their allegiance, andhad entailed on his head the curse of the Almighty. He ordered eachman to fasten a white cross on the breast and shoulder, and to devotethe next evening to the duties of religion. Early in the morning hemarched forward, and, leaving his baggage and standard on the summitof a hill, about two miles from Lewes, descended into the plain. Henry's foragers had discovered and announced his approach; and theroyalists in three divisions silently awaited the attack. Leicester, having called before the ranks the Earl of Gloucester and severalother young noblemen, bade them kneel down, and conferred on them theorder of knighthood; and the Londoners, who impatiently expected theconclusion of the ceremony, rushed with loud shouts on the enemy. Theywere received by Prince Edward, broken in a few minutes, and drivenback as far as the standard. Had the Prince returned from the pursuit, and fallen on the rear of the confederates, the victory might havebeen secured. But he remembered the insults which the citizens hadoffered to his mother, and the excesses of which they had lately beenguilty; the suggestions of prudence were less powerful than the thirstof revenge; and the pursuit of the fugitives carried him with theflower of the army four miles from the field of battle. More thanthree thousand Londoners were slain; but the advantage was dearlypurchased by the loss of the victory and the ruin of the royal cause. Leicester, who viewed with pleasure the thoughtless impetuosity of thePrince, fell with the remainder of his forces on Henry and hisbrother. A body of Scots, who fought on foot, was cut to pieces. Theirleaders, John Comyn and Robert de Bruce, [62] were made prisoners: thesame fate befell the King of the Romans; and the combat was feeblymaintained by the exertions and example of Philip Basset, who foughtnear the person of Henry. But when that nobleman sank through loss ofblood, his retainers fled; the King, whose horse had been killed underhim, surrendered; and Leicester conducted the royal captive into thepriory. The fugitives, as soon as they learned the fate of theirsovereign, came back to share his captivity, and voluntarily yieldedthemselves to their enemies. 

When Edward returned from the pursuit, both armies had disappeared. Hetraversed the field, which was strewed with the bodies of the slainand the wounded, anxiously, but fruitlessly, inquiring after hisfather. As he approached Lewes, the barons came out, and, on the firstshock, the earl Warenne, with the King's half-brothers and sevenhundred horse, fled to Pevensey, whence they sailed to the Continent. Edward, with a strong body of veterans from the Welsh marches, rodealong the wall to the castle, and understanding that his father was acaptive in the priory, obtained permission to visit him fromLeicester. An unsuccessful attempt made by the barons against thecastle revived his hopes; he opened a negotiation with the chiefs ofthe party; and the next morning was concluded the treaty known by thename of "the Mise of Lewes. " By this it was agreed that all prisonerstaken during the war should be set at liberty; that the princes Edwardand Henry should be kept as hostages for the peaceable conduct oftheir fathers, the King of England and the King of the Romans; andthat all matters which could not be amicably adjusted in the nextparliament should be referred to the decision of certain arbitrators. In the battle of Lewes about five thousand men are said to have fallenon each side. 

By this victory the royal authority was laid prostrate at the feet ofLeicester. The scheme of arbitration was merely a blind to deceive thevulgar: his past conduct had proved how little he was to be bound bysuch decisions; and the referees themselves, aware of the probableresult, refused to accept the office. The great object of his policywas the preservation of the ascendency which he had acquired. ToHenry, who was now the convenient tool of his ambition, he paid everyexterior demonstration of respect, but never suffered him to departout of his custody; and, without consulting him, affixed his seal toevery order which was issued for the degradation of the royalauthority. The King of the Romans, a more resolute and dangerousenemy, instead of being restored to liberty, was closely confined inthe castle of Wallingford, and afterward in that of Kenilworth; andthe two princes were confided to the custody of the new governor ofDover, with instructions to allow of no indulgence which mightfacilitate their escape. Instead of removing the sheriffs, a creatureof Leicester was sent to each county with the title of conservator ofthe peace. This officer was empowered to arrest all persons who shouldcarry arms without the King's special license; to prevent all breachesof the peace; to employ the _posse comitatus_ to apprehend offenders;and to cause four knights to be chosen as the representatives of thecounty in the next parliament. 

In that assembly a new form of government was established, to last, unless it were dissolved by mutual consent, till the compromise ofLewes had been carried into full execution, not only in the reign ofHenry, but also of Edward, the heir-apparent. This form had beendevised by the heads of the faction to conceal their real views fromthe people; and was so contrived that they retained in their own handsthe sovereign authority, while to the superficial observer they seemedto have resigned it to the King and his council. It was enacted thatHenry should delegate the power of choosing his counsellors to acommittee of three persons, whose proceedings should be valid, provided they were attested by the signatures of two of the number. The King immediately issued a writ to the Earl of Leicester, the Earlof Gloucester, and the Bishop of Chichester, authorizing them toappoint in his name a council of nine members; nor were they slow inselecting for that purpose the most devoted of their adherents. 

The powers given to this council were most extensive, and to beexercised without control whenever the parliament was not sitting. Besides the usual authority it possessed the appointment of all theofficers of state, of all the officers of the household, and of allthe governors of the royal castles. Three were ordered to be inconstant attendance on the King's person; all were to be summoned onmatters of great importance; and a majority of two-thirds was requiredto give a sanction to their decisions. Hitherto the original committeeseemed to have been forgotten; but it was contrived that when thecouncil was so divided that the consent of two-thirds could not beobtained, the question should be reserved for the determination of thethree electors, an artifice by which, under the modest pretence ofproviding against dissension, they invested themselves with thesovereign authority. By additional enactments it was provided that noforeigner, though he might go or come, or reside peaceably, should beemployed under the government; that past offences should be mutuallyforgiven; that the two charters, the provisions made the last year, inconsequence of the Statutes of Oxford, and all the ancient andlaudable customs of the realm, should be inviolably observed; and thatthree prelates should be appointed to reform the state of the Church, and to procure for the clergy, with the aid of the civil power ifnecessary, full compensation for their losses during the latetroubles. 

The earl was now in reality possessed of more extensive authority thanHenry had ever enjoyed; but he soon discovered that to retain theobject of his ambition would require the exertion of all his powers. The cause of the captive monarch was ardently espoused by foreignnations and by the sovereign pontiff. Adventurers from every provinceof France crowded to the royal standard which Queen Eleanor haderected at Damme in Flanders; and a numerous fleet assembled in theharbor to transport to England the thousands who had sworn to humblethe pride of a disloyal and aspiring subject. To oppose them Leicesterhad summoned to the camp on Barham downs, not only the King's militarytenants, but the whole force of the nation, [63] and, taking on himselfthe command of the fleet, cruised in the narrow seas to intercept theinvaders. But the winds seemed to be leagued with the earl; theQueen's army was detained for several weeks in the vicinity of Damme;and the mercenaries gradually disbanded themselves, when the shortperiod for which they had contracted to serve was expired. At the sametime the Pontiff had commissioned Guido, Cardinal Bishop of Sabina, toproceed to England, and take Henry under the papal protection; but, deterred by the hint of a conspiracy against his life from crossingthe sea, he excommunicated the barons unless before the 1st ofSeptember they should restore the King to all his rights, and at thesame time summoned four of the English prelates to appear before himat Boulogne. After much tergiversation these obeyed, but appealed fromhis jurisdiction to the equity of the Pope or a general council; andthough they consented to bring back a sentence of excommunicationagainst the King's enemies, they willingly suffered it to be takenfrom them by the officers at Dover. Their appeal was approved by theconvocation of the clergy, and Guido, after publishing theexcommunication himself at Hesdin, returned to Rome, where he waselevated to the chair of St. Peter by the name of Clement IV. 

During the summer Leicester had been harassed with repeatedsolicitations for the release of the two princes, Edward and Henry. Inthe winter he pretended to acquiesce, and convoked a parliament tomeet after Christmas for the avowed purpose of giving the sanction ofthe legislature to so important a measure. But the extraordinarymanner in which this assembly was constituted provoked a suspicionthat his real object was to consolidate and perpetuate his own power. Only those prelates and barons were summoned who were known to beattached to his party; and the deficiency was supplied byrepresentatives from the counties, cities, and boroughs who, as theyhad been chosen through his influence, proved the obsequious ministersof his will. Several weeks were consumed in private negotiation withHenry and his son. Leicester was aware of the untamable spirit ofEdward, nor would he consent that the Prince should exchange hisconfinement for the company of his father on any other terms than thathe should still remain under the inspection of his keepers, and evincehis gratitude for the indulgence by ceding to the earl and his heirsthe county of Chester, the castle of Pec, and the town ofNewcastle-under-Lyne; in exchange for which he should receive otherlands of the same annual value. At length the terms were settled, andconfirmed by the parliament, with every additional security which thejealousy of the faction could devise. It was enacted "by commonconsent of the King, his son Edward, the prelates, earls, barons, andcommonalty of the realm, " that the charters and the ordinances shouldbe inviolably observed; that neither the King nor the Prince shouldaggrieve the earl or his associates for their past conduct; that ifthey did, their vassals and subjects should be released from theobligation of fealty till full redress were obtained, and theirabettors should be punished with exile and forfeiture; that thebarons, whom the King had defied before the battle of Lewes, shouldrenew their homage and fealty; but on the express condition that suchhomage and fealty should be no longer binding if he violated hispromise; that the command of the royal castles should be taken fromsuspected persons and intrusted to officers of approved loyalty; thatthe Prince should not leave the realm for three years, under pain ofdisherison; that he should not choose his advisers and companionshimself, but receive them from the council of state; that with hisfather's consent he should put into the hands of the barons for fiveyears, five royal castles, as securities for his behavior, and shoulddeliver to Leicester the town and castle of Bristol in pledge till afull and legal transfer should be made of Chester, Pec, and Newcastle;that both Henry and Edward should swear to observe all these articles, and not to solicit any absolution from their oath, nor make any use ofsuch absolution, if it were to be pronounced by the Pope; and lastly, that they should cause the present agreement "To be confirmed in thebest manner that might be devised, in Ireland, in Gascony, by the Kingof Scotland, and in all lands subject to the King of England. "

These were terms which nothing but necessity could have extorted; andto add to their stability, they were for the most part embodied in theform of a writ, signed by the King, and sent to the sheriffs, withorders to publish them in the full court of each county twice everyyear. 

It is generally supposed that the project of summoning to parliamentthe representatives of the counties, cities, and boroughs grew out ofthat system of policy which the earl had long pursued, of flatteringthe prejudices, and attaching to himself the affections, of thepeople. Nor had his efforts proved unsuccessful. Men in the higherranks of life might penetrate behind the veil, with which he sought toconceal his ambition; but by the nation at large he was considered asthe reformer of abuses, the protector of the oppressed, and the saviorof his country. Even some of the clergy, and several religious bodies, soured by papal and regal exactions, gave him credit for the truth ofhis pretensions, and preachers were found who, though he had beenexcommunicated by the legate, made his virtues the theme of theirsermons, and exhorted their hearers to stand by the patron of the poorand the avenger of the Church. [64] Within the kingdom no man dared todispute his authority; it was only at the extremities that a faintshow of resistance was maintained. The distant disobedience of a fewchiefs on the Scottish borders he despised or dissembled; and the openhostilities of the lords in the Welsh marches were crushed in theirbirth by his promptitude and decision. He compelled Roger de Mortimerand his associates to throw down their arms, surrender their castles, and abide the judgment of their peers, by whom they were condemned toexpatriate themselves, some for twelve months, others for three years, and to reside during their exile in Ireland. They pretended to submit, but lingered on the sea-coast, and amid the mountains of Wales, in thehope that some new event might recall them to draw the sword and fightagain in the cause of their sovereign. 

It had cost Leicester some years and much labor to climb to the summitof his greatness; his descent was rapid beyond the calculation of themost sanguine among his enemies. He had hitherto enjoyed thecoöperation of the powerful earls of Derby and Gloucester; but, if hewas too ambitious to admit of an equal, they were too proud to bow toa fellow-subject. Frequent altercations betrayed their secretjealousies; and the sudden arrest and imprisonment of Derby, on acharge of corresponding with the royalists, warned Gloucester of hisown danger. He would have shared the captivity of his friends had heassisted at the great tournament at Northampton; but by his absence hedisconcerted the plans of his enemy, and, recalling Mortimer and theexiles, unfurled the royal standard in the midst of his tenantry. Leicester immediately hastened to Hereford with the King, the Prince, and a numerous body of knights. To prevent the effusion of blood theircommon friends intervened; a reconciliation was effected, and fourumpires undertook the task of reconciling their differences. But underthis appearance of friendship all was hollow and insincere. Leicestersought to circumvent his adversary; Gloucester waited the result of aplan for the liberation of Edward, which had been concerted throughthe means of Thomas de Clare, brother to the Earl, and companion tothe Prince. 

One day after dinner Edward obtained permission to take the airwithout the walls of Hereford, attended by his keepers. They rode toWidmarsh. A proposal was made to try the speed of their horses;several matches were made and run; and the afternoon was passed in asuccession of amusements. A little before sunset there appeared onTulington hill a person riding on a gray charger and waving hisbonnet. The Prince, who knew the signal, bidding adieu to the company, instantly galloped off with his friend, another knight, and fouresquires. The keepers followed; but in a short time Mortimer, with aband of armed men, issued from a wood, received Edward withacclamations of joy, and conducted him to his castle of Wigmore. Thenext day the Prince met the Earl of Gloucester at Ludlow. Theymutually pledged themselves to forget all former injuries, and tounite their efforts for the liberation of the King, on condition thathe should govern according to the laws, and should exclude foreignersfrom his councils. 

When Leicester received the news of Edward's escape, he conceived thatthe prince was gone to join the Earl Warenne, and William de Valence, who a few days before had landed with one hundred and twenty knightson the coast of Pembrokeshire. Ignorant, however, of his real motions, he dared not pursue him; but issued writs in the King's name, orderingthe military tenants of the Crown to assemble at first in Worcester, and afterward in Gloucester. To these he added circular letters to thebishops, accusing Edward of rebellion, and requesting a sentence ofexcommunication against all disturbers of the peace "from the highestto the lowest. " The royalists had wisely determined to cut off hiscommunication with the rest of the kingdom by securing to themselvesthe command of the Severn. Worcester readily opened its gates;Gloucester was taken by storm; and the castle, after a siege of twoweeks, was surrendered on condition that the garrison should not serveagain during the next forty days. Every bridge was now broken down;the small craft on the river was sunk or destroyed; and the fords wereeither deepened or watched by powerful detachments. Leicester, caughtas it were in the toils, remained inactive at Hereford; but he awaitedthe arrival of the troops whom he had summoned, and concluded withLlewellyn of Wales a treaty of alliance, by which, for the pretendedpayment of thirty thousand marks, Henry was made to resign all theadvantages which he and his predecessors had wrested from the princesof that country. At last, reinforced by a party of Welshmen, the Earlmarched to the south, took and destroyed the castle of Monmouth, andfixed his head-quarters at Newport. Here he expected a fleet oftransports to convey him to Bristol; but the galleys of the Earl ofGloucester blockaded the mouth of the Avon; and Edward, with thebravest of his knights, made an attempt on the town of Newport itself. The part which lay on the left bank of the Usk was carried; but thedestruction of the bridge arrested the progress of the victors, andLeicester, with his dispirited followers, escaped into Wales. 

Misfortune now pressed on misfortune; and the last anchor of his hopewas broken by the defeat of his son Simon of Montfort. That youngnobleman was employed in the siege of Pevensey, on the coast ofSussex, when he received the King's writ to repair to Worcester. Onhis march he sacked the city of Winchester, the gates of which hadbeen shut against him, passed peaceably through Oxford, and reachedthe castle of Kenilworth, the principal residence of his family. Herehe remained for some days in heedless security, awaiting the orders ofhis father. Margot, a woman who in male attire performed the office ofa spy, informed the Prince that Simon lay in the priory, and hisfollowers in the neighboring farmhouses. Edward immediately formed thedesign of surprising them in their beds; and marching from Worcesterin the evening, arrived at Kenilworth about sunrise the next morning. Twelve bannerets with all their followers were made prisoners; andtheir horses and treasures repaid the industry of the captors. Simonalone with his pages escaped naked into the castle. 

Leicester on the same day had crossed the Severn by a ford, and haltedat Kempsey, about three miles from Worcester. Happy to find himself atlast on the left bank of the river, and ignorant of the fate of hisson and the motions of the enemy, he proceeded to Evesham, with theintention of continuing his march the next morning for Kenilworth. ThePrince had returned with his prisoners to Worcester, but left the cityin the evening, and, to mask his real design, took the road whichleads to Bridgenorth. He passed the river near Clains, and, wheelingto the right, arrived before sunrise in the neighborhood of Evesham. He took his station on the summit of a hill in the direction ofKenilworth; two other divisions, under the Earl of Gloucester andRoger de Mortimer, occupied the remaining roads. As the royalists borethe banners of their captives, they were taken by the enemy for thearmy of Simon de Montfort. But the mistake was soon discovered. Leicester, from an eminence, surveyed their numbers and disposition, and was heard to exclaim, "The Lord have mercy on our souls, for ourbodies are Prince Edward's. " According to his custom he spent sometime in prayer, and received the sacrament. His first object was toforce his way through the division on the hill. Foiled in thisattempt, and in danger of being surrounded, he ordered his men to forma circle, and oppose on all sides the pressure of the enemy. For awhile the courage of despair proved a match for the superiority ofnumbers. The old King, who had been compelled to appear in the ranks, was slightly wounded, and as he fell from his horse would probablyhave been killed had he not cried out to his antagonist, "Hold, fellow! I am Harry of Winchester. " The Prince knew the voice of hisfather, sprang to his rescue, and conducted him to a place of safety. During his absence Leicester's horse was killed under him; and, as hefought on foot, he asked if they gave quarter. A voice replied, "Thereis no quarter for traitors. " Henry de Montfort, his eldest son, whowould not leave his side, fell at his feet. His dead body was sooncovered by that of the father. The royalists obtained a complete butsanguinary victory. Of Leicester's partisans all the barons andknights were slain, with the exception of about ten, who wereafterward found breathing, and were cured of their wounds. The footsoldiers of the royal army--so we are told to save the honor of theleaders--offered to the body of the earl every indignity. His mangledremains were afterward collected by the King's orders and buried inthe church of the abbey. 

By this victory the sceptre was replaced in the hands of Henry. Withtheir leader, the hopes of the barons had been extinguished: theyspontaneously set at liberty the prisoners who had been detained sincethe battle of Lewes, and anxiously awaited the determination of theParliament, which had been summoned to meet at Winchester. In thatassembly it was enacted that all grants and patents issued under theKing's seal during the time of his captivity should be revoked; thatthe citizens of London, for their obstinacy and excesses, shouldforfeit their charter; that the Countess of Leicester and her familyshould quit the kingdom; and that the estates of all who had adheredto the late earl should be confiscated. The rigor of the last articlewas afterward softened by a declaration, in which the King granted afree pardon to those who could show that their conduct had not beenvoluntary, but the effect of compulsion. These measures, however, werenot calculated to restore the public tranquillity. The sufferers, prompted by revenge, or compelled by want, had again recourse to thesword; the mountains, forests, and morasses furnished them with placesof retreat; and the flames of predatory warfare were kindled in mostparts of the kingdom. To reduce these partial but successiveinsurrections occupied Prince Edward the greater part of two years. Hefirst compelled Simon de Montfort and his associates, who had soughtan asylum in the Isle of Axholm, to submit to the award which shouldbe given by himself and the King of the Romans. He next led his forcesagainst the men of the Cinque Ports, who had long been distinguishedby their attachment to Leicester, and who since his fall had, by theirpiracies, interrupted the commerce of the narrow seas, and made prizesof all ships belonging to the King's subjects. The capture ofWinchelsea, which was carried by storm, taught them to respect theauthority of the sovereign; and their power by sea made the Princedesirous to recall them to their duty and attach them to the crown. They swore fealty to Henry; and in return obtained a full pardon andthe confirmation of their privileges. From the Cinque Ports Edwardproceeded to Hampshire, which, with Berkshire and the neighboringcounties, was ravaged by numerous banditti, under the command of AdamGordon, the most athletic man of the age. They were surprised in AltonWood, in Buckinghamshire. The Prince engaged in single combat withtheir leader, wounded and unhorsed him, and then, in reward of hisvalor, granted him his pardon. Still the garrison of Kenilworthcontinued to brave the royal power, and even added contumely to theirdisobedience. Having in one of their excursions taken a king'smessenger, they cut off one of his hands, and sent him back with aninsolent message to Henry. To subdue these obstinate rebels it wasnecessary to summon the chivalry of the kingdom; but the strength ofthe place defied all the efforts of the assailants; and the obstinacyof Hastings the governor refused for six months every offer which wasmade to him in the name of his sovereign. 

There were many, even among the royalists, who disapproved of theindiscriminate severity exercised by the parliament at Winchester; anda possibility was suggested of granting indulgence to the sufferers, and at the same time satisfying those who had profited by theirforfeitures. With this view a committee was appointed of twelveprelates and barons, whose award was confirmed by the King inparliament, and called the _Dictum de Kenilworth_. They divided thedelinquents into three classes. In the first were the Earl of Derby, Hugh de Hastings, who had earned his preëminence by his superiorferocity, and the persons who had so insolently mutilated the King'smessenger. The second comprised all who on different occasions haddrawn the sword against their sovereign; and in the third werenumbered those who, though they had not fought under the banner, hadaccepted office under the authority, of Leicester. To all was giventhe option of redeeming their estates by the payment to the actualpossessors of certain sums of money, to the amount of seven years'value by delinquents of the first class, of five by those of thesecond, and of two years or one year by those of the third. By manythe boon was accepted with gratitude: it was scornfully refused by thegarrison of the castle of Kenilworth and by the outlaws who had fledto the Isle of Ely. The obstinacy of the former was subdued by famine;and they obtained from the clemency of the King the grant of theirlives, limbs, and apparel. The latter, relying on the strength oftheir asylum, gloried in their rebellion, and occasionally ravaged theneighboring country. Their impunity was, however, owing to the perfidyof the Earl of Gloucester, who, without the talents, aspired to thefame and preëminence, of his deceased rival. He expressed hisdisapprobation of the award; the factious inhabitants of London chosehim for their leader; and his presumption was nourished by the dailyaccession of outlaws from different parts of the country. Henrysummoned his friends to the siege of the capital; and the Earl, whenhe beheld from the walls the royal army, and reflected on theconsequences of a defeat, condemned his own temerity, accepted themediation of the King of the Romans, and on the condition of receivinga full pardon, gladly returned to his duty, leaving at the same timethe citizens to the good pleasure of the King. His submission drewafter it the submission of the other insurgents. If Llewellyn remainedin arms, it was only with the hope of extorting more favorable terms. The title of Prince of Wales with a right to the homage of the Welshchieftains satisfied his ambition; and he consented to swear fealty toHenry, and to pay him the sum of twenty-five thousand marks. Therestoration of tranquillity allowed the King to direct his attentionto the improvement of his people. He condescended to profit by thelabors of his adversaries; and some of the most useful among theprovisions of the barons were with other laws enacted by legitimateauthority in a parliament at Marlborough. To crown this importantwork, and to extinguish, if it were possible, the very embers ofdiscontent, the clergy were brought forward with a grant of thetwentieth of their revenues, as a fund which might enable those whohad been prevented by poverty to redeem their estates according to thedecision of the arbitrators at Kenilworth. The outlaws in the Isle ofEly were also reduced. The King's poverty had disabled him fromundertaking offensive measures against them: but a grant of the tenthpart of the church revenues for three years, which he had obtainedfrom the Pope, infused new vigor into his councils; bridges werethrown over the rivers; roads were constructed across the marshes; andthe rebels returned to their obedience on condition that they shouldenjoy the benefit of the Dictum of Kenilworth, which they had socontemptuously and obstinately refused. 

LOUIS IX LEADS THE LAST CRUSADE

A. D. 1270

JOSEPH FRANÇOIS MICHAUD

 Louis IX, King of France, 1226-1270, was at once a monarch of great ability and a man of intense religious spirit. Naturally, in such a time as that of his reign, a man like Louis would be a crusader. His first expedition--called the Seventh Crusade, 1248-1254--was directed against Egypt. He captured Damietta in 1249 and pushed into the interior, but was defeated by the Egyptian Sultan and taken prisoner with his entire army. He was liberated on the surrender of Damietta and the payment of a large ransom, and in 1254 he returned to France. 

 The state of Europe meanwhile had become unfavorable to further prosecution of the crusades, and Louis was the only monarch who longer took a serious interest in the fate of the Christian colonies of Asia. He also wished to avenge the honor of the French arms in Egypt, and so at length he planned a new expedition against the Moslems in that country. But he long kept this purpose a secret "between God and himself. " Louis consulted Pope Clement IV, who at first tried to discourage the perilous enterprise; but finally the Pontiff gave his approval, and while admitting no others as yet into his designs, Louis quietly made preparation and awaited the favorable hour. 

 At last, the great Parliament of France being assembled in the hall of the Louvre, the King entered, bearing in his hand the crown of thorns of Christ. At sight of this, the whole assembly became aware of the monarch's intentions, which he now fully made known, exhorting all who heard him to take the cross. A sad surprise fell upon the reluctant parliament; but Louis was strongly seconded by the Pope's legate, and many of the prelates, nobles, and knights received the cross. 

 Notwithstanding the deep regret which spread among his people, who felt the need of their sovereign's presence for keeping peace and order in the kingdom, and also feared for his own safety--his health being greatly impaired--there was profound respect for the motives of Louis and general acquiescence in his determination. Among many this resignation gave place to zealous devotion, and "the warlike nobility of the kingdom only thought of following their King in an expedition which was already looked upon as unfortunate. " Final preparations were accordingly made for Louis' undertaking. 

While all France was engaged in preparing for the expedition beyondthe seas, the crusade was preached in the other countries of Europe. Acouncil was held at Northampton, in England, in which Ottobon, thePope's legate, exhorted the faithful to arm themselves to save thelittle that remained of the kingdom of Jerusalem; and Prince Edwardtook the cross, to discharge the vow that his father, Henry III, hadmade when the news reached Europe of the captivity of Louis IX inEgypt. After the example of Edward, his brother, Prince Edmund, withthe earls of Pembroke and Warwick, and many knights and barons, agreedto take arms against the infidels. The same zeal for the deliveranceof the holy places was manifested in Scotland, when John Baliol andseveral nobles enrolled themselves under the banners of the cross. 

Cataloni and Castile furnished a great number of crusaders; the Kingof Portugal, and James, King of Aragon, took the cross. Doña Sancha, one of the daughters of the Aragonese prince, had made a pilgrimage toJerusalem, and had died in the hospital of St. John, after devotingmany years to the service of pilgrims and the sick. James had severaltimes conquered the Moors, but neither his exploits against theinfidels nor the remembrance of a daughter who had fallen a martyr toChristian charity could sustain his piety against the attacks of hisearthly passions, and his shameful connection with Berengariascandalized Christendom. 

The Pope, to whom he communicated his design of going to the HolyLand, replied that Jesus Christ could not accept the services of aprince who crucified him every day by his sins. The King of Aragon, bya strange combination of opposite sentiments, would neither renounceBerengaria nor give up his project of going to fight against theinfidels in the East. He renewed his oath in a great assembly atToledo, at which the ambassadors of the Khan of Tartary and of theKing of Armenia were present. We read, in a Spanish dissertation uponthe crusades, that Alfonso the Wise, who was not able to go to theEast himself, furnished the King of Aragon with a hundred men and ahundred thousand marvedis in gold; the Order of St. James, and otherorders of knighthood, who had often accompanied the conqueror of theMoors in his battles, supplied him also with men and money. The cityof Barcelona offered him eighty thousand Barcelonese sols, and Majorcafifty thousand silver sols, with two equipped vessels. The fleet, composed of thirty large ships, and a great number of smaller craft, in which were embarked eight hundred men-at-arms and two thousand footsoldiers, set out from Barcelona on the 4th of September, 1268. Whenthey arrived off Majorca, the fleet was dispersed by a tempest; onepart of the vessels gained the coasts of Asia, another took shelter inthe ports of Sardinia, the vessel that the King of Arragon was onboard of was cast upon the coast of Languedoc. 

The arrival at Ptolemais of the Aragonese crusaders, commanded by anatural son of James, restored some hopes to the Franks of Palestine. An envoy from the King of Aragon, according to the orientalchronicles, repaired to the Khan of the Tartars, to announce to himthat the Spanish monarch would soon arrive with his army. But whetherhe was detained by the charms of Berengaria, or whether the tempestthat dispersed his fleet made him believe that heaven was averse tohis pilgrimage, James did not arrive. His departure, in which heappeared to despise the counsels of the holy see, had been severelycensured; and his return, which was attributed to his disgracefulpassion, met with an equal share of blame. Murmurs likewise aroseagainst the King of Portugal, who had levied the tenths, but did notleave his kingdom. 

All those who in Europe took an interest in the crusade, had, at thistime, their eyes directed toward the kingdom of Naples, where Charlesof Anjou was making great preparations to accompany his brother intothe East; but this kingdom, recently conquered, was doomed again to bethe theatre of a war kindled by vengeance and ambition. There fell outin the states of Naples and Sicily, which had so often changedmasters, that which almost always takes place after a revolution:deceived hopes were changed into hatreds; the excesses inseparablefrom a conquest, the presence of an army proud of its victories, withthe too violent government of Charles, animated the people againsttheir new King. 

Clement IV thought it his duty to give a timely and salutary warning. "Your kingdom, " he wrote to him, "at first exhausted by the agents ofyour authority, is now torn by your enemies; thus the caterpillardestroys what has escaped the grasshopper. The kingdom of Sicily andNaples has not been wanting in men to desolate it; where now are theythat will defend it?" This letter of the Pope's announced storms readyto break forth. Many of those who had called Charles to the throneregretted the house of Swabia, and directed their new hopes towardItaly, strengthening Conradin, heir of Frederick and of Conrad. Thisyoung Prince quitted Germany with an army and advanced toward Italy, strengthening himself in his march with the party of the Ghibellines, and with all those whom the domination of Charles had irritated. AllItaly was in flames, and the Pope, Charles' protector, retired toViterbo, had no defence to afford him, except only the thunders of theChurch. 

Charles of Anjou, however, now assembled his troops, and marched outto meet his rival. The two armies met in the plain of St. Valentine, near Aquila; the army of Conradin was cut to pieces, and the youngPrince fell into the power of the conqueror. Posterity cannot pardonCharles for having abused his victory here so far as to condemn anddecapitate his disarmed and vanquished enemy. After this execution, Sicily and the country of Naples were given up to all the furies of ajealous, suspicious tyranny, for violence produces violence, and greatpolitical crimes never come alone. It was thus that Charles got readyfor the crusade; but, on the other hand, Providence was preparingterrible catastrophes for him. "So true it is, " says a historian, "that God as often gives kingdoms to punish those he elevates as tochastise those whom he brings low. "

While these bloody scenes were passing in Italy, Louis IX wasfollowing up the establishment of public peace and his darling object, the crusade, at the same time. The holy monarch did not forget thatthe surest manner of softening the evils of war, as well as of hisabsence, was to make good laws; he therefore issued severalordinances, and each of these ordinances was a monument of hisjustice. The most celebrated of all is the Pragmatic Sanction, whichBossuet called the firmest support of Gallican liberties. He alsoemployed himself in elevating that monument of legislation whichillustrated his reign and which became a light for following ages. 

The Count of Poictiers, who was to accompany his brother, was in themean time engaged in pacifying his provinces, and established manyregulations for maintaining public order. He, above everything, endeavored to abolish slavery; having for a maxim "that men are bornfree, and it is always wise to bring back things to their origin. "This good prince drew upon himself the benedictions of his people; andthe love of his vassals assured the duration of the laws he made. 

We have said that Prince Edward, son of Henry III, had taken the oathto combat the infidels. He had recently displayed a brilliant valor inthe civil war that had so long desolated England; and the deliveranceof his father and the pacification of the kingdom had been the rewardof his exploits. It was his esteem for the character of Louis IX, morethan the spirit of devotion, that induced him to set out for the East. The King of France, who himself exhorted him to take the cross, lenthim seventy _livres tournois_ for the preparations for his voyage. Edward was to follow Louis as his vassal, and to conduct under hisbanners the English crusaders, united with those of Guienne. Gaston deBéarn, to whom the French monarch advanced the sum of twenty-fivethousand livres, prepared to follow Prince Edward to the Holy Land. 

