Transcriber's Note:

 In the genealogical tree in Additional Note B, and a few other locations in the text, dagger symbols have been replaced with +. 

 A character following a caret sign (^) is superscripted. 

Translations of Christian Literature. Series VLives of the Celtic Saints

S^T BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX'SLIFE OF S^T MALACHY OF ARMAGH

by

H. J. LAWLOR, D. D. , LITT. D. 

Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. 

The Macmillan Company. LondonNew York1920

Printed in Great Britain by Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, Brunswick St. , Stamford St. , S. E. 1, and Bungay, Suffolk. 

CONTENTS

 PAGE

 PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO vii

 NAMES OF IRISH PERSONS AND PLACES x

 INTRODUCTION xii

 LIFE OF ST. MALACHY 1

 LETTERS OF ST. BERNARD 131

 SERMONS OF ST. BERNARD ON THE PASSING OF MALACHY 141

 ADDITIONAL NOTES:--

 A. --ST. BERNARD'S DESCRIPTION OF THE STATE OF THE IRISH CHURCH 161

 B. --THE HEREDITARY SUCCESSION OF THE COARBS OF PATRICK 164

 C. --MALACHY'S CONTEST WITH NIALL 167

 APPENDIX 171

 INDEX 172

PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO

A. T. C. D. MS. F. 4, 6, containing the _Vita S. Malachiae_ and a portionof _Sermo_ ii. Imbedded therein. Cent. Xiii. ; copied from a much earlierexemplar. 

AA. SS. _Acta Sanctorum. _

A. F. M. _Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters_, ed. J. O'Donovan, 1851. 

A. I. Annals of Inisfallen, in O'Conor, _Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores_, 1814-1826, vol. Ii. 

A. L. C. _Annals of Loch Cé_, ed. W. M. Hennessy (R. S. ), 1871. 

A. T. _Annals of Tigernach_ (so called: see J. MacNeill in _Eriu_, vii. 30), ed. W. Stokes, in _Revue Celtique_, xvi. -xviii. 

A. U. _Annals of Ulster, otherwise Annals of Senat_, ed. W. M. Hennessyand B. MacCarthy, 1887-1901. 

Adamnan. The Life of St. Columba, written by Adamnan, ed. W. Reeves(Irish Archćological and Celtic Society), 1857. 

Archdall. M. Archdall, _Monasticon Hibernicum_, 1786: the earlier parted. By P. F. Moran, 1873. 

C. M. A. _Chartularies of St. Mary's Abbey, Dublin_, ed. J. T. Gilbert(R. S. ), 1884. 

_Cant. _ S. Bernardi Sermones in Cantica, in _P. L. _ clxxxiii. 779 ff. (1879): English Translation by S. J. Eales, _The Life and Works of St. Bernard_, vol. Iv. , 1896. 

Colgan, _A. S. H. _ J. Colgan, _Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae_, Lovanii, 1645, tom. I. 

D. A. I. The Dublin Annals of Inisfallen, Royal Irish Academy MS. 23, F. 9. 

_De Cons. _ S. Bernardi _De Consideratione Libri V. _, in _P. L. _ clxxxii. 727 ff. (1879): English Translation by G. Lewis, 1908. 

_De Dil. _ S. Bernardi _De Diligendo Deo_ in _P. L. _ clxxxii. 973 ff. (1879). English Translations by M. C. And C. Patmore, second ed. , 1884, and E. G. Gardner, 1916. 

Dugdale. W. Dugdale, _Monasticon Anglicanum_, ed. J. Caley, H. Ellis andB. Bandinel, 1817-30. 

Eadmer. Eadmeri _Historia Novorum in Anglia_, ed. M. Rule (R. S. ), 1884. 

_Ep. _ S. Bernardi Epistolć in _P. L. _ clxxxii. 67 ff. (1879): EnglishTranslation in S. J. Eales, _The Life and Works of St. Bernard_, vols. I. -iii. (1889-1896). 

Giraldus, _Expug. _; _Gest. _; _Top. _ _Giraldi Cambrensis Opera_, ed. J. S. Brewer, J. F. Dimock and G. F. Warner (R. S. ), 1861-1901. _ExpugnatioHibernica_, vol. V. P. 207 ff. ; _De Rebus a se Gestis_, vol. I. P. 1ff. ; _Topographia Hibernica_, vol. V. P. 1 ff. 

Gorman. _The Martyrology of Gorman_, ed. W. Stokes (Henry BradshawSociety), 1895. 

Gougaud. L. Gougaud, _Les Chrétientés Celtiques_, 1911. 

Gwynn. The Book of Armagh, ed. J. Gwynn, 1913. 

J. R. S. A. I. _Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland_:references to volumes according to the consecutive numbering. 

Jaffé. _Regesta Pontificum Romanorum_, ed. P. Jaffé, 1851. 

John of Hexham. _Historia Johannis Prioris Hagustaldensis Ecclesiae_, in_Symeonis Monachi Dunelmensis Opera Omnia_, ed. T. Arnold (R. S. ), ii. (1885), 284 ff. 

K. Codex Kilkenniensis; Marsh's Library, Dublin, MS. Z. 1. 5, containingthe _Vita S. Malachiae_. Cent. Xv. 

Keating. G. Keating, _History of Ireland_, ed. D. Comyn and P. S. Dinneen (Irish Texts Society), 1902-1914. 

L. A. J. _County Louth Archćological Journal. _

L. B. Leabhar Breac, Royal Irish Academy MS. (Facsimile ed. 1876. )

Lanigan. J. Lanigan, _An Ecclesiastical History of Ireland . .. To theBeginning of the Thirteenth Century_, 1829. 

M. G. H. _Monumenta Germaniae Historica. _

Mansi. _Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima Collectio_, ed. J. D. Mansi, 1759-1798. 

O. C. C. _The Book of Obits and Martyrology of the Cathedral Church of theHoly Trinity, commonly called Christ Church, Dublin_, ed. J. C. Crosthwaite and J. H. Todd (Irish Archćological Society), 1844. 

Oengus. _The Martyrology of Oengus the Culdee_, ed. W. Stokes (HenryBradshaw Society), 1905. 

O'Hanlon. J. O'Hanlon, _The Life of Saint Malachy O'Morgair_, 1859. 

O'Hanlon, _Saints_. J. O'Hanlon, _Lives of the Irish Saints_, vols. I. -ix. , 1875-1901. 

P. L. _Patrologić Cursus Completus, Series Latina_, ed. J. P. Migne. 

Petrie. G. Petrie, _The Ecclesiastical Architecture of Ireland . .. Comprising an Essay on the Origin and Uses of the Round Towers ofIreland_, 1845. 

Plummer. _Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae_, ed. C. Plummer, 1910. 

Plummer, _Bede_. _Venerabilis Baedae Opera Historica_, ed. C. Plummer, 1896. 

R. I. A. _Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy_, Archćology, Linguisticand Literature. References to volumes according to the consecutivenumbering. 

R. I. A. _Trans. _ _Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy. _

R. Q. H. _Revue des Questions Historiques. _

R. T. A. _Register of the Abbey of St. Thomas, Dublin_, ed. J. T. Gilbert(R. S. ), 1889. 

Reeves. W. Reeves, _Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Down, Connor andDromore_, 1847. 

Reeves, _Churches_. W. Reeves, _Ancient Churches of Armagh_, 1860. 

Richard of Hexham. _Historia Ricardi prioris Haugustaldensis_, in_Chronicles of Stephen_, etc. , ed. Howlett (R. S. ), iii. (1886), 137 ff. 

Theiner. A. Theiner, _Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum, 1216-1547_, Romae, 1864. 

Todd. J. H. Todd, _St. Patrick Apostle of Ireland_, 1864. 

_Trias. _ J. Colgan, _Triadis Thaumaturgae seu divorum Patricii, Columbaeet Brigidae Acta_, Lovanii, 1647 (vol. Ii. Of his _Acta SanctorumHiberniae_). 

_Trip. _ W. Stokes, _The Tripartite Life of Patrick with other Documentsrelating to that Saint_, ed. W. Stokes (R. S. ), 1887. 

Tundale. _Visio Tnugdali lateinisch und altdeutsch_, ed. A. Wagner, 1882. 

Ussher. J. Ussher, _Veterum Epistolarum Hibernicarum Sylloge_, in Works, ed. C. R. Elrington, 1847-1864, vol. Iv. , pp. 383 ff. 

V. P. _S. Bernardi Vita Prima_, in _P. L. _ clxxxv. , 225 ff. 

Vacandard. _Vie de Saint Bernard Abbé de Clairvaux_ par l'Abbé E. Vacandard, 4e édition, 1910. 

NAMES OF IRISH PERSONS AND PLACES

 Form used in this Form used by volume. St. Bernard. Irish Form. 

 Antrim Oenthreb Oentreb Armagh Ardmacha Ard Macha

 Bangor Benchor Bennchor

 Cashel Caselensis Caisel Catholicus Catholicus Catlac Cellach Celsus Cellach Christian Christianus Gilla Crist Coleraine Culratim Cúl Rathin Columbanus Columbanus Columbán Comgall Congellus Comgall Connor Connereth Coindire Conor Conchobar Cork Corcagia Corcach

 Dermot Diarmicius Diarmait Derry Daire Desmond Mumonia australis Desmuma Donnell Domnall Donough {Donnchad {Donngus Down Dunum Dún dá Lethglas

 Edan Edanus Aedh

 Faughart Fochart Fochart

 Gelasius Gelasius Gilla meic Liag Gilbert Gillebertus Gilla espuig

 Imar Imaru Imar Inispatrick Inis Pátraic Iveragh Ibracensis Ui Ráthach

 Leinster Laginia Laigin Limerick Luimneach Lismore Lesmore Lis Mór Lugadh Luanus {Lugaid {Molua

 MacCarthy Mac (meic) Carthaig Maelisa } Malchus Mael Ísa Malchus } Malachy Malachias Máel Máedóc Moriarty Ua Muirchertaig Munster Mumonia Muma Murrough Murchadh Murtough Mauricius Muirchertach

 Nehemiah Nehemias Gilla na Naem Niall Nigellus Niall

 O'Boyle Ua Baigill O'Brien Ua Briain O'Carroll Ua Cerbaill O'Conor Ua Conchobair O'Hagan Ua hAedacain O'Hanratty Ua hIndrechtaig O'Hanley Ua hAingli O'Kelly Ua Cellaig O'Loughlin Ua Lochlainn Oriel Oirgialla O'Rorke Ua Ruarc

 Patrick Patricius Pátraic

 Rory Ruaidhri

 Saul {Saballum } Sabal Phátraic {Saballinum} Shalvey Ua Selbaig

 Teague Tadhg Thomond Tuathmuma Turlough Toirdelbach

 Ulaid Ulydia Ulaid Usnagh Uisnech

 Waterford Port Láirge

INTRODUCTION

The main purpose of this Introduction is to give an account of amovement which changed the whole face of the Irish Church, and to theadvancement of which St. Malachy devoted his life. In default of abetter word we may call the movement a Reformation, though it mightperhaps be more accurately described as an ecclesiastical revolution. Without some knowledge of its aims and progress it is impossible toassign to Malachy his true place in the history of his native country. 

That such a movement actually took place in the twelfth century isbeyond doubt. From about the year 1200 on it is certain that theorganization of the Church of Ireland was similar to that of the otherChurches of western Christendom. The country was divided into dioceses;and each diocese had a bishop as its ruler, and a Cathedral Church inwhich the bishop's stool was placed. The Cathedral Church, moreover, hada chapter of clergy, regular or secular, who performed importantfunctions in the diocese. But up to the end of the eleventh century allthese things were unknown among the Irish. The constitution of theChurch was then of an entirely different type, one that had no exactparallel elsewhere. The passage from the older to the newer organizationmust have taken place in the twelfth century. During that century, therefore, there was a Reformation in the Irish Church, however littlewe may know of its causes or its process. But this Reformation was nomere re-modelling of the hierarchy. It can be shown that it imposed onthe members of the Church a new standard of sexual morality; if webelieve contemporary writers, it restored to their proper place suchrites as Confession, Confirmation and Matrimony; it substituted for theoffices of divine service previously in use those of the Roman Church;it introduced the custom of paying tithes; it established in Ireland themonastic orders of Latin Christendom[1]; and it may have producedchanges in other directions. [2] But I propose to confine myself to thechange in the constitution of the Church, which was its most strikingfeature. The subject, even thus narrowed, will give us more than can besatisfactorily treated in a few pages. 

First, I must emphasize the assertion made a moment ago that theconstitution of the Irish Church in the eleventh century was _suigeneris_. Let us begin by reminding ourselves what it was from the sixthto the eighth century. It was then essentially monastic in character. The rulers of the Church were the abbots of the monasteries, commonlyknown as the coarbs or successors of their founders. These abbots weresometimes bishops; but whether they were bishops or of lower rank in theministry, their authority was inherent in their office of coarb. At thisperiod bishops were numerous--more numerous than in later medieval ormodern times; and certain functions were reserved for bishops, forexample, ordination. No ecclesiastic, of whatever status, could performsuch functions, unless he was of the episcopal order. But no bishop, assuch, had jurisdiction. The bishops were often subordinate officers inmonasteries, reverenced because of their office, but executing theirspecial functions at the command of the abbots. Sometimes a bishop wasattached to a single tribe. Sometimes a group of bishops--often seven innumber--dwelt together in one place. But in no case, I repeat, had theyjurisdiction. Thus ecclesiastical authority was vested in the abbots. The episcopate was bestowed on certain individuals as a personaldistinction. Thus the bishops, if they were not also abbots, had onlysuch influence on the affairs of the Church as their sanctity, or theirlearning, might give them. 

It may surprise some that so anomalous a system of government shouldhave persisted as late as the eleventh century, in other words for aperiod of over 500 years. But we must take account of the Danish--or aswe should rather call it, the Norse--invasion of Ireland. Danish shipsfirst appeared off the Irish coasts about the year 800. From that timefor two centuries Ireland was to a large extent cut off from intercoursewith the rest of Europe. The aim of the northern hordes, as it seems, was not mere pillage, but the extinction of Christianity. Ecclesiasticalinstitutions were everywhere attacked, and often destroyed. And theseinstitutions were centres of scholarship. Heretofore Ireland had beenthe special home of learning, and had attracted to itself large numbersof foreign students. But in those disastrous centuries its culture wasreduced to the lowest point. In such circumstances it was not possiblethat the organization of the Church should be developed or strengthened. The Danish domination of the country must have tended to stereotype theold hierarchical system. It might, indeed, suffer from deterioration: itprobably did. But it could not be assimilated to the system which thenprevailed on the Continent. We should expect that the constitution ofthe Church in the eleventh century, whatever abuses may have crept intoits administration, would in principle be identical with that of thepre-Danish period. 

There can in fact be no doubt that it was. We have in our hands writingsof Lanfranc, Anselm, St. Bernard and Giraldus Cambrensis which picturethe state of the Irish Church at that time. They speak of it in termswhich are by no means complimentary. But when they come to details wediscover that the irregularities in its hierarchical arrangement whichshocked them most went back to the days of St. Columba. Quotationscannot be given here. But the reader will probably find in the Lifeprinted below, and the authorities referred to in the notes, sufficientproof that the constitution of the Irish Church in 1100 was in the maina following, though perhaps a corrupt following, of that of the sixthcentury. [3]

There was indeed one abuse in the Irish Church of the tenth and eleventhcenturies of which few traces are found before the Danish invasion. Welearn from St. Bernard that the abbots of Armagh were therepresentatives of a single family, and held office, as of right, byhereditary succession. [4] There is reason to believe that this evilcustom was not peculiar to Armagh. [5] According to St. Bernard, it wasthe gravest departure from Catholic tradition of which the Irish Churchwas guilty, and the parent of many evils. We shall hear more of it inthe sequel. For the moment it is sufficient to note that it existed. 

I. --The Beginnings of the Movement

But before the eleventh century ended forces were at work in Irelandwhich prepared the way for the introduction of a new order. They wereset free by the conversion of the Norsemen to Christianity, and by theirfinal defeat at the battle of Clontarf. The date of the conversioncannot be fixed: it was probably a gradual process. And we do not knowfrom what source the Danes derived their Christianity. The victory ofClontarf was won on Good Friday, 1014. 

Now a study of the Annals reveals the fact that in the seventh andeighth centuries there was a goodly, and on the whole an increasing, body of scholars in Ireland. Under the Norse domination, as we mightexpect, the number was greatly diminished. But already in the tenthcentury there was a notable increase: in the eleventh century the numberwas doubled. In the tenth century, moreover, and still more in theeleventh, scholars began to congregate at special centres, which becamepermanent homes of learning, the most prominent of these schools beingat Armagh and Clonmacnoise. And during the same period we find frequentmention of an official, unknown before the arrival of the Norsemen, whois styled _fer légind_ or professor. Between 925 and 1000 the obits oftwenty-three professors are recorded; in the eleventh century of morethan fifty. In the greater number of cases the _fer légind_ isassociated with one of those seats of learning which is known to havebeen most prolific of scholars. 

Thus it appears that gradually, as the onslaughts of the Danes becameless frequent, Irish men of learning tended more and more to becometeachers rather than mere students, and to gravitate towards a few greatcentres of study. The climax of this movement towards organization andthe eminence of special places was reached about the middle of theeleventh century (1030-1063), when mention is made of thirty-threepersons who held the office of _fer légind_, and when the principalschools seem to have been those of Clonmacnoise, Armagh, Kildare andKells. [6]

The Reformation of the twelfth century, like that of the sixteenth, wasprepared for by a revival of learning. 

But further, the defeat of the Danes removed the barrier which hadhindered communication between Ireland and the rest of Europe. Studentsonce more came to Ireland from other lands to pursue their studies. Themost remarkable of these was perhaps Sulien, the future bishop of St. David's. Sulien the Wise was born shortly before the date of the battleof Clontarf in the district of Cardigan. In early youth he displayedmuch aptitude for learning, and in middle life, about 1058, "stirred bythe example of the fathers, " he paid a visit to the Irish schools inorder to perfect his studies. He spent thirteen years in that country, and then established a famous school at Llanbadarn Fawr in Wales. In thelibrary of Trinity College, Dublin, there is a precious relic of thework of this school. It is a beautiful manuscript of St. Jerome's Latinversion of the Psalter according to the Hebrew, once the property ofBishop Bedell. [7] The manuscript was written by a member of the school, a Welshman named Ithael. It is adorned with excellent illuminations byJohn, one of Sulien's sons, and was presented to Ricemarch, another sonof Sulien. A valuable copy of the Hieronymian Martyrology prefixed to itgives sundry indications that it was transcribed from an Irishexemplar. At the end of the volume are some verses composed byRicemarch, and perhaps written there by his own hand. They displayconsiderable Biblical and patristic learning. Another relic of theschool is a copy of St. Augustine's _De Trinitate_ in Corpus ChristiCollege, Cambridge. [8] It was written and illuminated by John, andcontains excellent Latin verses from his pen. In the British Museumthere is also a poem of Ricemarch describing the horrors of the Normaninvasion of Wales. [9] And finally we have a _Life of St. David_, by thesame author. It relates many incidents culled from the lives of Irishsaints who had in one way or another been brought into contact withDavid; all of them reminiscent of Sulien's studies in the IrishSchools. [10]

I have dwelt on these things because they illustrate in a striking waythe revival of Irish learning in the eleventh century. But just at thetime when Sulien, and doubtless many other foreigners, were coming toIreland to study, Irish scholars were beginning to renew their ancienthabit of travelling to other countries. By way of example I may mentiontwo, both of whom were known by the same name, Marianus Scotus. One ofthese, a native of the north of Ireland, whose real name was MuiredachMac Robartaich, founded the monastery of St. Peter at Ratisbon about1070; and he was succeeded there by six abbots of north Irish birth. Hewrote a commentary on the Pauline Epistles, which is still preserved inthe Imperial Library at Vienna. The other, Mael Brigte by name, leftIreland in 1056, and after some wanderings established himself at Mainzin 1069. He compiled a chronicle, which is of considerable value. [11]Hereafter I shall have to mention other Irish men of travel; and it willbe seen that from some of them, who returned home, came the main impulseto the reform of the Irish Church. 

The battle of Clontarf broke the power of the Danes in Ireland; but itdid not secure their departure from the country. Those that remainedwere mainly settled in the four cities of Dublin, Wexford, Waterford andLimerick. In due time these four Danish colonies adopted the ChristianFaith, and before long they became organized churches, each presidedover by a bishop. In Dublin this took place a quarter of a century afterthe battle of Clontarf, the first bishop being Dunan, in whoseepiscopate the Danish king, Sitric, founded the Cathedral of the HolyTrinity about 1040. Of the early ecclesiastical history of Wexfordpractically nothing is known; but the first bishop of Waterford wasconsecrated in 1096, [12] and the first bishop of Limerick eight or tenyears later. [13] These were the first churches in Ireland ruled bybishops who were not abbots; and it seems that each of the bishops had adefined diocese. The dioceses of Dublin, Waterford, and perhaps Wexford, were very small, extending only a little way, if at all, beyond thewalls of the Cathedral city. The diocese of Limerick, on the other hand, was extensive; rather larger than the present diocese of the same name. But whether large or small each of these dioceses presented to the eyesof the Irish a model of Church government similar to that in vogue onthe Continent, and utterly different from that to which they wereaccustomed. 

This might prove a potent factor in the Reformation, once a tendencydeveloped among the Irish to bring their ecclesiastical machinery intoconformity with that of the rest of the world. But it is manifest thatby itself it would not induce them to re-model their hierarchy. It wasnot to be expected that they would cast aside the tradition ofcenturies, moved merely by a desire to imitate their late enemies. If, as is commonly held, the Danish dioceses, without exception, heldthemselves aloof from, or were hostile to, Irish Christianity, such aresult could hardly have been attained, at any rate until the coming ofthe Anglo-Normans. These later invaders would doubtless have forceddiocesan episcopacy on the Irish Church. But that it was established inIreland before the country came, even in part, under English rule, iscertain. So we must ask the question: What was the connecting link whichbound the Church of the Danish colonists to that of Celtic Ireland? Byway of answer I point to the remarkable fact, often overlooked, that allthe earliest bishops of the Danish dioceses were of Irish birth. WhyDanish Christians should have elected Irishmen as their bishops I do notattempt to explain. But the evidence for the fact is clear. 

The first two bishops of Dublin, Dunan and Patrick (Gilla Pátraic), hadunmistakably Irish names. So too had their immediate successors DonoughO'Hanley and his nephew Samuel O'Hanley; and of these two the latter isstated by the English chronicler Eadmer[14] to have been "nationeHibernensis. " The next bishop, Gregory--the first archbishop ofDublin--was likewise "natione Hibernensis" according to the continuatorof Florence of Worcester. [15] He was followed by St. Laurence O'Toole, of whose nationality it is unnecessary to give proof. 

Malchus, the earliest bishop of Waterford, was an Irishman;[16] so alsowas Gilbert, the first bishop of Limerick. And when Gilbert resigned hissee, after an episcopate of thirty-five years, he was succeeded byPatrick, whose name tells its own tale. [17]

Most of the Irish rulers of Danish dioceses whom I have mentioned weremen of travel. Patrick of Dublin, to whose learning Lanfranc bearstestimony, "was nourished in monastic institutions from hisboyhood, "[18] and certainly not, in an Irish religious house. DonoughO'Hanley, before his consecration, was a monk of Canterbury; SamuelO'Hanley was a monk of St. Albans;[19] Malchus was called to Waterfordfrom Walkelin's monastery at Winchester;[20] Gilbert of Limerick hadvisited Normandy, [21] and at a later date we find him assisting at theconsecration of a bishop in Westminster Abbey. [22] Such men had hadtraining which familiarized them with Roman methods of ChurchGovernment. They were well fitted to organize and rule their dioceses. And if they desired to imbue the Celtic Church with the principles whichthey had learnt, and on which they acted, their nationality gave them aground of appeal which no Dane could have had. It is of course not to beassumed that all of them were so disposed. The Danish Christians ofDublin not only stood aside from the Celtic Church; for reasons whichwill appear later they were inimical to it, and it to them. Theirbishops, with the possible exception of the first, made profession ofcanonical obedience to the English Primates. Not only so: they gloriedin their subjection to Canterbury. "We have always been willing subjectsof your predecessors, " wrote the burgesses and clergy of Dublin toRalph, archbishop of Canterbury, when the see was vacant in 1121. Andthen, after a reference to the great jealousy of Cellach of Armaghagainst them, they proceed to declare, "We will not obey his command, but desire to be always under your rule. Therefore we beseech you topromote Gregory to the episcopate if you wish to retain any longer theparish which we have kept for you so long. "[23] It was clearlyimpossible that this diocese could directly influence the Irish in thedirection of reform. But no such obstacle barred the path of the firstbishops of Limerick and Waterford. Gilbert owed no allegiance toCanterbury; Malchus was consecrated at Canterbury, but he soon escapedhis profession of obedience to Anselm. [24] Both became leaders of theromanizing movement in Ireland. 

But the influence of the Danish dioceses on the Irish Church was notlimited to the personal action of their bishops. Indirectly all of them, including Dublin, had a share in promoting the Reformation. ArchbishopLanfranc, as early as 1072, claimed that his primacy included Ireland aswell as England. [25] The claim, curiously enough, was based on Bede's_History_, in which there is not a single word which supports it. Butthe arrival two years later of Patrick, elect of Dublin, seekingconsecration at his hands, gave him his opportunity to enforce it. WhenPatrick returned to take possession of his see he carried with him twoletters from Lanfranc. One was addressed to Gothric, the Manx prince whofor the moment was king of Dublin. Lanfranc, with tactful exaggeration, dubs him "glorious king of Ireland, " and tells him that in consecratingPatrick he had followed the custom of his predecessors in the chair ofSt. Augustine. The other letter was more important. It was directed toTurlough O'Brien, grandson of Brian Boroimhe, who is also styled, inconsistently, and not altogether truly, "magnificent king of Ireland":he was doubtless king of Ireland in hope, but in fact he never extendedhis sway beyond the southern half of the island. Turlough's attention iscalled to the irregularities of the Irish Church. He is urged to call acouncil of bishops and religious men for the extirpation of those evilcustoms, and to be present at it in person. This letter evidentlyproduced an impression, and not only on Turlough O'Brien. For a fewyears later Lanfranc wrote another letter, this time to a bishop namedDonnell and others, who had sought his advice on a difficult questionconcerning the sacrament of baptism. [26]

Anselm followed in the footsteps of Lanfranc. Not long after hisconsecration (1093) he wrote to Donnell, Donough O'Hanley and the restof the bishops of Ireland, begging the aid of their prayers, and urgingthem to consult him in all cases of difficulty. Almost immediatelyafterwards came the election of Malchus, bishop of Waterford, in 1096. Among those who signed the petition for his consecration were BishopDonnell, Samuel O'Hanley, whom Anselm had consecrated for Dublin earlierin the same year, and O'Dunan, bishop of Meath (_Idunan episcopusMidiae_), whose name we shall do well to remember. But most notable ofall were Murtough O'Brien, son of Turlough, then the strongest of Irishkings, soon to be _ardrí_, and his brother Dermot O'Brien. [27] It isclear that Lanfranc had won the O'Briens to the Romanizing side; andAnselm was determined to hold them fast. Within the next few years therewas a fairly regular correspondence between him and Murtough, of whichsome letters have been preserved. [28] The relation between the two menwas evidently most friendly. And the archbishop fully exploited hisopportunity. Again and again he reminded the king of his duty to repressabuses, the most important of which in his eyes were lax sexualmorality, and the consecration of bishops by single bishops, withoutfixed sees or defined dioceses. 

So Lanfranc and Anselm schooled the O'Briens in the principles of Rome. And from one point of view their efforts were completely successful. TheO'Briens became staunch friends of the Reform movement in Ireland. Butfrom another point of view they failed. We must remember that their aimwas not only to purify the Irish Church, but to bring it into subjectionto Canterbury. That they did not succeed in doing. The Reformation, which they taught the O'Briens to support, meant, in the end, arepudiation of the pretensions of the English primates. 

I have mentioned among those who were concerned in the election ofMalchus of Waterford, O'Dunan, bishop of Meath. He is unquestionablyMáel Muire Ua Dunáin, whom the annalists describe as "learned bishop ofthe Goidhil, and head of the clergy of Ireland, and steward of thealmsdeeds of the world, " and who died on Christmas Eve, 1117, at the ageof seventy-six. He is mentioned in a charter in the Book of Kells, thedate of which is apparently about 1100, as Senior of Leath Chuinn(_i. E. _ the north of Ireland). [29] He was fifty-five when Malchus waselected, and had probably already attained the eminence throughoutIreland which is attested by the high-flown phrases of the Annals. Thathe was then bishop of Meath in the modern sense is impossible; the titleat that period would mean no more than that he was a bishop who livedwithin the borders of the Kingdom of Meath. But the _Annals ofTigernach_ tell us that he died at Clonard, from which it may perhaps beinferred that his see was at that place. His importance for us just nowis that he is the only adherent of the Reform movement whom we have yetdiscovered in the north of Ireland. 

II. --The First Stage

Before proceeding further in our investigation of the origin and courseof the Reformation, it may be well to recall how far we have alreadyadvanced. We started from the fact that a Reformation of the IrishChurch was actually accomplished in the twelfth century, and weproceeded to look for the causes which may have brought it about. Wehave found that the first of these was the revival of learningconsequent on the cessation of the ravages of the Norsemen. We havenoted also the restoration at the same period of communication betweenIreland and the rest of Europe--the coming of students to the Irishschools, and the wanderings of Irish scholars in other lands. We haveseen that the establishment of the Danish dioceses gave to the Irish amodel of diocesan episcopacy, and that among the Irish-born bishops ofthose dioceses there were men capable of leading a Reform movement. Andwe have learned that Lanfranc and Anselm, through their relation withthe Danish dioceses, found means to induce the more conspicuous civiland religious leaders of the Celtic population to undertake the work ofreconstituting the Church. Finally, we have been able to name somepersons who might be expected to take a prominent place in the earlystages of the Reformation. They are Gilbert of Limerick, Malchus ofWaterford, O'Dunan of Meath, and the princes of the O'Brien family. Thebest proof that we have rightly conceived the origin of the movementwill come before us when we study the share which these personsseverally had in promoting it. 

We must now trace, as far as it can be done, the first steps in theprocess by which, under the influences which I have indicated, theChurch of Ireland passed from its older to its later hierarchicalsystem. 

The earliest attempt to give concrete form to the principles of theReformers seems to have been made in the Kingdom of Meath, about theyear 1100. But the primary evidence for the fact is of much later date. There are extant some constitutions of Simon Rochfort, bishop of Meath, put forth at a synod of his diocese held at the monastery of SS. Peterand Paul at Newtown, near Trim, in 1216. The first of them recites anordinance of the papal legate, Cardinal John Paparo, at the Council ofKells in 1152, which is of great importance. 

Paparo ordered that as the bishops of the weaker sees died off, arch-priests, or, as we call them, rural deans, should succeed to theirplace, and take charge of the clergy and people within theirborders. [30]

The inference which this enactment suggests is that the weaker sees towhich it refers were the centres of small dioceses, which Paparo desiredto be converted into rural deaneries. In accordance with the ordinanceof Paparo, Rochfort's synod enjoined that rural deans should be placedin the five sees of Trim, Kells, Slane, Skreen and Dunshaughlin, each ofwhom should supervise the churches in his own deanery. These, withClonard, which had long been the see of Rochfort's diocese, are six ofthe twelve rural deaneries into which the present diocese of Meath isdivided. [31] I conclude that they, and probably the remaining six, coincided more or less closely with dioceses ruled by bishops in thefirst half of the twelfth century. [32]

Let us now call to our aid a much earlier witness. The annalists informus that in the year 1111 there was an assembly at Usnagh in Meath. Itdecreed that "the parishes[33] of Meath" should be equally dividedbetween the bishops of Clonmacnoise and Clonard. We may infer thatClonmacnoise and Clonard, two of the present rural deaneries, were thendioceses. It is not likely that the dioceses of Meath would have beenformed into two groups, each to constitute the diocese of a bishop whohad already no diocese of his own. But however that may be, we have hereproof that before 1111 Meath had been parted into a number of smalldioceses ruled by bishops. 

If the question be asked, By whose authority or influence this divisionof Meath into dioceses was made? I can suggest no one more likely thanMáel Muire Ua Dunáin, the "bishop of Meath" to whom reference hasalready been made. [34] He was a Meath man, and probably bishop ofClonard: he was an ecclesiastic of great repute, especially in thenorth; and he was a devoted adherent of the Reform movement. His action, if indeed it was his, was premature and ill-advised. As we shall see, his work had to be slowly undone. But it is remarkable, as the firstattempt known to us to establish diocesan episcopacy among the Irish. Ishall have more to say about it hereafter; but now I must follow themain stream of events. 

Gilbert, [35] the first bishop of Limerick, as has already been noted, was an Irishman. Indeed, we may venture to describe him as one of themost remarkable Irishmen of his time, in spite of the fact that theAnnals pass him by in almost complete silence. He was at any rate astaunch supporter, or, as we should rather say, the leader of theReformation movement in its earliest course. In a letter written in 1107Anselm exhorted him, in virtue of their mutual friendship, to make gooduse of his episcopal office by correcting that which was amiss, andplanting and sowing good customs, calling to aid him in the work hisking (Murtough O'Brien), the other Irish bishops, and all whom he couldpersuade. [36] That, assuredly, Gilbert was forward to do. 

No sooner had he taken possession of his see than he began to organize adiocese. Its boundaries seem to have been fixed with care. It wasexactly co-extensive with the modern diocese of Limerick, except on thenorth, where it stretched across the Shannon and included part of thepresent diocese of Killaloe. [37] Moreover he made the Church of St. Maryhis Cathedral Church; indeed it is not unlikely that he built it toserve that purpose. 

A few years later he was appointed Legate of the Holy See. It ismanifest that his new office gave him a unique opportunity of mouldingthe fortunes of the Irish Church. In Ireland Gilbert was now virtuallythe chief prelate and head of the Church. He was the representative andembodiment of the authority of the Holy See. The whole Romanizing partywould naturally circle round him as their leader, and many wavererswould be attracted to the new movement in the Irish Church, by the claimwhich he could make to speak in the name of the head of the ChurchCatholic. 

It was after he became legate, and no doubt in virtue of his legatinecommission, that he issued a treatise which may be regarded as theprogramme of the Reformation. It is entitled _De Statu Ecclesiae_. Ofthis a fragment, including its earlier chapters, is still in ourhands. [38]

Before giving a slight summary of its contents I must mention that it isaddressed "to the bishops and presbyters of the whole of Ireland, " andthat Gilbert declares that he wrote it at the urgent request of many ofthem. In this statement there may lurk an element of exaggeration. Butbehind it there lies at least so much truth as this. A considerable bodyof the clergy had approached the newly made legate, and requested hisinstruction regarding the proper constitution of the Church--for such isthe subject of his tract; and that implies that the Romanizing movementwas no longer in its infancy. There were many bishops and presbyters whohad become dissatisfied with the old Irish method of Church government. They desired to bring it into conformity with that of the Roman Church. But they were in some uncertainty as to the nature of the changes thatshould be made, and so they asked Gilbert to give them authoritativecounsel. 

In reply to their petition, with the aid of an elaborate diagram, hesketched as follows the organization of a properly ordered Church. 

The bishops, he tells us, and others of higher rank in the ministrybelong to the general Church, as distinct from particular churches. Thepriest is the highest officer in a particular church. It is the primaryduty of every priest to serve and obey his bishop with all humility. Forby the bishops particular churches are ruled. To each bishop are subjectall the churches within his jurisdiction. And this applies as well tomonastic establishments as to parishes. The head of each parish is apriest, the head of each monastery is an abbot, who is himself a priest. The bishop has a pontifical church, in which is his see (_sedes_), andof which he is the head. From it he governs the inferior churches. Abishop can perform all the offices of a priest, but he has sevenfunctions peculiar to himself: to confirm, to bless, to absolve, to holdsynods, to dedicate churches and altars, to consecrate the ornaments ofchurches, to ordain abbots and abbesses and the secular clergy. Gilbert's diagram represented the bishop as ruling two churches; but heexplains that this is to be interpreted figuratively. A bishop may haveas many as a thousand churches within his jurisdiction: he must have atleast ten. 

A bishop is himself subject to authority. His immediate superior is thearchbishop. An archbishop has a sphere of immediate jurisdiction, likeany other bishop, but he also rules a number of subject bishops. Ofthese there must be at least three; but an archbishop is not permittedto have more than twenty subject bishops--an important point, as weshall see. Above the archbishop is the primate. It is the specialprivilege of the primate to ordain and crown the king. He too has hissphere of immediate jurisdiction, and he must have at least one subjectarchbishop, but not more than six. 

Primates and archbishops must be consecrated at Rome by the Pope, or atleast must receive the pall[39] from him. Without the pall they are notraised above their fellow-bishops. 

Finally, the primates are subject to the Pope, and the Pope to Christ. 

The higher members of the hierarchy have their analogues in the civilorder. The Pope corresponds to the emperor, the primate to the king, anarchbishop to a duke, a bishop to an earl, a priest to a knight. But allthese are merely grades of the order of priests. There are but sevenorders of the ministry--priests, deacons, sub-deacons, acolytes, exorcists, readers and door-keepers. Of the laity Gilbert says little. They are of two classes; husbandmen and soldiers. Their duties are toattend church, to pay first-fruits, tithes and oblations, to avoid eviland do good, and to obey their pastors. 

There is nothing original in all this; and some parts of it must havebeen very puzzling to stay-at-home Irishmen. For example, what were theyto make of Gilbert's comparison of primates, archbishops, bishops andpriests to kings, dukes, earls and knights? They knew as little of dukesand earls in the civil order as they did of primates and archbishops inthe ecclesiastical; and they had far more kings than suited Gilbert'sscheme. But the tract is important, both as a summary of the teachingwhich Gilbert had no doubt been inculcating far and wide for years, andas a permanent record, for future use, of the aims of the Reformers. 

However unintelligible the treatise may have been in parts, it broughtout with startling clearness one or two essential points. First theChurch must be ruled by bishops. Even the monasteries are subject tothem. How amazing such a statement must have sounded to men who hadinherited the tradition, many centuries old, that the abbots ofmonasteries were the true ecclesiastical rulers, bishops theirsubordinate officials. 

Moreover, bishoprics and dioceses could not be set up at random. Thenumber of bishops and by consequence the size of dioceses must becarefully considered. The puny bishoprics of Meath, for example, couldform no part of a scheme such as Gilbert adumbrated. 

It was manifest that if his guidance were to be followed, no meremodification of existing arrangements would suffice. The old hierarchymust be torn up by the roots, and a new hierarchy planted in its place. 

We shall meet Gilbert again in the course of our story. But we may nowturn aside from him to make the acquaintance of a new actor in thedrama of the Reformation. Like O'Dunan he was a Northern. 

Cellach was born in 1080. He was an Armagh man, sprung from the familywhich for centuries past had provided abbots for the monastery of thatcity, the grandson of a former abbot. He first appears on the scene in1105, when on the death of Abbot Donnell he became coarb of Patrick andabbot of Armagh. He was elected, we may assume, in the customary way. Hewas then under twenty-six years of age, and was apparently still alayman. But his subsequent action shows that he was already a convinceddisciple of the new movement. Doubtless he had fallen under the spell ofGilbert of Limerick. Six weeks after his election he abandoned thetradition of a century and a half, and received holy orders. But inother respects he trod in the footsteps of his predecessors. In thefollowing year he went on a circuit of the Cenél Eoghain, and "took awayhis full demand: namely, a cow for every six, or an in-calf heifer forevery three, or a half ounce of silver for every four, besides manydonations also. " Next he proceeded to Munster, with similar results. Buthis circuit of Munster is important for other reasons. There he hadopportunities of intercourse with his Munster friends, Gilbert ofLimerick and Malchus of Waterford. And with that circuit we may connecttwo incidents of the highest significance. In 1106, apparently in thelatter part of the year, Caincomrac Ua Baigill, bishop of Armagh, died. The news of his death probably reached Cellach while he was in thesouth. Certainly in Munster Cellach was consecrated bishop. It isimpossible not to connect the latter event with the former. He wasconsecrated to fill the vacancy created by the death of O'Boyle. Thus hewas now bishop of Armagh as well as coarb of Patrick. In his own personhe united the two lines of coarbial and episcopal succession, which hadparted asunder in 957, when the first of a series of lay coarbs had beenelected, and the first of the six contemporary bishops had beenconsecrated. [40] This was a great gain for the Reformers. The oldanomaly of a ruler of the Church who was not a bishop had, so far asArmagh was concerned, disappeared for the time. And Armagh was theprincipal ecclesiastical centre in Ireland. Cellach might now callhimself archbishop of Armagh, though he had not fulfilled the conditionlaid down by Gilbert, that an archbishop must receive the pall at thehands of the Pope. The title was actually accorded to him by so rigid apapalist as St. Bernard. [41]

But there was more to come. In the year 1101 there had been held atCashel a great assembly of the clergy and people of Ireland. BishopO'Dunan, whom we already know, was at their head. To it came alsoMurtough O'Brien, who earlier in the year, after an expedition in forcethrough Connaught and Ulster, had entered Tara as _ardrí_ ofIreland. [42] In the presence of the assembly he surrendered Cashel, theroyal city of the kings of Munster, to the Church, as an offering to Godand St. Patrick. [43] When we consider the persons who were concerned inthis transaction we find good ground for the suspicion that the gift wasintended in some way to benefit the movement for reform. Now St. Bernardinforms us that Cellach created a second archiepiscopal see in Irelandin subordination to Armagh. [44] After his manner he does not tell uswhere it was situated. It is certain, however, that it was at Cashel, which was the seat of an archbishop in 1110. [45] It was probablysurrendered for this very purpose by O'Brien. And if it be asked whenCellach erected it into an archbishopric the answer is scarcelydoubtful. Only once, so far as we know, did Cellach enter Munster before1110. It was on the occasion of his circuit. In the year of the circuit, therefore, 1106, the archbishopric of Cashel was founded. In that sameyear, or shortly afterwards, Malchus of Waterford was translated to thenew see, and became its first archbishop. There is no evidence that anew bishop was consecrated for Waterford in succession to Malchus: thisindeed is unlikely. But it should be noted that by his acceptance of anarchbishopric subject to Armagh, Malchus was released from theprofession of obedience which he had made to Anselm ten years earlier. He was now a bishop of the Church of Ireland, with undivided allegiance. 

The reason for the creation of a second archbishopric is not difficultto guess. By this time the plans of the Reformers must have been in somedegree matured: before long, as we shall see, they were set forth inminute detail. Already Cellach was archbishop of Armagh. His suffragansees, indeed, apart from those formed by O'Dunan, if their bishopsacknowledged themselves as his suffragans, were _in nubibus_. Butsuffragan sees he must have, according to the theory of Gilbert, eachwith a diocese attached to it. They must be at least three in number, but _not more than twenty_. Now it was a foregone conclusion that if theReformers had their way there would be more than twenty dioceses inIreland. Hence, by Gilbert's rule, there must be a second archbishop. Moreover, by making the archbishopric of Cashel subject to Armagh, Cellach secured for himself and his successors a title yet more imposingthan that of archbishop. He was now Primate of Ireland; for it sufficed, if Gilbert spoke truly, that a primate should have one subjectarchbishop. As coarb of Patrick Cellach's authority ranged over thewhole country; as primate his sway would be no less extensive. Heactually claimed the title, if not then, at least a few years later. [46]

We may now for a while leave Gilbert and Cellach and Malchus andO'Dunan. With Gilbert as legate, and Cellach and Malchus as archbishops;with dioceses already formed at Limerick and Waterford and in Meath, probably also at Armagh and Cashel and Wexford; with the great extensionof the movement, and its spread from Munster to Meath and Ulster, allwas ready for the meeting of the Synod whose ordinances should givedefinite shape to the policy to be pursued in the future. 

III. --The Synod of Rathbreasail

Geoffrey Keating quotes from the lost _Annals of Clonenagh_ an accountof a national Synod or Council held at Rathbreasail in the year1110. [47] The existing Annals record that a national Council met atFiadh meic Oengusa in 1111. With the exception of the _Annals ofInisfallen_, none of them mention Rathbreasail; but the Inisfallenannalist tells us that it is another name for Fiadh meic Oengusa. [48] Ishall assume therefore that there were not two national Synods insuccessive years, but one; and, following the _Annals of Clonenagh_, Ishall call it the Synod of Rathbreasail, and date it in 1110. 

The Synod of Rathbreasail marks the beginning of the second stage of theReformation movement. It was convened by the papal legate; its purposewas the Romanizing of the Irish Church, and, in particular, theestablishment in it of diocesan episcopacy. Fortunately Keating'sexcerpts from its Acts give us ample information concerning the canonswhich dealt with this matter. 

The annalists, as I have said, describe the council as a nationalassembly. But we can hardly claim so much for it. It is much moreprobable that it was in reality a meeting of the Reforming party. Thefirst signature appended to its canons was that of Gilbert, who presidedas legate of the Holy See. He was followed by Cellach, "coarb of Patrickand Primate of Ireland, " and Malchus, "archbishop of Cashel, " whom wehave known as bishop of Waterford. The signatures of many bishopsfollowed, but they have not been preserved. We know, however, thatBishop O'Dunan was present, as was also Murtough O'Brien, king ofIreland. These were all leaders of the Reforming party; and it isevident that they guided the deliberations of the Council. Moreoverthere were no representatives of the provinces of Connaught andLeinster, in which as yet, it appears, the Reform movement had notestablished itself. That is made clear by notes appended to canons whichspecially concerned those provinces. One of them begins thus: "If theConnaught clergy agree to this . .. We desire it, and if they do not"--inthat case they may do as they please, with certain limitations. Theclergy of Leinster are accorded a similar liberty. It is obvious that ifamong the members of the Council there had been men who could speak withauthority for the provinces mentioned such notes need not, andtherefore could not, have been written. The Council represented Munster, Ulster and Meath. It was national, not because it could speak for allIreland, but because it made laws for all Ireland. 

I must now give an account of those laws, so far as they relate to theorganization of the Church. I follow the _Annals of Clonenagh_, asreported by Keating: but in two or three places I have been obliged toamend his text. [49]

The fathers began by appealing to English precedent. "Just as twelvebishops were fixed under Canterbury in the south of England, and twelvebishops in the north under the city of York, " so it was ordained thatthere should be twelve bishops in the south of Ireland, and twelve inthe north. The constitution of the Irish Church was henceforth, it wouldseem, to be a copy of that of the English Church. But, as it happens, neither in 1110 nor in any other year of its history, had the Church ofEngland twelve sees under Canterbury and twelve under York. How then canwe explain the statement of the Synod? The answer is simple. Bede[50]preserves a letter of Pope Gregory the Great, written in 601, in whichSt. Augustine of Canterbury was directed to consecrate twelve bishops ashis own suffragans. He was also ordered to consecrate a bishop for York, who, if his mission proved successful, was likewise to consecrate twelvesuffragans, and to be promoted to the dignity of a metropolitan. It isclear that the Synod found its precedent in this letter, not observingthat Pope Gregory's ordinance was never carried into effect. But theymade another mistake. For Gregory intended that there should be twelvebishops in the north of England, and twelve in the south, exclusive ofthe archbishops, twenty-six in all; while it is evident that the Councilof Rathbreasail intended that there should be twelve bishops in thenorth of Ireland, and twelve in the south, including the archbishops, twenty-four in all. Some one whose lead the Synod followed--probably thepapal legate--had read his Bede with little care. But that is notsurprising. Lanfranc had misread Bede, when on his authority he claimedto be Primate of Ireland; why should not Gilbert have gone astray inlike fashion? The point to be noticed and emphasized is that the firstact of the Synod was to fix the number of the Irish sees, on the curiousprinciple that what the wisdom of Pope Gregory held to be good forEngland would suit Ireland also. 

Apparently the next step in the procedure was to determine thedistribution of the dioceses among the provinces, and to fix the see ofeach prospective diocese. Ireland was divided into two portions by aline running, approximately, from Dublin to Galway. The part to thenorth of that line was known as Leath Chuinn, the part to the south asLeath Mogha. In Leath Chuinn were the provinces of Ulster and Connaughtand the kingdom of Meath; in Leath Mogha were the provinces of Munsterand Leinster. The Synod decreed that there should be five sees inUlster, five in Connaught, and two in Meath, making twelve bishopricsfor Leath Chuinn; there were to be seven in Munster and five inLeinster--twelve bishoprics for Leath Mogha. The names of all these seeswere given in the Acts of the Synod. 

Finally the Synod defined the boundaries of the dioceses to which thesees severally belonged. It is not my purpose to give a minutedescription of these boundaries. That would involve an excursus on Irishtopography, which would be, to say the least, out of place. It willsuffice to indicate roughly those of the five dioceses of Ulster. To thewest was what was called the "parish" (_fairche_)[51] of Derry orRaphoe. It was nearly identical with our diocese of Raphoe. The onlyimportant difference is that it included Inishowen, the district betweenLough Swilly and Lough Foyle, which now belongs to the diocese of Derry. Next to the parish of Derry or Raphoe the Synod placed the parish ofArdstraw. [52] Ardstraw never became the see, and the diocese wassubsequently known as "of Derry. " It extended eastward to theCarntougher Mountains, and coincides pretty closely with the presentdiocese. It subsequently gained Inishowen from its western neighbour, and the strip between the Carntougher Mountains and the Bann from itseastern neighbour. But otherwise it remains much as the Synod ofRathbreasail determined. Next to it was to be the parish of Connor orDown. When the portion of it to the west of the Bann was transferred toDerry, it coincided almost exactly with the modern Down, Connor andDromore. On the other hand the parish of Armagh seems originally to haveincluded the modern county of Monaghan: it has shrunk to little morethan half its size. The parish of Clogher, at first very small, hasextended east and west, and is three times as large as it was intendedto be. On the whole the work of the Synod has stood well the test ofmany centuries of history. 

It is indeed wonderful that it should have done so. For the method ofthe Synod--fixing the number of the dioceses before their boundarieswere discussed--was unstatesmanlike. Always, and necessarily, ecclesiastical divisions have coincided with civil divisions. We mayfind the germ of the rule in the Acts of the Apostles. [53] If this wasinevitable in other lands it was even more inevitable in Ireland inpre-Norman days. The Irish people was a collection of clans, having, itis true, certain common institutions, but bound together by no sort ofnational constitution, and often at war with each other. Ifecclesiastical divisions were to be permanent in Ireland, they must takeaccount of the tribal divisions of the country. The primaryecclesiastical unit must be the territory of a tribe, just as it was theprimary civil unit. [54] But to base the limits of dioceses, consistentlyand in every case, on tribal boundaries was impossible when the numberof dioceses was arbitrarily fixed beforehand. It could not be thatexactly the same number of dioceses would suit Ulster as suited Leinsterand Connaught. In one province the tribes would be more or lessnumerous, and more or less mutually antagonistic, than in another. Byreason of its method, therefore, the Synod was doomed to fall short ofcomplete success in its work. 

We have instances in Ulster of the soundness of the principle that Ihave stated. Take the diocese of Raphoe. It was designed to includeInishowen. But from a tribal point of view Inishowen (Inis Eoghain)belonged to the next diocese, which included the tribeland of TírEoghain. Its inhabitants were of the same stock as the Cenél Eoghain, and were known as the Cenél Eoghain of the Island. So the natural resultfollowed. Inishowen broke off from the diocese of Raphoe and became partof the diocese of Derry. When this happened the diocese of Raphoe wasstabilized. It consisted of the land of a single tribe, the CenélConaill; and so henceforth its limits were never altered. 

We can easily understand, therefore, that the disregard of tribalboundaries, forced on it in many cases by its method, was an element ofweakness in the Rathbreasail scheme. And yet it was natural that specialstress should be laid on the arbitrary limitation of sees which was itsmain cause. Ireland was overrun with bishops. It is said that over fiftyof them attended the Synod of Rathbreasail; and they represented onlypart of the country. But Gilbert had laid down the rule that anarchbishop could not have more than twenty suffragans. On thisprinciple, if all the existing bishops had been provided with dioceses, or all the larger tribes had been given bishops, Ireland would have hadnot two, but six or seven archbishops: and this would have been atravesty of Catholic Church order, as it was then understood. It wasessential that the number should be ruthlessly cut down. 

But the legislators of Rathbreasail did not entirely ignore tribalboundaries. On the contrary, so far as the numerical basis of theirscheme permitted, they took them into account. And here we find that theSynod was confronted with another difficulty. The territories of tribeswere fluctuating quantities. Hence, even if a diocese was the districtof a single tribe, with very definite boundaries, no one could be surethat in the course of years its limits would not change. Again I take anexample from Ulster. The Synod selected the Carntougher Mountains as theboundary between the dioceses of Derry and Connor. And wisely. Forbetween those mountains and the Bann there dwelt a sept--the FirLi--whose affinities were altogether with the people to the east of theriver. But only a few years after the Synod that territory was overrunby the O'Kanes of the Roe Valley, and the Fir Li retreated across theBann, never to return. The result followed which might have beenexpected. Their territory was transferred from Connor to Derry, and theBann to this day is the boundary of the two dioceses. [55]

It may be well, before I pass to another subject, to call attention tosome special features of the Rathbreasail canons. 

First, let us note the prominence which is given to Limerick, thediocese of Gilbert, the president of the Synod. Usually a diocese issomewhat vaguely defined by four places on its borders. But here no lessthan thirteen are named. So full are the indications that a fairly exactmap of the diocese could be drawn. Further, in this diocese alonemention is made of a Cathedral Church: "The Church of Mary in Limerickis its principal church. "[56] Note the present tense: "The Church ofMary _is_"--not shall be--"its principal church. " We remember thatGilbert insisted in the _De Statu Ecclesiae_ that a diocese should havea "pontifical church. " Again, the boundaries of this one diocese areprotected by a clause which has no parallel elsewhere: "Whosoever shallgo against these boundaries goes against the Lord, and against Peter theApostle, and St. Patrick and his coarb and the Christian Church. " Whobut the legate of the Pope would have thus invoked St. Peter?

Surely this portion of the ordinances of the Synod must have beenpenned by Gilbert himself. And the whole passage--by the minuteness ofits description of the diocese, by the strength of the terms in which itis expressed, by the reference to the Cathedral Church as alreadyexisting--suggests that the diocese was formed and organized before theSynod met, as I have already assumed. We may even suspect that anattempt had been made to invade it, which Gilbert stoutly resisted, relying on his legatine authority. 

In the list of dioceses there is an omission which demands explanation. No mention whatever is made of Dublin, the oldest diocese in Ireland. Not only so; the northern limit of the diocese of Glendalough is markedby Lambay Island and Greenogue, which lies due west of it in the CountyMeath. Thus the diocese of Glendalough, as contemplated by theSynod--and, it may be added, as it was in fact forty yearslater[57]--included the whole of the actually existing diocese ofDublin. The Danish Christians of Dublin and their Irish bishop aretreated as interlopers; they are absolutely ignored. It may be said thatthis was due to the mutual hostility which divided the diocese of Dublinfrom the native Church, and to the fact that the bishops of Dublin hadalways been subject to Canterbury. But it is not enough to say this; forthe estrangement of Dublin from the Irish is the very thing that has tobe accounted for. 

