TEXAS. 

 A BRIEF ACCOUNT

 OF THE

 ORIGIN, PROGRESS AND PRESENT STATE

 OF THE

 COLONIAL SETTLEMENTS OF TEXAS;

 TOGETHER WITH AN EXPOSITION OF THE CAUSES WHICH HAVE INDUCED THE EXISTING

 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

 Extracted from a work entitled "A Geographical, Statistical and Historical account of Texas, " now nearly ready for the press. 

 Some of these numbers have appeared in the New Orleans Bee and Bulletin. 

 1836. 

PREFACE. 

It will be seen that the title of this little pamphlet implies more thanit contains. As war is now the order of the day, only a small portion ofthe political part of the work on "Texas" is here presented. It is hopedand believed that enough is unfolded to convince the most incredulous thatthe colonists of Texas have been _forced_ into this contest with themother country, by persecutions and oppressions, as unremitting as theyhave been unconstitutional. That it is not a war waged by them for cupidityor conquest, but for the establishment of the blessings of liberty and goodgovernment, without which life itself is a curse and man degraded to thelevel of the brute. If the time-hallowed principle of the Declaration ofIndependence, namely, "that governments are instituted for the protectionand happiness of mankind, and that whenever they become destructive ofthese ends it is the right, nay it is the duty of the people to alter orabolish them. " If this sacred principle is recognised and acted upon, allmust admit that the colonists of Texas have a clear right to burst their_fetters_, and have also a just claim for recognition as an independentnation, upon every government not wholly inimical to the march of light andliberty, and to the establishment of the unalienable rights of man. 

CURTIUS. 

TO AN IMPARTIAL WORLD. 

No. I. 

The unconstitutional oppression long and unremittingly practised upon thecolonists of Texas, having at length become insupportable, and havingimpelled them to take up arms in defence of their rights and liberties, itis due to the world that their motives, conduct and causes of complaintshould be fully made known. In order to do this it will be necessary toexplain the origin, progress and present state of the colonial settlements. Without parade or useless preliminaries, I shall proceed to the subject, as substance and not sound--matter and not manner are the objects of thepresent discussion. It is known at least to the reading and inquiringworld, that on the dissolution of the connection between Mexico and Spainin 1522, Don Augustin Iturbide, by corruption and violence, establisheda short-lived, imperial government over Mexico, with himself at the headunder the title of Augustin I. On arriving at supreme power, Iturbide orAugustin I. Found that vast portion of the Mexican government, east of theRio Grande, known by the name of Texas, to be occupied by various tribes ofIndians, who committed incessant depredations on the Mexican citizens Westof the Rio Grande, and prevented the population of Texas. He ascertainedthat the savages could not be subdued by the arms of Mexico, nor couldtheir friendship be purchased. He ascertained that the Mexicans, owing totheir natural dread of Indians, could not be induced to venture into thewilderness of Texas. In addition to the dread of Indians, Texas held out noinducements for Mexican emigrants. They were accustomed to a lazy pastoralor mining life, in a healthy country. Texas was emphatically a land ofagriculture--the land of cotton and of sugar cane, with the culture ofwhich staples they were wholly unacquainted; and moreover, it abounded inthe usual concomitants of such southern regions--fevers, mosquitoes &c. , which the Mexicans hated with a more than natural or reasonable hatred. Iturbide finding from those causes that Texas could not be populated withhis own subjects, and that so long as it remained in the occupancy ofthe Indians, the inhabited parts of his dominions continually sufferedfrom their ravages and murders, undertook to expel the savages by theintroduction of foreigners. Accordingly the national institute or council, on the 3d day of January, 1823, by his recommendation and sanction, adopteda law of colonization, in which they invited the immigration of foreignersto Texas on the following terms:--

1st. They promise to protect their liberty, property and civil rights. 

2d. They offer to each colonist one league of land, (4, 444 acres) forcoming to Texas. 