The period fixed upon for the departure of the expedition was drawingnear. By order of the legate, the _curés_ in every parish had takenthe names of the crusaders, in order to oblige them to wear the crosspublicly, and all had notice to hold themselves in readiness to embarkin the month of May, 1270. Louis confided the administration of hiskingdom, during his absence, to Matthew, Abbot of St. Denis, and toSimon, Sieur de Nesle; he wrote to all the nobles who were to followhim into the Holy Land, to recommend them to assemble their knightsand men-at-arms. As religious enthusiasm was not sufficiently strongto make men forget their worldly interests, many nobles who had takenthe cross entertained great fears of being ruined by the holy war, andmost of them hesitated to set out. Louis undertook to pay all theexpenses of their voyage, and to maintain them at his own cost duringthe war--a thing that had not been done in the crusades of Louis VIIor Philip Augustus, in which the ardor of the crusaders did not allowthem to give a thought to their fortunes or to exercise so muchforesight. We have still a valuable monument of this epoch in acharter, by which the King of France stipulates how much he is to payto a great number of barons and knights during the time the war beyondthe seas should last. 

Early in the month of March, Louis repaired to the Church of St. Denis, where he received the symbols of the pilgrimage and placed hiskingdom under the protection of the apostles of France. Upon the dayfollowing this solemn ceremony, a mass for the crusade was celebratedin the Church of Notre Dame at Paris. The monarch appeared there, accompanied by his children and the principal nobles of his court; hewalked from the palace barefooted, carrying his scrip and staff. Thesame day he went to sleep at Vincennes, and beheld, for the last time, the spot on which he had enjoyed so much happiness in administeringjustice to his people. And it was here too that he took leave of QueenMarguerite, whom he had never before quitted--a separation rendered somuch the more painful by the sorrowful reflection it recalled of pastevents and by melancholy presentiments for the future. 

Both the people and the court were affected by the deepest regret; andthat which added to the public anxiety was the circumstance thateveryone was ignorant of the point to which the expedition was to bedirected: the coast of Africa was only vaguely conjectured. The Kingof Sicily had taken the cross without having the least inclination toembark for Asia; and when the question was discussed in council hegave it as his opinion that Tunis should be the object of the firstattack. The kingdom of Tunis covered the seas with pirates, whoinfested all the routes to Palestine; it was, besides, the ally ofEgypt, and might, if subdued, be made the readiest road to thatcountry. These were the ostensible reasons put forth; the true oneswere that it was of importance to the King of Sicily that the coastsof Africa should be brought under European subjection, and that he didnot wish to go too far from Italy. The true reason with St. Louis, andthat which, no doubt, determined him, was that he believed it possibleto convert the King of Tunis, and thus bring a vast kingdom under theChristian banners. The Mussulman Prince, whose ambassadors had beenseveral times in France, had himself given birth to this idea, bysaying that he asked nothing better than to embrace the religion ofJesus Christ; thus, that which he had said to turn aside an invasionwas precisely the cause of the war being directed against histerritories. Louis IX often repeated that he would consent to pass thewhole of his life in a dungeon, without seeing the sun, if, by suchsacrifice, the conversion of the King of Tunis and his nation could bebrought about; an expression of ardent proselytism that has beenblamed with much bitterness, but which only showed an extreme desireto see Africa delivered from barbarism and marching with Europe in theprogress of intelligence and civilization, which are the greatblessings of Christianity. 

As Louis traversed his kingdom on his way to Aigues-Mortes, where thearmy of the crusaders was to embark, he was everywhere hailed by thebenedictions of his people, and gratified by hearing their ardentprayers for the success of his arms. The clergy and the faithful, assembled in the churches, prayed for the King and his children andall that should follow him. They prayed also for foreign princes andnobles who had taken the cross and promised to go into the East, as ifthey would, by that means, press them to hasten their departure. 

Very few, however, responded to this religious appeal. The King ofCastile, who had taken the cross, had pretensions to the imperialcrown, nor could he forget the death of his brother Frederick, immolated by Charles of Anjou. It was not only that the affairs of theempire detained the German princes and nobles; the death of youngConradin had so shocked and disgusted men's minds in Germany that noone from that country would have consented to fight under the samebanners as the King of Sicily. So black a crime, committed amid thepreparations for a holy war, appeared to presage great calamities. Inthe height of their grief or indignation, people might fear thatheaven would be angry with the Christians, and that its curse wouldfall upon the arms of the crusaders. 

When Louis arrived at Aigues-Mortes, he found neither the Genoesefleet nor the principal nobles who were to embark with him; theambassadors of Palæologus were the only persons who did not causethemselves to be waited for; for a great dread of the crusade wasentertained at Constantinople, and this fear was more active than theenthusiasm of the crusaders. Louis might have asked the Greek Emperorwhy, after having promised to send soldiers, he had only sentambassadors; but Louis, who attached great importance to theconversion of the Greeks, contented himself with removing theapprehensions of the envoys, and, as Clement IV died at that period, he sent them to the conclave of the cardinals, to terminate thereunion of the two churches. 

At length the unwilling crusaders, stimulated by repeated exhortationsand by the example of Louis, set forward on their march from all theprovinces, and directed their course toward the ports of Aigues-Mortesand Marseilles. Louis soon welcomed the arrival of the Count ofPoictiers, with a great number of his vassals; the principal noblesbrought with them the most distinguished of their knights and theirmost brave and hardy soldiers; many cities likewise contributed theirsupply of warriors. Each troop had its banner, and formed a separatecorps, bearing the name of a city or a province, the battalions ofBeaucaire, Carcassonne, Châlons, Perigord, etc. , attracted observationin the Christian army. These names, it is true, excited greatemulation, but they also gave rise to quarrels, which the wisdom andfirmness of Louis had great difficulty in appeasing. Crusaders arrivedfrom Catalonia, Castile, and several other provinces of Spain; fivehundred warriors from Friesland likewise ranged themselves with fullconfidence under the standard of such a leader as Louis, saying thattheir nation had always been proud to obey the kings of France. 

Before he embarked, the King wrote once more to the regents of thekingdom, to recommend them to watch carefully over public morals, todeliver France from corrupt judges, and to render to everybody, particularly the poor, prompt and perfect justice, so that He whojudges the judgments of men might have nothing to reproach him with. 

Such were the last farewells that Louis took of France. The fleet setsail on the 4th of July, 1270, and in a few days arrived in the roadof Cagliari. Here the council of the counts and barons was assembledin the King's vessel, to deliberate upon the plan of the crusade. Those who advocated the conquest of Tunis said that by that means thepassages of the Mediterranean would be opened and the power of themamelukes would be weakened; and that after that conquest the armywould go triumphantly into either Egypt or Palestine. Many of thebarons were not of this opinion; they said that, if the Holy Landstood in need of prompt assistance, they ought to afford it withoutdelay. While they were engaged on the coast of Africa, in a countrywith which they were unacquainted, the Christian cities of Syria mightall fall into the hands of the Saracens. The most redoubtable enemy ofthe Christians was Beibars, the terrible Sultan of Cairo; it was himthey ought first to attack; it was into his states, into the bosom ofhis capital, that the war should be carried, and not to a place twohundred leagues from Egypt. They added to this, remembrances of thedefeats that ought to be avenged upon the very theatre of so manydisasters. Contemporary history does not say to what extent Louis wasstruck with the wisdom of these last opinions; but the expedition toTunis flattered his most cherished hopes. It had been proposed by theKing of Sicily, whose concurrence was necessary to the success of thecrusade. It was, therefore, decided that the Genoese fleet shoulddirect its course toward Africa; and two days after, on the 20th ofJuly, it arrived in sight of Tunis and Carthage. At the sight of theChristian fleet, the inhabitants of the coast of Africa were seizedwith terror, and all who were upon the Carthage shore took flighttoward the mountains or toward Tunis. Some vessels that were in theport were abandoned by their crews; the King ordered Florent deVarennes, who performed the functions of admiral, to get into a boatand reconnoitre the coast. Varennes found nobody in the port or uponthe shore; he sent word to the King that there was no time to belost--he must take immediate advantage of the consternation of theenemy. But it was remembered that in the preceding expedition thedescent upon the coast of Egypt had been too precipitate; in this itwas determined to risk nothing. Inexperienced youth had presided overthe former war; now it was directed by old age and ripe manhood, andit was resolved to wait till the morrow. The next day at dawn thecoast appeared covered with Saracens, among whom were many men onhorseback. The crusaders, nevertheless, commenced their preparationsfor landing. At the approach of the Christians, the multitude ofinfidels disappeared; which, according to the account of aneyewitness, was a blessing from heaven, for the disorder was so greatthat a hundred men would have been sufficient to stop thedisembarkation of the whole army. When the Christian army had landed, it was drawn up in order of battle upon the shore, and, in accordancewith the laws of war, Pierre de Condé, almoner to the King, read witha loud voice a proclamation by which the conquerors took possession ofthe territory. This proclamation, which Louis had drawn up himself, began by these words: "I proclaim, in the name of our Lord JesusChrist, and of Louis, King of France, his sergeant, " etc. The baggage, provisions, and munitions of war were landed; a vast space was markedout, and the Christian soldiers pitched their tents. While they weredigging ditches and raising intrenchments to protect the army from asurprise, they took possession of the tower built on the point of thecape, and on the following day five hundred sailors planted thestandard of the lilies upon the castle of Carthage. The village ofMarsa, which was close to the castle, fell likewise into the hands ofthe crusaders; the women and the sick were placed here, while the armyremained beneath their tents. Louis still hoped for the conversion ofthe King of Tunis, but this pious illusion was very quickly dissolved. The Mussulman Prince sent messengers to the King to inform him that hewould come and meet him at the head of a hundred thousand men, andwould require baptism of him on the field of battle; the Moorish Kingadded that he had caused all the Christians in his dominions to beseized, and that every one of them should be massacred if theChristian army presumed to insult his capital. The menaces and vainbravadoes of the Prince of Tunis effected no change in the plans ofthe crusade; the Moors, besides, inspired no fear, and they themselvescould not conceal the terror which the sight only of the Christianscreated in them. Not daring to face their enemy, their scattered bandssometimes hovered around the Christian army, seeking to surprise anystragglers from the camp; and at others, uniting together, they poureddown toward the advanced posts, launched a few arrows, showed theirnaked swords, and then depended upon the swiftness of their horses tosecure them from the pursuit of the Christians. They not unfrequentlyhad recourse to treachery; three hundred of them came into the camp ofthe crusaders, and said they wished to embrace the Christian faith, and a hundred more followed them announcing the same intention. Afterbeing received with open arms, they waited for what they deemed afavorable opportunity, and fell upon a body of the Christians, swordin hand; but being overwhelmed by numbers, most of them were killed, and the rest were allowed to escape. Three of the principals fell ontheir knees and implored the compassion of their leaders. The contemptthe Franks had for such enemies obtained their pardon, and they weredriven out of the camp. At length the Mussulman army, now emboldenedby the inaction of the Christians, presented itself several times onthe plain. Nothing would have been more easy than to attack andconquer it; but Louis had resolved to act upon the defensive, and toawait the arrival of the King of Sicily, before beginning the war--afatal resolution, which ruined everything. The Sicilian monarch, whohad advised this ill-starred expedition, was destined to complete, byhis delays, the evil he had begun by his counsels. The Mussulmansflocked from all parts of Africa to defend the cause of Islamismagainst the Christians. Preparations were carried on in Egypt to meetthe invasion of the Franks; and in the month of August, Beibarsannounced by messengers that he was about to march to the assistanceof Tunis. The troops which the Sultan of Cairo maintained in theprovince of Barca received orders to set forward. Thus the Moorisharmy was about to become formidable; but it was not this host ofSaracens that the crusaders had most to dread. Other dangers, othermisfortunes, threatened them: the Christian army wanted water; theyhad none but salted provisions; the soldiers could not endure theclimate of Africa; winds constantly prevailed, which, coming from thetorrid zone, appeared to the Europeans to be the breath of a devouringfire. The Saracens upon the neighboring mountains raised the sand withcertain instruments made for the purpose, and the dust was carried bythe wind in burning clouds down upon the plain upon which theChristians were encamped. At last, dysentery, that fatal malady ofwarm climates, began to commit frightful ravages among the troops; andthe plague, which appears to be born of itself upon this burning, aridsand, spread its dire contagion through the Christian army. 

They were obliged to be under arms night and day; not to defendthemselves from an enemy that always fled away from them, but to guardagainst surprise. A vast number of the crusaders sunk under fatigue, famine, and disease. 

It became impossible to bury the dead; the ditches of the camp werefilled with carcasses, thrown in in heaps, which added to thecorruption of the air and to the spectacle of the general desolation. 

In spite of his sufferings, in spite of his griefs, Louis IX wasconstantly engaged in endeavors to alleviate the situation of hisarmy. He gave orders as long as he had any strength left, dividing histime between the duties of a Christian and those of a monarch. Thefever, however, increased; no longer able to attend either to hiscares for the army or to exercises of piety, he ordered the cross tobe placed before him, and, stretching out his hands, he in silenceimplored Him who had suffered for all men. 

The whole army was in a state of mourning--the soldiers walked aboutin tears, demanding of heaven the preservation of so good a prince. Amid the general grief, Louis turned his thoughts toward theaccomplishment of the divine laws and the destinies of France. 

Philip, who was his successor to the throne, was in his tent; hedesired him to approach his bed, and in a faltering voice gave himcounsels in what manner he should govern the kingdom of his fathers. The instructions he gave him comprise the most noble maxims ofreligion and loyalty; and that which will render them forever worthyof the respect of posterity is that they had the authority of hisexample, and only recalled the virtues of his own life. 

HEIGHT OF THE MONGOL POWER IN CHINA

A. D. 1271

MARCO POLO

 The celebrated traveller, Marco Polo, was born at Venice in 1254, and died there in 1334, His father, a Venetian merchant, had passed many years in Tartary, where he was hospitably treated by Kublai Khan, to whose court, at an early age, Marco was taken, and there was received into the Khan's service. The training he acquired there fitted him to become a professional politician rather than a traveller, in the ordinary sense of the word; hence his more intimate acquaintance with the social and political systems which he describes. 

 Possessing, in a high degree, the versatility and subtlety seen in so many of his nation, and improving his new opportunities, he soon became among the high-class Tartars as one of themselves. He adopted their dress and manners, and learned the four languages spoken in the Khan's dominions, of which he left a famous description in his book of travels. 

 The empire seems at this time to have been at the height of its splendor, and historians, as well as students and readers of history, have been fortunate in possessing the shrewd and candid observations of Marco Polo, whose unique narratives still preserve their simple charm, nowise impaired by comparison with our stricter historical methods. 

It is our desire to treat of the great and admirable achievements ofthe Grand Khan now reigning, who is styled Kublai Khan; the latterword implying, in our language, lord of lords, and with much proprietyadded to his name; for in respect to number of subjects, extent ofterritory, and amount of revenue he surpasses every sovereign that hasheretofore been or that now is in the world; nor has any other beenserved with such implicit obedience by those whom he governs. 

Kublai Khan is the lineal and legitimate descendant of Genghis Khan, the first emperor, and the rightful sovereign of the Tartars. Heobtained the sovereignty by his consummate valor, his virtues, and hisprudence, in opposition to the designs of his brothers, supported bymany of the great officers and members of his own family. But thesuccession appertained to him of right. It is forty-two years since hebegan to reign, and he is fully eighty-five years of age. Previouslyto his ascending the throne he had served as a volunteer in the army, and endeavored to take a share in every enterprise. Not only was hebrave and daring in action, but in point of judgment and militaryskill he was considered to be the most able and successful commanderthat ever led the Tartars to battle. From that period, however, heceased to take the field in person, and intrusted the conduct ofexpeditions to his sons and his captains; excepting in one instance, the occasion of which was as follows. 

A certain chief named Nayan, who, although only thirty years of age, was kinsman to Kublai, had succeeded to the dominion of many citiesand provinces, which enabled him to bring into the field an army offour hundred thousand horse. His predecessors, however, had beenvassals of the Grand Khan. Actuated by youthful vanity upon findinghimself at the head of so great a force, he formed, in the year 1286, the design of throwing off his allegiance, and usurping thesovereignty. With this view he privately despatched messengers toKaidu, another powerful chief, whose territories lay toward thegreater Turkey, and who, although a nephew of the Grand Khan, was inrebellion against him, and bore him determined ill-will, proceedingfrom the apprehension of punishment for former offences. To Kaidu, therefore, the propositions made by Nayan were highly satisfactory, and he accordingly promised to bring to his assistance an army of ahundred thousand horse. Both princes immediately began to assembletheir forces, but it could not be effected so secretly as not to cometo the knowledge of Kublai, who, upon hearing of their preparations, lost no time in occupying all the passes leading to the countries ofNayan and of Kaidu, in order to prevent them from having anyinformation respecting the measures he was himself taking. 

He then gave orders for collecting, with the utmost celerity, thewhole of the troops stationed within ten days' march of the city ofKambalu. These amounted to three hundred and sixty thousand horse, towhich was added a body of a hundred thousand foot, consisting of thosewho were usually about his person, and principally his falconers anddomestic servants. In the course of twenty days they were all inreadiness. Had he assembled the armies kept up for the constantprotection of the different provinces of Cathay, it must necessarilyhave required thirty or forty days; in which time the enemy would havegained information of his arrangements, and been enabled to effecttheir junction, and to occupy such strong positions as would best suitwith their designs. His object was, by promptitude, which is ever thecompanion of victory, to anticipate the preparations of Nayan, and, byfalling upon him while single, destroy his power with more certaintyand effect than after he should have been joined by Kaidu. 

In every province of Cathay and of Manji, [65] as well as in otherparts of his dominions, there were many disloyal and seditiouspersons, who at all times were disposed to break out in rebellionagainst their sovereign, and on this account it became necessary tokeep armies in such of the provinces as contained large cities and anextensive population, which are stationed at the distance of four orfive miles from those cities, and can enter them at their pleasure. These armies the Grand Khan makes it a practice to change every secondyear, and the same with respect to the officers who command them. Bymeans of such precautions the people are kept in quiet subjection, andno movement nor innovation of any kind can be attempted. The troopsare maintained not only from the pay they receive out of the imperialrevenues of the province, but also from the cattle and their milk, which belong to them individually, and which they send into the citiesfor sale, furnishing themselves from thence, in return, with thosearticles of which they stand in need. In this manner they aredistributed over the country, in various places, to the distance ofthirty, forty, and even sixty days' journey. If even the half of thesecorps were to be collected in one place, the statement of their numberwould appear marvellous and scarcely entitled to belief. 

Having formed his army in the manner above described, the Grand Khanproceeded toward the territory of Nayan, and by forced marches, continued day and night, he reached it at the expiration oftwenty-five days. So prudently, at the same time, was the expeditionmanaged, that neither that Prince himself nor any of his dependentswere aware of it, all the roads being guarded in such a manner that nopersons who attempted to pass could escape being made prisoners. Uponarriving at a certain range of hills, on the other side of which wasthe plain where Nayan's army lay encamped, Kublai halted his troopsand allowed them two days of rest. During this interval he called uponhis astrologers to ascertain, by virtue of their art, and to declarein presence of the whole army, to which side the victory wouldincline. They pronounced that it would fall to the lot of Kublai. Ithas ever been the practice of the grand khans to have recourse todivination for the purpose of inspiriting their men. 

Confident, therefore, of success, they ascended the hill with alacritythe next morning, and presented themselves before the army of Nayan, which they found negligently posted, without advanced parties orscouts, while the chief himself was asleep in his tent, accompanied byone of his wives. Upon awaking, he hastened to form his troops in thebest manner that circumstances would allow, lamenting that hisjunction with Kaidu had not been sooner effected. Kublai took hisstation in a large wooden castle, borne on the backs of fourelephants, whose bodies were protected with coverings of thick leatherhardened by fire, over which were housings of cloth of gold. Thecastle contained many cross-bowmen and archers, and on the top of itwas hoisted the imperial standard, adorned with representations of thesun and moon. His army, which consisted of thirty battalions of horse, each battalion containing ten thousand men, armed with bows, hedisposed in three grand divisions; and those which formed the left andright wings he extended in such a manner as to outflank the army ofNayan. In front of each battalion of horse were placed five hundredinfantry, armed with short lances and swords, who, whenever thecavalry made a show of fight, were practised to mount behind theriders and accompany them, alighting again when they returned to thecharge, and killing, with their lances, the horses of the enemy. Assoon as the order of battle was arranged, an infinite number of windinstruments of various kinds were sounded, and these were succeeded bysongs, according to the custom of the Tartars before they engage infight, which commences upon the signal given by the cymbals and drums, and there was such a beating of the cymbals and drums, and suchsinging, that it was wonderful to hear. This signal, by the orders ofthe Grand Khan, was first given to the right and left wings; and thena fierce and bloody conflict began. The air was instantly filled witha cloud of arrows that poured down on every side, and vast numbers ofmen and horses were seen to fall to the ground. 

The loud cries and shouts of the men, together with the noise of thehorses and the weapons, were such as to inspire terror in those whoheard them. When their arrows had been discharged, the hostile partiesengaged in close combat with their lances, swords, and maces shod withiron; and such was the slaughter, and so large were the heaps of thecarcasses of men, and more especially of horses, on the field, that itbecame impossible for the one party to advance upon the other. Thusthe fortune of the day remained for a long time undecided, and victorywavered between the contending parties from morning until noon; for sozealous was the devotion of Nayan's people to the cause of theirmaster, who was most liberal and indulgent toward them, that they wereall ready to meet death rather than turn their backs to the enemy. Atlength, however, Nayan, perceiving that he was nearly surrounded, attempted to save himself by flight, but was presently made prisoner, and conducted to the presence of Kublai, who gave orders for his beingput to death. This was carried into execution by enclosing him betweentwo carpets, which were violently shaken until the spirit had departedfrom the body; the motive for this peculiar sentence being that thesun and the air should not witness the shedding of the blood of onewho belonged to the imperial family. Those of his troops whichsurvived the battle came to make their submission and swear allegianceto Kublai. 

Nayan, who had privately undergone the ceremony of baptism, but nevermade open profession of Christianity, thought proper, on thisoccasion, to bear the sign of the cross in his banners, and he had inhis army a vast number of Christians, who were among the slain. Whenthe Jews and the Saracens perceived that the banner of the cross wasoverthrown, they taunted the Christian inhabitants with it, saying:"Behold the state to which your (vaunted) banners, and those whofollowed them, are reduced!" On account of these derisions theChristians were compelled to lay their complaints before the GrandKhan, who ordered the former to appear before him, and sharply rebukedthem. "If the cross of Christ, " he said, "has not proved advantageousto the party of Nayan, the effect has been consistent with reason andjustice, inasmuch as he was a rebel and a traitor to his lord, and tosuch wretches it could not afford its protection. Let none thereforepresume to charge with injustice the God of the Christians, who ishimself the perfection of goodness and of justice. "

The Grand Khan, having obtained this signal victory, returned withgreat pomp and triumph to the capital city of Kanbalu. This took placein the month of November, and he continued to reside there during themonths of February and March, in which latter was our festival ofEaster. Being aware that this was one of our principal solemnities, hecommanded all the Christians to attend him, and to bring with themtheir book, which contains the four gospels of the evangelists. Aftercausing it to be repeatedly perfumed with incense, in a ceremoniousmanner, he devoutly kissed it, and directed that the same should bedone by all his nobles who were present. This was his usual practiceupon each of the principal Christian festivals, such as Easter andChristmas; and he observed the same at the festivals of the Saracens, Jews, and idolaters. [66] Upon being asked his motive for this conduct, he said: "There are four great prophets who are reverenced andworshipped by the different classes of mankind. The Christians regardJesus Christ as their divinity; the Saracens, Mahomet; the Jews, Moses;[67] and the idolaters, Sogomombar-khan, [68] the most eminentamong their idols. I do honor and show respect to all the four, andinvoke to my aid whichever among them is in truth supreme in heaven. "

But from the manner in which his majesty acted toward them, it isevident that he regarded the faith of the Christians as the truest andthe best; nothing, as he observed, being enjoined to its professorsthat was not replete with virtue and holiness. By no means, however, would he permit them to bear the cross before them in theirprocessions, because upon it so exalted a personage as Christ had beenscourged and (ignominiously) put to death. It may perhaps be asked bysome why, if he showed such a preference to the faith of Christ, hedid not conform to it and become a Christian? His reason for not sodoing he assigned: "Wherefore should I become a Christian? TheChristians of these countries are ignorant, inefficient persons, whodo not possess the faculty of performing anything (miraculous);whereas the idolaters can do whatever they will. When I sit at tablethe cups that were in the middle of the hall come to me filled withwine and other beverage, spontaneously and without being touched byhuman hand, and I drink from them. They have the power of controllingbad weather and obliging it to retire to any quarter of the heavens, with many other wonderful gifts of that nature. Their idols have thefaculty of speech, and predict to them whatever is required. Should Ibecome a convert to the faith of Christ and profess myself aChristian, the nobles of my court and other persons who do not inclineto that religion will ask me what sufficient motives have caused me toreceive baptism and to embrace Christianity. 'What extraordinarypowers, ' they will say, 'what miracles, have been displayed by itsministers?' Whereas, the idolaters declare that what they exhibit isperformed through their own sanctity and the influence of their idols. 

"To this I shall not know what answer to make, and I shall beconsidered by them as laboring under a grievous error; while theidolaters, who by means of their profound art can effect such wonders, may without difficulty compass my death. But let the Pontiff sendhither a hundred persons well skilled in Christian law, who beingconfronted with the idolaters shall have power to coerce them, andshowing that they themselves are endowed with similar art, but whichthey refrain from exercising because it is derived from the agency ofevil spirits, shall compel them to desist from practices of such anature in their presence. When I am witness of this I shall place themand their religion under an interdict, and shall allow myself to bebaptized. Following my example, all my nobility will then in likemanner receive baptism, and this will be imitated by my subjects ingeneral. " From this discourse it must be evident that if the Pope hadsent out persons duly qualified to preach the gospel, the Grand Khanwould have embraced Christianity, for which, it is certainly known, hehad a strong predilection. 

The Grand Khan appoints twelve of the most intelligent among hisnobles, whose duty it is to make themselves acquainted with theconduct of the officers and men of his army, particularly uponexpeditions and in battles, and to present their reports to him, andhe, upon being apprised of their respective merits, advances them inhis service, raising those who commanded a hundred men to the commandof a thousand, and presenting many with vessels of silver, as well asthe customary tablets or warrants of command and of government. Thetablets given to those commanding a hundred men are of silver; tothose commanding a thousand, of gold or of silver gilt; and those whocommand ten thousand receive tablets of gold, bearing the head of alion; the former being of the weight of a hundred and twenty_saggi_, [69] and these with the lion's head two hundred and twenty. Atthe top of the inscription on the tablet is a sentence to this effect:"By the power and might of the great God, and through the grace whichhe vouchsafes to our empire, be the name of the Khan blessed; and letall such as disobey (what is herein directed) suffer death and beutterly destroyed. "

The officers who hold these tablets have privileges attached to them, and in the inscription is specified what are the duties and the powersof their respective commands. He who is at the head of a hundredthousand men, or the commander-in-chief of a grand army, has a goldentablet weighing three hundred saggi, with the sentence abovementioned, and at the bottom is engraved the figure of a lion, together with representations of the sun and moon. He exercises alsothe privileges of his high command, as set forth in this magnificenttablet. Whenever he rides in public, an umbrella is carried over hishead, denoting the rank and authority he holds;[70] and when he isseated, it is always upon a silver chair. The Grand Khan conferslikewise upon certain of his nobles tablets on which are representedfigures of the gerfalcon, in virtue of which they are authorized totake with them as their guard of honor the whole army of any greatprince. They can also make use of the horses of the imperial stud attheir pleasure, and can appropriate the horses of any officersinferior to themselves in rank. 

Kublai is of the middle stature, that is, neither tall nor short; hislimbs are well formed, and in his whole figure there is a justproportion. His complexion is fair, and occasionally suffused withred, like the bright tint of the rose, which adds much grace to hiscountenance. His eyes are black and handsome, his nose is well shapedand prominent. He has four wives of the first rank, who are esteemedlegitimate, and the eldest born son of any one of these succeeds tothe empire upon the decease of the grand khan. They bear equally thetitle of "empress, " and have their separate courts. None of them hasfewer than three hundred young female attendants of great beauty, together with a multitude of youths as pages, and other eunuchs, aswell as ladies of the bedchamber; so that the number of personsbelonging to each of their respective courts amounts to ten thousand. 

The Grand Khan usually resides during three months of theyear--December, January, and February--in the great city ofKanbalu, [71] situated toward the northeastern extremity of Cathay; andhere, on the southern side of the new city, is the site of his vastpalace, in a square enclosed with a wall and deep ditch; each side ofthe square being eight miles in length, and having at an equaldistance from each extremity an entrance gate. Within this enclosurethere is, on the four sides, an open space one mile in breadth, wherethe troops are stationed, and this is bounded by a second wall, enclosing a square of six miles. The palace contains a number ofseparate chambers, all highly beautiful, and so admirably disposedthat it seems impossible to suggest any improvement to the system oftheir arrangement. The exterior of the roof is adorned with a varietyof colors--red, green, azure, and violet--and the sort of covering isso strong as to last for many years. 

The glazing of the windows is so well wrought and so delicate as tohave the transparency of crystal. In the rear of the body of thepalace there are large buildings containing several apartments, whereis deposited the private property of the monarch, or his treasure ingold and silver bullion, precious stones, and pearls, and also hisvessels of gold and silver plate. Here are likewise the apartments ofhis wives and concubines; and in this retired situation he despatchesbusiness with convenience, being free from every kind of interruption. 

His majesty, having imbibed an opinion from the astrologers that thecity of Kanbalu was destined to become rebellious to his authority, resolved upon building another capital, upon the opposite side of theriver, where stand the palaces just described, so that the new and theold cities are separated from each other only by the stream that runsbetween them. The new-built city received the name of Tai-du, and allthose of the inhabitants who were natives of Cathay were compelled toevacuate the ancient city and to take up their abode in the new. Someof the inhabitants, however, of whose loyalty he did not entertainsuspicion, were suffered to remain, especially because the latter, although of the dimensions that shall presently be described, was notcapable of containing the same number as the former, which was of vastextent. 

This new city is of a form perfectly square, and twenty-four miles inextent, each of its sides being neither more nor less than six miles. It is enclosed with walls of earth that at the base are about tenpaces thick, but gradually diminish to the top, where the thickness isnot more than three paces. In all parts the battlements are white. Thewhole plan of the city was regularly laid out by line, and the streetsin general are consequently so straight that when a person ascends thewall over one of the gates, and looks right forward, he can see thegate opposite to him on the other side of the city. In the publicstreets there are, on each side, booths and shops of everydescription. All the allotments of ground upon which the habitationsthroughout the city were constructed are square and exactly on a linewith each other; each allotment being sufficiently spacious forhandsome buildings, with corresponding courts and gardens. One ofthese was assigned to each head of a family; that is to say, such aperson of such a tribe had one square allotted to him, and so of therest. Afterward the property passed from hand to hand. In this mannerthe whole interior of the city is disposed in squares, so as toresemble a chess-board, and planned out with a degree of precision andbeauty impossible to describe. 

The wall of the city has twelve gates, three on each side of thesquare, and over each gate and compartment of the wall there is ahandsome building; so that on each side of the square there are fivesuch buildings, containing large rooms, in which are disposed the armsof those who form the garrison of the city, every gate being guardedby a thousand men. It is not to be understood that such a force isstationed there in consequence of the apprehension of danger from anyhostile power whatever, but as a guard suitable to the honor anddignity of the sovereign. 

FOUNDING OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG

A. D. 1273

WILLIAM COXE

 The house of Hapsburg---also called the house of Austria--owes its origin and firm establishment to the most celebrated of the Hapsburgs, a German princely family who derived their name from Hapsburg castle, built about 1020, on the banks of the Aare in Switzerland. This founder of the imperial line was Rudolph, son of Albert IV, Count of Hapsburg and Landgrave of Alsace. Rudolph was born in 1218, and died at Germersheim, Germany, in 1291. He succeeded his father in Hapsburg and Alsace in 1239, and in 1273 was elected German King (Rudolph I), with the substance, though not the title, of the imperial dignity of the Holy Roman Empire. 

 It is said that the electors desired an emperor, but not the exercise of imperial power, and that in Rudolph they saw a candidate of comparative lowliness, from whom their authority stood in little jeopardy. At the age of fifty-five the new sovereign assumed his throne in the face of difficulty and danger. He was opposed by the Spanish claimant, Alfonso of Castile, and confronted a formidable rival in Ottocar, King of Bohemia, whose contumacy disturbed the reign of Rudolph from its very beginning. 