It had its root in the growing prosperity of the Danish city. The Irishhad no towns. Town life was introduced among them by the Norsemen. Andof their towns Dublin was always the chief. By this time it had becomeso important that it had good right to be called the metropolis of thecountry. And its citizens were thoroughly aware of this. As early as1074 the burgesses of Dublin and their bishop, Patrick, claimed for itthat title. [58] Now in all reason a metropolis should have ametropolitan as its bishop; and no doubt the bishops of Dublin thoughtthemselves _de facto_, if not _de jure_, superior to the other bishopsof Ireland. In fact we find one of them playing the archbishop. We havetwo interesting letters of Anselm, written apparently about 1100. One ofthem is addressed to Malchus, bishop of Waterford, directing him torebuke Samuel O'Hanley, bishop of Dublin, for various irregularities, inparticular for having his cross carried before him like an archbishop;the other is addressed to Samuel himself, and complains of the sameactions. [59] These proceedings are not likely to have been brought to anend by Anselm's letters; and we may assume that they were continued aslong as Samuel held the see of Dublin. It was but natural that Cellachshould strongly resent them, for they were disrespectful both to himselfand to the archbishop of Cashel. We are not surprised, therefore, tofind that on the death of Samuel in 1121, eleven years afterRathbreasail, Cellach tried to get possession of the Church ofDublin, [60] most probably with the intention of bringing it under thejurisdiction of the bishop of Glendalough. Nor are we surprised that themen of Dublin at once replied by electing another bishop and biddingRalph of Canterbury to consecrate him if he desired to retain thesuffragan see which they had so long preserved for him. [61] We shall seehereafter how the bishops of Dublin were at length induced to look withfavour on the Irish Church. Meanwhile we learn that they were not veryobedient suffragans of Canterbury; and we cease to wonder that they wereignored in the Rathbreasail decrees. 

Another feature of the canons of the Synod is worth noting. In severalinstances the see of a diocese was not absolutely fixed. Two places werenamed, and it was apparently left to the bishop of the future to selectthat one of the two which he preferred to be his city. Thus we have adiocese of Derry or Raphoe, a diocese of Connor or Down, another ofWexford or Ferns, and so forth. The meaning of this is best seen bytaking a single example. To one of the dioceses of Munster was assignedthe area now occupied by the two dioceses of Waterford and Lismore. Itconsisted of the original Danish diocese of Waterford, together with amuch more extensive non-Danish area. Alternative sees were named; it wasdescribed as the parish of Lismore or Waterford. Now Lismore was themost sacred spot in the enlarged diocese. It was the site of a monasteryfounded by St. Mochuta. It was an ideal place for a bishop's see. But itwas doubtless ruled at the moment by an abbot, the coarb of Mochuta. Unless he was prevailed on to accept episcopal orders, or was deprivedof his authority, a diocesan bishop could not be established there. Onthe other hand, Waterford had no sacred traditions; but it was alreadythe see of a diocese. In default of Lismore it would be a convenientplace for the see. Between Lismore and Waterford the circumstances ofthe future must decide. Ultimately, it appears, Malchus retired from thearchbishopric of Cashel, and became bishop of his older diocese, now somuch greater than it had been. He placed his stool, however, not atWaterford but at Lismore. [62] A similar, but not always identicalcourse was followed in other such cases. 

What the Synod of Rathbreasail actually accomplished was this. It gaveto Ireland a paper constitution of the approved Roman and Catholic type. But by doing this it had not achieved the purpose of its existence. Inthe years that followed, its enactments had to be carried into effect. And here was the real crux. Before the Church came to be ruled bydiocesan bishops, the existing rulers--the coarbs of churchfounders--must be dispossessed of their authority; the numerous bishopsof the old Irish type must be got rid of; the jurisdiction of the newbishops must be fixed by common consent, or enforced without it; andrevenues must be provided for them. A mere synodal decree could notaccomplish all this. The diocesan system could become a fact throughoutthe whole Church, and the last vestiges of the ancient constitution bemade to disappear, only after determined effort, and probably bittercontention. And when all was done it would certainly be found that thescheme of dioceses arranged at Rathbreasail had been largely departedfrom. 

I can best illustrate the nature of the difficulties which had to beencountered, and the length of time which might be required to overcomethem, by giving a short outline of the history of the forming of thedioceses of the kingdom of Meath. 

In Meath, as we have seen, there were dioceses ruled by bishops beforeRathbreasail. But these dioceses were of small size. It may be doubtedwhether most of them fulfilled the condition laid down by Gilbert, thata bishop should have not less than ten churches within his jurisdiction. They had therefore to be grouped under a smaller number of prelates. What had to be accomplished in this case was not so much the clipping ofthe wings of the abbots, as the extirpation of the more recentlyappointed diocesan bishops. The Synod determined that the kingdom shouldbe divided into two dioceses, one in the west, the other in the east. The western see was to be at Clonard, at the moment, as it seems, thesee of O'Dunan, and famed as the site of the great monastery of St. Finnian, founded in the sixth century; the eastern see was to be atDuleek, near Drogheda. Now a few months after the Synod of Rathbreasailthere was held at Usnagh a local synod of the men of Meath, at which theking and many notable persons were present. [63] This synod ordained thatthe parishes of Meath should be equally divided between the bishops ofClonmacnoise and Clonard. It will be observed that the principle of theRathbreasail decree was accepted, that there should be two, and onlytwo, dioceses in Meath. But the change made in the sees is significant. The Synod of Rathbreasail intended that Clonard should be the see of thewestern diocese, which would include Clonmacnoise. The Synod of Usnaghdemanded that Clonmacnoise, founded by one of the most noted of Irishsaints, St. Ciaran, should be one of the surviving sees, and thatClonard should be the see, not of the western, but of the eastern halfof the kingdom. Thus the Synod of Rathbreasail was at once met withstrenuous and, as it proved, successful opposition in Meath. 

And here I may mention another fact. A few years after the Synod we haveproof of the existence of a diocese in the north of the kingdom, whichhas not hitherto been mentioned, and which is not named in theRathbreasail canons. We know it as the diocese of Kilmore. [64] It mayhave been one of O'Dunan's dioceses, or it may have been founded later. One thing is certain. The diocese formed the territory of a strongtribe. Consequently it had in it the element of stability. It was neversuppressed: it exists to this day. So far as it was concerned the canonsof Rathbreasail were a dead letter from the beginning. 

But let us return to Clonard. It was the business of its successivebishops, in accordance with the decrees of Usnagh, to annex the smallneighbouring bishoprics of east Meath. They had considerable success. Wepossess a list of churches granted by Eugenius, the last Irish bishop ofClonard, to the monastery of St. Thomas the Martyr, Dublin. [65] They arescattered over the three deaneries of Dunshaughlin, Skreen and Trim. Thus Eugenius had absorbed into his diocese the bishoprics of thosethree places. Another document tells us that this same Eugeniusconsecrated the church of Duleek;[66] which implies that the diocese ofDuleek was also suppressed. Thus by 1191, the year of Eugenius'sdeath--within eighty years of the Synod of Rathbreasail, and before theAnglo-Normans had captured the ecclesiastical domination of Meath--thediocese of Clonard had expanded to four times its original size. Itsbishop ruled the whole area of the modern county of Meath which liessouth of the Boyne and Blackwater. 

Simon Rochfort, the first English bishop, stretched his arm further. Wehave a charter of his, which may be dated before 1202, confirming to St. Thomas's Abbey a number of churches in his diocese. [67] It includesmost, if not all, of the churches granted by his predecessor, but addsothers. Among these are some in the deanery of Slane. The bishopric ofSlane had been absorbed. 

The rapid extension of his diocese towards the north suggested toRochfort the desirability of having for his headquarters a more centralplace than Clonard. So in 1202 he translated the see to Newtown, nearTrim, [68] and began to call himself Bishop of Meath. Ten years later, aswe know, this "impudent bishop" captured the diocese of Kells. [69] Thebishop of Meath (no longer of Clonard) from his see at Newtown had theoversight of nearly the whole of the modern county. Within the confinesof his diocese were the seven older dioceses of Clonard, Dunshaughlin, Skreen, Trim, Duleek, Slane and Kells. This was probably the whole ofthe eastern diocese as designed by the Synod of Usnagh. 

But the policy of annexation still went forward apace. Another documentenables us to measure the progress of half a century. It is a concordatconcerning metropolitical visitations, between the archbishop of Armaghand Rochfort's third successor, Hugh de Tachmon. It is dated 9th April, 1265. [70] The tenor of the concordat does not concern us: it isimportant for our purpose because it proves that in 1265 there wereeleven rural deaneries in the diocese of Meath. Four more petty dioceseshad been suppressed, Mullingar, Loxewdy, Ardnurcher and Fore. Thediocese was co-extensive with that of the present day, except that thediocese of Clonmacnoise--as small in 1265 as it had been in 1100--wasnot yet brought in. 

Clonmacnoise preserved its independence three centuries longer. It wasincorporated with Meath in 1569. Thus at length the dream of the fathersof Rathbreasail was fulfilled. There were two dioceses in the ancientkingdom of Meath--Meath and Kilmore. But neither Duleek nor Clonard norClonmacnoise was a see. From that day to this, in fact, the diocese ofMeath has had no see. And the boundary which parts Meath from Kilmore isvery different from the line which the fathers of Rathbreasail drewbetween the dioceses of Clonard and Duleek, or that which the assemblyof Usnagh drew between Clonmacnoise and Clonard. 

IV. --St. Malachy's Part in The Reformation

It is not possible, within the limits of this Introduction, to followthe later stages of the Reformation movement in detail. In the presentsection I confine myself to the part which St. Malachy played in itsdevelopment. 

Malachy was born at Armagh in 1095. He was therefore a mere boy when theSynod of Rathbreasail met. At the dawn of his manhood he became thedisciple of the recluse Imar O'Hagan. Imar was in sympathy with the aimsof the reformers, and it was probably through his influence that Malachybecame imbued with their principles. He soon attracted the notice ofCellach, and was by him ordained deacon. He was advanced to thepriesthood about 1119. Shortly afterwards Cellach made the young priesthis vicar. For the next year or two it was Malachy's duty to administerthe diocese of Armagh; and he did so in the most effective--indeedrevolutionary--fashion. He evidently let no man despise his youth. Hispurpose, as his biographer tells us, was "to root out barbarous rites, to plant the rites of the Church. " "He established in all the churchesthe apostolic sanctions and the decrees of the holy fathers, andespecially the customs of the Holy Roman Church. " He introduced theRoman method of chanting the services of the canonical hours. "Heinstituted anew Confession, Confirmation, the Marriage contract, of allof which those over whom he was placed were either ignorant ornegligent. " In a word, Malachy showed himself an ardent reformer. [71]

One wonders how, even with the assistance of Cellach and Imar, a youngman who had never left Armagh could have already become sufficientlyacquainted with the usages of other churches to carry out these sweepingmeasures. Perhaps his zeal was not always according to knowledge. But hesoon became aware of his limitations, and determined to seekinstruction. With the consent of Cellach and Imar he betook himself toMalchus, who had by this time retired from the archbishopric of Casheland was settled at Lismore. There Malachy spent three years. During thatperiod he doubtless increased his knowledge of Roman customs andprinciples. But he did more. Cormac MacCarthy, son of the king ofDesmond, was then a refugee in the monastery of Malchus. Between Cormacand Malachy there grew up a friendship, which proved in later years ofmuch advantage to the reforming cause. [72]

But at length Malachy's presence was urgently needed in the north, andhe was recalled by Cellach and Imar. What had happened was this. Thecoarb of St. Comgall at Bangor, the principal religious site in thenorth-east of Ireland, had lately died. Since he ended his days atLismore, it may be assumed that he was a friend of Malchus, and of themovement with which he was identified. At any rate his successor, whowas Malachy's uncle, expressed his willingness to surrender his officeand the site of the monastery to his nephew. [73] Here was an opportunityto carry into effect one of the canons of Rathbreasail, which hadhitherto been a dead letter, by establishing the diocese of Connor. Cellach, duly elected coarb of Patrick, and consecrated bishop, had nodoubt been able to organize the diocese of Armagh in accordance with theRathbreasail scheme. In like manner such a man as Malachy, enjoying theprestige which belonged to the coarb of Comgall, if consecrated bishop, would probably succeed in organizing the diocese of Connor. So in 1124Malachy journeyed to Bangor, was installed as abbot, and was made bishopby Cellach. [74] He administered his diocese with the same vigour whichhad already characterized his work at Armagh. But it is interesting toobserve how closely he conformed to the old Irish type of bishop, inspite of his Roman proclivities. At heart he was far less bishop ofConnor than coarb of Comgall, abbot of Bangor. Indeed, in strictness, hehad no right to the title "bishop of Connor"; for Connor was not hissee. He made Bangor his headquarters. [75] Doubtless Malachy preferredBangor to the nominal see, because it was consecrated by centuries ofsacred memories, and because as yet he could not place the office ofbishop above that of abbot. He ruled his great newly formed diocese, oras much of it as he succeeded in ruling, from its remotest corner on thesea shore, as Aidan ruled Northumbria from Holy Island. There he livedamong his brethren, of whom he gathered a great company. There was noprovision for his mensa, for he was "a lover of poverty. " He practisedaustere asceticism. Yet he was an active missionary. He travelledincessantly through the diocese, but always on foot, visiting the towns, and roaming about the country parts, surrounded by his disciples. Hepreached to the people whom he met on his way. [76] Nothing could bemore unlike a medieval bishop of the ordinary kind. At every point weare reminded of the labours of Aidan and Ceadd and Cedd as they aredescribed by Bede. But we may be sure that it was precisely becauseMalachy was coarb of Bangor, because he lived according to the ancientIrish ideal of sainthood, that he secured the obedience of the people ofhis diocese. 

In such work as I have mentioned Malachy was engaged from 1124 to 1127. In the latter year he was driven out of Bangor by Conor O'Loughlin, kingof the north of Ireland, and a second time betook himself to Lismore. There he again met Cormac MacCarthy, for that unfortunate prince wasonce more taking sanctuary with Malchus. He had succeeded a little whilebefore to the throne of Desmond, but had been driven out by TurloughO'Conor, who made his brother king in his stead. But after a few months, persuaded by the entreaties of Malchus and Malachy, and aided by thearms of Conor O'Brien, king of Thomond, a nephew of Murtough, Anselm'scorrespondent, he made a successful attempt to regain his kingdom. [77]Then Malachy moved on to Iveragh in the County Kerry, and there, underCormac's patronage, he founded a new monastery for his community. [78]Once again Cormac has friendly intercourse with Malachy, and anotherO'Brien is on good terms with the reformers. 

It was at Iveragh, two years later, that Malachy received news of thedeath of Archbishop Cellach. [79] It was an announcement which must havecaused great anxiety to him and his friends. Who was to succeed to theprimacy?

The importance of the question will become manifest if we recall theprogress which had already been made at Armagh, and what still remainedto be done. When Cellach was elected abbot in 1105, and in the followingyear was consecrated bishop, a great point had been gained. For thefirst time for 150 years the church of Armagh had a bishop as its ruler. We may suppose that Cellach soon organized the diocese, the limits ofwhich were fixed at Rathbreasail. But whatever Gilbert or Malchus mighthold as to the source of his authority, we cannot imagine that themembers of the Church in the diocese based their allegiance to him onany other ground than the fact that he was their abbot and the coarb ofPatrick. That he was a bishop added nothing, in their view, to hisclaims. Moreover Cellach belonged to the family which had long suppliedArmagh with abbots. The abuse of hereditary succession had notdisappeared with his appointment. [80] If his successor was chosen in thetime-honoured way, a member of the coarbial family would certainly beselected, and in all probability he would be a layman, who would notaccept episcopal orders. In a word, all that had been achieved by thereformers at the most important ecclesiastical centre in Ireland wouldbe undone. 

Cellach had foreseen this, and accordingly he determined to nominateMalachy as his successor. "With the authority of Patrick" he laid uponthe nobles, and especially upon "the two kings of Munster, " theobligation of securing that his wish should be carried into effect. Thetwo kings who were thus charged with a difficult duty were ConorO'Brien, king of Thomond, the principal representative of the O'Briens, and Cormac MacCarthy, king of Desmond, Malachy's friend. 

From Cellach's point of view the choice of a successor which he had madewas a wise one. Malachy was as zealous a reformer as himself. He was aman of unusual ability and force of character. Besides, he waspossessed of a personal charm which might in time disarm opposition. Hewas already a bishop; therefore, if he were once seated in the chair ofPatrick, the question whether the new coarb should be consecrated wouldnot arise. More important still, he was not of the coarbial stock; withhis entry into the see the scandal of hereditary succession would cometo an end. 

But it was not to be expected that the appointment would be acceptedwithout strong protest; and at the moment there seemed little prospectthat the scheme of Cellach would attain fruition. There is no need toenter into the details of the fierce struggle that ensued. It is dealtwith elsewhere. [81] Suffice it to say that by 1137, with the aid ofO'Brien and MacCarthy, and apparently with assistance also from DonoughO'Carroll, king of Oriel, he was undisputed coarb of Patrick andarchbishop of Armagh. The victory was won, and an immense stride hadbeen made in the Reformation movement. 

But Malachy had no mind to spend the rest of his life at Armagh. Fiveyears before, as the condition of his entry into the fray, he hadstipulated that as soon as he had been accepted as archbishop he shouldresign the see and return to his beloved Bangor. So in 1137 he nominatedand consecrated Gelasius as his successor in the primacy, and "returnedto his former parish, but not to Connor. " Let me explain thisenigmatical statement. Malachy had had some years' experience of thepeople of the diocese of Connor, whom St. Bernard gently describes as"not men but beasts. " He had doubtless discovered that the districtwhich it included could not be ruled by a single bishop. In fact itconsisted of two tribal territories, Dál Araide in the north, and Ulaidin the south; and the two tribes which inhabited them were usuallyengaged in mutual war. He decided that it should be divided into twodioceses. He consecrated a bishop for Dál Araide, with his see atConnor, and himself resumed the oversight of Ulaid, with his see atBangor. [82] Thus originated the present dioceses of Down and Connor. InMalachy's time the boundary between them seems to have run west fromLarne. In the course of centuries it has shifted further south. 

This division was a direct violation of the letter of the ordinance ofRathbreasail; but it did not contravene its spirit. In the letter, whichignored the civil divisions of the country, the ordinance could not beobeyed. Malachy adopted a scheme which secured the permanent rule ofdiocesan bishops in the district. 

Malachy was now, and continued to be till his death, bishop of Down, ormore strictly of Bangor; in the current Irish phrase bishop of Ulaid. But his activities already extended beyond his diocese. Within the nexttwo years he succeeded in establishing in actual fact another diocesewhich till now had existed only on paper. It was that which the Synod ofRathbreasail had called the diocese of Clogher, and which we know by thesame name; but which for sixty years or more bore the name of thediocese of Oriel. 

That we may understand his action let us return for a moment to the fiveUlster dioceses as planned at Rathbreasail. In four of them regard waspaid to tribal boundaries. The diocese of Raphoe corresponded to TírConaill, Derry to Tír Eoghain, Armagh to Oriel, while Connorcomprehended the two territories of Dál Araide and Ulaid. The diocese ofClogher was of necessity the remainder of the province. If it coincidedwith a tribal district, that could only happen by chance. In fact it didnot. It was much smaller than the other dioceses. It embraced only thepresent barony of Clogher in the county of Tyrone, and the portion ofFermanagh lying between it and the Erne waterway. It had within it noelement of cohesion. It was most unlikely that it could ever constitutean ecclesiastical unit, governed by a bishop. 

Nevertheless an attempt seems to have been made to consolidate it as adiocese a few years after Rathbreasail; as might have been expected, without success. A bishop of Clogher, who apparently had no diocese, died in 1135. He was succeeded by Christian O'Morgair, brother ofMalachy. He was probably nominated and consecrated by his brother, whowas then titular archbishop of Armagh. Now about this time DonoughO'Carroll, king of Oriel, joined the ranks of the reformers, as we maysuppose under the influence of Malachy. His kingdom included the littlediocese of Clogher; but the main part of it consisted of the presentcounties of Monaghan and Louth. Accordingly a bold stroke of policy wasconceived and carried out. The diocese of Clogher was enlarged so as tocover the greater part of O'Carroll's kingdom. For this purpose thearchbishop of Armagh surrendered a large part of his diocese--the wholeof Monaghan and Louth. Then Christian moved his see from Clogher to thespot now occupied by the village of Louth. Thus there was constituted anew diocese, which included the Rathbreasail diocese of Clogher, but wasfour times its size, and had its see at Louth. It was known as thediocese of Oriel. In all this we see plainly the hand of Malachy. Notlong after the removal of the see Christian died, and Malachy selectedand consecrated his successor, one Edan O'Kelly. O'Kelly had a longepiscopate, from 1139 to 1182; and with the help of O'Carroll heorganized his diocese, and gave it a cathedral at Louth with a chapterof Augustinian canons. [83] Once again Malachy was the maker of adiocese; and once again, in the interest of stability, he transgressedthe letter of the Rathbreasail canons, while fulfilling their spirit. Itwas not till after the coming of the Anglo-Normans that the see wasbrought back to Clogher. Subsequently the county of Louth reverted toArmagh, and the diocese extended to the west. About the year 1250 itsboundaries came to be what they now are. [84]

In 1139, after settling the affairs of the diocese of Oriel, Malachyleft Ireland on an important mission. It will be remembered that Gilberthad declared that no archbishop could exercise his functions till thePope had sent him the pall. That was the current doctrine of the age. Now neither Cellach, nor Malachy, nor Gelasius, nor Malchus, nor hissuccessor at Cashel, had received that ornament. They had therefore, inthe strict sense, no right to the title of archbishop. Malachy resolvedto make request to the Pope in person for palls for the two Irishmetropolitans. So he set out from Bangor for Rome. [85] Of his journey itis unnecessary to say anything here. [86]

At Rome Malachy was received by Pope Innocent II. With great honour. Heconfirmed the erection of the metropolitan see of Cashel. But hepolitely declined to grant the palls. They must be demanded, he said, bya council of the bishops, clergy and magnates; and then they would begiven. 

But if the Pope refused Malachy's request, he bestowed on him an office, the securing of which we may conjecture to have been one of the purposesof his visit to Rome, though St. Bernard does not say so. Gilbert, nowold and infirm, had resigned the see of Limerick, and with it hislegatine commission. Innocent made Malachy papal legate in hisstead. [87]

Thus Malachy returned to Ireland, still bishop of Down indeed, butvirtually chief prelate of the Irish Church. For the following eightyears he laboured with zeal and vigour. St. Bernard unfortunately giveslittle information concerning the details of his administrative work aslegate. But he relates one incident which suggests that in this periodMalachy was instrumental in founding another diocese. He nominated andconsecrated the first known bishop of Cork, [88] not improbably with theintention that he should unite in his own person the two offices ofcoarb of Barre, founder of Cork, and diocesan bishop. 

And in this connexion it is worth noticing that he was evidently onfriendly terms with Nehemiah, the first known bishop of the neighbouringdiocese of Cloyne. [89] If that diocese was also founded by him he onceagain violated the letter of the Rathbreasail canons, for by them Cloynewas included in the diocese of Emly. 

In 1148 Malachy convened a synod at Inispatrick, an island oppositeSkerries, Co. Dublin. This synod demanded the palls in due form, andsent Malachy to obtain them. But he got no further on his journey thanClairvaux. There, after celebrating Mass on St. Luke's Day, he was takenill of a fever; and there a fortnight later he died in the arms of St. Bernard, on All Souls' Day, 2nd November, 1148. [90]

Nevertheless the palls came. They were brought to Ireland by a legatespecially commissioned by Pope Eugenius III. , John Paparo, cardinalpriest of St. Laurence. A synod was held at Kells to receive them inMarch 1152, [91] of which the joint presidents were Paparo, as _legatus alatere_, and Christian, first abbot of Mellifont, and now bishop ofLismore, who had lately succeeded Malachy as _legatus natus_. 

Of this synod Keating gives a short account, abridged from the _Annalsof Clonenagh_, [92] from which he had also derived his knowledge of theproceedings at Rathbreasail. He preserves a list of the bishops whoattended. It includes twenty-two names, if we count two vicars whorepresented absent bishops. There were besides, as Keating informs us, five bishops-elect. And there was certainly one bishop of a diocese whowas neither present nor represented, Edan O'Kelly, bishop of Oriel. Soit appears that in 1152 there were at least twenty-eight dioceses inIreland--a number considerably larger than was contemplated atRathbreasail. The increase in number is partly accounted for by thepresence of the bishop of the recently formed diocese of Kilmore, thedivision of the diocese of Connor into Connor and Down, and, a moststriking addition, the inclusion of Gregory, bishop of Dublin, among theassembled prelates. It is remarkable that the bishop of Kells is notmentioned, though the synod was held in his own city. How was the bishopof Dublin induced to throw in his lot with the Irish Church? We shallsee in a moment. 

Much business was transacted at this Synod. But that which concerns usmost nearly is the giving of the palls. Cardinal Paparo brought theIrish bishops more than they had asked for; more indeed than theydesired. He presented, not two palls but four, Dublin and Tuam, as wellas Armagh and Cashel, being recognized as archiepiscopal sees. Thisexcessive generosity caused much displeasure among the Irish bishops. "For Ireland, " says Keating, apparently paraphrasing the _Annals ofClonenagh_, "thought it enough to have a pall in the church of Armaghand a pall in Cashel; and particularly it was in spite of the church ofArmagh and the church of Down that the other palls were given. " Thecause of this discontent is not far to seek. The chief gravamen no doubtwas that Dublin was included among the four. The constant friction whichhad subsisted for many years between the diocese of Dublin and the IrishChurch sufficiently explains the indignation of the archbishop ofArmagh, aggravated by the fact that the creation of new archbishopsimposed a limit upon his authority. It also enables us to understand whyhis displeasure was shared by the Irish generally. That a see whosebishops had behaved so haughtily in the past should, at the very momentof its entrance into the Irish Church, receive so signal an honour, longdenied to Armagh and Cashel, and that in the person of its bishop itshould be given jurisdiction over bishops whom till now it had treatedwith contempt, could not but be regarded as unreasonable, or eveninsulting. But on the other hand, recalling the early history of theChurch in Dublin, we can comprehend why, in spite of all this, specialfavour was bestowed upon it. Dublin, as we have seen, was a not toosubmissive suffragan of Canterbury. Its ambition was that its bishopshould have the status of a metropolitan. The opportunity had come forgratifying its desire, and at the same time bringing it under the Irishecclesiastical régime. The pall at once separated it from Canterbury andunited it with Ireland. It was the price paid for its submission to thePrimacy of Armagh. Gregory therefore became archbishop of Dublin, andhad the right--which his predecessor had long before illegallyassumed--to have the cross carried before him. With the gift of the pallPaparo bestowed upon him "the principal part of the bishopric ofGlendalough as his diocese, " promising him the remainder on the death ofthe bishop who then ruled it. All this was done, we are told, because itwas fitting that the place "in which from ancient time had been theroyal seat and head of Ireland, " should be made a metropolitan see. [93]

There was at last one Church in Ireland, which embraced within it notonly the Celtic parts of the island, but all the Danish dioceses aswell. And the whole Church was ruled by the bishops. The Reformation maynot have been complete in every detail--there was indeed much left forthe Anglo-Normans to do--but the Synod of Kells had set the crown on thework of the Irish reformers. And this consummation was mainly due to thewisdom and the untiring zeal of St. Malachy of Armagh. 

 * * * * *

A few words more will suffice to complete this too lengthyintroduction. The _Life of Malachy_ was certainly written before theSynod of Kells met in March 1152; for Christian, who attended the Synodas bishop of Lismore, is spoken of in the _Life_ as abbot ofMellifont. [94] Its earliest possible date is a couple of months afterMalachy's death. The ignorance displayed in § 69[95] of the movements ofthe Pope in 1148 is so inexplicable on the assumption of a later datethat it may be assigned to January 1149. [96] In the followingtranslation the text printed by de Backer[97] is used, with theexception of a few sentences which have been emended. It does not differto any great extent from that of Mabillon. [98] Following de Backer Ihave divided the text into chapters, in accordance with the MSS. ; butMabillon's sections have been retained, as more convenient forreference, the numbers of de Backer's sections being added withinbrackets. 

By way of illustration four letters of St. Bernard and his two sermonson St. Malachy have been added. They are translated from Mabillon'sedition, [99] with some corrections. The dates of these documents arediscussed below. [100]

St. Bernard's numerous quotations from the Bible and other sources areprinted in italics, so far as I have recognized them. The scripturalallusions are given as nearly as possible in the words of the Authorized(in the Apocryphal books the Revised) Version, though at times they donot agree with the Vulgate Latin. Where it has been found necessary todepart from their renderings, the symbol "vg. " follows the references inthe footnotes. 

I desire to make grateful acknowledgement of help received from myfriends, of whom I must specially mention Dr. L. C. Purser, SeniorFellow of Trinity College, Dublin, Mr. R. I. Best, the Rev. J. E. L. Oulton, the Rev. Dr. J. M. Harden and the Rev. Canon C. P. Price. Mywife assisted me in the preparation of the index. 

_St. Patrick's Day, 1920. _

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See _Life_, §§ 6 (end), 7, 16, 17, 39 with notes, and AdditionalNote A. 

[2] _E. G. _ in the doctrine of the Eucharist and of Baptism. See_Life_, § 57, and Lanfranc's letter to Donnell in Ussher, 495; _P. L. _cl. 532. 

[3] See p. 46, note 1, and Additional Note B. 

[4] _Life_, § 19. 

[5] R. King, _Memoir Introductory to the Early History of the Primacyof Armagh_, 1854, p. 22. 

[6] See Lawlor, _Psalter and Martyrology of Ricemarch_, vol. I. , pp. Ix-xii. 

[7] MS. A. 4. 20. 

[8] MS. 199. 

[9] Cotton MS. Faustina, C. 1, f. 66. 

[10] Lawlor, _op. Cit. _, pp. Xii. -xvii. 

[11] Lanigan, vol. Iii. P. 446; vol. Iv. Pp. 2-8; Reeves, _On MarianusScotus_, extracted from the _Natural History Review and QuarterlyJournal of Science_, July, 1860. B. MacCarthy, _The CodexPalatino-Vaticanus, No. 830_, 1892, pp. 4 ff. 

[12] Below, p. 18, note 6. 

[13] See below, p. 47, note 3. 

[14] p. 73. 

[15] _Chronicle of John of Worcester_, ed. J. R. H. Weaver, 1908, p. 16. 

[16] p. 18, note 6. 

[17] p. 47, note 3, p. 73, note 1. I can name only three bishops ofDanish sees who were apparently of Danish extraction; and they alllived at a time when the Reformation was far advanced. They are Erolbh(Erulf?), bishop of Limerick, who died in 1151, and Tostius ofWaterford and Turgesius of Limerick, who were in office in 1152. _A. F. M. _ 1151, and _Annals of Clonenagh_ quoted in Keating, iii. 317. 

[18] Ussher, 491. 

[19] Ware, _Bishops_, ed. Harris, p. 309; Eadmer, p. 73. 

[20] Ussher, 518; and below, _Life_, § 8. 

[21] See p. 47, note 3. 

[22] 1115. Eadmer, p. 236. Gougaud (p. 358) infers from this passagethat Limerick was at that time a suffragan see of Canterbury. But thisseems impossible in view of Gilbert's share in the proceedings of theSynod of Rathbreasail five years earlier. Eadmer is not a very goodwitness in such matters, and his language is hardly decisive for tworeasons. (1) It is not clear that he includes Gilbert among thesuffragans who co-operated in the consecration: "Huic consecrationiinterfuerunt et cooperatores extiterunt suffraganei ecclesiaeCantuariensis, episcopi videlicet hi, Willelmus Wintoniensis, RobertusLincoliensis, Rogerus Serberiensis, Johannes Bathoniensis, UrbanusGlamorgatensis, Gislebertus Lumniensis de Hibernia. " (2) The word"suffragan" is often used as meaning merely an assistant bishop. Thusin the fifteenth century several bishops of Dromore were "suffragans"of the archbishop of York; but Dromore was certainly not regarded asone of his suffragan sees. 

[23] Ussher, 532. 

[24] See p. Xxxvi. 

[25] Ussher, 567; _Beati Lanfranci Opera_, ed. J. A. Giles, Oxon. , 1844, vol. I. P. 24. 

[26] See Ussher, 490-497; _P. L. _ cl. 532, 535, 536. This Donnell wasprobably Donnell O'Heney (Ua hEnna), a Munster bishop who died in 1098(_A. U. _). 

[27] Ussher, 515-519. The letter to Donnell is also in _P. L. _ clix. 262. 

[28] Ussher, 520-527; _P. L. _ clix. 173, 178, 243. 

[29] _Miscellany of Irish Archćlogical Society_, vol. I. (1846), p. 136. 

[30] Wilkins, _Concilia_, i. 547. In the form in which Rochfort quotesit the ordinance applies to the whole of Ireland. But we have noevidence of the transformation of dioceses into deaneries outsideMeath; and it is quite probable that a synod held in Meath would havein view, in such a decree, only the conditions which prevailed in thatdistrict. 

[31] The deanery of Dunshaughlin is now named Ratoath. The deanery ofKells has been divided into Upper and Lower Kells. 

[32] The cogency of this argument is enhanced when we observe thatthere is strong independent evidence for the existence in the twelfthcentury of one of the six dioceses--the diocese of Kells. (_a_) Up tothe latter part of the sixteenth century (1583) there was anarchdeacon of Kells, as well as an archdeacon of Meath; thejurisdiction of an archdeacon (at any rate in Ireland) seems to havebeen always originally co-extensive with a diocese. The first knownarchdeacon of Kells was Adam Petit who was in office in 1230 (_R. T. A. _279; _C. M. A. _ i. 101); but it is unlikely that he had no predecessors. (_b_) Among the prelates who greeted Henry II. At Dublin in 1171 wasThaddaeus, bishop of Kells (Benedict of Peterborough (R. S. ), i. 26). (_c_) In the time of Innocent III. (1198-1216) the question was raisedin the papal curia whether the bishop of Kells was subject to thearchbishop of Armagh or the archbishop of Tuam (Theiner, p. 2). (_d_)The bishop of Kells is mentioned in a document of the year 1202 (_Cal. Of Docts. Ireland_, i. 168). (_e_) A contemporary note records thesuppression of the bishopric: "When a Cistercian monk . .. Had beenelected and consecrated bishop of Kells by the common consent of theclergy and people, and had been confirmed by the Pope, the impudentbishop of Meath cast him out with violence and dared to [add] hisbishopric to his own" (_C. M. A. _ ii. 22). This statement implies thatthe dispossessed bishop ruled over a diocese. Moreover, when weremember that the see was certainly suppressed before Rochfort's Synodof 1216, that Rochfort was the first person who assumed the title"bishop of Meath" in the modern sense, and that a bishop of Kells diedin 1211 (_A. L. C. _), we need not hesitate to conclude that the"impudent bishop" was Rochfort himself, and that the suppression wasaccomplished about 1213. 

[33] _I. E. _ dioceses. This synod is mentioned in _A. T. _, _A. I. _ andthe _Annals of Boyle_. Particulars of its Acts and of the personspresent at it are given in _C. S. _ and _D. A. I. _ _C. S. _ has "parish" inthe singular. But this does not seem to yield good sense; for thewhole extent of the kingdom of Meath could scarcely have been called a"parish" in the twelfth century. I therefore read "parishes. " Thesingular may have been substituted for the plural at a later time, when the kingdom (or the greater part of it) included only thedioceses of Meath and Clonmacnoise, and their earlier history wasforgotten. Cp. The unhistorical statement of St. Bernard about Downand Connor in _Life_, § 31. _D. A. I. _ have an anomalous form(_faircheadh_), which may have come from either the singular(_fairche_) or the plural (_faircheadha_) in the exemplar, but moreprobably from the latter. 

[34] p. Xxiv. F. 

[35] See p. 47, note 3. 

[36] Ussher, 513. 

[37] A small portion of the present diocese of Limerick lies north ofthe Shannon. 

[38] Ussher, 501 ff. ; _P. L. _ clix. 995. 

[39] See p. 65, note 1. 

[40] See Additional Note B, pp. 164, 166. The events of Cellach's lifeare gathered from _A. U. _

[41] _Life_, § 19. 

[42] See MacCarthy's Note in _A. U. _ 1101. 

[43] _A. F. M. _, Keating, iii. 297. Keating seems to confuse the eventsof 1101 with those of 1106. 

[44] _Life_, § 33. 

[45] See p. 18, note 6. 

[46] See next page. 

[47] Keating, iii. 299 ff. The date is there misprinted 1100. 

[48] I formerly disputed this identification, on the ground that thearchbishop of Cashel who was present at Fiadh meic Oengusa was O'Dunan(G. T. Stokes, _Ireland and the Celtic Church_, ed. 6, 1907, p. 372). I am now convinced that he was archbishop of Cashel. I was not thenaware that all MSS. Of Keating date the Synod of Rathbreasail in 1110. 

[49] On p. 298 read _no_ (_or_) for _is_ (_and_) before _Dun dáLeathghlas_; and on p. 306 _chathar_ for _chuigear ar fhichid_ (i. E. _twenty-four_ for _twenty-five_). On p. 306 a portion of the note onthe Leinster diocese has evidently dropped out, which should berestored to bring it into conformity with the corresponding passage onp. 302. 

[50] _H. E. _ i. 29. 

[51] _I. E. _ diocese. 

[52] The parish (using the word in its modern sense) in which isNewtown Stewart, co. Derry. 

[53] Ramsay, _Paul the Traveller_ (1907), p. 173. 

[54] Some changes of phraseology might have been made here andelsewhere if Professor MacNeill's _Phases of Irish History_ (1919) hadcome into my hands before this volume went to press. But they wouldnot have affected the argument. 

[55] See _Irish Church Quarterly_, vol. X. P. 234. 

[56] Agus is é teampull Muire i Luimneach a príomheaglais. 

[57] When Cardinal Paparo came to Ireland in 1151 he found "a seeconstituted at Dublin in the diocese of Glendalough. "--_Crede Mihi_(ed. Gilbert), p. 11. 

[58] Ussher, 488 (_P. L. _ cl. 534), 564. 

[59] _Ibid. _ 528, 530; _P. L. _ clix. 109, 216. 

[60] See p. 20, note 3. 

[61] See p. Xxii. 

[62] See p. 18, note 6. 

[63] See above, p. Xxviii. 

[64] There was a bishop of Breifne (_i. E. _ Kilmore) in 1136 (_A. T. _). 

[65] _R. T. A. _ p. 269. 

[66] _Ibid. _ p. 259. 

[67] _Ibid. _ p. 241. 

[68] _Cal. Of Papal Letters_, v. 75. For date see _Cal. Of Documents, Ireland_, i. 168. 

[69] See p. Xxviii, note 1. 

[70] _R. T. A. _ p. 71. 

[71] _Life_, §§ 4-7. 

[72] _Life_, §§ 8 f. , and p. 21, note 1. 

[73] See _Life_, § 12, and p. 27, note 1. 

[74] See _Life_, § 16, and notes. 

[75] p. 33, note 1. 

[76] _Life_, §§ 16, 17. 

[77] See _Life_, § 9, and notes. 

[78] _Life_, § 18. 

[79] _Ibid. _ § 19. 

[80] See p. Xv, and Additional Note B. 

[81] _Life_, §§ 20-31, with notes, and Additional Note C. 

[82] §§ 31, 32. 

[83] See _Life_, § 34 and notes. 

[84] For a fuller account of the beginnings of the diocese of Cloghersee _L. A. J. _ vol. Iv. Pp. 129-159. To the reasons there given forbelieving that Christian transferred the see from Clogher to Louthshould be added the fact that in Tundale (p. 54) he is called_Lugdunensis episcopus_. 

[85] _Life_, §§ 33, 34. 

[86] _Ibid. _ §§ 35-41. The reader may be reminded, however, that thetwo visits of Malachy to Clairvaux, in the course of this journey, produced the friendship between him and St. Bernard, which had itstwofold issue in the composition of the important documents includedin this volume, and the introduction of the Cistercian Order intoIreland. 

[87] _Life_, § 38. 

[88] § 51. 

[89] § 47. 

[90] _Life_, §§ 67-75. 

[91] There was no unnecessary delay on the part of the Pope in sendingthe palls. After the death of Malachy a deputation was sent fromIreland to Rome to demand them. Paparo set out to confer them, andreached England in 1150; but King Stephen would not allow him toproceed to Ireland except on terms which he could not accept. (John ofHexham, p. 326; _Historia Pontificalis_ in _M. G. H. _ xx. 539 f. )

[92] Vol. Iii. P. 313 ff. 

[93] See Letter of Pope Innocent III. To Henry of London, 6 Oct. 1216, in _Crede Mihi_ (ed. Gilbert), p. 11. 

[94] §§ 14, 52. 

[95] See p. 122, note 1. 

[96] Cp. _R. I. A. _ xxxv. 258 ff. This conclusion is corroborated byTundale's Vision, which seems to have been written early in 1149 (seeFriedel and Meyer, _La Vision de Tondale_, 1907, pp. Vi-xii; _Rev. Celt. _ xxviii. 411). The writer speaks of the _Life of Malachy_ asalready written, and in course of transcription (Tundale, p. 5, 'cuiusuitam . .. Bernhardus . .. Transscribit'). He may have derived hiserroneous statement (_ibid. _) that Pope Eugenius went _to Rome_ in theyear of Malachy's death from St. Bernard: see p. 122, note 1. 

[97] _AA. SS. _, Nov. , xii. 1. , 143-146. 

[98] _Sancti Bernardi Abbatis Clarć-vallensis Opera Omnia_, ed. J. Mabillon, 1839, vol. I. 2, cols. 1465-1524. Reprinted _P. L. _ clxxxii. 1073-1118. 

[99] _Op. Cit. _ i. 2, 2221-2231; i. 1, 341, 356, 357, 374; reprintedin _P. L. _ clxxxiii. 481-490; clxxxii. 545 f. , 558 f. , 579 f. 

[100] See notes on pp. 131, 133 f. , 137, 141, 157. 

THE LIFE OF ST. MALACHY

PREFACE

1. It is indeed always worth while to portray the illustrious lives ofthe saints, that they may serve as a mirror and an example, and give, asit were, a relish to the life of men on earth. For by this means in somesort they _live_ among us, even _after death_, [101] and many of thosewho _are dead while they live_[102] are challenged and recalled by themto true life. But now especially is there need for it because holinessis rare, and it is plain that our age is lacking in men. So greatly, intruth, do we perceive that lack to have increased in our day that nonecan doubt that we are smitten by that saying, _Because iniquity shallabound the love of many shall wax cold_;[103] and, as I suppose, he hascome or is at hand of whom it is written, _Want shall go before hisface_. [104] If I mistake not, Antichrist is he whom famine and sterilityof all good both precedes and accompanies. Whether therefore it is theherald of one now present or the harbinger of one who shall comeimmediately, the _want_ is evident. I speak not of the crowd, I speaknot of the vile multitude of _the children of this world_:[105] I wouldhave you lift up your eyes upon the very _pillars_[106] of the Church. Whom can you show me, even of the number of those who seem to be _givenfor a light to the Gentiles_, [107] that in his lofty station is notrather a smoking wick than a blazing lamp? And, says One, _if the lightthat is in thee be darkness, how great is that darkness_![108] Unlessperchance, which I do not believe, you will say that they shine who_suppose that gain is godliness_;[109] who in the Lord's inheritance_seek not the things which are_ the Lord's, but rather _their own_. [110]Why do I say _their own_? He would be perfect and holy, even while heseeks his own and retains his own, who should restrain his heart andhands from the things of others. But let him remember, who seems tohimself to have advanced perhaps thus far, that the same degree ofholiness is demanded even of a gentile. [111] Are not _soldiers_ biddento _be content with their wages_ that they may be saved?[112] But it isa great thing for a doctor of the Church if he be as one of thesoldiers; or, _if_, in truth (as the prophet speaks to their reproach), _it be as with the people so with the priest_. [113] Hideous! Is it soindeed? Is he rightly to be esteemed highest who, falling from thehighest rank can scarce cleave to the lowest, that he be not engulfed inthe abyss? Yet how rare is even such a man among the clergy! Whom, likewise, do you give me who is content with necessaries, who despisessuperfluities? Yet the law has been enjoined beforehand by the Apostleson the successors of the Apostles, _Having_ food _and_ raiment, _let usbe therewith content_. [114] Where is this rule? We see it in books, butnot in men. But you have [the saying] about the righteous man, that _thelaw of his God is in his heart_, [115] not in a codex. Nor is that thestandard of perfection. The perfect man is ready to forgo evennecessaries. But that is beside the mark. [116] Would that some limitwere set on superfluous things! Would that our desires were notinfinite! But what? Perhaps you might find one who can achieve this. Itwould indeed be difficult; but [if we find him] see what we have done. We were seeking for a very good man, a deliverer of many; and lo, wehave labour to discover one who can save himself. The very good manto-day is one who is not utterly bad. 

2. Wherefore, _since the godly man has ceased_[117] from the earth, itseems to me that I do not employ myself to no purpose when I recall toour midst, from among those _who were redeemed from the earth_, [118]Bishop Malachy, a man truly holy, and a man, too, of our own time, ofsingular wisdom and virtue. _He was a burning and a shining light_;[119]and it has not been quenched, but only removed. Who would with goodright be angry with me if I move it back again? Yes indeed, neither themen of my own age, nor any succeeding generation should be wanting ingratitude to me if by my pen I recall one whom the course of nature hasborne away; if I restore to the world one _of whom the world was notworthy_;[120] if I preserve for the memory of men one _whose memory maybe blessed_[121] to all who shall deign to read; if while I rouse mysleeping friend, _the voice of the turtle be heard in our land_[122]saying, _Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world_. [123]Then again, he was buried among us;[124] this duty is eminently ours. Nay, is it not mine, inasmuch as that holy man included me among hisspecial friends, and in such regard that I may believe that I was secondto none _in that respect of glory_?[125] Nor do I find that intercoursewith holiness so eminent misses its reward; I have already received thefirst-fruits. He was near the end; nay, rather, near the beginning, according to the saying, _when a man hath finished then is he but at thebeginning_. [126] I ran to him that _the blessing of him that was readyto_ die might _come upon me_. [127] Already he could not move his otherlimbs; but, mighty to give blessing, he raised his hands upon my headand blessed me. [128] I have _inherited the blessing_;[129] how then canI be silent about him? Finally, you enjoin me to undertake this task, Abbot Congan, [130] my reverend brother and sweet friend, and with youalso (as you write from Ireland) _all_ that _Church of the saints_[131]to which you belong. [132] I obey with a will, the more so because youask not panegyric but narrative. I shall endeavour that it may bechaste and clear, informing the devout, and not wearying the fastidious. At any rate the truth of my narrative is assured, since it has beencommunicated by you;[133] and beyond doubt you assert nothing but thingsof which you have most certain information. 

_Here ends the Prologue. _

FOOTNOTES:

[101] Ecclus. Xlviii. 12 (vg. ). 

[102] 1 Tim. V. 6. Cp. Rev. Iii. 1. 

[103] Matt. Xxiv. 12. 

[104] Job xli. 22 (vg. ). 

[105] Luke xvi. 8. 

[106] Gal. Ii. 9. 

[107] Isa. Xlix. 6. 

[108] Matt. Vi. 23. 

[109] 1 Tim. Vi. 5. 

[110] Phil. Ii. 21; 1 Cor. Xiii. 5. 

[111] Cp. Matt. V. 47. 

[112] Luke iii. 14. 

[113] Isa. Xxiv. 2; Hos. Iv. 9 (inexact quotation). 

[114] 1 Tim. Vi. 8 (inexact quotation). 

[115] Ps. Xxxvii. 31. 

[116] _Gratis. _

[117] Ps. Xii. 1. 

[118] Rev. Xiv. 3. 

[119] John v. 35. 

[120] Heb. Xi. 38. 

[121] Ecclus. Xlv. 1. 

[122] Cant. Ii. 12. For the meaning compare Cant. Lix. 3: The voice ofthe turtle "is a sign that winter is past, proclaiming neverthelessthat the time of pruning has come. .. . The voice, more like one whogroans than one who sings, admonishes us of our pilgrimage. " AfterEugenius III. Had visited Clairvaux St. Bernard wrote, "The voice ofthe turtle has been heard in our chapter. We had great joy anddelight. " (_Ep. 273. _)

[123] Matt. Xxviii. 20. 

[124] That is, at Clairvaux. See § 75. 

[125] Apparently a confused reference to 2 Cor. Iii. 10; xi. 17 (vg. ). 

[126] Ecclus. Xviii. 7 (inexact quotation). 

[127] Job xxix. 13. 

[128] See § 73, end. 

[129] 1 Pet. Iii. 9. 

[130] This abbot, to whom the _Life_ is dedicated, belonged to theCistercian Order, as the words "reverend brother" imply. He maytherefore be identified with Congan, abbot of the Cistercian monasteryof the Suir, mentioned in § 64. That he was personally known to St. Bernard is clear; and it is probable that he was one of the Irishmenwho by Malachy's desire were instructed at Clairvaux (§ 39). ThadyDowling (_Annals_, _s. A. _ 1147) identifies him with "Cogganus, " abbotof Killeshin, near Carlow, stating on the authority of NicholasMaguire that he wrote the _gesta_ of Malachy and Bernard. Though thisstatement is probably not accurate, it is possible that our Congan wasabbot of Killeshin before he became a Cistercian. 

[131] Ecclus. Xxxi. 11 (vg. ). 

[132] _Vestra illa omnis ecclesia sanctorum. _ We should perhapsrender, "the whole church of holy persons over which you preside, "_i. E. _ Congan's convent. Elsewhere in the _Life_, _ecclesia_ is usedfor a local community, such as the church of Armagh (§ 20, etc). Butsee Serm. I. § 3. Vacandard understands the phrase to mean "theCistercian communities of Ireland" (_R. Q. H. _ lii. 48). 

[133] _Vobis_ (pl. ); _i. E. _ Congan and others in Ireland. 

_Here begins the life of Malachy the Bishop_

CHAPTER I

_The early life of Malachy. Having been admitted to Holy Orders heassociates with Malchus_

[Sidenote: 1095. ]

1. Our Malachy, born in Ireland, [134] of a barbarous people, was broughtup there, and there received his education. But from the barbarism ofhis birth he contracted no taint, any more than the fishes of the seafrom their native salt. But how delightful to reflect, that unculturedbarbarism should have produced for us so worthy[135] _a fellow-citizenwith the saints and member of the household of God_. [136] He who brings_honey out of the rock and oil out of the flinty rock_[137] Himself didthis. His parents, [138] however, were great both by descent and inpower, _like unto the name of the great men that are in the earth_. [139]Moreover his mother, [140] more noble in mind than in blood, took pains, _in the very beginning of his ways_, [141] _to show_ to her child _theways of life_, [142] esteeming this knowledge of more value to him thanthe empty knowledge of the learning of this world. For both, however, hehad aptitude in proportion to his age. In the schools _he was taught_learning, at home _the fear of the Lord_, [143] and by daily progress heduly responded to both teacher and mother. [144] For indeed he wasendowed from the first with a _good spirit_, [145] in virtue of which hewas a docile boy and very lovable, wonderfully gracious to all in allthings. But he was [now] drinking, instead of milk from the breast of amother, _the waters of saving wisdom_, [146] and day by day he wasincreasing in discretion. In discretion, shall I say, or in holiness? IfI say both, I shall not regret it, _for I should say the truth_. [147] Hebehaved as an old man, a boy in years without a boy's playfulness. Andwhen because of this he was regarded with reverence and astonishment byall, he was not found on that account, as commonly happens, morearrogant, but rather quiet and subdued in _all meekness_. [148] Notimpatient of rule, not shunning discipline, not averse from reading, not, therefore, eager for games--so especially dear to the heart of boysof that age. _And he advanced beyond all of his own age_[149] in thatlearning, at least, which suited his years. For in discipline of moralsand advance in virtues in a short time he even outshone _all hisinstructors_. [150] His _unction_, [151] however, rather than his mother, was his teacher. Urged by it he exercised himself not slothfully also indivine things, to seek solitude, _to anticipate vigils_, [152] to_meditate in the law_, [153] to eat sparingly, to pray frequently, and(because on account of his studies he had not leisure to frequent thechurch, and from modesty would not) to _lift up holy handseverywhere_[154] to heaven; but only where it could be donesecretly--for already he was careful to avoid vainglory, that poison ofvirtues. [155]

2. There is a hamlet near the city in which the boy studied, [156]whither his teacher was wont to go often, accompanied by him alone. Whenthey were going there both together, as he related afterwards, he would_step back, stop a moment_, [157] and standing behind his teacher, whenhe was not aware of it, _spread forth his hands toward heaven_, [158] andquickly send forth a prayer, as if it were a dart; and, thusdissembling, once more would follow the teacher. By such a pious trickthe boy often deceived him who was his companion as well as teacher. Itis not possible to mention all the qualities which adorned his earlieryears with the hue of a good natural disposition; we must hasten togreater and more useful matters. One further incident, however, Irelate because, in my judgement, it yielded a sign, not only of good, but also of great hope in the boy. Roused once on a time by thereputation of a certain teacher, famous in the studies which are calledliberal, he went to him desiring to learn. For indeed he was nowgrasping after the last opportunities of boyhood, and was longingeagerly for such learning. But when he went into the house he saw theman playing with an awl, and with rapid strokes making furrows in thewall in some strange fashion. And shocked at the bare sight, because itsmacked of levity, the serious boy dashed away from him, and did notcare even to see him from that time forward. Thus, though an avidstudent of letters, as a lover of virtue he esteemed them lightly incomparison with that which was becoming. By such preliminary exercisesthe boy was being prepared for the conflict which awaited him in moreadvanced[159] age; and already in his own person he was challenging theadversary. Such, then, was the boyhood of Malachy. Moreover he passedthrough his adolescence with like simplicity and purity; except that as_years_ increased, there _increased_ also for him _wisdom and favourwith God and man_. [160]

3. From this time, that is, from his early adolescence, _what was in theman_[161] began to appear more plainly, and it came to be seen that _thegrace of God which was in him was not in vain_. [162] For the_industrious young man_, [163] seeing how _the world lieth inwickedness_, [164] and considering what sort of spirit _he had received_, said within himself, "It is _not the spirit of this world_. [165] Whathave the two in common?[166] One has no _communion_ with the other anymore than _light with darkness_. [167] But my spirit _is of God_, and _Iknow the things that are freely given me_[168] in it. From it I haveinnocence of life till now, from it the ornament of continence, from ithunger for _righteousness_, [169] from it also that _glory of mine_, byso much more secure because it is more secret, _the testimony of myconscience_. [170] None of these is safe for me under _the prince of thisworld_. [171] Then, _I have this treasure in an earthen vessel_. [172] Imust take heed lest it should strike against something and be broken, and the _oil of gladness_[173] which I carry be poured out. And in truthit is most difficult not to strike _against something amid_ the stonesand rocks _of this_ crooked and winding _way and life_. [174] Must I thusin a moment lose together all _the blessings of goodness with which_ Ihave been _prevented_[175] from the beginning? Rather do I resign them, and myself with them, to Him from whom they come. Yea, and I am His. I_lose my_ very _soul_[176] for a time that I may not lose it for ever. And what I am and all that I have, where can they be as safe as in thehand of their Author? Who so concerned to preserve, so powerful to hold, so faithful to restore? He will preserve in safety. He will restore ingood time. Without hesitation I give myself to serve Him by His gifts. Icannot lose aught of all that I spend on my labour of piety. Perchance Imay even hope for some greater boon. He who gives freely is wont torepay with usury. So it is. He will even heap up and _increase virtue inmy soul_. "[177]

So he thought--and did; _knowing that_ apart from deeds _the thoughts ofman are vanity_. [178]

[Sidenote: c. 1112. ]

4. (3) There was a man in the city of Armagh, [179] where Malachy wasbrought up--a holy man and of great austerity of life, a pitiless_castigator of his body_, [180] who had a cell near the church. [181] Init he abode, _serving God with fastings and prayers day and night_. [182]To this man Malachy betook himself to receive a rule[183] of life fromhim, who had condemned himself while alive to such sepulture. And notehis humility. From his earliest age he had had God as his teacher--thereis no doubt of it--in the art of holiness; and behold, he became oncemore the disciple of a man, himself a man _meek and lowly inheart_. [184] If we did not know it, by this one deed he himself gave usproof of it. Let them read this who attempt to teach what they have notlearned, _heaping to themselves_ disciples, [185] though they have neverbeen disciples, _blind leaders of the blind_. [186] Malachy, _taught ofGod_, [187] none the less sought a man to be his teacher, and thatcarefully and wisely. By what better method, I ask, could he both giveand receive a proof of his progress? If the example of Malachy _is_ forthem _a very small thing_, [188] let them consider the action of Paul. Did not he judge that his _Gospel_, though he had _not received it ofman but_ from _Christ_, [189] _should be discussed_ with men, _lest byany means he was running or had run in vain_?[190] Where he was notconfident, neither am I. If any one be thus confident[191] let him takeheed lest it be not so much confidence as rashness. But these mattersbelong to another time. 