3d. They guarantee to each colonist the privilege of leaving the empireat any time, with all his property, and also the privilege of selling theland which he may have acquired from the Mexican government, (see thecolonization law of 1823, more especially articles 1st, 8th and 20th. )These were the inducements and invitations held out to foreigners under theimperial government of Iturbide or Augustin I. In a short time, however, the nation deposed Iturbide, and deposited the supreme executive power ina body of three individuals. This supreme executive power on the 10th ofAugust, 1824, adopted a national colonization law, in which they recognizedand confirmed the imperial colonization law with all its guarantees ofperson and property. It also conceded to the different States the privilegeof colonizing the vacant lands within their respective limits. (Seenational colonization law, articles 1st and 4th. ) In accordance with thislaw, the States of Coahuila and Texas on the 24th March, 1825, adopteda colonization law for the purpose, as expressed in the preamble, ofprotecting the frontiers, expelling the savages, augmenting the populationof its vacant territory, multiplying the raising of stock, promoting thecultivation of its fertile lands, and of the arts and of commerce. In thisstate-colonization law--the promises to protect the persons and propertyof the colonists, which had been made in the two preceding nationalcolonization laws, were renewed and confirmed. We have now before us theinvitations and guarantees under which the colonists immigrated to Texas. Let us examine into the manner in which these conditions have been compliedwith, and these flattering promises fulfilled. The donation of 4, 444 acressounds largely at a distance. Considering, however, all the circumstances, the difficulties of taking possession, &c. It will not be deemed anentire gratuity or magnificent bounty. If these lands had been previouslypioneered by the enterprise of the Mexican government, and freed from theinsecurities which beset a wilderness, trod only by savages--if they hadhave been situated in the heart of an inhabited region, and accessibleto the comforts and necessaries of life--if the government had have beenderiving any actual revenue, and if it could have realised a capitalfrom the sale of them--then we admit that the donation would have beenunexampled in the history of individual or national liberality. But howlamentably different from all thus was the real state of the case. 

The lands granted were in the occupancy of savages and situated in awilderness, of which the government had never taken possession, and ofwhich it could not with its own citizens ever have taken possession. Theywere not sufficiently explored to obtain that knowledge of their characterand situation necessary to a sale of them. They were shut out from allcommercial intercourse with the rest of the world, and inaccessible tothe commonest comforts of life; nor were they brought into possession andcultivation by the colonists without much toil and privation, and patienceand enterprise, and suffering and blood, and loss of lives from Indianhostilities, and other causes. Under the smiles of a benignant heaven, however, the untiring perseverance of the colonists triumphed over allnatural obstacles, expelled the savages by whom the country was infested, reduced the forest into cultivation, and made the desert smile. From thisit must appear that the lands of Texas, although nominally given, werein fact really and clearly bought. It may here be premised that a giftof lands by a nation to foreigners on condition of their immigrating andbecoming citizens, is immensely different from a gift by one individual toanother. In the case of individuals, the donor loses all further claim orownership over the thing bestowed. But in our case, the government onlygave wild lands, that they might be redeemed from a state of nature; thatthe obstacles to a first settlement might be overcome; that they might berid of those savages who continually depredated upon the inhabited partsof the nation, and that they might be placed in a situation to augmentthe physical strength and power and revenue of the republic. Is it notevident that Mexico now holds over the colonized lands of Texas, thesame jurisdiction and right of property which all nations hold over theinhabited parts of their territory? But to do away more effectually theidea that the colonists of Texas are under great obligations to the Mexicangovernment for their donations of land, let us examine at what price thegovernment estimated the lands given. Twelve or thirteen years ago, theygave to a colonist one league of laud for coming, he paying the government$30, and this year (1835) they have sold hundreds of leagues of land for$50 each. So that it appears that the government really gave us what intheir estimation was worth $20. A true statement of facts then is all thatis necessary to pay at once that immense debt of endless gratitude which, in the estimation of the ignorant and interested is due from the coloniststo the government. I pass over the toil and suffering and danger whichattended the redemption and cultivation of their lands by the colonists, and turn to their civil condition and to the conduct and history of thegovernment. It is a maxim no less venerable for its antiquity than itstruth--a maxim admitted and illustrated by all writers on politicaleconomy--and one that has been corroborated by experience in every cornerof the earth, that miserable is the servitude and horrible the conditionof that people whose laws are either uncertain or unknown. I ask, witha defiance of contradiction, if ours is not and has not always been, inTexas, the unhappy condition and miserable bondage spoken of in thismaxim? Who of us knows or can by possibility arrive at a knowledge of thelaws that govern our property and lives? Who of us is able to read andunderstand and be entirely confident of the validity of his title to theland he lives on, and which he has redeemed from a state of nature by themost indefatigable industry and perseverance? Who knows whether he has paidon his land all that government exacts, or whether he has not paid tentimes as much? Look at the mere mockery of all law and justice which hasalways prevailed in place of an able and learned judiciary. Alcaldes, mostof them unlearned in any system of jurisprudence, and unconversant withlegal proceedings of any description, have been elected to administer acode, scattered through hundreds of volumes and written in languages ofwhich they did not understand one word. 