 Rudolph's enemies had appealed against him to Pope Gregory X, and Rudolph in turn sought the ratification of the Pontiff, to whom, immediately after his election, he sent messengers with a letter imploring papal countenance. From this moment to the day when he finally overcame Ottocar in the field and secured the possessions which became hereditary in the house of Hapsburg, the historian narrates the steps whereby Rudolph advanced in his career. 

Fortunately for the interests of Rudolph and the peace of Germany, Gregory X was prudent, humane, and generous, and from a longexperience of worldly affairs had acquired a profound knowledge of menand manners. An ardent zeal for the propagation of the Christian faithwas the leading feature of his character, and the object of hisgreatest ambition was to lead an army of crusaders against theinfidels. To the accomplishment of this purpose he directed his aims, and, like a true father of Christendom, was anxious to appease insteadof fomenting the troubles of Europe, and to consolidate the union ofthe German states, which it had been the policy of his predecessors todivide and disunite. By the most insinuating address he knew how toconciliate the affections of those who approached him, and to bend tohis purpose the most steady opposition; and he endeavored to gain byextreme affability and the mildness of his deportment what hispredecessors had extorted by the most extravagant pretensions. 

The ambassadors of Rudolph were received with complacency by the Pope, and obtained his sanction by agreeing, in the name of their master, tothe same conditions which Otho IV and Frederick II had sworn toobserve; by confirming all the donations of the emperors, hispredecessors, to the papal see; by promising to accept no office ordignity in any of the papal territories, particularly in the city ofRome, without the consent of the Pope; by agreeing not to disturb norpermit the house of Anjou to be disturbed in the possession of Naplesand Sicily, which they held as fiefs from the Roman see; and byengaging to undertake in person a crusade against the infidels. Inconsequence of these concessions, Gregory gave the new King of theRomans his most cordial support, refused to listen to the overtures ofOttocar, and after much difficulty finally succeeded in persuadingAlfonso to renounce his pretensions to the imperial dignity. 

An interview in October, 1275, between Rudolph and Gregory atLausanne, concluded his negotiations with the Roman see, and gave riseto a personal friendship between the heads of the Church and theempire, who were equally distinguished for their frank and amiablequalities. In this interview Rudolph publicly ratified the articleswhich his ambassadors had concluded in his name; the electors andprinces who were present followed his example, and Gregory againconfirmed the election of Rudolph, on condition that he should repairto Rome the following year to receive the imperial crown. At theconclusion of this ceremony the new Emperor, with his consort and theprinces of the empire, assumed the cross, and engaged to undertake acrusade against the infidels. 

During the negotiations of Rudolph with Gregory X, Ottocar had exertedhimself to shake the authority of the new chief of the empire, and toconsolidate a confederacy with the German princes. He not onlyrejected with disdain all the proposals of accommodation made at theinstances of Rudolph by the judicious and conciliating Pontiff, butprevented the clergy of Bohemia from contributing the tenths of theirrevenue or preaching the crusade. He endeavored to alarm the princesof the empire by displaying the views of the new sovereign, to recoverthe imperial fiefs which they had appropriated during the interregnum, and by his promises and intrigues succeeded in attaching to his causethe Margrave of Baden and the counts of Freiburg, Neuburg, andMontfort. But he secured a still more powerful partisan in Henry, Dukeof Lower Bavaria, by fomenting the disputes between him and hisbrother the Count Palatine, and by ceding to him Scharding and otherplaces wrested from Bavaria by the Duke of Austria. 

When summoned by Rudolph to do homage for his fiefs, according to thecustom of the empire, he returned a haughty answer, treating him asCount of Hapsburg; a second summons was received with silent contempt;on a third he sent his ambassador, the Bishop of Seccan, to the Dietof Augsburg; and his example was followed by Henry of Bavaria. Theseministers were, however, only deputed to raise a feigned contestrelative to the vote of Henry and to protest against the election ofRudolph. The ambassador of Henry urged the protest with moderation andrespect; but the Bishop of Seccan delivered a virulent invectiveagainst the chief of the empire, in a style conformable to the spiritand character of his powerful and haughty master. He declared that theassembly in which Rudolph had been chosen was illegal; that thearbitration of Louis of Bavaria was unprecedented; that a manexcommunicated by the Pope for plundering churches and convents wasineligible to the imperial throne, and that his sovereign, who heldhis dominions by an indisputable title, owed no homage to the Count ofHapsburg. 

As he spoke in the Latin tongue, the Emperor interrupted him with adignified rebuke. "Bishop, " he said, "if you were to harangue in anecclesiastical consistory, you might use the Latin tongue; but whendiscoursing upon your rights and the rights of the princes of theempire, why do you employ a language which the greater part of thosewho are present do not comprehend?" The rebuke of the sovereign justlyroused the indignation of the assembly; the princes, and particularlythe Elector Palatine, started from their seats, and were scarcelyprevented from employing violence, even by the interposition ofRudolph; and the ambassadors, quitting the assembly, retired fromAugsburg. 

The diet, irritated by this insult, passed a decree asserting theunanimity of Rudolph's election; they declared Ottocar guilty ofcontumacy; required him to restore Austria, Carinthia, and Carniola, which he had usurped, and to do homage for the remainder of hisdominions. In case of refusal the ban of the empire was denouncedagainst him, and supplies of men and money were voted to support theirsovereign, to assert the imperial dignity, and to reduce therebellious princes to obedience. The Burgrave of Nuremberg and theBishop of Basel were despatched to Ottocar in the name of the diet, todemand his instant acknowledgment of Rudolph as king of the Romans, and the restitution of Austria, Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola. 

They accordingly repaired to Prague, and delivered their message. "Tell Rudolph, " replied the spirited monarch, "that he may rule overthe territories of the empire, but I will not tamely yield thosepossessions which, I have acquired at the expense of so much blood andtreasure; they are mine by marriage, by purchase, or by conquest. " Hethen broke out into bitter invectives against Rudolph, and aftertauntingly expressing his surprise that a petty count of Hapsburgshould have been preferred to so many powerful candidates, dismissedthe ambassadors with contempt. In the heat of his resentment he evenviolated the laws of nations, and put to death the heralds whoannounced to him the resolutions of the diet and delivered the ban ofthe empire. 

During this whole transaction Rudolph acted with becoming prudence andextreme circumspection. He had endeavored by the mildest methods tobring Ottocar to terms of conciliation; and when all his overtureswere received with insult and contempt, and hostilities becameinevitable, he did not seek a distant war till he had obtained thefull confirmation of the Pope and had reëstablished the peace of thoseparts of the empire which bordered on his own dominions. He firstattacked the petty adherents of Ottocar, the Margrave of Baden, andthe counts of Freiburg, Montfort, and Neuburg, and, having compelledthem to do homage and to restore the fiefs which they had appropriatedduring the preceding troubles, he prepared to turn his whole forceagainst the King of Bohemia, with a solicitude which the power andtalents of his formidable rival naturally inspired. 

The contest in which Rudolph was about to engage was of a nature tocall forth all his resources and talents. Ottocar was a prince of highspirit, great abilities, and distinguished military skill, which hadbeen exercised in constant warfare from his early youth. By hereditaryright he succeeded to Bohemia and Moravia, and to these territories hehad made continual additions by his crusades against the Prussians, his contests with the kings of Hungary, and still more by his recentacquisition of Austria, Carinthia, and Carniola. 

In the tenth century Austria, with both Styria and Carniola, under thetitle of a margravate, was governed by Leopold I of the house ofBamberg. It continued in the possession of his family, and in 1156 waserected into an independent duchy by the emperor Frederick II, andconferred on Henry, fifth in descent from Leopold, as an indivisibleand inalienable fief; in failure of male issue it was made descendibleto his eldest daughter, and, in failure of female issue, disposable bywill. In 1245 Frederick the Warlike, last duke of the Bamberg line, obtained a confirmation of this decree; but, dying in the ensuing yearwithout issue and without disposing of his territories by will, adispute arose relative to his succession. The claimants were his twosisters, Margaret, widow of Henry VII, King of the Romans, andConstantia, wife of Henry the Illustrious, Margrave of Misnia; and hisniece Gertrude, daughter of Henry, his elder brother, the wife ofPremislaus, eldest son of Wenceslaus, King of Bohemia and brother ofOttocar. But on the plea that neither of the claimants was a daughterof the last Duke, the Emperor Frederick II sequestrated theseterritories as fiefs escheating to the empire, and transferred theadministration to Otho, Count of Werdenberg, who took possession ofthe country and resided in Vienna. 

As this event happened during the contest between the see of Rome andthe house of Swabia, Innocent IV, who had deposed and excommunicatedFrederick, laid Austria under an interdict, and encouraged the kingsof Bohemia and Hungary and the Duke of Bavaria to invade the country. The Pope first patronized the claims of Margaret, and urged her tomarry a German prince; but on her application to the Emperor to bestowthe duchy on her eldest son Frederick, he supported Gertrude, who, after the death of Premislaus, had espoused Herman, Margrave of Baden, nephew of Otho, Duke of Bavaria, and induced the anticæsar, William ofHolland, to grant him the investiture. 

On the demise of Frederick II his son Conrad was too much occupiedwith the affairs of Italy to attend to those of Germany; the imperialtroops quitted Austria, and, Herman dying, Otho of Bavaria occupiedthat part of Austria which lies above the Ems. But Wenceslaus ofBohemia, prevailing on the states to choose his eldest surviving sonOttocar as their sovereign, under the condition that he should espouseMargaret, expelled the Bavarians and took possession of the wholecountry. Gertrude fled to Bela, King of Hungary, whose uncle Roman, aRussian prince, she married, and ceded to him her pretensions onStyria, on condition that he should assert her right to Austria. A warensued between Ottocar and the King of Hungary, in which Ottocar, being defeated, was compelled to cede part of Styria to Stephen, sonof Bela, and a small district of that country was appropriated for themaintenance of Gertrude. But the Hungarian governors being guilty ofthe most enormous exactions the natives of Styria rose and transferredtheir allegiance to Ottocar, who secured that duchy by defeating Belaat Cressenbrum, and by the treaty of peace which followed thatvictory. Ottocar had scarcely obtained possession of Styria before hedeprived Gertrude of her small pittance, and the unfortunate princesstook refuge from his tyranny in a convent of Misnia. Having thussecured Austria and Styria, and ascended the throne of Bohemia, Ottocar divorced Margaret, who was much older than himself; and toacquire that right of succession of Frederick the Warlike which he hadlost by this separation from his wife he, in 1262, procured fromRichard of Cornwall the investiture of Austria, Styria, and Carniola, as fiefs devolved to the empire. He either promised or gavecompensation to Agnes, daughter of Gertrude by Herman of Baden, and toHenry, Margrave of Misnia, husband of Constantia. 

Ottocar next purchased of Ulric, Duke of Carinthia and Carniola, whohad no issue, the right of succeeding to those duchies on his death. In the deed of transfer, instituted December, 1268, Ulric describeshimself as without heirs; although his brother Philip, Archbishop ofSalzburg, was still living. On the death of Ulric, in 1269 or 1270, Ottocar took possession of those duchies, defeated Philip, whoasserted his claims, and forced the natives to submit to hisauthority. 

By these accessions of territory, Ottocar became the most powerfulprince of Europe, for his dominions extended from the confines ofBavaria to Raab in Hungary, and from the Adriatic to the shores of theBaltic. On the contrary, the hereditary possessions of Rudolph werecomparatively inconsiderable, remote from the scene of contest, andscattered at the foot of the Alps and in the mountains of Alsace andSwabia; and though head of the empire, he was seated on a totteringthrone, and feebly supported by the princes of Germany, who raised himto that exalted dignity to render him their chief rather in name thanin power. 

Although the princes and states of the empire had voted succors, manyhad failed in their promised assistance, and, had the war beenprotracted, those few would have infallibly deserted a cause in whichtheir own interests were not materially concerned. The wise but severeregulations of Rudolph for extirpating the banditti, demolishing thefortresses of the turbulent barons, and recovering the fiefs whichseveral of the princes had unjustly appropriated, excited greatdiscontent. Under these circumstances the powerful and imperiousOttocar cannot be deemed rash for venturing to contend with a pettycount of Switzerland, whom he compared to those phantoms ofsovereignty, William of Holland and Richard of Cornwall, or that heshould conclude a king of Bohemia to be more powerful than an emperor. The event, however, showed that he had judged too hastily of his ownstrength and of Rudolph's comparative weakness, and proved that, whenthe reins of government were held by an able hand, the resources ofthe empire were still considerable, and its enmity an object ofterror. 

Rudolph derived considerable support from his sons-in-law the Electorsof Palatine and Saxony, and from the Elector of Brandenburg; theBurgrave of Nuremberg, the nobles of Alsace and Swabia, and thecitizens and mountaineers of Switzerland. Having made the necessarypreparations, he, with a judicious policy, turned his attention tothose princes who, from the vicinity of their dominions, were in astate of continual enmity or warfare with the King of Bohemia. Heconcluded a treaty with Ladislaus, King of Hungary, and strengthenedthe bond of union by betrothing his daughter to Andrew, Duke ofSlavonia and brother of Ladislaus. He entered into an alliance withMeinhard, Count of Tyrol, which he cemented by the marriage of hiseldest son Albert with Elizabeth, daughter of Meinhard. But his viewswere still more promoted by the general discontent which pervadedevery part of the Austrian dominions, and by the anathemas of Philip, titular Duke of Carinthia and Archbishop of Salzburg, who absolved thepeople of his diocese from their oath of allegiance, and exhorted themto shake off the yoke of a tyrant and receive the chief of the empire. 

The prelate made repeated exhortations to Rudolph to hasten hisexpedition. He drew a hideous picture of Ottocar's oppressions;expatiated on the discontents of the natives, and their inveteratehatred to the Bohemians, and used all his eloquence to encourage theKing of the Romans to invade the country. "I observe, " he says, "thecountenances of your adversaries pale with terror; their strength iswithered; they fear you unknown; your image is terrible in theirimaginations; and they tremble even at the very mention of your name. How will they act, and how will they tremble when they hear the voiceof the approaching thunder, when they see the imperial eagles rushingdown on them like the flash of the lightning!"

The plan formed by Rudolph for the prosecution of the war wascalculated to divide the forces and distract the attention of Ottocar. He himself was to penetrate into Bohemia, while his son was to invadeAustria, and Meinhard of Tyrol to make a diversion on the side ofStyria. To oppose this threatened invasion, Ottocar assembled aconsiderable army, sent a reënforcement to Henry of Bavaria, augmentedthe garrison of Klosterneuburg, a fortress deemed impregnable, fortified Vienna, and despatched a considerable party of his armytoward Teppel to secure his frontier; but resigning himself tosupineness and careless security, he passed that time, which shouldhave been employed in repressing the discontented by his presence androusing the courage of his troops, in hunting and courtly diversions. 

Rudolph, apprised of these dispositions, changed his plan, marchedagainst Henry of Bavaria, and compelled him, by force of arms, todesert the Bohemian alliance. He meditated a reconciliation betweenthe Duke and his brother the Count Palatine, and, to secure hiscoöperation, gave his daughter Hedwige in marriage to Otho, son ofHenry, with the promise of assigning a part of Upper Austria as apledge of her portion. This success opened to him a way into Austria. Accompanied by Henry with a reënforcement of one thousand horses, hetraversed Lower Bavaria, by Ratisbon and Passau; overran that part ofAustria which lies to the south of the Danube, without resistance, wasreceived with joy by the natives, and rapidly marched toward Vienna. 

This well-concerted expedition bore rather the appearance of a journeythan a conquest, and Ottocar, awakened from his lethargy, received theintelligence with astonishment and terror. He now found even his allyHenry, in whose assistance he had confided, serving with his enemies, his Austrian territories invaded by a powerful army, the peoplehailing the King of the Romans as their deliverer, and the adversary, whom he had despised and insulted, in the very heart of his dominions. In these circumstances he recalled his army from Teppel, and led themthrough the woods and mountains of Bohemia to Drosendorf, on thefrontiers of Austria, with the hope of saving the capital. But histroops being harassed by the fatigues of this long and difficultmarch, and distressed for want of provisions, he was unable tocontinue his progress, while Rudolph, advancing along the southernbank of the Danube, made himself master of Klosterneuburg bystratagem, and encamped under the walls of Vienna. Here, being joinedby Meinhard of Tyrol, who had overrun Styria and Carinthia, and drawnthe natives to his standard, he laid siege to the city. The garrisonand people, who were warmly attached to Ottocar and encouraged withthe hopes of speedy relief, held out for five weeks; at length thewant of provisions and the threats of Rudolph to destroy the vineyardsexcited a small tumult among the people, and the governor proposed acapitulation. 

During this time the discontents in Ottocar's army increased withtheir increasing distress; he was threatened by the approach of theHungarians toward the Austrian frontiers; he saw his own troopsalarmed, dispirited, and mutinous; and he was aware that on thesurrender of the capital Rudolph had prepared a bridge of boats tocross the Danube and carry the war into Bohemia. In this situation, surrounded by enemies, embarrassed by increasing difficulties, deserted or opposed by his nobles, his haughty spirit was compelled tobend; he sued for peace, and the conditions were arranged by thearbitration of the Bishop of Olmuetz, the Elector Palatine, and theBurgrave of Nuremberg. It was agreed, on the 22d of November, 1276, that the sentence of excommunication and deprivation which had beenpronounced against Ottocar and his adherents should be revoked; thathe should renounce all his claims to Austria, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, and Windischmark; that he should take the oath ofallegiance, do homage for the remainder of his territories to the headof the empire, and should receive the investiture of Bohemia, Moravia, and his other fiefs. An article was also inserted, by which Ottocarpromised to deliver up to Ladislaus, King of Hungary, all the placeswrested from him in that kingdom. To cement this union a doublemarriage was to be concluded between a son and daughter of each of thetwo sovereigns; Rudolph engaged to give a portion of forty thousandmarks of silver to his daughter, and, as a pledge for the payment, assigned to Ottocar a part of that district of Austria which liesbeyond the Danube. The peace being concluded, the city of Viennaopened its gates and readily acknowledged the new sovereign. 

Ottocar was obliged to submit to these humiliating conditions, and onthe 25th of November, the day appointed for doing homage, crossed theDanube with a large escort of Bohemian nobles to the camp of Rudolph, and was received by the King of the Romans, in the presence of severalprinces of the empire. With a depressed countenance and broken spirit, which he was unable to conceal from the bystanders, he made a formalresignation of his pretensions to Austria, Styria, Carinthia, andCarniola, and, kneeling down, did homage to his rival, and obtainedthe investiture of Bohemia and Moravia, with the accustomedceremonies. 

Rudolph, having thus secured these valuable provinces, took possessionof them as fiefs reverted to the empire, and issued a decree placingthem under the government of Louis of Bavaria as vicar-general to theempire, in case of his death or during an interregnum. He at the sametime established his family in the Austrian dominions, by persuadingthe Archbishop of Salzburg and the bishops of Passau, Freising, andBamberg to confer on his sons, Albert, Hartman, and Rudolph, theecclesiastical fiefs held by the dukes of Austria. His next care wasto maintain the internal peace of those countries by salutaryregulations; and he gained the affection of the nobles by confirmingtheir privileges and permitting them to rebuild the fortresses whichOttocar had demolished. To superintend the execution of theseregulations he fixed his residence at Vienna, where he was joined byhis Queen and family. 

In order to reward his retainers he was, however, compelled to layconsiderable impositions on his new subjects, and to obtain free giftsfrom the bishop and clergy; and the discontents arising from thesemeasures probably induced Ottocar to attempt the recovery of theterritories which he had lost. 

Although the King of Bohemia had taken leave of Rudolph with thestrongest professions of friendship, and at different intervals hadrenewed his assurances of unalterable harmony, yet the humiliatingconditions which he had subscribed, and the loss of such valuableprovinces, filled him with resentment; his lofty spirit was stillfurther inflamed by his queen Cunegunda, a princess of an imperioustemper, who stimulated her husband with continual reproaches. Heaccordingly raised obstacles to the execution of the treaty, andneglected to comply with many of the conditions to which he hadagreed. 

Rudolph, desirous to avoid a rupture, despatched his son Albert toPrague, Ottocar received him with affected demonstrations offriendship, and even bound himself by oath to fulfil the articles ofthe peace. But Albert had scarcely retired from Prague before Ottocarimmured in a convent the daughter he had promised to one of the sonsof Rudolph, and sent a letter to the King of the Romans, filled withthe most violent invectives, and charging him with a perfidiousintention of renewing the war. 

Rudolph returned a dignified answer to these reproaches, and preparedfor the renewal of the contest which he saw was inevitable. Heinstantly reoccupied that part of Austria which he had yielded toOttocar as a pledge for the portion of his daughter. He also obtainedsuccors from the Archbishop of Salzburg, the bishops of Passau, Ratisbon, and the neighboring prelates and princes, and collectedlevies from Austria and Styria for the protection of Vienna. In aninterview at Hainburg, on the frontiers of Austria, with Ladislaus, King of Hungary, he adopted that Prince as his son, and concluded withhim an offensive and defensive alliance. Unwilling, however, to trusthis hopes and fortune to his new subjects, many of whom were ready todesert him, or to allies whose fidelity and attachment were doubtful, he applied to the princes of the German empire, but had themortification to be disappointed in his expectations. He was joined bya few only of the inferior princes; but many who had not taken part inthe former war were still less inclined to support him on the presentoccasion; several gained by Ottocar either remained neutral or tookpart against him; those who expressed an inclination to serve himdelayed sending their succors, and he derived no assistance even fromhis sons-in-law the Electors of Palatine and Saxony. 

On the other hand, he was threatened with the most imminent danger, for Ottocar, who during the peace had prepared the means of gratifyinghis vengeance, had formed a league with Henry of Bavaria, hadpurchased either the neutrality or assistance of many of the Germanprinces, had drawn auxiliaries from the chiefs of Poland, Bulgaria, Pomerania, and Magdeburg, and from the Teutonic hordes on the shoresof the Baltic. He had also excited a party among the turbulent noblesof Hungary, and spread disaffection among his former subjects inAustria and Styria. In June he quitted Prague, effected a junctionwith his allies, directing his march toward the frontiers of Austria, carried Drosendorf, after a short siege, by storm, and, descendingalong the banks of the Taya, invested the fortress of Laa. 

Rudolph, convinced that his cause would suffer by delay, waited withgreat impatience the arrival of a body of troops from Alsace, underthe command of his son Albert. But as these troops did not arrive atthe appointed time he was greatly agitated and disturbed, becamepensive and melancholy, and frequently exclaimed that there was notone in whom he could confide or on whose advice he could depend. Hishousehold and attendants partook of his despondency. To use the wordsof a contemporary chronicle, "All the family of King Rudolph ran toconfessors, arranged their affairs, forgave their enemies, andreceived the communion, for a mortal danger seemed to hang over them. "The citizens of Vienna caught the contagion and began to be alarmedfor their safety. Seeing him almost abandoned by his German allies, and without a sufficient army to oppose his adversaries, theyrequested his permission to capitulate and choose a new sovereign, that they might not be involved in his ruin. Roused from hisdespondency by this address, Rudolph prevailed on the citizens not todesert their sovereign; he confirmed their privileges, declared Viennaan imperial city, animated them with new spirit, and obtained fromthem a promise to defend the ramparts to the last extremity. 

At this period he was joined by some troops from Alsace and Swabia, and particularly by his confidant and confessor, the Bishop of Basel, at the head of one hundred chosen horse, and a body of expertslingers. This small but timely reënforcement revived his confidence, and although he was privately informed that his son Albert could notsupply him with further succors, and was advised not to hazard anengagement with an enemy so superior in number, he resolved to commithis fortune to the decision of arms. Turning then to the chosen bodynewly arrived, he addressed them with a spirit which could not fail ofinspiring them with courage, and gave at the same time the mostflattering testimony to their zeal and fidelity. "Remain, " he said, "one day at Vienna, and refresh yourselves after the fatigues of yourmarch, and we will then take the field. You shall be the guard of myperson, and I trust that God, who has advanced me to this dignity, will not forsake me in the hour of danger. "

Three days after the arrival of the Bishop of Basel Rudolph quittedVienna, marched along the southern bank of the Danube, to Hainburg, crossed that river, and advanced to Marcheck, on the banks of theMarch or Morava, where he was joined by the Styrians and Carinthians, and the forces led by the King of Hungary. He instantly despatched twothousand of his Hungarian auxiliaries to reconnoitre and interrupt theoperations of his adversary. They fulfilled their orders with spiritand address, for Ottocar, roused by their insults, broke up his camp, and marched to Jedensberg, within a short distance of Weidendorf, whither Rudolph had advanced. 

While the two armies continued in this situation, some traitorsrepaired to the camp of-Rudolph and proposed to assassinate Ottocar, but Rudolph, with his characteristic magnanimity, rejecting thisoffer, apprised Ottocar of the danger with which he was threatened, and made overtures of reconciliation. The King of Bohemia, confidentin the superiority of his force, deemed the intelligence a fabricationand the proposals of Rudolph a proof of weakness, and disdainfullyrefused to listen to any negotiation. 

Finding all hopes of accommodation frustrated, Rudolph prepared for aconflict, in which, like Cæsar, he was not to fight for victory alone, but for life. At the dawn of day, August 26, 1278, his army was drawnup, crossed the rivulet which gives name to Weidendorf, and approachedthe camp of Ottocar. He ordered his troops to advance in a crescent, and attack at the same time both flanks and the front of the enemy, and then, turning to his soldiers, exhorted them to avenge theviolation of the most solemn compacts and the insulted majesty of theempire, and by the efforts of that day to put an end to the tyranny, the horrors, and the massacres to which they had been so long exposed. He had scarcely finished before the troops rushed to the charge, and abloody conflict ensued, in which both parties fought with all the furythat the presence and exertions of their sovereigns or the magnitudeof the cause in which they were engaged could inspire. At length theimperial troops gained the advantage, but in the very moment ofvictory the life of him on whom all depended was exposed to the mostimminent danger. 

Several knights of superior strength and courage, animated by therewards and promises of Ottocar, had confederated either to kill ortake the King of the Romans. They rushed forward to the place whereRudolph, riding among the foremost ranks, was encouraging and leadinghis troops, and Herbot of Fullenstein, a Polish knight, giving spursto his horse, made the first charge. Rudolph, accustomed to thisspecies of combat, eluded the stroke, and, piercing his antagonistunder his beaver, threw him dead to the ground. The rest followed theexample of the Polish warrior, but were all slain, except Valens, aThuringian knight of gigantic stature and strength, who, reaching theperson of Rudolph, pierced his horse in the shoulder, and threw himwounded to the ground. The helmet of the King was beaten off by theshock, and being unable to rise under the weight of his armor hecovered his head with his shield, till he was rescued by BerchtoldCapillar, the commander of the corps of reserve, who, cutting his waythrough the enemy, flew to his assistance. Rudolph mounted anotherhorse, and, heading the corps of reserve, renewed the charge withfresh courage, and his troops, animated by his presence and exertions, completed the victory. 

Ottocar himself fought with no less intrepidity than his greatcompetitor. On the total rout of his troops he disdained to quit thefield, and, after performing incredible feats of valor, wasoverpowered by numbers, dismounted, and taken prisoner. He wasinstantly stripped of his armor, and killed by some Austrian andStyrian nobles whose relations he had put to death. The discomfitedremains of his army, pursued by the victors, were either takenprisoners, cut to pieces, or drowned in their attempts to pass theMarch; and above fourteen thousand perished in this decisiveengagement. 

Rudolph continued on the field till the enemy were totally routed anddispersed. He endeavored to restrain the carnage, and sent messengersto save the life of Ottocar, but his orders arrived too late, and whenhe received an account of his death he generously lamented his fate. He did ample justice to the valor and spirit of Ottocar; in his letterto the Pope, after having described the contest and the resolutiondisplayed by both parties either to conquer or die, he adds: "Atlength our troops prevailing drove the Bohemians into the neighboringriver, and almost all were either cut to pieces, drowned, or takenprisoners. Ottocar, however, after seeing his army discomfited andhimself left alone, still would not submit to our conqueringstandards, but, fighting with the strength and spirit of a giant, defended himself with wonderful courage, until he was unhorsed andmortally wounded by some of our soldiers. Then that magnanimousmonarch lost his life at the same time with the victory, and wasoverthrown, not by our power and strength, but by the right hand ofthe Most High. "

The body of Ottocar, deformed with seventeen wounds, was borne toVienna, and, after being exposed to the people, was embalmed, coveredwith a purple pall, the gift of the Queen of the Romans, and buried ina Franciscan convent. 

The plunder of the camp was immense, and Rudolph, apprehensive lestthe disputes of the booty and the hope of new spoils should occasion acontest between his followers and the Hungarians, dismissed hiswarlike but barbarous allies with acknowledgments for their services, and pursued the war with his own forces. He took possession of Moraviawithout opposition, and advanced into Bohemia as far as Colin. 

The recent wars, the total defeat of the army, and the death ofOttocar had rendered that country a scene of rapine and desolation. Wenceslaus, his only son, was scarcely eight years of age; and theQueen Cunegunda, a foreign princess, was without influence or power;the turbulent nobles, who had scarcely submitted to the vigorousadministration of Ottocar, being without check or control, gave fullscope to their licentious spirit; the people were unruly andrebellious, and not a single person in the kingdom possessedsufficient authority to assume and direct the reins of government. Inthis dreadful situation Cunegunda appealed to the compassion ofRudolph, and offered to place her infant son and the kingdom under hisprotection. In the midst of these transactions Otho, Margrave ofBrandenburg and nephew of Ottocar, marched into Bohemia at the head ofa considerable army, took charge of the royal treasures, secured theperson of Wenceslaus, and advanced against the King of the Romans. 

Rudolph, weakened by the departure of the Hungarians and thwarted bythe princes of the empire, was too prudent to trust his fortune to thechance of war; he listened therefore to overtures of peace, and anaccommodation was effected by arbitration. He was to retain possessionof the Austrian provinces, and to hold Moravia for five years, as anindemnification for the expenses of the war; Wenceslaus wasacknowledged King of Bohemia, and during his minority the regency wasassigned to Otho; Rudolph, second son of the Emperor, was to espousethe Bohemian princess Agnes; and his two daughters, Judith andHedwige, were affianced to the King of Bohemia and to Otho the Less, brother of the Margrave. In consequence of this agreement Rudolphwithdrew from Bohemia, and in 1280 returned to Vienna in triumph. Being delivered from the most powerful of his enemies, and relievedfrom all further apprehensions by the weak and distracted state ofBohemia, he directed his principal aim to secure the Austrianterritories for his own family. With this view he compelled Henry ofBavaria, under the pretext of punishing his recent connection withOttocar, to cede Austria above the Ems, and to accept in return thedistricts of Scharding, Neuburg, and Freistadt as the dowry of hiswife. 

But, though master of all the Austrian territories, he experiencedgreat difficulties in transferring them to his family. Some claimantsof the Bamberg line still existed: Agnes, daughter of Gertrude andwife of Ulric of Heunburg, and the two sons of Constantia by Albert ofMisnia. Those provinces were likewise coveted by Louis, Count Palatineof the Rhine, and by his brother Henry of Bavaria, as having belongedto their ancestors, and by Meinhard of Tyrol, from whom he had derivedsuch essential assistance, in virtue of his marriage with Elizabeth, widow of the emperor Conrad and sister of the Dukes of Bavaria. TheMisnian princes, however, having received a compensation from Ottocar, withheld their pretensions, and Rudolph purchased the acquiescence ofAgnes and her husband by a sum of money and a small cession ofterritory. He likewise eluded the demands of the Bavarian princes andof Meinhard by referring them to the decision of the German diet, Inthe mean time he conciliated, by acts of kindness and liberality, hisnew subjects, and obtained from the states of the duchy a declarationthat all the lands possessed by Frederick the Warlike belonged to theEmperor, or to whomsoever he should grant them as fiefs, saving therights of those who within a given time should prosecute their claims. He then intrusted his son Albert with the administration, convoked, onAugust 9, 1281, a diet at Nuremberg, at which he presided in person, and obtained a decree annulling all the acts and deeds of Richard ofCornwall and his predecessors, since the deposition of Frederick II, except such as had been approved by a majority of the electors. Inconsequence of this decree another was passed specificallyin-validating the investiture of the Austrian provinces, which in 1262was obtained from Richard of Cornwall by Ottocar. 