5. Now, however, the rumour of what had happened went through the city, and it was universally stirred by this new and unexpected event. Allwere amazed, and wondered at his virtue, all the more because it wasunusual in a rude people. You would see that then _thoughts were beingrevealed out of the hearts of many_. [192] The majority, considering theact from a human standpoint, were lamenting and grieving that a youthwho was an object of love and delight to all had given himself up tosuch severe labours. Others, suspecting lightness on account of hisage, doubted whether he would persevere, and feared a fall. Some, accusing him of rashness, were in fact highly indignant with him becausehe had undertaken a difficult task, beyond his age and strength, withoutconsulting them. But without counsel he did nothing; for he had counselfrom the prophet who says, _It is good for a man that he bear the yokein his youth_, and adds, _He sitteth alone and keepeth silence becausehe hath borne it upon him. _[193] The youth sat at the feet of Imar (forthat was the man's name) and either _learned obedience_[194] or showedthat he had learnt it. He sat as one that was at rest, as meek, ashumble. _He sat and kept silence_, [195] knowing, as the prophet says, that _silence is the ornament of righteousness_. [196] _He sat_ as onethat perseveres, _he was silent_ as one that is modest, except that bythat silence of his he was speaking, with holy David, in the ears ofGod: _I am a youth and despised, yet do not I forget thy precepts. _[197]And for a time _he sat alone_, because he had neither companion norexample; for who before Malachy even thought of attempting the mostsevere discipline inculcated by the man? It was held by all indeed to bewonderful, but not imitable. Malachy showed that it was imitable by themere act of sitting and keeping silence. In a few days he had imitatorsnot a few, stirred by his example. So he who at first _sat alone_[198]and the only son of his father, became now one of many, from being _theonly-begotten_[199] became _the firstborn among many brethren_. [200] Andas he was before them in conversion, [201] so was he more sublime thanthey in conversation; and he who came before all, in the judgement ofall was eminent above all in virtue. And he seemed both to hisbishop[202] and to his teacher, [203] worthy to be promoted to the degreeof deacon. _And they constrained him. _[204]

[Sidenote: 1119(?)]

[Sidenote: 1120. ]

6. (4) From this time onwards the Levite[205] of the Lord publiclygirded himself to every work of piety, but more especially to thosethings in which there seemed some indignity. In fact it was his greatestcare to attend to the burial of the dead poor, [206] because thatsavoured not less of humility than of humanity. Nor did _temptation_fail to test our modern Tobit, [207] and, as in the old story, it camefrom a woman, [208] or rather from the serpent through a woman. [209] Hissister, [210] abhorring the indignity (as it seemed to her) of hisoffice, said: "What are you doing, madman? _Let the dead bury theirdead. _"[211] And she attacked him daily with this _reproach_. [212] Buthe _answered the foolish_ woman _according to her folly_, [213] "Wretchedwoman, you preserve the sound of the _pure word_, [214] but you areignorant of its force. " So he maintained with devotion, and exercisedunweariedly the ministry which he had undertaken under compulsion. Forthat reason also they[215] deemed that the office of the priesthoodshould be conferred upon him. And this was done. But when he wasordained priest he was about twenty-five years old. [216] And if in bothhis ordinations the rule of the Canons seems to have been somewhatdisregarded--as indeed does seem to have been the case, for he receivedthe Levitical ministry before his twenty-fifth, and the dignity of thepriesthood before his thirtieth year[217]--it may well be ascribed tothe zeal of the ordainer and the merits of him who was ordained. [218]But for my part, I consider that such irregularity should neither becondemned in the case of a saint, nor deliberately claimed by him who isnot a saint. Not content with this the bishop also committed to him hisown authority[219] _to sow the_ holy _seed_[220] in a _nation_ which wasnot _holy_, [221] and to give to a people rude and living _withoutlaw_, [222] the law of life and of discipline. He received the commandwith all alacrity, even as he was _fervent in spirit_, [223] nothoarding up his talents, but eager for profit from them. [224] Andbehold he began to _root out_ with the hoe of the tongue, _to destroy_, _to scatter_, [225] day by day making _the crooked straight and the roughplaces plain_. [226] _He rejoiced as a giant to run_ everywhere. [227] Youmight call him a consuming _fire_ burning _the briers_ of crimes. [228]You might call him _an axe_ or _a mattock casting down_[229] evilplantings. [230] He extirpated barbaric rites, he planted those of theChurch. All out-worn superstitions (for not a few of them werediscovered) he abolished, and, wheresoever he found it, every sort ofmalign influence _sent by evil angels_. [231]

7. In fine whatsoever came to his notice which was irregular orunbecoming or perverse his _eye did not spare_;[232] but as the hailscatters the _untimely figs_ from _the fig-trees_, [233] and as _the windthe dust from the face of the earth_, [234] so did he strive with all hismight to drive out before his face and destroy entirely such things fromhis people. And in place of all these the most excellent legislatordelivered the heavenly laws. He made regulations full of righteousness, full of moderation and integrity. Moreover in all churches he ordainedthe apostolic sanctions and the decrees of the holy fathers, andespecially the customs of the holy Roman Church. [235] Hence it is thatto this day there is chanting and psalmody in them at the canonicalhours after the fashion of the whole world. For there was no such thingbefore, not even in the city. [236] He, however, had learnt singing inhis youth, and soon he introduced song into his monastery, [237] while asyet none in the city, nor in the whole bishopric, could or would sing. Then Malachy instituted anew[238] the most wholesome usage ofConfession, [239] the Sacrament of Confirmation, the Marriagecontract--of all of which they were either ignorant or negligent. [240]And let these serve as an example of the rest, for [here] and throughthe whole course of the history we omit much for the sake of brevity. 

8. (5). Since he had a desire and a very great zeal for the honouring ofthe divine offices and the veneration of the sacraments, lest by chancehe might ordain or teach anything concerning these matters otherwisethan that which was in accordance with the rite of the universal Church, it came into his mind to visit Bishop Malchus, [241] that he might givehim fuller information on all points. He was _an old man, full ofdays_[242] and virtues, and _the wisdom of God was in him_. [243] He wasof Irish nationality, but had lived in England in the habit and rule ofa monk in the monastery of Winchester, from which he was promoted to bebishop in Lismore, [244] a city of Munster, and one of the noblest of thecities of that kingdom. There so great grace was bestowed upon him fromabove that he was illustrious, not only for life and doctrine, but alsofor signs. Of these I set down two as examples, that it may be known toall what sort of preceptor Malachy had in the knowledge of holy things. He healed a boy, who was troubled with a mental disorder, one of thosewho are called lunatics, in the act of confirming him with the holyunction. This was so well known and certain that he soon made him porterof his house, and the boy lived in good health in that office till hereached manhood. He restored hearing to one who was deaf; in whichmiracle the deaf person acknowledged a wonderful fact, that when thesaint put his fingers into his ears on either side he perceived thattwo things like little pigs came out of them. For these and other suchdeeds, his fame increased and he won a great name; so that Scots[245]and Irish flowed together to him and he was reverenced by all as the onefather of all. 

[Sidenote: 1121]

When therefore Malachy, having received the blessing of Father Imar, andhaving been sent by the bishop, [246] came to him, after a prosperousjourney, he was kindly received by the old man; and he remained with himfor some years, [247] in order that by staying so long he might drawfuller draughts from his aged breast, knowing that which is written, _With the ancient is wisdom. _[248] But I suppose that another cause ofhis long sojourn was that the great Foreseer of all things would haveHis servant Malachy become known to all in a place to which so manyresorted, since he was to be useful to all. For he could not but be dearto those who knew him. In fact one thing happened in that period, bywhich in some measure he made manifest to men what had been known toGod as being in him. 

[Sidenote: 1127]

9. A conflict having taken place between the king of SouthMunster[249]--which is the southern part of Ireland--and hisbrother, [250] and the brother being victorious, the king, driven fromhis kingdom, sought refuge with Bishop Malchus. [251] It was not, however, in order that with his help he should recover the kingdom; butrather the devout prince _gave place unto wrath_[252] and made a virtueof necessity, [253] choosing to lead a private life. And when the bishopwas preparing to receive the king with due honour, he declined it, saying that he preferred to be as one of those poor brothers whoconsorted with him, to lay aside his royal state, and to be content withthe common poverty, rather to await the will of God than to get back hiskingdom by force; and that he would not for his earthly honour _shedman's blood_, [254] since it would _cry unto_ God against him _from theground_. [255] When he heard this the bishop rejoiced greatly, and withadmiration for his devotion satisfied his desire. Why more? The king isgiven a poor house for his dwelling, Malachy for his teacher, bread withsalt and water for his food. Moreover for dainties, the presence ofMalachy, his life and doctrine, were sufficient for the king; so that hemight say to him, _How sweet are thy words unto my taste, yea, sweeterthan honey to my mouth. _[256] Besides, _every night he watered his couchwith his tears_, [257] and also with a daily bath of cold water hequenched the burning lust for evil in his flesh. And the king prayed inthe words of another king, _Look upon my affliction and my pain; andforgive all my sins. _[258] And _God did not turn away his prayer nor Hismercy from him_. [259] _And his supplication was heard_, [260] althoughotherwise than he had desired. For he was troubled about his soul; butGod, the avenger of innocence, willing to show men _that there is aremainder for the man of peace_, [261] was preparing meanwhile _toexecute a judgement for the oppressed_, [262] which was utterly beyondhis hope. And God _stirred up the spirit_ of a neighbouring _king_:[263]for Ireland is not one kingdom, but is divided into many. This kingtherefore seeing what had been done, was filled with wrath; andindignant, on the one hand, at the freedom of the raiders and theinsolence of the proud, and on the other, pitying the desolation of thekingdom and the downfall of the king, he went down to the cell of thepoor man; urged him to return, but did not succeed in persuading him. Hewas instant, nevertheless, pledged himself to help him, assured him thathe need not doubt the result, promised that God would be with him, _whomall his adversaries would not be able to resist_. [264] He laid beforehim also the oppression of the poor and the devastation of his country;yet he prevailed not. 

10. But when to these arguments were added the command of thebishop[265] and the advice of Malachy--the two men on whom he whollydepended--at length, with difficulty, he consented. A king followed aking, and according to the word of the king, [266] _as was the will inheaven_, [267] the marauders were driven out with absolute ease, and theman was led back to his own, with great rejoicing of his people, and wasrestored to his kingdom. From that time the king loved and alwaysreverenced Malachy; so much the more because he had learned more fullyin the holy man the things that were worthy of reverence and affection. For he could not be ignorant of the holiness of him with whom he hadenjoyed so much intimacy in his adversity. Therefore he honoured him themore in his prosperity with constant acts of friendship, and faithfulservices, _and he heard him gladly, and when he heard him did manythings_. [268] But enough of this. Nevertheless I suppose it was notwithout purpose that the Lord so magnified him then _before kings_, [269]but _he was a chosen vessel unto Him_, about _to bear His name beforekings_ and princes. [270]

FOOTNOTES:

[134] Malachy was born in 1095, before November. See below, p. 130. N. 2. 

[135] _Urbanum_, citizen-like. 

[136] Eph. Ii. 19. 

[137] Deut. Xxxii. 13. 

[138] _A. T. _ make the curious statement that "Mael Maedoc o Mongairand his father Mughron" died in 1102. This is perhaps sufficientevidence that Malachy's father was Mughron Ua Morgair, who accordingto _A. U. _ was _ard fer légind_ (chief professor) at Armagh, and diedat Mungret, Co. Limerick, on October 5, 1102. Malachy was then onlyseven or eight years of age. Thus we may account for the large parttaken by his mother in his early education. But a poem attributed toMalachy (_L. B. _ 88) calls his father Dermot. The form of the surnamevaries. It is usually written Ua Morgair; but _A. T. _, _A. I. _ (UaMongain), _L. B. _ (_l. C. _), and the Yellow Book of Lecan (T. C. D. MS. H. 2. 16, p. 327 c), have Ua Mongair. The form Ua Morgair is certainlyright, for it appears in the contemporary Book of Leinster (_R. I. A. _xxxv. 355-360); and Ua Mongair obviously arose out of it throughconfusion of the similar letters _r_ and _n_. The name must have beenunfamiliar, if it had not died out, when the mistake was made. Therefore we may accept Colgan's statement that the family was knownas O'Dogherty in his day (_Trias_, p. 299). If so, they had probablyonly resumed an earlier surname: for according to MacFirbis (RoyalIrish Academy MS. 23 P. 1, p. 698) Malachy was of the same stock asSt. Mael Brigte, son of Tornan. The latter, as well as theO'Doghertys, were of the race of Conall Gulban (Adamnan, Genealogyopp. P. 342). 

[139] 2 Sam. Vii. 9. 

[140] It is interesting to note the emphasis laid by St. Bernard onthe influence of Malachy's mother on his life. How much he himselfowed to his mother Aleth is well known. See _V. P. _ i. 1, 2, 9, 10. Malachy's mother was probably a member of the family of O'Hanratty. See below, p. 27, n. 2. 

[141] Prov. Viii. 22. 

[142] Ps. Xvi. 11. 

[143] Ps. Xxxiv. 11. 

[144] The description of Malachy's boyhood by St. Bernard may becompared with that given of his own boyhood in _V. P. _ i. 3. It waswritten before the _Life of Malachy_. 

[145] Neh. Ix. 20; Ps. Cxliii. 10. 

[146] Ecclus. Xv. 2, 3 (vg. ). 

[147] 2 Cor. Xii. 6. 

[148] Eph. Iv. 2. 

[149] Gal. I. 14. 

[150] Ps. Cxix. 99. 

[151] 1 John ii. 20. 

[152] Ps. Lxxvii. 4 (vg. ). 

[153] Ps. I. 2. 

[154] 1 Tim. Ii. 8. 

[155] _Virus uirtutum. _

[156] Armagh. See § 4. 

[157] Cp. Virg. _Aen. _ vi. 465. 

[158] 1 Kings viii. 22, 54. 

[159] _Fortiori. _

[160] Luke ii. 40, 52. 

[161] John ii. 25. 

[162] 1 Cor. Xv. 10. 

[163] 1 Kings xi. 28. 

[164] 1 John v. 19. 

[165] 1 Cor. Ii. 12. 

[166] Cp. John ii. 4 (vg. ). 

[167] 2 Cor. Vi. 14. 

[168] 1 Cor. Ii. 12. 

[169] Cp. Matt. V. 6. 

[170] 2 Cor. I. 12 (vg. ). 

[171] John xiv. 30, etc. 

[172] 2 Cor. Iv. 7. 

[173] Ps. Xlv. 7. 

[174] Collect of Mass for Travellers. 

[175] Ps. Xxi. 3. 

[176] Matt. X. 39. 

[177] Ps. Cxxxviii. 3 (vg. ). 

[178] Ps. Xciv. 11. 

[179] His name was Imar (§ 5). He was no doubt Imar O'Hagan, whofounded the monastery of St. Paul and St. Peter at Armagh, and built astone church for it which was consecrated on October 21, 1126. It wasplaced, either at its foundation or subsequently, under the rule ofthe regular canons of St. Augustine. Imar died on pilgrimage at Romein 1134, and is commemorated in Gorman on August 13, and in Usuard onNovember 12. He was at this time evidently leading the life of ananchoret. Reeves (_Churches_, p. 28) inferred from his Christian namethat he had some Danish blood in his veins. There is no certainindication of Malachy's age when he became his disciple. But he hadreached adolescence (§ 3), and was old enough to choose his ownteachers (§ 2). In 1112 he was seventeen years of age. We shall seethat he long acknowledged Imar as his master: §§ 5, 6, 8, 12, 14, 16. 

[180] 1 Cor. Ix. 27 (vg. ). 

[181] That is, apparently, the great stone church (_daimliac mór_), onwhich Cellach put a shingle roof in 1125. According to Reeves(_Churches_, pp. 14, 28) it was probably on the site of the presentCathedral, from which the Abbey of St. Paul and St. Peter was distant130 yards to the north. It was the principal church of Armagh till1268. For an account of the life of such recluses as Imar the readermay be referred to B. MacCarthy, _Codex Palatino-Vaticanus No. 830_, p. 5 f. 

[182] Luke ii. 37. 

[183] _Formam. _ The word, as used by St. Bernard, seems to include thetwo notions of rule and example. It would seem that Malachy receivedsome sort of monastic rule from Imar. Cp. § 7, "his monastery, " andthe reference to "the first day of his conversion" in § 43. Bothpassages imply that he belonged to a religious order. So in § 5 he issaid to have been before the other disciples of Imar "in conversion. "On later occasions he was subject to Imar's "command" (§§ 14, 16). Itis not improbable that the disciples who gathered round Imar were thenucleus of the community which he founded at Armagh (note 1). If so, the inference is reasonable that Malachy became a regular canon of St. Augustine. 

[184] Matt. Xi. 29. 

[185] Cp. 2 Tim. Iv. 3. 

[186] Matt. Xv. 14. 

[187] Isa. Liv. 13; John vi. 45. 

[188] 1 Cor. Iv. 3. 

[189] Gal. I. 11, 12. 

[190] Gal. Ii. 2. 

[191] Printed text, _hoc scit_. I read _sit_ with K (_hec sit_), andtwo of de Backer's MSS. 

[192] Luke ii. 35. 

[193] Lam. Iii. 27, 28 (inexact quotation). 

[194] Heb. V. 8. 

[195] The rule of silence was very strictly observed by theCistercians. This explains the stress laid by St. Bernard, here andelsewhere, on Malachy's practice. Cp. The Preface of Philip ofClairvaux to _V. P. _ vi. : "In truth I have learned nothing that canmore effectively deserve the riches of the grace of the Lord than tosit and be silent, and always to condescend to men of low estate. "

[196] Isa. Xxxii. 17 (vg. ). 

[197] Ps. Cxix. 141 (vg. ). 

[198] Lam. Iii. 28. 

[199] John i. 14, 18. 

[200] Rom. Viii. 29. 

[201] The technical word for entry into a religious order. 

[202] Cellach, archbishop of Armagh (§ 19), son of Aedh, and grandsonof Maelisa, who was abbot of Armagh 1064-1091. He was born early in1080. Of his childhood and youth we know nothing, for the statement ofMeredith Hanmer (_Chron. Of Ireland_ (1633), p. 101) that he is saidto have been "brought up at Oxford" is probably as inaccurate as otherassertions which he makes about him. Cellach was elected abbot ofArmagh in August, 1105, and in the following month (September 23) hereceived Holy Orders. In 1106, while engaged on a visitation ofMunster, he was consecrated bishop. Thus he departed from theprecedent set by his eight predecessors, who were without orders (§19). He was one of the leaders of the Romanizing party in Ireland, andattended the Synod of Rathbreasail in 1110 (Keating, iii. 307). Hedied in his fiftieth year, at Ardpatrick, in co. Limerick, on April 1, 1129, and was buried on April 4 at Lismore. These facts are mainlygathered from the Annals. For more about Cellach, see p. Xxxiv. 

[203] Imar. See above p. 11, n. 1. 

[204] Luke xxiv. 29. --Malachy can hardly have been more, he wasprobably less, than twenty-three years of age at this time. See p. 16, n. 2. 

[205] _I. E. _ deacon. 

[206] It does not appear that deacons as such were specially concernedwith the burial of the dead. The present passage, indeed, implies thecontrary. Malachy was made deacon against his will; his care for thedead poor is mentioned as a work of piety, voluntarily superadded tothe duties of his office. His sister (see below) would have beenunlikely to ask him to abandon a practice which he could not decline. But there was ancient precedent for a deacon engaging in such work, ofwhich Malachy may have been aware. At Alexandria throughout thepersecution of Valerian, one of the deacons, Eusebius by name, notwithout danger to himself, prepared for burial the bodies of "theperfect and blessed martyrs" (Eus. , _H. E. _ vii. 11. 24). 

[207] _Tobiae. _ The Greek of the Book of Tobit, followed by theEnglish versions, calls the father Tobit, and the son Tobias; theVulgate calls both Tobias. The text of chap. Ii. Is longer in theVulgate than in the Greek and English, and neither of the verses(Vulg. 12, 23) from which St. Bernard here borrows words isrepresented in the latter. 

[208] Tobit ii. 12 (vg. ). 

[209] Cp. Gen. Iii. 12 f. 

[210] She is mentioned again in § 11. 

[211] Matt. Viii. 22. 

[212] Tobit ii. 23 (vg. ). 

[213] Prov. Xxvi. 5. 

[214] Ps. Xii. 6. 

[215] Cellach and Imar. 

[216] Malachy completed his twenty-fifth year in 1120. See p. 130, n. 2. For the date of his ordination to the priesthood see p. 16, n. 2. 

[217] For the canons of councils which regulated the minimum age ofdeacons and priests reference may be made to the article "Orders, Holy, " by the late Dr. Edwin Hatch in the _Dictionary of ChristianAntiquities_, vol. Ii. P. 1482 f. From a very early date they wererespectively twenty-five and thirty years, in accordance with thestatement of the text, though there were some exceptions in remoteplaces. The eighth-century Irish Canons, known as the _Hibernensis_, prescribe the same minimum ages for the diaconate and presbyterate, and add a clause, the gist of which seems to be that a bishop at thetime of his consecration must be thirty or forty years of age(Wasserschleben, _Irische Kanonesammlung_, 1885, p. 8). As late as theyear 1089, at the Council of Melfi, presided over by Pope Urban II. , it was decreed (can. 5, Mansi, xx. 723) that none should be admitteddeacon under twenty-four or twenty-five years of age, or priest underthirty. But at the Council of Ravenna, 1315 (can. 2, _ibid. _ xxv. 537), the ages were lowered to twenty and twenty-five respectively. 

[218] Cellach would hardly have understood the need for this apology. It is more than probable that he was ignorant of the canons referredto. He himself was ordained, apparently to the priesthood, in 1105, when he was under twenty-six, and consecrated bishop in 1106, when hewas under twenty-seven years of age. St. Bernard himself seems to havebeen ordained priest when he was about twenty-five years old(Vacandard, i. 67). 

[219] In other words he made him his vicar. This may well have been in1120; for the Annals record that in that year Cellach made avisitation of Munster. It was quite natural that during a prolongedabsence from his see he should leave its administration in the handsof one who had proved himself so capable as Malachy. And we shall seethat this date harmonizes with other chronological data. If, then, weplace the beginning of Malachy's vicariate in 1120, his ordination aspriest, which appears to have been not much earlier, may be dated in1119, when he was "about twenty-five years of age, " _i. E. _ probablysoon after his twenty-fourth birthday. His admission to the diaconatemay be placed at least a year earlier, _i. E. _ in 1118. Indeed, if wecould be sure that in Ireland the normal interval between admission tothe diaconate and to the priesthood was at all as long as in othercountries we might put it further back. 

[220] Luke viii. 5. 

[221] 1 Pet. Ii. 9. 

[222] Rom. Ii. 12. 

[223] Rom. Xii. 11. 

[224] Cp. Matt. Xxv. 24 ff. 

[225] Jer. I. 10 (vg. ). 

[226] Isa. Xl. 4. 

[227] Ps. Xix. 5. 

[228] Cp. Isa. X. 17. 

[229] Ps. Lxxiv. 6 (vg. ). 

[230] Cp. Ignatius, _Trall. _ 11. 

[231] Ps. Lxxviii. 49 (vg. : inexact quotation). 

[232] Ezek. V. 11, etc. 

[233] Cp. Rev. Vi. 13. 

[234] Ps. I. 4 (vg. ). 

[235] Malachy acted in accordance with the aims of Gilbert, bishop ofLimerick, who about the year 1108, wrote these words (_De UsuEcclesiastico_, in Ussher, 500): "I have endeavoured to describe thecanonical custom in saying the hours and performing the office of thewhole ecclesiastical order . .. To the end that the various andschismatical orders, with which almost the whole of Ireland has beendeluded, may give place to the one Catholic and Roman office. "

[236] Armagh. 

[237] This was probably the monastery of SS. Peter and Paul. See p. 11, n. 5. J. De Backer's suggestion (_AA. SS. _, Nov. Ii. 1, p. 147), that "his monastery" was Bangor is negatived by the whole context, which refers only to Armagh. 

[238] The word "anew" (_de nouo_) seems to indicate St. Bernard'sbelief that it was only in comparatively recent times that the usagesto which he refers had fallen into desuetude. 

[239] It is interesting to observe that Confession is here not rankedas a sacrament. 

[240] For the statements in this section see Additional Note A. 

[241] Mael Isa Ua hAinmire, who is always called Malchus in Latindocuments, though a native of Ireland, had been a monk of Winchester, as we are here told. He was elected first bishop of the Danish colonyof Waterford in 1096, and was consecrated by Anselm, assisted by thebishops of Chichester and Rochester, at Canterbury on December 28, having previously made his profession of obedience to the archbishopas one of his suffragans (Eadmer, p. 76 f. ; Ussher, pp. 518, 565). Hesigned the Acts of the Synod of Rathbreasail in 1110 as archbishop ofCashel (Keating, iii. 307). He had probably been translated to thatsee shortly after its foundation in 1106 (see below, p. 65, n. 4). TheSynod of Rathbreasail enlarged the Danish diocese of Waterford byadding to it an extensive non-Danish area, which included the ancientreligious site of Lismore, on which St. Carthach or Mochuta hadfounded a community in the early part of the seventh century (Lanigan, ii. 353). The Synod decreed that the see of this diocese should beeither at Lismore or at Waterford, apparently giving preference to theformer (see p. Xlvii). It would seem that after organizing the dioceseof Cashel Malchus retired to his former "parish, " just as at a laterdate Malachy retired from Armagh to Down (§ 31), placing his see atLismore. There, at any rate, he was established when Malachy visitedhim, and there he died in 1135 "after the 88th year of his pilgrimage"(_A. F. M. _). An attempt has been made to distinguish Mael Isa UahAinmire from the Malchus of the text (Lanigan, iv. 74), but withoutsuccess. It is interesting to observe that both _A. F. M. _ and _A. T. _style him bishop of Waterford in the record of his death. 

[242] Gen. Xxxv. 29; 1 Chron. Xxiii. 1; Job xlii. 16. --Malchus was inhis 75th year when Malachy visited him in 1121. See preceding note, and p. 20, n. 3. 

[243] 1 Kings iii. 28. 

[244] An error for Waterford. It is explained by, and confirms, thesuggestion that Malchus transferred the see to Lismore. 

[245] Throughout the _Life_, _Scotia_ is used, in its later sense, forthe country now called Scotland; and here the Scots are evidently itsinhabitants. But traces of earlier usage remain in § 14, "a Scotic(_i. E. _ Irish) work, " § 61 "We are Scots, " and § 72 where Ireland iscalled "further Scotland" (_ulterior Scotia_). 

[246] Cellach. Note Imar's share in the matter, and cp. P. 11, n. 1. 

[247] Malachy must have been the archbishop's vicar for a considerabletime if the account of his labours in that capacity (§ 7) is notgrossly exaggerated. Hence, if his vicariate began in 1119 or 1120 hisdeparture for Lismore can hardly have been earlier than 1121; and ashe spent "some years" there before he was raised to the episcopate(1124; see § 16), it cannot have been later. Samuel O'Hanley, bishopof Dublin, died on July 4, 1121, and Cellach at once made an attempt, which proved unsuccessful, to take possession of the vacant see. Samuel's successor, Gregory, was duly elected, and was consecrated atLambeth on October 2. (_O. C. C. _ p. 31; _A. U. _ 1121; John of Worcester, ed. J. H. R. Weaver, 1908, p. 16; Ussher, 532). It may have been inAugust or September, on the return of Cellach from Dublin, thatMalachy was released from his office and went to Lismore. 

[248] Job xii. 12. 

[249] I read _rex australis Mumoniae_, for _rex Mumoniae_ in theprinted text, restoring the word _australis_ from two of de Backer'sMSS. The king is said in § 18 to have been Cormac, _i. E. _ Cormac MacCarthy, son of Teague Mac Carthy, who succeeded his father as king ofDesmond (South Munster) in 1124. He was never king of the whole ofMunster. That he went to Lismore in 1121 is very probable. For theAnnals tell us that in that year Turlough O'Conor, king of Connaught, invaded Desmond, and "arrived at the termon of Lismore" (_A. I. _ saythat he destroyed Lismore, which can hardly be true). What more likelythan that one of the sons of Teague, the reigning monarch of Desmond, should fly before that formidable warrior to the sanctuary of Mochuta?But St. Bernard errs in supposing that he was then king of Desmond. OnCormac, see also p. 43, n. 5. 

[250] Donough Mac Carthy. See next note. There is a brief notice ofhim in Tundale, p. 42. 

[251] That the narrative of this and the following section ishistorical, but that St. Bernard has misplaced it, is proved by thefollowing extract from _A. T. _ under the year 1127: "A hosting byToirdelbach, king of Ireland [really of Connaught], till he reachedCorcach, he himself on land and his fleet at sea going round toCorcach, ravaging Munster by sea and by land so that he drove Cormacmac meic Carthaig into Lismore in pilgrimage. And Toirdelbach dividedMunster into two parts, the southern half [Desmond] to Donnchad macmeic Carthaig; and the northern half [Thomond] to Conchobar oBriain. .. . Cormac mac meic Carthaig came from his pilgrimage, and madean alliance with Conchobar o Briain and with all the men of Muma, savethose of Tuathmuma. Donnchad mac meic Carthaig came from them--for hewas not in the alliance--with 2000 men. "

The other Annals have notices to the same effect. These eventsoccurred in 1127, three years after Malachy returned from his longstay at Lismore, and was made bishop of Connor (§ 16). If he had thepart which is ascribed to him in the restoration of Cormac, he musttherefore have paid two visits to Lismore, which St. Bernard hasconfounded. That he was in the south of Ireland for a considerabletime prior to 1129 will appear later (p. 40, n. 2). 

[252] Rom. Xii. 19. 

[253] _Necessitatem in uirtutem conuertit. _ Apparently a proverbialexpression. Cp. Quintilian _Declam. _ iv. 10: "Faciamus potius de fineremedium, de necessitate solatium"; Jer. _Adv. Rufin. _ iii. 2: "Habeogratiam quod facis de necessitate uirtutem"; _Ep. _ 54. 6 (Hilberg):"Arripe, quaeso, occasionem et fac de necessitate uirtutem. " Chaucer's"To maken vertu of necessitee" is well known (_Knightes Tale_, 3042, _Squieres Tale_, 593, _Troilus and Criseyde_, iv. 1586). 

[254] Gen. Ix. 6. 

[255] Gen. Iv. 10. 

[256] Ps. Cxix. 103. 

[257] Ps. Vi. 6 (vg. ). 

[258] Ps. Xxiv. 18. 

[259] Ps. Lxvi. 20. 

[260] Ecclus. Li. 11. 

[261] Ps. Xxxvii. 37 (vg. ). 

[262] Ps. Cxlvi. 7. 

[263] 2 Chron. Xxxvi. 22. --Conor O'Brien. See p. 21, n. 3. It appearsfrom the last sentence of the passage there quoted that DonoughMacCarthy, to whom Turlough O'Conor had given the kingdom of Desmond, had driven out O'Brien from Thomond. This explains the anxiety of thelatter to make alliance with Cormac. His action was less disinterestedthan St. Bernard represents it. 

[264] Luke xxi. 15. 

[265] Malchus. 

[266] Judas Maccabćus. 

[267] 1 Macc. Iii. 60. 

[268] Mark vi. 20. 

[269] Ps. Cxix. 46. 

[270] Acts ix. 15. 

CHAPTER II

_Malachy's pity for his deceased sister. He restores the Monastery ofBangor. His first Miracles. _

11. (6). Meanwhile Malachy's sister, whom we mentioned before, [271]died: and we must not pass over the visions which he saw about her. Forthe saint indeed abhorred her carnal life, and with such intensity thathe vowed he would never see her alive in the flesh. But now that herflesh was destroyed his vow was also destroyed, and he began to see inspirit her whom in the body he would not see. One night he heard in adream the voice of one saying to him that his sister was standingoutside in the court, and that for thirty entire days she had tastednothing; and when he awoke he soon understood the sort of food for wantof which she was pining away. And when he had diligently considered thenumber of days which he had heard, he discovered that it went back tothe time when he had ceased to offer the _living bread from heaven_[272]for her. Then, since he hated not the soul of his sister but her sin, hebegan again the good practice which he had abandoned. And not in vain. Not long after she was seen by him to have come to the threshold of thechurch, but to be not yet able to enter; she appeared also in darkraiment. And when he persevered, taking care that on no single day sheshould be disappointed of the accustomed gift, he saw her a second timein whitish raiment, admitted indeed within the church, but not allowedto approach the altar. At last she was seen, a third time, gathered inthe company of the white-robed, and _in bright clothing_. [273] You see, reader, how much _the effectual fervent prayer of a righteous manavaileth_. [274] Truly _the kingdom of heaven suffereth violence and theviolent take it by force_. [275] Does not the prayer of Malachy seem toyou to have played the part as it were of a housebreaker to the heavenlygates, when a sinful woman obtained by the weapons of a brother what wasdenied to her own merits? This _violence_, good Jesus, Thou who_sufferest_ dost exercise, strong and merciful _to save_, [276] _showing_mercy and _strength with thine arm_, [277] and preserving it in thysacrament for _the saints which are in the earth_, [278] _unto the end ofthe world_. [279] Truly this sacrament is strong to _consume_ sins, [280]to defeat opposing powers, to bring into heaven those who are returningfrom the earth. 

12. (7). The Lord, indeed, was so preparing His beloved Malachy in thedistrict of Lismore for the glory of His name. But those who had senthim, [281] tolerating his absence no longer, recalled him by letters. When he was restored to his people, [282] now better instructed in allthat was necessary, behold _a work prepared_ and kept by _God_[283] forMalachy. A rich and powerful man, who held the place of Bangor and itspossessions, by inspiration of God immediately placed in his hand allthat he had and himself as well. [284] And he was his mother'sbrother. [285] But kinship of spirit was of more value to Malachy thankinship of the flesh. The actual place also of Bangor, from which hereceived his name, [286] the prince[287] made over to him, that there hemight build, or rather rebuild, a monastery. For indeed there had beenformerly a very celebrated one under the first father, Comgall, [288]which produced many thousands of monks, and was the head of manymonasteries. A truly holy place it was and prolific of saints, _bringingforth_ most abundant _fruit to God_, [289] so that one of the sons ofthat holy community, Lugaid[290] by name, is said to have been thefounder--himself alone--of a hundred monasteries. I mention this inorder that the reader may infer from this one instance what an immensenumber of others there were. In fine, to such an extent did its shootsfill Ireland and Scotland[291] that those verses of David seem to havesung beforehand especially of these times, _Thou visitest the earth andblessest it; thou makest it very plenteous. The river of God is full ofwater: thou preparest their corn, for so thou providest for the earth, blessing its rivers, multiplying its shoots. With its drops of rainshall it rejoice while it germinates_;[292] and in like manner theverses that follow. Nor was it only into the regions just mentioned, butalso into foreign lands that those swarms of saints poured forth asthough a _flood had risen_;[293] of whom one, St. Columbanus, came up toour Gallican parts, and built the monastery of Luxovium, and was _madethere a great people_. [294] So great a people was it, they say, thatthe choirs succeeding one another in turn, the solemnities of the divineoffices went on continuously, so that not a moment day or night wasempty of praises. [295]

13. (8) Enough has been said about the ancient glory of the monastery ofBangor. This, long ago destroyed by pirates, [296] Malachy eagerlycherished on account of its remarkable and long-standing prestige, asthough he were about to _replant a paradise_, [297] and because _manybodies of the saints slept_ there. [298] For, not to speak of those whichwere _buried in peace_, [299] it is said that nine hundred persons wereslain together in one day by pirates. [300] Vast, indeed, were thepossessions of that place;[301] but Malachy, content with the holy placealone, resigned all the possessions and lands to another. For indeedfrom the time when the monastery was destroyed there was always someoneto hold it with its possessions. For they were both appointed byelection and were even called abbots, preserving in name but not in factwhat had once been. [302] And though many urged him not to alienate thepossessions, but to retain the whole together for himself, this lover ofpoverty did not consent, but caused one to be elected, according tocustom, to hold them; the place, as we have said, being retained forMalachy and his followers. And perhaps, as afterwards appeared, [303] hewould have been wiser to have kept it all; only he looked more tohumility than to peace. 

14. So, then, by the command of Father Imar, taking with him about tenbrethren, he came to the place and began to build. And there, one day, when he himself was cutting with an axe, by chance one of the workmen, while he was brandishing the axe in the air, carelessly got into theplace at which the blow was aimed, and it fell on his spine with as muchforce as Malachy could strike. He fell, and all ran to him supposingthat he had received a death-wound or was dead. And indeed his tunic was_rent from the top to the bottom_, [304] but the man himself was foundunhurt, the skin so very slightly grazed that scarcely a trace appearedon the surface. The man whom the axe had laid low, stood unharmed whilethe bystanders beheld him with amazement. Hence they became more eager, and were found readier for the work. And _this was the beginning of themiracles_[305] of Malachy. Moreover the oratory was finished in a fewdays, made of smoothed planks indeed, but closely and strongly fastenedtogether--a Scotic work, [306] not devoid of beauty. [307] Andthenceforward God was served in it as in the ancient days; that is, with similar devotion, though not with like numbers. Malachy presidedover that place for some time, [308] by the ordinance of FatherImar, [309] being at once the ruler and the rule of the brethren. Theyread in his life how they should behave themselves, and he was theirleader _in righteousness and holiness before God_;[310] save thatbesides the things appointed for the whole community he did many thingsof an exceptional kind, in which he still more was the leader of all, and none of the others was able to follow him to such difficultpractices. 

At that time and place a certain man was sick, and the devil stood byhim and suggested in plain speech that he should never heed theadmonitions of Malachy, but if he should enter his house, he shouldattack and kill him with a knife. And when this became known, those whoministered to him, the sick man himself informing them, brought word toMalachy and warned him. But he, seizing his accustomed weapons ofprayer, boldly attacked his enemy, and put to flight both disease anddemon. _But the_ man's _name was Malchus_. [311] He is brother accordingto the flesh of our Christian, abbot of Mellifont. [312] For both arestill alive, now brothers yet more, in spirit. [313] For when he wasdelivered, immediately he was not ungrateful, but in the same place, having _turned[314] to the Lord_, [315] he changed both his habit and hismind. And the brethren knew that the evil one was envious of theirprosperity; and they were edified and made more careful henceforth. 

15. (9). At the same place he healed a cleric, named Michael, who wassuffering from dysentery and despaired of, by sending him something fromhis table. A second time, when the same person was smitten with a verygrave disorder, he cured him both in body and mind. And from that moment_he clave to_ God[316] and to Malachy His servant, fearing _lest a worsething should come unto him_, [317] if once more he should be foundungrateful for so great a benefit and miracle. And at present, as wehave heard, he presides over a monastery in the parts of Scotland; andthis was the latest of all Malachy's foundations. [318] Through suchdeeds of Malachy both his reputation and his community increased daily, and his name became great both within and without the monastery, thoughnot greater than the fact. For indeed he dwelt[319] there even after hewas made bishop, for the place was near the city. [320]

FOOTNOTES:

[271] See § 6. Malachy's sister is here said to have died while he wasat Lismore; but whether during his earlier or later visit to thatplace cannot be determined. 

[272] John vi. 51. 

[273] Acts x. 30. 

[274] Jas. V. 16. 

[275] Matt. Xi. 12. 

[276] Cp. Isa. Lxiii. 1. 

[277] Luke i. 51. 

[278] Ps. Xvi. 3. 

[279] Matt. Xxviii. 20. 

[280] Ps vii. 9 (vg. ). 

[281] Cellach and Imar (§ 8). 

[282] That is to Armagh. But see p. 36, n. 5. 

[283] Eph. Ii. 10 (vg. ). 

[284] This person was apparently the coarb of Comgall, the founder ofBangor. It would seem that he had been but a short time in office, forOengus O'Gorman, coarb of Comgall, died at Lismore in 1123 (_A. U. _), probably during Malachy's sojourn there. It is not impossible that theunnamed coarb, mentioned in the text, was Murtough O'Hanratty, whodied at Armagh in 1131 (_A. F. M. _). The statement that he gave"himself" to Malachy seems to mean that he placed himself under hisrule in the new community. 

[285] If the identification suggested in the preceding note iscorrect, Malachy's mother belonged to the family of O'Hanratty, whichin the eleventh and twelfth centuries held the chieftaincy of Ui MéithMacha or Ui Méith Tíre, now the barony of Monaghan, in the county ofthe same name. 

[286] _Cognominabatur. _ This verb occurs seventeen times in theVulgate, and almost always indicates a new or alternative name. In thepresent passage it certainly applies, not to Malachy's baptismal name, but to its Latin equivalent, Malachias, which he probably assumed whenhe became abbot of Bangor, or bishop of Down. The remark that hereceived it from Bangor is to be explained thus. A legend, which has aplace in Jocelin's _Life of St. Patrick_ (§ 98) and is therefore atleast as old as the twelfth century, relates that Patrick, viewing thevalley in which the monastery of Comgall was afterwards constructed, perceived that it was "filled with a multitude of the heavenly host. "From this story, no doubt, came the name "Valley of Angels (_VallisAngelorum_), " by which it was known in the early seventeenth century, and probably long before (Reeves, p. 199). If this name, or the legendon which it was based, was known to Malachy it is quite conceivablethat on account of his connexion with Bangor, he adopted, as the Latinalternative of Máel Máedóc, a name which is only the Hebrew for _myangel_ with a Latin termination. That St. Bernard was aware of thesignificance of the name, and liked to dwell upon it, is clear fromSermon ii. § 5. It may be added that the legend just mentioned isconnected with a folk-etymology of the word Bangor (_Bennchor_) whichexplained it as "white choir. " For the true etymology see Kuno Meyer, "Zur Keltischen Wortkunde, " § 66 (_Preuss. Akad. Sitz. _, 1913). 

[287] _Princeps. _ This word does not necessarily imply that the donorof Bangor was a secular chieftain. St. Bernard is somewhat arbitraryin his use of such titles; and _princeps_ occurs very frequently in_A. U. _ up to the tenth century as an equivalent of _abbot_. 

[288] Comgall, who was a Pict of Dál Araide (Adamnan, i. 49), was bornat Magheramorne, near Larne, co. Antrim (Reeves, p. 269), between 516and 520. He founded the monastery of Bangor when he was about fortyyears old, probably in 559, and presided over it till his death in 602(_A. U. _). According to his Latin Life (§ 13, Plummer, ii. 7), so greata number of monks came to him there that there was not room for them;"he therefore founded very many cells and many monasteries, not onlyin the district of Ulaid, but throughout the other provinces ofIreland. " There were as many as 3000 monks under his rule. On the lastleaf of an ancient service book of the monastery, known as theAntiphonary of Bangor (Facsimile edition by F. E. Warren, 1893, vol. Ii. P. 33), there is a hymn which gives a complete list of theabbots--fifteen in number--from Comgall to Cronan (+691), in whoseperiod of office it was written. The site of St. Comgall's monasteryis beside the Rectory of the parish of Bangor, co. Down, abouthalf-a-mile from Bangor Bay, near the entrance to Belfast Lough. 

[289] Rom. Vii. 4. 

[290] _Luanus. _ This is probably Lugaid, or Molua, the founder ofLismore in Scotland, who died in 592 (_A. U. _) and is commemorated onJune 25 (Oengus, Gorman). He was a Pict and of the same tribe as St. Comgall, both being descended from Fiacha Araide (_L. B. _ 15 c, e); andin later times was the patron saint of the diocese of Argyll (Adamnan, p. 371). He may be the Bishop Lugidus who ordained St. Comgall, andafterwards restrained him from leaving Ireland (Plummer, i. P. Lix. ;ii. Pp. 6, 7). But there is no evidence, apart from the statement ofSt. Bernard, that either this bishop or Lugaid of Lismore was a memberof the community at Bangor. There is a Life of Lugaid of Lismore inthe Breviary of Aberdeen (Prop. Sanct. Pro temp, aest. Ff. 5 _v. _ 7;summarized in Forbes, _Kalendars of Scottish Saints_, p. 410). Hisprincipal foundation after Lismore was Rosemarkie in Ross. Mr. A. B. Scott (_Pictish Nation_, 1918, p. 347 f. ) mentions also Mortlach(Banffshire) and Clova (Aberdeenshire); and Bishop Forbes (_l. C. _)adds other sites with which his name is connected. 

[291] St. Comgall himself is said to have been minded in his earlierdays to go on pilgrimage to "Britain, " and to have been dissuadedtherefrom by Lugaid (Latin Life, § 13, Plummer, ii. 7). Seven yearsafter the foundation of Bangor he went to Britain to visit "certainsaints" (_ibid. _ § 22, p. 11). It was probably on this occasion thathe spent some time on the island of Hinba (Eilean-na-naomh?) in thecompany of SS. Columba, Canice and others (Adamnan, iii. 17). It wassomewhat later, apparently, that St. Columba went with some companionson a mission to Brude, king of the Picts (_ibid. _ ii. 35); and we neednot question the statement that Comgall and Canice were among thosewho went with him, though there is reason to doubt that Comgall wasthe leader of the band, as his Life implies (§ 51, p. 18), and thoughthe _Life of St. Canice_, which frequently refers to his visit, orvisits, to Scotland (§§ 17, 19, 21, 23, Plummer, i. 158), nevermentions the incident. It is probable, therefore, that the founder ofBangor took part in the evangelization of Scotland; but the memory ofvery few monasteries founded by him in that country, besides thecommunity in the island of Tiree (_Life_, § 22, p. 11; see Scott, _op. Cit. _ p. 239), has been preserved to later ages. Mr. Scott creditsmembers of the community of Bangor with the foundation of Paisley, Kingarth and Applecross (_ibid. _ p. 337 ff. ). See also previous note. 

[292] Ps. Lxv. 9, 10 (vg. , inexact quotation). 

[293] Luke vi. 48. 

[294] Gen. Xii. 2. --St. Columbanus was the greatest of the Irishmissionaries on the Continent of Europe. Born in Leinster, accordingto Bruno Krusch (_Ionae Vitae Sanctorum_, p. 22) in 530, or as othershold in 543, he entered the community of Bangor not long after itsfoundation, and after spending "many cycles of years" there, he sailedfor France about 590. His principal monasteries were Luxeuil(Luxovium) in the department of Haute Saône, and Bobbio in Lombardy. At the latter place he died, November 23, 615. His Life was written byJonas, about 640. It was critically edited by Krusch in _M. G. H. _(Script. Rerum Merovingic. , vol. Iv. 1-152) and subsequently as aseparate volume (_Ionae Vitae Sanctorum Columbani, Vedastis, Iohannis_, 1905). The story of his labours has been told by G. T. Stokes in his _Celtic Church in Ireland_, Lect. Vii. , and by manyother modern writers. See also the collection of documents in PatrickFleming's _Collectanea_ (Lovanii, 1667). Luxeuil is about eighty milesfrom Clairvaux, and less than seventy from St. Bernard's early home atDijon. Fifty years after the death of St. Columbanus it adopted therule of St. Benedict. It was a well-known establishment in St. Bernard's day, though by that time its glory had declined. It wassuppressed in 1789 (M. Stokes, _Three Months in the Forests ofFrance_, p. 67). 

[295] The Acoemetae, founded about the middle of the fifth century, were the first to practise the _laus perennis_, from which theyderived their name (_Dict. Of Christian Antiquities_, s. V. ). It wasadopted in the early years of the following century at the monasteryof St. Maurice in the Valois, from which it spread to many otherreligious establishments (_AA. SS. _, Nov. , i. 548 ff. ). 

[296] _A. U. _ 823 (_recte_ 824): "The plundering of Bangor in the Ardsby Foreigners [_i. E. _ Norsemen], and the spoiling of its oratory; andthe relics of Comgall were shaken out of their shrine. " _A. I. _ add, "and its learned men and bishops were slain with the sword. "

[297] Gen. Ii. 8. 

[298] Matt. Xxvii. 52. 

[299] Ecclus. Xliv. 14. 

[300] This obviously exaggerated statement may refer to the eventmentioned in note 2, or to a later occasion (958), when "Tanaidhe, sonof Odhar, coarb of Bangor, was killed by Foreigners" (_A. U. _). 

[301] "Even at the Dissolution [1539] it was found to be possessed ofthe temporalities and spiritualities of thirty-four townlands, together with the tithes of nine rectories or chapels" (Reeves, p. 94). The lands included the entire parish of Bangor, together withpart of the adjoining parish of Holywood, and eight outlying townlands(Archdall, ed. Moran, i. 235). 

[302] This remark is interesting as showing that the title "abbot ofBangor" was in use in the twelfth century. The last person to whom itis given in the _A. U. _ is Indrechtach, who died in 906. From that timeonwards "coarb of Comgall" (or in one instance, "coarb of Bangor") issubstituted for it. St. Bernard is supported by the Annals when heasserts that so-called abbots were elected down to Malachy's time. _A. U. _ preserve the names of twenty abbots or coarbs between 824 and1123. But St. Bernard leaves the impression that the religiouscommunity of Bangor ceased to exist on its destruction by the Norsepirates, and that subsequently the "abbots" merely held the lands thathad belonged to it, and exercised no spiritual discipline. There aregood reasons, however, for the contrary opinion. Thus Abbot Moengal, who died in 871, was a "pilgrim. " Abbot Moenach (died 921) was "thehead of the learning of the island of Ireland. " Ceile, coarb ofComgall, went on pilgrimage to Rome in 928, and died there in 929: hewas a scribe and anchoret, apostolic doctor of all Ireland, and (if_C. S. _ can be trusted) a bishop. Dubhinnsi, bishop of Bangor, died in953. Finally, Diarmait Ua Maeltelcha, coarb of Comgall, whom _C. S. _calls a bishop, died in 1016. It was probably not till after thatdate, as Reeves (p. 154) assures us, that the monastery began todecline. 

[303] See §§ 61, 62. 

[304] Matt. Xxvii. 51. 

[305] John ii. 11. 

[306] "Scotic" is obviously to be understood here in its earliermeaning as equivalent to "Irish. " From this departure from hisordinary usage (see p. 20, note 1) we may infer that St. Bernard isquoting the words of his authority. The habit of constructing churchesof wood prevailed in early times among the Celtic and Saxon tribes inthe British Isles, the introduction of stone building for suchpurposes being due to Roman influence (Plummer, _Bede_, ii. 101). Theolder custom lingered longer in Ireland than elsewhere; and by thetime of Bede it had come to be regarded as characteristically Irish, though wooden churches must still have been numerous in England (Bede, _H. E. _, iii. 25). In a document of much later date, the Life of theIrish Saint Monenna (quoted in Adamnan, p. 177 f. ), we read of "achurch constructed of smoothed planks according to the custom of theScottish races"; and the writer adds that "the Scots are not in thehabit of building walls, or causing them to be built. " Petrie (pp. 138-151) maintained that stone churches were not unusual in earlyIreland; but he admits (pp. 341-344) that one type of church--theoratory (in Irish _dairtheach_, _i. E. _ house of oak)--was very rarelyconstructed of stone. The only two passages which he cites (p. 345) asmentioning stone oratories (he says he might have produced others) arenot to his purpose. The first is a notice in _A. U. _ 788, of a manbeing killed at the door of a "stone oratory": but another, andapparently better, reading substitutes _lapide_ for _lapidei_, thusaltering the entry to a statement that the man was killed "by a stoneat the door of the oratory. " The second is Colgan's rendering(_Trias_, p. 162) of a sentence in _Trip. _ iii. 74, p. 232, in whichthere is in reality no mention of any ecclesiastical edifice. So faras I am aware, there is no indisputable reference in Irish literatureto a stone oratory earlier than the one mentioned below, § 61. 

[307] Cp. The quatrain of Rummun on an oratory which was in course ofconstruction at Rathen (_Otia Merseiana_, ii. 79):

"O my Lord! what shall I do About these great materials? When willthese ten hundred planks Be a structure of compact beauty?"

[308] Evidently until he became bishop. The next sentence implies thatthe time spent at Bangor was of considerable length, as does also theremark at the end of § 15. St. Bernard, however, seems to have beenmistaken in supposing that Malachy resigned the abbacy on hisconsecration. See p. 36, note 5; p. 40, note 1; p. 80, note 1; p. 104, note 3; p. 112, note 5; p. 113, note 1. 

[309] Cp. P. 11, note 1. 

[310] Luke i. 75. 

[311] John xviii. 10. 

[312] For Christian and Mellifont Abbey, see § 39. This Malchus ismentioned again in § 52. 

[313] This is not a mere conventional phrase. In a passionate outburstof grief St. Bernard says of his brother Gerard, who had recentlydied, "He was my brother by blood, yet more my brother in religion"(_Cant. _ xxvi. 4). 

[314] _Conversus. _ Cp. P. 14, note 1. The meaning is that after hisrecovery Malchus entered the community of Bangor. 

[315] Acts ix. 35. 

[316] 2 Kings xviii. 6. 

[317] John v. 14. 

[318] The abbey founded by Malachy at Soulseat. See § 68. 

[319] _Demorabatur_, literally, _lingered_, or _tarried_. The factseems to be that Bangor was Malachy's headquarters for the rest of hislife, except the ten years which intervened between his expulsion fromit (§ 18), and his resignation of the see of Armagh (§ 31). See p. 33, note 1. St. Bernard was apparently puzzled by the fact that Malachycontinued to live at Bangor after his consecration, instead of goingto the see-city; and he makes a not very satisfactory apology for it. 

[320] The city is evidently Connor; but it is not near Bangor. Thetwo places are twenty-five miles apart, and Belfast Lough lies betweenthem. In Malachy's day they were in different tribal territories. 

CHAPTER III

_St. Malachy becomes Bishop of Connor; he builds the Monastery ofIveragh. _

16. (10). At that time an episcopal see was vacant, [321] and had longbeen vacant, because Malachy would not assent: for they had elected himto it. [322] But they persisted, and at length he yielded when theirentreaties were enforced by the command of his teacher, [323] togetherwith that of the metropolitan. [324] It was when he was just entering thethirtieth year of his age, [325] that he was consecrated bishop andbrought to Connor; for that was the name of the city through ignoranceof Irish ecclesiastical affairs St. Bernard misunderstood theinformation supplied to him, and thus separated Malachy's tenure of theabbacy of Bangor from his episcopate, though the two were in realityconterminous. For the significance of Malachy's recall to the North, seeIntroduction, p. Liii. F. ; and for a fuller discussion, _R. I. A. _, xxxv. 250-254. . 