Who among us is able to confer with his rulers; to represent his wantsand grievances; to ask advice, or recommend salutary changes? Have we hadmore than one or two organs of communication with the government, and mustnot they have been omniscient to have always understood the wishes of thepeople, and incorruptible to have always correctly represented them? Whoof us feels or ever has felt any reliance or can place any confidence ingovernmental matters, or can predict with any sort of certainty what inthis respect a day may bring forth? There are thousands of other evilsgrowing out of our present situation, too hourly, universally and bitterlyfelt to require to be mentioned. Who will say that these things do notexist? Who will say that we have not suffered the harassing uncertainty andmiserable bondage here represented?

When the people of the United States commenced their war for independenceagainst Great Britain, the friends of Britain charged them withingratitude. They said that Britain had founded the colonies at greatexpense--had increased a load of debt by wars on their account--hadprotected their commerce, &c. This cannot be said of Mexico. Not one dollarhas she spent for Texas--not one Mexican soldier has ever fought by ourside in expelling the savages. She has given us no protection whatever;and as allegiance and protection are reciprocal, we have a right on thisprinciple to cast off her yoke. However, in my next I pledge myself todemonstrate that the Mexicans are wholly incapable of self-government, and that on that principle we are bound by the first law ofnature--self-preservation--to dissolve all connexion, and take care ofourselves. 

 * * * * *

No. II. 

I now proceed to demonstrate that the Mexicans are wholly incapable ofself-government, and that our liberties, our fortunes and our lives areinsecure so long as we are connected with them. At the onset I cannot butadvert to the spirit of prophecy and truth with which that unequalledexpounder and defender of the rights of man, Mr. Jefferson, spoke more than18 years ago in regard to this very matter. In a letter to the Marquis deLafayette, dated Monticello, 14th May, 1817, he says, "I wish I couldgive you better hopes of our Mexican brethren. The achievement of theirindependence of old Spain is no longer a question. But it is a very seriousone what will then become of them. Ignorance and bigotry, like otherinsanities, are incapable of self-government. They will fall under militarydespotism, and become the murderous tools of their respective Bonapartes. No one I hope can doubt my wish to see them and all mankind exercisingself-government. But the question is not what we wish--but what ispracticable. As their sincere friend, then, I do believe the best thingfor them would be to come to an accord with Spain, under the guarantee ofFrance, Russia, Holland, and the United States, allowing to Spain a nominalsupremacy, with authority only to keep the peace among them, leaving themotherwise all the powers of self-government, until their experience, theireducation, and their emancipation from their Priests should prepare themfor complete independence. " Jefferson's works, vol. 4, page 303. Mr. Jefferson well knew that from the discovery of America to the date of hisletter, the Mexicans had unfortunately been the persecuted, pillaged, andpriest-ridden slaves of the kings of Spain--a line of kings, with butfew exceptions, more inimical to the rights of man, more opposed to theadvancement of truth, and light, and liberty, more practised in tyranny, more hardened in crime, more infatuated with superstition, and morebenighted with ignorance, than any other monsters that ever disgraceda throne in christendom, since the revival of letters. Yes, humanityshudders, and freedom burns with indignation at a recital of thebarbarities and oppressions practised upon the ill-fated Mexicans from thebloody days of Cortes up to the termination of their connexion with Spain. The produce of their cultivated fields was rifled--the natural products oftheir forests pillaged--the bowels of their earth ransacked, and theirsuffering families impoverished to glut the grandeur and enrich the coffersof their trans-Atlantic oppressors. To make their miserable servitude lessperceptible, they were denied the benefits of the commonest education, and were kept the blind devotees of the darkest and most demoralizingsuperstition that ever clouded the intellects, or degraded the moralsof mankind. From this it is evident, that up to the period of theirindependence, having been so long destitute of education, so longunaccustomed to think or legislate for themselves, and so long under thecomplete dominion of their liberty-hating Priests, they must have beentotally unacquainted with the plainest principles of self-government. Letus examine what their subsequent opportunities of improvement have been. 