Carinthia having been unjustly occupied by Ottocar, in contradictionto the rights of Philip, Archbishop of Salzburg, brother of Ulric, thelast duke, the claims of Philip were acknowledged by Rudolph, and hetook his seat at the Diet of Augsburg as Duke of Carinthia. On theconquest of that duchy he petitioned for the investiture, but Rudolphdelayed complying with his request under various pretences, and, Philip dying without issue in 1279, the duchy escheated to the empireas a vacant fief. 

Rudolph, being at length in peaceable possession of these territories, gradually obtained the consent of the electors, and at the Diet ofAugsburg, in December, 1282, conferred jointly on his two sons, Albertand Rudolph, Austria, Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola. But at theirdesire he afterward resumed Carinthia, and bestowed it on Meinhard ofTyrol, to whom he had secretly promised a reward for his services, andin 1286 obtained the consent of the electors to this donation. By therequest of the states of Austria (1283), he declared that duchy andStyria an inalienable and indivisible domain to be held on the sameterms, and with the same rights and privileges, as possessed by theancient dukes, Leopold and Frederick the Warlike, and vested the soleadministration in Albert, assigning a specific revenue to Rudolph andhis heirs, if he did not obtain another sovereignty within the spaceof four years. 

EDWARD I CONQUERS WALES

A. D. 1277

CHARLES H. PEARSON

 Up to the time of Edward I, Wales, which had been partially subdued by Henry I, was a source of continual disturbance to the English kingdom. Long before the accession of Edward, the greater part of Welsh territory was parcelled out into little English principalities. Under John and Henry III, Llewelyn the Great, Prince of Wales, maintained his independence until 1237, three years before his death, when he submitted in order to secure the succession of his son David. Upon David's death, in 1246, the principality of Wales was divided between Llewelyn and Owen the Red, sons of Griffith ap Llewelyn, David's illegitimate brother. Civil war soon followed, and in 1224 Llewelyn made himself master of the land. 

 Llewelyn might have reached absolute independence had he not taken part with Simon de Montfort in the barons' war against Henry III. With the defeat and death of Montfort at Evesham (1265) the prospect of a new Welsh sovereignty vanished; Llewelyn purchased a peace and was recognized by Henry as prince of Wales, retaining a part of his territories. 

 When Llewelyn was summoned as a vassal of the English crown to the coronation of Edward I (1274), he refused. Twice again was he summoned to do homage to the King, but still evaded the summons. Upon his final refusal to come to the parliament of 1276, his lands were declared to be forfeited, and in 1277 Edward led an army into Wales. 

The whole force of the realm was summoned to meet at Worcester inJune, 1277, and so well was the command obeyed that Edward foundhimself able to dispose of three armies. With the first he himselfoperated along the north, opening a safe road through the Cheshireforests, and fortifying Flint and Rhuddlan, while the ships of theCinque Ports hovered along the coast and ravaged Anglesey. The _corpsd'armée_, under the Earl of Lincoln and Roger Mortimer, besieged andreduced Dolvorwyn castle in Montgomeryshire. The third was led intoCardigan by Payne de Chaworth, who ravaged the country with such vigorthat the South Welsh--being probably disaffected to a prince not oftheir own lineage--surrendered the castle of Stradewi and made ageneral submission. 

Edward had avoided the fatal errors of previous commanders, who hadrisked their forces in a barren and difficult country. His blockadewas so well sustained that Llewelyn was starved, rather than beaten, into unconditional submission. 

With singular moderation, Edward had declined receiving the homage ofthe southern chiefs. He now granted Llewelyn honorable terms, November5, 1277. A fine of fifty thousand pounds was imposed to mark thegreatness of the victory, but remitted next day out of the King'sgrace. Four border cantreds, [72] old possessions of the English crown, which Llewelyn had wrested from it in the wars of the late reign, wereto be surrendered to the English King, who already occupied them. Prisoners in the English interests were to be set free, and Llewelynwas to come under "an honorable" safe-conduct to London and performhomage. Edward had promised David [73] half the principality, but witha reservation at the time that he might, if he chose, give himcompensation elsewhere. He now elected to do this, moved, it wouldseem, simply by the wish not to dismember Llewelyn's dominions, andDavid was made governor of Denbigh castle, married to the Earl ofDerby's daughter, and endowed with extensive estates. In every otherrespect Llewelyn was tenderly dealt with. The hostages exacted weresent back. The rent of one thousand marks stipulated for Anglesey wasremitted. When the Prince of Wales came to London to perform homage hereceived the last favor of all, and was married sumptuously, at theKing's cost, to Lady Eleanor de Montfort. 

There is no reason for supposing that Edward cherished any covertplans of absorbing Wales into England. Having wiped out the dishonorof his early years, and replaced England in its old position ofascendency, he had no motive for reviving bitter memories ordispossessing a great noble of his fief. The King's conduct in givinghis cousin to one who was only her equal through a usurped royalty;the inquests held in the marches to determine border law; theinstructions to the royal judges, to judge according to local customs;the special commission appointed when Llewelyn thought himselfaggrieved are curious evidence of fair-mindedness in a strong-willedand almost absolute sovereign. But in one respect Edward wasill-fitted to deal with an uncivilized people. He was overstrict forthe times even in England, where his subjects almost learned, beforehe died, to regret the anarchy of his father's reign. But his officerswere nowhere harsher than in Wales, where the people, unaccustomed toa minute legality, complained that they were worse treated thanSaracens or Jews. Old offences were raked up; wrecking was madepunishable; the legal taxes were aggravated by customary payments; anddistresses were levied on the first goods that came to hand, whetherLlewelyn's own or his subjects'. 

The people of the four annexed cantreds were soon ripe for rebellion, David was alienated from the English cause by petty quarrels withReginald Gray, Justice of Chester, who insisted on making him answerbefore the English courts, hanged some of his vassals, and carried amilitary road through his woods. The Welsh gentlemen complained thatthey were removed from offices which they had purchased, brought tojustice for old offences which ought to have been condoned by thepeace, and deprived of their jurisdiction in local courts. For a timethe lady Eleanor tried to mediate between her husband and her cousin. But it was impossible that a stern, just man like Edward, penetratedwith the most advanced doctrine of European legists and deriving hisinformation from English employés, should be able to understand theposition of the chief of a semibarbarous nationality, who thoughtoutrages on law matters to be atoned for by fines, while he broodedwith implacable rancor over every slight, real or fancied, to his ownposition as prince of Wales, representative of a dynasty that hadruled "since the time of Camber the son of Brutus. "

Moreover, Llewelyn thought, perhaps unreasonably, that he had beenbetrayed by Edward. He said that on the day of his marriage theEnglish King had forced him to subscribe a document to the effect thathe would never harbor an English exile or maintain forces againstEdward's will. There was little in all this that was not implied inLlewelyn's position as vassal, and he himself did not complain thatthe conditions had ever been offensively pressed. A king who hadgranted such liberal terms as Edward might perhaps claim, with reason, that his conquered vassal should never threaten him with hostilities. But the offence was none the less deadly, that it was justified by therelations of subject and sovereign. 

A curious superstition precipitated an outbreak, In the time of HenryI some Norman had fabricated the so-called prophecies of Merlin, whichwere designed to reconcile the Welsh to the Norman Conquest. Henry wasdesignated in them as the lion of justice, and it was given as a signof his reign that the symbol of commerce would be split and the halfbe round. The prophecy had already been fulfilled by the regulationfor breaking coin at the mint, and making the half-penny a round pieceby itself. In 1279 Edward issued the farthing as an entire coin. Thechange recalled the memory of Merlin's prophecy; and the vagueoracles, that had been compiled to describe Henry's dominion over theSaxons, were easily interpreted to mean that a Welsh prince should becrowned at London, and retrieve what its natives regarded as the lostdominion of the principality. 

Llewelyn, it is said, consulted a witch, who assured him that heshould ride crowned through Westcheap. But the Prince of Wales alsorelied on less visionary assurances. The "quo-warranto" commission wasprosecuting its labors vigorously, and had produced a widespreaddiscontent in England, where men said openly that the King would notsuffer them to reap their own corn or mow their grass. Llewelyn was incorrespondence with the malcontents, and received promises of support. His brother David was easily induced to join the rebellion, and beganit on Palm Sunday, 1282, by storming the castle of Hawarden, andmaking Roger de Clifford, its lord and Edward's sheriff, his prisoner. Flint and Rhuddlan were next reduced, and the Welsh spread over themarches, waging a war of singular ferocity, slaying, and even burning, young and old women and sick people in the villages. The rebellionfound Edward unprepared, but he met it with equal vigor andefficiency. Making Shrewsbury his head-quarters, and moving theexchequer and king's bench to it, he summoned troops not only from allEngland, but from Gascony. 

It is possible that the foreign recruits were intended to strengthenthe King's hands against subjects of doubtful fidelity, but no realembarrassment from the disaffected was sustained. The troops musteredoperated in two armies, which started from Rhuddlan and Worcester, andenclosed Llewelyn, as before, from north and south. Meanwhile theships of the Cinque Ports reduced Anglesey, "the noblest feather inLlewelyn's wing, " as Edward joyfully observed. But the King wasfaithful to his old policy of a blockade. A bridge of ships was thrownacross the Menai Straits, and the forests between Wales proper and theEnglish border were hewn down by an army of pioneers. The King'sbanner, the golden dragon, showed that quarter would be given. 

As the war lasted on, negotiations were attempted; and the Archbishopof Canterbury, who had threatened the last sentence of the Churchagainst Llewelyn and his adherents, was sent over to Snowdon to hold aconference. Llewelyn had already been warned that it was idle toexpect assistance from Rome. He was now summoned to submit atdiscretion, with a hope--so expressed as to be a promise--that he andthe natives of the revolted districts would have mercy shown them. Inprivate he was informed that, on condition of surrendering Wales, heshould receive a county in England and a pension of one thousandpounds a year. David was to go to the Holy Land, and not return exceptby the King's permission. These terms were undoubtedly hard, but couldnot be called unreasonable, as, by the subjugation of Anglesey, theprincipality was reduced to the two modern counties of Merionethshireand Carnarvonshire. Llewelyn and his barons preferred to die fightingsword in hand for position and liberty. The Primate excommunicatedthem and withdrew. 

About the time of this interview, November 6th, there was a sharpskirmish at Bangor. Some of the Earl of Gloucester's troops crossedover before the bridge was completed, except for low-water mark, andwere surprised and routed, with the loss of their leader and fourteenbannerets, by the Welsh. This encouraged Llewelyn to resume offensiveoperations, and he poured troops into Cardigan to ravage the lands ofa Welshman in the English interest. The English forces in Radnormarched up along the left bank of the Wye, and came in sight of theenemy at Buelth, December 10th. Llewelyn was surprised during areconnaissance and killed by an English knight, Stephen de Frankton. After a short but brilliant encounter, in which the English charged upthe brow of a hill and routed the enemy with loss, they examined thedead bodies, and for the first time knew that Llewelyn was among theslain. A letter was found on his person giving a list, in false names, of the English nobles with whom he was in correspondence, but eitherthe cipher was undiscoverable or the matter was hushed up by theKing's discretion. 

Llewelyn, dying under church ban, was denied Christian sepulture. Hishead, crowned with a garland of silver ivy-leaves, was carried on thepoint of a lance through London, and exposed on the battlements of theTower. The prophecy that he should ride crowned through London hadbeen fatally fulfilled. 

With the death of Llewelyn the Welsh war was virtually at an end. Withall his faults of temper and judgment, he had shown himself a man ofcourage and capacity, who identified his own cause with his people's. But David, though now implicated in the rebellion beyond hope ofpardon, had fought under the English banner against his countrymen, with the wish to dismember the principality. The Welsh cannot beaccused of fickleness if they became languid in a struggle againstoverwhelming power and a king who had shown them more tenderness thantheir leader for the time. David's one castle of Bere was starved intosurrender by the Earl of Pembroke, and David himself taken in a bog bysome Welsh in the English interest. His last remaining adherent, Reesap Walwayn, surrendered, on hearing of his lord's captivity, and wassent prisoner to the Tower. For David himself a sadder fate wasreserved. His request for a personal interview with his injuredsovereign was refused. Edward did not care to speak with a man whom hehad no thought of pardoning. He at once summoned a parliament ofbarons, judges, and burgesses to meet at Shrewsbury, September 29th, and decide on the prisoner's fate. It is evident that Edward wasincensed in no common measure against the traitor whom, as heexpressed it, he had "taken up as an exile, nourished as an orphan, endowed from his own lands, and placed among the lords of our palace, "and who had repaid these benefits by a sudden and savage war. 

Nevertheless, the King, from policy or from temperament, resolved toassociate the whole nation in a great act of justice on a man ofprincely lineage. The sentence, which excited no horror at the time, was probably passed without a dissentient voice. David was sentenced, as a traitor, to be drawn slowly to the gallows; as a murderer, to behanged; as one who had shed blood during Passion-tide, to bedisembowelled after death; and for plotting the King's death, hisdismembered limbs were to be sent to Winchester, York, Northampton, and Bristol. Seldom has a shameful and violent death been bettermerited than by a double-dyed traitor like David, false by turns tohis country and his king; nor could justice be better honored than bymaking the last penalty of rebellion fall upon the guilty Prince, rather than on his followers. 

The form of punishment in itself was mitigated from the extremepenalty of the law, which prescribed burning for traitors. Comparedwith the execution under the Tudors and Stuarts, or with the reprisaltaken after Culloden, the single sentence of death carried out onDavid seems scarcely to challenge criticism. Yet it marks a declinefrom the almost bloodless policy of former kings. Since the times ofWilliam Rufus no English noble, except under John, had paid thepenalty of rebellion with life. In particular, during the late reign, Fawkes de Breaute and the adherents of Simon de Montfort had beenspared by men flushed with victory and exasperated with a long strife. There were some circumstances to palliate David's treachery, if, as isprobable, his charges against the English justiciary have any truth. We may well acquit Edward of that vilest infirmity of weak minds, which confounds strength with ferocity and thinks that the foundationsof law can be laid in blood. He probably received David's execution asa measure demanded by justice and statesmanship, and in which thewhole nation was to be associated with its king. Never was court ofjustice more formally constituted; but it was a fatal precedent forhimself, and the weaker, worse men who succeeded him. From that time, till within the last century, the axe of the executioner has neverbeen absent from English history. 

Edward was resolved to incorporate Wales with England. The children ofLlewelyn and David were honorably and safely disposed of inmonasteries, from which they never seem to have emerged. The greatWelsh lords who had joined the rebellion were punished withdeprivation of all their lands. Out of the conquered territory Denbighand Ruthyn seem to have been made into march lordships under powerfulEnglishmen. Anglesey and the land of Snowdon, Llewelyn's territoriesof Carnarvon and Merionethshire, with Flint, Cardigan, andCarmarthenshire, were kept in the hands of the Crown. The Welshdivisions of commotes were retained, and several of these constituteda sheriffdom, which bore pretty much the same relation to an Englishshire that a Territory bears to a State in the American Union. The newdistricts were also brought more completely under English law than themarches, which retained their privileges and customs. 

The changes, where we can trace them, seem to have been for thebetter. The blood-feud was abolished; widows obtained a dower;bastards were no longer to inherit; and in default of heirs male inthe direct line, daughters were allowed to inherit. On the other hand, fines were to be assessed according to local custom; compurgation wasretained for unimportant cases and inheritances were to remaindivisible among all heirs male. 

The ordinance that contains these dispositions is no parliamentarystatute, but seems to have been drawn up by the King in council, March24, 1284. It was based on the report of a commission which examinedone hundred and seventy-two witnesses. Soon afterward an inquest wasordered to ascertain the losses sustained by the Church in Wales, witha view to giving it compensation. 

Nor did Edward neglect appeals to the national sentiment. The supposedbody of Constantine was disinterred at Carnarvon, and receivedhonorable burial in a church. The crown of Arthur and a piece of theholy Cross, once the property of the Welsh princes, were added to theKing's regalia. It was probably by design that Queen Eleanor wasconfined at Carnarvon, April 25, 1284, of a prince whom the Welshmight claim as a countryman. [74] At last, having lingered for morethan a year about the principality, Edward celebrated the consummationof his conquests, August 1, 1284, by a splendid tournament at Nefyn, to which nobles and knights flocked from every part of England andeven from Gascony. It was even more a demonstration of strength than apageant. 

The cost of the Welsh campaign must have been enormous, and it isdifficult to understand how Edward met it. But no sort of expedientwas spared. Commissioners were sent through England and Ireland to begmoney of clergy and laity. Next, the cities of Guienne and Gasconywere applied to; then, the money that had been collected for a crusadewas taken out of the consecrated places where it was deposited. Thetreasures put in the Welsh churches were freely confiscated. Nevertheless, the Parliament of Shrewsbury granted the King athirtieth, from which, however, the loans previously advanced werededucted. In return for this the King passed the Statute of Merchants, which made provisions for the registration of merchants' debts, theirrecovery by distraint, and the debtor's imprisonment. The clergy hadat first been less compliant when the King applied to them for atenth. The Convocation of the Province of Canterbury, April, 1283, replied that they were impoverished; that they still owed a fifteenth, and that they expected to be taxed again by the Pope. They alsoreminded him bitterly of the Statute of Mortmain. Ultimately thematter was compromised by the grant of a twentieth, November, 1283. 

[Illustration: King Edward I fulfills his promise of giving the Welsh"a native prince who could not speak one word of English" Painting byPh. Morris. ]

[Illustration. ]

For a few years Wales was still an insecure portion of the Englishdominion. In 1287, Rees ap Meredith, whose services to Edward had beenlargely rewarded with grants of land and a noble English wife, commenced levying war against the king's sheriff. His excuse was thathis baronial rights had been encroached upon; but as he had oncerisked forfeiture by preferring a forcible entry to the execution ofthe king's writ which had been granted him, we may probably assumethat he claimed powers inconsistent with English sovereignty. Afterfoiling the Earl of Cornwall in a costly campaign, Rees, findinghimself outlawed, fled, by the Earl of Gloucester's complicity, intoIreland. Some years later he returned to resume his war with Robert deTiptoft, but this time was taken prisoner and executed at York byEdward's orders, 1292. 

More dangerous by far was the insurrection of two years later, 1294, when the Welsh, irritated by a tax, and believing that Edward hadsailed for France, rose up throughout the crown lands and slew one ofthe collectors, Roger de Pulesdon. Madoc, a kinsman of Llewelyn, wasput forward as king, and his troops burned Carnarvon castle andinflicted a severe defeat on the English forces sent to relieveDenbigh, November 10th. Edward now took the field in person, andresumed his old policy of cutting down the forests as he forced hisway into the interior. The Welsh fought well, and between disease andfighting the English lost many hundred men. Once the King wassurrounded at Conway, his provisions intercepted, and his road barredby a flood; but his men could not prevail on him to drink out of theone cask of wine that had been saved. "We will all share alike, " hesaid, "and I, who have brought you into this strait, will have noadvantage of you in food. " The flood soon abated, and, reinforcementscoming up, the Welsh were dispersed. Faithful to his policy of mercy, the King spared the people everywhere, but hanged three of theircaptains who were taken prisoners. Madoc lost heart, made submission, and was admitted to terms. Meanwhile, Morgan, another Welshman ofprincely blood, had headed a war in the marches against the Earl ofGloucester, who was personally unpopular with his vassals. Two yearsbefore the earldom had been confiscated into the King's hands, and itis some evidence that Edward's rule was not oppressive, by comparisonwith that of his lords, that the marchmen now desired to be madevassals of the crown. Morgan is said to have been hunted down by hisold confederate, Madoc, but it seems more probable that he was thefirst to sue for peace. He was pardoned without reserve. 

As there was then war with Scotland, hostages were taken from theWelsh chiefs, and were kept in English castles for several years. Butthe last lesson had proved effectual. The Welsh settled down peaceablyon their lands and generally adopted the English customs. Except a fewgreat lords, their gentry were still the representatives of their oldfamilies. Only five men in all had received the last punishment of thelaw for sanguinary rebellions extending over eighteen years of theKing's reign. Of any massacre of the bards, or any measures taken torepress them, history knows nothing. 

Never was conquest more merciful than Edward's, and the fault lieswith his officers, not with the King, if many years still passedbefore the old quarrel between Wales and England was obliterated fromthe hearts of the conquered people. 

JAPANESE REPEL THE TARTARS

A. D. 1281

E. H. PARKER

MARCO POLO

 Kublai Khan, the first of the Mongol emperors who reigned at Peking, and Kameyama, the ninetieth emperor--as reputed--of Japan, are supposed to have come to their respective thrones in the same year, 1260. At this period the Japanese rulers (_mikados_) were mere puppets in the hands of their _shoguns_--hereditary commanders-in-chief of the army--and the shoguns themselves were tools of the regents of the Hojo dynasty. 

 Corea had lately been made tributary to the Tartar or Mongol power, when some of the Coreans in the service of Kublai Khan suggested to him that his way was now open to Japan, 1265. Next year Kublai selected a chief envoy whose name, as Parker says, appears in Chinese characters precisely the same as that of Sir Robert Hart, [75] and whom the author of the narrative immediately following, in order to avoid uncouth names, designates as "Hart. " By this envoy Kublai sent a letter to Japan, and this act was the beginning of the execution of his designs against that country, formed upon the advice of the Coreans. In this letter the Mongol Emperor called upon Japan to return to the vassal duty which for centuries, he claimed, she had formerly owned to China. --EDWARD HARPER PARKER

The King of Corea, who had meanwhile been instructed to show the roadto the Mongol mission, provided it with two high officers as escort. In 1267, however, Hart and his staff returned to Peking from theirwanderings, _re injecta_, faithfully accompanied by their Coreanguides, whose explanations as to why the goal had not been reachedwere by no means satisfactory to Kublai. The whole party wasdespatched once more to Corea, carrying with them to the King positiveinstructions "to succeed better this time. "

The wily King of Corea now adopted another tack. He pleaded that thesea-route was beset with dangers to which it would be unseemly toexpose the person of an imperial envoy, but he accommodatingly sentthe Emperor's letter on to Japan by an envoy of his own. This Coreanenvoy was detained half a year by the Japanese, but he had also toreturn empty-handed. Meanwhile the King of Corea sent his own brotheron a special mission to Kublai, to endeavor to mollify his Tartarmajesty. 

In the autumn of 1268 Hart and his former assistant colleague weresent a third time. As a surveying party had meanwhile been examiningthe sea-route by way of Quelpaert Island, the mission was enabled toreach the Tsushima Islands this time; but the local authority wouldnot suffer them to land, or at least to stay, nor were the lettersaccepted, as, in the opinion of the Japanese, "the phraseology was notconsidered sufficiently modest. " Once more the unsuccessful missionreturned to Peking, but on this occasion it was with two Japanese"captives"--probably spies; for there is plenty of evidence that eventhen the art was well understood in Japan. In the summer of 1269 itwas resolved to utilize these captives as a peg whereon to hang theconciliatory and virtuous act of returning them. Coreans wereintrusted with this mission; but even this letter the Japanesedeclined to receive, and the envoys were detained a considerable timein the official prisons at Dazai Fu (in Chikuzen). 

Early in the year 1270 a Manchu Tartar in Kublai's employ, namedDjuyaoka, who had already been employed as a kind of resident oradviser at the court of the King of Corea, was despatched on a solemnmission to Japan, having earnestly volunteered for his new service inspite of his gray hairs. The King of Corea was again ordered toassist, and a Corean in Chinese employ, named Hung Ts'a-k'iu (MarcoPolo's Von-Sanichin), was told to demonstrate with a fleet around theLiao-Tung and Corean peninsulas. The envoy is usually called by hisadopted Chinese name of Chao Liang-Pih. The mission landed in thespring of 1271 at an island called Golden Ford, which, according tothe Chinese characters, ought, I suppose, to be pronounced Kananari inJapanese. Here the strangers met with a very rough reception. TheTartar, however, kept his head well during the various attempts whichwere made to frighten him; he pointed out the historical precedents tobe found in the annals of previous Chinese dynasties, and firmlydeclined to surrender his credentials except at the chief seat ofgovernment, and to the king or ruler in person. It seems that even theJapanese now began to see that the "honest broker, " Corea, was playingfalse to both sides; at all events, they said that "Corea had reportedthe imminence of a Chinese attack, whereas Kublai's language seemed todeprecate war. " Officials from head-quarters explained that "fromancient times till now, no foreign envoy has ever gone east of theDazai Fu. " The reply to this was: "If I cannot see your ruler, you hadbetter take him my head; but you shall not have my documents. " TheJapanese pleaded that it was too far to the ruler's capital, but thatin the mean time they would send officers back with him to China. Hewas thereupon sent back to await events at Tsushima, and, havingremained there a year, he arrived back in Peking in the summer of1273. In escorting him to Tsushima, the Japanese had sent with him anumber of secondary officials to have an audience of Kublai; itappears that the Japanese had been alarmed at the establishment of aMongol garrison at Kin Chow (I suppose the one near Port Arthur, thenwithin Corean dominions); and the Tartar envoy, during his stay inTsushima, now sent on these Japanese "envoys" (or spies) in advance, advising Kublai at the same time to humor Japanese susceptibilities byremoving the Kin Chow garrison. The cabinet council suggested toKublai that it would be a good thing to explain to the Japanese envoysthat the occupation of Kin Chow was "only temporary, " and would beremoved so soon as the operations now in process against Quelpaertwere at an end. It is related that the "Japanese interpreters"--whichprobably means Chinese accompanying the Japanese--explained to Kublaithat it was quite unnecessary to go round via Corea, and that with agood wind it was possible to reach Japan in a very short time. Kublaisaid, "Then I must think it over afresh. " Late in the year 1273 thesame Tartar envoy was once more sent to Japan, but it is not stated bywhat route or where he first landed; this time he really reached theDazai Fu, or capital of Chikuzen. In the same year, and possibly inconnection with the above mission, a Chinese general, Lu T'ung, with aforce of forty thousand men in nine hundred boats, defeated onehundred thousand Japanese--it is not stated where. I am inclined tothink, from the consonance of the word Liu and the nine hundred boats, that this must be the affair mentioned lower down. The Manchu Tartarenvoy seems to have been a very sensible sort of man, for not only didhe bring back with him full details of the names and titles of theMikado and his ministers, descriptions of the cities and districts, particulars of national customs, local products, etc. , but alsostrongly dissuaded Kublai from engaging in a useless war with Japan;and he also gave some excellent advice to the celebrated Mongolgeneral Bayen, who was just then preparing to "finish off" thesouthern provinces of China. It may not be generally known, but it isa fact that Bayen himself, in the late autumn of 1273, had beenoriginally destined for the Japanese expedition, and the prisonerscaptured at the first attack on Siaag-yang Fu (Marco Polo's Sa-yan Fu)had already been handed over to him for service in Japan. The Mongolhistory also gives a full copy of the letter sent to Japan on thisoccasion. In it Kublai expresses his surprise at the persistentignoring by Japan of his successive missions; he charitably suggeststhat "perhaps the fresh troubles and revolutions in Corea, which havenow once more been settled, are more to blame than your own deliberateintentions. " The menace of war was a little stronger than in theletter of 1266, but was still decently veiled and somewhat guarded. Before starting, the Manchu had requested that the etiquette to beobserved at his audience with the ruler might be laid down. Thecabinet council, to be on the safe side, advised: "As the relativeranks prevailing in the country are unknown to us, we have no definiteetiquette to specify. " On the other hand, both Kublai and hisministers were much too sharp to believe in the power of the"guard-house west of the Dazai Fu, " and they came to the sensibleconclusion that the Japanese "envoys" were simply war-spies sent bythe supreme Japanese government itself. 

Chinese history does not explain why, amid the conflicting counselsexposed above, and others mentioned in biographical chapters, Kublaidecided to attack Japan at the very moment when Bayen was marchingupon South China; but, anyway, during the year 1274, large numbers ofManchus were raised for service in Japan, and placed under GeneralHung. (Sani-chin may perhaps stand for the Chinese word Tsiang-chun, or "general. ") It appears that, toward the end of that year, fifteenthousand men in nine hundred ships made a raid upon some point inJapan; but, although "a victory" is claimed, no details whatever aregiven beyond the facts that "our army showed a lack of order; thearrows were exhausted; we achieved nothing beyond plundering. " Thethree islands raided were Tsushima, Iki, and one I cannot identify, described in Chinese as I-man. 

The Japanese annals confirm the attack upon Tsushima and Iki, addingthat the enemy slew all the males and carried off all the females inthe two islands, but were unsuccessful in their advance upon the DazaiFu. The enemy's general, Liu Fu-heng, was slain; the enemy numberedthirty thousand. The slain officer was, perhaps, a relative of LiuT'ung, who served again in China. 

In the year 1275 two more envoys bearing Chinese names were sent withletters to Japan, "but they also got no reply. " The Japanese annalsconfirm this, and add that "they came to discuss terms of peace, buttheir envoy, Tu Shi-chung--whose name corresponds--was decapitated. "This is true, but he was not decapitated until 1280, and, as is wellknown to competent students, Japanese history is always open tosuspicion when it conflicts with Chinese, and too often "touches up"from Chinese. 

In 1277 some merchants from Japan appeared in China with a quantity ofgold, which they desired to exchange for copper _cash_. The followingyear the "coast authorities"--probably meaning at Ningpo and Wenchow, where even now, as I found in 1884, immense quantities of old Japanesecopper cash are in daily use--were instructed to permit Japanesetrade. But preparations for war still went on, and the head-quartersof the army were fixed at Liao-yang, where General Kuropatkin fixedhis more recently. Naval preparations were particularly active during1279, and Corea was invited to make arrangements for boats to be builtin that country, where timber was so plentiful--evidently alluding tothe Russian "concessions" on the Yalu. Large numbers of ships werealso constructed in Central China. During this year a defeated Chinesegeneral in Mongol employ, named Fan Wen-hu, advised that the waragainst Japan should be postponed "until the result of our mission, accompanied by the Japanese priest carrying our letters, shall beknown. " When this priest was appointed, by whom, and to do what, thereis nothing to show. To a certain extent this enigmatical sentence issupported by the Japanese annals, which announce that "in the summerof 1279 the Mongol generals Hia Kwei and Fan Wen-hu came and sent_aides-de-camp_ to Dazai Fu to discuss peace, but Tokimune (theregent) had them decapitated at Hakata in Chikuzen. "

Hia Kwei was certainly another defeated Chinese general, but I do notthink he ever went to Japan. It is in the spring of 1280 that theChinese record the execution by the Japanese of "Tu Shi-chung, " etc. But it is quite evident that Fan Wen-hu cannot possibly have beenexecuted in 1279, for later on, in 1280, after Hung Ts'a-k'iu andothers had been appointed to the Japan expedition, "it was decided towait a little, and Fan Wen-hu was consulted as to the best means ofattack; meanwhile prisoners of war, criminals, Mussulmans, etc. , wereenlisted, and volunteers were called for. " It is difficult to accountfor "Mussulmans" in such company, for the villanous "Saracen" Achmatwas just then at the height of his power. The King of Corea meanwhilepersonally paid a visit to Peking, and gave the assurance that he wasraising thirty thousand extra soldiers to serve in the Japan war. FanWen-hu was now placed in supreme command of one hundred thousand men. "The King of Corea with ten thousand soldiers, fifteen thousandsea-men, nine hundred war-ships, and one hundred and ten thousandhundred-weight of grain, proceeded against Japan. Hung Ts'a-k'iu andhis colleagues were provided with weapons, Corean armor, jackets, etc. The troops were given strict instructions not to harass theinhabitants of Corea. Corean generals received high rank, and the Kingwas given extra honors. "

In 1281 the generals Hung Ts'a-k'iu and Hintu (a Ouigour Turk) went incommand of a naval force of forty thousand men via "Kin Chouin Corea. "Another force of one hundred thousand men was sent across the sea frommodern Ningpo and Tinghai, the two forces arranging to meet at theislands of Iki and Hirado. 