[Sidenote: 1124]

But when he began to administer his office, the man of God understoodthat he had been sent not to men but to beasts. Never before had heknown the like, in whatever depth of barbarism; never had he found menso shameless in regard of morals, so dead in regard of rites, so impiousin regard of faith, so barbarous in regard of laws, so stubborn inregard of discipline, so unclean in regard of life. They were Christiansin name, in fact pagans. [326] There was no giving of tithes orfirst-fruits; no entry into lawful marriages, no making of confessions:nowhere could be found any who would either seek penance or impose it. Ministers of the altar were exceeding few. But indeed what need wasthere of more when even the few were almost in idleness and ease amongthe laity? There was no fruit which they could bring forth from theiroffices among a people so vile. For in the churches there was not heardthe voice either of preacher or singer. [327] What was _the athlete ofthe Lord_[328] to do? He must either yield with shame or with dangerfight. But he who recognized that he was _a shepherd and not ahireling_, elected to stand rather than to _flee_, prepared to _give hislife for the sheep_ if need be. [329] And although all were wolves andthere were no sheep, the intrepid shepherd stood in the midst of thewolves, rich in all means by which he might make sheep out ofwolves[330]--admonishing in public, arguing in secret, weeping with oneand another; accosting men now roughly, now gently, according as he sawit to be expedient for each. And in cases where these expedients failedhe offered for them a _broken and a contrite heart_. [331] How often didhe spend entire nights in vigil, holding out his hands in prayer! Andwhen they would not come to the church he went to meet the unwillingones _in the streets and in the broad ways_, and _going round about thecity_, he eagerly _sought_[332] whom he might gain for Christ. 

17. (11). But further afield also, none the less, he very frequentlytraversed country parts and towns with that holy band of disciples, whonever left his side. He went and bestowed even on _the unthankful[333]their portion of_ the heavenly _meat_. [334] Nor did he ride on a horse, but went afoot, in this also proving himself an apostolic man. GoodJesus, _how great things_ thy warrior _suffered for Thy name'ssake_[335] from _crime-stained children_. [336] How great things heendured for Thee from those very men to whom, and on whose behalf, hespoke good things. Who can worthily express with how great vexations hewas harassed, with what insults he was assailed, with what unrighteousacts provoked, [337] how often he was faint with hunger, how oftenafflicted _with cold and nakedness_?[338] Yet _with them that hatedpeace he was a peacemaker, [339] instant_, nevertheless, _in season, outof season_. [340] _Being defamed he intreated_;[341] when he was dealtwith unrighteously he defended himself with the shield of patience and_overcame evil with good_. [342] Why should he not overcome? _Hecontinued knocking_, [343] and according to the promise, at length, sometimes, _to him that knocked it was opened_. [344] How could that notfollow which _the Truth_[345] had declared beforehand should follow?_The right hand of the Lord brought mighty things to pass_, [346] becausethe _mouth of the Lord spoke_[347] the truth. Hardness vanished, barbarity ceased; the _rebellious house_[348] began gradually to beappeased, gradually to admit reproof, _to receive discipline_. [349]Barbarous laws disappear, Roman laws are introduced; everywhere theecclesiastical customs are received, their opposites are rejected;churches[350] are rebuilt, a clergy is appointed in them; thesolemnities of the sacraments are duly celebrated; confessions are made;congregations[351] come to the church; the celebration of marriagegraces those who live together. [352] In fine, all things are so changedfor the better that to-day the word which the Lord speaks by the prophetis applicable to that nation; _those who_ before _were not my people arenow my people_. [353]

[Sidenote: 1127]

18. (12). It happened after some years that the city[354] was destroyedby the king of the northern part of Ireland;[355] for _out of the north_all _evil breaks forth_. [356] And perhaps that evil was good for thosewho used it well. For who knows that God did not wish to destroy by sucha scourge the ancient evils of His people? By a necessity so direMalachy was compelled, and he retired with a crowd of his disciples. Norwas his retirement spent in idleness. It gave opportunity for buildingthe monastery of Iveragh, [357] Malachy going there with his brothers, in number one hundred and twenty. [358] There King Cormac met him. He itwas who at a former time driven out of his kingdom, under the care ofMalachy by the mercy of God received consolation;[359] and that placewas in his kingdom. The king rejoiced to see Malachy, placing at thedisposal of him and those who were with him himself and all that hehad--as one who was neither ungrateful nor unmindful of a benefit. Manybeasts were immediately brought for the use of the brothers; much goldand silver was also supplied, with regal munificence, for the expense ofthe buildings. He himself also _was coming in and going out withthem_, [360] busy and ready to serve--in attire a king, but in mind adisciple of Malachy. And the Lord _blessed_ that place _for_ Malachy's_sake_, [361] and in a short time he was made great in goods, possessionsand persons. And there, as it were beginning anew, the burden of law anddiscipline which he laid on others he bore with greater zeal himself, their bishop and teacher. Himself, _in the order of his course_, [362]did duty as cook, himself served the brothers while they sat atmeat. [363] Among the brothers who succeeded one another in singing orreading in church he did not suffer himself to be passed over, butstrenuously fulfilled the office in his place as one of them. He notonly shared but took the lead in [the life] of holy poverty, beingespecially zealous for it _more abundantly than they all_. [364]

FOOTNOTES:

[321] Connor: see below. It is clear that after Malachy's consecrationit was the see of a diocese which included Bangor (§ 15) and Down, thepresent Downpatrick (§ 31). The inference is highly probable that itincluded the whole district which constituted the "parish [_i. E. _diocese] of Connor, " according to the decree of the Synod ofRathbreasail in 1110 (Keating, iii. 303: see above p. Xli), that is tosay, roughly, the present united dioceses of Down, Connor and Dromore. It would seem that Malachy was its first bishop. 

[322] Here, again, St. Bernard implies that a long period elapsedbetween Malachy's return from Lismore and his consecration; for thereason given in § 12 for his recall is inconsistent with thesupposition that he had already been elected to a bishopric whichCellach and Imar wished him to accept. They desired to have him withthem at Armagh. He must have been "elected" either while he was atArmagh or after he went to Bangor. 

[323] Imar. 

[324] Cellach. See § 19, where Cellach and his predecessors are calledmetropolitans. 

[325] _Tricesimo ferme aetatis suae anno. _ _A. F. M. _ record under theyear 1124 that "Mael Maedoc Ua Morgair sat in the bishopric ofConnor. " This agrees with the date of his consecration as given here. See p. 128, note 1. He was consecrated bishop by Cellach (§ 19). 

We have seen (p. 20, note 3) that Malachy probably went to Lismorelate in 1121. He spent several years there, and, according to St. Bernard, another long period at Armagh and Bangor before hisconsecration in 1124. This must be pronounced impossible. The mostprobable solution of the chronological difficulty is that throughignorance of Irish ecclesiastical affairs St. Bernard misunderstoodthe information supplied to him, and thus separated Malachy's tenureof the abbacy of Bangor from his episcopate, though the two were inreality conterminous. For the significance of Malachy's recall to theNorth, see Introduction, p. Liii. F. ; and for a fuller discussion, _R. I. A. _, xxxv. 250-254. 

[326] Cp. Giraldus, _Top. _ iii. 19: "It is wonderful that this nationshould remain to this day so ignorant of the rudiments ofChristianity. For it is a most filthy race, a race sunk in vice, arace more ignorant than all other nations of the rudiments of thefaith. "

[327] For the statements in the preceding sentences, see AdditionalNote A. 

[328] St. Aug. , _De Civ. Dei_, xiv. 9. 2. Cp. Ignatius, _Pol. _ 2;_Hero_ 1. It may be noted that most of the MSS. Of the Latin versionof the Ignatian Epistles are Burgundian, and that among them is aClairvaux MS. Of the 12th century. Lightfoot, _Ign. And Pol. _, i. 119. 

[329] John x. 11-13. 

[330] Compare St. Bernard's words to Pope Eugenius III. About hisRoman subjects (_De Cons. _, iv. 6): "I know where thou dwellest, unbelievers and subverters are with thee. They are wolves, not sheep;of such, however, thou art shepherd. Consideration is good, if by itthou mayest perhaps discover means, if it can be done, to convertthem, lest they subvert thee. Why do we doubt that they can be turnedagain into sheep, who were once sheep and could be turned intowolves?"

[331] Ps. Li. 17. 

[332] Cant. Iii. 2; cp. Ps. Lix. 6, 14; Luke xiv. 21. 

[333] Luke vi. 35. 

[334] Luke xii. 42. 

[335] Acts ix. 16. 

[336] Isa. I. 4 (vg. ). 

[337] Cp. 2 Pet. Ii. 7 f. 

[338] 2 Cor xi. 27. 

[339] Ps. Cxx. 6, 7 (vg. ). 

[340] 2 Tim. Iv. 2. 

[341] 1 Cor. Iv. 13. 

[342] Rom. Xii. 21. 

[343] Acts xii. 16. 

[344] Matt. Vii. 8; Luke xi. 10. 

[345] John xiv. 6. 

[346] Ps. Cxviii. 15, 16. 

[347] Isa. I. 20. 

[348] Ezek. Ii. 5, etc. 

[349] Lev. Xxvi. 23 (vg. ). 

[350] _Basilicae. _

[351] _Plebes. _

[352] See Additional Note A. 

[353] 1 Pet. Ii. 10, combined with Hos. Ii. 24. 

[354] The city was Bangor, though St. Bernard may have taken it to beConnor. The word city (_civitas_), which he no doubt found in hisauthority, might be applied, like its Irish equivalent, _cathair_, toeither place: but to St. Bernard it would naturally suggest anepiscopal see. Connor was within the suzerainty of the king of thenorthern part of Ireland, Bangor was outside it. See next note. 

[355] Conor O'Loughlin, who is called king of the north of Ireland inthe Annals (s. A. 1136). He succeeded his father Donnell as king ofAilech (Grenan Ely, co. Donegal, the residence of the kings of thenorthern Ui Neill) in 1121, and the next year he invaded the northernpart of Ulaid, the district in which Bangor is situated. He invadedMagh Cobha (Iveagh, co. Down) and Bregha (Meath), with the help of theDal Araide (the district round Connor, co. Antrim) in 1128. He finallysubdued Ulaid in 1130, and "plundered the country as far as the eastof Ard [_i. E. _ the baronies of the Ards, in which lies Bangor], bothlay and ecclesiastical property. " He was murdered on May 25, 1136(_A. U. _, _A. L. C. _). It has been supposed that the expedition of 1130was the occasion of the destruction of Bangor mentioned in the text. But St. Bernard places it, and the consequent departure of Malachy tothe south, before the death of Cellach in 1129 (§ 19), and we havefound reason to believe that Malachy was at Lismore in 1127 (p. 21, n. 3). Though no raid by Conor in that year is referred to in the Annals, that fact cannot be regarded as proof that none took place. 

[356] Jer. I. 14. 

[357] _Ibracense. _ That this monastery was in Iveragh, a barony in thecounty of Kerry, north of the estuary of the Kenmare River, and inCormac Mac Carthy's kingdom of Desmond, was apparently first suggestedby Lanigan (iv. 92). The identification is almost certainly correct. It is more difficult to determine the part of the barony in which themonastery was situated. O'Hanlon suggested Church Island, nearCahirciveen, where there are some ecclesiastical remains, traditionally known half a century ago as "the monastery" (_R. I. A. _xv. 107). But these appear to be of much earlier date than the twelfthcentury. More plausible is the conjecture of the Rev. DenisO'Donoghue, that the site is on another Church Island, in LoughCurrane, near Waterville. On it are the ruins of a church which, inthe opinion of Mr. P. J. Lynch, was built in the twelfth century(_J. R. S. A. I. _ xxx. 159 f. ). Malachy seems to have spent some time atLismore before going to Iveragh. 

[358] This sentence seems to imply that Malachy brought with him theBangor community, or the greater part of it, and made a new home forit in Iveragh. If so the inference is obvious that up to 1127 Malachyresided at Bangor, and was still abbot. 

[359] See §§ 9, 10. 

[360] Acts ix. 28 (inexact quotation). 

[361] Gen. Xxx. 27. 

[362] Luke i. 8. 

[363] Cp. Luke xii. 37; xxii. 27. 

[364] Cp. 1 Cor. Xv. 10; 2 Cor. Xi. 23. 

CHAPTER IV. 

_Being made Archbishop of Armagh, he suffers many troubles. Peace beingmade, from being Archbishop of Armagh he becomes Bishop of Down. _

[Sidenote: 1129]

19. (12). Meanwhile[365] it happened that Archbishop Cellach[366] fellsick: he it was who ordained Malachy deacon, presbyter and bishop: andknowing that he was dying he made a sort of testament[367] to the effectthat Malachy ought to succeed him, [368] because none seemed worthier tobe bishop of the first see. This he gave in charge to those who werepresent, this he commanded to the absent, this to the two kings ofMunster[369] and to the magnates of the land he specially enjoined bythe authority of St. Patrick. [370] For from reverence and honour forhim, as the apostle of that nation, who had converted the whole countryto the faith, that see where he presided in life and rests in death[371]has been held in so great veneration by all from the beginning, that notmerely bishops and priests, and those who are of the clergy, but alsoall kings and princes are subject to the metropolitan[372] in allobedience, and he himself alone presides over all. But a very evilcustom had developed, by the devilish ambition of certain powerfulpersons, that the holy see[373] should be held by hereditary succession. For they suffered none to be bishops but those who were of their owntribe and family. And for no short time had the execrable successionlasted, for fifteen generations (as I may call them)[374] had alreadypassed in this wickedness. And to such a point had _an evil andadulterous[375] generation_[376] established for itself this distortedright, rather this unrighteousness worthy of punishment by any sort ofdeath, that although at times clerics failed of that blood, yet bishopsnever. In a word there had been already eight before Cellach, marriedmen, and without orders, albeit men of letters. [377] Hence, throughoutthe whole of Ireland, all that subversion of ecclesiastical discipline, that weakening of censure, that abandonment of religion of which wehave spoken already; hence everywhere that substitution of ragingbarbarism for Christian meekness--yea, a sort of paganism brought inunder the name of Christianity. For--a thing unheard of from the verybeginning of the Christian faith--bishops were transferred andmultiplied, without order or reason, at the will of the metropolitan, sothat one bishopric was not content with one bishop, but nearly everysingle church had its bishop. [378] No wonder; for how could the membersof so diseased a head be sound?

[Sidenote: 1132]

20. Cellach, greatly grieving for these and other like evils of hispeople--for he was a good and devout man--took all care to have Malachyas his successor, because he believed that by him this evilly rootedsuccession might be torn up, [379] since he was dear to all, and one whomall were zealous to imitate, _and the Lord was with him_. [380] Nor washe deceived of his hope; for when he died Malachy was put intooccupation in his room. But not soon nor easily. For behold there is oneof the evil seed to seize the place--Murtough by name. [381] For fiveyears, relying on the secular power, [382] this man fastened himselfupon the church, not a bishop but a tyrant. For the wishes of the devouthad rather supported the claim of Malachy. At last they urged him toundertake the burden according to the ordinance of Cellach. But he, whoshunned every high office as nothing else than his downfall, [383]thought that he had found good ground of excuse, because at that time itwas impossible that he should have a peaceful entry. All were eager forso holy a work and pressed him; especially the two bishops, Malchus[384]and Gilbert, [385] of whom the former was the elder[386] of Lismorementioned above, the second he who is said to have been the first toexercise the office of legate of the Apostolic See throughout the wholeof Ireland. These, when three years had now passed in this presumptionof Murtough and dissimulation of Malachy, [387] tolerating no longer theadultery of the church and the dishonour of Christ, called together thebishops and princes of the land, [388] and came, in one spirit, toMalachy, prepared to use force. But he refused at first; pleading thedifficulty of the project, the numbers, strength and ambition of thatnoble stock, urging that it was a great venture for him, a poor man andof no account, to oppose himself to men so many, so great, of such sort, so deeply rooted, who now for well-nigh two hundred years had _held_ as_by hereditary right the sanctuary of God_, [389] and now also had takenpossession of it before him; that they could not be rooted out, not evenat the cost of human life; that it was not to his advantage that _man'sblood should be shed_[390] on his account; and lastly, that he wasjoined to another spouse[391] whom _it was_ not _lawful for him to putaway_. [392]

21. (14). But when they persisted eagerly in the contrary opinion, andcried out that the _word had come forth from the Lord_, [393] andmoreover ordered him with all authority to undertake the burden, andthreatened him with an anathema, he said, "You are leading me to death, but I obey in the hope of martyrdom; yet on this condition, that if, asyou expect, the enterprise has good success, and God frees his_heritage_ from _those that are destroying_ it, [394] all being then atlength completed, and the church[395] at peace, it may be lawful for meto return to my former spouse and friend, poverty, [396] from which I amcarried off, and to put in my place there another, if then one is foundfit for it. " Note, reader, the courage of the man and the purity of hispurpose who, for Christ's name, neither sought honour nor dreaded death. What could be purer or what braver than this purpose, that afterexposing himself to peril and labour he should yield to another thefruit--peace and security itself in the place of authority? And this hedoes, retaining for himself according to agreement a free return topoverty when peace and freedom are restored to the church. When theygave the pledge, at length he assented to their will; or rather to thewill of God, who, he remembered, had long foreshown to him thisoccurrence, at the fulfilment of which he was now grieved. For indeedwhen Cellach was already ailing there appeared to Malachy--far away andignorant [of Cellach's condition]--a woman of great stature and reverendmien. When he inquired who she was, the answer was given that she wasthe wife of Cellach. [397] And she gave him a pastoral staff which sheheld in her hand, and then disappeared. A few days later, Cellach, whenhe was dying, sent his staff to Malachy, indicating that he shouldsucceed him: and when he saw it he recognized that it was the same whichhe had seen [in vision]. It was the remembrance of this vision whichspecially put Malachy in fear, lest if he still refused he might seem to_resist_ the Divine _will_, which he had ignored long enough. [398] Buthe did not enter the city as long as that intruder lived, lest by suchact it should happen that any one of those should die to whom he camerather to minister life. Thus for two years (for so long the othersurvived), living outside the town, he strenuously performed theepiscopal office throughout the whole province. [399]

[Sidenote: 1134, Sept. 17]

22. (15). When that person, then, had been removed by sudden death, [400]again one Niall [_Nigellus_] (in truth _nigerrimus_, very black)[401]quickly took possession of the see. And in appointing him as hissuccessor, Murtough, while he was still alive, _made provision for hislife_:[402] he was going forth to be damned, but in the person of Niallhe would go on adding to the works of damnation. [403] For he also wasof the damned race, a relative of Murtough. [404] But the king[405] andthe bishops and faithful of the land nevertheless came together thatthey might bring in Malachy. And lo, there was an _assembly of thewicked_[406] to oppose them. [407] A certain man of the sons of Belial, ready for _mischief, mighty in iniquity_, [408] who _knew the place_where they had decided _to come together_, [409] gathered many with himand secretly seized a neighbouring high hill opposite to it, intending, when they were engaged with other things, suddenly to rush upon themunawares and _murder the innocent_. [410] For they had agreed to butcherthe king also with the bishop, that there might be none to _avenge therighteous blood_. [411] The plan became known to Malachy, and he enteredthe church, which was close by, and lifted up his hands in prayer tothe Lord. Lo, there came _clouds and darkness_, [412] yea also _darkwaters and thick clouds of the skies[413] changed the day intonight_, [414] _lightnings and thunderings_[415] and _an horrible spiritof tempests_[416] presaged the last day, _and all_ the elements_threatened_ speedy _death_. [417]

23. But that you may know, reader, that it was the prayer of Malachythat roused the elements, the tempest fell upon those _who sought hislife_, [418] the _dark whirlwind_[419] enveloped only those who had madeready _the works of darkness_. [420] Finally, he who was the leader of sogreat wickedness was struck by a thunderbolt and perished with threeothers, companions in death as they had been partners in crime; and thenext day their bodies were found half-burnt and putrid, clinging to thebranches of trees, each where the wind[421] _had lifted him up and casthim down_. [422] Three others also were found half dead; the rest wereall scattered in every direction. But, as for those who were withMalachy, though they were close to the place, the storm _touched themnot at all, neither troubled them_. [423] In that fact we find freshproof of the truth of that saying, _The prayer of the righteous pierceththe heavens. _[424] It is also a new example of the ancient miracle, bywhich in former times, when all Egypt was in darkness, Israel aloneremained in light, as the Scripture says, _Wheresoever Israel was therewas light. _[425] In this connexion occurs to me also what holy Elijahdid, at one time bringing clouds and rain from the ends of theearth, [426] at another, calling down fire from heaven on therevilers. [427] And now in like manner _God is glorified in_[428] Hisservant Malachy. 

24. (16). In the thirty-eighth year of his age, [429] the usurper havingbeen driven out, the poor man, Malachy, entered Armagh, pontiff andmetropolitan of all Ireland. But when the king and the others who hadbrought him in returned home, [430] he remained _in the hand ofGod_;[431] and there remained for him _without fightings, withinfears_. [432] For, lo, the viperous brood, raging and crying out that itwas disinherited, aroused itself in full strength, within and without, _against the Lord and against His Anointed_. [433] Moreover, Niall, seeing that flight was inevitable, [434] took with him certain insigniaof that see, to wit, the copy of the Gospels, which had belonged toblessed Patrick, [435] and the staff covered with gold and adorned withmost costly gems, which they call "the staff of Jesus, " because the Lordhimself (as report affirms) held it in His hands and fashioned it;[436]which are deemed of the highest honour and sanctity in that nation. Theyare, in fact, very well known and celebrated among the tribes, and sorevered by all, that he who is once seen to have them is held by the_foolish and unwise people_[437] to be their bishop. That man--avagabond[438] and another _Satan_--_went to and fro in the land andwalked up and down in it_, [439] bearing round the holy insignia; and, displaying them everywhere, he was for their sake everywhere received, by them winning the minds of all to himself, and withdrawing as many ashe could from Malachy. These things did he. 

25. But there was a certain prince, of the more powerful of theunrighteous race, [440] whom the king before he left the city, hadcompelled to swear that he would maintain peace with the bishop, takingfrom him, moreover, many hostages. Notwithstanding this, when the kingleft he entered the city, and took _counsel_ with his kinsmen andfriends _how they might take_ the holy man _by subtlety and kill him;but they feared the people_;[441] and having conspired to slayMalachy[442] they fixed a place and day, and a traitor _gave them asign_. [443] On that very day, when the prelate was now celebrating thesolemnity of Vespers in the church with the whole of the clergy and amultitude of the people, that worthless man sent him a message in _wordsof peace with subtlety_, [444] asking him that he would deign to comedown to him, so that he might make peace. The bystanders answered thathe should rather come to the bishop, and that the church was a moresuitable place for establishing peace; for they foresaw guile. Themessengers replied that this was not safe for the prince; that hefeared for his head, and that he did not trust himself to the crowdswho, some days before, had nearly killed him for the bishop's sake. Asthey were contending in this way, these saying that he should go, thosethat he should not go, the bishop, desiring peace and not afraid to die, said, "Brethren, let me imitate my Master. [445] I am a Christian to nopurpose if I do not _follow_ Christ. [446] Perhaps by humility I shallbend the tyrant; if not, yet I shall conquer by rendering, a shepherd toa sheep, a priest to a layman, that duty which he owed to me. You also, as far as in me lies, I shall edify not a little by such an example. Forwhat if I should chance to be killed? _I refuse not to die_, [447] inorder that from me you may have an example of life. It behoves a bishop, as the prince of bishops says, not _to be lord over the clergy, but tobecome an example to the flock_[448]--no other example[449] truly thanthat which we have received from Him _who humbled himself and becameobedient unto death_. [450] Who will give me [the opportunity] to leavethis [example] to [my] sons, sealed with my blood? Try, at any rate, whether your priest has worthily learnt from Christ not to fear deathfor Christ. " And he arose and went his way, all weeping, and prayingthat he would not so greatly desire to die for Christ that he shouldleave desolate so great a flock of Christ. 

26. (17). But as for him, _setting his whole hope_ in the Lord, [451] hewent with all speed accompanied only by three disciples who were _readyto die with him_. [452] _When he crossed the threshold_[453] of the houseand suddenly came into the midst of the armed men--himself protected bythe _shield of faith_[454]--the _countenances_ of them all _fell_, [455]for _dread fell upon them_, [456] so that the bishop could say, _Mineenemies which trouble me became weak and fell. _[457] This _word istrue_. [458] You might see the victim standing, the slaughtererssurrounding him on all sides, with weapons in their hands; and there wasnone to sacrifice him. You might suppose their arms were benumbed; forthere was none to stretch out a hand. For even that one also, who seemedto be the head of the evil, rose up, not to assail him but to show himreverence. Where is the sign, O man, which you had given for the deathof the pontiff? This is a sign rather of honour than death; thispostpones, it does not hasten death. Wonderful result! They offer peacewho had prepared slaughter. He cannot refuse it who had sought it at therisk of life. Therefore peace was made--a peace so firm that from thatday the priest found his foe not merely appeased, but obedient, devoted. [459] When they heard this, all the faithful rejoiced, not onlybecause _the innocent blood was saved in that day_, [460] but because bythe merits of Malachy the souls of many wrongdoers escaped to salvation. And fear took hold on all that were round about when they heard how Godhad laid low, with sudden power, those two of His enemies who seemedmost ferocious and powerful _in their generation_:[461] I refer to himwith whom we are now concerned, and the other of whom I spokeabove. [462] For in a wonderful manner He _took them_ both--one terriblypunished in the body, [463] the other mercifully changed inheart[464]--_in the devices that they had imagined_. [465]

[Sidenote: 1135, July(?)]

27. These matters so accomplished, the bishop now began to dispose andorder in the city all things pertaining to his ministry with entirefreedom, but not without constant risk of his life. For though there wasno one now who would harm him openly, yet the bishop had no place thatwas safe from plotters, and no time when he could be at ease; and armedmen were appointed to guard him day and night, though he rather _trustedin the Lord_. [466] But his purpose was to take action against theschismatic already mentioned, forasmuch as he was seducing many by meansof the insignia which he carried about, persuading all that he ought tobe bishop, and so stirring up the congregations[467] against Malachy andthe unity of the church. [468] And thus he did; and without difficulty ina short time he so _hedged up_ all _his ways[469] through the gracegiven unto him by the Lord_, [470] and which he had toward all, that thatevil one was compelled to surrender, to return the insignia, [471] andhenceforth to be quiet in _all subjection_. [472] Thus Malachy, albeitthrough many perils and labours, prospered day by day and wasstrengthened, _abounding_ more and more _in hope and the power of theHoly Ghost_. [473]

28. (18). And God swept away, not only those who did evil to Malachy, but also those who disparaged him. A certain man, for example, who wasin favour with the princes and magnates, and even with the kinghimself, [474] because he was a flatterer and garrulous and _mighty intongue_, [475] befriended Malachy's opponents in all things, andimpudently maintained their contention. On the other hand, when thesaint was present, he _withstood him to the face_, [476] and when he wasabsent he disparaged him. Moreover he accosted him rudely everywhere, and especially when he knew that he was engaged in the more frequentedassemblies. But he was soon visited with a suitable reward of hisimpudent tongue. The evil-speaking tongue swelled, and _became putridand worms swarmed_ from it[477] and filled the whole blasphemous mouth. He vomited them forth incessantly for well-nigh seven days, and atlength with them spued out his wretched soul. 

29. Once when Malachy was speaking before the people and exhortingthem, a certain unhappy woman dared to interrupt his discourse with evilcries, showing no respect to the priest _and the Spirit whichspake_. [478] Now she was of the impious race; and having _breath in hernostrils_[479] she vomited out blasphemies and insults against thesaint, saying that he was a hypocrite, and an invader of the inheritanceof another, and even reproaching him for his baldness. But he, modestand gentle as he was, _answered_ her _nothing_;[480] but the Lordanswered for him. The woman became insane by the judgement of the Lord, and crying out many times that she was being suffocated by Malachy, atlength by a horrible death she expiated the sin of blasphemy. So thiswretched woman, taking up against Malachy the reproach that had beenmade against Elisha, [481] found to her cost that he was indeed anotherElisha. 

30. Further, because on account of a certain pestilence which arose inthe city, he had solemnly led out a multitude of the clergy and peoplewith the memorial of the saints, [482] neither is this to be passed over, that when Malachy prayed the pestilence immediately ceased. Thenceforward there was none to murmur against him, for those who wereof the _seed of Canaan[483] said, Let us flee from the face of_ Malachy, _for the Lord fighteth for him_. [484] But it was too late, for thewrath of the Lord, coming everywhere upon them, pursued them _even untodestruction_. [485] How, in a few days, _is their memorial perished withresounding noise;[486] how are they brought into desolation, they areconsumed in a moment, they are punished for their iniquity_. [487] Agreat miracle to-day is the extinction of that generation, so quicklywrought, especially for those who knew their pride and power. [488] And_many other signs truly_[489] were there by which God glorified His nameand strengthened His servant amidst labours and dangers. Who canworthily recount them? Yet we do not omit them all, though we have notability to describe all. But that the sequence of the narrative may notbe interrupted we reserve to the end some that we propose to mention. 

[Sidenote: 1137]

31. (19). So then Malachy, when within three years[490] _a reward wasrendered to the proud_[491] and liberty restored to the church, barbarism driven out and the customs of the Christian religioneverywhere instituted anew, seeing that all things were at peace, beganto think also of his own peace. And mindful of his design he appointedin his own place Gelasius, [492] a good man, and worthy of so great anhonour, the clergy and people tacitly assenting, or rather supportinghim because of the agreement. [493] For apart from that it seemedaltogether cruel. And when he had been consecrated and earnestlycommended to the kings and princes, Malachy himself, renowned formiracles and triumphs, returned to his parish;[494] but not to Connor. Hear the cause, which is worth relating. It is said that that diocese inancient times had two episcopal sees, and that there were twobishoprics; an arrangement which seemed to Malachy preferable to theexisting one. Hence those bishoprics which ambition had welded intoone, [495] Malachy divided again into two, yielding one part to anotherbishop and retaining the other for himself. And for this reason he didnot come to Connor, because he had already ordained a bishop in it;[496]but he betook himself to Down, separating the parishes _as in the daysof old_. [497] O pure heart! O dove-like eye![498] He handed over to thenew bishop the place which seemed better organized, which was held to bemore important, the place in which he himself had sat. Where are theythat fight about boundaries, carrying on perpetual hostilities againstone another for a single village? I know not if there is any class ofmen whom that ancient prophecy touches more than those: _They haveripped up the women with child of Gilead that they might enlarge theirborder. _[499] But this at another place. [500]

32. When Malachy was made bishop of Down, immediately according to hiscustom he was at pains to take to himself from his sons, for hiscomfort, a convent of regular clerics. [501] And lo, again he girdshimself, as though a new recruit of Christ, for the spiritual conflict;again he puts on the _weapons_ that are _mighty through God_, [502] thehumility of holy poverty, the rigour of monastic discipline, thequietness of contemplation, continuance in prayer. But all these thingsfor a long time he was able to maintain rather in will than in deed. Forall men came to him; not only obscure persons, but also nobles andmagnates, hastened to commit themselves to his wisdom and holiness forinstruction and correction. And he himself meanwhile went about; _hewent out to sow his seed_, [503] disposing and decreeing with allauthority concerning ecclesiastical affairs, like one of the Apostles. And none _said unto him, By what authority doest thou thesethings_?[504] inasmuch as all _saw the miracles_ and wonders _which_ hedid, [505] and because _where the Spirit of the Lord is, there isliberty_. [506]

FOOTNOTES:

[365] That is, while Malachy was in Iveragh. 

[366] Cellach is here mentioned by name for the first time. See p. 14, n. 2. 

[367] Harris (_Ware's Works_, ii. , "Writers, " p. 69) identifies thistestament with the _Testamentum ad ecclesias_, a tract attributed toCellach, which is apparently no longer extant. But it may be doubtedwhether the testament mentioned in the text was committed to writing. 

[368] The designation by a coarb of his successor seems to have beenunusual. But in 1124 Malachy had in this way been appointed abbot ofBangor (§ 12); and in 1134 Murtough designated Niall as his successorin the abbacy of Armagh (§ 22). 

[369] Conor O'Brien, king of Thomond, and Cormac Mac Carthy, king ofDesmond. See § 9, and p. 21, notes 1-3. Murtough O'Brien, king ofMunster, fell into ill-health in 1114, and his brother Dermotattempted, evidently with some success, to seize the throne. Dermotdied in 1118 and Murtough early in the following year. TurloughO'Conor, the powerful king of Connaught, promptly invaded Munster, anddivided it into two vassal kingdoms, Thomond and Desmond. The formerhe gave to the sons of Dermot, of whom Conor was one, the latter toTeague Mac Carthy. Apparently Conor O'Brien soon established himselfas sole king of Thomond, and Cormac Mac Carthy became king of Desmondon the death of his father, Teague, in 1124. We have seen that both ofthem were deposed in 1127, and quickly restored (§ 9 f. : see p. 21, n. 3; p. 23, n. 2). From that time Conor and Cormac were allies. Cormacmarried Conor's niece (_A. T. _ 1138). Together in 1133 they invadedConnaught (_A. F. M. _), and the next year they made another successfulexpedition through Connaught into Ulster (then ruled by ConorO'Loughlin; see p. 40, n. 2), in the course of which they burned thechurch of Rathluraigh, now Maghera, co. Derry, near the border of thediocese of Armagh (_D. A. I. _). This expedition must be referred tohereafter (p. 51, n. 2). But Conor evidently aspired to be _ardrí_ ofIreland, and he found it desirable to remove a possible rival. Accordingly Cormac was murdered by his father-in-law, Conor's brother, in 1138, and Conor became king of all Munster. He was now the mostpowerful prince in Ireland; but he died, after a lingering illness(Tundale, p. 42), in 1142, without attaining his ambition. 

It is clear from the present passage that Conor O'Brien followed inthe footsteps of his predecessors in the same family as a supporter ofthe new movement in the Irish Church. Cormac, as we know, was thefriend and disciple of Malachy: his devotion to the Church iswitnessed to by the beautiful edifice built by him at Cashel, stillknown as "Cormac's Chapel, " which was consecrated in 1134; and by histitle of "Bishop-King, " which has been the subject of so muchdiscussion. See Petrie, pp. 283-307; and for the crozier found inCormac's supposed tomb, G. Coffey, _Guide to the Celtic Antiquities ofthe Christian Period in the National Museum, Dublin_, p. 64. But itmust be added that the contemporary Vision of Tundale, whichapparently emanated from Cormac's kingdom of Desmond, while bearingemphatic testimony to his generosity to "Christ's poor and pilgrims, "charges him with heinous crimes strangely inconsistent with St. Bernard's sketch of his character (Tundale, p. 44 f. ). 

[370] It seems that the successor (coarb) of the founder of a churchwas supposed to speak with his authority. Cp. The Epistle of Cummianin Ussher, p. 442. 

[371] Cp. § 65. It is generally believed that St. Patrick was buriedat Downpatrick (see Reeves, p. 223 ff. ); but Olden contended (notconvincingly) that the statement made here by St. Bernard is correct(_R. I. A. _ xviii, 655 ff. ), while Bury (_Life of St. Patrick_, p. 211)has "little hesitation in deciding that the obscure grave was atSaul. "

[372] This word cannot have been in St. Bernard's document, for it isunknown in early Irish ecclesiastical terminology, and in Irishhierarchical arrangements it would have no meaning. The context provesthat the persons to whom it is here applied are the abbots of Armagh, of whom Cellach was one. It probably represents a Latin rendering of"coarb (successor) of Patrick, " a title commonly given to the abbotsof this period. The document portrayed the coarbs as rulers of thechurch of Armagh. St. Bernard would naturally infer that they werebishops. When he found that their authority extended beyond Armagh hewould no less naturally style them archbishops or metropolitans. Cp. Serm. I, § 6, where the story of §§ 19-31 is briefly summarized. 

[373] Armagh. 

[374] _Quasi generationibus quindecim. _ The "quasi-generations" areapparently the periods of office of successive coarbs. St. Bernardseems to have written "fifteen" in mistake for "twelve. " SeeAdditional Note B, p. 165. 

[375] Adulterous, because it took possession of the church, whichshould have been married to true bishops. Cp. § 20, "the adultery ofthe church, " Malachy "being joined to another spouse;" § 21, Malachy's"former spouse, " and the vision of Cellach's wife. 

[376] Matt. Xii. 39; xvi. 4. 

[377] On the statements in these sentences, see Additional Note B. 

[378] That bishops were numerous in Ireland at this period isindubitable. Fifty attended the Synod of Fiadh meic Oengusa (_A. U. _1111), and probably all of them came from the provinces of Ulster andMunster (above, p. Xxxviii). But this cannot have been due to theirregularities at Armagh of which St. Bernard complains. There weremany bishops in Ireland in its earliest Christian period. See Reeves, 123-136; Todd, 27 ff. 

[379] Malachy was not of the Clann Sinaich, to which at this periodthe coarbs of Patrick belonged. See p. 6, n. 5, and Additional Note B, p. 165. 

[380] 1 Sam. Iii. 19, etc. 

[381] Cellach died on April 1, 1129, and was buried at Lismore onApril 4. On April 5, the day after his funeral, Murtough was appointedcoarb (_A. U. _). 

[382] He was probably supported by Conor O'Loughlin, who was king ofOriel, the district in which Armagh was situated (_A. F. M. _ 1136). Onhim see p. 40, n. 2. The "five years" are the period from Murtough'selection to his death, September 17, 1134 (_A. F. M. _)--nearly fiveyears and a half. 

[383] Geoffrey, St. Bernard's secretary, recalls a saying of his about"one of the saints, " which actually appears in the first antiphon atMattins in the office of St. Malachy, and which Geoffrey applies toSt. Bernard himself: "Blessed is he who loved the law, but did notdesire the chair [of dignity]. " (_V. P. _ iii. 8). 

[384] On Malchus see p. 18, n. 6. He was now about eighty-five yearsof age. 

[385] Gillebertus (as St. Bernard writes the name) is a latinized formof the Irish _Gilla espuig_ (servant of the bishop), which isanglicized Gillespie. With that Irish name he subscribed the Acts ofthe Synod of Rathbreasail (Keating, iii. 306); and we may thereforeaffirm with confidence that he was an Irishman. Gilbert was a friendof the famous thinker and ecclesiastical statesman, Anselm, who wasarchbishop of Canterbury from 1093 to 1109. The two men met each otherfor the first time at Rouen, probably in 1087, when Anselm was calledthither to the deathbed of William the Conqueror. Twenty years later, Gilbert, then bishop of Limerick, wrote a letter of congratulation toAnselm on his victory over Henry I. In the controversy concerninginvestiture (August 1107). In his reply Anselm intimates that the longinterval had not blurred his recollection of their formercompanionship, from which we may infer that Gilbert's personality hadmade a considerable impression upon him. Anselm also states that hehad learned (probably from the superscription of his friend's letter)that he was now a bishop. It would seem, therefore, that Gilbert hadbeen consecrated recently, and not, like the contemporary bishops ofDanish sees in Ireland, by the English Primate (see the letters inUssher, 511, 512). He probably became bishop of Limerick about 1105. Shortly after his correspondence with Anselm, and perhaps by hisinfluence, he was appointed papal legate for Ireland, the first, asSt. Bernard tells us, who had held that office. He was legate when in1108 or 1109 he wrote his tract _De Statu Ecclesić_ (see above, p. Xxx. Ff. ); and in 1110, as legate, he presided over the Synod ofRathbreasail. In 1139 or 1140, being old and infirm, he resigned hislegatine commission and his see (§ 38 and p. 73, note 1). He died in1145. Gilbert was evidently a strong man, who had much influence onthe affairs of the Irish Church. It is therefore surprising that theonly reference to him in the native Annals is the notice of his deathin the _Chronicon Scotorum_. 

[386] _Senior. _ This is almost a technical word for the head of areligious community. Malchus is called _ard senóir Gaoidheal_ (highsenior of the Irish) in _A. F. M. _ 1135. 

[387] His dissimulation was his disregard of the divine call in thevision described in § 21. 

[388] Cp. _A. F. M. _ 1132: "Mael Maedoc Ua Morgair sat in the coarbateof Patrick _by the request of the clerics of Ireland_. "

[389] Ps. Lxxxiii. 12 (vg. ). --See Additional Note B, p. 165. 

[390] Gen. Ix. 6. 

[391] The diocese of Connor. 

[392] Matt. Xix. 2; Mark x. 2. 

[393] Ezek. Xxxiii. 30. 

[394] Jer. L. 11. 

[395] The church of Armagh. 

[396] The "spouse" is primarily the diocese of Connor. His voluntarypoverty is especially associated with his episcopate there in Serm. I. § 6. 

[397] It can hardly be doubted that this means the diocese of Armagh(cp. P. 45, n. 4). Both § 19 and the title "son of purity" (_A. U. _1129) imply that Cellach was not married. 

[398] Rom. Ix. 19. 

[399] That Malachy was in 1132 recognized by many as coarb of Patrickis confirmed by the Annals (see p. 48, n. 3). But that he exercisedhis episcopal office "throughout the entire province" is inconsistentwith the fact that in 1133 Murtough "made a visitation of Tír Eoghain[counties of Derry and Tyrone] and received his tribute of cows andimparted his blessing" (_A. F. M. _). 

[400] September 17, 1134 (_A. F. M. _). Sudden death is not suggested bythe Annals. 

[401] St. Bernard puns on the Latin name by which he represents Niall. It is a diminutive of _niger_, black. 

[402] Josh. Ix. 24 (vg. ). 

[403] The meaning of this somewhat difficult sentence is made clear bythe reference to the Gibeonites (Josh. Ix). By their stratagem they"made provision for their lives, " that is, that they should continueto live instead of being exterminated with the rest of the Canaanites. In like manner Murtough provided that he should, as it were, live onand pursue his evil course, in the person of Niall. 

[404] He was Murtough's cousin, and Cellach's brother. See the table, Additional Note B, p. 164. 

[405] That the king was either Conor O'Brien or Cormac Mac Carthy ishighly probable. To them Cellach had confided the duty of seeing thatMalachy should be his successor (§ 19), and in this very year theyreached the border of the diocese of Armagh (p. 43, n. 5). See p. 53, n. 5. 

[406] Ps. Xxii. 16. 

[407] The narrative of this and the next section is illustrated by theAnnals under the year 1134. _A. F. M. _, after recording the obit ofMurtough, proceed: "Niall, son of Aedh, was installed in the coarbateof Patrick. A change of abbots in Armagh, _i. E. _ Mael Maedoc UaMorgair in place of Niall. " In _A. T. _ we have the statement, "MaelMaedog o Mongair ascended Patrick's chair. The Cinel Eoghain of TulachÓg conspired against Mael Maedoc, and a flash of lightning consumedtwelve men of them on the spot where they conspired against him. " Thusit seems that the conspirators came from the place now known asTullaghoge, in the county of Tyrone, then, as now, in the diocese ofArmagh. It was the district inhabited by the sept of the O'Hagans, andin it was the _lía na rígh_, the inauguration chair of the O'Neills, kings of Ulster. The confirmation which St. Bernard's story receivesfrom _A. T. _ is the more important, because the two narratives are sofar different that they must have come from independent sources. 

[408] Ps. Lii. 1 (vg. ). 

[409] Cp. John xviii. 2 (vg. ). 

[410] Ps. X. 8. 

[411] Matt. Xxiii. 35, combined with Rev. Vi. 10; xix. 2. 

[412] Ps. Xcvii. 2. 

[413] Ps. Xviii. 11. 

[414] Amos v. 8 (vg. ). 

[415] Rev. Iv. 5. 

[416] Ps. Xi. 6, _horribilis spiritus procellarum_: apparently aconflation of the vg. With another rendering. A. V. Has _an horribletempest_. 

[417] Virg. , _Aen. _ i. 91. 

[418] Exod. Iv. 19; Matt. Ii. 20, etc. 

[419] Job iii. 6 (vg. ). 

[420] Rom. Xiii. 12. 

[421] _Spiritus. _ Cp. The "spirit of tempests" in § 22 (end). 

[422] Ps. Cii. 10. 

[423] _Song of Three Children_, 27. 

[424] Ecclus. Xxxv. 16 (inexact quotation). 

[425] Exod. X. 23 (inexact quotation). 

[426] 2 Kings xviii. 41 ff. ; Jas. V. 18. 

[427] 2 Kings i. 9-12. 

[428] John xiii. 31. 

[429] This date is incorrect. The entry into the city of Armagh cannothave taken place before October 1134, when Malachy was in his fortieth(possibly thirty-ninth) year. His entry into the province (§ 21) wasprobably made in his thirty-eighth year. This was no doubt the causeof St. Bernard's error; for one of his documents may, like _A. F. M. _(p. 48, n. 3), have used words which seemed to imply that he enteredArmagh on that earlier occasion. 

[430] If "the king" was Cormac Mac Carthy (p. 51, n. 2), the statementthat he returned home shortly after Malachy obtained possession of thesee, is confirmed by _A. F. M. _ For they record, under 1134, theconsecration of Cormac's Chapel on the rock of Cashel. 

[431] Wisd. Iii. 1. 

[432] 2 Cor. Vii. 5. 

[433] Ps. Ii. 2; Acts iv. 26. 

[434] The flight of Niall seems clearly to imply that he was in thecity of Armagh. The natural inference is that "having been driven out"he was afterwards reinstated. This may have happened while Malachy wasabsent on a visitation of Munster, mentioned in _A. F. M. _, butapparently unknown to St. Bernard. The statement of the latter, thatMalachy "remained" in Armagh, ignores it. See further, Additional NoteC, p. 168 f. 

[435] The _Book of Armagh_, now in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. The manuscript was written at Armagh early in the ninthcentury by a scribe named Ferdomnach; but at an early date it came tobe supposed that it was the work of St. Patrick himself. From thisbelief, perhaps, arose the name by which it was known for manycenturies, and which can be traced back to the year 936--the Canon ofPatrick. It is strange that it should be called here a "copy of theGospels"; for in addition to the complete text of the New Testament itcontains two lives of St. Patrick, his _Confession_ and otherhistorical documents. But the word _Gospel_ was very loosely used inIreland (see _R. I. A. _ xxxiii. 327 f. ). Misled by this description, deBacker (n. _ad loc. _) identifies the book mentioned by St. Bernardwith the so-called "Gospels of St. Patrick, " found in the shrine knownas the Domnach Airgid, about 1830, which have no connexion with Armaghor St. Patrick (_R. I. A. Trans. _ xviii. , "Antiquities, " pp. 14 ff. ;xxx. 303 ff. ; _R. I. A. _ xxxiv. 108 ff. ). For further information aboutthe _Book of Armagh_ the reader may consult Gwynn, especially pp. Ci. -cxvi. 

[436] The staff of Jesus was a wooden crozier (Giraldus, _Top. _ iii. 34), richly adorned. The story of its presentation by Christ to St. Patrick is found in the tenth-century _Trip. _ (p. 30), no doubt takenfrom an earlier source. The staff was much older than the _Book ofArmagh_; for we find that it was "profaned" in 789, and it was thenapparently regarded as the principal relic of St. Patrick (_A. U. _788). It seems that there was a still more ancient tradition, that St. Patrick gave it to St. Mac Cairthinn (_R. I. A. _ xxxiv. 114), from whichit may be inferred that it once belonged to the church of Clogher. Itwas removed from Armagh to Dublin in 1180, and deposited in ChristChurch. It was burnt in 1538 (_A. L. C. _). Apparently St. Bernard is theonly authority for the statement that it was "fashioned" by Christ. Itappears that the staff of Jesus, in the twelfth century, was regardedas a much more important relic than the _Book of Armagh_, and was moreclosely associated with the person and office of the coarb of Patrick. It is frequently mentioned in such a way as to suggest that it was oneof the insignia of his authority (_A. U. _ 1015, 1073, 1101, 1113, 1157, 1166, 1167; _A. F. M. _ 1135, 1139, 1143, 1148, 1152). Similar referencesto the _Book of Armagh_ do not occur till near the close of thetwelfth century, immediately after the removal of the staff fromArmagh (_A. U. _ 1179, 1196; Gwynn, p. Civ. ). A very full account of thelater history of the staff may be read in _O. C. C. _ pp. Viii-xx. 

[437] Deut. Xxxii. 6. 

[438] _Gyrovagus. _ The word is commonly used of a monk who leaves hisproper monastery, and wanders about from one cell to another (see, _e. G. _, St. Bernard, _Ep. _ 68, § 4), or to a priest who deserts hisparish (Du Cange, _s. V. _). 

[439] Job i. 6, 7; ii. 2. 

[440] King (_Primacy of Armagh_, p. 97) thought that this was ConorO'Loughlin. But he could hardly be described as "of the unrighteousrace, " or as a "prince, " which would indicate a petty chieftain. Probably the conspirator was a local magnate. 

[441] Matt. Xxvi. 4, combined with Luke xxii. 2. 

[442] Cp. Acts xxiii. 12 f. 

[443] Matt. Xxvi. 48. 

[444] 1 Macc. I. 30. 

[445] Cp. 1 Cor. Xi. 1. 

[446] Matt. X. 38, etc. 

[447] Acts xxv. 11. 

[448] 1 Pet. V. 3 (vg. , inexact quotation). 

[449] _Formam. _ The word occurs in the verse just quoted, and in thecontext of that which follows (Phil. Ii. 7). 

[450] Phil. Ii. 8. 

[451] Ps. Lxxviii. 7. 

[452] Acts xxi. 13; John xi. 16. 

[453] Cp. Apuleius, _Metamorph. _ xi. 23. 

[454] Eph. Vi. 16. 

[455] Gen. Iv. 6. 

[456] Exod. Xv. 16. 

[457] Ps. Xxvii. 2 (vg. ). 

[458] John iv. 37. 

[459] While accepting the facts here narrated, so far as they werecapable of being observed, one cannot ignore the probability that theywere misinterpreted. It is quite possible that the offer of peace wasmade in good faith, and that Malachy and his friends were undulysuspicious when they "foresaw guile. " The prince may have surroundedhimself with armed men as a mere matter of prudence. 

[460] Susanna, 62. 

[461] Luke xvi. 8. 

[462] § 23. 

[463] _Mulctatum in corpore. _

[464] _Mutatum in corde. _

[465] Ps. X. 2. 

[466] Jer. Xvii. 7, etc. 

[467] _Plebes. _

[468] That is, the church of Armagh. 

[469] Hos. Ii. 6. 

[470] Rom. Xii. 3; xv. 15, etc. 

[471] This statement can hardly be regarded as accurate. Flann UaSinaich, keeper of the staff of Jesus, having died, Malachy purchasedit on July 7, 1135; or, in other words, as we may suppose, bribed thenew keeper to hand it over to him (_A. F. M. _). Niall himself may havesubsequently surrendered the _Book of Armagh_. 

[472] 1 Tim. Ii. 11. 

[473] Rom. Xv. 13 (vg. ). --The success of Malachy in establishing peacein the latter years of his rule at Armagh may be attributed in part tothe influence of a prince who is not mentioned in the text. DonoughO'Carroll first appears in the Annals as chieftain of the men ofFearnmaigh (now represented by the barony of Farney, co. Monaghan), whom he led in an expedition against Fingal (the district north ofDublin) in 1133. He seems to have succeeded to the kingdom or lordshipof Oriel (which included the present counties of Armagh, Monaghan andLouth) on the death of Conor O'Loughlin (May 1136); for in 1138, "withthe Oirgialla, " he took part in an invasion of Meath. His career wasprosperous till 1152, when he assaulted the coarb of Patrick(Gelasius). In consequence he was attacked by the Cenél Eoghain, andexpelled from Oriel. In 1155 he was imprisoned by Tighernan O'Rorke inLough Sheelan, for six weeks; but he escaped and recovered hiskingdom, and was present at the consecration of the Church ofMellifont Abbey in 1157. He was murdered in 1168. For his support ofMalachy see Additional Note C, p. 170. 

[474] This is obviously not the king mentioned in §§ 22, 24, 25. Thereference may be to Conor O'Loughlin, who was king of Oriel till hewas murdered in May 1136 (p. 40, note 2), or his successor, DonoughO'Carroll. 

[475] Ecclus. Xxi. 7. 

[476] Gal. Ii. 11. 

[477] Exod. Xvi. 20 (vg. , inexact quotation). 

[478] Acts vi. 10 (vg. ). 

[479] Isa. Ii. 22; cf. Job xxvii. 3; Wisd. Ii. 2. --The words might berendered "a spirit (_spiritus_) in her nostrils. " The meaning is notclear. In the biblical passages in which the phrase occurs itindicates mortality. On the other hand, by the previous sentence St. Bernard suggests that, in contrast to Malachy, the woman spoke underthe influence of an evil spirit. 

[480] Mark xiv. 61. 

[481] 2 Kings ii. 23. 

[482] _Memoria sanctorum. _ Probably a reliquary. A reliquary preservedat Clogher in 1300 was known as the _membra_, which, according to oneexplanation, was the equivalent of _memoriale scrinium_, memorialshrine. See _L. A. J. _ iv. 245. Cp. Oengus, p. 345 (_s. V. _ Memrae);Lightfoot, _Clement of Rome_, vol. I. P. 91. 

[483] Susanna, 56. 

[484] Exod. Xiv. 25. 

[485] Deut. Vii. 2 (vg. ). 

[486] Ps. Ix. 6 (vg. ). 

[487] Ps. Lxxiii. 19. 

[488] See Additional Note B, p. 166. 

[489] John xx. 30. 

[490] This date is vague. But the period of three years must bereckoned from the death of Murtough (September 17, 1134), or from thesubsequent ejection of Niall. Since stress is laid on the shortness, rather than the length of the period, we may therefore conclude thatpeace was established not long before October 1137, or, at any rate, after the beginning of that year. And as St. Bernard believed that theinauguration of Gelasius "immediately" followed the resignation ofMalachy, we may gather that both these events took place in 1137. _A. F. M. _ date Malachy's resignation in 1136; but the chronology of St. Bernard is to be preferred. See Additional Note C, pp. 168, 169. 

[491] Ps. Xciv. 2. 

[492] Gelasius--in Irish Gilla meic Liag, the servant of the son ofthe poet--was born about 1087. His father was apparently the poet of aTyrone sept, named Dermot (O'Hanlon, _Saints_, iii. 965). About 1121he was appointed abbot of Derry, and held that office till he becamearchbishop of Armagh in 1137. He had a long episcopate and seems tohave been a vigorous prelate. His age and infirmity (says Giraldus)prevented him from attending the Synod of Cashel in 1172. But hesubsequently visited Henry II. In Dublin. Thither he brought the whitecow, whose milk was his only food (Giraldus, _Expug. _ i. 35). He diedMarch 27, 1174, in his eighty-seventh year. For a Life of Gelasius, see Colgan, _A. S. H. _ p. 772. 

[493] See § 21. 

[494] _I. E. _ diocese. 

[495] The two episcopal sees are evidently Connor and Down. But inearly time there were many more sees than two in that district (seeReeves, p. 138), and there is no evidence that any one of them was theseat of a diocesan bishop. But, even if it were so, St. Bernard'sstatement that the two supposed dioceses were "welded into one" bysome ambitious prelate prior to Malachy is unhistorical. A bishop ofConnor and a bishop of Down both died in 1117, just seven years beforeMalachy became bishop of the diocese which included these two places;and there is no trace of a bishop in either of them in the interval. The fact seems to be that the diocese of Connor or Down wasconstituted for the first time at the Synod of Rathbreasail in 1110. It remained on paper until Malachy was appointed its first bishop. Forthe probable reason of Malachy's division of the diocese, see p. Lvii. F. 