At the close of the revolution, Iturbide, by fraud and force, causedhimself to be proclaimed Emperor, who after much commotion, was dethroned, banished and shot. After this Victoria was elected President, during allof whose administration the country was distracted with civil wars andconspiracies, as is evidenced by the rebellion and banishment of Montano, Bravo, and many others. Victoria's term having expired, Pedraza wasconstitutionally elected, but was dispossessed by violence, and Guereroput in his stead. Guerero was scarcely seated before Bustamente with openwar deposed him, put him to death and placed himself at the head of thegovernment. Bustamente was hardly in the chair before Santa Anna, warring, as he pretended, for the constitution and for making it still more liberal, dispossessed him by deluging the country in a civil war, the horrors ofwhich have not at this moment ended. Since his accession we have beenwoful witnesses that nothing but turmoil, anarchy and revolution haveovershadowed the land, and that at last he has at one fell stroke, withan armed soldiery, turned congress out of doors, dissolved that bodyand proclaimed that the constitution is no more. Here, then, we have alamentable verification of the fears and predictions of that great apostleof human liberty, Mr. Jefferson. His prophecy in relation to the result oftheir governmental experiment, implies in him an almost superhuman forecastand knowledge of the elements essential to self-government. He knew thatthey were too ignorant and too much under the dominion of their priests atthe period of their declaration, and he but too truly foresaw that owing tothe unhallowed ambition of their military aspirants, the country would betoo continually distracted with revolutions to admit of their advancementin education or any useful knowledge whatever. Time has developed it. Therehas been no attention on the part of government to schools or other usefulinstitutions. The present generation are as ignorant and bigoted as thepast one, and so will continue each succeeding one to the end of time, unless some philanthropic and enlightened citizen shall arrive at powerwith a purity of patriotism and reach of intellect unexampled among hiscountrymen, and with energies of character sufficiently commanding toemancipate the nation from the thraldom of her priests--to curb or kill hercountless military aspirants, thereby preventing incessant revolutions, andthereby enabling a new generation to experience the benefits of educationand to qualify themselves in other respects for complete self-government. I have now gone through with the administration, or rathermal-administration, of the General Government. It is equally demonstrablethat so far as Texas is concerned, there have been equal confusion, insecurity and injustice in the administration of the State governments. Texas, as is known, forms an integral part of the State known by the nameof Coahuila and Texas. During the past year there were three personsclaiming and fighting for the office of Governor of this State. There wasno session of the legislature at the regular period, on account of thiscivil war, and fifteen officers of the federal troops elected a governorof their own over the head of the one elected by the people. At anextraordinary time the legislature was convoked, and fraudulently sold fora thousandth part of their value, millions of acres of our public domain. This legislature was finally dispersed by the threats of the GeneralGovernment, and our Governor and one of the members were, on their retreat, arrested and imprisoned by the troops of the permanent army--leaving usinvolved in chaotic anarchy. Do not these facts conclusively demonstrate anincapability of self-government on the part of the Mexicans? Do they notcry aloud for an immediate dissolution of all connexion with them as theonly rock of our salvation? Yes, the vital importance of a declaration ofIndependence is as clearly indicated by them as if it were "written insunbeams on the face of heaven. "

 * * * * *

No. III. 

ANALYSIS OF THE MEXICAN FEDERAL CONSTITUTION OF 1824. 