Alouhan (a Mongol) and Fan Wen-hu received in anticipation thehonorary titles of "Left and Right Governors of Japan province"; andwhen they and the other generals took leave of Kublai, the Emperorsaid: "As they had sent us envoys first, we also sent envoys thither;but then they kept our envoys, and would not let them go; hence I sendyou, gentlemen, on this errand. I understand the Chinese say that whenyou take another people's country, you need to get both the people andthe land. If you go and slay all the people, and only secure the land, what use is that? There is another matter, upon which I feel trulyanxious--that is, I fear want of harmony among you, gentlemen! If thenatives of that country come to discuss any matter with you, gentlemen, you should join your minds for one common plan, and replyas though one mouth only had to speak. "

When the army, after a week's sail from Tinghai, reached the islandsof Ku-tsi (off Masanpho) and Tsushima, some Japanese strandedfishermen were caught and forced to sketch a map of the localities;and meanwhile it had been agreed that the island of Iki was a betterrendezvous than "Kin Chou in Corea, " on account of the then prevailingwinds. From the Japanese sailors' sketch it appeared that a littlewest of the Dazai Fu was the island of Hirado, which, being surroundedon all sides with plenty of water, afforded a good anchorage for theships. It was decided--subject, apparently, to Kublai's approval--tooccupy Hirado first, and then summon General Hung, etc. , from Iki, tojoin in a general attack. Kublai replied by the messenger in effect:"I cannot judge here of the situation there. I presume Alouhan and hiscolleagues ought to know, and they must decide for themselves. "

Meanwhile Alouhan--written also Alahan--had fallen sick, and died atNingpo, and another Mongol, named Atahai--written also Antahai--wassent to replace him. Now comes the sudden collapse of the wholeexpedition, recorded, unfortunately, in most laconic andunsatisfactory terms. 

I give the various extracts _in extenso_:

1. _Chapter on Japan_. --"Eighth moon. The generals, having beforecoming in sight of the enemy lost their entire force, got back. Theysaid that, 'having reached Japan, they wished to attack Dazai Fu, butthat a violent wind smashed the ships. That they were still bent ondiscussing operations, when three of the commanders [Chinese names]declined to accept their orders any more, and made off. The provincialstaff conveyed the rest of the army to Hoh P'u [probably = Masanpho], whence they were dismissed back to their homes. ' But one of thedefeated soldiers, who succeeded in escaping home, gave the followingaccount: 'The imperial armies in the 6th moon put to sea. In the 7thmoon they reached Hirado Island, and then moved to Five DragonMountains [the Japanese pronunciation would be Go-riu Shima, or Yama, and perhaps it means the Goto Islands]. On the 1st of the 8th moon thewind smashed the ships. On the 5th day Fan Wen-hu and the othergenerals each made selection of the soundest and best boats, and gotinto them, and abandoned the soldiers, to the number of over onehundred thousand, at the foot of the hills. The soldiers then agreedto select the centurion Chang as general in command, and styled him'General Chang, ' submitting themselves to his orders. They were justengaged in cutting down trees to make boats to come back in, when, onthe 7th day, the Japanese came and gave battle. All were killed except20, 000 or 30, 000 who were carried off prisoners. On the 9th day thesegot to the Eight Horn Islands [the Japanese pronunciation would beHakkaku Shima], where all the Mongols, Coreans, and men of Han[--North China] were massacred. As it was understood that the newlyrecruited army consisted of men of T'ang [= Cantonese, etc. ], theywere not killed, but turned into slaves, of whom deponent was one. Thetrouble arose from want of harmony and subordination in the generalstaff, in consequence of which they abandoned the troops and returned. After some time two other stragglers got back; that is out of a hostof 100, 000 only three ever returned. '"

2. _Chapter on the Ouigour General, Siang-wei. _--"In 1281 thesea-force of 100, 000 men under Fan Wen-hu, etc. , took seven days andnights to reach Bamboo Island [the Japanese pronunciation would beChikushima; perhaps is another form of Tsushima], where they effecteda junction with the forces of the provincial staff from Liao-yang. Itwas the intention to first attack the Dazai Fu, but there wasvacillation and indecision. On the 1st day of the 8th moon a greattyphoon raged, and 60 or 70 per cent. Of the army perished. TheEmperor was furious, etc. "

3. _Chapter on Li T'ing, a Shan Tung man, who was on Fan Wen-hu'sstaff. _--"In 1281 the army encamped on Bamboo Island, but, a stormarising, the vessels were all smashed. Li T'ing escaped ashore on apiece of wreckage, collected the remains of the host, and returned viaCorea to Peking. Only 10 to 20 per cent. Of the soldiers escaped alive[apparently referring to the 40, 000, not to the 100, 000]. "

4. _Chapter on the Chih-Li-man-Chang-Hi. _--"He accompanied Fan Wen-huand Li T'ing with the naval force which crossed the sea against Japan. Chang Hi, on arrival, at once left his boats, and set to workintrenching on the island of Hirado. He also kept his war-ships atanchor at a cable's length from each other, so as to avoid thedestructive action of wind and waves. When the great typhoon arose inthe 8th moon, the galleons of Fan and Li were all smashed; only ChangHi's escaped uninjured. When Fan Wen-hu, etc. , suggested going back, Chang Hi said: 'Half the soldiers are drowned, but those who haveescaped death are all sturdy troops. Surely it is better for us totake advantage of this moment, before they have begun to thinkregretfully of home, to live on the enemy's country and advance?' FanWen-hu, etc. , would not agree to this and said: 'When we see theEmperor, we will bear all the blame; you have no share in it. ' ChangHi gave them a number of his boats. At that instant there were 4, 000soldiers encamped on Hirado Island without any boats. Chang Hi said, 'How can I bear to leave them?' And then he jettisoned all the seventyhorses in the boats in order to enable them to get back. When they gotto Peking, Fan Wen-hu, etc. , were all disgraced. Only Chang Hi escapedpunishment. "

5. _Chapter on Ch'u Ting, an An Hwei man. _--"He was with Fan Wen-hu'sforce when the sudden storm arose. His craft was smashed, but Ch'uTing got hold of a piece of wreckage, and drifted about for three daysand three nights, until he fell in with Fan Wen-hu's ship at a certainisland, and was thus able to get to Kin Chou in Corea. The soldiersencamped in the Hoh P'u bay also drifted in, and were collected andtaken home by him. "

_Chapter on Hung Tsun-k'i, alias Hung Ts'a-k'iu, a Corean of ancientChinese descent_. --"[After recounting how Kublai placed him in chargeof the well-disposed Corean troops, how he served in the Corean andQuelpaert campaigns, and against Japan in 1274 and 1277, the MongolHistory goes on:] In 1281, in company with Hintu [a Ouigour], he led anaval force of 40, 000 men via Kin Chou and Hoh-P'u in Corea to jointhe 100, 000 men coming by sea from Ningpo under Fan Wen-hu. Forceswere joined at the Iki, Hirado, and other islands of Japan; but beforethe hostile forces were encountered, in the 8th month, a storm smashedthe ships, and he returned. "

_Extract from Japanese Riokuji, or Historical Handbook_. --"In the 5thmoon of 1281 the Mongols raided us on a wholesale scale. Our troopswere unsuccessful in resisting them at Iki and Tsushima. The enemyadvanced and occupied Five Dragon Mountains in Hizen. The Hojo-tandailed the troops bravely to the fight. The enemy retired upon Takashima. In the intercalary 7th moon a great wind blew. The enemy's war-shipswere all broken to pieces. Our troops energetically attacked and cutthem up, the sea being covered with prostrate corpses. Of the Mongolarmy of 100, 000 only three men got back alive. Henceforward theMongols were unable to pry about our coasts again. "

MARCO POLO

Of so great celebrity was the wealth of Cipango (Japan), that a desirewas excited in the breast of the grand khan Kublai, now reigning, tomake the conquest of it, and to annex it to his dominions. In order toeffect this, he fitted out a numerous fleet, and embarked a large bodyof troops, under the command of two of his principal officers, one ofwhom was named Abba-catan, and the other Vonsancin. [76]

The expedition sailed from the ports of Zaitun and Kinsai, [77] and, crossing the intermediate sea, reached the island in safety; but inconsequence of a jealousy that arose between the two commanders, oneof whom treated the plans of the other with contempt and resisted theexecution of his orders, they were unable to gain possession of anycity or fortified place, with the exception of one only, which wascarried by assault, the garrison having refused to surrender. 

Directions were given for putting the whole to the sword, and inobedience thereto the heads of all were cut off, excepting of eightpersons, who, by the efficacy of a diabolical charm, consisting of ajewel or amulet introduced into the right arm, between the skin andthe flesh, were rendered secure from the effects of iron, either tokill or wound, Upon this discovery being made, they were beaten with aheavy wooden club, and presently died. [78]

It happened, after some time, that a north wind began to blow withgreat force, and the ships of the Tartars, which lay near the shore ofthe island, were driven foul of each other. It was determinedthereupon, in a council of the officers on board, that they ought todisengage themselves from the land; and accordingly, as soon as thetroops were re-embarked, they stood out to sea. The gale, however, increased to so violent a degree that a number of the vesselsfoundered. The people belonging to them, by floating upon pieces ofthe wreck, saved themselves upon an island lying about four miles fromthe coast of Cipango. 

The other ships, which, not being so near to the land, did not sufferfrom the storm, and in which the two chiefs were embarked, togetherwith the principal officers, or those whose rank entitled them tocommand a hundred thousand or ten thousand men, directed their coursehomeward, and returned to the Grand Khan. 

Those of the Tartars who remained upon the island where they werewrecked, and who amounted to about thirty thousand men, findingthemselves left without shipping, abandoned by their leaders, andhaving neither arms nor provisions, expected nothing less than tobecome captives or to perish; especially as the island afforded nohabitations where they could take shelter and refresh themselves. Assoon as the gale ceased and the sea became smooth and calm, the peoplefrom the main island of Cipango came over with a large force, innumerous boats, in order to make prisoners of these shipwreckedTartars, and, having landed, proceeded in search of them, but in astraggling, disorderly manner. The Tartars, on their part, acted withprudent circumspection, and, being concealed from view by some highland in the centre of the island, while the enemy were hurrying inpursuit of them by one road, made a circuit of the coast by another, which brought them to the place where the fleet of boats was atanchor. Finding these all abandoned, but with their colors flying, they instantly seized them, and, pushing off from the island, stoodfor the principal city of Cipango, into which, from the appearance ofthe colors, they were suffered to enter unmolested. [79]

Here they found few of the inhabitants besides women, whom theyretained for their own use, and drove out all others. When the Kingwas apprised of what had taken place, he was much afflicted, andimmediately gave directions for a strict blockade of the city, whichwas so effectual that not any person was suffered to enter or toescape from it during six months that the siege continued. At theexpiration of this time the Tartars, despairing of succor, surrenderedupon the condition of their lives being spared. 

These events took place in the course of the year 1264. [80] The GrandKhan having learned some years after that the unfortunate issue of theexpedition was to be attributed to the dissension between the twocommanders, caused the head of one of them to be cut off; the other hesent to the savage island of Zorza, [81] where it is the custom toexecute criminals in the following manner. They are wrapped round botharms, in the hide of a buffalo fresh taken from the beast, which issewed tight. As this dries, it compresses the body to such a degreethat the sufferer is incapable of moving or in any manner helpinghimself, and thus miserably perishes. 

THE SICILIAN VESPERS

A. D. 1282

MICHELE AMARI[82]

 Under Frederic II, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, Sicily had been governed wisely. His son Conrad succeeded him as King of Sicily in 1250, but went to Germany, where his crown was being contested by William of Holland, leaving his illegitimate brother Manfred to administer Sicily. Conrad and his brother Henry died in 1254. Manfred continued to rule Sicily as regent for his nephew Conradin, son of Conrad, but in 1258, upon a rumor of Conradin's death, assumed the crown. 

 Pope Alexander IV and his successor Urban IV, a Frenchman, would not recognize Manfred as ruler. Urban offered the Sicilian crown to a brother of Louis IX of France, Charles, Count of Anjou, who promised to hold Sicily as a fief of the holy see. Charles was compelled to conquer his new kingdom, and with a large army of Frenchmen invaded Sicily. Manfred was defeated and slain in a sanguinary battle at Grandella, near Benevento, and Charles soon made himself master of the kingdom. Young Conradin was still living, but was defeated at Tagliacozzo in 1268, and was beheaded at Naples by order of Charles. 

 The French earned the scarcely veiled hatred of the Sicilians by their tyranny and cruelties, and a conspiracy arose to give the crown to Pedro, King of Aragon, who had married Constance, daughter of Manfred. Charles of Anjou was not ignorant of the fact that his throne was in danger, nor was he totally unprepared. The overthrow of the French power in Sicily, however, was precipitated by an incident at Palermo on Easter Monday, the 30th of March, 1282, which led to the wholesale massacre known to history as the "Sicilian Vespers, " because of its commencement at the hour of vespers. 

The Sicilians endured the French yoke--though cursing it--until thespring of 1282. The military preparations of the King of Aragon werenot yet completed, nor, even if partially known in Sicily, could theyinspire any immediate hope. The people were overawed by the immensearmaments of Charles destined against Constantinople; and forty-tworoyal castles, either in the principal cities or in situations ofgreat natural strength, served to keep the island in check. A stillgreater number were held by French feudatories; the standing troopswere collected and in arms; and the feudal militia, composed in greatpart of foreign subfeudatories, waited only the signal to assemble. Insuch a posture of affairs, which the foresight of the prudent wouldnever have selected for an outbreak, the officers of Charles continuedto grind down the Sicilian people, satisfied that their patience wouldendure forever. 

New outrages shed a gloom over the festival of Easter at Palermo, theancient capital of the kingdom, detested by the strangers more thanany other city as being the strongest and the most deeply injured. Messina was the seat of the King's viceroy in Sicily, Herbert ofOrleans; Palermo was governed by the Justiciary of Val di Mazzara, John of St. Remigio, a minister worthy of Charles. His subalterns, worthy both of the Justiciary and of the King, had recently launchedout into fresh acts of rapine and violence. But the people submitted. It even went so far that the citizens of Palermo, seeking comfort fromGod amid their worldly tribulations, and having entered a church topray, in that very church, on the days sacred to the memory of theSaviour's passion, and amid the penitential rites, were exposed to themost cruel outrages. The ban-dogs of the exchequer searched out amongthem those who had failed in the payment of the taxes, dragged themforth from the sacred edifice, manacled, and bore them to prison, crying out, insultingly, before the multitude attracted to the spot, "Pay, _faterini_, pay!" And the people still submitted. 

The Monday after Easter, which fell on the 30th of March, there was afestival at the Church of Santo Spirito. On that occasion a heinousoutrage against the liberties of the Sicilians afforded the impulse, and the patience of the people gave way. 

Half a mile from the southern wall of the city, on the brink of theravine of Oreto, stands a church dedicated to the Holy Ghost, concerning which the Latin fathers have not failed to record that onthe day on which the first stone of it was laid, in the twelfthcentury, the sun was darkened by an eclipse. On one side of it werethe precipice and the river; on the other, the plain extending to thecity, which in the present day is in great part divided by walls anddotted with gardens; while a square enclosure of moderate size, shadedby dusky cypresses, honeycombed with tombs, and adorned with urns andother sepulchral monuments, surrounds the church. This is a publiccemetery, laid out toward the end of the eighteenth century, andfearfully filled in three weeks by the dire pestilence whichdevastated Sicily in 1837. On the Tuesday following Easter, at thehour of vespers, religion and custom drew crowds of people to thischeerful plain, then carpeted with the flowers of spring. Citizens, wending their way toward the church, divided into numerous groups. They walked, sat in clusters, spread the tables, or danced upon thegrass; and--whether it were a defect or a merit of the Siciliancharacter--threw off, for the moment, the recollection of theirsufferings. 

Suddenly the followers of the Justiciary appeared among them, andevery bosom thrilled with a shudder of disgust. The strangers camewith their usual insolent demeanor, as they said, to maintaintranquillity; and for this purpose they mingled with the groups, joined in the dances, and familiarly accosted the women; pressing thehand of one, taking unwarranted liberties with others; addressingindecent words and gestures to those more distant, until sometemperately admonished them to depart, in God's name, withoutinsulting the women; and others murmured angrily; but the hot-bloodedyouths raised their voices so fiercely that the soldiers said to oneanother, "These insolent paterini must be armed, that they dare thusto answer, " and replied to them with the most offensive insults, insisting, with great insolence, on searching them for arms, and evenhere and there striking them with sticks or thongs. Every heartalready throbbed fiercely on either side, when a young woman, ofsingular beauty and of modest and dignified deportment, appeared withher husband and relations, bending her steps toward the church. Drouet, a Frenchman, impelled either by insolence or license, approached her as if to examine her for concealed weapons; seized herand searched her bosom. She fell fainting into her husband's arms, who, in a voice almost choked with rage, exclaimed, "Death, death tothe French!" At the same moment a youth burst from the crowd which hadgathered round them, sprang upon Drouet, disarmed and slew him; andprobably, at the same moment, paid the penalty by the loss of his ownlife, leaving his name unknown and the mystery foreverunsolved--whether it were love for the injured woman, the impulse of agenerous heart, or the more exalted flame of patriotism that promptedhim thus to give the signal of deliverance. 

Noble example has a power far beyond that of argument or eloquence torouse the people; and the erstwhile abject slaves awoke at length fromtheir long bondage. "Death, death to the French!" they cried; and thecry--say the historians of the time--reechoed, like the voice of God, through the whole country, and found an answer in every heart. 

Above the corpse of Drouet were heaped those of the slain on eitherside. The crowd expanded itself, closed in, and swayed hither andthither in wild confusion. The Sicilians, with sticks, stones, andknives, rushed with desperate ferocity upon their fully armedopponents. They sought for them and hunted them down. Fearfultragedies were enacted amid the preparations for festivity, and theoverthrown tables were drenched with blood. The people displayed theirstrength and conquered. The struggle was brief, and great theslaughter of the Sicilians; but of the French there were twohundred--and two hundred fell!

Breathless, covered with blood, brandishing the plundered weapons, andproclaiming the insult and its vengeance, the insurgents rushed towardthe tranquil city, "Death to the French!" they shouted, and as many asthey found were put to the sword. The example, the words, thecontagion of passion, in an instant aroused the whole people. In theheat of the tumult Roger Mastrangelo, a nobleman, was chosen--orconstituted himself--their leader. The multitude continued toincrease; dividing into troops they scoured the streets, burst opendoors, searched every nook, every hiding-place, and shouting "Death tothe French!" smote them and slew them, while those too distant tostrike added to the tumult by their applause. On the outbreak of thissudden uproar the Justiciary had taken refuge in his strong palace;the next moment it was surrounded by an enraged multitude crying aloudfor his death; they demolished the defences and rushed furiously in, but the Justiciary escaped them. Favored by the confusion and theclosing darkness, he succeeded, though wounded in the face, inmounting his horse unobserved, with only two attendants, and fled withall speed. Meanwhile the slaughter continued with increased ferocity;even the darkness of night failed to arrest it, and it was resumed thenext day more furiously than ever. Nor did it finally cease becausethe thirst for vengeance was slaked, but because victims were wantingto appease it. Two thousand French perished in this first outbreak. Even Christian burial was denied them, but pits were afterward dug toreceive their despised remains, and tradition still points out acolumn surmounted by an iron cross, raised by compassionate piety onone of these spots, probably long after the perpetration of the deedof vengeance. 

Tradition, moreover, relates that the sound of a word, like the_Shibboleth_ of the Hebrews, was the cruel test by which the Frenchwere distinguished in the massacre; and that, if there were found asuspicious or unknown person, he was compelled, with a sword to histhroat, to pronounce the word _ciciri_, and the slightest foreignaccent was the signal for his death. Forgetful of their own character, and as if stricken by fate, the gallant warriors of France neitherfled nor united nor defended themselves. They unsheathed their swordsand presented them to their assailants, imploring, as if in emulationof each other, to be the first to die. Of one common soldier it isrecorded that, having concealed himself behind a wainscot, and beingdislodged at the sword's point, he resolved not to die unavenged, and, springing forth with a wild cry upon the ranks of his enemies, slewthree of them before he himself perished. The insurgents broke intothe convents of the Minorites and Preaching Friars, and slaughteredall the monks whom they recognized as French. Even the altars affordedno protection; tears and prayers were alike unheeded; neither old men, women, nor infants were spared. The ruthless avengers of the ruthlessmassacre of Agosta swore to root out the seed of the French oppressorsthroughout the whole of Sicily; and this vow they cruelly fulfilled, slaughtering infants at their mothers' breasts and after them themothers themselves, not sparing even pregnant women, but, with ahorrible refinement of cruelty, ripping up the bodies of Sicilianwomen who were with child by French husbands, and dashing against thestones the fruit of the mingled blood of the oppressors and theoppressed. This general massacre of all who spoke the same language, and these heinous acts of cruelty, have caused the Sicilian Vespers tobe classed among the most infamous of national crimes. 

The very atrocity of the Vespers proved the salvation of Sicily, bycutting off all possibility of compromise. On that same bloodstainednight of the 31st of March, the people of Palermo assembled inparliament, and, divided between the triumph of vengeance and terrorat their own daring act, advanced still more decidedly in the paththey had chosen. They abolished monarchy, and resolved to establish acommonwealth under the protection of the Church of Rome. They weremoved to this determination by deadly hatred against Charles and hisgovernment, and the recollection of the stern rule of the Swabiandynasty on the one hand, and, on the other, by grateful remembrance ofthe liberty enjoyed in 1254; by the example of the Tuscan and Lombardrepublics, and by the natural pride of a powerful city, which havingfreed itself from a detested yoke confided in its own strength. Thename of the Church was added in order to disarm the wrath of the Pope, to tempt his ambition, or to justify the rebellion under the pretextthat in driving out their more immediate but criminal ruler theycontemplated no infraction of loyalty to the suzerain from whom heheld his power. Roger Mastrangelo, Henry Barresi, and Niccoloso ofOrtoleva (knights), and Niccolo of Ebdemonia were proclaimed captainsof the people with five counsellors. By the glare of torchlight on thebloody ground, amid the noise and throng of the armed multitude, andwith all the sublime pomp of tumult, the republican magistrates wereinaugurated. Trumpets and Moorish kettle-drums sounded, and thousandsupon thousands of voices uttered the joyous cry of "The Republic andLiberty!" The ancient banner of the city--a golden eagle in a redfield--was unfolded to wave amid new glories; and in homage to theChurch the keys of St. Peter were quartered upon it. 

At midnight, John of St. Remigio stayed his rapid flight at Vicari, acastle thirty miles distant from the capital; where, knocking loudlyand hurriedly, he was with difficulty recognized by the garrison, half-drunk from the celebration of the same festival which had bred sofearful a slaughter in Palermo. Having admitted him, they weretransfixed with amazement at seeing their Justiciary at sounreasonable an hour, unescorted, breathless, and covered with blood. John refused all explanation at the time, but the next morning atdaybreak he called to arms all the French of the neighborhood--afeudal militia well inured to warfare--and breaking silence urged themto resist, and perhaps to avenge, the fate of their comrades. It wasnot long before the forces of Palermo, which had set out at dawn inpursuit of the fugitive--whose traces they had discovered--arrived atfull speed beneath the walls of Vicari, and surrounded the city indisorder, impatient for the assault; but not perceiving how it was tobe made, they had recourse to threats, and demanded immediatesurrender, promising to the inhabitants the safety of their persons, and to John and his followers permission, on laying down their arms, to embark for Aigues-Mortes, in Provence. They, however, disdainingsuch conditions, and regarding the mob of assailants with contempt, made a vigorous sortie. At first military discipline obtained theadvantage, and the Sicilians gave way, but the tide of battle wasturned by a power beyond that of human skill, by the spirit which hadgiven birth to the Vespers, and which suddenly blazed up again in thescattered squadrons. They paused--they looked at one another, "Death--death to the French!" they cried, and rushing upon them withirresistible fury, they drove back the veteran warriors into thefortress, defeated and in confusion. After this it was in vain thatthe French proposed terms of surrender. Heedless of the rules of warthe young archers of Cacamo shot the Justiciary as he presentedhimself upon the walls, and, seeing him fall, the whole multituderushed to the assault, occupied the fortress, put the garrison to thesword, and flung their corpses, piecemeal, to the dogs and to thevultures. This done, the host returned to Palermo. 

Meanwhile, the fame of what had occurred spread rapidly from town totown, and the first in that neighborhood to rise was Corleone, aschief in population and importance, and also because of its numerousLombard inhabitants, who held the names of Angevins and Guelfs inabhorrence, and of the intolerable burdens imposed upon it by the nearneighborhood of the royal farms. This city, afterward surnamed theValiant, boldly following the example of the capital, sent WilliamBasso, William Corto, and Giugliono de Miraldo as orators to Palermo, to propose terms of alliance and fraternity between the two cities;mutual assistance in arms, forces, and money; reciprocal privileges ofcitizenship, and enfranchisement from all burdens laid upon such aswere not citizens. It is not known whether the idea of the leagueoriginated with the republican rulers of Palermo or with the patriotsof Corleone; but whichever may have been the case, it clearly exhibitsthe preponderance in those early days of the municipal tendency, andthe exchange of feudal relations for the federal union of communities, the banner under which the revolution spread itself throughout theentire island. The assembled people of Palermo, with one voice, accepted the terms, and by their desire, on the 3d of April, they weresworn to on the Gospels by the captains and counsellors of the city, with the deputies of Corleone, and officially registered among thepublic acts; Palermo binding herself, moreover, to assist her ally inthe destruction of the strong fortress of Calata Mauro. 

Meanwhile, one Boniface, elected captain of the people of Corleone, went forth with three thousand men to scour the surrounding country. The royal farms were plundered and devastated; the herds, which hadbeen carefully fattened for the army of the East, were confiscated tothe service of the Sicilian revolution; the castles of the French werestormed, their houses sacked, and the massacre so ruthless that, according to Saba Malaspina, it seemed as if every man either had thedeath of a father, son, or brother to revenge, or firmly believed thatthe slaughter of a Frenchman was an act well pleasing to God. Thus, ina very few days, the movement propagated itself many miles aroundowing to the similarity of sentiments, the force of example, and theenergy of the insurgents. In many places it assumed a character whichmust be inexplicable to those who, in spite of all that has beenalready stated, would persist in regarding these tumultuous outbreaksas the result of conspiracy; while the people showed the utmostreadiness to put the foreigners to the sword, yet they feared todisown the name of King Charles. Their hesitation lasted but a fewdays, for they were carried away by the impulse of universal feelingand by the strength of the rebels; so that all, by degrees, declaredthemselves elected chiefs to lead their forces against the French, andcaptains of the people whom they sent to the capital, the fame ofwhose example had roused their courage, and which was now the centreof all their confidence, of all their hopes. 

This first nucleus of the representatives of the nation being thusassembled in Palermo, they became imbued with the same valor which inone short night had raised a popular tumult to the dignity of arevolution. They were further encouraged by the manly energy of thepeople, who, mingled with insurgents from the surrounding towns, traversed the city to and fro, eagerly relating to one another theoutrages they had suffered, and crying aloud, "Death rather than theyoke of the French!" So that no sooner were the syndics of the greaterpart of Val di Mazzara assembled in parliament, than they agreed tothe establishment of the republican form of government conducted inthe name of the Church. The people without responded with loudacclamations and shouts of "The Republic and Liberty!" All encouragedeach other to venture everything, when Roger Mastrangelo, bent onurging them on so far that all retreat should be cut off and that theymight be able to control the course of events, rose and boldly thusaddressed the assembly:

"Citizens! I hear daring words and solemn oaths, but I see no symptomsof action, as if the blood that has been shed were the seal of victoryrather than the provocation to a long and deadly struggle. Do you knowCharles and his thousands of executioners, and can you yet amuseyourselves with the decoration of banners? Not far distant on themainland are armies and navies ready for the Grecian war: there arethe French panting for vengeance, and in a few days they will burstupon us. If they find our ports open for their disembarkation; if ourinertness or our faults favor their progress they will soon spreadthroughout the whole of Sicily; they will subdue the irresolute peopleby force of arms, deceive them with reports of our unhappy divisions, seduce them with promises, and drag them back to the shameful yoke ofbondage or drive them to raise their parricidal weapons againstourselves. You have sworn to die or to be free, and you will becomeslaves and will not all die--for the butchers will at length beweary--and will reserve the herd of survivors to exercise upon themtheir despotic will. Sicilians! remember the days of Conradin. To haltnow will be destruction; to pursue our course, glory, and deliverance. Our forces are sufficient to raise the whole country as far asMessina, and Messina must not belong to the foe; we share the sameorigin, the same language, the same past glory and present shame, thesame experience that slavery and misery are the result of division. 

"All Sicily is stained with the blood of the strangers. She is strongin the courage of her sons, in the ruggedness of her mountains, in theprotection of the seas, which are her bulwarks. Who then shall setfoot upon her soil, except to find in it a yawning grave? Christ, whopreached liberty to mankind, who inspired you to effect this blesseddeliverance, now extends to you his almighty hand--if you will but actlike men in your own defence. Citizens, captains of the people, it ismy counsel that messengers be sent to all the other towns invitingthem to unite with us for the maintenance of the commonwealth, that byforce of arms, by daring, and by rapidity of action we should aid theweak, determine the doubtful, and combat the froward. For thispurpose, let us divide into three bands which may simultaneouslytraverse the whole island, then let a general parliament mature ourcounsels, unite our views, and regulate the form of government; for Icall God to witness that Palermo aspires, not to dominion, but seeksonly liberty for all, and for herself the glory of being foremost inperil. "

"And the people of Corleone, " replied Boniface, "will follow thefortunes of this noble city--the fortress and ornament of Sicily. Corleone sends hither three thousand of her warriors to conquer or todie with you. But if our fate be to perish, let all those perish withus who would take part with the stranger in the day of the deliveranceof Sicily. Thou, Roger, valiant in fight and sage in counsel, thouhast spoken words of safety. Henceforward he who lingers is a traitorto his country; let us arm ourselves and go forth. "

"Forward, forward!" thundered the voice of the people in answer to hiswords, and with marvellous celerity the messengers were despatched;the forces assembled and sent forth in three divisions--one to theleft toward Cefalu, one to the right upon Calatafimi, and the thirdtoward the centre of the island, through Castro Giovanni. Theydisplayed the banner of the commonwealth with the keys of St. Peterdepicted around them, and their fame went before them, awakening hopeand desire in all hearts. Hence every city and town unhesitatinglyrenounced its allegiance to Charles with a degree of unity which wasadmirable--except in regard to the slaughter of the French. 

They were hunted down in the mountains and forests, assaulted andvanquished in the castles, and pursued with such fury that even tothose who had escaped from the hands of the Sicilians life became aburden; and from the most impregnable fortresses, from the remotesthiding-places, they gave themselves up into the hands of the peoplewho summoned them to die. Some even precipitated themselves from thetowers of their strongholds. A very few, aided either by fortune or bytheir own valor, escaped with their lives, but were despoiled ofeverything, and these sought refuge in Messina. But the fate ofWilliam Porcelet merits especial remembrance. He was Lord or Governorof Calatafimi, and, amid the unbridled iniquity of his countrymen, wasdistinguished for justice and humanity. On the day of vengeance, inthe full flush of its triumph and fury, the Palermitan host appearedat Calatafimi, and not only spared the life of William and of hisfamily, but treated him with distinguished honor and sent him back toProvence--a fact which goes to prove, that for the excesses committedby the people, ample provocation had not been wanting. 

Meanwhile the great object toward which every effort was directed wasto gain over Messina to the cause of the revolution, for allcomprehended the importance of her situation, of her seaport, and ofthe powerful and wealthy city herself--obviously marked out as thekey-stone of the war--as well as the pressing necessity of obtainingher alliance or of making a desperate effort to subdue her by force ofarms. Negotiations were therefore commenced. Of those which wereprivate and the most efficacious no record has been handed down to us;but of those publicly conducted, a letter is still extant, dated fromPalermo, the 13th of April, and despatched by messengers to Messina, which begins thus: "The Palermitans to the noble citizens of theillustrious city of Messina, bondsmen under Pharaoh in dust andmire--greeting, and deliverance from the servile yoke by the arm ofliberty. 