[496] This cannot be the true reason for Malachy's choice of Downrather than Connor. If he had wished to go to Connor on his retirementfrom Armagh he could have consecrated a bishop for Down. It is moreprobable that his preference was due to his love for Bangor, where heresided during his first episcopate, and where he probably residedalso when he was bishop of Down. But, however that may be, Bangor wasnecessarily under his jurisdiction as bishop of Down; his connexionwith it would have been severed if he had assumed the oversight of thenew diocese of Connor. 

[497] Isa. Li. 9; Amos ix. 11. 

[498] Cp. Cant. I. 15; iv. I. ; v. 12. --St. Bernard himself is said tohave had "dove-like eyes" (_V. P. _ v. 12); and the meaning of thephrase is explained thus: "In his eyes there shone a certain angelic_purity_ and a dove-like _simplicity_ (single-mindedness)" (_ibid. _iii. 1). 

[499] Amos i. 13. 

[500] Cp. § 44, p. 83. 

[501] It has been commonly assumed that the house of thisconvent--which obviously consisted of Augustinian canons (the onlyorder of regular clerics recognized at this period by the RomanChurch: see Conc. Lat. 1139, can. 9, Mansi xxi. 528)--was inDownpatrick. It has accordingly been identified with a monastery whichin the Terrier of 1615 is described as "the monastery of the Irish, hard by the Cathedral, " and called "the church of the channons"(Reeves, 43, 231). But it is not stated in the text to have been inDown. It seems more likely to have been the monastery of Bangor, whichwas destroyed in 1127 (§ 18), and must have been reconstituted aboutthis time. There is no indication in the _Life_ that Malachy residedin Down, while there are several hints that Bangor was hisheadquarters and that he was abbot of the community there as long ashe lived. (See p. 33, n. 1. ) In other words Bangor was, in fact if notin name, the see of the diocese of Ulaid, or Down. For this curiousanomaly we have a parallel in the diocese of Tír Eoghain, the see ofwhich for a long period was at Maghera, the bishop, the while, beingoften styled bishop of Derry (_Irish Church Quarterly_, x. 225 ff. );and for the bishop of a diocese serving as abbot of his cathedralchapter of regular canons we may point to Carlisle (_Trans. OfScottish Ecclesiological Society_, iii. 267 ff. ), Louth (_L. A. J. _ iv. 143 ff. ) and Christ Church, Dublin (_ibid. _ 145). That the canons ofBangor were at an early period the bishop's chapter we haveindependent evidence. For in 1244 the Pope gave judgement in a causewhich had been pending for some time between the prior and monks ofDown and the abbot and canons of Bangor, each of whom claimed thattheir church was cathedral (Theiner, p. 42). This claim on behalf ofBangor is easily explained if it was reckoned as the bishop's see inthe time of Malachy. 

[502] 2 Cor. X. 4. 

[503] Luke viii. 5. 

[504] Matt. Xxi. 23; Mark xi. 28. 

[505] Acts viii. 6; John ii. 23. 

[506] 2 Cor. Iii. 17. 

CHAPTER V

_The Roman Pilgrimage: the Miracles which were wrought in it. _

[Sidenote: 1139]

33. (20). It seemed to him, however, that one could not go on doingthese things with sufficient security without the authority of theApostolic See; and for that reason he determined to set out for Rome, and most of all because the metropolitan see still lacked, and from thebeginning had lacked, the use of the pall, which is the fullness ofhonour. [507] And it _seemed good in his eyes_[508] that the church forwhich he had laboured so much[509] should acquire, by his zeal andlabour, that privilege which hitherto it had not had. There was alsoanother metropolitan see, which Cellach had constituted anew, thoughsubject to the first see and to its archbishop as primate. [510] For italso Malachy no less desired the pall, and that the prerogative which ithad attained by the gift of Cellach should be confirmed by the authorityof the Apostolic See. When his purpose became known it displeased boththe brothers and the magnates and people of the country; because alljudged that they could not endure so long an absence of the lovingfather of them all, and because they feared he might die. 

[Sidenote: 1139, June 12]

[Sidenote: 1140, January]

34. It happened meanwhile that his brother, Christian by name, died, [511] _a good man, full of grace and_ power. [512] He was a bishopsecond to Malachy in reputation, but in holiness of life and zeal forrighteousness perhaps his equal. His departure made all the more afraid, and rendered a parting from Malachy more grievous. They said, in fact, that they would in no wise assent to the pilgrimage of their onlyprotector, since _the whole land_ would _be made desolate_[513] if inone moment it was bereaved of two such _pillars_. [514] Therefore all, with one voice, opposed him, and would have used force but that hethreatened them with divine vengeance. They refused to desist, however, till the will of God on this matter should be asked by the casting of alot. He forbade it: nevertheless they cast the lot, but thrice it wasfound to give an answer in favour of Malachy. For they were not contentwith one trial, so eager were they to retain him. Yielding at lengththey let him go, but not without _lamentation and weeping and greatmourning_. [515] But that he should leave nothing imperfect he began totake measures by which he might _raise up the seed of his_ dead_brother_. [516] And three of his disciples having been summoned to himhe deliberated anxiously which should seem more worthy, or, in otherwords, more useful, for this work. And when he had scrutinized them oneby one, he said, "Do you, Edan" (that was the name of one of them), "undertake the burden. "[517] And when he hesitated and wept, heproceeded, "Do not fear; for you have been designated to me by the Lord;for just now I saw in anticipation the gold ring with which you are tobe espoused on your finger. "[518] He assented, and when he had beenconsecrated Malachy set out on his journey. 

35. And when he had left Scotland[519] and reached York, a priest, named Sycarus, [520] _steadfastly beholding him_[521] recognized him. Forthough he had not seen his face before, because he _had the spirit ofprophecy_[522] he had received a revelation concerning him long ago. Andnow without hesitation he pointed him out with his finger to those whostood round him, saying, "_This is he of whom I had said_ that fromIreland _there shall come_[523] a holy bishop who _knoweth the thoughtsof man_. "[524] So the _lamp_ could not be hid _under a bushel_, for theHoly Spirit who _lighted_ it[525] brought it forth by the mouth ofSycarus. For also many secret things concerning the affairs of him andhis companions were told him by Sycarus, all of which he acknowledged tobe or to have been. But when the companions of Malachy went on toinquire about their return, Sycarus immediately replied--and _the eventafterwards proved the truth of the saying_[526]--that evidently very fewof their number would return with the bishop. When they heard that theyimagined that he apprehended death: but God fulfilled it in another way;for on his way back from the City he left some with us, and some inother places, to learn the rule of life;[527] and so, _according to theword_ of Sycarus, [528] he returned to his own country with very fewcompanions. So much concerning Sycarus. 

36. In the same city of York he was visited by a man of noble rankaccording to the standard of the world, Waltheof[529] by name, thenprior of the regular brothers at Kirkham, [530] but now a monk, andfather of the monks at Melrose, a monastery of our Order, [531] whodevoutly commended himself with humility to Malachy's prayers. And whenhe noticed that the bishop had many companions and few horses--forbesides ministers[532] and other clerks he had with him five presbyters, and only three horses--he offered him his own, on which he rode, sayingthat he regretted only one thing, that it was a pack-horse[533] and arough animal to ride. And he added, "I would have given it morewillingly if it had been better; but, if you think it worth while, takeit with you, such as it is. " "And I, " replied the bishop, "accept it themore willingly the more valueless you proclaim it, because nothing canbe of no value to me which so precious a will offers;" and, turning tohis companions, "Saddle this horse for me, for it is suitable for me, and will suffice for a long time. " This done, he mounts. And at first heconsidered it rough, as it was, but afterwards, by a wonderful change, he found that it suited him well and ambled pleasantly. And that theremight not _fall_ on _the ground_ any part of the word which he hadspoken, [534] till the ninth year, the year in which he died, [535] it didnot fail him, and became an excellent and very valuable palfrey. And--that which made the miracle more evident to those that saw--frombeing nearly black it began to grow white, and after no long time[536]there was scarcely a whiter horse to be found than it. 

[Sidenote: 1140, March]

37. (21). To me also it was granted to see the man on that journey, [537]and by the sight of him and by his word I was refreshed, and _Irejoiced as in all riches_;[538] and I, in turn, though a sinner, _foundgrace in his sight_[539] then, and from that time up to his death, as Isaid in the Preface. [540] He also, deigning to turn aside toClairvaux, [541] when he saw the brothers was deeply moved; and theywere not a little edified by his presence and his speech. So acceptingthe place and us, and gathering us into his inmost heart, he bade usfarewell and departed. And crossing the Alps he came to Ivrea, [542] acity of Italy, where he immediately healed the little son of his hostwho _was sick and ready to die_. [543]

[Sidenote: 1140, May]

38. Pope Innocent II. , of happy memory, was then in the ApostolicSee. [544] He received him courteously, and displayed kindly pity for himon account of his long pilgrimage. And Malachy in the first place askedwith many tears for that which he had fixed most deeply in his heart, that he might be allowed to live and die at Clairvaux, with thepermission and blessing of the chief Pontiff. He sought this, notforgetful of the purpose for which he had come, but influenced by thelonging for Clairvaux which he had brought with him. [545] But he did notobtain his request, because the apostolic man decided that he should beemployed to more profitable advantage. He was not, however, whollydisappointed of _his heart's desire_, [546] since it was granted him ifnot to live, at least to die there. He spent a whole month in the City, visiting the holy places and resorting to them for prayer. During thattime the chief Pontiff made frequent and careful inquiry of him andthose who were with him concerning the affairs of their country, themorals of the people, the state of the churches, and the great thingsthat God had wrought by him in the land. And when he was alreadypreparing to return home the Pope committed his own authority to him, appointing him legate throughout the whole of Ireland. For BishopGilbert, who, as we have mentioned above, was then legate, had intimatedto him that by reason of age and infirmity of body _he could no longerdischarge the duties of the office_. [547] After this Malachy prayed thatthe constitution of the new metropolis[548] should be confirmed, andthat palls should be given him for both sees. The privilege ofconfirmation he soon received; "but regarding the palls, " said the chiefPontiff, "more formal action must be taken. You must call together thebishops and clerks and the magnates of the land and hold a generalcouncil; and so with the assent and common desire of all ye shall demandthe pall by persons of honest repute, and it shall be given you. " Thenhe took his mitre from his own head, and placed it on Malachy'shead, [549] and more, he gave him the stole and maniple which he wasaccustomed to use in the offering; and saluting him with the kiss ofpeace he dismissed him, strengthened with the apostolic blessing andauthority. 

[Sidenote: 1140, July-August]

[Sidenote: 1142]

39. And returning by Clairvaux he bestowed on us _a second_benediction. [550] And sighing deeply that it was not allowed him toremain as he longed to do, he said, "Meanwhile I pray you to keep thesemen for me, that they may learn from you what they may afterwards teachus. " And he added, "They will be to us for a seed, _and in_ this _seedshall the nations be blessed_, [551] even those nations which fromancient days have heard the name of monk, but have not seen amonk. "[552] And leaving four of his most intimate companions[553] hedeparted: and they, when they were proved and found worthy, were mademonks. After a time, when the saint was now in his own country, he sentothers, [554] and they were dealt with in like manner. And when they hadbeen instructed for some time _and had applied their hearts untowisdom_, [555] the holy brother Christian, [556] who was one ofthemselves, was given to them to be their father, and we sent them out, adding from our own a sufficient number for an abbey. [557] And thisabbey _conceived and bare_ five _daughters_, [558] and the seed beingthus multiplied[559] the number of monks increases from day to dayaccording to the desire and prophecy of Malachy. Now let us return tothe order of the narrative. 

40. (22). Malachy having set out from us had a prosperous journeythrough Scotland. And he found King David, [560] who is still aliveto-day, in one of his castles;[561] and his son _was sick nigh untodeath_. [562] And when Malachy entered the king's house he was honourablyreceived by him and prevailed upon by humble entreaty _that he wouldheal his son_. [563] He sprinkled the youth with water which he hadblessed, and _fastening his eyes upon him_ said, [564] "Trust me, my son;you shall not die this time. " He said this, and on the next day, according to his word, there followed the cure, and after the cure thejoy of the father and the shouting and noise of the whole exultingfamily. The _rumour went forth_[565] to all, for what happened in theroyal house and to the king's son _could not be hid_. [566] And lo, everywhere there resounded _thanksgiving and the voice of praise_, [567]both for the salvation of their lord, and for the novelty of themiracle. This is Henry;[568] for he still lives, the only son of hisfather, a brave and prudent knight, taking after his father as they say, in _following after righteousness_[569] and love of the truth. And bothloved Malachy, as long as he lived, because he had recalled him fromdeath. They asked him to remain some days; but he, shunning renown, wasimpatient of delay, and in the morning went on his way. 

As he passed, therefore, through the village called Cruggleton, [570] adumb girl met him. While he prayed _the string of her tongue was loosedand she spake plain_. [571]

Then he entered the village which they call St. Michael's Church, [572]and before all the people cured a woman who was brought to him, mad andbound with cords; and when he had sent her away restored he went on. 

But when he came to Portus Lapasperi, [573] he waited there for a passagesome days; but the time of delay did not pass idly. In the interval anoratory is constructed of twigs woven into a hedge, he both givingdirections and himself working. When it was finished he surrounded itwith a wall, and blessed the enclosed space for a cemetery. The meritsof him who blessed, the miracles, which are said to be wrought therefrequently to this day, sufficiently declare. 

41. Hence it came that they were in the habit of carrying thither fromthe neighbouring places those _that were_ infirm and _diseased_, and_many_ were healed. [574] A woman paralysed in all her limbs, broughtthither on a waggon, returned home on foot, having waited only one nightin the holy place, not in vain, for the mercy of the Lord. [575]

 * * * * *

Let these incidents--a few out of many--suffice with reference to thatplace; for now we must proceed with what remains. 

FOOTNOTES:

[507] The pall is a sort of collar, made of lamb's wool, which everymetropolitan is required to obtain from the Pope, and without which hecannot exercise his functions. From the end of the eleventh century ithas been described in papal bulls as the symbol of "the fullness ofthe pontifical office" (_Catholic Encyclopedia_, xi. 428). For thedate of Malachy's decision to go to Rome, see p. 72, n. 3. 

[508] 1 Sam. Xiv. 36, 40 (vg. ). 

[509] Armagh. 

[510] Cashel, the seat of the kings of Munster. It was certainly thesee of an archbishop in 1110, when Malchus subscribed the Acts ofRathbreasail as archbishop of Cashel. For the date of its foundationsee p. Xxxv. F. 

[511] Christian, bishop of Clogher, was probably appointed bishop ofthat diocese in succession to Cinaeth Ua Baigill, who died in 1135(_A. T. _). He seems to have transferred the see of the diocese toLouth, a large part of the diocese of Armagh (in which Louth wassituated) being placed under his jurisdiction. This arrangement was nodoubt made by Malachy with the support of Donough O'Carroll. See thedocument quoted in Additional Note C, p. 170, _L. A. J. _ iv. 133 ff. Andabove, p. Lix. Christian is commemorated in the contemporaryMartyrology of Gorman on June 12. The year of his death is stated(_A. F. M. _) to have been 1138. St. Bernard obviously supposed it tohave taken place in 1139 (p. 70, n. 2), and he appears to be right. For the work described in § 32 demands a longer period than can beallowed for it on the supposition that he divulged his scheme ofvisiting Rome before June 12, 1138. Moreover by that time he cannothave known that the papal schism had come to an end; for the Anti-popedid not submit till May 29. Cp. P. 72, n. 3, and _R. I. A. _ xxxv. 245ff. For another notice of Christian, see p. 89, n. 1. 

[512] Acts vi. 8 (vg. ), combined with Acts xi. 24. 

[513] Jer. Xii. 11. 

[514] Gal. Ii. 9. 

[515] Matt. Ii. 18. 

[516] Deut. Xxv. 5 (vg. ). 

[517] Edan O'Kelly was bishop of Louth till his death in 1182(_A. L. C. _). He organized the diocese of Oriel, with its see atLouth--corresponding to the present diocese of Clogher--by the help ofDonough O'Carroll. In conjunction with him he founded the monastery ofSS. Peter and Paul for Augustinian canons at Knock, by Louth, consecrated by Malachy in 1148 (_A. F. M. _; _L. A. J. _ iv. 239, anddocument quoted, p. 170). Close to it he also founded the Augustinianmonastery of St. Mary, the church of which was the cathedral church ofthe diocese. On the early history of this diocese see _L. A. J. _ iv. 129ff. 

[518] This simple story was much developed in later times. Thus in amedieval register of Clogher we read that when Edan had anointedChristian on his deathbed "Malachy saw the ring which Christian woreleap to Edan's finger, and therefore he consecrated him bishop"(_L. A. J. _ iv. 239). 

[519] No particulars are given of the passage through Scotland. ButMalachy probably sailed from Bangor to Cairngarroch (§ 40, p. 78, n. 4), and travelled thence by the shortest route through Carlisle toYork. The kingdom of Scotland then extended southwards to the riverRibble at Gisburn (§ 69) and eastwards to the Tees (William ofNewburgh, in _Chron. Of Stephen_ (R. S. ), i. 70). For a full discussionof his journeys, the results of which are here assumed, see _R. I. A. _xxxv. 238-243. 

[520] This probably represents the Saxon name Sighere. Jocelin, whotells this story (_Vita S. Waltheni_ in _AA. SS. _, Aug. , i. 255), saysthat Sycarus (or as the MSS. Of his tract call him, Figarus) was apriest _de Neubato_ (v. L. _Neuvelt_). _i. E. _, I suppose, of Newbald, aparish near Market Weighton, and about twenty-three miles from York. 

[521] Acts xiv. 9. 

[522] Rev. Xix. 10. 

[523] John i. 30. 

[524] Ps. Xciv. 11. 

[525] Matt. V. 15; Mark iv. 21; Luke xi. 33. 

[526] Gen. Xli. 13 (vg. ). 

[527] Cp. § 39. 

[528] 2 Kings vi. 18, etc. 

[529] Printed text, _Wallenus_, obviously an error for _Walleuus_(_Wallevus_), which is the reading of A. The name occurs also in theform Waldeve. St. Waltheof was the younger son of Simon de St. Liz, earl of Northampton, by his wife Matilda, daughter of Waltheof, earlof Northumberland. After Simon's death Matilda married David, afterwards (1124) king of Scots. That Waltheof was the stepson ofDavid I. Is a fact not unimportant for readers of the _Life of St. Malachy_. After living for some time in Scotland Waltheof retired tothe Augustinian priory of St. Oswald, Nostal. Subsequently, but atwhat date seems to be unknown, he was appointed prior of Kirkham. But, desirous of a more austere life, he resigned the priory, and entered aCistercian house at Wardon, Bedfordshire. From it he soon migrated toRievaulx in Yorkshire, and took the vows of the Order. On thedeposition of Richard, first abbot of Melrose, he was elected as hissuccessor in 1148. He died August 3, 1159. (Life by Jocelin in_AA. SS. _, Aug, i. 248). His visit to Malachy proves that the fame ofthe latter had come to his ears--probably through the Scots who knewhim at Lismore (§ 8). It indicates also that Malachy stayed at Yorklong enough to allow the news of his arrival to be sent to Kirkham. 

[530] The ruins of Kirkham Abbey remain in the parish of Weston, aboutsixteen miles north-east of York. This house of Augustinian canons wasfounded in 1121 by Walter Espec and his wife Adeline. The first priorwas William, rector of Garton, uncle of Espec. Dugdale (vol. Vi. 1. Pp. 207-209), overlooking Waltheof, mentions no other before 1190. 

[531] The first Cistercian monastery in Scotland, founded in 1136 byDavid I. It was a daughter of Rievaulx, from which, as we have seen, Waltheof was called to be its abbot. Its church of St. Mary wasconsecrated July 28, 1146. It is on the bank of the Tweed, not farfrom Old Melrose, the site of a community founded in the seventhcentury, of which St. Cuthbert was a member. See James A. Wade, _History of Melrose_. 

[532] Deacons. 

[533] _Runcinus_, the Old English _rouncy_ (Chaucer, _Prol. _ 390). From this incident the inference is clear that during the wholejourney to Rome and back most of Malachy's companions were always onfoot, and that the party went at a walking pace. 

[534] 1 Sam. Iii. 19. Cp. Matt. X. 29. 

[535] An important date. Since Malachy died on November 2, 1148, hemust have reached York not earlier than November 1139. For reasons forputting the visit somewhat later see _R. I. A. _, xxxv. 247 f. 

[536] "Within a few days, " says Jocelin in his version of the story!See _AA. SS. _ l. C. 

[537] After leaving York Malachy no doubt followed approximately theline of the Roman road known as Erming Street to London andCanterbury. Thanks to the preservation of the Itinerary of ArchbishopSigeric on his journey from Rome to Canterbury in 990 (Stubbs, _Memorials of St. Dunstan_ (R. S. ), pp. 391-395), to our knowledge ofthe routes of travellers contemporary with Malachy, and to the raremention in the _Life_ of places through which he passed, we can followhim almost step by step from Canterbury to Rome and back. He probablysailed from Dover, and landed on the French coast at or near Wissant. Thence he went by Arras, Rheims, Châlons-sur-Marne, Bar-sur-Aube, Lausanne, Martigny, and over the Great St. Bernard to Ivrea. Then hefollowed the beaten tract through Vercelli, Pavia, Piacenza, Pontremoli, Lucca and Viterbo to Rome. On the whole journey, fromBangor to Rome and back, the company traversed about 3000 miles onland, besides crossing the sea four times. Allowing for stoppages atRome, Clairvaux and elsewhere, and for a weekly rest on Sunday, Malachy must have been absent from Ireland about nine months. Fordetails see _R. I. A. _ xxxv. 238 ff. The marginal dates are based onthat investigation, and are to be regarded merely as approximations. 

[538] Ps. Cxix. 14. 

[539] Gen. Xxxiii. 10, etc. 

[540] Pref. § 2. 

[541] Malachy probably "turned aside" from the main road atBar-sur-Aube, from which Clairvaux is distant eight miles. A few wordsmay be said about this famous monastery and its first abbot. Bernard, the son of a nobleman named Tescelin and his saintly wife Aleth, whosememory exercised a powerful influence on the lives of her children, was born at Fontaines, a mile or two from Dijon, in 1090. In Oct. 1111he persuaded his brothers and many of his friends to embrace thereligious life. Early in the following year the whole band, thirty innumber, entered the austere and now declining community which had beenestablished in 1098 at Citeaux, twelve miles from Dijon. Their arrivalwas the beginning of the prosperity of the great Cistercian Order. In1115 Bernard was sent out, with some brothers, by the abbot, StephenHarding, to found a daughter house on the river Aube, in a valleywhich had once been known, from its desolation, as the Valley ofWormwood. After incredible hardships a monastery was built, and theplace was so transformed by the labours of the monks that henceforthit deserved its newer name of Clara Vallis, or Clairvaux. Thecommunity rapidly increased in numbers; and in 1133, in spite of theopposition of the abbot when the proposal was first made, the buildingof a large monastery on a different site was begun. It was probablyfar advanced when Malachy arrived in 1140 (Vacandard, i. 413, 423). Itwas just completed when he came again in 1148 (see p. 143, n. 5). St. Bernard died on August 20, 1153. At this time he was the most powerfulecclesiastic in Europe, not excepting his nominee Pope Innocent II. (see p. 72, n. 3). Doubtless the main purpose of Malachy's visit toClairvaux was to secure St. Bernard's support of the petition which hewas about to present to the Pope. For further information about St. Bernard the reader may consult _V. P. _, Vacandard, J. Cotter Morison, _The Life and Times of St. Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux_ (1868), andRichard S. Storrs, _Bernard of Clairvaux, the Times, the Man, and hisWork_ (1892). 

[542] _Yporia. _ Its ancient name was Eporedia. From it there are tworoutes across the Alps, by the Great St. Bernard and the Little St. Bernard respectively. 

[543] Luke vii. 2. 

[544] On the death of Pope Honorius II. (February 14, 1130) two Popeswere elected by different groups of cardinals, Innocent II. AndAnacletus II. St. Bernard espoused the cause of the former, and by hisuntiring efforts almost all the sovereigns of Europe were enlisted onhis side (see Vacandard, chaps. X. -xiii. , xviii. ; Storrs, pp. 523-540;Morison, pp. 149-165, 209-213). But the schism lasted for eight years. At length Anacletus died (January 7, 1138), and the surrender of hissuccessor, Victor IV. , on May 29, 1138 (_Ep. _ 317), left Innocent inundisputed occupation of the papal chair. The news of the pacificationwas not announced in Scotland till the end of September (Richard ofHexham, 170). It probably reached Ireland a little later. It must havebeen after he was assured of the end of the schism that Malachyproposed his journey to Rome, _i. E. _ at the end of 1138 or in 1139. 

[545] _Quo uenerat. _

[546] Ps. Xxi. 2. 

[547] Luke xvi. 2 (vg. ). --For Gilbert see p. 47, n. 3. Patrick, successor of Gilbert in the see of Limerick, was consecrated byTheobald, archbishop of Canterbury, who was himself consecrated onJanuary 8, 1139 (W. Stubbs, _Reg. Sac. Angl. _, p. 45). His professionof obedience (Ussher, p. 565) appears in the roll of professions atCanterbury immediately before that of Uhtred of Llandaff, who wasconsecrated in 1140 (Stubbs, _l. C. _). If we assume that Gilbertresigned his see and his legatine commission at the same time, thisgives 1139-40 as the date of Malachy's journey, in agreement with thehint of St. Bernard in § 36. It is possible that Gilbert's resignationof his office as legate was sent to Rome by Malachy. 

[548] Cashel. See p. 65, note 4. 

[549] Fleming in 1623 saw a mitre of Malachy at Clairvaux, which wassupposed to have been the one placed on his head by Innocent atOrbiers, ten leagues away, his wooden drinking cup was preserved: itwas in a leathern case, adorned with Irish interlacings (_IrishEcclesiastical Record_, vii. 63). 

[550] Cp. 2 Cor. I. 15. 

[551] Gen. Xxii. 18; xxvi. 4. 

[552] Compare the passage concerning a brother who had been sent fromClairvaux to Sweden in 1143, and had founded a daughter monasterythere: "The lord [St. Bernard] sent to his faithful servant learnedand discreet persons from the parts of Germany and England, by whomthe discipline of monastic religion founded in that kingdom increasedand bore worthy fruit among peoples who had indeed heard the name ofmonk, but had never before seen a monk" (_V. P. _ vii. 54). It wasliterally true that no monastic communities had previously existed inSweden (C. H. Robinson, _Conversion of Europe_, p. 482 f. Cp. Vacandard, ii. 416). But the passage before us cannot be construed asan assertion that Ireland was in like case; for in § 12 mention ismade of the "monks" of Bangor in the time of Congall. St. Bernard (orMalachy, if the words are really his) must be taken to mean simplythat the so-called monks of the decadent contemporary Church ofIreland were not monks in the true sense of the word. (Cp. Lett. Iii. § 2). There is nothing to be said for the explanation suggested byLanigan (iv. 114) that the "nations" are nations other than the Irish, who had no monks. For where were those nations to whom the Irish mightsend colonies of monks? The fact is that the Latin word for "nations"(_gentes_) may quite well mean here what it certainly means in § 42, the Irish tribes. 

[553] He left others in other Cistercian houses (§ 35). 

[554] Cp. Letter i. § 1. 

[555] Ps. Xc. 12. 

[556] Gilla Críst Ua Condoirche was probably a native of the districtof Bangor (§ 14). He seems to have been one of the four who were leftby Malachy at Clairvaux; and, as is here stated, he was the firstabbot of Mellifont. He seems, however, to have proved not well suitedfor the office, for he was sent back to Clairvaux for furtherinstruction (Letter iii. § 3). Some of the Clairvaux brothers (if notall of them) refused to remain in Ireland, and it is perhaps hintedthat the cause of their return was dissatisfaction with hisadministration (_ib. _ § 2). About 1150 he was promoted to thebishopric of Lismore, and at the Synod of Kells in 1152 he appeared aspapal legate (Keating, iii. 317). He was present at the consecrationof the church of Mellifont Abbey in 1157 (_A. U. _) As legate he alsopresided at the Synod of Cashel in 1172 (Giraldus, _Expug. _ i. 34). Hedied in 1186 (_A. L. C. _). Felix, bishop of Lismore, attended theLateran Council of 1179 (Mansi, xxii. 217). Christian must thereforehave resigned his see before that date. 

[557] Mellifont Abbey, the ruins of which still remain in a secludedvalley, beside the stream known as the Mattock, about two miles fromthe Boyne, and five miles west of Drogheda. Some time after Malachyreturned to Ireland he wrote to St. Bernard, asking him to send two ofthe four brothers who had been left at Clairvaux to select a site forthe abbey. This request was declined (Lett. I. § 1), and thesite--doubtless the gift of Donough O'Carroll (see the document quotedp. 170)--was apparently chosen by Malachy himself. In 1142 (_C. M. A. _ii. 262, _Clyn's Annals_, _Annals of Boyle_), the four brothers, together with a contingent of monks from Clairvaux, arrived, and themonastery was founded, with Christian as its first abbot (Lett. Ii. ). Considerable progress was made with the buildings, and endowmentspoured in. But after a while it became necessary to send Christianback to France for further instruction, and the Clairvaux monks wentwith him, never to return. In due time Christian resumed his office asabbot, and with him came one Robert, to assist him in the work ofbuilding and organization (Lett. Iii). The Abbey Church was notconsecrated till 1157, nine years after Malachy's death (_A. U. _). Mellifont remained the principal Cistercian house in Ireland up to theReformation. After the dissolution (1539) it was granted, with itspossessions, to Sir Edward Moore, ancestor of the earls of Drogheda. The only portions of the monastery which remain in a fair state ofpreservation are the Chapter House and the Lavabo. The latter belongsto the original building. Excavations made about twenty years agorevealed the ground plan of the entire monastery, most of which was oflater date than Malachy. Traces were discovered of the foundation ofthe eastern portion of the original church, about forty feet west ofthe east wall of the structure which later took its place. It had sixchapels at the east end, four of which were apsidal (_71st Report ofCommissioners of Public Works, Ireland_, p. 11). 

[558] 1 Sam. Ii. 21. --The five daughters were apparently Bective (deBeatitudine) founded in 1147, Boyle, 1147-8, Monasternenagh, 1148, Baltinglas (de Valle Salutis), 1148, and Inislounaght (Janauschek, _Origines Cistercienses_, Vindobonić, 1877, pp. 70, 92, 113). Thelast-named seems to have been in existence in 1148 (see § 64), and itmay have been an off-shoot of Mellifont, though at an early date itwas subject to Monasternenagh (_ibid. _ 131). Gougaud (_Les ChrétientésCeltiques_, 1911, p. 364) gives Shrule (de Benedictione Dei) the fifthplace; but it appears to have been founded (1150?) after the _Life_was written (Janauschek, p. 114). 

[559] Cp. Gen. Xxii. 17; xxvi. 4. 

[560] David I. Of Scotland, son of Malcolm Canmore and St. Margaret, the sister of Edgar the Atheling. He was born in 1084. His sisterMatilda was the wife of Henry I. Of England; and thus he was uncle ofMatilda, the empress, for whom he fought against Stephen, thoughStephen's wife, Queen Matilda, was also his niece. In 1113 Davidmarried Matilda, the widow of Simon de St. Liz, earl of Northampton(cp. P. 69, n. 1). He succeeded Alexander I. In 1124 and died in 1153. As the founder of several Scottish dioceses and as having introducedthe Cistercian Order into his kingdom he had much in common with St. Malachy. 

[561] This is probably an error. There is no record that David I. Hadany castles in Galloway; and the chronicles seem to show that at thisperiod his principal residences were at Roxburgh and Carlisle. Thenarrative suggests that the castle referred to was in the immediateneighbourhood of Cruggleton (p. 78, n. 1), and it was probably thepredecessor of that of which the scanty ruins--believed to be ofthirteenth-century date--remain on the coast not far from the village. They are on a peninsula of such natural strength that we may supposeit was in very early times the site of a fortress (_Fourth Report ofCommission on Ancient Monuments in Scotland_, vol. I. P. 144). Possibly, as has been suggested, David was there as the guest ofFergus, lord of Galloway (1124-1161), to whom, subsequently to theBattle of the Standard (August 22, 1138), and probably not long beforethis visit of Malachy, he had been reconciled after a longestrangement (Agnew, _Hereditary Sheriffs of Galloway_, 1893. Vol. I. P. 58). 

[562] Phil. Ii. 27 (inexact quotation). 

[563] 2 John iv. 47. 

[564] Acts iii. 4. 

[565] Luke vii. 17. 

[566] Mark vii. 24. 

[567] Isa. Li. 3 (vg. ). 

[568] The only son of David: "a man gentle and pious, a man of sweetnature and of pure heart, and worthy in all things to be born of sucha father" (Ailred of Rievaulx, in A. O. Anderson, _Scottish Annalsfrom English Chroniclers_, p. 156). He died before his father, in Mayor June 1152 (John of Hexham). Two of his sons became kings of Scots, Malcolm IV. And William I. 

[569] Rom. Ix. 30, etc. 

[570] _Crugeldum. _ Cruggleton is on the west coast of Wigtown Bay, inthe parish of Sorby, Wigtownshire. In passing through this villageMalachy made a détour, probably in order to visit King David, whichconsiderably lengthened his journey. 

[571] Mark vii. 35. 

[572] The parish church of Mochrum, Wigtownshire, as Sir HerbertMaxwell informs me, was anciently dedicated to St. Michael. Thus thevillage called St. Michael's Church is undoubtedly Kirk Mochrum, whichclusters round the church, and through which every traveller fromCruggleton to Cairngarroch (see next note) must pass. It is twelvemiles from Cruggleton. 

[573] _Lapasperi_ is obviously the gen. Of _Lapasper_, a corruption of_Lapis asper_ (rough stone). This seems to be a Latin rendering ofCairngarroch (= _Carn garbh_), a name which occurs three times on theshores of Wigtownshire. One of the places so called, on the west coastof Luce Bay, may be set aside. The other two are seven or eight milesapart, within sight of the Bangor coast, and nearly equidistant fromit; one in the parish of Stoneykirk, the other (now known as RoughCairn) in the parish of Geswalt. The late Sir Andrew Agnew (_op. Cit. _p. 59) regarded the latter as the place referred to in the text ongrounds which do not seem conclusive. Cairngarroch in Stoneykirk is tobe preferred for two reasons: it is more easily approached from inlandthan its rival; and it has impressed its name on the actualcoast-line, which the other has not done; "Cairngarroch Bay" isequivalent to _Port Cairn garbh_, and that to the _Portus Lapasperi_of the text. This identification was first proposed by O'Hanlon (p. 81); and its probability is increased now that the position of St. Michael's Church has been fixed (see preceding note). But one of hisarguments in favour of it, based on the name of the parish, isfallacious; for "Stoneykirk" has nothing to do with stones: it is alate corruption of Steiniekirk = St. Stephen's Church. 

[574] Mark i. 32, 34. 

[575] For the passage here omitted see Appendix, p. 171. 

CHAPTER VI

_St. Malachy's Apostolic Labours, Praises and Miracles. _

[Sidenote: 1140, October]

42. (23). Malachy embarked in a ship, and after a prosperous voyagelanded at his monastery of Bangor, [576] so that his first sons mightreceive the first _benefit_. [577] In what state of mind do you supposethey were when they received their father--and such a father--in goodhealth from so long a journey? No wonder if their whole heart gaveitself over to joy at his return, when swift rumour soon broughtincredible gladness even to the tribes[578] outside round about them. Infine, from the cities and castles and hamlets they ran to meet him, andwherever he turned he was received with _the joy of the wholeland_. [579] But honour is not to his taste. He exercises his office aslegate; many assemblies are held in many places, so that no region, orpart of a region, may be defrauded of the fruit and advantage of hislegation. He _sows beside all waters_;[580] there is not one who canescape from his sedulous care. Neither sex, nor age, nor condition, nor[religious] profession is held in account. [581] Everywhere the savingseed is scattered, everywhere the heavenly trumpet sounds. He scoursevery place, everywhere he breaks in, with _the sword_ of his tongueunsheathed _to execute vengeance upon the nations and punishments uponthe peoples_. [582] The terror of him is _on them that do evil_. [583] Hecries _unto the unrighteous, deal not unrighteously, and to the wicked, lift not up the horn_. [584] Religion is planted everywhere, ispropagated, is tended. His _eyes are upon_ them, [585] his care is fortheir necessities. In councils, which are everywhere held, the ancienttraditions are revived, which, though their excellence was undisputed, had fallen into disuse by the negligence of the priests. And not onlyare the old restored, new customs are also devised; and whatsoeverthings he promulgated are accepted as though issued from heaven, areheld fast, are committed to writing for a memorial to posterity. Whyshould we not believe those things were sent from heaven which so manyheavenly miracles confirm? And that I may make what has been saidcredible, let me touch on some of these miracles in a few words. For whocan enumerate all? Though I confess I had rather dwell on those thingswhich can be imitated than on those which can only excite wonder. 

43. (24). And in my judgement the first and greatest miracle that heexhibited was himself. [586] For to say nothing of his _inner man_, [587]the beauty and strength and purity of which his habits and lifesufficiently attested, he so bore himself even outwardly in a uniformand consistent manner, and that the most modest and becoming, thatabsolutely nothing appeared in him which could offend the beholders. And, indeed, _he who offends not in word, the same is a perfectman_. [588] But yet in Malachy, who, though he observed with unusualcare, ever detected, I will not say an _idle word_, [589] but an idlenod? Who ever knew his hand or his foot to move without purpose? Yea, what was there that was not edifying in his gait, his mien, his bearing, his countenance? In fine, neither did sadness darken nor laughter turnto levity the joyousness of his countenance. [590] Everything in him wasunder _discipline_, everything a mark _of virtue_, _a rule_[591] ofperfection. Always he was grave, but not austere. Relaxing at times, butnever careless; neglecting nothing, though for a time ignoring manythings. Quiet often, but by no means at any time idle. [592] From thefirst day of his conversion to the last of his life, he lived withoutpersonal possessions. [593] He had neither _menservants_ nor_maidservants_, [594] nor villages nor hamlets, nor in fact any revenues, ecclesiastical or secular, even when he was a bishop. There was nothingwhatever ordained or assigned for his episcopal mensa, by which thebishop might live; for he had not even a house of his own. But he wasalmost always going about all the parishes[595] serving the Gospel, [596]and _living of the Gospel_, [597] as the Lord appointed for him when hesaid, _The labourer is worthy of his hire. _[598] Except that morefrequently, _making the Gospel_ itself _without charge_, [599] as aresult of the labours of himself and his companions, he brought withhim that by which he might sustain himself and _those who laboured withhim in the work of the ministry_. [600] Further, if at times he had torest he did so in the holy places which he himself had scattered throughthe whole of Ireland; but he conformed to the customs and observances ofthose with whom it pleased him to tarry, content with the common lifeand the common table. There was nought in his food, nought in hisclothing, by which Malachy could be distinguished from the rest of thebrethren; to such a degree, though he was _greatest_, did he _humblehimself in all things_. [601]

44. Then, when he went out to preach, he was accompanied by otherson foot, and on foot went he himself, the bishop and legate. That wasthe apostolic rule; and it is the more to be admired in Malachybecause it is too rare in others. The true successor of the Apostlesassuredly is he who does such things. But it is to be observed how he_divides the inheritance with his brothers_, [602] equally descendantsof the Apostles. They _lord it among the clergy_;[603] he, _though hewas free from all men, made himself the servant of all_. [604] Theyeither do not preach the Gospel and yet eat, or preach the Gospel inorder that they may eat; Malachy, imitating Paul, eats that he maypreach the Gospel. [605] They _suppose that_ arrogance and _gain aregodliness_;[606] Malachy claims for himself by inheritance labour anda load. [607] They believe themselves happy if they _enlarge theirborders_;[608] Malachy glories in enlarging charity. [609] They _gatherinto barns_[610] and fill the wine-jars, that they may load theirtables; Malachy collects [men] into deserts and solitudes that he mayfill the heavens. They, though they receive tithes and first-fruitsand oblations, besides customs and tributes by the gift of Cćsar andcountless other revenues, nevertheless _take thought what they shalleat or what they shall drink_;[611] Malachy _having nothing_ of suchthings, yet _makes many rich_[612] out of the store-house of faith. Oftheir desire and anxiety there is no end; Malachy, desiring nothing, knows not how to think about the morrow. [613] They exact from the poorthat which they may give to the rich; Malachy implores the rich toprovide for the poor. They empty the purses of their subjects; he fortheir sins _heaps altars_[614] with vows and _peace-offerings_. [615]They build lofty palaces, raise up towers and ramparts to theheavens. [616] Malachy, _not having where to lay his head, [617] doesthe work of an evangelist_. [618] They _ride on horses_[619] with acrowd of men, who _eat bread for nought_, and that not _theirown_;[620] Malachy, hedged round with a college of holy brothers, goesabout on foot, bearing _the bread of angels_, [621] with which to_satisfy the hungry souls_. [622] They do not even know thecongregations;[623] he instructs them. They honour powerful men andtyrants; he punishes them. O, apostolic man, whom so many and sostriking _signs of his apostleship_[624] ennoble! What wonder, then, if he has wrought wondrous things when he himself is so wonderful? Yettruly not he but God in him. [625] Moreover, it is said, _Thou art theGod that doest wonders. _[626]

45. (25). There was a woman in the city of Coleraine[627] who had ademon. Malachy was called; he prayed for the possessed; he commanded theinvader and he went out. But his iniquity was not yet fully satisfied, and he entered into an unhappy woman who happened to be standing by. AndMalachy said, "I did not release that woman from your grasp in orderthat you might enter this one; go out of her also. " He obeyed, but wentback to the former woman; and driven forth from her once more, he againwent into the second. So for some time he vexed them alternately, fleeing to and fro. Then the saint, indignant that he was mocked by ademon, summoned up his spirit, and shouted; and when he had made anattack on the adversary with all the forces of faith, he drove the demonaway from both, no less vexed than those whom he had vexed. But do notsuppose, reader, that the delay which he caused the saint was due to hisown strength: it was permitted by the divine dispensation, evidently inorder that by this as well the power of the evil one as the victory ofMalachy might be made more manifest. 

Hear now what he did elsewhere, but not by reason of his presence. Assuredly what he had power to accomplish when absent, he could do alsowhen present. 

46. In a district of the northern part of Ireland a sick man lay in hishouse. His sickness was beyond doubt due to the evil influence ofdemons. For one night he heard them talking; and one said to another, "See that this wretched man does not touch the bed or bedding of thathypocrite, and so escape from our hands. " The man perceived that theywere speaking of Malachy, who, as he remembered, had not long beforepassed a night in that house. And the bedding was still in its place;and taking courage, with his utmost effort he began to crawl, weak inbody but strong in faith. And lo, in the air there was clamour andshouting: "Stop him, stop him, hold him, hold him; we are losing ourprey. " But, carried on by faith and the desire to escape, the more theyshouted the more he hastened to the remedy, straining with knees andhands. And when he reached the couch, and went up on it, he rolledhimself in the bed-clothes, and heard the wailing of them that lamented, "Alas, alas, we have betrayed ourselves, we have been deceived, he hasescaped. "[628] And quicker than a word, there left him the terror of thedemons and the horror which he suffered, and with them all his sickness. 

In the city of Lismore a man vexed by a demon was delivered by Malachy. 

Also once, when he was passing through Leinster, an infant was broughtto him who had a demon, and he was brought back whole. 

In the same region he ordered a mad woman, [629] bound with cords, to beloosed and to be bathed in water which he blessed. She washed and washealed. 

Another woman also in Saul, [630] a region of Ulaid, [631] who was tearingher own limbs with her teeth, he cured by praying and touching her. 

There was a madman, who predicted many things to come. His friends andneighbours brought him to the man of God, bound strongly with cords, because his very madness had made him strong to do hurt and exceedingterrible. Malachy prayed, and immediately the sick man was healed andreleased. This was done in a certain place, the name of which we omitbecause it has a very barbarous sound, as also have many others. [632]

At another time in the above-mentioned city of Lismore, [633] the parentsof a dumb girl[634] brought her to him in the midst of the street as hepassed, asking him with much entreaty that he would deign to help her. Malachy stood and prayed; and he _touched her tongue_ with his fingerand _spat_[635] upon her mouth, and sent her away speaking. 

47. (26). Going out of a certain church he met a man with his wife, andshe could not speak. And when he was asked to have mercy on her, hestood in the gate, the people surrounding him; and he gave a blessingupon her, and bade her say the Lord's Prayer. She said it, and thepeople blessed the Lord. 

In a city called Antrim[636] a certain man lying on a bed, now deprivedfor twelve days of the use of his tongue, at the bidding of the saint, who visited him, recovered his speech and received the Eucharist; and sofortified he breathed his last breath in _a good confession_. [637] O, _fruitful olive tree in the house of God_![638] O, _oil_ ofgladness, [639] giving both anointing and light! By the splendour of themiracle he gave light to those who were whole, by the graciousness ofthe favour he anointed the sick man, and obtained for him, soon about todie, the saving power of confession and communion. [640]

One of the nobles came in to him, _having somewhat to say to him_;[641]and while they were speaking, _full of faith_[642] piously stole threerushes from the couch on which Malachy sat, and took them with him: andGod wrought many things as a result of the pious theft, by that man'sfaith and the sanctity of the prelate. 

By chance he had come to a city called Cloyne. [643] And when he wassitting at table a nobleman of that city came in and humbly prayed himfor his wife, who was pregnant, and had passed the appointed time ofparturition, so that all wondered, and there was none who did notbelieve that her life was in danger. With him also Nehemiah, [644] thebishop of that city, who was sitting next to him, made request toMalachy, and others also as many as were present reclining together. Then he said, "I pity her, for she is a good and modest woman. " Andoffering the man a cup which he had blessed, he said, "Go, give her todrink, and know that when she has taken the draught of blessing[645] shewill bring forth without delay, and without danger. " It was done as hecommanded, and that very night there followed that which he promised. 

He was sitting in a plain with the count of Ulaid, dealing with certainmatters, _and a great multitude_[646] was about them. There came a womanwho had long been with child. She declared that contrary to all the lawsof nature she had already been pregnant for fifteen months and twentydays. Malachy having pity for this new and unheard-of trouble, prayed, and the woman was delivered. Those who were present rejoiced andwondered. For all saw with what ease and rapidity she brought forth inthe same place, and the sad portent of birth denied was changed to ahappier marvel. 

48. (27). There happened in the same place an event with a similarmiracle but a different issue. He saw a man who was reported to beconsorting publicly with his brother's concubine; and he was a knight, aservant of the count. And publicly accosting the incestuous man hedisplayed himself to him as another John, saying, _It is not lawful forthee to have thy brother's_ concubine. [647] But he, nevertheless, inhis turn displaying himself to Malachy as another Herod, not only didnot hearken to him, but even answered him haughtily, and before them allswore that he would never put her away. Then Malachy, much agitated, forhe was vehemently zealous for righteousness, said, "Then God shallseparate you from her against your will. " Paying little heed the manwent away at once in a rage. And meeting the woman not far from thecrowd which was in the place, he treated her evilly and with violence, as though he wholly belonged to _Satan_ to whom he had a little beforebeen _delivered_. [648] Nor was the crime hidden. The damsel whoaccompanied the lady ran back to the house (for it was not far from theplace), and, breathless, announced the wickedness that had taken place. At the word her brothers, who were at home, enraged at the dishonourdone to their sister, rushed thither with all haste and slew the enemyof virtue, _taken in the very_ place and _act_[649] of crime, piercinghim with many wounds. The assembly was not yet dismissed when, lo! hisarmour-bearer proclaimed what had happened. And all wondered that thesentence of Malachy had taken such speedy effect. When this word washeard all evil-doers (for there were many in the land) feared and, beingterrified, purified themselves, _washing their hands in the blood of theungodly_. [650]

49. (28). Dermot the count, [651] who had now for a long time lain on hisbed, he sprinkled with blessed water, and caused him to rise up withoutdelay, and so strong that he mounted his horse on the spot, surpassingassuredly the hope of himself and of his friends--rebuking him severelyat the same time because he was a bad man _serving his belly_[652] andhis appetite immoderately. 

In the town of Cashel a man came before him with his paralysed son, asking that he should be healed. [653] And Malachy, praying briefly, said, "_Go thy way; thy son_ shall be made whole. "[654] He went, and onthe morrow he returned with his son, who was nevertheless by no meanswhole. Then Malachy rose and standing over him prayed at greater length, and he was made whole. And turning to the father he said, "Offer him toGod. " The man assented, but did not keep his promise; and after someyears his son, now a young man, relapsed into the same state, no doubtbecause of his father's disobedience and his violation of the pledge. 

Another man came from a long distance, when Malachy was in the bordersof Munster, bringing to him his son, who was entirely deprived of theuse of his feet. When he inquired how this had happened to him, he said, "As I suspect, by the malignity of demons"; adding, "It was they, if Imistake not, who, when he was playing in a field, _caused a sleep tofall_ upon him, [655] and when the child awoke he found himself so. "Saying this, he poured forth his petition with tears, and earnestlysought help. Malachy pitying him prayed, bidding the sick boy in themeantime to sleep there upon the ground. He slept, and he arose whole. Because he had _come from far_[656] he kept him some time in hiscompany, and he used to walk with him. 

50. In the monastery of Bangor a certain poor man was maintained by thealms of the brothers; and he received a small sum every day, forperforming some office in the mill. He had been lame for twelve years, creeping on the ground with his hands, and dragging his dead feet afterhim. Him Malachy found one day before his cell, sad and sorrowful, andasked him the cause. And he said, "You see how for a long time I ammiserably troubled and _the hand of the Lord is upon me_;[657] and lo, to increase my distress, men who ought to have had pity, rather laugh atme and cast my wretchedness in my teeth. " And when he heard him, movedwith compassion, he _looked up to heaven_, [658] at the same time raisinghis hands. Having said a short prayer he entered his cell, and the otherrose up. And standing upon his feet he wondered if it was true, suspecting that he was in a dream. [659] But he began to move with slowsteps, for he did not altogether believe that he could walk. At length, _as it were waking out of a deep sleep_, [660] he recognized the mercy ofthe Lord upon him; he walked firmly, and returned to the mill _leaping_and exulting _and praising God_. When those saw him who had before seenand _known him_ they _were filled with wonder and amazement, [661]supposing it to be a spirit_. [662]

Malachy likewise healed a dropsical man by praying, who remained therein the monastery and was appointed shepherd. 

51. A city of Ireland called Cork was without a bishop. They proceededto an election; but the various parties did not agree, each, as isusual, wishing to appoint their own bishop, not God's. [663] Malachycame to the place when he heard of the disagreement. Calling togetherthe clergy and people he took pains to unite the hearts and desires ofthe opposing parties. And when they had been persuaded that the wholebusiness ought to be entrusted to him, on whom in a very special mannerlay _the care of_ that as also of the other _churches_[664] throughoutIreland, [665] immediately he named to them, not any of the nobles of theland, [666] but rather a certain poor man whom he knew to be holy andlearned; _and he was a stranger_. [667] He was sought; and it wasannounced that he was lying in bed, and so weak that he could in nowise go out unless carried in the hands of those who ministered to him. "Let him rise, " said Malachy; "in the name of the Lord I command it;obedience will save him. " What was he to do? He wished to obey, but hethought himself unfitted; for though it should be possible for him togo, he dreaded to be a bishop. So with the will to be obedient twinenemies were contending, the load of weakness and the fear of theburden. But the first conquered, the hope of salvation being given himas an aid. Therefore he made the attempt, he moved, tested his power, discovered that he was stronger than usual. Faith increased along withpower, and again faith made stronger gave in its turn increase of power. Now he was able to rise unassisted, now to walk somewhat better, now noteven to perceive weariness in walking; at length, to come to Malachywithout difficulty and quickly, unaided by man. He promoted him, and puthim into the chair, with the applause of clergy and people. This wasdone without question, because neither did they dare to oppose the willof Malachy in any way, seeing the sign which he had wrought; nor did hehesitate to obey, being made surer, by so evident a proof, of the willof God. 

52. (29). A certain _woman was diseased with an issue of blood_;[668]and she was of noble birth and very dear to Malachy, though by reason ofthe nobility rather of her character than of her descent. When she wasentirely failing, her strength no doubt being exhausted with her blood, and was now near the end, she sent to the man of God, in order that--theonly thing that remained to be done--he might help her soul who shouldsee her no more in the body. When Malachy heard it he was troubled, because she was a woman of virtue, and her life fruitful in work andexample. And perceiving that he could not reach her in time he calledMalchus, for he was young and active (he is that brother of AbbotChristian whom we mentioned above), [669] and said, "Haste, take herthese three apples on which I have invoked the name of the Lord; I amassured of this, that when she tastes these she _shall not taste ofdeath_ before _she sees_ us, [670] though we shall follow somewhat moreslowly. " Malchus hastened as he was commanded, and when he came he wentin to the dying woman, showing himself another servant of Elisha, exceptthat his work was more efficacious. [671] He bade her take that whichMalachy had blessed and sent to her, and to taste it if by any means shecould. But she was so refreshed when she heard Malachy's name, that shewas able to obey, and indicated by a nod (for she could not speak) thatshe wished to be raised up for a little while. She was raised up, shetasted; she was strengthened by what she tasted, she spoke, and gavethanks. _And the Lord caused a deep sleep to fall upon_ her, [672] andshe rested most sweetly in it, having long ceased to enjoy the benefitof sleep, or to partake of food. Meanwhile _her blood wasstaunched_[673] and awaking after a while she found herself whole, [674]but she was still weak from long fasting and loss of blood. If in anydegree the cure was not complete, [675] on the following day thewished-for presence and appearance of Malachy made it perfect. 

53. (30). A nobleman lived in the neighbourhood of the monastery ofBangor, whose wife was _sick nigh unto death_. [676] Malachy, being askedto _come down ere she died_, [677] to _anoint the sick_ woman _withoil_, [678] came down and went in to her; and when she saw him sherejoiced greatly, animated by the hope of salvation. And when he waspreparing to anoint her, it seemed to all that it ought rather to bepostponed to the morning; for it was evening. Malachy assented, and whenhe had given a blessing over the sick woman, he went out with those whowere with him. But shortly afterwards, suddenly _there was a crymade_, [679] lamentation and great wailing through the whole house, forit was reported that she had died. Malachy ran up when he heard thetumult, and his disciples followed him. And coming to the bed, when hehad assured himself that she had breathed her last, he was greatlytroubled in mind, blaming himself that she had died without the grace ofthe sacrament. And lifting up his hands to heaven he said, "_I beseechthee_, Lord, _I have done very foolishly_. I, even _I, havesinned_, [680] who postponed, not she who desired it. " Saying this heprotested in the hearing of all that _he_ would not _be comforted_, [681]that he would give _no rest to his spirit_, [682] unless he should beallowed to restore the grace which he had taken away. And standing overher, all night _he laboured in his groaning_; and, instead of the holyoil, flooding the dead woman with a great rain of _tears_, [683] hebestowed on her such a substitute for the unction as he could. Thus didhe; but to his companions he said, "_Watch and pray. _"[684] So they inpsalms, he in tears, passed a night of vigil. And when the morning camethe Lord heard His saint, for the _Spirit_ of the Lord was _makingintercession for him_, who _maketh intercession for_ the saints _withgroanings that cannot be uttered_. [685] Why more? She who had been dead_opened her eyes_, [686] and, as those do who wake from a deep sleep, rubbing her forehead and temples with her hands, she rose upon the bed, and recognizing Malachy, devoutly saluted him with bowed head. Andmourning being _turned into joy_, [687] amazement took hold of all, boththose who saw and those who heard. And Malachy also gave thanks andblessed the Lord. And he anointed her, nevertheless, knowing that inthat sacrament _sins are forgiven_, and that _the prayer of faith savesthe sick_. [688] After this he went away, and she recovered, and afterliving for some time in good health, _that the_ glory _of God should bemade manifest in her_, [689] she accomplished the penance which Malachyhad enjoined upon her, and again _fell asleep_[690] in a _goodconfession_, [691] and passed to the Lord. 