It has been wisely remarked by that great illustrator of the machineryof governments, (Montesquieu) that there can be no liberty where thelegislative, executive, and judicial powers, or any two of them, are unitedin the same person or body of persons. See Spirit of Laws, in reference tothe English Constitution. If any corroboration of this high authority isneeded, I will refer to Mr. Jefferson, and the writers of that invaluabletext book, the Federalist. Mr. Jefferson, in his Notes on Virginia, page195, says the concentration of legislative, executive and judicial powersin the same hands, is precisely the definition of despotism. And in theFederalist, page 261, it is said, "the accumulation of these powers inthe same hands, whether of one, a few, or many, and whether hereditary, self-appointed, or elective, is the very definition of tyranny. " In thesame great work it is clearly demonstrated, that if each department isnot so fortified in its powers as to prevent infringement by the others, the constitution which creates them all will be worth no more than theparchment upon which it is written. So important was it deemed by all thestates of the Union to keep these departments distinct, and in differenthands, that it has been specially provided for in all their constitutions. See the constitutions of the different States. And yet in the face of allthis wisdom and experience, and contrary to every thing that is republicanin its nature, the framers of the Mexican constitution have reserved toCongress the sole power of construing the constitutionality of its acts. This, it will be readily seen, is an entire nullification of the judiciaryin all constitutional matters, and leaves the rights of the people and theconstitution itself without any other security than what is to be foundin the virtue, patriotism and intelligence of Congress. What slenderreliances, where the liberties and happiness of a nation are concerned! Ifin the United States Congress should transcend its powers in the passageof a law, the courts would declare it null and void, and bring backCongress to a constitutional discharge of its duties. But if the samething were attempted in Mexico, Congress would re-enact the law, declareit constitutional, and imprison the judge for his presumption. It appearsthen, that the Mexican constitution of 1824 contains within itself theseeds of its own destruction, --for the accumulation of legislative andjudicial powers in Congress, and the enabling of that body to violate theconstitution at will, renders it of no more avail than "a sounding brassor tinkling cymbal. " It will be no alleviation, says Mr. Jefferson, in hiswork above quoted, page 195, that in the case of Congress unlimited powersare vested in a plurality of hands. One hundred or two hundred despots aresurely as oppressive as one. Let those who doubt it turn their eyes on therepublic of Venice. In the next place I will show, that independent of thisobjection, the Mexican constitution contains principles and provisions 500years behind the liberalized views of the present age, and at war withevery thing that is akin to civil or religious liberty. In that instrumentthe powers of government, instead of being divided as they are in theUnited States, and other civilized countries, into legislative, executiveand judicial, are divided into military, ecclesiastical and civil, and these two first are fortified with exclusive privileges, and madepredominant. It is specially declared that the Roman Catholic religionis, and forever shall be, the established religion of the land. No otheris tolerated, and no one can be a citizen without professing it. Canany people be capable of self-government--can they know any thing aboutrepublicanism, who will, in this enlightened age endeavor to erect themilitary over the civil--to bind the conscience in chains, and to enforcean absolute subscription to the dogmas of any religious sect--but moreespecially of that sect, which has waged an unceasing warfare againstliberty, whenever the ignorance and superstition of mankind have given ita foothold?