"Rise!" continues the epistle. "Rise, O daughter of Zion, and reassertthy former strength; . .. Cease thy lamentations, which only awakencontempt; take thy weapons, thy quiver and thy bow, and unbind thefetters from thy neck. " It proceeds to speak of Charles as a Nero, awolf, a lion, and a ferocious dragon; then reverting to Messina, itexclaims: "The voice of God says to thee, 'Take up thy bed and walk!'for thou art whole. " And again it exhorts her citizens "to strugglewith the old serpent, and, being regenerate, like new-born babes tosuck the milk of liberty, to seek justice, and to fly from calamityand ignominy. "

While the Palermitans sought to gain over the citizens by theseBiblical metaphors, Herbert of Orleans strengthened himself withforeign arms and with the support of the Messinese nobles--who byabuses and oppression had exalted themselves above theirfellow-citizens, and therefore now resolutely sided with the Vicar. But first he sent seven Messinese galleys to attack Palermo under thecommand of Richard de Riso, who in 1268 had dared with a few vesselsto confront the whole Pisan fleet, and who was now to lose in civilwar his honor as a citizen and his reputation as a leader; for unitingwith four galleys from Amalfi, under the command of Matthew delGiudice and Roger of Salerno, he proceeded to blockade the port ofPalermo, and, as he was unable to effect anything else, approached thewalls and caused the name of Charles to be shouted aloud, togetherwith insults and menaces to the citizens. They, however, with thelong-suffering of conscious strength, replied that "they would neitherreturn the insults nor his blows; the Messinese and Palermitans werebrothers; the French oppressors their only enemies, and they would dobetter to turn their arms against the tyrants. " With these words theyhoisted the standard of the cross of Messina upon the walls beside theeagle of Palermo. 

The city of Messina--or rather those who wielded the municipalauthority--in order to prove their loyalty, on the 15th of April sentfive hundred cross-bowmen, under the command of Chiriolo, a knight ofMessina, to garrison Taormina and prevent its occupation by theinsurgents. The people, on the other hand, felt their Sicilian bloodboil as they received the news of the rising in Palermo and in theother cities, of the progress of the insurgents through the island, and of the slaughter and flight of the French, heightened by manyfalse or exaggerated reports; and when they beheld the fugitives enterMessina, destitute and terror-stricken, they began to murmur and showanimosity against the soldiers of Herbert. These, feeling themselvesno longer safe in the city, withdrew--some to the castle ofMatagrifone, some to the royal palace where Herbert resided. Thelatter, in an evil hour, decided on a display of energy. He sentninety horsemen under Micheletto Gatta to occupy the defences ofTaormina, as if unable to repose confidence in the Messinese garrison, and the latter, seeing them approach in such arrogant and almosthostile guise, and incited by a citizen named Bartholomew, receivedthem with a cry of insulting defiance and a shower of arrows. Thecontest being thus engaged, forty of the French remained on the field. The rest fled precipitately for refuge to the castle of Scaletta; andthe Sicilians, tearing down the banners of Charles, marched uponMessina to compel her to join the rebellion. In the city thousandswere willing, but none had courage, for the work, till a man of thepeople--Bartholomew Maniscalco by name--conspired with several othersto give the signal of action. Meanwhile, forces were preparing torepulse the insurgents from Taormina, and the more prudent of thecitizens deplored the impending effusion of the blood of theirbrethren. The people were on the alert, nor did the conspirators holdback. 

Perhaps the entrance into the port of a Palermitan galley, and theslaughter by her crew of a few French who had fallen into their hands, hastened the event. It was the 28th of April when, from the midst ofthe tumultuous crowd, broke forth the cries of "Death to the French!Death to those who side with them!" and the massacre commenced. Thevictims, however, were but few, as the previous threatening aspect ofthe people had cleared the city of the greater number of the French. Maniscalco meanwhile, with his confederates, hoisted the cross ofMessina in the place of the detested banner of Anjou; for a briefspace he was captain of the people, but owing either to his ownmodesty or to the influence of the more powerful citizens, whichalways prevailed in the industrial city of Messina, that same night, by their advice, he resigned the government to Baldwin Mussone, anoble returned but a few hours before, with Matthew and Baldwin deRiso, from the court of King Charles. On the following day, themunicipal council having been assembled in form, Mussone was hailedcaptain by the entire people; and calling on the sacred name ofChrist, the republic was proclaimed, under the protection of theChurch. The gonfalon, or great banner of the city, was displayed withthe utmost pomp. The judges Raynald de Limogi and Nicoloso Saporito, the historian Bartholomew of Neocastro, and Peter Ansalone wereelected as counsellors of the new government; and all the publicofficers, even to the executioners, were likewise elected--as if toshow that henceforward the sword of justice was to rule in place ofdisorder and violence. But it was yet too soon for so complete arevolution. 

On the 30th of April the galleys were recalled from Palermo, whithermessengers of friendship and alliance were despatched in their stead. Herbert, feeling himself no longer secure in the castle, had recourseto the old manoeuvre of fomenting divisions, but with no bettersuccess. He despatched Matthew, a member of the family of Riso--whichfrom consciousness of guilt had allied itself with him--to endeavor togain over Baldwin Mussone. Matthew accordingly sought him and inpresence of all the other counsellors admonished him, using thearguments of a crooked policy, to reflect on the great power of theKing, and that this insane tumult would deprive Messina of theadvantages that would naturally accrue to her from the rebellion ofPalermo. What were the Palermitans to him that he should share theirmadness? In what had Charles injured him or his city? "How is itpossible, " continued he, "that thou who wast but yesterday loyal tothe King, a friend to us, and the companion of our journey, shouldsthave secretly nourished such hatred in thy heart? and now, far fromrestraining the people from rushing to their ruin, shouldst spur themwildly on? For thy own sake, for that of thy country, return to thysenses--it is yet time. "

But Baldwin, with a clearer comprehension of the honor and interestsof the city, which were identical with those of Sicily, answered himindignantly, and neither counsellors nor citizens hesitated for amoment whether to prostitute Messina to the stranger or bid her sharethe freedom of the sister-cities of the island. Rejecting, therefore, these deceptive arguments, Baldwin, in the presence of Matthew deRiso, solemnly renewed his oath to maintain the liberty of Sicily orperish, and exhorted him to join in support of the same sacred cause. In conclusion, he desired him to return to Herbert, and offer himsecurity for his own life and that of his soldiers, if leaving theirarms, horses, and accoutrements, they would sail direct forAigues-Mortes in Provence, binding themselves not to touch anywhere onthe Sicilian or other neighboring coasts. The Viceroy agreed to theseterms, but had no sooner traversed half the strait with two vesselsthan he broke them, and full of hostile designs landed in Calabria inorder to join Peter of Catanzaro, who being advised of what was goingforward had embarked before them with his Calabrians, abandoning hishorses and baggage to the fury of the people. Theobald de Messi, castellan of the fortress of Matagrifone, and Micheletto--with thosewho had taken refuge at Scaletta--subsequently surrendered, with alltheir followers, on the terms granted to the Viceroy. The former, having embarked on board a small vessel, set sail several times, butwas driven into port by contrary winds or adverse fate. The latter wasshut up in the castle, and his soldiers in the palace, to protect themfrom the fury of the multitude. But these precautions availed not tosave them. On the 7th of May the galleys returned from Palermo, bringing captive with them two of those of Amalfi which hadaccompanied them in the expedition, and the crew, inflamed either byexample or indignation at the unnatural and useless attempt in whichthey had been employed against their fellow-countrymen, loudlydemanded French blood to slake their thirst for vengeance. Thecitizens, meanwhile, were no less exasperated by Herbert's breach offaith; so that, as the galley of Natale Pancia, entering the port, grazed the vessel of Theobald de Messi, the crew, on a signal from theshore, sprang upon her deck, seized and bound the prisoners and flungthem overboard to perish. 

On beholding this spectacle the former fury blazed up afresh withinthe city; the mob, rushing to the palace, massacred the soldiers takenat Scaletta; the alarm-bells rang; the few partisans of the Frenchconcealed themselves in terror; the armed and bloodstained peoplepoured in torrents through the streets, even the rulers of the citymade no attempt to quell their fury; for Neocastro, who undoubtedlyshared in their counsels, writes that they, on the contrary, advancedthe more boldly in the path of revolution when they beheld themultitude so inextricably engaged. 

EXPULSION OF JEWS FROM ENGLAND

A. D. 1290

HENRY HART MILMAN

 Long persecuted in so-called Christian lands, the people without a country--the Jews--first appeared in England during the latter half of the eleventh century, a colony, it is said, having been taken from Rouen to London by William the Conqueror. These first-comers were, we are told, special favorites of William Rufus. Little is seen of them under Henry I, but in the reign of Stephen they are found established in most of the principal towns, but dwelling as a people apart, not being members of the State, but chattels of the King, and only to be meddled with, for good or for evil, at his bidding. Exempt from taxation and fines, they hoarded wealth, which the King might seize at his pleasure, though none of his subjects could touch it. The Jew's special capacity--in which Christians were forbidden by the Church to employ themselves through fear of the sin of usury---was that of money-lender. 

 In this status the Jews remained without eventful history until the latter part of the twelfth century, when the crusading spirit had aroused a more intense hatred of the race. At the coronation of Richard I (1189) certain of the Jews intruded among the spectators, causing a riot, in which the Jewish quarter was plundered; and this violence was followed by a frenzy of persecution all over the land. A rumor spread that the Jews were accustomed to crucify a Christian boy at Easter, and this aroused the populace to fury against them. Murder and rapine prevailed in several places. Five hundred Jews, who were allowed to take refuge in the castle at York, were there besieged by the townsmen, in whom no offers of ransom could appease the thirst for blood. These avengers were led on by their own clergy, with the cry, "Destroy the enemies of Christ!" A rabbi addressed his countrymen: "Men of Israel, it is better that we should die for our law than to fall into the power of those that hate it, and our law prescribes that we may die by our own hands. Let us voluntarily render up our souls to our Creator. " Then all but a few of them burned or buried their effects, and, after setting fire to the castle in many places, the men cut the throats of their wives and children, and then their own. 

 Richard I had special dealings with the Jews, the effectual results of which were more securely to bind them as crown chattels and to add to the royal emoluments. King John, well estimating the importance of the Jews as a source of revenue, began his reign by heaping favors upon them, which only made his subjects in general look upon them with more jealousy. Under Henry III both the wealth of the Jews and the oppressions which laid exactions upon it increased; and during the half-century preceding their expulsion from the realm, their condition, as shown by Milman, became more and more intolerable. 

Jewish history has a melancholy sameness--perpetual exactions, themeans of enforcing them differing only in their degrees of cruelty. Under Henry III the Parliament of England began, 1250, to considerthat these extraordinary succors ought at least to relieve the rest ofthe nation. They began to inquire into the King's resources from thisquarter, and the King consented that one of the two justices of theJews should be appointed by parliament. But the barons thought more ofeasing themselves than of protecting the oppressed. In 1256 a demandof eight thousand marks was made, under pain of being transported, some at least of the most wealthy, to Ireland; and, lest they shouldwithdraw their families into places of concealment, they wereforbidden, under the penalty of outlawry and confiscation, to removewife or child from their usual place of residence, for their wives andchildren were now liable to taxation as well as themselves. During thenext three years sixty thousand marks more were levied. How, then, wasit possible for any traffic, however lucrative, to endure suchperpetual exactions?

The reason must be found in the enormous interest of money, whichseems to have been considered by no means immoderate at 50 per cent. ;certain Oxford scholars thought themselves relieved by beingconstrained to pay only twopence weekly on a debt of twenty shillings. In fact, the rivalry of more successful usurers seems to haveafflicted the Jews more deeply than the exorbitant demands of theKing. These were the "Caorsini, " Italian bankers, though named fromthe town of Cahors, employed by the Pope to collect his revenue. Itwas the practice of these persons, under the sanction of theirprincipal, to lend money for three months without interest, butafterward to receive 5 per cent, monthly till the debt was discharged;the former device was to exempt them from the charge of usury. HenryIII at one time attempted to expel this new swarm of locusts; but theyasserted their authority from the Pope, and the monarch trembled. 

Nor were their own body always faithful to the Jews. A certainAbraham, who lived at Berkhampstead and Wallingford, with a beautifulwife who bore the heathen name of Flora, was accused of treating animage of the Virgin with most indecent contumely; he was sentenced toperpetual imprisonment, but released, on the intervention of Richard, Earl of Cornwall, on payment of seven hundred marks. He was a man, itwould seem, of infamous character, for his brethren accused him ofcoining, and offered one thousand marks rather than that he should bereleased from prison. Richard refused the tempting bribe, becauseAbraham was "his Jew. " Abraham revenged himself by laying informationof plots and conspiracies entered into by the whole people, and themore probable charge of concealment of their wealth from the rapacioushands of the King. This led to a strict and severe investigation oftheir property. At this investigation was present a wicked andmerciless Jew, who rebuked the Christians for their tenderness to hisbrethren, and reproached the King's officers as gentle and effeminate. He gnashed his teeth, and, as each Jew appeared, declared that hecould afford to pay twice as much as was exacted. Though he lied, hewas useful in betraying their secret hoards to the King. 

The distresses of the King increased, and, as his parliamentresolutely refused to maintain his extravagant expenditure, nothingremained but to drain still further the veins of the Jews. The officewas delegated to Richard, Earl of Cornwall, his brother, whom, fromhis wealth, the King might consider possessed of some secret foraccumulating riches from hidden sources. The rabbi Elias was deputedto wait on the Prince, expressing the unanimous determination of allthe Jews to quit the country rather than submit to further burdens:"Their trade was ruined by the Caorsini, the Pope's merchants--the Jewdared not call them usurers--who heaped up masses of gold by theirmoney-lending; they could scarcely live on the miserable gains theynow obtained; if their eyes were torn out and their bodies flayed, they could not give more. " The old man fainted at the close of hisspeech, and was with difficulty revived. 

Their departure from the country was a vain boast, for whither shouldthey go? The edicts of the King of France had closed that countryagainst them, and the inhospitable world scarcely afforded a place ofrefuge. Earl Richard treated them with leniency and accepted a smallsum. But the next year the King renewed his demands; his declarationaffected no disguise: "It is dreadful to imagine the debts to which Iam bound. By the face of God, they amount to two hundred thousandmarks; if I should say three hundred thousand, I should not go beyondthe truth. Money I must have, from any place, from any person, or byany means. " The King's acts display as little dignity as hisproclamation. He actually sold or mortgaged to his brother Richard allthe Jews in the realm for five thousand marks, giving him full powerover their property and persons; our records still preserve the termsof this extraordinary bargain and sale. 

Popular opinion, which in the worst times is some restraint upon thearbitrary oppressions of kings, in this case would rather applaud theutmost barbarity of the monarch than commiserate the wretchedness ofthe victims; for a new tale of the crucifixion of a Christian child, called Hugh of Lincoln, was now spreading horror throughout thecountry. The fact was confirmed by a solemn trial and the convictionand execution of the criminals. It was proved, according to the modeof proof in those days, that the child had been stolen, fattened onbread and milk for ten days, and crucified with all the cruelties andinsults of Christ's Passion, in the presence of all the Jews inEngland, summoned to Lincoln for this especial purpose; a Jew ofLincoln sat in judgment as Pilate. But the earth could not endure tobe an accomplice in the crime; it cast up the buried remains, and theaffrighted criminals were obliged to throw the body into a well, whereit was found by the mother. A great part of this story refutes itself, but among the ignorant and fanatic Jews there might be some who, exasperated by the constant repetition of this charge, might broodover it so long as at length to be tempted to its perpetration. 

I must not suppress the fearful vengeance wreaked on the supposedperpetrators of this all-execrated crime. The Jew into whose house thechild, it was said, had gone to play, tempted by the promise of lifeand security from mutilation, made full confession, and threw theguilt upon his brethren. The King, indignant at this unauthorizedcovenant of mercy, ordered him to execution. The Jew, in his despairor frenzy, entered into a still more minute and terrible denunciationof all the Jews of the realm, as consenting to the act. He wasdragged, tied to a horse's tail, to the gallows; his body and his souldelivered to the demons of the air. Ninety-one Jews of Lincoln weresent, to London as accomplices, and thrown into dungeons. If someChristians felt pity for their sufferings, their rivals, the Caorsini, beheld them with dry eyes. 

The King's inquest declared all the Jews of the realm guilty of thecrime. The mother made her appeal to the King. Eighteen of the richestand most eminent of the Lincoln Jews were hung on a new gallows;twenty more were imprisoned in the Tower awaiting the same fate. Butif the Jews of Lincoln were thus terribly chastised, the church ofLincoln was enriched and made famous for centuries. The victim wascanonized; pilgrims crowded from all parts of the kingdom, even fromforeign lands, to pay their devotions at the shrine, to witness and toreceive benefit from the miracles which were wrought by the martyr ofeight years old. How deeply this legend sank into the popular mind maybe conceived from Chaucer's _Prioress' Tale_. 

The rest of the reign of Henry III passed away with the sameunmitigated oppressions of the Jews; which the Jews, no doubt, in somedegree revenged by their extortions from the people. The contestbetween the royal and ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the Jews wasarranged by certain constitutions, set forth by the King in council. By these laws no Jew could reside in the kingdom but as king's serf. Service was to be performed in the synagogue in a low tone, so as notto offend the ears of Christians. The Jews were forbidden to haveChristian nurses for their children. The other clauses were similar tothose enacted in other countries: that the Jew should pay all dues tothe parson; no Jew should eat or buy meat during Lent; all disputes onreligion were forbidden; sexual intercourse between Jews andChristians interdicted; no Jew might settle in any town where Jewswere not accustomed to reside, without special license from the King. 

The barons' wars drew on, fatal to the Israelites as compelling theKing, by the hopeless state of his finances, to new extortions, andtempting the barons to plunder and even murder them as wickedly andunconstitutionally attached to the King. How they passed back fromRichard of Cornwall into the King's jurisdiction as property appearsnot. It is not likely that the King redeemed the mortgage; but in 1261they were again alienated to Prince Edward. The King's object wasapparently by this and other gifts to withdraw the Prince from hisalliance with the barons. The justiciaries of the Jews are now inabeyance. The chancellor of the exchequer was to seal ail writs ofJudaism, and account to the attorneys of the Prince for the amount. But this was not the worst of their sufferings or the bitterestdisgrace; the Prince, in his turn, mortgaged them to certain of theirdire enemies, the Caorsini, and the King ratified the assignment byhis royal authority. 

But for this compulsory aid, wrung from them by violence, the Jewswere treated by the barons as allies and accomplices of the King. WhenLondon, at least her turbulent mayor and the populace, declared forthe barons; when the Grand Justiciary, Hugh le Despenser, led the citybands to destroy the palaces of the King of the Romans at Westminsterand Isleworth, threw the justices of the king's bench and the baronsof the exchequer into prison, and seized the property of the foreignmerchants, five hundred of the Jews, [83] men, women, and children, were apprehended and set apart, but not for security. Despenser chosesome of the richest in order to extort a ransom for his own people, the rest were plundered, stripped, murdered by the merciless rabble. Old men, and babes plucked from their mothers' breasts, werepitilessly slaughtered. It was on Good Friday that one of the fiercestof the barons, Fitz John, put to death Cok ben Abraham, reputed tohave been the wealthiest man in the kingdom, seized his property, but, fearful of the jealousy of the other barons surrendered one-half ofthe plunder to Leicester in order to secure his own portion. 

The Jews of other cities fared no better, were pillaged, and thenabandoned to the mob by the Earl of Gloucester; many at Worcester wereplundered and forced to submit to baptism by the Earl of Derby. At anearlier period the Earl of Leicester (Simon de Montfort) had expelledthem from the town of Leicester; they sought refuge in the domains ofthe Countess of Winchester. Robert Grostête, the wisest and bestchurchman of the day, then Archdeacon of Leicester, hardly permittedthe Countess to harbor this accursed race; their lives might bespared, but all further indulgence, especially acceptance of theirill-gotten wealth, would make her an accomplice in the wickedness oftheir usuries. [84]

After the battle of Lewes, 1264, the King, with the advice of hisbarons--he was now a prisoner in their camp--issued a proclamation tothe Lord Mayor and sheriffs of London, in favor of the Jews. Some hadfound refuge, during the tumult and massacre, in the Tower of London;they were permitted to return with their families to their homes. Allill-usage or further molestation was prohibited under pain of death. Orders of the same kind were issued to Lincoln; twenty-five citizenswere named by the King and the barons their special protectors; soalso to Northampton. The King--Prince Edward was now at war with thebarons, who had the King in their power--revoked the grant of the Jewsto his son; with that the grant to the Caorsini, which had notexpired, was cancelled. The justiciaries appointed by the Prince tolevy the tallage upon them were declared to have lost their authority;the Jews passed back to the property of the King. The King showed hispower by annulling many debts and the interest due upon them to someof his faithful followers, avowedly in order to secure theirattachment. 

It was now clearly for the King's interest that such profitablesubjects should find, we may not say justice, but something likerestitution, which might enable them again to become profitable. TheKing in the parliament, which commenced its sittings immediately afterthe battle of Lewes, and continued till after the battle of Evesham, August 4, 1265, restored the Jews to the same state in which they werebefore the battle of Lewes. As to the Jews in London, the constable ofthe Tower was to see not only that those who had taken refuge in theTower, but those who had fled to other places, were to return to theirhouses, which were to be restored, except such as had been grantedaway by the King; and even all their property which could be recoveredfrom the King's enemies. Excepting that some of the barons' troops, flying from the battle of Evesham, under the younger Simon deMontfort, broke open and plundered the synagogue at Lincoln, wherethey found much wealth, and some excesses committed at Cambridge, theJews had time to breathe. The King, enriched by the forfeited estatesof the barons, spared the Jews. We only find a tallage of one thousandpounds, with promise of exemption for three years, unless the King orhis son should undertake a crusade. 

Their wrongs had, no doubt, sunk deep into the hearts of the Jews. Ithas been observed that oppression, which drives even wise men mad, mayinstigate fanatics to the wildest acts of frenzy; an incident atOxford will illustrate this. Throughout these times the Jews stillflourished, if they may be said to have flourished, at Oxford. In 1244certain clerks of the university broke into the houses of the Jews andcarried away enormous wealth. The magistrates seized and imprisonedsome of the offenders. Grostete, as bishop of the diocese--Oxford wasthen in the diocese of Lincoln--commanded their release, because therewas no proof of felony against them. We hear nothing of restitution. The scholars might indeed hate the Jews whose interest on loans was_limited_ by Bishop Grostete to twopence weekly in the pound--between40 and 50 per cent. Probably the poor scholars' security was notovergood. Later, the studies in the university are said to have beeninterrupted, the scholars being unable to redeem their books pledgedto the Jews. 

Twenty-four years after the outbreak of the scholars, years ofbitterness and spoliation and suffering, while the chancellor and thewhole body of the university were in solemn procession to the reliquesof St. Frideswide, they were horror-struck by beholding a Jew rushforth, seize the cross which was borne before them, dash it to theground, and trample upon it with the most furious contempt. Theoffender seems to have made his escape in the tumult, but his peoplesuffered for his crime. Prince Edward was then at Oxford; and, by theroyal decree, the Jews were imprisoned, and forced, notwithstandingmuch artful delay on their part, to erect a beautiful cross of whitemarble, with an image of the Virgin and Child, gilt all over, in thearea of Merton College, and to present to the proctors another crossof silver to be borne at all future processions of the university. TheJews endeavored to elude this penalty by making over their effects toother persons. The King empowered the sheriff to levy the fine on alltheir property. 

The last solemn act of Henry of Winchester was a statute of greatimportance. Complaints had arisen that the Jews, by purchase, orprobably foreclosure of mortgage, might become possessed of all therights of lords of manors, escheat wardships, even of presentation tochurches. They might hold entire baronies with all theirappurtenances. The whole was swept away by one remorseless clause. Theact disqualified the Jews altogether from holding lands or eventenements, except the houses of which they were actually possessed, particularly in the city of London, where they might only pull downand rebuild on the old foundations. All lands or manors were actuallytaken away; those which they held by mortgage were to be restored tothe Christian owners, without any interest on such bonds. Henry almostdied in the act of extortion; he had ordered the arrears of allcharges to be peremptorily paid, under pain of imprisonment. Such wasthe distress caused by this inexorable mandate that even the rivalbankers, the Caorsini, and the friars themselves, were moved tocommiseration, though some complained that the wild outcries raised inthe synagogue on this doleful occasion disturbed the devotion of theChristians in the neighboring churches. 

The death of Henry released the Jews from this Egyptian bondage; butthey changed their master, not their fortune. The first act ofEdward's reign, after his return from the Holy Land, regulated theaffairs of the Jews exactly in the same spirit; a new tallage wasdemanded, which was to extend to the women and children; the penaltyof nonpayment, even of arrears, was exile, not imprisonment. Thedefaulter was to proceed immediately to Dover, with his wife andchildren, leaving his house and property to the use of the King. Theexecution of this edict was committed, not to the ordinary civilauthorities, but to an Irish bishop (elect) and to two friars. 

This edict was followed up by the celebrated Act of ParliamentConcerning Judaism, [85] the object of which seems to have been thesame with the policy of Louis IX of France, to force the Jews toabandon usury, and betake themselves to traffic, manufactures, or thecultivation of land. It positively prohibited all usury and cancelledall debts on payment of the principal. No Jew might distress beyondthe moiety of a Christian's land and goods; they were to wear theirbadge, a badge now of yellow, not white, and pay an Easter offering ofthreepence, men and women, to the King. They were permitted topractise merchandise or labor with their hands, and--some of them, itseems, were still addicted to husbandry--to hire farms for cultivationfor fifteen years. On these terms they were assured of the royalprotection. But manual labor and traffic were not sources sufficientlyexpeditious for the enterprising avarice of the Jews. Many of them, thus reduced, took again to a more unlawful and dangerous occupation, clipping and adulterating the coin. In one day, November 17, 1279, allthe Jews in the kingdom were arrested. In London alone two hundred andeighty were executed after a full trial; many more in other parts ofthe kingdom. A vast quantity of clipped coin was found and confiscatedto the King's use. The King granted their estates and forfeitures withlavish hand. 

But law, though merciless and probably not overscrupulous in theinvestigation of crime, did not satisfy the popular passions, whichhad been let loose by these wide and general accusations. The populacetook the law into their own hands. 

Everywhere there was full license for plunder and worse than plunder. The King was obliged to interpose. A writ was issued, addressed to thejusticiaries who had presided at the trials for the adulteration ofthe coin, Peter of Pentecester, Walter of Heylynn, John of Cobham, appointed justiciaries for the occasion. It recited that many Jews hadbeen indicted and legally condemned to death and to the forfeiture oftheir goods and chattels; but that certain Christians, solely onaccount of religious differences, were raising up false and frivolouscharges against men who had not been legally arraigned, in order toextort money from them by fear. No Jew against whom a legal indictmenthad not been issued before May 1, 1280, was to be molested or subjectto accusation. Those only arrested on grave suspicion before that timewere to be put upon their trial. Jewish tradition attributes the finalexpulsion of the Jews to these charges, which the King, it avers, didnot believe, yet was compelled to yield to popular clamor. 

But not all the statutes, nor public executions, nor the activepreaching of the Dominican friars, who undertook to convert them ifthey were constrained to hear their sermons--the king's bailiffs, onthe petition of the friars, were ordered to induce the Jews to becomequiet, meek, and uncontentious hearers--could either alter the Jewishcharacter, still patient of all evil so that they could extort wealth, or suppress the still increasing clamor of public detestation, whichdemanded that the land should cast forth from its indignant bosom thisirreclaimable race of rapacious infidels. Still worse, if we may trusta papal bull, the presence and intercourse of the Jews were dangerousto the religion of England. In the year 1286 the Pope (Honorius IV)addressed a bull to the Archbishop of Canterbury and his suffragans, rebuking them for the remissness of the clergy in not watching moreclosely the proceedings of the Jews. The Archbishop, indeed, had notbeen altogether so neglectful in the duty of persecution. The numberand the splendor of the synagogues in London had moved theindignation, perhaps the jealousy, of Primate Peckham. He issued hismonition to the Bishop of London to inhibit the building any more ofthese offensively sumptuous edifices, and to compel the Jews todestroy those built within a prescribed time. 

The zeal of the Bishop of London (Robert de Gravesend) outran that ofthe Archbishop; he ordered them all to be levelled to the ground. TheArchbishop, prevailed on by the urgent supplications of the Jews, graciously informed the Bishop that he might conscientiously allow onesynagogue, if that synagogue did not wound the eyes of piousChristians by its magnificence. 

But the bull of Honorius IV was something more than a sterncondemnation of the usurious and extortionate practices of the Jews;it was a complaint of their progress, not merely in inducing Jewishconverts to Christianity to apostatize back to Judaism, but of theirnot unsuccessful endeavors to tempt Christians to Judaism. "These Jewslure them to their synagogues on the Sabbath--are we to suppose thatthere was something splendid and attractive in the synagogue worshipof the day?--and in their friendly intercourse at common banquets, thesouls of Christians, softened by wine and good eating and socialenjoyment, are endangered. " The _Talmud_ of the Jews, which they stillpersist in studying, is especially denounced as full of abomination, falsehood, and infidelity. 

The King at length listened to the public voice, and the irrevocableedict of total expulsion from the realm was issued. Their wholeproperty was seized at once, and just money enough left to dischargetheir expenses[86] to foreign lands, perhaps equally inhospitable. The10th of October was the fatal day. The King benignantly allowed themtill All Saints' Day; after which all who delayed were to be hangedwithout mercy. The King, in the execution of this barbarousproceeding, put on the appearance both of religion and moderation. Safe-conducts were to be granted to the sea-shore from all parts ofthe kingdom. The wardens of the Cinque Ports were to provide shippingand receive the exiles with civility and kindness. The King expressedhis intention of converting great part of his gains to pious uses, butthe Church looked in vain for the fulfilment of his vows. 

He issued orders that the Jews should be treated with kindness andcourtesy on their journey to the sea-shore. 

But where the Prince by his laws thus gave countenance to the worstpassions of human nature, it was not likely that they would besuppressed by his proclamations. The Jews were pursued from thekingdom with every mark of popular triumph in their sufferings; oneman, indeed, the master of a vessel at Queenborough, was punished forleaving a considerable number on the shore at the mouth of the river, when, as they prayed to him to rescue them from their periloussituation, he answered that they had better call on Moses, who hadmade them pass safe through the Red Sea, and, sailing away with theirremaining property, left them to their fate. The number of exiles isvariously estimated at fifteen thousand and sixty and sixteen thousandfive hundred and eleven; all their property, debts, obligations, mortgages, escheated to the King. 

Yet some, even in those days, presumed to doubt whether the nationgained by the act of expulsion, and even ventured to assert that thepublic burdens on the Christians only became heavier and moreintolerable. Catholics suffered in the place of the enemies of theCross of Christ. The loss to the Crown was enormous. [87] The conventsmade themselves masters of the valuable libraries of the Jews, one atStamford, another at Oxford, from which the celebrated Roger Bacon issaid to have derived great information; and long after, the commonpeople would dig in the places they had frequented, in hopes offinding buried treasure. 

EXPLOITS AND DEATH OF WILLIAM WALLACE, THE "HERO OF SCOTLAND"

A. D. 1297-1305

SIR WALTER SCOTT

 When the granddaughter and sole heiress of King Alexander III of Scotland was betrothed, in her sixth year, 1288, to the son of Edward I of England, an early union of the English and Scottish crowns seemed assured. But the death of the little princess, two years later, left the throne of Scotland vacant, and was followed by the rise of thirteen claimants, three of whom were entitled to serious regard--John de Baliol, Lord of Galloway; Robert Bruce, Lord of Annandale; and John Hastings, Lord of Abergavenny, all descended from David, brother of William the Lion, King of Scotland, 1165-1214. 

 Edward I of England at once assumed all the rights of a feudal suzerain until the disputed claims should be settled. Finally the claim of Baliol was recognized, he did homage to Edward for his services to the realm of Scotland, and for a time peace prevailed. But when Edward called upon the Scottish nobles to serve in his foreign wars, and made other demands implying the dependence of Scotland, the resentment of Baliol's subjects forced him into an attitude of war. In 1295 he made an alliance against Edward with Philip the Fair of France. In 1296 Edward invaded Scotland, took Berwick and slaughtered eight thousand of its citizens; defeated the Scots at Dunbar; occupied Edinburgh, Stirling, and Perth; compelled Baliol to surrender, and sent him to the Tower of London. Edward then made Scotland a dependency of his crown. 

 This submission was not the act of the people, but of their leaders. "The Scots assembled in troops and companies, and betaking themselves to the woods, mountains, and morasses, prepared for a general insurrection against the English power. "

 They found their leader in the outlawed knight, William Wallace. Wallace was born about 1274. Popular tradition, which "delights to dwell upon the beloved champion of the people, " has invested him with many striking qualities, ascribing to him a gigantic stature and enormous strength, as well as extraordinary courage. Little, if anything, is really known of his personality and private life; while all that belongs to history concerning him is told by his celebrated and admiring fellow-countryman, Sir Walter Scott, in the following narrative. 