54. (3). There was also a woman whom _a spirit of_ anger and _fury_[692]dominated to such an extent that not only her neighbours and relativesfled from her society, but even her own sons could scarcely endure tolive with her. Shouting, rancour and _a mighty tempest_[693] wherevershe was. Violent, fiery, hasty, terrible with tongue and hand, intolerable to all, and hated. Her sons, grieving both for her and forthemselves, dragged her into the presence of Malachy, setting forththeir lamentable complaint with tears. But the holy man, pitying boththe sickness of the mother and the trouble of her sons, called heraside, and made urgent inquiry whether she had ever confessed her sins. She replied, "Never. " "Confess, " said he. She obeyed; and he enjoinedpenance on her when she made confession, and prayed over her thatAlmighty God might give her _the spirit of meekness_, [694] and in thename of the Lord Jesus bade her to be angry no more. Such meeknessfollowed that it was plain to all that it was nothing else than amarvellous _change effected by the right hand of the Most High_. [695] Itis said that she is still living to-day, and is so patient and gentlethat, though she used to exasperate all, now she cannot be exasperatedby any injuries or insults or afflictions. If it be allowed me, as theApostle says, _to be fully persuaded in my own mind_, [696] let eachaccept it as he will; for me, I give it as my opinion that this miracleshould be regarded as superior to that of raising the dead woman, mentioned above, inasmuch as there the outward, but here the _innerman_[697] was restored to life. And now let us hasten to what remains. 

55. A man who as regards the world was honourable, as regards Goddevout, came to Malachy and complained to him concerning _the barrennessof his soul_, [698] praying that he would obtain for him from AlmightyGod the grace of tears. And Malachy, smiling because he was pleased thatthere should be spiritual desire from a man of the world, laid his cheekon the cheek of the other as though caressing him, and said, "_Be itdone unto you as you have asked_. "[699] From that time _rivers of watersran down his eyes_[700] so great and so nearly incessant that the phraseof Scripture might seem applicable to him: "_A fountain of gardens, awell of living waters_. "[701]

There is an island of the sea in Ireland, from of old fruitful offishes;[702] and the sea there abounds in fish. By the sins of theinhabitants, as it is believed, the wonted supply was taken away, and_she that had many children was waxed feeble_, [703] and her own greatusefulness utterly dwindled away. While the natives were grieving, andthe peoples taking ill the great loss, it was revealed to a certainwoman that a remedy might be effected by the prayers of Malachy; andthat became known to all, for she herself proclaimed it. By the will ofGod it happened that Malachy arrived. For while he was going round andfilling the region with the Gospel, he turned aside thither that to themalso he might impart the same grace. [704] But _the barbarouspeople_, [705] who cared more for the fishes, [706] demanded with allvehemence that he would deign to regard rather the sterility of theirisland. And when he answered that it was not for that he had come, butthat he desired to catch men rather than fish, [707] yet seeing theirfaith[708] he _kneeled down on the shore and prayed_[709] to the Lordthat, though they were unworthy of it, he would not deny them thebenefit granted long before, since they sought it again with so greatfaith. _The prayer went up_, [710] there came up also _a multitude offishes_, [711] and perhaps more fruitful than in ancient days; and thepeople of the land continue to enjoy that abundance to this day. Whatwonder if _the prayer of a righteous man_ which _penetrates theheavens_, [712] penetrated _the abysses_, [713] and called forth from thedepth of the sea so great supplies of fish?

56. There came, on one occasion, three bishops into the village ofFaughart, [714] which they say was the birthplace of Brigit thevirgin;[715] and Malachy was a fourth. And the presbyter who hadreceived them with hospitality, said to him, "What shall I do, for Ihave no fish?" And when he answered that he should seek them from thefishermen, he said, "For the last two years no fish have been found inthe river;[716] and for that reason the fishermen also are all scatteredand have even abandoned their art. " And Malachy replied "Command them to_let down the nets_[717] in the name of the Lord. " It was done, andtwelve salmon were caught. They lowered them a second time, and catchingas many more they brought to the tables both an unlooked-for dish and anunlooked-for miracle. And that it might be clear that this was grantedto the merits of Malachy, the same sterility nevertheless continued alsofor the following two years. 

FOOTNOTES:

[576] Of which, it appears from this and other passages (see p. 33, n. 1), he was still abbot. 

[577] 2 Cor. I. 15. 

[578] _Gentibus. _

[579] Ps. Xlviii. 2. 

[580] Isa. Xxxii. 20. 

[581] Cp. Serm. Ii. § 3. Perhaps here, as in that passage, we shouldread _person_ (_persona_) for _profession_ (_professio_). 

[582] Ps. Cxlix. 6, 7. 

[583] Ps. Xxxiv. 16; 1 Pet. Iii. 12. 

[584] Ps. Lxxv. 4 (vg. ). 

[585] Ps. Xxxiv. 15; 1 Pet. Iii. 12. 

[586] St. Bernard's secretary, Geoffrey, recalls this sentence (_V. P. _iii. 1). He mentions the saint's many miracles and then proceeds, "But, as he himself says, in commendation of St. Malachy, the firstand greatest miracle that he displayed was himself. " About half of thepresent section is embodied by Gerlatus in his description of thecharacter of Godscalcus (_M. G. H. _, Scr. Xvii. 700). 

[587] Eph. Iii. 16. 

[588] Jas. Iii. 2. 

[589] Matt. Xii. 36. 

[590] Cp. Serm. Ii. § 4. 

[591] Cp. Consecratio in Ordering of Deacons (Gregorian Sacramentary). 

[592] Cp. Serm. Ii. § 4. 

[593] This statement must be accepted with some reserve. Malachy musthave had personal property while he was coarb of Patrick. Andaccordingly Serm. I. § 6, connects his voluntary poverty with hisepiscopate in Down, and above (§ 21) his departure from Armagh isrepresented as a return to poverty. The context shows that St. Bernardis here thinking of the period when he was legate. 

[594] Gen. Xxxii. 5, etc. 

[595] _I. E. _ dioceses. 

[596] Cp. Rom. I. 9. 

[597] 1 Cor. Ix. 14. 

[598] Luke x. 7. 

[599] 1 Cor. Ix. 18; cp. Serm. Ii. § 1. 

[600] Phil. Iv. 3 combined with Eph. Iv 12; cp. Acts xx. 34. 

[601] Matt. Xviii. 4, combined with Ecclus. Iii. 20. 

[602] Luke xii. 13. 

[603] 1 Pet. V. 3 (vg. ). 

[604] 1 Cor. Ix. 19. 

[605] Cp. _De Dil. _ 17: "Paul did not preach the Gospel that he mighteat, but ate that he might preach the Gospel; for he loved not foodbut the Gospel. " The reference is of course to 1 Cor. Ix. 

[606] 1 Tim. Vi. 5. 

[607] _Opus et onus. _

[608] Amos i. 13. 

[609] Cp. 2 Cor. Vi. 11. 

[610] Matt. Vi. 26. 

[611] Matt. Vi. 25, 31. 

[612] 2 Cor. Vi. 10. 

[613] Cp. Matt. Vi. 34. 

[614] Secret of Mass for Nativity of St. John Baptist, etc. 

[615] Exod. Xxxii. 6, etc. 

[616] Cp. Gen. Xi. 4. 

[617] Matt. Viii. 20; Luke ix. 58. 

[618] 2 Tim. Iv. 5. 

[619] Jer. Vi. 23, etc. 

[620] 2 Thess. Iii. 8, 12. 

[621] Ps. Lxxviii. 25. 

[622] Ps. Cvii. 9. 

[623] _Plebes. _

[624] 2 Cor. Xii. 12 (vg. ). 

[625] Cp. 1 Cor. Xv. 10. 

[626] Ps. Lxxvii. 14. --The following narratives of Malachy's miraclesare not in chronological order. They are arranged according to theircharacter. Thus the first four (§§ 45, 46) are instances of his powerover demons. 

[627] Coleraine is said to have been founded by St. Patrick; and itwas certainly a religious establishment at least as early as the sixthcentury (Adamnan, i. 50). One of its erenachs died in 1122 (_A. F. M. _). The word "city" implies that the community was still in existence. 

[628] Compare the story of St. Gall listening to the conversation ofthe demon of the mountain and the demon of the waters, told inStokes's _Celtic Church in Ireland_, p. 145, from the Life of St. Gallin _M. G. H. _, Scr. I. 7. 

[629] The first of three miracles of healing the insane. 

[630] In Lecale, co. Down, near Downpatrick. There St. Patrick madehis first convert, and there he died. It is not easy to explain whySt. Bernard calls it a "region. " See further, p. 113, n. 3. 

[631] Ulaid was a district which included the greater part of thepresent county of Down, and the southern part of Antrim. 

[632] For a similar avowal by Jocelin, who wrote in the same centuryas St. Bernard, and other illustrative passages, see Adamnan, p. 4. 

[633] See § 8, and above in this section. 

[634] The first of three healings of dumb persons. 

[635] Mark vii. 33. 

[636] The word "city" implies that there was a religious community atAntrim. That this was the case is proved by the round tower whichstill remains, and other evidence (Reeves, p. 63). But apparently the_Annals_ do not refer to any monastery or church at that place. See, however, _U. A. _ and _A. F. M. _ at 1096 for a possible exception. 

[637] 1 Tim. Vi. 13. 

[638] Ps. Lii. 8 (vg. ). 

[639] Ps. Xlv. 7. 

[640] Cp. Serm. Ii. § 8. 

[641] Luke vii. 40. 

[642] Acts vi. 5. 

[643] Printed text, _Conuama_, no MS. Variants being recorded in themargin: perhaps a misprint for _Clonuama_. Mabillon has _Duevania_ andK _Duenuania_. A seems to read _Clueuuania_. All these variants pointto _Cluain uama_ (the meadow of the cave), the Irish name for Cloyne, which is undoubtedly the place referred to (see next note). The nexttwo miracles are concerned with childbirth. The first of them may havebeen related to St. Bernard by Marcus, the author of Tundale's Vision(see Friedel and Meyer, _La Vision de Tondale_, p. Iv. , and above p. Lxv. N. 3). 

[644] Nehemiah Moriarty, who died in 1149 (_A. F. M. _), being then, itis said, 95 years old (Tundale, p. 5). In Tundale (p. 53 f. ) he is oneof four bishops who were with St. Patrick in Paradise, the othersbeing Cellach, Malachy and Christian O'Morgair. He is there (pp. 5, 54) called bishop of Cloyne (_Cluanensis_). 

[645] Cp. 1 Cor. X. 16. 

[646] Luke vi. 17. 

[647] Mark vi. 18. 

[648] 1 Cor. V. 5; 1 Tim. I. 20. 

[649] John viii. 4. 

[650] Ps. Lviii. 10 (vg. ). 

[651] Probably Dermot MacMurrough, who became king of Leinster in1126, and died in 1171. He was driven out of his kingdom in 1166, andthen invited the Anglo-Normans to come to his aid. The result was theconquest of Ireland. His character merits the description which St. Bernard gives of it. 

[652] Rom. Xvi. 18. 

[653] The first of three healings of paralysis. 

[654] John iv. 50. 

[655] Gen. Ii. 21. 

[656] Mark viii. 3. 

[657] Acts xiii. 11, etc. 

[658] Mark vii. 34. 

[659] Cp. Acts xii. 9. 

[660] Gen. Xlv. 26 (vg. ). 

[661] Acts iii. 8-10. 

[662] Mark vi. 49. 

[663] This implies that the diocese of Cork had already been founded. But we cannot be sure that St. Bernard is correct when he says thatthe clergy and people met to elect a bishop, in view of his inabilityelsewhere (§ 19) to distinguish bishops from abbots. It is at leastpossible that there was strife between different septs concerning theappointment of a coarb of Barre, founder of the church of Cork. Malachy may have taken advantage of the strife to nominate a ruler whobelonged to no sept in the district and who would allow himself to beconsecrated bishop. The vacancy may have been made by the death ofDonnell Shalvey, erenach of Cork, in 1140 (_A. F. M. _). The word_erenach_ is sometimes used at this period where we might haveexpected to find _abbot_ (cp. _A. F. M. _ 1137, quoted in Additional NoteC, p. 167). 

[664] 2 Cor. Xi. 28. 

[665] Evidently Malachy was now papal legate. The date of the incidentis therefore not earlier than 1140. 

[666] It would seem that it was taken for granted that one of theleading men of a sept would be appointed, according to prevalentcustom, exemplified in the case of Armagh. This suggests that thevacant office was that of abbot. There would be nothing surprising inthe selection of a "poor man, " who was not a local magnate, asdiocesan bishop. 

[667] Luke xvii. 16, 18. --This was probably Gilla Aedha Ua Muidhin, who attended the Synod of Kells in 1152 as bishop of Cork (Keating, iii. 317), and died in 1172 (_A. U. _). Since he attained "a good oldage" there is no reason why he should not have been consecrated asearly as 1140 or 1141. He had been a monk of Errew in Lough Con, co. Mayo (_A. T. _ 1172), and was therefore "a stranger, " _i. E. _ not anative of Munster. He is called a "poor man, " no doubt, for the samereason as Malachy himself (§ 24), because he had embraced the life ofvoluntary poverty. He had a reputation for piety and learning, for theAnnals describe him as "full of the grace of God" (_A. U. _), and "thetower of devotion and wisdom and virginity of Ireland" (_A. T. _). Andif the tradition is trustworthy that he was abbot of St. John theEvangelist at Cork, founded by Cormac Mac Carthy "for pilgrims fromConnaught" (see the charter of Dermot Mac Carthy printed in Gibson's_History of Cork_, ii. 348), and that it received its later name ofGill Abbey from him, we can explain how he came to be near at handwhen the election was taking place. 

[668] Matt. Ix. 20. --In this and the next two sections we have threemiracles wrought on women; one at the point of death, another dead, and the third spiritually dead. 

[669] See § 14. 

[670] Matt. Xvi. 28; Mark ix. 1; Luke ix. 27. 

[671] See 2 Kings iv. 29 ff. 

[672] Gen. Ii. 21. 

[673] Luke viii. 44. 

[674] Cp. Mark v. 29. 

[675] _Si quominus. _ The text seems to be corrupt. A friend suggeststhe emendation _sed quominus deficeret_. 

[676] Phil. Ii. 27 (inexact quotation). --The story told in thissection was a favourite of St. Charles Borromeo (Alban Butler, _Livesof Saints_, ed. Husenbeth, ii. 607). 

[677] John iv. 49. 

[678] Cp. Mark vi. 13; Jas. V. 14. 

[679] Matt. Xxv. 6. 

[680] 1 Chron. Xxi. 8, 17. 

[681] Gen. Xxxvii. 35. 

[682] 2 Cor. Ii. 13; cp. Jer. Xlv. 3. 

[683] Ps. Vi. 6 (vg. ); Jer. Xlv. 3. 

[684] Matt. Xxvi. 41, etc. 

[685] Rom. Viii. 26. 

[686] Acts ix. 40. 

[687] John xvi. 20. 

[688] Jas. V. 15. 

[689] John ix. 3. 

[690] Acts vii. 60. 

[691] 1 Tim. Vi. 13. 

[692] Exod. Xv. 8 (vg. ). 

[693] Ps. L. 3 (vg. ). 

[694] 1 Cor. Iv. 21. 

[695] Ps. Lxxvii. 10 (vg. ). 

[696] Rom. Xiv. 5. 

[697] Eph. Iii. 16; cp. 2 Cor. Iv. 16. 

[698] Ps. Xxxv. 12 (vg. ). 

[699] Matt. Viii. 13, combined with John xv. 7. 

[700] Ps. Cxix. 136. 

[701] Cant. Iv. 15. 

[702] Here and in § 56 we have two miraculous draughts of fish. 

[703] 1 Sam. Ii. 5. 

[704] Cp. Rom. I. 11. 

[705] Acts xxviii. 2. 

[706] Cp. 1 Cor. Ix. 9. 

[707] Cp. Luke v. 10. 

[708] Cp. Mark ii. 5; Luke v. 20. 

[709] Acts xxi. 5. 

[710] Acts x. 4. 

[711] Luke v. 6; John xxi. 6. 

[712] Ecclus. Xxxv. 21 (inexact quotation). 

[713] Cp. Ps. Cvii. 26 (vg. ). 

[714] Faughart is a parish north of Dundalk. 

[715] Apparently the only authority earlier than St. Bernard whichmakes Faughart the birthplace of St. Brigit is her fourth _Life_ (i. 6, _Trias_, 547). 

[716] The Kilcurry River. 

[717] Luke v. 4. 

CHAPTER VII

_He does battle for the faith; he restores peace among those who were atvariance; he takes in hand to build a stone church. _

57. (32). There was a certain clerk in Lismore whose life, as it issaid, was good, but his faith not so. He was a man of some knowledge inhis own eyes, and dared to say that in the Eucharist there is only asacrament and not the fact[718] of the sacrament, that is, meresanctification and not the truth of the Body. On this subject he wasoften addressed by Malachy in secret, but in vain; and finally he wascalled before a public assembly, the laity however being excluded, inorder that if it were possible, he should be healed and not put toconfusion. [719] So in a gathering of clerics the man was givenopportunity to answer for his opinion. And when with all his powers ofingenuity, in which he had no slight skill, he attempted to assert anddefend his error, Malachy disputing against him and convicting him, inthe judgement of all, he was worsted; and he retired, put to confusionby the unanimity though not sentenced to punishment. [720] But he saidthat he was not overcome by reason, but crushed by the authority of thebishop. "And you, Malachy, " said he, "have put me to confusion this daywithout good reason, speaking assuredly against the truth and contraryto your own conscience. " Malachy, sad for a man so hardened, butgrieving more for the injury that was done to the faith, and fearingdangerous developments, called the church together, [721] publiclycensured the erring one, publicly admonished him to repent, the bishopsand the whole clergy urging him to the same effect. When he did notsubmit, they pronounced an anathema upon him as contumacious andproclaimed him a heretic. But not aroused from sleep by this he said, "You all favour the man, not the truth; I do not accept persons so thatI should _forsake the truth_. "[722] To this word the saint made answerwith some heat, "The Lord make you confess the truth even of necessity;"and when he replied "Amen" the assembly was dissolved. Burnt with such abranding-iron he meditated flight, for he could not bear to be of illrepute and dishonoured. And forthwith he departed, carrying hisbelongings; when lo, seized with sudden weakness, he stood still, andhis strength failing he threw himself on the ground in the same spot, panting and weary. A vagabond madman, arriving by chance at that place, came upon the man and asked him what he did there. He replied that hewas suffering from great weakness and unable either to advance or to goback. And the other said, "This weakness is nothing else than deathitself. " _But this he spake not of himself, but_[723] God fitly rebukedby means of a madman him who would not submit to the sane counsels ofmen of understanding. And he said, "Return home, I will help you. "Finally with his guidance he went back into the city: he returned to hisright mind and to the mercy of the Lord. In the same hour the bishop wassummoned, the truth was acknowledged, error was renounced. He confessedhis guilt and was absolved. He asked for the viaticum, andreconciliation was granted; and almost in the same moment his perfidywas renounced by his mouth and dissolved by his death. So, to the wonderof all, with all speed was fulfilled the word of Malachy, and with itthat of the Scripture which says, "_Trouble gives understanding to thehearing. _"[724]

58. (33). Between the peoples of certain regions there once arosegrievous discord. [725] Malachy was importuned to make peace betweenthem, and because he was hindered by other business he committed thismatter to one of the bishops. He made excuse and refused, saying thatMalachy, not he, had been sought for, that he would be despised, that hewas unwilling to take trouble to no purpose. "_Go_, " said Malachy, "_andthe Lord be with you_. "[726] He replied, "I assent, but if they will nothear me, know that I will appeal to your Fatherhood. " Smiling, Malachysaid, "Be it so. " Then the bishop, having called the parties together, dictated terms of peace; they assented and were reconciled to oneanother, security was given on both sides, and peace was established;and so he dismissed them. But one party, seeing that their enemies hadbecome careless and were unprepared, because peace having been made theysuspected no harm, _said_ among themselves, each man _to hisneighbour_, [727] "What are we minded to do? Victory and vengeance onour foes is in our grasp"; and they began to attack them. What washappening became known to the bishop, and hastening up he charged theirchief with wickedness and guile, but he treated him with contempt. Heinvoked the name of Malachy against him, and he paid no attention to it. Laughing at the bishop he said, "Do you suppose that for you we ought tolet those go who did evil to us, whom _God hath delivered into ourhands_?"[728] And the bishop, remembering the conversation which he hadhad with Malachy, _weeping and wailing_, [729] turned his face towardsMalachy's monastery[730] and said, "Where art thou, man of God, whereart thou? Is not this, my father, what I told thee of? Alas, alas, Icame here that I might do good and not evil; and behold, through me allare perishing, these in the body, those in the soul. " Many things inthis manner said he as he _mourned_ and _lamented_, [731] and he urgedand addressed Malachy, as though he were present, against the wicked. But meanwhile the impious men did not cease to attack those with whomthey had made peace, so as to destroy them; and behold there was _alying spirit in the mouth of_ certain men to _deceive_ them. [732] Andthese men met them in the way announcing that a raid had been made intotheir lands by their adversaries, that all things were being consumed_with the edge of the sword_, [733] and that their goods were being laidwaste, and their wives and children taken and led away. When they heardthis they returned in haste. The hindmost followed the first, _notknowing whither they went_[734] or what had happened; for they had notall heard the men who spoke. And when they came and found none of thosethings which had been told them they were confounded, taken in their ownwickedness;[735] and they _knew_ that they had been given up to _thespirit of error_, [736] on account of the messenger of Malachy whom theydeceived and his _name_ which _they despised_. [737] Further, the bishop, when he heard that the traitors were foiled in the iniquity which theyhad devised, returned with joy to Malachy and told him all things inorder which had happened to him. 

59. Malachy, knowing that by such an event the peace was disturbed, taking suitable opportunity was at pains in his own person to restorepeace once more between them, and to confirm it when restored by thegiving and receiving of security and an oath on both sides. But thosewho before had suffered from the violation of peace, mindful of theinjury, and ignoring the agreement and the command of Malachy, took inhand to make reprisals. And all coming together, they set out to taketheir enemies unprepared and to return upon their own head the evilwhich they had thought to do to them. [738] And when they had very easilyforded a great river which lay between them, they were stopped by arivulet to which they came, not far from it. For indeed now it was not arivulet, but appeared clearly to be a huge river, denying passage inevery part of it to those who desired to cross it. All wondered that itwas now so great, knowing how small it had been before, and they saidamong themselves, "What has caused this inundation? The air is clear, there are no rains, and we do not remember that there have been anylately; and even if there had been much rain, which of us remembersthat, to however great a flood it swelled, it ever before covered theland, spreading over sown ground and meadow? _This is the finger ofGod_, [739] and the Lord _is hedging up our ways_, [740] on account ofMalachy, His saint, whose _covenant we have transgressed_[741] anddisobeyed his commandment. "[742] So these also, without accomplishingtheir purpose, returned to their own territory, likewise confounded. Thereport was spread _throughout all the region_;[743] and they blessedGod, who _took the wise in their own craftiness_, [744] _and cutting offthe horns of the wicked_, [745] _exalted the horn of His anointed_. [746]

60. One of the nobles hostile to the king[747] was reconciled by meansof Malachy. For he did not trust the king sufficiently to make peacewith him except by the mediation of Malachy, or of one for whom the kinghad equal reverence. His distrust was not unfounded, as afterwardsappeared. For when he had become careless, and was no longer takingprecautions, the king captured him and put him in bonds, more trulyhimself captured by ancient hate. His own friends demanded him by _thehand of the mediator_;[748] for neither did they expect anything buthis death. What should Malachy do? There was nothing to be done exceptto recur to that one accustomed refuge of his. Gathering an exceedingmighty army, a great crowd of his own disciples, he went to the king, and demanded him who was bound; he was refused. But Malachy said, "Youact unrighteously against the Lord, and against me, and againstyourself, _transgressing the covenant_;[749] if you disregard it, yetshall not I. A man has entrusted himself to my guarantee; if he shoulddie, I have betrayed him. I am guilty of his blood. Why has it seemedgood to you to make me a traitor, yourself a transgressor? Know that _Iwill eat nothing until_[750] he is liberated; no, nor theseeither. "[751] Having said this he entered the church. He called uponAlmighty God with anxious groanings, his own and those of his disciples, that He would deign to _deliver out of the hand of the transgressor andcruel man_[752] him who was unjustly sentenced. And that day and thefollowing night they persisted in fasting and prayer. Word was broughtto the king of that which was being done; and his _heart was_ the more_hardened_[753] by that by which it ought to have been softened. Thecarnal man took to flight, fearing lest if he remained near at hand hemight not be able to withstand the power of prayer; as though, forsooth, if he was hidden it could not find him, nor would penetrate to a remoteplace. Do you put bounds, wretched man, to _the prayers of saints_?[754]Is prayer an arrow that has been shot, that you may _flee from the faceof the bow_?[755] _Whither wilt thou go from the Spirit of God_, whocarries it, _or whither wilt thou flee from His presence_?[756] At lastMalachy pursues the fugitive, he finds him who lies hidden. "_You shallbe blind and not seeing_, [757] that you may see better, and mayunderstand that _it is hard for you to kick against the pricks. _[758]Nay, perceive even now that _sharp arrows of the mighty_[759] have cometo you, which, although they have rebounded from your heart, because itis of stone, have not rebounded from your eyes. Would that even throughthe windows of the eyes they might reach to the heart, and _trouble giveunderstanding_[760] to blindness. " It could be seen that _Saul_ againwas _led by the hand_[761] and brought to Ananias, a wolf to a sheep, that he might disgorge his prey. He disgorged it and _receivedsight_, [762] for to such a degree was Malachy like a sheep, if, forexample, it were to take pity even on the wolf. Note carefully fromthis, reader, with whom Malachy had his dwelling, what sort of princesthey were, what sort of peoples. How is it that he also was not _abrother to dragons, and a companion to owls_?[763] And therefore theLord _gave him power to tread upon serpents and scorpions_, [764] _tobind their kings with chains and their nobles with fetters ofiron_. [765] Hear now what follows. 

61. (34). He to whom Malachy had yielded the possessions of themonastery of Bangor, [766] ungrateful for the benefit, from that timeforward behaved himself always most arrogantly against him and hisfollowers, hostile to them in all things, plotting everywhere, anddisparaging his deeds. But not without punishment. He had an only son, who, imitating his father and daring himself to act in opposition toMalachy, died the same year. And thus he died. It seemed good toMalachy that a stone oratory should be erected at Bangor like thosewhich he had seen constructed in other regions. [767] And when he beganto lay the foundations the natives wondered, because in that land nosuch buildings were yet to be found. [768] But that worthless fellow, presumptuous and arrogant as he was, not only wondered but wasindignant. And from that indignation _he conceived grief and broughtforth iniquity_. [769] And he became a _talebearer among thepeoples_, [770] now _disparaging secretly_, [771] now speaking evilopenly; drawing attention to Malachy's frivolity, shuddering at thenovelty, exaggerating the expense. With such poisonous words as these hewas urging and inducing many to put a stop to it: "Follow me, and whatought not to be done by any but ourselves let us not permit to be doneagainst our will. " Then with many whom he was able to persuade--_himselfthe_ first _leader in speech_[772] as well as the origin of theevil--he went down to the place, and finding the man of God accostedhim: "Good sir, why have you thought good to introduce this novelty intoour regions? We are Scots, not Gauls. What is this frivolity? What needwas there for a work so superfluous, so proud? Where will you, _a poorand needy man_, [773] find _the means to finish it_?[774] Who will see itfinished? What sort of presumption is this, to begin, I say not what youcannot finish, but what you cannot even see finished? Though indeed itis the act of a maniac rather than of a presumptuous man to attempt whatis beyond his measure, what exceeds his strength, what baffles hisabilities. Cease, cease, desist from this madness. If not, we shall notpermit it, we shall not tolerate it. " This he said, proclaiming what hewould do, but not considering what it was within his power to do. Forsome of those on whom he counted and whom he had brought with him, whenthey saw the man[775] changed their minds and went no more withhim. [776]

62. And to him the holy man spoke quite freely: "Wretched man, the workwhich you see begun, and on which you look askance, shall undoubtedly befinished: many shall see it finished. But you, because you do not wishit, will not see it;[777] and that which you wish not shall be yours--todie: take heed that you do not _die in your sins_. "[778] So it happened:he died, and the work was finished; but he saw it not, for, as we havesaid already, he died the same year. Meanwhile the father, who soonheard what the holy man had foretold concerning his son, and knew thathis word was _quick and powerful_, [779] said, "He _has slain myson_. "[780] And by the instigation of the devil he burned with suchrage against him that he was not afraid, before the duke and magnates ofUlaid, to accuse of falsehood and lying him who was most truthful and adisciple and lover of the Truth; and he used violent language againsthim, calling him an ape. [781] And Malachy, who had been taught not to_render railing for railing, [782] was dumb, and opened not hismouth[783] while the wicked was before him_. [784] But the Lord was notforgetful of His word which He had spoken, _Vengeance is mine, I willrepay_. [785] The same day when the man returned home he expiated therashness of his unbridled tongue, the avenger being the very one atwhose instigation he had let it loose. The demon seized him and cast himinto the fire, but he was soon pulled out by those that stood by; yetwith his body partly burnt, and deprived of reason. And while he wasraving Malachy was called, and when he came he found the accursed man, his foaming mouth contorted, terrifying all things with horrible soundsand movements, his whole body writhing, and scarcely to be kept inrestraint by many men. And when he prayed for his enemy the man of allperfection was heard, but only in part. For in a moment, while the saintwas praying, he opened his eyes, and recovered his understanding. But_an evil spirit of the Lord_[786] was left to him _to buffet him, [787]that he might learn not to blaspheme_. [788] We believe that he stilllives, and up to this time is expiating the great sin which he sinnedagainst the saint; but they say that at certain times he is a lunatic. Further, the aforesaid possessions, since he could no longer hold themby reason of his helplessness and uselessness, returned in peace to theplace to which they had belonged. Nor did Malachy refuse them, when theprospect of peace was held out at length after so much trouble. 

63. But now our narrative must return to the work of the building whichMalachy had undertaken. And though Malachy had not the means, I do notsay to finish it, but to do any part of it, yet _his heart trusted inthe Lord_. [789] The Lord, in fact, provided that, though he _set not hishope on treasures of money_, [790] money should not be lacking. For whoelse caused a treasure to be stored in that place, and being stored, notto be found till the time and work of Malachy? The servant of God foundin God's purse what was not in his own. Deservedly, indeed. For whatmore just than that he who for God's sake possessed nothing should enterinto partnership with God, and that they should both _have onepurse_. [791] For the man who believes, the whole world is a treasury ofriches; and what is it but a kind of purse of God? Indeed He says, _Theworld is mine, and the fulness thereof_. [792] Hence it was that whenmany pieces of silver were found Malachy did not put them back in theirplace, but took them out of their place; for he bade the whole gift ofGod to be spent on the work of God. [793] He considered not his ownnecessities nor those of his companions, but _cast his_ thought upon_the Lord_, [794] to whom he did not doubt that he ought to resort asoften as need required. And there is no doubt that that was the work ofGod, because Malachy had foreseen it by God's revelation. He had firstconsulted with the brothers concerning that work; and many on accountof their lack of means were unwilling to assent to it. Anxious thereforeand doubtful what he should do, he began to inquire earnestly in prayerwhat was the will of God. And one day coming back from a journey, [795]when he drew near to the place he viewed it some way off; and lo, thereappeared a great oratory, of stone and very beautiful. And payingcareful attention to its position, form and construction, he took up thework with confidence, having first however related the vision to a fewof the elder brothers. Indeed so carefully did he adhere to all hisattentive observations regarding place and manner and quality that whenthe work was finished that which was made appeared closely similar tothat which he had seen, as if he also as well as Moses had heard thesaying, _Look_ that _thou make all things according to the patternshewed to thee in the mount_. [796] By the same kind of vision there wasshown to him before it was built, not only the oratory, but also thewhole monastery, which is situated at Saul. [797]

64. (35). As he was passing through a certain city and a great multitudewas running together to him, by chance he saw a young man among the resteager _to see_ him. [798] He had _climbed up_ on a stone, and standing ontip-toes, with outstretched neck, contemplating him with eyes and mind, showed himself to him as a kind of new Zacchaeus. [799] And it was nothid from Malachy (for the Holy Spirit revealed it) that he had trulycome _in the spirit and power of_ Zacchaeus. [800] He took no notice, however, at the time, and passed on in silence. But in the hospice thatnight he told the brothers how he had seen him and what he had foreseenconcerning him. But on the third day behold he came with a certainnobleman, his lord, who disclosed the wish and desire of the young man, and asked that he would deign to receive him on his commendation, andhave him henceforth among his companions. And Malachy recognizing himsaid, "There is no need that man should commend him _whom_ already _Godhas commended_. "[801] And taking him by the hand he delivered him overto our abbot Congan[802] and he to the brothers. But that youngman--still living if I mistake not--the first lay conversus of themonastery of the Suir, [803] has testimony from all that he lives a holylife among the brothers, according to the Cistercian Order. And thedisciples recognized also in this incident that Malachy had _the spiritof prophecy_, [804] and not in this only, but in that which we shall add. 

65. When he was offering the sacraments, [805] and the deacon hadapproached him to do something belonging to his office, the priestbeholding him groaned because he had perceived that something was hiddenin him that was not meet. When the sacrifice was over, having beenprobed privately concerning his conscience _he confessed and deniednot_[806] that he had been _mocked_[807] in a dream that night. AndMalachy enjoined penance upon him and said, "It was your duty not tohave ministered to-day, but reverently to withdraw from sacred thingsand to show respect to so great and divine mysteries, that purified bythis humiliation you might in future minister more worthily. "

Likewise on another occasion, [808] when he was sacrificing and prayingat the hour of sacrifice with his accustomed sanctity and purity ofheart, the deacon standing by him, a dove was seen to enter through thewindow in great glory. And with that glory the priest was completelyflooded, and the whole of the gloomy basilica became suffused withlight. But the dove, after flitting about for a while, at length settleddown on the cross before the face of the priest. The deacon was amazed;and trembling on account of the novelty both of the light and of thebird, for that is a rare bird in the land, fell upon his face, andpalpitating, scarcely dared to rise even when the necessity of hisoffice required it. After Mass Malachy spoke to him privately and badehim, as he valued his life, on no account to divulge the mystery whichhe had seen, as long as he himself was alive. 

Once, when he was at Armagh with one of his fellow-bishops, he rose inthe night and began to go round the memorials of the saints, of whichthere are many in the cemetery of St. Patrick, [809] with prayer. And lo, they saw one of the altars suddenly take fire. For both saw this greatvision, and both wondered. And Malachy, understanding that it was a signof the great merit of him, or those, whose bodies rested under thataltar, ran and plunged into the midst of the flames with outstretchedarms and embraced the sacred altar. What he did there, or what heperceived, none knows; but that from that fire he went forth ablaze morethan his wont with heavenly fire, I suppose there is none of thebrothers who were with him then that does not know. 

66. These things have been mentioned, a few out of many, but many forthis time. For these are not times of signs, as it is written, _We seenot signs; there is no more any prophet. _[810] Whence it appearssufficiently how great in merits was my Malachy, who was so rich insigns, rare as they now are. For in what kind of _ancient miracles_[811]was not Malachy conspicuous? If we consider well those few that havebeen mentioned, he lacked not prophecy, [812] nor revelation, [813] norvengeance upon the impious, [814] nor _the grace of healings_, [815] nortransformation of minds, [816] nor lastly raising the dead. [817] By allthese things God was blessed who so loved and adorned him, who alsomagnified him _before kings_, [818] and gave him _the crown ofglory_. [819] That he was loved is proved in his merits, that he wasadorned, in his signs, that he was magnified, in his vengeance onenemies, that he had glory, in recompense of rewards. You have inMalachy, diligent reader, something to wonder at, you have alsosomething to imitate. Now carefully note what you may hope for as theresult of these things. For _the end of these things is a preciousdeath_. [820]

FOOTNOTES:

[718] _Rem. _ This may have been a follower of Berengarius, who in hisrecantation in 1059 anathematized the heresy that the bread and wine"after consecration are merely a sacrament and not the true Body andBlood of our Lord Jesus Christ" (Mansi, xix. 900). 

[719] Compare St. Bernard's method with Abélard, _V. P. _ iii. 13;and for his dealing with a brother who did not believe intransubstantiation, _ibid. _ vii. 8, 9. 

[720] I follow the printed text: _de consensu confusus quidem exiit, sed non correptus_. But Mabillon, supported by A, has "he retired fromthe assembly confounded, but not brought to the right opinion" (_deconuentu . .. Non correctus_). K reads _de conuentu . .. Non correptus_. 

[721] It would seem from this that Malachy was acting as legate. Thedate is therefore after 1140. 

[722] Prov. Xxviii. 21 (vg. ). 

[723] John xi. 51. 

[724] Isa. Xxviii. 19 (vg. ). 

[725] In §§ 58-62 we have three stories in which Malachy appears as apeacemaker. 

[726] 1 Sam. Xvii. 37, combined with 1 Chron. Xxii. 16. 

[727] Gen. Xi. 3 (vg. ). 

[728] Judg. Xvi. 24. 

[729] Mark v. 38. 

[730] This expression indicates that Malachy had a special relation toone monastery. It can hardly have been any other than Bangor. 

[731] Matt. Xi. 17. 

[732] 1 Kings xxii. 22; 2 Chron. Xviii. 21. 

[733] Josh. Vi. 21; Judg. Iv. 15, etc. 

[734] Heb. Xi. 8. 

[735] Cp. Ps. X. 2. 

[736] 1 John iv. 6. 

[737] Cp. Mal. I. 6. 

[738] Cp. Ps. Vii. 16. 

[739] Exod. Viii. 19. 

[740] Hos. Ii. 6. 

[741] Josh. Vii. 15, etc. 

[742] In Serm. Ii. § 2, where this story is again briefly told, themiracle is more directly ascribed to Malachy, and the stream is saidto have swelled suddenly. 

[743] Cp. Luke iv. 14, etc. 

[744] Job v. 13, combined with 1 Cor. Iii. 19. 

[745] Ps. Lxxv. 10. 

[746] 1 Sam. Ii. 10. 

[747] Probably Turlough O'Conor, who is said by the annalists to haveimprisoned illegally several persons of high position, viz. (1) hisown son Rory O'Conor, together with Donnell O'Flaherty and CathalO'Conor, in 1143, (2) Murrough Ua Maelsechlainn, king of Meath, in1143, and (3) Teague O'Brien, in 1148. Release was obtained, in thefirst instance, in 1144 by the clergy of Ireland and the "coarb ofPatrick, " who fasted at Rathbrennan. The coarb may have been Malachy. In the second instance, it was secured through the influence ofcertain "sureties"; and in the third, "at the intercession of thebishops of Ireland with the coarb of Patrick, Mael Maedoc Ua Morgair"(_A. F. M. _, _A. T. _). The Annals, however, know nothing of the blindingof O'Conor. The incident in the text is mentioned in Serm. Ii. § 2. 

[748] Gal iii. 19. 

[749] Josh. Vii. 15, etc. 

[750] Acts xxiii. 14. 

[751] An example of the well-known Irish custom of "fasting on" aperson with a view to his discomfiture (cp. P. 106, n. 9). 

[752] Ps. Lxxi. 4 (inexact quotation). 

[753] Exod. Viii. 19. 

[754] Rev. V. 8. 

[755] Isa. Xxi. 15 (vg. ). 

[756] Ps. Cxxxix. 7. 

[757] Acts xiii. 11. 

[758] Acts xxvi. 14. 

[759] Ps. Cxx. 4. 

[760] Isa. Xxviii. 19. 

[761] Acts ix. 8. 

[762] Acts ix. 18. 

[763] Job xxx. 29. 

[764] Luke x. 19 (quotation not exact). 

[765] Ps. Cxlix. 

[766] See § 13. 

[767] This remark proves that the building of the oratory was begunafter Malachy's return from France. The same conclusion follows fromthe words "We are Scots, _not Gauls_, " lower down. 

[768] St. Bernard is speaking, not of stone churches in general, ashas sometimes been assumed, but of stone oratories, which may havebeen unknown in "that land, " _i. E. _ the district about Bangor (see p. 32, n. 3). The innovation would naturally cause dissatisfaction amonga conservative people. Indignation may also have been excited by theunusual size of the building; for it was "a great oratory" (§ 63). Buton the other hand, its ornate style cannot have contributed to theopposition which the project aroused; for it commenced when thefoundations were being laid. Indeed, however "beautiful" it may havebeen (§ 63), it was probably, like the churches of the Cistercians, ofsimple design and devoid of ornament. See St. Bernard's _Apologia adGuillelmum_, § 28 ff. (_P. L. _ clxxxii. 914 f. ). The only relic of themedieval monastery of Bangor is a rudely built wall, once pierced by adoor and a window, now built up. It seems to be later than the twelfthcentury. About 120 yards to the south-west of it is "The AbbeyChurch, " still used for worship. The main part of this structure datesfrom the seventeenth century. But the core of the tower appears to bemuch earlier, and may be on the site of St. Malachy's oratory. 

[769] Job xv. 35 (vg. ); Ps. Vii. 14 (vg. ). 

[770] Lev. Xix. 16. 

[771] Ps. Ci. 5. 

[772] Acts xiv. 12. 

[773] Ps. Lxxiv. 21. 

[774] Luke xiv. 28. 

[775] _Viro_, _i. E. _ Malachy. 

[776] Cp. John vi. 66. 

[777] _Quia non uis non uidebis. _

[778] John viii. 21. 

[779] Heb. Iv. 12. 

[780] 1 Kings xvii. 18. 

[781] Perhaps because he imitated the customs of the Gauls. 

[782] 1 Pet. Iii. 9. 

[783] Isa. Liii. 7. 

[784] Ps. Xxxix. 1. 

[785] Rom. Xii. 19. 

[786] 1 Sam. Xvi. 14; xix. 9 (vg. ). 

[787] 2 Cor. Xii. 7

[788] 1 Tim. I. 20. 

[789] Susanna, 35. 

[790] Ecclus. Xxxi. 8 (vg. : with variant). 

[791] Prov. I. 14. 

[792] Ps. L. 12. 

[793] Malachy disposed of the treasure according to his will. Thatfact, together with his relation to the brothers, revealed by the nextfew sentences, makes it exceedingly probable that he was still theirabbot. 

[794] Ps. Lv. 23 (vg. ). 

[795] Bangor was apparently his headquarters. 

[796] Heb. Viii. 5. 

[797] Jocelin, writing towards the end of the twelfth century, declares that St. Patrick founded a monastery at Saul (_Vita S. Patricii_, cap. 32). But, apparently, neither in the Annals nor in anyother authority earlier than Jocelin, is mention made of a monasterythere before St. Malachy's time. The text seems to imply that therewere no monastic buildings on the site when he founded (or re-founded)it. Malachy placed in his new monastery a convent of regular canons ofSt. Augustine (_A. U. _ 1170); but it never became an importantestablishment, though it was still in existence in the sixteenthcentury. See Reeves, pp. 40, 220 ff. 

[798] This and the next story (§ 65) illustrate Malachy's power ofreading the hearts of men. 

[799] Luke xix. 1-4. 

[800] Luke i. 17. 

[801] 2 Cor. X. 18. 

[802] See p. 4, n. 7. 

[803] _Suriensis monasterii. _ The monastery of Inislounaght, close tothe River Suir, a mile or two to the west of Clonmel, co. Tipperary, is commonly known as _De Surio_. The present passage seems to showthat it was founded before 1148. For information about it see anarticle by the late Dr. Bagwell, in _J. R. S. A. I. _ xxxix. 267 f. AndJanauschek, _Orig. Cist. _ p. 131. This incident must have beenconsiderably later than the foundation of Mellifont (see p. 75, n. 4). It may therefore be dated between 1143 and 1147. 

[804] Rev. Xix. 10. 

[805] This word is constantly used in the plural of the Eucharist, each of the elements being regarded as a "sacrament. "

[806] John i. 20. 

[807] Gen. Xxxix. 17. 

[808] This story is suggested by the last because the incidentoccurred during the celebration of Mass. 

[809] Evidently the cemetery in which, according to local tradition, St. Patrick was buried (see § 19). It was probably the _FertaMartair_, the site of St. Patrick's earlier settlement at Armagh(Reeves, _Churches_, p. 5; _R. I. A. _ xviii. 660). It seems to be hintedthat St. Malachy received a revelation of the position of his grave. 

[810] Ps. Lxxiv. 9. 

[811] Secret of Mass for Kings, etc. 

[812] A fresh classification of Malachy's miracles. For prophecy see§§ 36, 48, 52, 57, 62, 64 f. 

[813] §§ 11, 63, 64, 65. 

[814] §§ 22 f. , 48, 57, 60, 62. 

[815] 1 Cor. Xii. 9 (vg. ). --§§ 14, 15, 40, 45-47, 49-52, 60, 62. 

[816] §§ 26, 54, 57, 61. 

[817] § 53. 

[818] Ps. Cxix. 46. --§§ 10, 40, 60. 

[819] 1 Pet. V. 4. 

[820] Rom. Vi. 21, combined with Ps. Cxvi. 15. 

CHAPTER VIII

_Departure from Ireland. Death and Burial at Clairvaux. _

[Sidenote: 1148, May (?)]

67. (30). Being asked once, in what place, if a choice were given him, he would prefer to spend his last day--for on this subject the brothersused to ask one another what place each would select for himself--hehesitated, and made no reply. But when they insisted, he said, "If Itake my departure hence[821] I shall do so nowhere more gladly thanwhence I may rise together with our Apostle"[822]--he referred to St. Patrick; "but if it behoves me to make a pilgrimage, and if God sopermits, I have selected Clairvaux. " When asked also about the time, [henamed in reply] the festival of all the dead. [823] If it is regarded asa mere wish, it was fulfilled, if as a prophecy, not _a jot passed_ fromit. [824] _As we have heard so have we seen_[825] alike concerning placeand day. Let us relate briefly in what order and by what occasion itcame to pass. Malachy took it amiss that Ireland was still without apall; for he was zealous for the sacraments, and would not that hisnation should be wholly deprived of any one of them. [826] Andremembering that it had been promised to him by Pope Innocent, [827] hewas the more sad that while he was still alive it had not been sent for. And taking advantage of the fact that Pope Eugenius[828] held the chiefrule and was reported to have gone at that time to France, [829] herejoiced that he had found opportunity for claiming it. He took forgranted that, the Pope being such a man as he was, and having beenpromoted from such a religious profession--and the more because he hadbeen a special son of his own Clairvaux--he need not fear that he shouldhave any difficulty with him. Therefore the bishops were summoned; acouncil assembled. [830] Matters which were of immediate importance atthe time were discussed for three days, and on the fourth the scheme ofobtaining the pall was broached. Assent was given, but on condition thatit should be obtained by another. However, since the journey was acomparatively short one, and on that account the pilgrimage seemed moreeasy to be endured, none presumed to oppose his counsel and will. Andwhen the council was dissolved Malachy started on his way. [831] Suchbrothers as had come together followed him to the shore; but not many, for he doubtless restrained them. One of them, Catholicus by name, withtearful voice and face, said to him, "Alas! you are going away; and inhow great, almost daily, trouble you leave me you are not ignorant, andyet you do not, of your pity, give me help. If I deserve to suffer, whatsin have the brothers committed that they are scarcely allowed to haveany day or night free from the labour of caring for and guarding me?" Bythese words and tears of his son (for he wept) the father's _heart was_troubled, [832] and he embraced him with caresses, and making the sign ofthe cross on his breast said, "Be assured that you will have no suchsuffering till I return. " Now he was an epileptic, and fell often;insomuch that at times he suffered not once but many times a day. He hadbeen a victim to this horrible disease for six years; but at the word ofMalachy he made a perfect recovery. From that hour he has suffered nosuch thing; no such thing, as we believe, will he suffer henceforth, forhenceforth Malachy will not return. 

68. When he was just about to embark there _came unto him_ two of thosewho _clave unto him_[833] more closely, boldly _desiring a certain thingof him_. And he said to them, _"What would ye?"_[834] And they answered, "We will not say, except you promise that you will give it. " He pledgedhimself. And they said, "We would have you certainly promise of yourcondescension, that you will return in good health to Ireland. " All theothers also insisted upon it. Then he deliberated for a while, repentingat first that he had bound himself, and not finding any way of escape. He was _straitened on every side_, [835] while no way of safety presenteditself from both dangers--of forfeiting his wish and of breaking hispromise. It seemed at length that he should rather choose that whichinfluenced him more strongly at the moment, and leave the rest to higherguidance. He assented, sadly it is true; but he was more unwilling thatthey should be made sad; and pledging himself as they wished, he went onboard the ship. And when they had completed nearly half the voyagesuddenly a contrary wind drove the ship back and brought it to the landof Ireland again. Leaving the ship he passed the night in the portitself in one of his churches. And he joyfully gave thanks for theresourcefulness of the divine providence, by which it came about that hehad now satisfied his promise. But in the morning, he went on board, andthe same day, after a prosperous crossing, came into Scotland. On thethird day[836] he reached a place which is called Viride Stagnum;[837]which he had caused to be prepared that he might found an abbey there. And leaving there some of his sons, our brothers, as a convent of monksand abbot[838] (for he had brought them with him for that purpose) hebade them farewell and set out. 

69. And as he passed on, King David met him, by whom he was receivedwith joy and was detained as his guest for some days. [839] And havingdone many things pleasing to God he resumed the journey that he hadbegun. And passing through Scotland, at the very border of England hewent aside to the Church of Gisburn, where there dwell religious menleading a canonical life, [840] familiar to him of old for theirreligious conversation and honourable character. At that place a womanwas brought to him, suffering from a disease horrible to see, which iscommonly called cancer; and he healed her. For when water which heblessed was sprinkled on the sores she ceased to feel pain. On the nextday scarcely a sore was to be seen. 

Departing thence he came to the sea, but was refused passage. Thereason, if I am not mistaken, was that some difference had arisenbetween the chief pontiff and the king of England: for the kingsuspected in that good man I know not what evil, if he should cross thesea;[841] for neither did he allow other bishops to cross. [842] Thatobstacle, though contrary to the will of Malachy, was not contrary tothe object of his wish. He grieved that the attainment of his desireshould be postponed, not knowing that by this it would be the ratherfulfilled. For if he had immediately passed over the sea he would havebeen obliged to pass by Clairvaux in order to follow the chief Pontiff. For by that time he had left it and was at or near Rome. [843] But nowthrough this delay it was brought about that he crossed later, and so, as was fitting, he came to the place of his most holy death, and at thehour of its approach. 

[Sidenote: 1148, Oct. 13 or 14]

[Sidenote: 1148, Oct. 18]

70. (37). And he was received by us, though he came from the west, asthe true _day-spring[844] from on high visiting us_. [845] O, how greatlydid that radiant sun fill our Clairvaux with added glory! How pleasantwas the festal day that dawned upon us at his coming! _This was the daywhich the Lord had made, we rejoiced and were glad in it. _[846] As forme, with what rapid and bounding step, though trembling and weak, [847]did I soon _run_ to meet him! With what joy I _kissed him_! With whatjoyful arms I _embraced_[848] this grace sent to me from heaven! Withwhat eager face and mind, my father, _I brought thee into my mother'shouse and into the chamber of her that conceived me_![849] What festivedays I spent with thee then, though few! But how did he in his turngreet us? In truth our pilgrim showed himself cheerful and kindly toall, to all incredibly gracious. _How good and how pleasant_[850] a parthe played among us as our guest, whom, forsooth, _he had come from theuttermost parts of the earth_ to see, not that he should _hear_, butthat he should show us, a _Solomon_! In fact we _heard_ his_wisdom_, [851] we had his presence, and we have it still. Already fouror five days of this our festival had passed, when lo, on the feast dayof Blessed Luke the Evangelist, [852] when he had celebrated Mass in theconvent[853] with that holy devotion of his, he was taken with a feverand lay down in his bed: and all of us were [sick] with him. _The end ofour mirth is sorrow_, [854] but moderate sorrow, because for a time thefever seemed to be slight. You should see the brothers running about, eager to give, or to receive. To whom was it not sweet to see him? Towhom was it not sweeter to minister to him? Both were pleasant and bothsalutary. It was an act of kindness to do him service, and it was repaidalso to each one of them, by the gift of grace. All assisted, all werebusied _with much serving_, [855] searching for medicines, applyingpoultices, urging him often to eat. But he said to them, "These thingsare without avail, yet for love of you I do whatever you bid me. " For heknew that _the time_ of his departure was at hand. [856]

71. And when the brothers who had come with him[857] urged him moreboldly, saying that it behoved him not to despair of life, for that nosigns of death appeared in him, [858] he said, "It behoves Malachy toleave the body this year. "[859] And he added, "See, the day is drawingnear which, as you very well know, I have always desired to be the dayof _my dissolution_. [860] _I know whom I have believed and ampersuaded_;[861] I shall _not be disappointed of_ the rest of _mydesire_, [862] since I already have part of it. He who by his mercy hasled me to the place which I sought, will not deny me the time for whichI wished no less. As regards this mean body, _here is my rest_;[863] asregards my soul, the Lord will provide, _who saveth them that put theirtrust in Him_. [864] And _there is_ no small hope _laid up for me at thatday_[865] in which so great benefits are bestowed by the living on thedead. "[866] Not far away was that day when he spoke thus. Meanwhile heordered that he should be anointed with the sacred oil. When the conventof brothers was going out that it might be done solemnly, [867] he wouldnot permit them to come up to him; he went down to them. For he waslying in the balcony[868] of the upper house. He was anointed; and whenhe had received the viaticum, he commended himself to the prayers of thebrothers, and the brothers to God, [869] and went back to bed. He wentdown from the high balcony[870] on his feet, and again, as if that werenot enough, he went up on his feet; yet he said that death _was at thedoors_. [871] Who should believe that this man was dying? Himself aloneand God could know it. His face did not seem to have become pallid orwasted. His brow was not wrinkled, his eyes were not sunken, hisnostrils were not thin, his lips were not contracted, his teeth were notbrown, his neck was not gaunt and lean, his shoulders were not bowed, the flesh on the rest of his body had not failed. Such was the grace ofhis body, and such the _glory of his countenance which was_ not _to bedone away_, [872] even in death. As he appeared in life so was he also indeath, more like to one alive. 