Can republicans live under a constitution containing such unhallowedprinciples? All will say they cannot. And if the Texan colonists arewilling to do so a moment longer than they are able to shake off the yoke, they are unworthy the sympathies or assistance of any free people--they areunworthy descendants of those canonized heroes of the American revolution, who fought, and bled, and conquered for religious as well as civil liberty, and who established the sacred principle, that "all men have a right toworship Almighty God according to the dictates of their consciences. " Yetbad as this constitution is, it has been swept away by, if possible, aworse form of government, the central. This system, now attempted to berivetted upon the people of Texas, has preserved most of the bad featuresof the old constitution, viz: the preponderance of the military and clergy, and has destroyed all of the good features, to wit: the representation ofthe people through the medium of Congress, and the division of the republicinto States. The whole of the States are now consolidated into one, andgoverned by a dictator and council of about a dozen, who are the creaturesof his will, and the flatterers of his lawless despotism. All of Mexico, but Texas, has submitted to this, and she is waging a war against it withall the energies of an infant and much oppressed people. If it be asked, why have the people of Texas submitted so long to such a constitution, I answer, that for the first few years their numbers or wealth didnot attract the notice or cupidity of government. 2dly, the incessantrevolutions of Mexico kept their attention from Texas for many years more. 3dly, they submitted from physical inability to resist. And 4thly, theywere determined to prove themselves a law and oath abiding people, and incase of rupture with Mexico, to show to the world that they were not theaggressors. This rupture has been brought about, and it is folly to thinkof ever healing the breach. The constitution has been destroyed, and it isidle to think of restoring it. If restored, I have shown that no republicancan live under it. We have no right to conclude, that if re-established, it will be amended so as to be made more republican and more congenialwith our wishes--for in all their changes and commotions, each partycontends for the established religion--it is the last thing they will partwith--believing it to be the anchor of their hope and salvation here andhereafter. But granting that the federal party should triumph--that themonster centralism should be crushed, and that the constitution should beamended so as to make it appear, on parchment, the most unexceptionablecharter of human rights known to the world, have we any reason to believeor to hope, from their demonstrated incapacity of self-government, and fromtheir incessant past revolutions, that it will be or can be administeredfor a day? But, as I before said, it is idle to talk of the constitutionnow. _Texas must be Independent_. The tie between her and Mexico issevered, and that by the injustice and violence of Mexico. It can never bere-united--for between the colonists and Mexicans there is an almost totaldissimilarity of soil, climate, productions, pursuits, interests, habits, manners, education, language and religion. 

 * * * * *

No. IV. 

In my last I contended that none of those ties which are necessary to binda people together and make them one, existed between the colonists andMexicans. That there was an almost total dissimilarity in the soil, climateand productions of the regions of territory they respectively inhabited;and that superadded to this, there was no identity of pursuits, habits, manners, education, language or religion. I now proceed to show, that thesecircumstances have engendered towards the colonists in the, mass of theMexican nation, feelings of unconquerable jealousy and hostility. Yes!our superiority in enterprise, in learning, in the arts and in all thatcan dignify life, or embellish human nature, instead of exciting inthem a laudable ambition to emulate, to equal, or excel us--excites themost hateful of all the passions--envy--and has caused them to endeavorfor years past, by an unremitting series of vexatious, oppressive andunconstitutional acts, to retard our growth and prosperity, and ifpossible, to get rid altogether of a people whose presence so hourlyreminds them of their own ignorance and inferiority. Some of these acts Inow proceed to enumerate. 

1st. With a sickly philanthropy worthy of the abolitionists of these UnitedStates, they have, contrary to justice, and to law, intermeddled with ourslave population, and have even impotently threatened in the war nowpending, to emancipate them, and induce them to turn their arms againsttheir masters. If they would cast their eyes around them, they would findthat at home the more wealthy and intelligent of the Mexicans have unjustlyimposed upon at least one quarter of their fellow citizens, the mostgalling and illegal system of servitude that ever stained the annals ofhuman oppression. 

2d. [Footnote: Have been repealed. ] Although the colonization law concededto emigrants to Texas all the rights and privileges of citizens, in 1829 alaw was passed confining the retail of merchandize to native born Mexicans. It is useless to comment upon the illegality and injustice of this law. Itspeaks for itself, and clearly indicates the diabolical spirit in which itwas engendered. 