Wallace is believed to have been proclaimed an outlaw for theslaughter of an Englishman in a casual fray. He retreated to thewoods, collected around him a band of men as desperate as himself, andobtained several successes in skirmishes with the English. Joined bySir William Douglas, who had been taken at the siege of Berwick, buthad been discharged upon ransom, the insurgents compelled Edward tosend an army against them, under the Earl of Surrey, the victor ofDunbar. Several of the nobility, moved by Douglas' example, had joinedWallace's standard, but overawed at the approach of the English army, and displeased to act under a man, like Wallace, of comparativelyobscure birth, they capitulated with Sir Henry Percy, the nephew ofSurrey, and in one word changed sides. 

Wallace kept the field at the head of a considerable army, partlyconsisting of his own experienced followers, partly of the smallerbarons or crown tenants, and partly of vassals even of the apostatelords, and volunteers of every condition. By the exertion of muchconduct and resolution, Wallace had made himself master of the countrybeyond Forth, and taken several castles, when he was summoned toStirling to oppose Surrey, the English Governor of Scotland. Wallaceencamped on the northern side of the river, leaving Stirling bridgeapparently open to the English, but resolving, as it was long andnarrow, to attack them while in the act of crossing. The Earl ofSurrey led fifty thousand infantry and a thousand men-at-arms. Part ofhis soldiers, however, were the Scottish barons who had formerlyjoined Wallace's standard, and who, notwithstanding their return tothat of Surrey, were scarcely to be trusted. 

The English treasurer, Cressingham, murmured at the expense attendingthe war, and, to bring it to a crisis, proposed to commence an attackthe next morning by crossing the river. Surrey, an experiencedwarrior, hesitated to engage his troops in the defile of a woodenbridge, where scarce two horsemen could ride abreast; but, urged bythe imprudent vehemence of Cressingham, he advanced, contrary tocommon-sense as well as to his own judgment. The vanguard of theEnglish was attacked before they could get into order; the bridge wasbroken down, and thousands perished in the river and by the sword. Cressingham was slain, and Surrey fled to Berwick to recount to Edwardthat Scotland was lost at Stirling in as short a time as it had beenwon at Dunbar. In a brief period after this victory, almost all thefortresses of the kingdom surrendered to Wallace. 

Increasing his forces, Wallace, that he might gratify them withplunder, led them across the English border, and sweeping itlengthwise from Newcastle to the gates of Carlisle, left nothingbehind him but blood and ashes. The nature of Wallace was fierce, butnot inaccessible to pity or remorse. As his unruly soldiers pillagedthe church of Hexham, he took the canons under his immediateprotection. "Abide with me, " he said, "holy men, for my people areevil-doers, and I may not correct them. " When he returned from thissuccessful foray, an assembly of the states was held at the ForestChurch in Selkirkshire, where Wallace was chosen guardian of thekingdom of Scotland. The meeting was attended by Lennox, Sir WilliamDouglas, and some few men of rank: others were absent from fear ofKing Edward, or from jealousy of an inferior person, like Wallace, raised to so high a station. 

Conscious of the interest which he had deservedly maintained in thebreast of the universal people of Scotland, Wallace pursued hisjudicious plans of enforcing general levies through the kingdom andbringing them under discipline. It was full time, for Edward wasmoving against them. The English monarch was absent in Flanders whenthese events took place, and, what was still more inconvenient, beforehe could gain supplies from his parliament to suppress the Scottishrevolt, Edward found himself obliged to confirm Magna Charta, thecharter of the forest, and other stipulations in favor of the people;the English being prudent, though somewhat selfishly disposed tosecure their own freedom before they would lend their swords todestroy that of their neighbors. 

Complying with these demands, Edward, on his return from the LowCountries, found himself at the head of a gallant muster of all theEnglish chivalry, forming by far the most superb army that had everentered Scotland. Wallace acted with great sagacity, and, according toa plan which often before and after proved successful in Scottishwarfare, laid waste the intermediate country between Stirling and thefrontiers, and withdrew toward the centre of the kingdom to receivethe English attack, when their army should be exhausted by privation. 

Edward pressed on, with characteristic hardihood and resolution. Towerand town fell before him; but his advance was not without suchinconvenience and danger as a less determined monarch would haveesteemed a good apology for retreat. His army suffered from want ofprovisions, which were at length supplied in small quantities by someof his ships. As the English King lay at Kirkliston, in West Lothian, a tumult broke out between the Welsh and English in his army, which, after costing some blood, was quelled with difficulty. While Edwardhesitated whether to advance or retreat, he learned, through thetreachery of two apostate Scottish nobles, the earls of Dunbar andAngus, that Wallace, with the Scottish army, had approached so near asFalkirk. 

This advance was doubtless made with the purpose of annoying theexpected retreat of the English. Edward, thus apprised that the Scotswere in his vicinity, determined to compel them to action. He broke uphis camp, and, advancing with caution, slept the next night in thefields along with the soldiers. But the casualties of the campaignwere not yet exhausted. His war-horse, which was picketed beside him, like that of an ordinary man-at-arms, struck the King with his footand hurt him in the side. A tumult arose in the camp, but Edward, regardless of pain, appeased it by mounting his horse, riding throughthe cantonments, and showing the soldiers that he was in safety. 

Next morning, July 22, 1298, the armies met. The Scottish infantrywere drawn up on a moor, with a morass in front. They were dividedinto four phalanxes or dense masses, with lances lowered obliquelyover each other, and seeming, says an English historian, like a castlewalled with steel. These spearmen were the flower of the army, in whomWallace chiefly confided. He commanded them in person, and used thebrief exhortation, "I have brought you to the ring; dance as you bestcan. "

The Scottish archers, under the command of Sir John Stewart, brotherof the Steward of Scotland, were drawn up in the intervals between themasses of infantry. They were chiefly brought from the wooded districtof Selkirk. We hear of no Highland bowmen among them. The cavalry, which amounted to only one thousand men-at-arms, held the rear. 

The English cavalry began the action. The Marshal of England led halfof the men-at-arms straight upon the Scottish front, but in doing soinvolved them in the morass. The Bishop of Durham, who commanded theother division of the English cavalry, was wheeling round the morasson the east, and, perceiving this misfortune, became disposed to waitfor support. "To mass, Bishop!" said Ralph Basset of Drayton, andcharged with the whole body. The Scottish men-at-arms went off withoutcouching their lances; but the infantry stood their ground firmly. Inthe turmoil that followed, Sir John Stewart fell from his horse andwas slain among the archers of Ettrick, who died in defending oravenging him. 

The close bodies of Scottish spearmen, now exposed without means ofdefence or retaliation, were shaken by the constant showers of arrows;and the English men-at-arms finally charging them desperately whilethey were in disorder, broke and dispersed these formidable masses. The Scots were then completely routed, and it was only the neighboringwoods which saved a remnant from the sword. The body of Stewart wasfound among those of his faithful archers, who were distinguished bytheir stature and fair complexions from all others with which thefield was loaded. Macduff and Sir John the Grahame, "the hardy wightand wise, " still fondly remembered as the bosom friend of Sir WilliamWallace, were slain in the same disastrous action. 

Popular report states this battle to have been lost by treachery; andthe communication between the earls of Dunbar and Angus and KingEdward, as well as the disgraceful flight of the Scottish cavalrywithout a single blow, corroborates the suspicion. But the greatsuperiority of the English in archery may account for the loss of thisas of many another battle on the part of the Scots. The bowmen ofEttrick Forest were faithful; but they could only be few. So nearlyhad Wallace's scheme for the campaign been successful, that Edward, even after having gained this great battle, returned to England, anddeferred reaping the harvest of his conquest till the followingseason. If he had not been able to bring the Scottish army to action, his retreat must have been made with discredit and loss, and Scotlandmust have been left in the power of the patriots. 

The slaughter and disgrace of the battle of Falkirk might have beenrepaired in other respects, but it cost the Scottish kingdom anirredeemable loss in the public services of Wallace. He resigned theguardianship of the kingdom, unable to discharge its duties, amid thecalumnies with which faction and envy aggravated his defeat. TheBishop of St. Andrew's, Bruce, Earl of Carrick, and Sir John Comynwere chosen guardians of Scotland, which they administered in the nameof Baliol. In the mean time that unfortunate Prince was, in compassionor scorn, delivered up to the Pope by Edward, and a receipt wasgravely taken for his person from the nuncio then in France. This ledto the entrance of a new competitor for the Scottish kingdom. 

The Pontiff of Rome had been long endeavoring to establish a claim, towhatsoever should be therein found, to which a distinct and specificright of property could not be ascertained. The Pontiff's claim to thecustody of the dethroned King being readily admitted, Boniface VIIIwas encouraged to publish a bull claiming Scotland as a dependency onthe see of Rome because the country had been converted to Christianityby the relics of St. Andrew. 

The Pope, in the same document, took the claim of Edward to theScottish crown under his own discussion, and authoritatively commandedEdward I to send proctors to Rome to plead his cause before hisholiness. This magisterial requisition was presented by the Archbishopof Canterbury to the King, in the presence of the council and court, the prelate at the same time warning the sovereign to yield unreservedobedience, since Jerusalem would not fail to protect her citizens, andMount Zion her worshippers. "Neither for Zion nor Jerusalem, " saidEdward, in towering wrath, "will I depart from my just rights whilethere is breath in my nostrils. "

Accordingly he caused the Pope's bull to be laid before the Parliamentof England, who unanimously resolved "that in temporals the King ofEngland was independent of Rome, and that they would not permit hissovereignty to be questioned. " Their declaration concludes with theseremarkable words: "We neither do, will, nor can permit our sovereignto do anything to the detriment of the constitution, which we are bothsworn to and are determined to maintain"--a spirited assertion ofnational right, had it not been in so bad a cause as that of Edward'sclaim of usurpation over Scotland. 

Meantime the war languished during this strange discussion, from whichthe Pope was soon obliged to retreat. There was an inefficientcampaign in 1299 and 1300. In 1301 there was a truce, in whichScotland as well as France was included. After the expiry of thisbreathing space, Edward I, in the spring of 1302, sent an army intoScotland of twenty thousand men, under Sir John Seward, a renownedgeneral. He marched toward Edinburgh in three divisions, leaving largeintervals between each. 

While in this careless order, Seward's vanguard found themselvessuddenly within reach of a small but chosen body of troops, amountingto eight thousand men, commanded by Sir John Comyn, the guardian, anda gallant Scottish knight, Sir Simon Fraser. Seward was defeated, butthe battle was scarce over when his second division came up. TheScots, flushed with victory, reestablished their ranks, and havingcruelly put to death their prisoners, attacked and defeated the secondbody also. The third division came up in the same manner. Again itbecame necessary to kill the captives, and to prepare for a thirdencounter. The Scottish leaders did so without hesitation, and theirfollowers, having thrown themselves furiously on the enemy, discomfited that division likewise, and gained--as their historiansboast--three battles in one day. 

But the period seemed to be approaching in which neither courage norexertion could longer avail the unfortunate people of Scotland. Apeace with France, in which Philip the Fair totally omitted allstipulations in favor of his allies, left the kingdom to its owninadequate means of resistance, while Edward directed his whole forceagainst it. The castle of Brechin, under the gallant Sir Thomas Maule, made an obstinate resistance. He was mortally wounded and died in anexclamation of rage against the soldiers, who asked if they might notthen surrender the castle. Edward wintered at Dunfermline, and beganthe next campaign with the siege of Stirling, the only fortress in thekingdom that still held out. But the courage of the guardiansaltogether gave way; they set the example of submission, and such ofthem as had been most obstinate in what the English King calledrebellion, were punished by various degrees of fine and banishment. 

With respect to Sir William Wallace, it was agreed that he might havethe choice of surrendering himself unconditionally to the King'spleasure, provided he thought proper to do so; a stipulation which, asit signified nothing in favor of the person for whom it was apparentlyconceived, must be imputed as a pretext on the part of the Scottishnobles to save themselves from the disgrace of having left Wallacealtogether unthought of. Some attempts were made to ascertain whatsort of accommodation Edward was likely to enter into with the bravestand most constant of his enemies; but the demands of Wallace werelarge, and the generosity of Edward very small. The English King brokeoff the treaty, and put a price of three hundred marks on the head ofthe patriot. 

Meantime Stirling castle continued to be defended by a slendergarrison, and, deprived of all hopes of relief, continued to make adesperate defence, under its brave governor, Sir William Olifaunt, until famine and despair compelled him to an unconditional surrender, when the King imposed the harshest terms on this handful of brave men. 

But what Edward prized more than the surrender of the last fortresswhich resisted his arms in Scotland was the captivity of her lastpatriot. He had found in a Scottish nobleman, Sir John Monteith, aperson willing to become his agent in searching for Wallace among thewilds where he was driven to find refuge. Wallace was finally betrayedto the English by his unworthy and apostate countryman, who obtainedan opportunity of seizing him at Robroyston, near Glasgow, by thetreachery of a servant. 

Sir William Wallace was instantly transferred to London, where he wasbrought to trial in Westminster Hall, with as much apparatus of infamyas the ingenuity of his enemies could devise. He was crowned with agarland of oak, to intimate that he had been king of outlaws. Thearraignment charged him with high treason, in respect that he hadstormed and taken towns and castles, and shed much blood. "Traitor, "said Wallace, "was I never. " The rest of the charges he confessed andproceeded to justify them. He was condemned, and executed bydecapitation, 1305. His head was placed on a pinnacle on Londonbridge, and his quarters were distributed over the kingdom. 

Thus died this courageous patriot, leaving a remembrance which will beimmortal in the hearts of his countrymen. This steady champion ofindependence having been removed, and a bloody example held out to allwho should venture to tread in his footsteps, Edward proceeded to forma species of constitution for the country, which, at the cost of somuch labor, policy, and bloodshed, he had at length, as he conceived, united forever with the English crown. 

Ten commissioners chosen for Scotland and twenty for England composeda set of regulations for the administration of justice, and enactmentswere agreed upon by which the feudal law, which had been longintroduced into Scotland, was strengthened and extended, while theremains of the ancient municipal customs of the original Celtictribes, or the consuetudinary laws of the Scots and Bretts--theScotto-Irish and British races--were finally abrogated. This was forthe purpose of promoting a uniformity of laws through the islands. Sheriffs and other officers were appointed for the administration ofjustice. There were provisions also made for a general revision of theancient laws and statutes of Scotland. 

FIRST GREAT JUBILEE OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

A. D. 1300

FERDINAND GREGOROVIUS

 Benedetto Gaetani, born at Anagni, Italy, about 1228--whom contemporary poets and historians also consigned to infamy--occupied the pontifical throne but ten years, 1294-1303, but those were years of almost continual strife. It is indeed likely that partisanship painted him, in some respects, with colors too black, attributing to him crimes of which he was not guilty. But even these exaggerations of dispraise were due to the unquestioned facts of his character and career. When at length Boniface was worsted in his quarrel with Philip the Fair, a widespread reaction began on the part of the laity against ecclesiastical assumptions, and the great dramatic act by which, under Hildebrand, the papacy first displayed its power had its counterpart in the manner of its decline. "The drama of Anagni is to be set against the drama of Canossa. "

 But Boniface enjoyed one year of triumph scarcely paralleled in all the experience of his fellow-pontiffs. This was the closing year of the thirteenth century. Taking advantage of a fresh wave of religious enthusiasm which then swept over Europe, the Pope called upon the Christian world--almost at peace from long warfare--to celebrate a jubilee. The institution of the Catholic jubilee is generally considered as dating from this celebration, though some writers refer its establishment to the pontificate of Innocent III, a century earlier. 

Boniface VIII inaugurated the fourteenth century with a pilgrimagefestival which has become renowned. The centennial jubilee had beencelebrated in ancient Rome by magnificent games; the recollections ofthese games, however, had expired, and no tidings inform us whetherthe close or beginning of a century was marked in Christian Rome byany ecclesiastical festival. The immense processions of pilgrims toSt. Peter's had ceased during the crusades; the crusades ended, theold longing reawoke among the people and drew them again to the gravesof the apostles. The pious impulse was fostered in no small degree bythe shrewdness of the Roman priests. 

About the Christmas of 1299--and with Christmas, according to thestyle of the Roman curia, the year ended--crowds flocked both from thecity and country to St. Peter's. A cry, promising remission of sins tothose who made the pilgrimage to Rome, resounded throughout the worldand forced it into movement. Boniface gave form and sanction to thegrowing impulse by promulgating the bull of jubilee of February 22, 1300, which promised remission of sins to all who should visit thebasilicas of St. Peter and St. Paul during the year. The pilgrimage ofItalians was to last for thirty days, that of foreigners for fifteen. The enemies of the Church were alone excluded. As such the Popedesignated Frederick of Sicily, the Colonnas and their adherents, and, curiously enough, all Christians who held traffic with Saracens. Boniface consequently made use of the jubilee to brand his enemies andto exclude them from the privileges of Christian grace. 

The pressure toward Rome was unexampled. The city presented the aspectof a camp where crowds of pilgrims, that resembled armies, throngedincessantly in and out. A spectator standing on one of the heights ofthe city might have seen swarms like wandering tribes approach alongthe ancient Roman roads from north, south, east, and west; and, had hemixed among them, might have had difficulty in discovering their home. Italians, Provençals, Frenchmen, Hungarians, Slavs, Germans, Spaniards, even Englishmen came. 

Italy gave free passage to pilgrims and kept the Truce of God. Thecrowds arrived, wearing the pilgrim's mantle or clad in their nationaldress, on foot, on horseback, or on cars, leading the ill and weary, and laden with their luggage. Veterans of a hundred were led by theirgrandsons; and youths bore, like Æneas, father or mother on theirshoulders. They spoke in many dialects, but they all sang in the samelanguage the litanies of the Church, and their longing dreams had butone and the same object. 

On beholding in the sunny distance the dark forest of towers of theholy city they raised the exultant shout, "Rome, Rome!" like sailorswho after a tedious voyage catch their first glimpse of land. Theythrew themselves down in prayer and rose again with the fervent cry, "St. Peter and St. Paul, have mercy. " They were received at the gatesby their countrymen and by guardians appointed by the city to showthem their quarters; nevertheless, they first made their way to St. Peter's, ascended the steps of the vestibule on their knees, and thenthrew themselves in ecstasies on the grave of the apostle. 

During an entire year Rome swarmed with pilgrims and was filled with aperfect babel of tongues. It was said that thirty thousand pilgrimsentered and left the city daily, and that daily two hundred thousandpilgrims might have been found within it. An exemplary administrationprovided for order and for moderate prices. The year was fruitful, theCampagna and the neighboring provinces sent supplies in abundance. Oneof the pilgrims who was a chronicler relates that "bread, wine, meat, fish, and oats were plentiful and cheap in the market; the hay, however, was very dear; the inns so expensive that I was obliged topay for my bed and the stabling of my horse (beyond the hay and oats)a Tornese groat a day. As I left Rome on Christmas eve, I saw so largea party of pilgrims depart that no one could count the number. TheRomans reckon that altogether they have had two millions of men andwomen. I frequently saw both sexes trodden under foot, and it wassometimes with difficulty that I escaped the same fate myself. "

The way that led from the city across the bridge of St. Angelo to St. Peter's was too narrow; a new street was therefore opened in the wallsalong the river, not far from the ancient tomb known as Meta Romuli. The bridge was covered with booths, which divided it in two, and inorder to prevent accidents it was enacted that those going to St. Peter's should keep to one side of the bridge; those returning, to theother. Processions went incessantly to St. Paul's without the wallsand to St. Peter's, where the already renowned relic, the handkerchiefof Veronica, was exhibited. Every pilgrim laid an offering on thealtar of the apostle, and the same chronicler of Asti assures us, asan eye-witness, that two clerics stood by the altar of St. Paul's, dayand night, who with rakes in their hands gathered in untold money. 

The marvellous sight of priests, who smilingly shovelled up gold likehay, caused malicious Ghibellines to assert that the Pope hadappointed the jubilee solely for the sake of gain. Boniface in truthstood in need of money to defray the expenses of the war with Sicily, which swallowed up incalculable sums. If instead of copper, the monksin St. Paul's had lighted on gold florins, they would necessarily havecollected fabulous wealth, but the heaps of money, both in St. Peter'sand St. Paul's, consisted mainly of small coins, the gifts of poorpilgrims. 

Cardinal Jacopo Stefaneschi pointedly comments on the fact, andlaments the change of times, when only the poor gave offerings, andwhen kings no longer, like the three magi, brought gifts to theSaviour. The receipts of the jubilee, which the Pope was able todevote to the two basilicas for the purchase of estates, weresufficiently considerable. If in ordinary years the gifts of pilgrimsto St. Peter's amounted to thirty thousand four hundred gold florins, we may conclude how much greater must have been the gains of the yearof jubilee. "The gifts of pilgrims, " wrote the chronicler of Florence, "yield treasures to the Church, and the Romans all grow wealthy by thesale of their goods. "

The year of jubilee was for them indeed a year of wealth. The Romans, therefore, treated the pilgrims with kindness, and nothing is heard ofany act of violence. If the fall of the house of Colonna had arousedenemies to the Pope in Rome, he disarmed them by the immense profitswhich accrued to the Romans who have always lived solely on the moneyof foreigners. Their senators at this time were Richard Anibaldi ofthe Colosseum, from which the Anibaldi had already expelled theFrangipani, and Gentile Orsini, whose name may still be read on aninscription in the Capitol. These gentlemen did not permit the piousenthusiasm of the pilgrimage to prevent them from making war in theneighborhood. They allowed the pilgrims to pray at the altars, butthey themselves advanced with the Roman banners against Toscanella, which they subjugated to the Capitol. 

We may imagine on how vast a scale Rome sold relics, amulets, andimages of saints, and at the same time how many remains of antiquity, coins, gems, rings, statues, marble remains, and also manuscripts werecarried back by the pilgrims to their homes. When they hadsufficiently satisfied their religious instincts, these pilgrimsturned with astonished gaze to the monuments of the past. 

Ancient Rome, through which they wandered, the book of the _Mirabilia_in their hand, exercised its profound spell upon them. Besides therecollections of antiquity other memories of the deeds of popes andemperors, from the time of Charles the Great, animated this classictheatre of the world in the year 1300. Every mind, alive to thelanguage of history, must have felt deeply the influence of the cityat this time, when troops of pilgrims from every country, wandering inthis world of majestic ruins, bore living testimony to the eternalties which bound Rome to mankind. It can scarcely be doubted thatDante beheld the city in these days, and that a ray from them fell onhis immortal poem which begins with Easter week of the year 1300. 

The sight of the capital of the world inspired the soul of anotherFlorentine. "I also found myself, " writes Giovanni Villani, "in thatblessed pilgrimage to the holy city of Rome, and as I beheld the greatand ancient things within her, and read the histories and the greatdeeds of the Romans--which Vergil, Sallust, Lucan, Titus Livius, Valerius, Paul Orosius, and other great masters of history havedescribed--I took style and form from them, although as a pupil I wasnot worthy to do so great a work. And thus in 1300, returned fromRome, I began to write this book to the honor of God and St. John andto the commendation of our city of Florence. " The fruit of Villani'screative enthusiasm was his history of Florence, the greatest and mostnaive chronicle that has been produced in the beautiful Italiantongue; and it is possible that many other talented men may havereceived fruitful impressions from Rome at this time. 

For Boniface the jubilee was a real victory. The crowds that streamedto Rome showed him that men still retained their belief in the city asthe sacred temple of the united world. The monster festival ofreconciliation seemed to flow like a river of grace over its own past, and to wipe away the hated recollection of Celestine V, of his warwith the Colonnas, and all the accusations of his enemies. In thesedays he could revel in a feeling of almost divine power, as scarcelyany pope had been able to do before him. He sat on the highest throneof the West, adorned by the spoils of empire, as the "vicar of God" onearth. As the dogmatic ruler of the world, the keys of blessing anddestruction in his hand, he beheld thousands from distant lands comebefore his throne and cast themselves in the dust before him as beforea higher being. Kings, however, he did not see. Beyond Charles Martel, no monarch came to Rome to receive, as a penitent, absolution for hissins. This shows that the faith, which the battles of Alexander IIIand Innocent III had formerly won, was extinguished at royal courts. 

Boniface VIII closed the memorable festival on Christmas Eve of theyear 1300. It forms an epoch in the history of the papacy, as in thatof Rome. The year of jubilee and enthusiasm was followed, in terriblecontrast, by the tragic end of the Pope, the fall of the papacy fromits height, and the decline of Rome to a condition of awful solitude. 

CHRONOLOGY OF UNIVERSAL HISTORY

EMBRACING THE PERIOD COVERED IN THIS VOLUME

A. D. 1162-1300

JOHN RUDD, LL. D. 

CHRONOLOGY OF UNIVERSAL HISTORY

EMBRACING THE PERIOD COVERED IN THIS VOLUME A. D. 1162-1300

JOHN RUDD, LL. D. 

Events treated at length are here indicated in large type; thenumerals following give volume and page. 

Separate chronologies of the various nations, and of the careers offamous persons, will be found in the INDEX VOLUME, with volume andpage references showing where the several events are fully treated. 

A. D. 

1162. Surrender and destruction of the city of Milan; the whole ofLombardy submits to Frederick. 

Thomas Becket, appointed archbishop of Canterbury, resigns thechancellorship. See "ARCHIEPISCOPATE OF THOMAS BECKET, " vi, i. Flightof Pope Alexander III into France. 

1163. Council of Tours; Alexander declares void all the acts of hisopponents; stringent decrees against the heretics of Southern France, called Manicheans, Paulicians, and afterward Albigenses. 

1164. Henry II convokes an assembly of barons and prelates; they enactthe Constitutions of Clarendon. See "ARCHIEPISCOPATE OF THOMASBECKET, " vi, i. 

1165. Pope Alexander returns to Rome. 

1166. Emperor Frederick I reenforces his army and again invades Italy. 

1167. General league of the Lombard cities formed; Milan rebuilt. Emperor Frederick Barbarossa defeats the Sicilian auxiliaries of PopeAlexander, captures Rome, and seats Antipope Paschal. 

1168. Success of the Lombard League; they found a new city, namedAlessandria, in honor of the Pope. See "THE PEACE OF CONSTANCE, " vi, 28. 

Death of Antipope Paschal III; Antipope Callistus III set up. 

1169. Richard Strongbow, with other knights, begins the Englishconquest of Ireland; Wexford, Waterford, and Dublin captured. 

1170. Peter Waldo, a citizen of Lyons, founds a preaching society, afterward called Waldenses. 

Murder of Thomas Becket. See "ARCHIEPISCOPATE OF THOMAS BECKET, " vi, i. 

1171. End of the Fatimite dynasty in Egypt; Saladin, acting forNoureddin, becomes supreme head. 

Henry II lands with an army at Waterford, Ireland; his own knights andmany Irish chiefs do homage to him for their lands. 

1173. Henry II appears before the papal legates and receivesabsolution for Becket's death; his Queen, Eleanor, jealous of FairRosamond, incites her sons to rebel against their father; Louis, Kingof France, supports them, and David of Scotland invades England. 

1174. Saladin becomes independent sultan of Egypt. 

Henry II does penance at Becket's tomb; he defeats and captures theKing of Scotland, and quells the insurrection of his sons. The LeaningTower of Pisa commenced. 

1175. English conquest of Ireland completed. 

1176. Frederick I is defeated at Legnano by the forces of the LombardLeague. See "THE PEACE OF CONSTANCE, " vi, 28. 

Peter Coleman commences the erection of the first stone bridge acrossthe Thames at London. 

1177. Meeting of Emperor Frederick and Pope Alexander; a treaty isconcluded between them. 

Henry II divides England into six circuits, through which he sendsjustices twice a year to administer the law in each county. 

1178. A fleet is sent by the King of Sicily to assist the Christiansin Palestine. 

1179. Eleventh general council, Third of the Lateran, declares thatthe true pope must be elected by two-thirds of the cardinals; one ofits canons condemns the Waldenses, and their translation of theirBible is suppressed. 

1180. Death of Louis VII; his son Philip Augustus succeeds to theFrench throne. 

Henry the Lion, placed under the ban of the empire, has his Bavariandomains sequestered and his Saxon kingdom partitioned. 

About this time the Gothic style of architecture is introduced. 

1182. France expels the Jews. 

1183. Lombard cities secure their freedom. See "THE PEACE OFCONSTANCE, " vi, 28. 

Baldwin IV, disabled by leprosy, resigns the crown of Jerusalem to hisnephew, Baldwin V. 

Saladin takes Damascus, Aleppo, and Mosul, and sets aside the TurkishSultan. 

1184. Diet of Mainz; the functions and dignities of the electors ofGermany settled. 

Council of Verona; excommunication of the Roman people and theWaldenses. 

1185. Tumults at Constantinople; Andronicus murdered, which ends theComneni dynasty; Isaac Angelus made emperor. 

Prince Arthur, grandson of Henry II, born after the death of hisfather, Geoffrey, Duke of Brittany. 

1186. Marriage of the Emperor's son, Henry, to Constance, heiress ofthe throne of the Two Sicilies; they are crowned king and queen ofItaly at Milan. 

Revolt of Bulgaria and Wallachia (Roumania); they throw off theByzantine yoke. 

1187. Battle of Tiberias. See "SALADIN TAKES JERUSALEM FROM THECHRISTIANS, " vi, 41. 

Pope Gregory VIII urges a new crusade. York Minster, England, founded. 

1188. Imposition of the "tithe of Saladin, " on behalf of the crusadersin England. King Richard says he "would sell London itself" to aid thecause. See "THE THIRD CRUSADE, " vi, 54. 

Pope Clement III again makes Rome the papal residence. 

1189. Massacre of Jews in England. 

Sancho, King of Portugal, takes Silvas and Beja. 

Tancred, natural son of Roger, is invited by the Sicilians to occupythe throne; he is supported by the Pope against Constance and herhusband. 

Frederick Barbarossa sets out on the Third Crusade. See "THE THIRDCRUSADE, " vi, 54. 

1190. King Richard of England claims the dowry of his sister, Joan, widow of the late King of Sicily. 

Emperor Frederick is drowned. See "THE THIRD CRUSADE, " vi, 54. Awealthy German, to aid his poor countrymen at Acre, founds theorder of Teutonic Knights. See "THE TEUTONIC KNIGHTS, " vi, 68. 

1191. Pope Celestin III allows the Romans to destroy Tusculum; theexpelled inhabitants build Frascati. 

The city of Bern, Switzerland, built. 

1192. The Order of the Garter said to have been originated by RichardI of England at Acre. 

After leaving Palestine, Richard is shipwrecked near Aquileia; he isimprisoned and held for ransom by Emperor Henry VI. 

1193. Pope Celestin III threatens to excommunicate the princes whohold King Richard in captivity. 

John Lackland, brother of Richard, King of England, attempts to usurpthe throne; he is resisted by the barons. 

Discord and wars among the municipal republics of Italy. 

1194. Richard, after having been a captive for more than a year, isreleased for a ransom of 150, 000 marks, raised by his subjects. Hereturns to England, declares war against Philip Augustus, and invadesNormandy. He pardons his brother John. 

Emperor Henry VI puts an end to the Norman line in Sicily; he foundsthe Hohenstaufen dynasty there. 

1195. Battle of Alarcos; Alfonso the Noble, King of Castile, defeatedby the Moors. 

1196. Crusade of German barons to Palestine. 

1197. Death of Henry VI of Germany; his heir is an infant son, Frederick II. 

1198. Contest for the crowns of Germany and Italy between Philip ofSwabia, supported by the Ghibellines, and Otho of Brunswick, son ofHenry the Lion, aided by the Guelfs. 

Florence becomes an independent republic. 

Battle of Gisors, France; Richard Coeur de Lion defeats the French;his war-cry, "_Dieu et mon droit_" later became the motto to the armsof England. 

1199. Richard Coeur de Lion is slain while contesting with one of hisFrench vassals. John usurps the throne of England to the exclusion ofPrince Arthur. See "PHILIP OF FRANCE WINS THE FRENCH DOMAINSOF THE ENGLISH KINGS, " vi, 86. 

A quarrel between Parma and Placentia inflames a general war among thecities of Lombardy. 

1200. King John and Philip Augustus, the latter forsaking Arthur'scause, come to terms. 

Pope Innocent III compels Philip Augustus to take back his queen, whomhe had divorced. 

1201. Fourth Crusade undertaken by Baldwin of Flanders, Simon deMontfort, and Boniface of Montserrat; treaty of the nobles of Franceand Flanders with Venice. 

Chartering of the University of Paris, by Philip. 