72. (38). Hitherto our story has run a rapid course; but now it staysbecause Malachy _has finished his course_. [873] He is still, and withhim we are still. Moreover, who would willingly hasten to [tell of]death? Especially thy death, holy father, who could describe it? Whowould wish to hear the story? Yet we loved _in life, in death we shallnot be divided_. [874] Brothers, let us not forsake in death him withwhom we companied in life. From further Scotland[875] he ran hither todeath; _let us also go and die with him_. [876] I must, I must tell thatwhich of necessity I saw. The celebration, everywhere renowned, of AllSaints[877] comes, and according to the ancient saying, _Music inmourning is an unseasonable discourse_. [878] We come, we sing, evenagainst our will. We weep while we sing and we sing while we weep. Malachy, though he sings not, yet does not lament. For why should helament, who is drawing near to joy? For _us who remain_, [879] mourningremains. Malachy alone keeps festival. For what he cannot do with hisbody he does with his mind, as it is written, _The thought of man shallconfess to thee, and the residue of thought shall keep the day offestival to thee. _[880] When the instrument of the body fails him, andthe organ of the mouth is silent, and the office of the voice ceases, itremains that with songs in his heart he keeps festival. Why should notthe saint keep festival, who is being brought to the festival of thesaints?[881] He presents to them what will soon be due to himself. _Yeta little while_[882] and he will be one of them. 

73. Towards the dusk of night, when now somehow the celebration of theday had been finished by us, Malachy had drawn near, not to dusk but todawn. Was it not dawn to him[883] for whom _the night is far spent andthe day is at hand_?[884] So, the fever increasing, a burning sweat fromwithin him began to break out over his whole body, that, as it were_going through fire and through water, he might be brought into awealthy place_. [885] Now his life was despaired of, now each onecondemned his own judgement, now none doubted that Malachy's word[886]was prevailing. We were called; we came. And lifting up his eyes onthose who stood round him, he said, "_With desire I have desired to eatthis passover_ with _you_;[887] I give thanks to the divine compassion, I have _not been disappointed of my desire_. "[888] Do you see the manfree from care in death, and, not yet dead, already certain of life? Nowonder. Seeing that the night was come to which he had looked forward, and that in it the day was dawning for him, so to speak triumphing overthe night, he seemed to scoff at the darkness and as it were to cry, "_Ishall_ not _say, surely the darkness shall cover me_, because this_night shall be light about me in my pleasure_. "[889] And tenderlyconsoling us he said, "Take care of me; if it be allowed me I shall notforget you. And it shall be allowed. _I have believed in God_, [890] and_all things are possible to him that believeth_. [891] I have loved God;I have loved you, and _charity never faileth_. "[892] _And looking up toheaven_[893] he said, "O God, _keep them in Thy name_;[894] _and notthese_ only _but_ all them _also who through_ my _word_[895] andministry have given themselves to thy service. " Then, laying his handson each one severally and blessing all, [896] he bade them go to rest, _because his hour was not yet come_. [897]

[Sidenote: 1148, November 2]

74. We went. We returned about midnight, for at that hour it wasannounced that _the light shineth in darkness_. [898] The house filled, the whole community was present, many abbots also who had assembled. _With psalms and hymns and spiritual songs_[899] we followed ourfriend as he returned to his own country. [900] In the fifty-fourthyear of his age, [901] at the place and time which he had chosenbeforehand and predicted, Malachy, the bishop and legate of the holyApostolic See, taken up _by the angels_, [902] as it were from ourhands, happily _fell asleep in the Lord_. [903] And indeed he slept. His placid face was the sign of a placid departure. And verily _theeyes of all were_ fixed _upon him_;[904] but none could perceive whenhe departed. When dead he was thought to be alive, when alive, dead;so true was it that there was no difference which might distinguishdeath from life. The same vivacity of face, the same serenity, ascommonly appears in one who sleeps. You might say that death robbedhim of none of these things, but rather very greatly increased them. He was not changed; but he changed us all. In wondrous fashion thesorrow and groaning of all suddenly sank to rest, _sadness_ waschanged _into joy_, [905] singing banished lamentation. [906] He isborne forth, voices are borne to heaven, he is borne into the oratoryon the shoulders of the abbots. _Faith has conquered_, [907] affectiontriumphs, things assume their normal course. All things are carriedout in order, all proceed in the way of reason. 

75. And in truth what reason is there to lament Malachy immoderately, asthough his _death_ was not _precious_, [908] as though it was not rathersleep than death, as though it was not the port of death and the portalof life?[909] _Our friend_ Malachy _sleepeth_;[910] and I, must I mourn?such mourning is based on custom, not on reason. If the Lord _hath givenHis beloved one sleep_, and such sleep, in which there is _an heritageof the Lord_, even _children, and the reward, the fruit of thewomb_, [911] which of these things seems to call for weeping? Must I weepfor him who has escaped from weeping? He rejoices, he triumphs, he hasbeen brought _into the joy of his Lord_, [912] and I, must I lament forhim? I desire these things for myself, I do not grudge them to him. Meanwhile the obsequies are prepared, the sacrifice is offered forhim, [913] all is performed according to custom with the greatestdevotion. There stood some way off a boy whose arm hung by his sidedead, rather burdensome to him than useful. When I discovered him Isigned to him to come near, and taking his withered hand I laid it onthe hand of the bishop, and it restored it to life. For in truth _thegrace of healings_[914] lived in the dead; and his hand was to the deadhand what Elisha was to the dead man. [915] The boy _had come fromfar_[916] and the hand which he brought hanging down, he carried backwhole to his own country. Now, all things having been duly accomplishedin the very oratory of Saint Mary, Mother of God, _in which he was wellpleased_, [917] Malachy is carried to his burial[918] in the elevenhundred and forty-eighth year from the Incarnation of the Lord, on thefourth of the Nones of November. [919] Thine, good Jesus, is _thedeposit_ which has been committed to us, [920] Thine is the treasurewhich is laid up with us. [921] We _keep_ it[922] to be given back at thetime when Thou shalt see fit to recall it; only that he may not go forthwithout his comrades, but that him whom we have had as our guest we mayhave also as our leader, when we _shall reign_ with Thee, and with himalso, _for ever and ever_. [923] Amen. 

FOOTNOTES:

[821] _I. E. _ "If I die in Ireland. "

[822] In Armagh. See §§ 19, 65. 

[823] All Souls' Day, November 2. 

[824] Matt. V. 18. 

[825] Ps. Xlviii. 8. 

[826] Note that the pall is called a sacrament. 

[827] See § 38. 

[828] Bernard Paganelli, a monk of Clairvaux, was sent to Rome by St. Bernard at the request of Innocent II. And was appointed abbot of themonastery of St. Anastasius. On the death of Lucius II. He was electedPope, February 15, 1144, and assumed the title of Eugenius III. (H. K. Mann, _Lives of the Popes_, ix. 131 ff. )

[829] Eugenius left Viterbo at the beginning of 1147. He was at Lyonsin March, and at Troyes on April 10 (Jaffé, p. 624 ff. ; Mann, ix. 185). 

[830] In accordance with the instructions of Innocent II. (§ 38): "ASynod was convened at Inis Patraic by Mael Maedoc, coarb of Patrick, at which were present fifteen bishops and two hundred priests, toestablish rules and morals for all, both laity and clergy; and MaelMaedoc Ua Morgair, by the advice of the Synod, went a second time toRome (_sic_) to confer with the comarb of Peter" (_A. F. M. _ 1148). Inispatrick is a small island off Skerries, co. Dublin. For the datesee _R. A. I. _ xxxv. 249 f. In the same year Malachy had consecrated themonastery of Knock (_A. F. M. _ See p. 67, n. 3). 

[831] St. Bernard seems to have thought that St. Malachy set sailimmediately after the Synod, and from a port not far from the placewhere it met. But this is impossible, for one day's sail brought himto Scotland (§ 68). He seems to have embarked at Bangor, which isabout a hundred miles north of Inispatrick. 

[832] Cp. Lam. Ii. 11. 

[833] Ruth i. 14. 

[834] Matt. Xx. 20, combined with Mark x. 35, 36. 

[835] Susanna, 22. 

[836] That is, the first day after his landing in Scotland. 

[837] The Green Lake. It is now Soulseat, about eight miles fromCairngarroch. At this place Fergus, lord of Galloway (p. 76, n. 4), founded a famous monastery of Premonstratensian canons (Grub, _Eccl. Hist. Of Scotland_, i. 269), which must not be confused with Malachy'smore humble community. 

[838] The abbot was Michael, who had belonged to the community atBangor (§ 15). As this new community is called "a convent of monks" wemay infer that it was of the Cistercian Order. 

[839] Note the leisureliness of the journey in its earlier stages. Later on Malachy encountered difficulties, which no doubt involvedfurther delay (Serm. I. § 1). 

[840] Gisburn is a village in the West Riding of Yorkshire on theriver Ribble, not far from the border of Lancashire. It is clear thaton this occasion Malachy followed the line of Watling Street, whichran through Ribchester, on the Ribble, about fourteen miles fromGisburn. His road probably passed within three miles of that placebetween Settle and Chetburn. He seems to have avoided entering Englandas long as possible--supposing no doubt, and with good reason, that hewas safer in the dominions of David than in those of Stephen. Fordetails of the journey see _R. I. A. _ xxxv. 239 ff. , 249. The monasteryof Gisburn, of which the ruins remain to the south of the parishchurch, was founded for Augustinian canons, in 1129, by Robert de Brus(Dugdale, vi. 1, 265 ff. ). 

[841] Malachy was probably suspected (not without cause) of being anemissary of the supporters of the Empress Matilda. He had just spentsome days with David I. , and with him and his stepson Waltheof he wason terms of intimate friendship (§§ 36, 40). King David invadedEngland in the following year. 

[842] The reference is apparently to King Stephen's attempt to preventTheobald of Canterbury and other bishops from attending the Council ofRheims in March 1148. But Malachy does not seem to have been summonedto the Council, and he did not reach the Channel till long after itwas over (see next note). 

[843] Eugenius left Clairvaux on April 27, and Lausanne on May 20(Jaffé, p. 634). At this rate he might have been expected to reachRome by the end of July. About that time, therefore, we may conjecturethat Malachy was on the coast of Kent. Actually, the Pope was not nearRome till he reached Viterbo on November 30 (_ibid. _ 636). St. Bernard, therefore, when he wrote this passage, was ignorant of hismovements for a considerable time before Malachy's death. 

[844] _Oriens_: literally, "east. "

[845] Luke i. 78. 

[846] Ps. Cxviii. 24. 

[847] St. Bernard's life-long and ever-increasing frailty isconstantly alluded to by his biographers. It was largely due to hisextreme austerity. In this incident we have an example of the way inwhich, on many occasions, the strength of his mind conquered theweakness of his body (_V. P. _ v. 4). 

[848] Gen. Xxix. 13. 

[849] Cant. Iii. 4. 

[850] Ps. Cxxxiii. 1. 

[851] Matt. Xii. 42; Luke xi. 31. 

[852] October 18. Malachy had therefore reached Clairvaux on October13 or 14. In the interval he met St. Gilbert of Sempringham andpresented him with a pastoral staff (Dugdale, vi. 2, p. Xii. ). InFrance Malachy travelled alone--having been parted from his companionsin England--and probably on horseback (§ 36). He may, therefore, haveleft England about September 30, and traversed the 270 miles fromWissant to Clairvaux by October 14. He apparently intended to startfor Rome on St. Luke's Day (Serm. I. § 1). 

[853] That is, in the presence of the community. 

[854] Prov. Xiv. 13 (inexact quotation). 

[855] Luke x. 40. 

[856] Cp. 2 Tim. Iv. 6, in which the phraseology of the vg. Differsentirely from that of the text. 

[857] Not strictly accurate. Malachy reached Clairvaux before hiscompanions. See p. 123, n. 3. 

[858] The physicians said the same (Serm. I. § 2). 

[859] This saying is quoted in a slightly different form in Serm. I. §2. 

[860] 2 Tim. Iv. 6. 

[861] 2 Tim. I. 12. 

[862] Ps. Lxxviii. 30 (vg. ). 

[863] Ps. Cxxxii. 14 (inexact quotation). 

[864] Ps. Xvii. 7. 

[865] 2 Tim. Iv. 8. 

[866] All Souls' Day. 

[867] For the Cistercian method of administering unction see _Ususantiquiores ordinis Cisterciensis_, iii. 94 (_P. L. _ clxvi. 1471). 

[868] _Solario. _

[869] Cp. Letter iv. § 2, where it is added that he commended theIrish brothers to the care of St. Bernard. 

[870] _Solio. _

[871] Matt. Xxiv. 33. 

[872] 2 Cor. Iii. 7. 

[873] Tim. Iv. 7. 

[874] 2 Sam. I. 23 (inaccurate quotation). --Contrast St. Bernard'slament for his brother Gerard (_Cant. _ xxvi. 4): "We loved in life, how have we been divided in death? Most bitter separation!"

[875] Ireland. 

[876] John xi. 16. 

[877] November 1. For the translation of relics which took place, apparently on that day, see Serm. I. § 2. 

[878] Ecclus. Xxii. 6. 

[879] 1 Thess. Iv. 17. 

[880] Ps. Lxxvi. 10 (vg. ). 

[881] _Sanctorum . .. Sollemnitatem. _ Not the Festival of All Saints, for that had already come, but, as the next sentence shows, thefestival assembly of the saints in heaven. Compare Ps. Lxxiv. 4, where_congregations_ represents _solemnitatis_ in the Vulgate. 

[882] John xiv. 19, etc. 

[883] Cp. _Cant. _ xxvi. 11, "For thee, brother, even at midnight theday dawned. "

[884] Rom. Xiii. 12. 

[885] Ps. Lxvi. 12. 

[886] See § 71. 

[887] Luke xxii. 51. --This saying is quoted in Serm. I. § 5. 

[888] Ps. Lxxviii. 30 (vg. ). 

[889] Ps. Cxxxix. 11 (vg. ). --Cp. _Cant. _ xxvi. 11: "Already for thee, my brother, even at midnight the day was dawning, and _the night wasshining as the day_; straightway _that night was light about thee inthy pleasure_. I was summoned to that miracle, to see a man exultingin death and mocking death. "

[890] John xiv. 1. 

[891] Mark ix. 23. 

[892] 1 Cor. Xiii. 8. 

[893] Mark vii. 34. 

[894] John xvii. 11. 

[895] John xvii. 20. 

[896] Cp. Praef. 2. 

[897] John vii. 30. 

[898] John i. 5. 

[899] Eph. V. 19; Col. Iii. 16. 

[900] The meaning of the phrase is explained in _De Cons. _ v. 2: "Thiswill be a returning to our own country, when we leave the country ofour bodies and reach the realm of spirits--I mean our God, the MightySpirit, the great abiding place of the spirits of the blest" (Lewis'stranslation, slightly altered). Cp. Serm. Ii. , § 6. 

[901] _A. F. M. _ say, "after the fifty-fourth year of his age. " St. Bernard appears to be right. For Malachy was made bishop of Connorwhen he was just entering his thirtieth year (§ 16), _i. E. _ about histwenty-ninth birthday. _A. F. M. _ give the date as 1124. But if he wasover fifty-four on November 2, 1148 (§ 75), his twenty-ninth birthdaywould have been before November 1123. If he was under fifty-four onthat day it may have been in 1124. 

[902] Luke xvi. 22. 

[903] Acts vii. 60 (vg. ). 

[904] Luke iv. 20. 

[905] Esth. Xiii. 17 (vg. ); xvi. 21 (vg. ); cp. John xvi. 20, etc. 

[906] Cp. Amos viii. 10. 

[907] 1 John v. 5. 

[908] Ps. Cxvi. 15. 

[909] Cp. Serm. Ii. § 8. 

[910] John xi. 11. 

[911] Ps. Cxxvii. 2, 3 (vg. ). 

[912] Matt. Xxv. 21, 23. 

[913] St. Bernard himself celebrated Mass, and by divine inspiration, "when the sacrifice was finished, changed the order of the prayer andintroduced the collect for the commemoration of saints who werebishops instead of that which was used for the commendation of thedead, " anticipating, as we may suppose, Malachy's canonization. Hethen devoutly kissed his feet (_V. P. _ iv. 21). 

[914] 1 Cor. Xii. 9 (vg. ). 

[915] 2 Kings xiii. 21. 

[916] Mark viii. 3. 

[917] Matt. Iii. 17. 

[918] Malachy was buried on the north side of the Oratory, vested inSt. Bernard's habit. Five years later St. Bernard was buried beforethe Altar of Saint Mary, clad in the habit in which Malachy died, andwhich he had worn ever since his death when he celebrated Mass (_V. P. _v. 15, 23, 24). For further particulars of St. Malachy's burial andthe disposal of his relics see _R. Q. H. _ lii. 43 f. 

[919] November 2. From this statement (see p. 128, n. 1) we may inferthat Malachy was born in 1095, before November. 

[920] 2 Tim. I. 12. 

[921] The biographers of St. Bernard give no detailed account of anyof Malachy's visits to Clairvaux. But one of them--Geoffrey, St. Bernard's secretary--wrote a prayer for the Bright Valley, in which heplaced Malachy on a par with the great Cistercian, thereby revealingto us the extraordinary impression which he made on the community(_V. P. _ v. 25). I owe the following translation of it to a friend:"Grant, O Lord, thy never-failing bounty to the spiritual harvest ofthe Valley, which thou didst deem worthy to illumine with two stars ofsuch surpassing brightness, so making it brighter in very truth eventhan in name. Do thou guard the house wherein this twofold treasure islaid up and guarded for thee. Be it also unto us according to thyword, that as thy treasure is there so may thy heart be also; theretoo thy grace and mercy: and may the favour of thy compassion for everrest on all who are gathered together in the self-same place in thyName, which is above every name, even as thou art over all, Godblessed for ever. --Amen. "

[922] 2 Tim. I. 12. 

[923] Rev. Xxii. 5. 

LETTERS OF ST. BERNARD

I

To Malachy. 1141. [924]

(Epistle 341. )

To the venerable lord and most blessed father, Malachy, by the grace ofGod archbishop of the Irish, legate of the Apostolic See, BrotherBernard called to be abbot of Clairvaux, [desiring] to find grace withthe Lord. 

1. Amid the manifold _anxieties_ and _cares_ of my _heart_, [925] by themultitude of which _my soul is sore vexed_, [926] the brothers _comingfrom a far country_[927] that they may serve the Lord, [928] _thy_letter, _and thy staff, they comfort me_:[929] the letter, as a proof ofgood will; the staff, to support my weak body; the brothers, becausethey serve the Lord _in a humble spirit_. [930] We have received themall, we are pleased with all, _all_ alike _work together for good_. [931]But as to the wish that you have expressed that two of thebrothers[932] should be sent to look out a place for you beforehand, having taken counsel with the brothers, we have not thought it meet thatthey should be _separated one from another[933] until Christ be morefully formed in them_, [934] until they are wholly instructed in _thebattles of the Lord_. [935] When therefore they have been taught in theschool of the Holy Spirit, when they have been _endued with power fromon high_, [936] then at length the sons shall return to their father thatthey may _sing the Lord's song_, not now _in a strange land_, [937] butin their own. 

2. But do you yourselves in the mean time, according to _the wisdomgiven you_[938] by the Lord, look out beforehand and _prepare_beforehand _a place for them_, [939] like the places which you have seenhere, apart from the commotions of the world. _For the time is athand_[940] when, by the operation of the grace of God, we shall bringforth for you _new men_ out of the _old_. [941] _Blessed be the Name ofthe Lord for ever, [942] of whose only gift it cometh that_[943] I havesons in common with you, whom your preaching _planted_ and ourexhortation _watered_, but _God gave the increase_. [944] We beseech yourholiness to _preach the word of the Lord_[945] so that you may _giveknowledge of salvation unto His people_. [946] _For_ a double _necessityis laid upon you_, [947] both from your office as legate and your duty asbishop. Finally, since _in many things we offend all_, [948] and, beingoften thrown among the men of this age, we are much besmirched with thedust of the world, I commend myself to your prayers and to those of yourcompanions, that in His fountain of mercy Jesus Christ, himself thefountain of pity, may deign to wash and cleanse us, who said to Peter, _If I wash thee not, thou shalt have no part with me. _[949] And, indeed, I not only earnestly entreat this of you, but also require it as in somesense the payment of a debt, since I cry to the Lord for you, if theprayer of a sinner can do anything. Farewell in the Lord. 

II

To Malachy. 1141 _or_ 1142. [950]

(Epistle 356. )

To Malachy, by the grace of God bishop, legate of the Apostolic See, Brother Bernard, called to be abbot of Clairvaux, if the prayer of asinner can do anything, and if the devotion of a poor man is of anyadvantage. 

We have done what your holiness commanded, not perhaps as it was worthyto be done, yet as well as was possible considering the time in which welive. So great evil everywhere struts about among us that it wasscarcely possible to do the little that has been done. We have sent onlya few grains of seed, [951] as you see, to sow at least a small part ofthat _field_ into which the true _Isaac_ once went out _to meditate_, when _Rebekah_ was first brought to him by Abraham's _servant_, to behappily joined to him in everlasting marriage. [952] And the seed is notto be despised concerning which we find that word fulfilled at this timein your regions, [953] _Except the Lord of Sabaoth had left us a seed, wehad been as Sodoma, and been made like unto Gomorrha. _[954] _I_, therefore, have sown, do you _water_, and _God shall give theincrease_. [955] All the saints who are with you we salute through you, humbly commending ourselves to their holy prayers and yours. Farewell. 

III

To Malachy. 1143 _or_ 1144. [956]

(Epistle 357. )

To our most loving father and most revered lord, Malachy, by the graceof God bishop, legate of the Holy and Apostolic See, the servant of hisholiness, Brother Bernard, called to be abbot of Clairvaux, health andour prayers, of whatever value they may be. 

1. _How sweet are thy words unto my taste_, [957] my lord and father. Howpleasant is _the remembrance of thy holiness_. [958] If there is anylove, any devotedness, any good will in us, without doubt the charity ofyour belovedness claims it all as its due. There is no need for amultitude of words where affection blossoms abundantly. For I amconfident that _the Spirit which_ you have _from God_[959] bears_witness with your spirit that[960] what we are_, [961] however small itbe, _is yours_. [962] You also, most loving and most longed-for father, _deliver not_ to forgetfulness _the soul of the poor man_, which cleaves_to thee_ with the bonds of charity, _and forget not the soul of thypoor man for ever_. [963] For neither, as it were anew, _do we commendourselves unto you_[964] when now for a long time we _glory in theLord_[965] that our littleness has been worthy _to find grace in thesight of_ your holiness;[966] but we pray that our affection, no longernew, may advance with new accessions day by day. We commend to you oursons, yea also yours, and the more earnestly because they are so farremoved from us. You know that, after God, all our trust was in you, insending them, because it seemed to us wrong not to fulfil the prayers ofyour holiness. See, as becomes you, that with your whole heart of loveyou embrace them and cherish them. In no wise for any cause let yourearnest care for them grow cold, nor let that perish _which thy righthand hath planted_. [967]

2. We have now indeed learned both from your letter and from the reportof our brothers[968] that the house is making good progress, [and] isbeing enriched both in temporal and spiritual possessions. [969]Wherefore we rejoice greatly with you and give thanks with our wholeheart to God and to your fatherly care. And because there is still needof great watchfulness, because the place is new, and the landunaccustomed to the monastic life, yea, without any experience of it, _we beseech you in the Lord, [970] that you slack not your hand_, [971]but perfectly accomplish that which you have well begun. Concerning ourbrothers who have returned from that place, [972] it had pleased us wellif they had remained. But perhaps the brothers[973] of your country, whose characters are less disciplined and who have lent a less ready earto advice in those observances, which were new to them, have been insome measure the reason for their return. 

3. We have sent back to you Christian, our very dear son, and yours. Wehave instructed him more fully, as far as we could, in the things whichbelong to the [Cistercian] Order, and henceforth, as we hope, he will bemore careful concerning its obligations. [974] Do not be surprised thatwe have not sent any other brothers with him; for we did not findcompetent brothers who were ready to assent to our wishes, and it wasnot our plan to compel the unwilling. Our much-loved brother, Robert, [975] assented on this occasion also to our prayers, _as anobedient son_. [976] It will be your part to assist him that your housemay now be set forward, both in buildings and in other necessaries. Thisalso we suggest to your fatherhood, that you persuade religious men andthose who, you hope, will be useful to the monastery, to come into theirOrder, for this will be of the greatest advantage to the house, and toyou they will pay the greater heed. May your holiness have good health, being always mindful of us in Christ. 

IV

To the Brothers in Ireland. November 1148. [977]

(Epistle 374. )

To the religious brothers who are in Ireland, and especially to thosecommunities which Malachy the bishop, of blessed memory, founded, Brother Bernard, called to be abbot of Clairvaux, [wishing them] _theconsolation of the Comforter_. [978]

1. If _here we had a continuing city_ we should rightly mourn with mostabundant tears that we had lost such a fellow-citizen. But if _we_rather _seek one to come_, [979] as befits us, it is nevertheless nosmall cause of grief that we are bereaved of a guide so indispensable. We ought, however, to regulate passion with knowledge and to mitigategrief with the _confidence of hope_. [980] Nor does it become any one towonder if love compels groaning, if desolation draws forth tears: yet wemust set a limit to these things, nay in no small measure be consoledwhile we gaze _not at the things which are seen, but at the things whichare not seen; for the things which are seen are temporal, but the thingswhich are not seen are eternal_. [981] First, indeed, we ought to rejoicewith the holy soul, lest he accuse us of want of charity, saying alsohimself what the Lord said to the apostles, "_If ye loved me ye wouldrejoice because I go unto the Father. _"[982] The spirit of our fatherhas gone before us to _the Father of spirits_, [983] and we areconvicted, not only as wanting in charity, but even as guilty ofingratitude for all the benefits which came to us through him, if we donot rejoice with him who has _departed_ from labour to rest, from dangerto safety, from _the world unto the Father_. [984] Therefore, if it is anact of filial piety to weep for Malachy who is dead, yet more is it anact of piety to rejoice with Malachy who is alive. Is he not alive?Assuredly he is, and in bliss. _In the eyes of the foolish he seemed tohave died; but he is in peace. _[985]

2. Hence even the thought of our own advantage provides us with anothermotive for great joy and gladness, because so powerful a patron, sofaithful an advocate has gone before us to the heavenly court. [986] Forhis most fervent charity cannot forget his sons, and his approvedholiness must secure _favour with God_. [987] For who would dare tosuppose that this holy Malachy can now be less profitable [than before]or less loving to his own? Assuredly, if he was loved aforetime, now hereceives from God surer proofs of His love, and _having loved his own, he loved them unto the end_. [988] Far be it from us, holy soul, toesteem thy prayer now less effectual, for now thou canst makesupplication with more vigour in the presence of _the Majesty_[989] andthou no longer _walkest in faith_, but reignest _in the sight_ ofHim. [990] Far be it from us to count that laborious charity of thine asdiminished, not to say made void, now that thou prostratest thyself atthe very fountain of eternal charity, quaffing full draughts of that forthe very drops of which thou didst thirst before. Charity, _strong asdeath_, [991] yea even stronger than death itself, could not yield todeath. For even at the moment of his departure he was not unmindful ofyou, with exceptional affection commending you to God, and with hisaccustomed _meekness and lowliness_[992] praying our insignificance alsothat we should not _forget you for ever_. [993] Wherefore also we thoughtgood to write to you that you may know that we are ready to bestow uponyou all consolation with entire devotion, whether in spiritual things, if in them our insignificance can ever do anything by the merits of thisour blessed father, or in temporal, if ever perchance opportunity shouldbe given us. 

3. And now also, dearly beloved, we are filled with heartfelt pity forthis grievous bereavement of the Irish Church. [994] And we uniteourselves the more with you in suffering because we know that by thisvery thing we have become the more your debtors. For the _Lord did greatthings for us_[995] when He deigned to honour this place of ours bymaking it the scene of his blessed death, and to enrich it with the mostcostly treasure of his body. [996] But do not take it ill that he isburied among us; for God so ordered, _according to the multitude of Hismercies_, [997] that you should possess him in life, and that it mightbe allowed to us to possess him, if only in death. And to us, indeed, incommon with you, he was, and still is, father. _For_ even _in_ his_death_ this _testament was confirmed_ to us. [998] Wherefore as, for thesake of so great a father, we embrace you all as our true brothers, withthe unstinted yearning of charity, so also concerning yourselves, spiritual kinship persuades us that you are like-minded. 

4. But we exhort you, brothers, that you be always careful to _walk inthe steps of_ this _our_ blessed _father_, [999] by so much the morezealously as by daily proofs his _holy conversation_[1000] was morecertainly known to you. For in this you shall prove yourselves to be histrue sons, if you manfully maintain the father's ordinances, and if, asyou have seen in him, and heard _from him how you ought to walk, you sowalk that you may abound more and more_:[1001] for the glory of a fatheris the wisdom of his sons. [1002] For even for us the example of so greatperfection in our midst has begun in no slight degree both to expel oursloth and impel us to reverence. And would that he may in such wise_draw us after him_ that he may draw us to the goal, _running_ moreeagerly and more quickly in _the fragrance_ which his virtues have leftso fresh behind them. [1003] May Christ guard all of you _while you prayfor us_. [1004]

FOOTNOTES:

[924] When this letter was written certain brothers, sent by Malachyafter his return from Rome (October 1140), had arrived at Clairvaux, and had spent some time there (see notes 5, 7); and the brothers leftthere on his return journey had had a considerable amount ofinstruction (n. 7). The date is therefore not earlier than 1141. Butit is evidently earlier than that of Letter ii. 

[925] Cp. Hor. , _Sat. _ i. 2. 110. 

[926] Ps. Vi. 3. 

[927] Josh. Ix. 6. 

[928] These were some of the brothers sent from Ireland (_Life_, §39). 

[929] Ps. Xxiii. 4. 

[930] Song of Three Children, 16. --They had evidently been a goodwhile under St. Bernard's eye. 

[931] Rom. Viii. 28. 

[932] No doubt the four brothers who had been left at Clairvaux(_Life_, § 39). 

[933] Matt. Xxv. 32. 

[934] Gal. Iv. 19. 

[935] 1 Sam. Xxv. 28. 

[936] Luke xxiv. 49. 

[937] Ps. Cxxxvii. 4. 

[938] 2 Pet. Iii. 15. 

[939] John xiv. 2. 

[940] Rev. I. 3; xxii. 10. 

[941] Cp. Rom. Vi. 6; Eph. Ii. 15; iv. 22, 24. 

[942] Dan. Ii. 20, etc. 

[943] Coll. For 13th Sunday after Pentecost. 

[944] 1 Cor. Iii. 6. 

[945] Acts xv. 36. 

[946] Luke i. 77. 

[947] 1 Cor. Ix. 16. 

[948] Jas. Iii. 2. 

[949] John xiii. 8 (inexact quotation). 

[950] Mellifont was probably founded immediately after the brothersmentioned in the letter reached Ireland. The date is therefore in orbefore 1142. They would hardly have been sent till news had reachedSt. Bernard that the site had been chosen (Lett. I, § 2). Cp. P. 75, n. 4. 

[951] The brothers sent from Clairvaux "sufficient in number for anabbey" (_Life_, § 39). 

[952] Gen. Xxiv. 63 ff. --Cp. _De Cons. _ ii. 13, where the same passageof Genesis is referred to. It is there (§ 12) explained that the fieldis the world, which has been placed in charge of the Pope. 

[953] Printed text _patribus_. I read _partibus_. 

[954] Rom. Ix. 29 (inexact quotation). 

[955] 1 Cor. Iii. 6. 

[956] Mellifont had been founded a good while before the letter waswritten. Christian had returned to Clairvaux; and now after furtherinstruction he was sent back, apparently as the bearer of the letter. The house had made good progress, but the buildings were still farfrom complete (§§ 2, 3). 

[957] Ps. Cxix. 103. 

[958] Ps. Xxx. 4. 

[959] 1 Cor. Ii. 12. 

[960] Rom. Viii. 16. 

[961] 1 Cor xv. 10. 

[962] 1 Cor. Iii. 22. 

[963] Ps. Lxxiv. 19 (vg. ); Jer. Xx. 13. 

[964] 2 Cor. V. 12. 

[965] 2 Cor. X. 17; 1 Cor. I. 31. 

[966] 1 Sam. I. 18, etc. 

[967] Ps. Lxxx. 15. 

[968] Apparently the returned brothers mentioned below. 

[969] Cp. The passage quoted p. 170. 

[970] 1 Thess. Iv. 1. 

[971] Josh. X. 6. 

[972] The monks of Clairvaux seem to have been reluctant to undertakework elsewhere, when St. Bernard desired them to do so (_V. P. _ vii. 52f. ); and we have one instance of an abbot of a daughter house--Humbertof Igny--who resigned his office and returned to Clairvaux against St. Bernard's will (_Ep. _ 141). 

[973] Printed text, _fratrum_. Read _fratres_. 

[974] Evidently Christian did not prove a satisfactory abbot. This mayin part account for the return of the monks who went with him toIreland. 

[975] Of this Robert, apparently the architect of Mellifont, we knownothing; for suggestions that he should be identified with one orother of the monks of Clairvaux who bore the same name are mereguesses. 

[976] 1 Pet. I. 14 (vg. , inexact quotation). 

[977] Clearly this letter must have been penned a few days afterMalachy's death. 

[978] Acts ix. 31, combined with John xiv. 26, etc. 

[979] Heb. Xiii. 14. 

[980] Cp. Heb. Iii. 6. 

[981] 2 Cor. Iv. 18. 

[982] John xiv. 28. 

[983] Heb. Xii. 9. 

[984] John xiii. 1. --Cp. Serm. I. § 4 f. , "It is the end of labours. .. And the entrance to perfect safety. Let us rejoice therefore . .. With our father"; § 8, "Threefold is the rejoicing of the man, sincehe is delivered from all sin and from labour and from danger"; andwords ascribed to St. Bernard in _V. P. _ vii. 49, "Believe, my son, fornow thou art about to pass from death to life, from temporal labour toeternal rest. "

[985] Communio for All Saints' Day (from Wisd. Iii. 2, 3). --For thelast four sentences of the section cp. Serm. I. § 5, where anidentical passage immediately follows the first parallel quoted in n. 3. 

[986] Serm. I. § 1 (end) is somewhat similar in expression, and § 8(end) in thought. There is a closer, but not very striking, parallelin Serm. Ii. § 5 (end). 

[987] Luke ii. 52. 

[988] John xiii. 1 (inexact quotation). 

[989] Heb. I. 3. 

[990] 2 Cor. V. 7 (inexact quotation). 

[991] Cant. Viii. 6. 

[992] Cp. Eph. Iv. 2. 

[993] Ps. Lxxiv, 19. 

[994] Cp. Serm. I. § 3 (beginning). 

[995] Ps. Cxxvi. 3. 

[996] Cp. Serm. I. § 2, "Therefore we render thanks, " etc. 

[997] Ps. Cvi. 45. 

[998] Heb. Ix. 17 (vg. , inexact quotation). 

[999] Rom. Iv. 12. 

[1000] 2 Pet. Iii. 11. 

[1001] 1 Thess. Iv. 1 (vg. ). 

[1002] Cp. Prov. X. 1. 

[1003] Cant. I. 3, 4. --Cp. Serm. I. § 8 (end). 

[1004] Col. Iv. 3. 

SERMONS OF ST. BERNARD ON THE PASSING OF MALACHY

Sermon I

(November 2, 1148. )[1005]

1. A certain abundant blessing, dearly beloved, has been sent by thecounsel of heaven to you this day; and if it were not faithfullydivided, you would suffer loss, and I, to whom of a surety this officeseems to have been committed, would incur danger. I fear therefore yourloss, I fear my own damnation, [1006] if perchance it be said, _The youngchildren ask bread, and no man offereth it unto them_. [1007] For I knowhow necessary for you is the consolation which comes from heaven, sinceit is certain that you have manfully renounced carnal delights andworldly pleasures. None can reasonably doubt that it was by the goodgift of heaven, and _determined by_ divine _purpose_, [1008] that BishopMalachy should fall asleep among you to-day, and among you have hisplace of burial, as he desired. For if not even a leaf of a tree _falls_to _the ground without_ the will of God, [1009] who is so dull as not tosee plainly in the coming of this blessed man, and his passing, a trulygreat purpose of the divine compassion?[1010] _From the uttermost partsof the earth he came_[1011] to leave his earth here. He was hastening, it is true, on another errand; but we know that by reason of his speciallove for us he desired that most of all. [1012] He suffered manyhindrances in the journey itself, and he was refused permission to crossthe sea till the time of his consummation was drawing near, [1013] andthe goal which could not be passed. And when, with many labours, he cameto us _we received him as an angel of God_[1014] out of reverence forhis holiness; but he, out of his very deeply rooted _meekness andlowliness_, [1015] far beyond our merits, received us with devoted love. Then he spent a few days with us in his usual health: for he was waitingfor his companions, who had been scattered in England, when the baselessdistrust of the king was hindering the man of God. And when they had allassembled to him, he was preparing to set out to the Roman Court, on hisway to which he had come hither;[1016] when suddenly he was overtaken bysickness, and he immediately perceived that he was being summoned ratherto the heavenly palace, _God having provided some better thing for us_, lest going out from _us he should be made perfect_ elsewhere. [1017]

2. There appeared to the physicians no sign in him, I say not of death, but even of serious illness; but he, gladdened in spirit, said that inevery way it was befitting that this year Malachy should depart fromthis life. [1018] We laboured to prevent it, both by earnest prayers toGod, and by whatever other means we could; but his merits prevailed, that _his heart's desire should be given him and_ that _the request ofhis lips_ should _not be withholden_. [1019] For so all things happenedto him in accordance with his wishes; that by the inspiration of thedivine goodness he had chosen this place above all others, and that hehad long desired that he should have as the day of his burial this dayon which the general memory of all the faithful is celebrated. [1020]Moreover, these joys of ours were worthily increased by the circumstancethat we had selected that same day, by God's will, for bringing hitherfrom the former cemetery for their second burial the bones of ourbrothers. [1021] And when we were bringing them, and singing psalms inthe accustomed manner, the same holy man said that he was very greatlydelighted with that chanting. And not long after, he himself alsofollowed, having sunk into a most sweet and blessed sleep. Therefore werender thanks to God for all the things that He has disposed, because Hewilled to honour us, unworthy as we are, by his blessed death among us, to enrich His poor with the most costly treasure of his body, and tostrengthen us, who are weak, by so great a _pillar_[1022] of His church. For one or other of two _signs_ proves that it was _wrought for us forgood_, [1023] either that this place is pleasing to God, or that it isHis will to make it pleasing to Him, since He led to it _from theuttermost parts of the earth_[1024] so holy a man to die and to beburied there. 

3. But our very love for this blessed father compels us to sorrow withthat people from our heart, and to shudder exceedingly at the cruelty ofhim, even Death, who has not spared to inflict this terrible wound onthe Church, now so much to be pitied. Terrible and unpitying surely isdeath, which has punished so great a multitude of men by smiting one;blind and without foresight, which has tied the tongue of Malachy, arrested his steps, relaxed his hands, closed his eyes. Those devouteyes, I say, which were wont to restore divine grace to sinners, by mosttender tears; those most holy _hands_, which had always loved to beoccupied in laborious and humble deeds, which so often _offered for_sinners _the saving sacrifice_[1025] of the Lord's body, and were_lifted up_ to heaven in prayer _without wrath and doubting_, [1026]which are known to have bestowed many benefits on the sick and to havebeen resplendent with manifold signs; those _beautiful_ steps also of_him that preached the Gospel of peace and brought glad tidings of goodthings_; those _feet_, [1027] which were so often wearied with eagernessto show pity; those footprints which were always worthy to merit devoutkisses;[1028] finally, those holy _lips of the priest_, which _keptknowledge_, [1029] _the mouth of the righteous_, which _spoke wisdom, and his tongue_ which, _talking of judgement_, [1030] yea _and ofmercy_, [1031] was wont to heal so great wounds of souls. And it is nowonder, brothers, that _death_ is iniquitous, since iniquity _brought_it _forth_, [1032] that it is heedless, since it is known to have beenborn of _seduction_. [1033] It is nothing wonderful, I say, if it strikeswithout distinction, since it came from _the transgression_;[1034] if itis cruel and mad, since it was produced by the subtlety of _the oldserpent_[1035] and the folly of the woman. But why do we charge againstit that it dared to assail Malachy, a faithful _member_, it is true, _ofChrist_, [1036] when it also rushed madly upon the very _head_ of[1037]Malachy and of all the elect as well? It rushed, assuredly, upon Onewhom it could not hurt; but it did not rush away unhurt. Death hurleditself against life, and life shut up death within itself, and _death_was _swallowed up of life_. [1038] Gulping down the hook to its hurt, itbegan to be held by Him whom it seemed to have held. [1039]

4. But perhaps some one may say, How does it appear that death has beenovercome by the Head, if it still rages with so great liberty againstthe members? If death is dead, how did it kill Malachy? If it isconquered how has it still power over all, and _there is no man thatliveth and shall not see death_?[1040] Death is clearly conquered--_thework of the devil_[1041] and the penalty of sin: sin is conquered, thecause of death; and _the wicked one_ himself is _conquered_, [1042] theauthor both of sin and death. And not only are these things conquered, they are, moreover, already judged and condemned. The sentence isdetermined, but not yet published. In fact, _the fire is prepared forthe devil_, [1043] though he is not yet cast into the fire, though stillfor _a short time_[1044] he is allowed to work wickedness. He is become, as it were, the hammer of the Heavenly Workman, _the hammer of the wholeearth_. [1045] He crushes the elect _for_ their _profit_, [1046] hecrushes to powder the reprobate for their damnation. As is the _masterof the house_, so are _they of his household_, [1047] that is, sin anddeath. For _sin_, though it is not to be doubted that it was _nailed_with Christ _to His cross_, [1048] was yet allowed still for a time, _not_ indeed to _reign_, [1049] but to dwell even in the Apostle himselfwhile he lived. I lie if he does not himself say, _It is no more I thatdo it, but sin dwelleth in me. _[1050] So also death itself is by nomeans, indeed, yet compelled not to be present, but it is compelled notto be present to men's hurt. But there will come a time when it is said, _O death, where is thy victory?_[1051] For death also is _the lastenemy that shall be destroyed_. [1052] But now, since He rules _who hasthe power_ of life and _death_[1053] and confines the very sea withinthe fixed limits of its shores, death itself to the beloved of the Lordis a sleep of refreshment. The prophet bears witness who says, _When hegiveth his beloved sleep, behold the heritage of the Lord. _[1054] _Thedeath of the wicked is indeed most evil_, [1055] since their birth isevil and their life more evil; but _precious is the death of thesaints_. [1056] Precious clearly, for it is the end of labours, theconsummation of victory, the gate of life, and the entrance to perfectsafety. 

5. Let us rejoice therefore, brothers, let us rejoice as is meet, withour father, for if it is an act of filial piety to mourn for Malachy whois dead, yet more is it an act of piety to rejoice with Malachy who isalive. Is he not alive? He is, and in bliss. Certainly, _in the eyes ofthe foolish he seemed to have died; but he is in peace_. [1057] In fine, _now a fellow-citizen with the saints, and of the household ofGod_, [1058] he at once sings and gives thanks, saying, _We went throughfire and water; but thou broughtest us out into a wealthy place. _[1059]He _went_, clearly, in manly fashion, and he _went through_[1060]happily. The true Hebrew celebrated the Passover in spirit, and as hewent, he said to us, "_With desire I have desired to eat this Passoverwith you. _"[1061] _He went through fire and water_, [1062] whom neitherexperiences of sadness could crush, nor pleasures hold back. For thereis below us a place which fire wholly claims as its own, so that thewretched Dives could not have there even the least drop of _water_ fromthe _finger_ of _Lazarus_. [1063] There is also above _the city of God_which _the streams of the river make glad_, [1064] _a torrent ofpleasure_, [1065] _a cup which inebriates, how goodly_![1066] Here, _inthe midst_, truly is found _the knowledge of good and evil_, [1067] andin this place we may receive the _trial_ of pleasure and _ofaffliction_. [1068] Unhappy Eve brought us into these alternations. Hereclearly is day and night; for in the lower world there is only night, and in heaven only day. [1069] Blessed is the soul which passes throughboth, neither ensnared by pleasure nor _fainting at tribulation_. [1070]

6. I think it right to relate to you, briefly, a specimen of the manysplendid deeds of this man, in which he is known to have _gone_, with nolittle vigour, _through fire and water_. [1071] A tyrannous race laidclaim to the metropolitan see of Patrick, the great apostle of theIrish, creating archbishops in regular succession, and _possessing thesanctuary of God by hereditary right_. [1072] Our Malachy was thereforeasked by the faithful to combat such great evils; and _putting his lifein his hand_[1073] he advanced to the attack with vigour, he undertookthe archbishopric, exposing himself to evident danger, that he might putan end to so great a crime. Surrounded by perils he ruled the church;when the perils were passed, immediately he canonically ordained anotheras his successor. For he had undertaken the office on this condition, that when the fury of persecution had ceased and it thus became possiblethat another should safely be appointed, he should be allowed to returnto his own see. [1074] And there, without ecclesiastical or secularrevenues he lived in the religious communities which he himself hadformed, dwelling among them up to this time as one of themselves, andabjuring all personal property. [1075] So the fire of _afflictiontried_[1076] the man of God, but did not consume[1077] him; for he wasgold. So neither did pleasure hold him captive or destroy him, nor didhe stand a curious spectator on the way, forgetful of his ownpilgrimage. 

7. Which of you, brothers, would not earnestly desire to imitate hisholiness, if he dared even to hope for such an attainment? I believe, therefore, you will gladly hear, if I perchance can tell it, what madeMalachy holy. But lest our testimony should seem not easy to bereceived, hear what the Scripture says: _He made him holy in his faithand meekness. _[1078] By faith he trampled on the world, as John bearswitness when he says, _This is the victory that overcometh the world, even our faith. _[1079] For _in the spirit of meekness_[1080] he enduredall things whatsoever that were hard and contrary with _goodcheer_. [1081] On the one hand, indeed, after the example of Christ, byfaith he trampled on the seas, [1082] lest he should be entangled inpleasures; on the other, _in his patience he possessed his soul_, [1083]lest he should be crushed by troubles. For concerning these two thingsyou have the saying in the Psalm, _A thousand shall fall at thy side, and ten thousand at thy right hand_;[1084] for many more are cast downby the deceitfulness of prosperity than by the lashes of adversity. Therefore, dearly beloved, let none of us, allured by the level surfaceof the easier way, suppose that road of the sea to be more convenientfor himself. This plain[1085] has great mountains, invisible indeed, butfor that very reason more dangerous. That way perhaps seems morelaborious which passes through the steeps of the hills and theruggedness of rocks; but to them that have tried it, it is found farsafer and more to be desired. But on both sides there is labour, on bothsides danger, as he knew who said, _By the armour of righteousness onthe right hand and on the left_;[1086] so that we may rightly rejoicewith those that _went through fire and water and have been brought intoa wealthy place_. [1087] Do you wish to hear something about the _wealthyplace_? Would that another might speak to you of it. For as for me, thatwhich I have not tasted I cannot indite. 

8. But I seem to hear Malachy saying to me to-day about this _wealthyplace_, _Return unto thy rest, O my soul; for the Lord hath dealtbountifully with thee: for he hath delivered my soul from death, [mineeyes from tears, and my feet from falling]. _[1088] And what I understandto be expressed in those words hear in a few sentences; _for the day isfar spent_, [1089] and I have spoken at greater length than I intended, because I am unwilling to tear myself away from the sweetness of thefather's name, and my tongue, dreading to be silent about Malachy, fearsto cease. The death of the soul, [1090] my brothers, is sin; unless youhave overlooked that which you have read in the prophet: _The soul thatsinneth, it shall die. _[1091] Threefold, then, is the rejoicing of theman, since he is delivered from all sin, and from labour, and fromdanger. For from this time neither is _sin_ said to _dwell inhim_, [1092] nor is the sorrow of penitence enjoined, nor from henceforthis he warned to guard himself _from_ any _falling_. [1093] _Elijah_[1094]has laid aside his _mantle_;[1095] it was not that he feared, it was notthat he was afraid that it should be touched, still less _retained_, byan adulteress. [1096] He went up into the _chariot_;[1097] he is not nowin terror of falling; he mounts delightfully; he labours not to fly byhis own power, but sits in a swift vehicle. To this _wealthy place_, dearly beloved, _let us run_ with all eagerness of spirit, in _thefragrance of the ointments_ of this our blessed father, who this day hasbeen seen to have stirred up our torpor to most fervent desire. Let usrun after him, I say, crying to him again and again, "_Draw us afterthee_";[1098] and, with earnest heart and advancing holiness of life, returning devout thanks to the Almighty Pity, that He has willed thatHis unworthy servants, who are without merits of their own, should atleast not be without the prayers of another. 

Sermon II

(November 2, 1149)[1099]

1. It is clear, dearly beloved, _that whilst we are_ detained _in thebody we are absent from the Lord_. [1100] And throughout this wretchedtime of detention banishment and conscience of faults enjoins upon ussorrow rather than joy. But because by the mouth of the apostle we areexhorted to _rejoice with them that do rejoice_, [1101] the time and theoccasion require that we should be stirred up to all gladness. For if itis true, as the prophet perceived, that _the righteous rejoice beforeGod_, [1102] without doubt Malachy rejoices, who _in his days[1103]pleased God_[1104] and _was found righteous_. [1105] Malachy ministeredin _holiness and righteousness before Him_:[1106]the ministry pleasedHim; the minister also pleased Him. Why should he not please Him? He_made the Gospel without charge_, [1107] he filled the country with theGospel, he tamed the deathly barbarism of his Irishmen, with the _swordof the spirit_[1108] he subdued foreign nations to the _light yoke_ ofChrist, [1109] _restoring His inheritance to Him[1110] even unto the endsof the earth_. [1111] O, fruitful ministry! O, faithful minister! Is notthe promise of the Father to the Son fulfilled through him? Did not theFather behold him long ago when He said to the Son, _I shall give theethe heathen for thine inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earthfor thy possession_. [1112] How willingly the Saviour received what Hehad _bought_, [1113] and had _bought with the price_[1114] of _His ownblood_, [1115] with the shame of the Cross, with the horror of thePassion. How willingly from the hands of Malachy, because he ministered_freely_. [1116] So in the minister the freely executed office wasacceptable, [1117] and in the ministry the conversion of sinners waspleasing. Acceptable and pleasing, I say, in the minister was the_singleness of eye_, [1118] but in the ministry _the salvation of thepeople_. [1119]

2. However, even though a less effective result of the ministryfollowed, He would nevertheless justly have had regard to Malachy andhis works, He to whom purity is a friend and single-mindedness one ofhis household, to whose righteousness it belongs to weigh the work inaccordance with its purpose, from the character of _the eye_ to measurethe state of _the whole body_. [1120] But now _the works of the Lord aregreat, sought out according to all_ the _desires_[1121] and efforts ofMalachy; they are great and many and _very good_, [1122] though better inproportion to the good origin of the pure purpose. What work of pietyescaped the attention of Malachy? He was poor as regards himself, butrich to the poor. He was a _father of the fatherless_, a husband _of thewidows_, [1123] a protector of the oppressed. _A cheerful giver_, [1124]seldom making petitions, modest in receiving gifts. He was speciallysolicitous, and had much success, in restoring peace between those whowere at variance. Who was as tender as he in sharing the sufferings ofothers? who as ready to help? who as free in rebuke? For he was zealous, and yet not wanting in knowledge, the restrainer of zeal. And, indeed, _to the weak_ he was _weak_, [1125] but none the less strong to thestrong: he _resisted the proud_, [1126] he lashed the tyrants, a teacherof kings and princes. It was he who by prayer deprived a king of sightwhen he worked wickedness, and restored it when he was humbled. [1127] Itwas he, when certain men broke a peace which he had made, who gave themup to _the spirit of error_, [1128] and foiled them in the evil whichthey devised to do; and who compelled them to accept peace a secondtime, confounded and stunned by that which had happened to them. It washe[1129] to whom a river most opportunely lent its aid against theothers, who were equally _transgressors of a covenant_. [1130] Inwonderful fashion, by throwing itself before them, it made void theefforts of the ungodly. There had been no rains, no floods of waters, nogathering of clouds, no melting of snows, when suddenly the mere rivuletwas converted into a great river; and it rushed along[1131] and swellingup overflowed the banks, and utterly denied passage to those who wishedto do wickedly. [1132]

3. What things we have heard and known of the wrath of the man and hisvengeance on his enemies, while yet he was _sweet and gentle andplenteous in mercy unto all_[1133] that suffered need! For he lived forall as though he were the one parent of all. [1134] _As a hen herchickens_, [1135] so he cherished all and _protected them under thecovert of his wings_. [1136] He made no distinction of sex or age, ofcondition or person;[1137] he failed none, his loving heart embracedall. In whatsoever affliction men cried to him he counted it his own:even more than that, for in regard to his own afflictions he waspatient, in regard to those of others he was compassionate, very ofteneven passionate. For indeed sometimes, filled with wrath, he was stirredto take the part of one against another, that by _delivering the poor_and restraining the _strong_[1138] he might take thought in equalmeasure for the salvation of all. Therefore he was angry; but it was inorder that he might not sin by not being angry, according to the wordsof the Psalm, _Be ye angry and sin not. _[1139] Anger did not rule him, but he himself _ruled his spirit_. [1140] He had power over himself. Assuredly he who had the victory over himself could not be _mastered byanger_. [1141] His anger was kept in hand. When it was summoned it came, going forth, not bursting forth; it was brought into action by his will, not by impulse. He was not set on fire by it, but used it. [1142] As wellin this as in ruling and restraining all the motions both of his innerand his outer man[1143] his judgement was careful, his caution great. For he did not give so much attention to all, as to leave himself aloneout of account, as, in his universal solicitude, to disregard onlyhimself. He was careful of himself also. He _guarded himself_. [1144] Infact, he was so wholly his own, so wholly also belonged to all, that hislove seemed in no degree to hinder or delay him from his guardianship ofhimself, nor his concern for his own person from the common good. [1145]If you saw the man busied in the midst of crowds, involved in cares, youwould say he was born for his country, _not for himself_. [1146] If yousaw the man alone and dwelling by himself, you would suppose that helived for God alone and for himself. 

4. Without tumult he went about among tumults; without ease he spent thetime which he gave to ease. How could he be taking his ease[1147] whenhe _was occupied in the statutes of the Lord_?[1148] For though he hadtime free from the necessities of the peoples, yet had he noneunoccupied by holy meditations, by the work of prayer, by the easeitself of contemplation. In the time of ease he spoke gravely or not atall. His mien was either courteous, or humble and self-restrained. Assuredly--a trait which is counted worthy of much praise among thewise--_his eye was in his head_, [1149] never flying forth except when itwas obedient to power. His laughter displayed love, or provoked it: buteven so it was rare. Sometimes indeed, it came forth, but it was neverforced, intimating the gladness of his heart in such a way that hismouth did not lose but gained in grace. [1150] So modest was it that itcould not be suspected of levity; so gentle, [1151] however, that itsufficed to free his joyous countenance from every trace and shadow ofsadness. [1152] O perfect gift! O _rich burnt sacrifice_![1153] Opleasing service in mind and hand! How _sweet unto God is thesavour_[1154] of him who employs his leisure in prayers, how sweet untomen of him who is occupied in fatiguing labours. 