3d. I pass over many minor grievances growing out of their illegallegislative enactments, and plainly denoting their settled hostility, andcome to the law of the 6th [Footnote: Have been repealed. ] of April, 1830. By this law, North Americans, and they alone, were forbidden ad missioninto Texas. This was enough to blast all of our hopes, and disheartenall of our enterprise. It showed to us that we were to remain scattered, isolated, and unhappy tenants of the wilderness--compelled to gaze uponthe resources of a lovely and fertile region, undeveloped for want ofpopulation. That we were to be cut off forever from the society of fathersand friends in the United States of the North--to prepare comforts suitedto whose age and infirmities, many of us had emigrated and patientlysubmitted to every species of privation, and whose presence to gladden ourfiresides we were hourly anticipating. That feature of this law grantingadmission to all other nations except our brethren of the United Statesof the North, was sufficient to goad us on to madness. Yes! the door ofemigration to Texas was closed upon the only sister republic worthy of thename which Mexico could boast of in this new world. It was closed upon apeople among whom the knowledge and the foundations of rational liberty aremore deeply laid than among any other on the habitable globe. It was closedupon a people who would have carried with them to Texas those principlesof freedom, and those ideas of self-government in which, from their birth, they had been educated and practised. In short, and more than all, inasmuchas it stamps the Mexican government with the foul blot of ingratitude, it was closed upon a people who generously and heroically aided them intheir revolutionary struggle, and who were first and foremost to recognizeand rejoice at the consummation of their independence. Nothing but envy, jealousy, and a predetermination to destroy the colonial settlements, couldhave prompted the passage of this most iniquitous law. Simultaneous withit, all parts of Texas were deluged with garrisons in a time of profoundpeace. These garrisons extorted and consumed the substance of the land, and paid for their supplies in drafts on a faithless and almost bankruptgovernment. In their presence and vicinity the civil arm was paralyzedand powerless. They imprisoned our citizens without cause, and detainedthem without trial, and in every respect trampled upon our rights andprivileges. They could not have been sent to Texas for our protection, for when they came we had expelled the savages, and were able to protectourselves; and at the commencement of the colonial settlements, when wewere few and weak, and scattered, and defenceless, not a garrison--no! nota soldier came to our assistance. 

As another evidence of the hostility of the Mexicans to the Colonists, Iwill instance the following:

On the 7th of May, 1824, when the Republic was divided into States by theconstituent Congress, the territory called Texas, not being sufficientlypopulous for a Slate, was united to Coahuila, but it was specially decreedby Congress that whenever Texas was sufficiently populous to figure as aState, she should make it known and be admitted. In 1833, the people ofTexas, knowing that their numbers exceeded those of several of the oldStates, in solemn convention formed a constitution, and sent on a delegateto the city of Mexico, praying that Texas be admitted as a State. Insteadof granting this just and legal request, they imprisoned our delegate inthe dungeons of the Inquisition, and detained him without a trial for morethan a year, deprived of the common air and common use of his own limbs!Under all of those multiplied oppressions, the colonists, from a spirit offorbearance, or rather from physical inability to resist, long groaned andlanguished. Not a voice, not an arm was uplifted. The wheels of governmentwere not retarded in their operation by us. We consoled ourselves withthe pleasing but delusive hope that a returning sense of liberality andjustice would give to these obnoxious laws a brief duration. While layingthis flattering unction to their souls, while indulging dreams of fanciedfelicity never to be realized, the dictator, Santa Anna, developed histyrannical course. He surrounded Congress with an armed force, dissolvedthe body, and declared the constitution at an end. He dispersed our StateLegislature by violence, imprisoned our Governor, demanded the arrest ofsome of the unoffending colonists, to be tried by military tribunals for(if any) civil offences, disarmed the militia, leaving only one gun to 500citizens, and sent an army of mercenaries into Texas to rivet upon us thechains of centralism. When these glaring oppressions were attempted to bepractised, the people of Texas felt that the cup of their bitterness wasfull to overflowing--that the rod of persecution had smitten sufficientlysevere, and that they could no longer submit without relinquishing foreverthe glorious appellation of freemen. They struck, and struck with thepotent arm of _liberty_. They conquered and drove the enemy from theirsoil. They wish not to wage a war of cupidity and conquest. They only askto be permitted to govern the territory they occupy after the republicanmode of their fathers. If this, their reasonable demand, is not conceded, they will carry the war into the enemy's country, and force the tyrant (asthey have the power to do, ) to acknowledge the independence of Texas withinthe very walls of his capital. After so many descriptions it is useless todiscuss the capability of Texas to figure as an independent government. Suffice it to say, that it is larger than France, England, Scotland andIreland united--of more general fertility, and susceptible of a greater anddenser population. CURTIUS.