1202. Venice secures the help of the crusaders by agreeing totransport them to Palestine, in place of a part of the payment, in theconquest of the city of Zara, then in rebellion. 

Prince Arthur made prisoner by his uncle, King John, who murders him. See "PHILIP OF FRANCE WINS THE FRENCH DOMAINS OF THE ENGLISH KINGS, "vi, 86. 

1203. Constantinople attacked and taken by the Venetians andcrusaders, who restore the emperor Isaac Angelus. 

A great Mongol empire raised by Ghengis Khan. See "FOUNDING OF THEMONGOL EMPIRE BY GHENGIS KHAN, " vi, 103. 

1204. Constantinople in revolt. See "VENETIANS AND CRUSADERS TAKECONSTANTINOPLE, " vi, 121. 

Loss of Normandy and other French possessions by King John of England. See "PHILIP OF FRANCE WINS THE FRENCH DOMAINS OF THE ENGLISH KINGS, "vi, 86. 

Foundation of the Latin Empire of the East. See "LATIN EMPIRE OF THEEAST, " vi, 140. 

1205. Boniface sells Crete to the Venetians. 

1206. Henry of Flanders elected emperor of Constantinople; he vainlyattempts to remedy the civil and ecclesiastical confusion in hisdominions. 

Theodore Lascaris, son-in-law of Alexius III, establishes the Greekempire of Nicaea. 

1207. Stephen Langton consecrated archbishop of Canterbury by InnocentIII; resistance of King John. See "INNOCENT III EXALTS THE PAPALPOWER, " vi, 156. 

1208. Tuscany ceases to be a separate state, except the republic ofFlorence. 

A crusade against the Albigenses is proclaimed by Innocent III. 

An interdict laid on England as King John persists in rejectingStephen Langton. See "INNOCENT III EXALTS THE PAPAL POWER, " vi, 156. 

Assassination of Philip of Swabia by Otho, Count of Wittelsbach; OthoIV becomes emperor of Germany in place of his father. 

1209. Foundation of the order of Franciscans. 

Defeat of the Scots under William I in an invasion of England. 

Salinguerra, leader of the Ghibellines at Ferrara, expels the marquisAzzo and the Guelfs. 

Massacre of the Albigenses by the crusaders, at Beziers, France. See"INNOCENT III EXALTS THE PAPAL POWER, " vi, 156. 

1210. Emperor Otho IV claims Sicily of Frederick II of Hohenstaufen;he attempts its conquest. He is excommunicated by the Pope. 

Fourteen heretics are condemned to the flames by the Council of Paris;the works of Aristotle are ordered to be burned, and the futuretranslation and reading of them forbidden. 

1211. Marquis Azzo recovers his influence in Ferrara. 

1212. Frederick of Hohenstaufen, supported by Innocent III, wars withOtho for the German crown. 

Battle of Navasde Tolosa; the kings of Castile, Aragon, and Navarrecrush the Moors and destroy the Almohade power in Spain. 

Children's Crusade from France and Germany. See "THE SIXTH CRUSADE, "vi, 208. 

1213. King John of England submits to the Pope. See "INNOCENT IIIEXALTS THE PAPAL POWER, " vi, 156. 

Subjugation of the Albigenses by Simon de Montfort, who is awarded theprincipality of Toulouse, 1214. Battle of Bouvines; victory of Philip Augustus over Otho IV, supported by English and Flemish auxiliaries. 

1215. Transubstantiation declared, by the twelfth general council, tobe a doctrine of the Church; auricular confession enforced; ittransfers the greater part of the lands of Count Raymond, the lateAlbigenses leader, to Simon de Montfort. 

Magna Charta signed by King John. See "SIGNING OF MAGNA CHARTA, " vi, 175. 

In Florence begins the fierce quarrel between the Guelfs andGhibellines. 

Founding of the order of Dominicans. 

China invaded by Ghengis Khan; he captures Peking. 

1216. Invited by the English barons, Louis, son of Philip Augustus, lands in England with an army; King John marches to meet him; he loseshis baggage and many men in the Lincolnshire quicksands; he flees toNewark and there dies of chagrin. Henry III succeeds John; the Earl ofPembroke Protector. 

1217. A fifth crusade; Andrew II, King of Hungary, and other princeshead the expedition. 

Simon de Montfort, during a revolt, is slain at the siege of Toulouse. Louis is defeated by the Protector, Pembroke, and returns to France. 

1218. Andrew withdraws from the crusade; it is continued by William I, Count of Holland, and John of Brienne. 

1219. Damietta is reduced by the crusaders. 

A bull of Pope Honorius III forbids the teaching of the civil law inthe University of Paris. 

1220. Imperial coronation of the Hohenstaufen Frederick II. Turkestan is overrun by the Mongols, who capture Bokhara andSamarkand. 

1221. Disastrous terms are imposed on the crusaders, who evacuateEgypt. 

1222. Signing of the Golden Bull of Hungary. See "THE GOLDEN BULL, 'HUNGARY'S MAGNA CHARTA, ' SIGNED, " vi, 191. 

1223. Death of Philip Augustus; his son, Louis VIII, succeeds to theFrench throne. 

Pope Honorius III convenes a congress at Florence; Emperor Frederickpledges himself to proceed on the crusade within two years, and tomarry John de Brienne's daughter, Yolanthe. 

Hacon V holds the first Norwegian parliament, or storthing, at Bergen. 

1224. Victory over the Russians by the Mongols on the Kalka. See"RUSSIA CONQUERED BY THE TARTAR HORDES, " vi, 196. 

Amaury de Montfort cedes his claim on Toulouse to Louis VIII ofFrance. 

1225. Pope Honorius III, annoyed by the Roman senate, retires toTivoli. 

Frederick, after obtaining a further delay of two years for hiscrusade, marries Yolanthe. See "THE SIXTH CRUSADE, " vi, 208. 

1226. Death of Louis VIII; his son, Louis IX (St. Louis), succeedsunder the regency of his mother, Blanche of Castile. 

Renewal of the Lombard League against Emperor Frederick II. 

1227. Death of Pope Honorius III; Gregory IX, who succeeds him, urgesthe crusade; Frederick's first expedition miscarries. See "THE SIXTHCRUSADE, " vi, 208. 

Great disorders in Italy; the Gyelf partisans are driven out of Veronaand Vicenza. 

Death of Ghengis Khan; his four sons divide the empire between them. 

1228. Death of Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury; his successor, Edmund, preserves Magna Charta from being infringed. 

1229. Terms fatal to the Albigenses are accepted by Raymond VII ofToulouse. 

Frederick II again departs for Palestine. See "THE SIXTH CRUSADE, " vi, 208. 

1230. Reconciliation of Emperor Frederick II and Pope Gregory IX. First arrival of the Teutonic Knights in Prussia. 

Theodor, Emperor of Thessalonica, defeated, made prisoner, and blindedby Asan, King of Bulgaria; his brother, Manuel, usurps the throne. 

1231. Summoned to assist the Poles, the Teutonic Knights defeat thepagan Prussians and found their dominions on the shores of theBaltic. 

Four hundred families of Oghusian Tartars, driven from Khorassan, effect a settlement near Mount Olympus; from these the Ottomansdescend. 

1232. Distracted by civil wars the Moors in Spain are defeated atSeville by Ferdinand III of Leon and Castile, and lose the BalearicIslands to James, King of Aragon. 

1233. Conrad of Marburg, the first inquisitor of Germany, put to deathfor his cruelty. 

Coal first discovered near Newcastle, England. 

1234. Pope Gregory IX driven from Rome by the senate and citizens, whoresist his temporal power and seize his revenues; he appeals toEmperor Frederick II for assistance. 

1235. Marriage of Frederick II to Isabella, sister of Henry III ofEngland. He forbids the extravagant payments usually made on suchoccasions to buffoons, mimics, and players. 

1236. Ezzelino da Romano, the Ghibelline leader, joins EmperorFrederick II in war upon the Lombard League. 

Cordova recovered from the Moors by Ferdinand III of Leon and Castile. 

1237. Battle of Cortenuova; victory of Frederick II over the LombardLeague. 

Union of the Knights Swordbearers, founded 1186, with the TeutonicKnights in Prussia; they extend their conquests. 

1238. League of Venice, Genoa, and Pope Gregory IX against FrederickII. 

Establishment of the Moorish kingdom of Granada, Spain. 

1239. Frederick II, having married his natural son, Enzio, toAdelaide, heiress of the two principalities of Torri and Gallura, creates him king of Sardinia. Pope Gregory IX claims the island andexcommunicates the Emperor, denouncing him as a heretic and absolvinghis subjects from their allegiance. 

1240. Emperor Frederick II advances against Pope Gregory IX andthreatens Rome. The Pope declares a crusade against him. 

Batu Khan, at the head of Mongols of the Golden Horde, overruns anddevastates Russia. 

On the Neva, Alexander, Prince of Novgorod, gains a great victory overthe Swedes. 

1241. Hamburg and Lubeck form an alliance to protect their commerce. See "RISE OF THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE, " vi, 214. 

Central Europe is invaded by the Mongols, or Tartars, who vanquishthe Silesians, Poles, and Teutonic Knights at Wahlstatt; they defeatthe Hungarians on the Sajo. 

A Pisan and Sicilian fleet, by order of Frederick II, capturestwenty-two Genoese galleys in which cardinals, prelates, andambassadors, summoned by the Pope, were proceeding to hold a councilat Rome; the prisoners were held at Naples and Apulia. 

1242. Aldermen first elected in London. 

Asia Minor is invaded by the Mongols. 

Alexander Nevski, son of Jaroslav, defeats the Swedes and KnightsSwordbearers at Lake Peipus. 

1243. Frederick II urges the cardinals to appoint a pope; he releasessome of his prisoners to attend the conclave. 

1244. Jerusalem is stormed and sacked by the Kharesmians. 

Pope Innocent IV escapes from Rome and fixes his court at Lyons. Earliest use of the word "parliament" in England. 

1245. Thirteenth general council (Lyons) convened by Pope Innocent IV;it proclaims the deposition of Frederick II. A new crusade is ordered. 

End of the Babenberg dynasty in Austria. 

1246. Ferdinand, assisted by the Moors of Granada, lays siege toSeville. 

1247. Parma, recovered by the papal party, is besieged by FrederickII. 

1248. First crusade of Louis IX of France. See "Louis IX LEADS THELAST CRUSADE, " vi, 275. 

Seville is wrested from the Moors by St. Ferdinand of Leon andCastile. 

Emperor Frederick II compelled to raise the siege of Parma. 

1249. Damietta is captured by the crusaders. 

1250. Battle of Mansourah; total defeat of the crusaders by theEgyptians; King Louis IX captured with his army; they are released onrestoring Damietta and promising to abstain from future hostilities. 

Turan Shah, Sultan of Egypt, assassinated by the mamelukes. See"MAMELUKES USURP POWER IN EGYPT, " vi, 240. 

Death of Emperor Frederick II; his son Conrad succeeds as king ofItaly; he is acknowledged as king of Germany by most of the temporalprinces. William II, Count of Holland, assisted by the ecclesiasticalstates and the papal party, contests the imperial dignity. 

Waldeman, King of Sweden, introduces the mariner's compass among thenavigators of the Baltic. 

Florence adopts a democratic government; peace obtained between theGuelfs and Ghibellines. 

1251. Ottocar, son of Wenceslaus I of Bohemia, acquires Austria. PopeInnocent IV returns to Italy; he visits Genoa, Milan, and othercities, and fixes his residence in Perugia. 

1252. Crusading movement of the "Pastors. " This originated in Franceon receipt of the news of St. Louis' expedition; there occurred anoutbreak of fanaticism as insensate as that of the Children's Crusade. A Hungarian, named Jacob, proclaimed that Christ rejected the greatones of the earth, and that the deliverance of the Holy City must beaccomplished by the poor and humble. Shepherds left their flocks, laborers laid down the plough, to follow his footsteps. "Pastors" wasthe name given to these village crusaders. 

1253. Founding of the Sorbonne in Paris for secular ecclesiastics; itsdecisions on religious questions were deemed final. 

1254. Death of Conrad IV, last of the Hohenstaufen emperors; his heiris Conradin, his infant son. In Germany, William is acknowledged; PopeInnocent IV attempts to wrest the Two Sicilies from the Hohenstaufens;he is defeated by the regent Manfred, uncle of Conradin. 

Pope Innocent IV dies at Naples. Alexander IV is elected. 

1255. Bills of exchange in favor of Italian merchants drawn at Rome onthe English bishops and abbots, which they are compelled to pay. 

1256. Death of William of Holland in battle against the Frisians. 

1257. Rival election in Germany of Richard, Earl of Cornwall, andAlfonso of Castile as kings of the Romans. The reign of both is onlynominal. 

1258. In England the barons form a council to advise or command theKing. See "THE MAD PARLIAMENT, " vi, 246. 

Genoa and Venice engage in their first great conflict; the combinedfleets of Venice and Pisa defeat the Genoese. 

Manfred is crowned king of the Two Sicilies. 

Hulaku Khan founds the Mongol empire of the Ilkhans and ends thecaliphate of Bagdad. 

1259. Treaty of Abbeville between Henry III, King of England, andLouis IX (St. Louis) of France. 

1260. Ottocar II of Bohemia secures Styria by defeating Bela IV ofHungary. 

1261. Overthrow of the Latin Empire of the East; Michael Palaeologus, assisted by Genoese forces, instals the Palaeologi dynasty on theEastern throne; recovery of Constantinople by the Greeks. The Genoeseare given important naval stations, and the Venetians are excludedfrom the Black Sea. 

1262. Beginning of the barons' war in England; the kingly power isrestored to Henry III by parliament; his son Edward brings in aforeign army to support him. 

1263. Last invasion of Scotland by the Norwegians repulsed by KingAlexander III. 

1264. Henry III and his brother, Richard of Cornwall, are defeated andtaken prisoners at Lewes by Simon de Montfort at the head of theEnglish barons. 

1265. Representation of the commons in parliament is granted by Simonde Montfort. At the battle of Evesham he is defeated and slain; theauthority of the King is restored. 

Birth of Dante. 

1266. Magnus, King of Norway, cedes the Hebrides and the Isle of Manto Scotland. 

Charles of Anjou conquers Sicily. 

Florentine nobles (Grandi) are excluded from all part in thegovernment of Florence. 

1267. Conradin enters Italy with an army; a large part of Sicilydeclares in his favor. 

1268. In attempting to recover the Two Sicilies from Charles, Conradin, the last of the Hohenstaufens, is captured and executed. 

Beibars, Sultan of Egypt and Syria, conquers the Christianprincipalities of Antioch and Joppa. See "MAMELUKES USURP POWER INEGYPT, " vi, 240. 

Louis IX, by a pragmatic sanction, resists the papal claim to nominatebishops in France. 

1269. Charles of Anjou aids in the restoration of the Guelfs inFlorence. 

1270. Louis IX, of France, by his "establishments, " suppresses thewager of battle and provides for a regular administration of justice. 

The last of the crusades. See "Louis IX LEADS THE LAST CRUSADE, " vi, 275. 

Venice levies a toll on the goods of Bolognese merchants; payment isrefused; war between the two states follows. 

1271. Crusade of Prince Edward of England; he drives Beibars from thesiege of Acre and takes Mazareth; an attempt is made to murder him. 

Marco Polo sets out on his travels. See "HEIGHT OF THE MONGOL POWER INCHINA, " vi, 287. 

1272. Prince Edward concludes a truce with Beibars for ten years; heleaves Palestine. End of the crusades. 

Death of Henry III of England; his son, Edward I, succeeds. 

A patent of nobility is granted to his silversmith by Philip III, Kingof France. 

1273. Election of Rudolph as emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. See "FOUNDING OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG, " vi, 298. 

1274. After a long stay in France Edward I lands in England; iscrowned with his Queen, Eleanora, at Westminster. 

Fourteenth general council, Second of Lyons, presided over by PopeGregory IX. 

Death of Thomas Aquinas, the "Angelic Doctor, " while on his way toattend the council of Lyons. 

1275. Edward I persecutes the Jews in England. 

Marriage between the doges and foreigners prohibited by the Venetians. 

1276. Ottocar II, of Bohemia, is vanquished by Rudolph of Hapsburg. See "FOUNDING OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG, " vi, 298. 

Lombardy distracted by civil wars, earthquakes, floods, famine, andpestilence, followed by a severe winter of four months. 

Death of Beibars, Sultan of Egypt and Syria; succession of Kaldoun. 

Edward I subdues Wales as far as Snowdon. See "EDWARD I CONQUERSWALES, " vi, 316. 

1278. Prussia submits to the Teutonic Knights. 

Ghibellines allowed to return to Florence. 

Rudolph defeats Ottocar II at Marchfeld; he is slain. See "FOUNDING OFTHE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG, " vi, 298. 

1279. Edward I, of England, gives up Normandy to Philip III of France. The English Parliament passes the first statute of mortmain; itforbids the alienation in mortmain of real property to religioushouses or other corporations. 

1280. Kublai Khan, grandson of Ghengis Khan, completes the Mongolconquest of China. 

1281. Tartars attempt the conquest of Japan. See "JAPANESE REPEL THETARTARS, " vi, 327. 

A vacancy of six months in the papal chair; Martin IV ultimatelyelected pope. 

Edward I further extends his conquest in Wales. See "EDWARD ICONQUERS WALES, " vi, 316. 

1282. Rudolph of Hapsburg invests his sons, Albert and Rudolph, withthe duchies of Austria, Styria, and Carniola, founding the house ofAustria. See "FOUNDING OF THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG, " vi, 298. 

A great inundation of the sea forms the Zuyder Zee, a large gulf inthe Netherlands, formerly covered with forests and towns; thousands oflives are lost and all the towns and villages submerged. 

Massacre of the French in Sicily. See "THE SICILIAN VESPERS, " vi, 340, 1283. After a struggle of fifty years the Teutonic Knights completetheir power over the Prussians. 

1284. Naval battle of Meloria; the Genoese crush the power of thePisans. 

Queen Eleanora gives birth to a son at Carnarvon castle, Wales, afterward Edward II, from whom the eldest son of the King of Englandtakes the title of Prince of Wales. See "EDWARD I CONQUERS WALES, " vi, 316. 

1285. Death of Philip III of France; his son, Philip IV, succeeds. Florence is appealed to for protection by the citizens of Pisa. 

1286. First introduction of the _gabelle_, or salt duty, in France. 

1287. Destruction of the shipping and magazines in the harbor of Pisaby the Genoese. 

1288. Othman, from whose name are derived the terms Ottoman andOsmanli, lays the foundation of the Turkish empire in Asia Minor. 

1289. The Ghibellines of Arezzo and their allies are defeated by theFlorentines at Campaldino. 

1290. Edward I expels the Jews from England. See "EXPULSION OF JEWSFROM ENGLAND, " vi, 356. 

Death of the "Maid of Norway, " Queen of Scotland; John Balliol, RobertBruce, and others dispute the succession. 

Ladislaus of Hungary assassinated; he is succeeded by Andrew III, called the Venetian, from the place of his birth. 

1291. Edward I, of England, decides the disputed succession inScotland; he claims and receives homage from the competitors as theirsuzerain. 

In Switzerland the three Forest Cantons confederate, these being Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden. 

Siege and conquest of Acre from the Christians by Malek el-Ashref; endof the Christian realm of Jerusalem. 

Death of Rudolph of Hapsburg. 

Death of Saadi, the Persian poet. 

1292. Edward I awards the crown of Scotland to John Balliol, who doeshomage to him. 

Adolphus of Nassau elected to the German throne. 

1293. Balliol hesitates to obey a summons from Edward I to appear inLondon. 

1294. Under Nicolo Spinola the Genoese capture a Venetian fleet andtake Canea, in the isle of Candia. 

1295. Philip the Fair of France, and John Balliol, King of Scotland, make war on England. 

1296. Balliol is dethroned by Edward I, who invades and conquersScotland. 

Pope Boniface VIII issues his bull (_Clericus laicos_) against thetaxation of the property of the Church without the consent of the holysee. Philip the Fair of France refuses to comply with it. 

1297. Great victory of the Scots, under William Wallace, at Stirling. See "EXPLOITS AND DEATH OF WILLIAM WALLACE, " vi, 369. 

Count Guy Flanders is defeated by the French. 

Philip the Fair is excommunicated because his law against the exportof coin stops the papal revenues derived from France. 

Pope Boniface VIII prohibits the dissection of dead bodies for thestudy of anatomy at Bologna. 

1298. Adolphus of Nassau defeated and slain by Rudolph's son, Albert, who is elected king by the German electors. 

At Curzola the Genoese gain a naval victory over the Venetians. 

A successful war is waged against the Colonnas by Pope Boniface VIII. 

Wallace defeated at Falkirk by Edward I. See "EXPLOITS AND DEATH OFWILLIAM WALLACE, " vi, 369, 1299. Defeat of the Turks at Hems by the allied forces of the Templarsand Mongols; recovery of Jerusalem for a short period. 

Ottoman Turks invade the Greek empire. 

1300. Institution of the jubilee by Pope Boniface VIII. See "FIRSTGREAT JUBILEE OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH, " vi, 378. 

Guy, Count of Flanders, defeated and made prisoner by Philip'sbrother, Charles de Valois. 

A charitable society at Antwerp is first given the name of Lollards, because they lulled the sick by singing to them. 

FOOTNOTES:

 1. See _The Peace of Constance_, page 28. 

 2. See _Archiepiscopate of Thomas Becket_, page 1. 

 3. See _Saladin Takes Jerusalem from the Christians_, page 41. 

 4. See _The Third Crusade_, page 54. 

 5. See _Philip of France Wins the French Domains of the English Kings_, page 86. 

 6. See _Signing of the Magna Charta_, page 175. 

 7. See _Innocent III Exalts the Papal Power_, page 156. 

 8. See _Decline of the Moorish Power in Spain_, vol. V, page 256. 

 9. See _Venetians and Crusaders Take Constantinople_, page 121. 

10. See _Latin Empire of the East_, page 140. 

11. See _The Sixth Crusade_, page 208. 

12. See _The Teutonic Knights_, page 68. 

13. See _Mamelukes Usurp Power in Egypt_, page 240. 

14. See _Louis IX Leads the Last Crusade_, page 275. 

15. See _The Sicilian Vespers_, page 340. 

16. See _First Great Jubilee of the Roman Catholic Church_, page 378. 

17. See _Rise of the Hanseatic League_, page 214. 

18. See _Founding of the House of Hapsburg_, page 298. 

19. See _Founding of the Mongol Empire_, page 103. 

20. See _Russia Conquered by the Tartar Hordes_, page 196. 

21. See _Height of the Mongol Power in China_, page 287. 

22. See _Japanese Repel the Tartars_, page 327. 

23. See _The Golden Bull, "Hungary's Magna Charta, "_ page 191. 

24. See _The "Mad Parliament, "_ page 246. 

25. See _Edward I Conquers Wales_, page 316. 

26. See _Exploits and Death of William Wallace_, page 369. 

27. See _Expulsion of Jews from England_, page 356. 

28. A tax originally levied by Ethelred II to maintain forces against the Danes. 

29. He had killed the father of a young lady whom he had betrayed. 

30. The King knew not how to behave to the murderers. To punish them for that which they had understood he wished them to do, appeared ungenerous; to spare them was to confirm the general suspicion that he had ordered the murder. He left them therefore to the judgment of the spiritual courts. In consequence they travelled to Rome, and were enjoined by Alexander to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, where some, if not all, of them died. 

31. Guy--Guido of Lusignan--was King of Jerusalem, the kingdom founded by the crusaders in 1099. When Saladin took the city, in 1187, he imprisoned Guy. 

32. The house of Comnenus, rulers of the Byzantine empire. 

33. Mother of John, grandmother of Arthur, and heiress of Aquitaine. 

34. According to R. Coggeshall, Philip virtually declared himself still ignorant on the point six months later. 

35. These were the alternative versions proposed by John's friends, according to M. Paris. 

36. _Johannem Mollegladium_. This nickname is no doubt a translation of one which must have been applied to John in French, though unluckily its vernacular form is lost. It has been suggested that "if the phrase had any English equivalent, it would probably be something embracing a more direct metaphor than 'Softsword'--something like 'Tinsword, ' or, better still, if the thirteenth century knew of putty, 'John Puttysword. '"

37. In 1199, by acknowledging Arthur as their liege lord and Richard's lawful heir. 

38. _I. E. _, "May the band that binds the felts and spars of the yurt never decay"; in other words, may he ever be prosperous--a favorite Mongol wish. 

39. Transports. 

40. The Petrion, which is repeatedly mentioned by contemporary writers, was a district built on the slope of a hill running parallel to the Golden Horn for about one-third of the length of the harbor walls eastward from Blachern. It had apparently been a neglected spot during the early centuries of the history of Constantinople, but had lately come to be the residence of numerous hermits, and the site of several monasteries and convents. A great part is now occupied by the Jewish colony of Galata. 

41. Nicetas' _Chronicate_, Greek authority on the Latin conquest. 

42. Engines for throwing stones and other missiles. 

43. Alexius V, Byzantine Emperor. 

44. The remarkable church of this monastery still exists as a mosque, and is known as Eski imaret Mahallasse. It still bears witness to its having been arranged for both monks and nuns. It is on the Fourth Hill, just above the Phanar. 

45. Alexius V, his Greek name. 

46. It was the quarter about the gate in the harbor walls, now known as Zindan Capou, near the dried-fruit market. 

47. Another name of Constantinople. 

48. The Great Church, dedicated to the "Divine Wisdom"; the Santa Sophia, built by Justinian. 

49. This office still exists. The principal duty of the person who holds it is to recite the creed in great religious services when the patriarch officiates. 

50. Romania was the usual name for the Byzantine or Eastern empire. 

51. Innocent III. 

52. By a similar manoeuvre did the Spaniards rob King René two hundred years later of the city of Naples. 

53. Peter's Patrimony was an administrative division of the Papal States, situated in Central Italy northwest of the Roman Campagna. --ED. 

54. Apulia, a former duchy, was now a part of the Two Sicilies. 

55. Matilda, Countess of Tuscany, also ruler of a large part of Northern Italy, died about 1115, bequeathing her possessions to the papacy, which she had supported in its struggle with the Empire. The execution of her will had been prevented by the Imperial power. 

56. This seems a very strong proof that the house of commons was not then in being; otherwise the knights and burgesses from the several counties could have given in to the lords a list of grievances, without so unusual an election. 

57. Novgorod was for centuries the chief commercial city of Russia. It was an independent republic, holding sway over extensive territories around the Baltic Sea. 

58. Suzdal was at this time the principal state of Central Russia, with a capital of the same name. 

59. Translated by Joseph Sohn. 

60. Thus was gradually introduced what has since been considered the constitutional method of opposing the measures of the Crown, the refusal of the supplies for the current year. Henry's predecessors were too rich to depend on the aid of their vassals: to resist their will with any hope of success it was necessary to have recourse to the sword. But his poverty compelled him annually to solicit relief, and to purchase it by concessions to his parliament. 

61. The Earl of Gloucester also massacred the Jews in Canterbury; and the Earl of Derby destroyed their houses at Worcester and compelled them to receive baptism. As a justification, it was pretended that they were attached to the King, had Greek fire in their possession, kept false keys to the gates, and had made subterraneous passages from their houses leading under the walls. 

62. Grandfather of King Robert Bruce, of Scotland. 

63. The military tenants were ordered under the penalty of felony to bring into the field not only the force specified by their tenures, but all the horsemen and infantry in their power: every township was compelled to send eight, six, or four footmen well armed with lances, bows and arrows, swords, crossbows, and hatchets, who should serve forty days at the expense of the township; and the cities and burghs received orders to furnish as many horsemen and footmen as the sheriff might appoint. No excuse was to be allowed on account of the shortness of the time, the approach of the harvest, or any other private inconvenience. 

64. It is amusing to compare the opposite writers of this period. Wikes and the letter-writer in Westminster are royalists, and severely censure the ambition and treason of Leicester, but, in the estimation of the chroniclers of Dunstable and of Waverly, he lived a saint and died a martyr. 

65. By these we are to understand Northern and Southern China, separated by the great Hoang-ho on the eastern, and by the southern limits of Shen-si on the western side. 

66. This conduct toward the professors of the several systems of faith is perfectly consistent with the character of Kublai, in which policy was the leading feature. It was his object to keep in good humor all classes of his subjects, and especially those of the capital or about the court, by indulging them in the liberty of following unmolested their own religious tenets, and by flattering each with the idea of possessing his special protection. Many of the highest offices, both civil and military, were held by Mahometans. 

67. Neither do those who profess the Mussulman faith regard Mahomet as a divinity, nor do the Jews so regard Moses; but it is not to be expected that a Tartar emperor should make very accurate theological distinctions. 

68. This word, probably much corrupted by transcribers, must be intended for one of the numerous titles of Buddha. 

69. The _saggio_ of Venice being equal to the sixth part of an ounce, these consequently weighed twenty ounces, and the others in proportion up to fifty ounces. 

70. In many parts of the East, the parasol or umbrella with a long handle, borne by an attendant, is a mark of high distinction, and even denotes sovereignty when of a particular color. 

71. This is Polo's name for Kublai's capital--_Khan-Balig_ ("the Khan's city")--the Chinese Peking, captured by the Mongols in 1215. In 1264 Kublai made it his chief residence, and in 1267 he built a new city--Marco Polo's Tai-du, more properly Ta-tu--a little to the northeast of the old one. 

72. Subdivisions of counties, corresponding to the English hundreds. 

73. Llewelyn's brother. 

74. It is said that Edward promised the Welsh "a native prince; one who could not speak a word of English, " and then presented to their astonished gaze the new-born infant. 

75. A British diplomat who has been for many years director of the imperial maritime customs of China. 

76. These names appear to be intended for Abaka-khan, a Mongol or Mogul, and Vang-san-chin, a Chinese. Many of the latter nations were employed by Kublai, both in civil and military capacities, and rendered him good service. 

77. By the port of Zaitun is probably meant Amoy, and by Kinsai the port of Ningpo or of Chusan, which are at the entrance of the river which flows by Hang-chau, the Kinsai of Polo. 

78. The idea of being rendered invulnerable by the use of amulets is common among the natives of the eastern islands. 

79. If the original operations were directed, as might be presumed, against the ancient capital, we should infer that the city here spoken of was Ozaka, situated at the mouth of the river upon which, at some distance from the coast, Kioto stands, and which is known to have been formerly much frequented by Chinese shipping. But, according to P. Gaubil, the island was that of Firando, near the city of Nagasaki, not then a place of so much importance as it has since become. 

80. There is here a manifest error in the date, which instead of 1264 should rather be 1284. In the early Venice epitome it is 1269, as well as in the early texts printed by the Paris Geographical Society; and in the Basel edition, 1289. Polo cannot be made accountable for these contradictions among his transcribers. 

81. No clew presents itself by which to discover the island meant by the name of Zorza or--allowing for the Venetian pronunciation--Jorja. Some suppose it to be in one of the lakes of Tartary. 

82. Translated and edited by Francis Egerton, Earl of Ellesmere. 

83. In his charter to the city, King Henry exempts his Jews, who were to remain the exclusive property of himself and his successors. 

84. The remarkable letter of Robert Grostête, then Archdeacon of Leicester, afterward the famous Bishop of Lincoln, to the Countess on this subject, shows the feelings of the most enlightened churchman in those times toward the Jews. His mercy, if it was mercy, would spare their lives. "As murderers of the Lord, as still blaspheming Christ and mocking his Passion, they were to be in captivity to the princes of the earth. As they have the brand of Cain, and are condemned to wander over the face of the earth, so were they to have the privilege of Cain, that no one was to kill them. But those who favored or harbored them were to take care that they did not oppress Christian subjects by usury. It was for this reason that Simon de Montfort had expelled them from Leicester. Whoever protected them might share in the guilt of their usuries. "

85. This act, translated from the Norman French, is remarkable in that the King admits that they (the Jews) are, and have been, very profitable to him and his ancestors. 

86. The act for the expulsion of the Jews has not come down to us; we know not, therefore, the reasons alleged for the measure. Of the fact there can be no doubt (see _Report on the Dignity of a Peer_, p. 180), and there are many documents relating to the event, as writs to the authorities in Gloucester and York, to grant them safe-conduct to the ports where they were to embark. 

87. "Great, " writes the author of _Anglia Judaica_, "were the spoils they left behind them. Whole rolls, full of patents relating to their estates, are still remaining in the Tower, which, together with their rents in fee and their mortgages, all escheated to the King. "

END OF VOLUME VI.