5. Because he was such an one, then, _beloved of God_[1155] and men, notundeservedly was Malachy received this day into the company of angels, having attained in fact what his name denoted. [1156] And indeed, alreadyhe was an angel not less in purity than in name. But now more happily isthe significance of his glorious name fulfilled in him, since he is gladwith a glory and happiness equal to that of the angels. [1157] Let usalso, dearly beloved, be glad because our _angel ascended_[1158] to hisfellow-citizens, acting as an ambassador for _the children of thecaptivity_, [1159] winning for us the favour of the blessed ones, declaring to them the desires of the wretched. Let us _be glad_, I say, _and rejoice_, [1160] because in that heavenly court[1161] there is onewho went forth from us to take care of us, [1162] to protect us by hismerits, [1163] whom he instructed[1164] by his example andstrengthened[1165] by his miracles. 

6. The holy pontiff, who _in a humble spirit_[1166] often broughtpeace-offerings to the heavens, to-day in his own person has _gone untothe altar of God_, [1167] himself the victim and the priest. With thedeparture of the priest the rite of sacrifice is changed into a betterthing. The _fountain of tears_[1168] is dried up, every burnt sacrificeis made _with gladness and rejoicing_. [1169] _Blessed be the Lord Godof_ Malachy, who by the ministry of so great a pontiff _hath visited hispeople_, [1170] and now, _taking him up into the holy city_, [1171]ceaseth not, by the remembrance of so great sweetness to _comfort ourcaptivity_. [1172] Let _the spirit of_ Malachy _rejoice in theLord_, [1173] because he is freed from the heavy load of the body, and isno longer hindered, by the weight of impure and earthly matter, frompassing with all eagerness and fullness of life, through the wholecreation, corporeal and incorporeal, that he may enter entirely intoGod, and _joined to_ Him may with Him _be one spirit_[1174] forever. [1175]

7. _Holiness becometh_ that _house_[1176] in _which the remembrance of_so great _holiness_[1177] is celebrated. Holy Malachy, preserve it _inholiness and righteousness_[1178] pitying us who in the midst of so manyand great miseries _utter the memory of thine abundant goodness_. [1179]Great is the dispensation of the mercy of God upon thee, who made thee_little in thine own sight_, [1180] great in His; who _did_ great thingsby thee, in saving thy country, _great things to thee_, [1181] inbringing thee into His glory. May thy festival, which is deservedlydevoted to thy virtues, have a saving efficacy for us by thy merits andprayers. _May the glory of thy holiness_, [1182] which is celebrated byus, be continued by angels: so shall it meetly be pleasant for us, if itbe also fruitful. While thou departest be it allowed to us, who are mettogether to-day in thy so delicious feast, to preserve some remnants ofthe fruits of the Spirit, loaded with which thou ascendest. 

8. Be to us, we beseech thee, holy Malachy, another Moses, or anotherElijah, like them imparting _of thy spirit_[1183] to us, for thou hastcome _in_ their _spirit and power_. [1184] Thy life was _a law of lifeand knowledge_, [1185] thy death the port of death and the portal oflife, [1186] thy memory the delight of sweetness and grace, thypresence _a crown of glory in the hand of the Lord_[1187] thy God. O_fruitful olive tree in the house of God_![1188] O _oil ofgladness_, [1189] giving both anointing and light, cherishing withfavours, _resplendent with miracles_, [1190] make us partakers of thatlight and graciousness which thou enjoyest. [1191] O sweet-smelling_lily, blossoming and budding_ evermore before the Lord, and spreadingeverywhere a _sweet_ and life-giving _savour_, [1192] _whose memorialis blessed_[1193] with us, whose presence is in honour with those whoare above, grant to those who sing of thee that they may not bedeprived of their share in so great _an assembly_. [1194] O _greatluminary_[1195] and _light_ that _shinest in darkness_, [1196]illuminating the prison, _making glad the city_[1197] by the rays ofthy signs and merits, by the lustre of virtues put to flight from ourhearts the darkness of vices. O _morning star_, [1198] more brilliantthan the rest because thou art nearer the day, more like to the sun, deign to go before us, that we also may _walk in the light as childrenof light_, and _not_ children _of darkness_. [1199] O thou who art thedawn breaking into day upon the earth, but _the noon light_[1200]illumining the higher regions of heaven, receive us in the fellowshipof light, by which illuminated thou sheddest light far without, andsweetly burnest within, by the gift of our Lord Jesus Christ, who withthe Father and the Holy Spirit reigneth One God, world withoutend. --Amen. 

FOOTNOTES:

[1005] The evidence that this discourse was delivered on the day ofMalachy's death is cumulative. (1) The opening words of § 1, and theclosing sentences of § 8 (note "this day"). (2) The statement in § 5, "He said _to us_, 'With desire I have desired, '" etc. , implies thatthose who tended Malachy in his sickness were present (see _Life_, §73). The first person plural in § 2 suggests the same conclusion. (3)In § 6, "dwelling among them _up to this time_" implies that his deathwas not long past. (4) The striking parallels with Letter iv. ; forwhich see the notes on it. (5) The tone of the sermon--in markedcontrast to that of Sermon ii. --indicates that the community wascrushed with sorrow for a recent bereavement. See _R. I. A. _ xxxv. 255ff. 

[1006] _damnum uestrum . .. Damnationem meam. _

[1007] Lam. Iv. 4 (inexact quotation). 

[1008] Acts ii. 23. 

[1009] Cp. Matt. X. 29. 

[1010] Cp. St. Bernard, _De Laud. Virg. _ i. 1 (_P. L. _ clxxxiii. 56):"For if neither a leaf from a tree falls on the earth without cause, nor one of the sparrows without the heavenly Father, am I to supposethat a superfluous word flows from the mouth of the holy evangelist?"

[1011] Matt. Xii. 42. 

[1012] See _Life_, § 67. 

[1013] See _Life_, § 69. 

[1014] Gal. Iv. 14 (inexact quotation). 

[1015] Cp. Eph. Iv. 2. 

[1016] He was evidently in haste to resume his journey. And no wonder, for the winter was drawing near, and the sooner the passage of theAlps was made the better for his comfort and safety. Cp. _R. I. A. _xxxv. 248. "Alpine passes . .. Become impassable usually about thecommencement or middle of October, and remain closed until May"(Sennett, _Great St. Bernard_, p. 369). 

[1017] Heb. Xi. 40. 

[1018] See _Life_, § 71. 

[1019] Ps. Xxi. 2. 

[1020] See _Life_, §§ 67, 71. 

[1021] The translation is supposed by Henriquez, _Fasciculus SanctorumOrdinis Cisterciensis_, ii. 41. 6 (_P. L. _ lxxxv. 1559) to have beenmade on All Saints' Day, the bones being reburied on All Souls' Day. But Vacandard (_R. Q. H. _ lii. 41 f. ) thinks that the date of thetranslation was Saturday, October 30. This event probably marked theend of the construction of the new monastery of Clairvaux, which beganbefore Malachy's first visit. See p. 71, n. 4. 

[1022] Gal. Ii. 9. 

[1023] Ps. Lxxxvi. 17 (vg. ). 

[1024] Matt. Xii. 42. 

[1025] 2 Macc. Iii. 32 (vg. ). 

[1026] 1 Tim. Ii. 8. 

[1027] Rom. X. 15. 

[1028] Cp. Luke vii. 38. --Perhaps a reference to St. Bernard's ownaction just before this sermon was preached. See p. 129, n. 6. 

[1029] Mal. Ii. 7. 

[1030] Ps. Xxxvii. 30. 

[1031] Ps. Ci. 1. 

[1032] Jas. I. 15. 

[1033] Cp. 2 Cor. Xi. 3; 1 Tim. Ii. 14. --See J. H. Bernard on 2 Cor. Xi. 3 (_Expositor's Greek Testament_). 

[1034] 1 Tim. Ii. 14. 

[1035] Rev. Xii. 9; xx. 2. 

[1036] 1 Cor. Vi. 15, etc. 

[1037] Eph. Iv. 15, etc. 

[1038] 1 Cor. Xv. 54, combined with 2 Cor. V. 4. 

[1039] Cp. _Cant. _ xxvi. 11: "Thou art dead, O death, and pierced bythe hook thou hast imprudently swallowed, which saith in the words ofthe prophet, 'O death, I will be thy death! O hell, I will be thybite. ' Pierced, I say, by that hook, to the faithful who go throughthe midst of thee thou offerest a broad and pleasant path-way intolife" (Morison's translation). A very old metaphor. It is thusexplained by Rufinus (A. D. 400) in his Commentary on the Apostles'Creed (§ 16, Heurtley's translation): "The object of that mystery ofthe Incarnation . .. Was that the divine virtue of the Son of God, asthough it were a hook concealed beneath the form and fashion of humanflesh, . .. Might lure on the prince of this world to a conflict, towhom offering His flesh as a bait, His divinity underneath mightsecure him, caught with a hook by the shedding of His immaculateblood. .. . As, if a fish seizes a baited hook, it not only does nottake the bait off the hook, but is drawn out of the water to be itselffood for others, so he who had the power of death seized the body ofJesus in death, not being aware of the hook of divinity enclosedwithin it, but, having swallowed it, he was caught forthwith, and thebars of hell being burst asunder, he was drawn forth as it were fromthe abyss to become food for others. "

[1040] Ps. Lxxxix. 48 (vg. ). 

[1041] 1 John iii. 8. 

[1042] 1 John ii. 13, 14. 

[1043] Matt. Xxv. 41. 

[1044] Rev. Xii. 12. 

[1045] Jer. L. 23. 

[1046] 1 Cor. Xii. 7 (vg. ). 

[1047] Matt. X. 25. 

[1048] Col. Ii. 14. 

[1049] Rom. Vi. 12. 

[1050] Rom. Vii. 17. 

[1051] 1 Cor. Xv. 55 (vg. ). 

[1052] 1 Cor. Xv. 26. 

[1053] Heb. Ii. 14; Tobit ii. 8. 

[1054] Ps. Cxxvii. 2, 3 (vg. ). 

[1055] Ps. Xxxiv. 21 (vg. ). 

[1056] Ps. Cxvi. 15. 

[1057] Communio for All Saints (Wisd. Iii. 2, 3). 

[1058] Eph. Ii. 19 (with variant). 

[1059] Ps. Lxvi. 12. 

[1060] Hos. X. 15 (vg. : xi. 1). 

[1061] Luke xxii. 15. --See _Life_, § 73, where for "he said to us" wehave "lifting up his eyes on _those who stood round him_, he said. "

[1062] Ps. Lxvi. 12. 

[1063] Luke xvi. 24, 25. 

[1064] Ps. Xlvi. 4. 

[1065] Ps. Xxxvi. 8 (vg. ). 

[1066] Ps. Xxiii. 5 (vg. ). 

[1067] Gen. Ii. 9. 

[1068] 2 Cor. Viii. 2. 

[1069] Rev. Xxi. 25; xxii. 5. 

[1070] Eph. Iii. 13. 

[1071] Ps. Lxvi. 12. 

[1072] Ps. Lxxxiii 12 (vg. ). 

[1073] 1 Sam. Xix. 5. 

[1074] See _Life_, §§ 19-31. 

[1075] See p. 82, n. 5. 

[1076] Ps. Lxvi. 10, 11. 

[1077] _Examinauit, non exinaniuit. _

[1078] Ecclus. Xlv. 4 (vg. ). 

[1079] 1 John v. 4. 

[1080] Gal. Vi. 1. 

[1081] 1 Kings xxi. 7 (vg. ). 

[1082] Cp. Matt. Xiv. 25; John vi. 19. 

[1083] Luke xxi. 19. 

[1084] Ps. Xci. 7. 

[1085] That is, the sea. The details of the imagery are not clear. Butevidently the sea represents the pleasures, and the hills and rocksthe adversities, of life. 

[1086] 2 Cor. Vi. 7. 

[1087] Ps. Lxvi. 12. 

[1088] Ps. Cxvi. 7, 8 (vg. ). --The printed text has, in place of thebracketed words, "and so forth. " The threefold deliverance obviouslycorresponds to the threefold rejoicing mentioned below, sin beingsubstituted for death in the description of it, because "the death ofthe soul is sin. "

[1089] Luke xxiv. 29. 

[1090] Cp. Ps. Cxvi. 8. 

[1091] Ezek. Xviii. 4. 

[1092] Rom. Vii. 17, 20. 

[1093] Ps. Cxvi. 8. 

[1094] For other comparisons of Malachy with Elijah, see _Life_, § 23;Serm. Ii. § 8. 

[1095] 2 Kings ii. 13. 

[1096] Gen. Xxxix. 12, 15 (vg. ). 

[1097] 2 Kings ii. 11. 

[1098] Cant. I. 3, 4. 

[1099] It is plain from § 7 that this sermon was preached on ananniversary of Malachy's death, _i. E. _ on November 2, in a year laterthan 1148. I put it in 1149 because of its striking coincidences withthe _Life_, which was written early in that year (see p. Lxv). Thereis also a possible echo (§ 3) of _De Cons. _ i. Which belongs to thesame year (_P. L. _ clxxxii. 723). These, together with two coincidencesof phrase with other writings of St. Bernard, are pointed out in thenotes. See _R. I. A. _ xxxv. 260 ff. 

[1100] 2 Cor. V. 6. 

[1101] Rom. Xii. 15. 

[1102] Ps. Lxviii. 3. 

[1103] Ecclus. Xliv. 7. 

[1104] Ecclus. Xliv. 16 (vg. ). 

[1105] Ecclus. Xliv. 17. 

[1106] Luke i. 75. 

[1107] 1 Cor. Ix. 18. --Cp. _Life_, § 43 (p. 84). 

[1108] Eph. Vi. 17. 

[1109] Matt. Xi. 30. 

[1110] Ps. Xvi. 5 (vg. ). 

[1111] Isa. Xlviii. 20; Jer. Xxv. 31. 

[1112] Ps. Ii. 8. 

[1113] 2 Pet. Ii. 1. 

[1114] 1 Cor. Vi. 20. 

[1115] Acts xx. 28. 

[1116] 2 Cor. Xi. 7. 

[1117] _Gratum erat munus gratuitum. _

[1118] Matt. Vi. 22; Luke xi. 34. 

[1119] Hab. Iii. 13. 

[1120] Matt. Vi. 22, 23; Luke xi. 34, 35. 

[1121] Ps. Cxi. 2 (vg. ). 

[1122] Gen. I. 31. 

[1123] Ps. Lxviii. 5. 

[1124] 2 Cor. Ix. 7. 

[1125] 1 Cor. Ix. 22. 

[1126] Jas. Iv. 6; 1 Pet. V. 5. 

[1127] See _Life_, § 60. 

[1128] 1 John iv. 6. 

[1129] Printed text, _Ipse enim est. _ With A I omit _enim_. 

[1130] Josh. Vii. 15, etc. 

[1131] So A: _cicius_ (= _citius_) _ibat_ for _riuus ibat_ of theprinted text. 

[1132] The story is told much more fully in _Life_, §§ 58, 59; wherethere are many similarities in phraseology to the present passage. Inboth places it is connected with the miraculous blinding of the king, immediately preceding it here, immediately following it there. 

[1133] Ps. Lxxxvi. 5 (vg. ). 

[1134] Cp. The description of Malchus, _Life_, § 8: "He was reverencedby all, as the one father of all"; and of Malachy, § 33: "the lovingfather of all. "

[1135] Matt. Xxiii. 37. 

[1136] Ps. Lxi. 4 (vg. ). 

[1137] Cp. _Life_, § 42: "Neither sex nor age, nor condition norprofession, is held in account. "

[1138] Ps. Xxxv. 10

[1139] Ps. Iv. 4 (vg. ). 

[1140] Prov. Xvi. 32. 

[1141] Job xxxvi. 18 (vg. ). 

[1142] _Non urebatur illa, sed utebatur. _

[1143] _Utriusque hominis sui. _

[1144] 1 Tim. V. 22. 

[1145] Cp. _De Cons. _ i. 6: "If you desire wholly to belong to all . .. I praise your humility, but only if it is complete. But how can it becomplete if you exclude yourself? And you are a man. Then, that yourhumanity also may be complete, let the bosom which receives all gatheryou also within itself . .. Wherefore, where all possess you let youyourself also be one of those who possess. "

[1146] Lucan, _Phars. _ ii. 383. 

[1147] Cp. _De Cons. _ iv. 12, "In ease not taking ease;" _Life_, § 43, "Quiet often, but by no means at any time taking ease. "

[1148] Ps. Cxix. 23. 

[1149] Eccles. Ii. 14 (inexact quotation). 

[1150] Cp. Luke iv. 22. 

[1151] _Tantillus. _ The text seems to be corrupt. Read _tam laetus?_

[1152] Cp. _Life_, § 43: "Yea, what was there that was not edifying, "etc. 

[1153] Ps. Xx. 3 (vg. ). 

[1154] 2 Cor. Ii. 15. 

[1155] 1 Thess. I. 4 (vg. ); 2 Thess. Ii. 13. 

[1156] That is, Malachias, the Hebrew for _my angel_, with a Latintermination. For its origin see _Life_, § 12. 

[1157] At this point, with A, I omit a passage which is identical withthe first half of Serm. I. § 5, and interrupts the argument. With A, also, in the following sentence I read _Laetemur et nos dilectissimiquod_ for _Laetemur quod_ of the printed text. See _R. I. A. _ xxxv. 260-262. 

[1158] Judg. Xiii. 20. 

[1159] Dan. Vi. 13; Ezra iv. 1. 

[1160] Ps. Ix. 2. 

[1161] _Curia. _

[1162] _Cui sit cura nostri. _

[1163] Cp. Lett. Iv. § 2. 

[1164] _Informauit. _

[1165] _Confirmauit. _

[1166] Song of Three Children, 16. 

[1167] Ps. Xliii. 4. 

[1168] Jer. Ix. 1. 

[1169] Ps. Xlv. 15. 

[1170] Luke i. 68. 

[1171] Matt. Iv. 5. 

[1172] Ps. Cxxvi. 1, 4 (vg. ). 

[1173] Luke i. 47. 

[1174] 1 Cor. Vi. 17. 

[1175] See _De Cons. _ v. 2, quoted p. 127, n. 13, and the sermon onthe Marriage of the Soul with the Word (_Cant. _ lxxxiii. 6), in whichSt. Bernard, quoting 1 Cor. Vi. 17, says, "Love . .. Joins the two inone spirit, makes them no longer two but one. " Cp. Also _Cant. _ xxvi. 5: "He that is joined to God is one spirit, and is wholly changed intoa certain divine feeling, and cannot think of or mind anything butGod, and that which God thinks and minds, being full of God. " For thelast phrase see Ignatius, _Magn. _ 14. 

[1176] Ps. Xciii. 5. 

[1177] Ps. Xxx. 4. 

[1178] Luke i. 75. 

[1179] Ps. Cxlv. 7 (vg. ). 

[1180] 1 Sam. Xv. 17 (inexact quotation). 

[1181] Luke i. 49. 

[1182] Ps. Cxlv. 5 (vg. ). 

[1183] Num. Xi. 25; 2 Kings ii. 9, 15. 

[1184] Luke i. 17. --See p. 151, n. 3. 

[1185] Ecclus. Xlv. 5. 

[1186] The same phrase occurs in _Life_, § 75, similarly applied. 

[1187] Isa. Lxii. 3. 

[1188] Ps. Lii. 8 (vg. ). 

[1189] Ps. Xlv. 7 (vg. ). 

[1190] Epiphany Collect. 

[1191] Cp. _Life_, § 47 (p. 88). 

[1192] Isa. Xxvii. 6, combined with Hos. Xiv. 5, and Ecclus. Xxxix. 14. 

[1193] Ecclus. Xlv. 1. 

[1194] Ecclus. Xxiv. 2, 12 (vg. ). The clauses containing the wordassembly (_plenitudo_) are omitted in R. V. 

[1195] Ps. Cxxxvi. 7. 

[1196] John i. 4. 

[1197] Ps. Xlvi. 4. 

[1198] Ecclus. L. 6. 

[1199] 1 John i. 7, combined with 1 Thess. V. 5. 

[1200] Isa. Xviii. 4 (vg. ). 

ADDITIONAL NOTES

A. --St. Bernard's Description of the State of the Irish Church. 

_Life_, §§ 7, 16, 17. 

In two passages of the _Life_ serious charges are made against the IrishChurch of the early years of the twelfth century. These charges referprimarily to the dioceses of Armagh and Connor; but it is probable thatthose dioceses were typical of many other districts throughout thecountry. If St. Bernard's statements are true of them, they may beapplied with little reserve to the greater part of Ireland. Indeed hehimself gives us more than a hint that the abuses which he condemns wereby no means confined to eastern Ulster (§ 19). It may be well, therefore, to bring them together and to discuss them. 

1. There was no such thing as chanting at the canonical hours. In thewhole bishopric of Armagh "there was none who could or would sing" (§7). "In the churches [of Connor] there was not heard the voice either ofpreacher or singer" (§ 16). We may suspect that there is someexaggeration here; for if church song was absolutely unknown, how couldMalachy have "learnt singing in his youth" (§ 7)? But that St. Bernard'sremarks are substantially correct need not be questioned. He is notspeaking of the Irish Church as it was in its earlier period, but of itsstate at the time when it had probably fallen to its lowest depth. Hisassertion, therefore, is not disposed of by references to the chantingat the funerals of Brian Boroimhe in 1014 and Maelsechlainn in 1022(O'Hanlon, p. 34). Indeed in the notices of those events in _A. F. M. _there is no express mention of ecclesiastical song. 

2. At Armagh Confession was not practised (§ 7); in the diocese ofConnor "nowhere could be found any who would either seek penance orimpose it" (§ 16). It may be true that Confession had been muchneglected among some classes of the people: Malachy on one occasion meta woman who had never confessed (§ 54), and the very fact that he putthe question to her "whether she had ever confessed her sins" suggeststhat she was not singular in this respect. But it is remarkable that the_anmchara_ (soul-friend), or Confessor, is frequently mentioned in Irishliterature. The obits of several persons to whom that title is given arerecorded in the Annals in the twelfth century. And penance is oftenalluded to in the obituary notices of distinguished persons, clericaland lay. In his sweeping statement St. Bernard may have had in mind somedifferences of method in penitential discipline between the Roman andIrish Churches. 

3. The sacrament of Confirmation was not celebrated, at any rate inArmagh (§ 7). This rite has always been used in the Irish Church, thoughpossibly neglected locally at some periods. St. Patrick tells us that he"confirmed in Christ" those whom he had "begotten to God" (_Epistle_, 2;cp. _Confession_, 38, 51)--thus giving us one of the earliest instancesin literature of the application to the rite of its present familiarname. But in his practice (_Epistle_, § 3), as in the Stowe Missal, about A. D. 800 (ed. Sir G. F. Warner, vol. Ii. P. 31), it seems to haveconsisted of an anointing with chrism without laying on, or raising, ofhand, or a direct prayer for the Holy Spirit. According to the StoweMissal it was administered by a presbyter. It is improbable that St. Bernard or his romanizing friends would recognize the rite so performedas true Confirmation. 

4. One of the things which was neglected at Armagh was "the marriagecontract" (§ 7). In the diocese of Connor there was "no entry intolawful marriages" (§ 16). By the labours of Malachy this abusedisappeared. In Armagh he "instituted anew" the marriage contract; inConnor it came to pass that "the celebration of marriage" was revived (§17). Putting these statements together we may conclude that St. Bernard's meaning is that marriages had ceased to be celebrated in theface of the Church, and that in consequence the vow of a life-long unionwas often evaded. Now contemporary writers charge the Irish of thisperiod with loose sexual morality, especially in regard of arbitrarydivorce, matrimony within the prohibited degrees, exchange of wives, andother breaches of the law of marriage. Such accusations are made, forexample, by Pope Gregory VII. (Haddan and Stubbs, _Eccl. Docs. _ ii. 160), Lanfranc (Ussher, 490; _P. L. _ cl. 535, 536), Anselm (Ussher 521, 523; _P. L. _ clix. 173, 178) and Giraldus Cambrensis (_Gest. _ ii. 14;_Top. _ iii. 19). Their evidence is the more worthy of credence becausethe usages to which they refer were characteristic of the Irish at anearlier period (_Encycl. Of Religion and Ethics_, v. 456, 460), andmight be expected to recur in an age of spiritual decline. But bothLanfranc and Anselm testify to the existence of marriage as aninstitution among the Irish. The former speaks of the divorce of a wife"lawfully joined to her husband, " and the latter uses terms of similarimport. So also does St. Bernard himself. His praise of Malachy's mother(_Life_, § 1) is inconceivable if she did not live in wedlock; and heexpressly states that eight "metropolitans" of Armagh were "married men"(§ 19). But if there was nevertheless a revival among large sections ofthe people of pagan ideas of marriage, which tolerated polygamy, concubinage, incest and easy termination of unions, it can be understoodthat marriage in the face of the Church, which included a vow absolutelyprohibitive of all these things, would be commonly avoided. Malachy'sanxiety to restore the marriage ceremony was no doubt due to a desireto purge the nation of immoral customs of which St. Bernard makes noexpress mention. But, however that may be, we have contemporary nativeevidence that the rite of marriage had fallen into desuetude, and thatMalachy was successful in his effort to restore it. For in the documentquoted on p. 170, we are told that in a district which was part of thediocese of Armagh when he was Cellach's vicar (_L. A. J. _ iv. 37), andunder the rule of his patron, Donough O'Carroll, "marriage was assentedto. "

5. "There was no giving of tithes or firstfruits, " writes St. Bernard (§16). He is speaking of the diocese of Connor. But there is no doubt thatthe remark might have been made of other districts. There was no suchcustom as the payment of tithes in Ireland before the twelfth century. They are first mentioned by Gilbert of Limerick, about 1108, in his _DeStatu Ecclesiae_ (Ussher, 507); and they were enjoined at the Synods ofKells in 1152 (Keating, iii. 315) and Cashel in 1172 (Can. 3, Giraldus, _Expug. _, i. 35). From the document quoted above we learn that in Oriel, under Donough O'Carroll, "tithes were received"--evidently a new impost. 

6. "Ministers of the altar were exceeding few" in the diocese of Connor(§ 16); and accordingly it is observed that Malachy provided his newchurches with clergy (§ 17). This is not proved, nor is it in any greatdegree corroborated by the statement of _A. F. M. _ (1148) that Malachy"ordained bishops and priests and men of every order"; but the parallelis perhaps worth noting. 

7. The voice of the preacher was not heard in the churches (§ 16). Thisstatement cannot, so far as I know, be checked. 

8. The same remark must be made about the statements that the peoplewould not come to church (§ 16), and that Malachy's exertions at lengthinduced them to do so (§ 17), though they are sufficiently probable. 

9. That "churches were rebuilt" (§ 17) cannot be questioned. No doubtthe monasteries of Bangor and Saul would be counted among the number. Wehave explicit and independent evidence of the fact. The foundation ofchurches and re-edifying of monasteries were a conspicuous feature ofthe reign of Donough O'Carroll (see p. 170). And _A. F. M. _ (1148) laygreat stress on Malachy's activities in this direction. He "consecratedmany churches and cemeteries, " and "founded churches and monasteries, for by him was repaired every church in Ireland which had been consignedto decay and neglect, and they had been neglected from time remote. "

On the whole it appears that St. Bernard's strictures are at least notwithout foundation in fact, in so far as they can be tested. But he canscarcely be acquitted of some measure of exaggeration in the rhetoricalpassages in which they occur. 

B. --The Hereditary Succession of the Coarbs Of Patrick. 

_Life_, §§ 19. 20, 30. 

The assertions of St. Bernard in _Life_, § 19, concerning the coarbs ofPatrick are controlled by _A. U. _ The ninth predecessor of Cellach, Cathasach II. (+957) is described in them (_s. A. _ 956) as"coarb of Patrick, learned bishop of the Goidhil. " None of the followingeight is said to have been a bishop, though all are called coarbs ofPatrick. Moreover Cellach himself was appointed abbot before he"received holy orders, " and the record of his ordination on St. Adamnan's Day (September 23) 1105, several weeks after his"institution, " seems to indicate that it was unusual for the abbots tobe ordained. All this corroborates the statement that his eightpredecessors were "without orders. " It is true, indeed, that accordingto _A. F. M. _ Amalgaid, one of the eight, anointed Maelsechlainn king ofIreland, on his deathbed in 1022. But it does not follow from this thathe was a priest. In early times, as is well known, unction wasadministered to the sick by laymen; and there appears to be no evidencethat this office was confined to the priesthood till well on in theninth century (_Dict. Of Christ. Antiquities_, ii. 2004). It is at leastpossible that the older usage lingered on in Ireland to a much laterdate than on the Continent. But the statement of _A. F. M. _ as to theanointing of Maelsechlainn is not confirmed by the more reliableauthority of _A. U. _

That at least five of the eight were, as St. Bernard says, "married men"is shown by the following table, compiled from _A. U. _ and MacFirbis(_R. I. A. _, MS. 23 P. 1, p. 308). The persons whose names are printed initalics were coarbs of Patrick. 

 Cellach |-------------| | | Eochaid _Dubdalethe II_ +998 | _Mael Muire_ +1020 | |--------------------------------------------------| | | | _Amalgaid_ +1049 _Dubdalethe III_ +1064 Aed +1042 | | | Aed +1108 | |----------------------------------------------------------| | | | | _Mael Isa_ +1091 _Domnall_ +1105 Dubesa +1078 Eochaid(?) +1038 | | |-------------| _Muirchertach_ (§ 20) +1134 | | Aed +1095 Flannacan +1113 | |----------------------| | | _Cellach_ +1129 _Niall_ (§ 22) +1139

This table also confirms the statement that the abbots all belonged tothe same family, and so obtained office by a sort of hereditary right. St. Bernard gives no hint which would enable us to identify this family. But the genealogy given by MacFirbis enumerates the ancestors of Cellachin a direct line up to Fiachrach, son of Colla fo Crich, and is headed"Genealogy of Ui Sinaich, _i. E. _ the coarbs of Patrick. " The BodleianMS. , Rawl. B. 502, [1201] has the same genealogy, and entitles it"Genealogy of Clann Sinaich. " The family then from which the abbots ofArmagh were taken was the principal branch of that sept. From thegenealogy it appears that the sept was derived from Sinach, from whomthe fifth in descent was the Cellach whose name appears at the head offoregoing table. 

St. Bernard represents Malachy to have said in 1132, when he was inducedto oppose Murtough, that the system of hereditary succession had alreadylasted nearly two centuries (§ 20). This statement is in accord withknown facts. The genealogical table gives sufficient evidence that itbegan not earlier than the accession of Dubdalethe II. (965), andcontinued to the accession of Murtough. If there is no evidence that thethree predecessors of Dubdalethe were of the Clann Sinaich, neither isthere anything to disprove it. But their immediate predecessor, Joseph, was certainly not of that sept; for _A. U. _ (MS. A, 935) tells us that hewas of the Clann Gairb-gaela, and the list of coarbs in the Book ofLeinster notes in addition that he came from Dalriada (_R. I. A. _ xxxv. 327, 359). Thus the succession cannot have been established before thedeath of Joseph (936). Hence it lasted for a period of between 167 and196 years. A period of 167 years, or a period of 196 years, might bedescribed as "well-nigh two hundred years" (_annos ferme ducentos_), though the latter suits St. Bernard's language better than the former. 

But how can this be harmonized with the statement that "fifteenquasi-generations had passed in this wickedness" (§ 19)? Obviously a"quasi-generation" is not a generation of human life: apart from thefacts just mentioned, the very word _quasi_ forbids the supposition. Colgan (_Trias_, p. 301) suggested that the word indicates the period ofoffice of a coarb; and this is very probable. The figure of generations, so applied, is in line with St. Bernard's conception of a bishop as "theseed" of his predecessor (§ 34). But the first of a series of coarbs, ofwhich Murtough was the fifteenth, was Maelcoba, the second predecessorof Joseph. So that, even on Colgan's hypothesis, St. Bernard's twostatements are irreconcilable. Yet it is difficult to believe that anerror so manifest was in his source. I suggest that he wrote "fifteen"in error for "twelve": in other words his document had _xii_, and hemisread it _xu_. The confusion of _u_ with _ii_ is very common inmanuscripts. If this explanation is accepted, St. Bernard's authorityimplied that the hereditary succession was upheld without interruptionfrom the death of Joseph to the accession of Murtough, which is"well-nigh two hundred years. "

This investigation may convince us that St. Bernard depended on anexcellent document for his knowledge of the history of Armagh. But hecertainly went astray in the interpretation of the document when hestyled the predecessors of Cellach metropolitans (see p. 45, n. 1). Andhe goes further when he asserts that none were allowed to be bishops whowere not of their family (§ 19); thus leaving the impression that underthe rule of the eight lay abbots--that is, for a century and ahalf--Armagh was deprived of episcopal ministrations. But this is whollyunhistorical. The Ulster Annals mention six bishops of Armagh, contemporary with the lay abbots. They seem to have followed one anotherin regular succession, and there is no indication that any one of thembelonged to the Clann Sinaich. They were no doubt monastic bishops, suchas are found in the Irish Church from the sixth century onwards, whoexercised the functions of their order at the bidding of the abbots. They were probably not referred to in St. Bernard's document; and ifthey were, one who had been trained in an entirely differentecclesiastical system would have been at a loss to understand theirposition. 

Thus we conclude that St. Bernard, in the passage which we areconsidering, used good material with conscientious care, but that he wasmisled by lack of knowledge of Irish ecclesiastical methods. This resultis important because it may apparently be applied to the whole of hismemoir of St. Malachy. His statements, as a rule, stand well the test ofcomparison with the native records; and when he is at fault we canusually explain his errors as misunderstandings, due to ignorance ofconditions of which he had no experience. 

St. Bernard has been charged with gross exaggeration in another passage. "A great miracle to-day, " he writes (§ 30), "is the extinction of thatgeneration, so quickly wrought, especially for those who knew theirpride and power. " It is an extravagant hyperbole to say that either theO'Neills, or the great tribe of the Oirgialla, represented to this dayby the Maguires, the O'Hanlons and the MacMahons, was blotted out whenthe _Life of St. Malachy_ was written. So argued some in the time ofColgan (_Trias_, p. 302). But they misrepresented St. Bernard. The word"generation" obviously means in the sentence before us what it meant in§ 19 ("adulterous generation")--not an extensive tribe, nor even theClann Sinaich as a whole, but the branch of that sept which providedabbots for Armagh. The speedy extinction of a single family is not athing incredible. And it is worthy of remark that neither the ClannSinaich, nor any person described as ua Sinaich or mac Sinaich ismentioned in the Annals after 1135 (see p. 58, n. 9). 

For a more detailed treatment of the subjects discussed in this notereference may be made to _R. I. A. _ xxxv. 232-238, 340-353. 

C. --Malachy's Contest with Niall. 

_Life_, §§ 22-31. 

The narrative of the series of events between the death of Murtough andthe consecration of Gelasius, both in St. Bernard's _Life_ and in_A. F. M. _, is obscure, and our two main authorities contradict each otherin some particulars. In this note, I propose to attempt a reconstructionof the story. 

1. Among the native authorities _A. F. M. _ stand alone in giving whatapproximates to a full account of the struggle between the rival abbots. _A. T. _ record only three incidents; the _Chronicon Scotorum_ alsorecords three incidents belonging to the year 1134, and then breaks off, to be resumed in 1142; in _A. U. _ and _A. I. _ there are hiatus which coverthe whole period; the other Annals ignore the events with which we areconcerned. The information supplied by _A. F. M. _ runs as follows:

[Sidenote: 1134. ]

(1) Malachy O'Morgair made a visitation of Munster and obtained histribute. 

 * * * * *

(2) A chapel, which was erected by Cormac Mac Carthy, king of Cashel, was consecrated by a synod of clergy assembled at that place. 

(3) Murtough died 17 September. 

(4) Niall was installed in the coarbate of Patrick. 

(5) A change of abbots at Armagh, _i. E. _ Malachy O'Morgair in place ofNiall. 

(6) Malachy afterwards made a visitation of Munster and received histribute. 

 * * * * *

[Sidenote: 1135. ]

(7) Flann Ua Sinaich, keeper of the Staff of Jesus, died after goodpenance. 

 * * * * *

(8) Malachy O'Morgair purchased the Staff of Jesus, and took it from itscave 7 July. 

 * * * * *

[Sidenote: 1136. ]

(9) A visitation of Munster was made by Malachy O'Morgair, coarb ofPatrick. 

(10) A change of abbots at Armagh, _i. E. _ Niall in place of Malachy. 

 * * * * *

(11) Malachy O'Morgair resigned the coarbate of Patrick for the sake ofGod. 

 * * * * *

[Sidenote: 1137. ]

(12) A change of abbots at Armagh, _i. E. _ the erenach (_recte_ abbot) ofDerry in place of Niall. 

 * * * * *

[Sidenote: 1138. ]

(13) Christian O'Morgair died. 

_A. T. _ record the second and fifth of the above events, and subjoin tothe latter notice the passage quoted p. 51, n. 4. The _ChroniconScotorum_ records, the second, third and fifth. 

There is obvious confusion in the narrative of the Masters. They put thedeath of Christian O'Morgair under 1138, which is a year too early (seep. 66, n. 1), and they credit Malachy with having made three visitationsof Munster within three years, which he is very unlikely to have done. But it is to be observed that the notices of the visitations are notmere repetitions, for they differ from each other verbally. Thus we maysuspect that the Masters copied those entries from three differentsources, and that they refer to the same visitation, which, in at leastone of the sources, appeared under the wrong year. Now the consecutivesentences 9, 10 are probably connected with each other: the absence ofMalachy in Munster would give his opponents opportunity to reinstate hisrival. In like manner entries 1, 2 (not consecutive) may be connected. It would not be surprising if Malachy, even at some risk to the securityof his tenure of the abbacy at Armagh, took part in the consecration ofhis patron's church at Cashel. And it may be added that he would notimprobably make this visit to the south the occasion of a circuit inMunster. The visitation, on that hypothesis, must have taken place in1134 or early in 1135. Again, the note of time in entry 6 implies thatit was made not very long after the appointment of Malachy, recorded inthe immediately preceding entry 5. Finally, entry 8 mentions an eventwhich must have greatly strengthened his hands. Having possessed himselfof the more important and revered of the abbatial insignia he was atlength more than a match for his antagonist. Probably, therefore, therestoration of Niall (10) should be placed rather before than after it. For these reasons we seem to be justified in placing the recordedincidents in the following order. When Malachy secured possession of thesee (5) he remained long enough in Armagh to establish himself in theabbacy. During this time may have occurred the abortive conspiracyagainst him related in _A. T. _, but not alluded to in _A. F. M. _ He thenwent to Cashel for the consecration of the Chapel (2), and held hisvisitation of Munster (1, 6, 9). When he returned he found that Niallhad once more entered Armagh (10). By July 1135 the power of his rivalhad considerably decreased, and Malachy got possession of the Staff ofJesus (8). Finally he resigned his office (11) and Gelasius wasappointed to it (12). If this is a true account of the course of events, one statement of the Annals needs correction. They tell us that Gelasiussucceeded Niall; on our hypothesis he succeeded Malachy. But that theMasters should have substituted the former for the latter was to beexpected; for according to their previous (as I believe misplaced)statement Niall, not Malachy, was in possession in the latter part of1136. 

2. We now turn to St. Bernard's narrative of these transactions. Sections 22 and 23 present no difficulty. They are simply anamplification, with differences in detail, of what we learn from _A. T. _In the early part of § 24 it is stated that Malachy remained in Armaghafter the king, with whose aid he had "ascended the chair of Patrick, "had returned home; and in the succeeding narrative it is implied that henever left it till he went to Down. That is to say, the visitation ofMunster is ignored. This need cause no surprise. It is quite possiblethat St. Bernard had never heard of it. Again, there is no explicitmention of the reinstatement of Niall. But it seems to be implied in §24 (see p. 53, n. 9). The whole story becomes more intelligible if weassume that Niall was in possession for a short time, and then fled, butcontinued to exercise his functions outside the city, as Malachy himselfhad done in a previous period (§ 21). If we suppose that the visit toMunster took place shortly after the episode of § 23 we can explain theonly difficulty in the narrative, the return of Niall after he had beendriven out. The latter part of § 24 seems to intimate a lessening ofopposition to Malachy's rule. The whole passage, §§ 24-27, with theexception of the last two sentences of § 27, must relate to the periodbefore July 1135, inasmuch as Niall is represented as carrying aboutwith him the Staff of Jesus as well as the Book of Armagh. 

Up to this point St. Bernard's narrative harmonizes admirably with thestory as it has been reconstructed above from the Annals. But we mustcarry our comparison of the two accounts a little further. They agree ingiving 1137 as the date of the appointment of Gelasius as coarb ofPatrick; but while St. Bernard puts the resignation of Malachy in thesame year the Masters record it under 1136 (p. 61, n. 7). Now theirphrase (11), that he "resigned for the sake of God, " in its presentcontext (10) can have only one meaning. Malachy, seeing that his contestwith Niall was hopeless, determined to retire rather than continue thestrife, and left Niall in possession. But apart from entry 10, whichseems to have been misplaced, the words have no such implication, andare in harmony with the reason given by St. Bernard for Malachy's returnto his former diocese (§§ 20, 21). Since the dates of the Masters forthis period are already suspect we need not hesitate to follow St. Bernard's guidance here. But we may go further. The annalists werecompelled, if they would be consistent, to suppose that there was aconsiderable interval between the retirement of Malachy and theaccession of Gelasius. How was it possible that when Niall had finallyrouted his formidable rival, who was in possession of the Staff ofJesus, another should at once step in and, apparently without anydifficulty, deprive him of the fruits of his victory? The difficulty isincreased if we accept the statement of St. Bernard--not contradicted bythe Annals, and not easy to dispute--that Gelasius was nominated byMalachy himself, and was therefore presumably favourable to his cause. Thus we perceive that there was good reason that the annalists shouldseparate the two events as far as possible, by antedating Malachy'sresignation, and by connecting it rather with Niall's restoration thanwith the appointment of Gelasius. 

3. In weighing the respective claims of St. Bernard and the annalists tocredence in this part of Malachy's life it is well to remember that ofit St. Bernard may be assumed to have had full and first-handinformation. The main facts were probably communicated to him byMalachy himself, though some particulars were no doubt added by otherIrish informants. It is true, we must also allow for bias on St. Bernard's part in favour of his friend. Such bias in fact displaysitself in §§ 25, 26. But bias, apart from sheer dishonesty, could notdistort the whole narrative, as it certainly must have been distorted inthe _Life_, if the narrative of _A. F. M. _ is to be accepted as it stands. 

4. It is important to observe that in the earlier stages of Malachy'sconflict with Niall the lord of Oriel was Conor O'Loughlin, who wasapparently not friendly to the reformers of the Irish Church (cp. §§ 18, 20, p. 40, n. 2, and p. 46, n. 5). No doubt his defeat by O'Brien andMac Carthy in 1134 (p. 43, n. 5) made him a less ardent supporter ofNiall than he had been of Murtough; but it is not likely that heentirely discouraged his attempts to seize the abbacy. The ultimatesuccess of Malachy was in fact probably due to O'Loughlin's murder atthe end of May 1136 and the rise to power of Donough O'Carroll (see p. 58, n. 11), his successor in the kingdom of Oriel. St. Bernard nevermentions O'Carroll by name, though he possibly alludes to him in onepassage (§ 28: see note there). But we may infer from other sources thathe was a zealous friend and helper of Malachy. The most important ofthese is a contemporary document, part of which has been copied on ablank page of a fourteenth-century Antiphonary of Armagh (T. C. D. Ms. B. 1. 1. ) opposite the first page of the Calendar. Unfortunately the scribelaid down his pen at the end of a line and in the middle of a sentence. The document was first published by Petrie (p. 389) with a translation. As it is referred to several times in the notes to the _Life_ it may bewell to print here, with a few slight alterations, Dr. Whitley Stokes'revised rendering (Gorman, p. Xx. ). 

"_Kalend. Januar. V feria, lun. X. Anno Domini mclxx. _ A prayer forDonnchad Ua Cerbhaill, supreme King of Oirgialla, by whom were made thebook of Cnoc na nApstal at Louth and the chief books of the order of theyear, and the chief books of the Mass. It is this illustrious king whofounded the entire monastery both [as to] stone and wood, and gaveterritory and land to it for the prosperity of his soul in honour ofPaul and Peter. By him the church throughout the land of Oirgialla wasreformed, and a regular bishopric was made, and the church was placedunder the jurisdiction of the bishop. In his time tithes were receivedand marriage was assented to, and churches were founded and temples andbell-houses [round towers] were made, and monasteries of monks andcanons and nuns were re-edified, and _nemheds_ were made. These areespecially the works which he performed for the prosperity [of his soul]and reign in the land of Oirgialla, namely, the monastery of monks onthe banks of the Boyne [as to] stone and wood, implements and books, andterritory and land, in which there are one hundred monks and threehundred conventuals, and the monastery of canons of Termann Feichin, andthe monastery of nuns, and the great church of Termann Feichin, and thechurch of Lepadh Feichin, and the church of. .. . "

O'Carroll, then, was an ardent supporter of Malachy. Is it likely thatafter his long struggle to secure the Chair of Patrick, and when he wasin actual possession of it, Malachy should voluntarily surrender hisclaim to Niall at the very moment when the new king of Oriel had come tohis aid? Yet, unless we are prepared to place his resignation beforeJune 1136, that is the assumption we must make if we adhere to thestatements of _A. F. M. _

5. There are other documents of high authority which must be taken intoaccount: the contemporary record of the succession of coarbs of Patrickin the Book of Leinster, and the copy of a similar record in the YellowBook of Lecan. The former of these seems to have been written by apartizan of Malachy, since it ignores Murtough. The latter assigns tothat abbot a rule of three years, in agreement with St. Bernard (§§ 20, 21). But neither of them so much as mentions Niall; and both makeGelasius the successor of Malachy. Thus they contradict _A. F. M. _ andcorroborate the narrative of St. Bernard. See _R. I. A. _ xxxv. 355 f. 

FOOTNOTES:

[1201] See Kuno Meyer's Facsimile edition, p. 146, e. The genealogythere begins with Amalgaid, not with Cellach. 

APPENDIX. 

The Portion of § 41 of the Life omitted in Translation. 

Alia quaedam ibidem _pernoctabat in oratione_, [1202] quam fortereperiens solam homo barbarus, accensus libidine et sui minime compos, irruit rabiosus in eam. Conuersa illa et tremefacta, suspiciens aduertithominem plenum diabolico spiritu. "Heu, " inquit, "miser, quid agis?Considera ubi es, reuerere haec sancta, defer Deo, defer seruo eiusMalachić, parce et tibi ipsi. " Non destitit ille, furiis agitatusiniquis. [1203] Et ecce (quod horribile dictu est) uenenatum et tumidumanimal quod bufonem uocant uisum est reptans exire de inter femoramulieris. Quid plura? Terrefactus resiliit homo, et datis saltibusfestinus oratorio exsilit. Ille confusus abscessit, et illa intactaremansit, magno quidem et Dei miraculo et merito Malachiae. Et pulchreoperi foedo et abominando foedum interuenit et abominabile monstrum. Nonprorsus aliter decuit bestialem extingui libidinem quam perfrigidissimum uermem, nec aliter temerarium frenari ausum frustrariconatum quam per uilem inutilemque bestiolam. 

FOOTNOTES:

[1202] Luke vi. 12. 

[1203] In hexameter rhythm. Cp. Virg. , _Aen. _ iii. 331; Ov. , _Art. Am. _ ii. 27. 

INDEX

Abélard, 101

Acoemetae, 30

Adeline, 69

Age for ordination, 15 f. 

Agnew, Sir Andrew, 78

Aidan, St. , liv

Ailech, 40

Aleth, mother of St. Bernard, 7, 71

Alexander I. , King of Scots, 76

Alps, 72 passes of, when closed, 142

Alternative sees, xlvii, 19

Amalgaid, coarb of Patrick, 164, 165

Anacletus II. , anti-pope, 72

Anastasius, St. , monastery of, at Rome, 118

_Anmchara_, 161

Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, xv, xxii, xxiv, xxvi, xxxvi, 47, 162 letters of, xxiv, xxix, xlvi, 47

Antiphonary of Armagh, 170

---- of Bangor, 28

Antrim, 88

Applecross, 29

Arch-priests, xxvii

Ardnurcher, diocese of, li

Ardpatrick, 14

Ards, The, 40

Ardstraw, diocese of, xli

Argyll, diocese of, 28

Armagh, xvi, xvii, lvii, 8, 11, 26, 36 abbots of, 164: _see also_ Amalgaid, Cathasach, Donnell, Dubdalethe, Joseph, Mael Brigte, Maelcoba, Maelisa, Murtough, Niall antiphonary of, 170 archbishops of: _see_ Cellach, Gelasius, Malachy bishops of, xxxiv, xxxv, 164, 166 Book of, 53 f. , 58, 169 cemetery of St. Patrick at, 115 diocese of, xli, lvi, lviii, 161-163 insignia of abbots of, 53-5, 58, 168, 169 monastery of SS. Paul and Peter at, 11, 18 pestilence at, 60

Aube, river, 71

Augustine, St. , archbishop of Canterbury, xxxix

Augustinian canons, lx, 11, 63, 64, 67, 69, 113, 121

Baltinglas, 76

Bangor, liii, liv, lv, lvii, lviii, lx, 26, 27, 36, 67, 80, 118 abbey church at, 109 abbots of, liv, 28, 31: _see also_ Tanaidhe ancient glory of, 27-30, 74 antiphonary of, 28 called _Vallis Angelorum_, 27 community of, lv, 41 convent of regular clerics at, 63 f. Etymology of, 27 headquarters of St. Malachy, liv, lviii, 33, 35, 64, 113 monastery of, 28, 91 f. , 96, 104, 163 canons of, formed the bishop's chapter, 64 destroyed, 30, 40 oratory of, 30, 32, 109-113 possessions of, 26, 30 f. , 108, 111 remains of, 109 site of, 28

Bann, river, xli, xliv

Bar-sur-Aube, 71

Barre, St. , lxi, 92

Barrenness of soul, 98

Beatitudine, De, 76

Bective, 76

Bede's _History_, xxiii, xxxix f. 

Bedell, Bishop William, xvii

Benedictione Dei, De, 76

Berengarius, 101

Bernard, St. , xv, xxxv, lx, lxii, lxv, 7, 16, 71, 72, 117 at St. Malachy's funeral, 129 bias of, 170 errors of, 19, 31, 35, 36 f. , 40, 45, 46, 50, 53, 62, 63, 76, 92, 118, 122, 124, 165, 166, 169 frailty of, 122 kisses St. Malachy's feet, 129, 144 omissions of, 53, 87, 169, 170 used good materials, 166

Bernard, Great St. , mountain, 71, 72

---- Little St. , mountain, 72

Bishop of a diocese abbot of regular canons, 64

"Bishop-King, " 44

Bishops in Ireland, number of, xliii, lxii, 46 status of, xiii f. , xxxiii, 166

Bobbio, 29

Book of Armagh, 53 f. , 58, 169

Book of Kells, xxv

Book of Leinster, 171

Borromeo, St. Charles, favourite story of, 96

Boyle, 76

Boyne river, 75, 170

Bregha, 40

Breifne, xlix

Brian Boroimhe, xxiii, 161

Brigit, St. , 100

Brothers left at Clairvaux by St. Malachy, 4, 68, 74, 132

---- sent from Ireland to Clairvaux, 75, 131

---- sent from Clairvaux to Ireland, 75, 133, 135

Brude, king of the Picts, 29

Brus, Robert de, 121

Burial of the poor, 14

Cairngarroch, 67, 78

Canice, St. , 29

Canon of Patrick, 54

Canonical hours, chanting of, 17 f. , 37, 161

Canterbury, xxxix, 70 archbishops of: _see_ Anselm, Augustine, Lanfranc, Ralph, Sigeric, Theobald suffragans of, xxi, xxii, xxxvi, xlv, lxiv

Carlisle, 64, 67, 76

Carntougher mountains, xli, xliii

Carthach, St. , 19

Cashel, 65, 91 archbishop of: _see_ Malchus archbishopric of, xxxv f. , xlvii, lxi, lxiii, 65, 73 assembly at, xxxv synod of, 62, 75, 163

_Cathair_, 40

Cathasach, abbot and bishop of Armagh, 164

Catholicus, a brother, 119

Ceadd, lv

Cedd, lv

Cellach, archbishop of Armagh, xxii, xxxiv-xxxvii, xxxviii, xlvi, lii, lv, lvi, lvii, lx, 14, 15, 16, 20, 26, 36, 40, 43, 45, 46, 49, 65, 89, 164 not married, 49 "wife" of, 49 will of, lvi, 43, 47

Cenél Conaill, xliii

Cenél Eoghain, xliii, 59 of the Island, xliii

Christian (Gilla Crist Ua Condoirche), abbot of Mellifont, bishop of Lismore, papal legate, lxii, lxv, 34, 75, 95, 134, 136

---- bishop of Clogher; _see_ O'Morgair

Church of Ireland, constitution of, xiii-xv

Church Island, 40 f. 

Churches founded, 170

Ciaran, St. , xlix

Cistercian Order, lx, 4, 69, 71, 76, 114, 120, 136 churches of, 109

Citeaux, 71

"City, " 35, 37, 40, 85, 88

Clairvaux, lx, lxii, 71, 73, 74, 75, 118 brothers left at, by St. Malachy, 4, 68, 74, 132 brothers of, return to, 75, 135, 136 brothers sent to, from Ireland, 75, 131 brothers sent from, to Ireland, 75, 133, 135 monks of, unwilling to leave it, 136 oratory at, 128, 129 St. Malachy's wish to die at, 72, 117, 121, 124, 128, 143 second monastery of, 71, 143

Clann Gairb-gaela, 165

---- Sinaich, 46, 165, 166

Clergy, dearth of, 37, 39, 163

Clogher, diocese of, lviii, lx barony of, lix bishops of: _see_ O'Boyle, O'Morgair church of, 54

Clonard, bishops of: _see_ Eugenius, O'Dunan, Rochfort diocese and see of, xxv, xxvii, xxix, xlix, l

Clonenagh, annals of, xxxvii f. , lxii, lxiii

Clonmacnoise, xvi diocese of, xxviii, xxix, xlix, li

Clontarf, battle of, xvi, xix

Clova, 28

Cloyne, 88 diocese of, lxi

_Cluain uama_, 88

Coarb, meaning of, xiii authority of, derived from founder of his church, 44

Coarbs of Patrick, 106, 164-6: _see also_ Armagh, abbots, archbishops married and without orders, 45, 164

Coleraine, 85

Columba, St. , 29

Columbanus, St. , 29

Comgall, St. , 28, 29, 74 coarb of, 27: _see also_ O'Gorman, O'Hanratty relics of, 30

Communities founded by St. Malachy, 31, 75, 83, 113, 137

Conall Gulban, 7

Confession, 18, 37, 39, 88, 98, 161

Confessors, 161

Confirmation, 18, 19, 162

Congan, abbot of Inislounaght, 4, 114

Connaught, 44, 93

Connor, 35, 37, 40, 62, 63 diocese of, xli, lvii, lviii, lxii

Connor or Down, diocese of, xli, xliv, xlvii, liv, lvii, lviii, lxii, 36, 48, 49, 62 f. , 161-3 division of, lvii f. , 62 f. See of, liv, 35

_Conuama_, 88

Conversion, 11, 82

_Conversus_, 34

Cork, 21, 92 abbey of St. John Evangelist at, 93 bishop of: _see_ Ua Muidhin diocese of, lxi, 92 election of bishop of, 92-4

Cormac: _see_ Mac Carthy

Cormac's chapel, 44, 53, 167, 168

Cruggleton, 76 f. , 78

Cuthbert, St. , 69

Daimliac mór at Armagh, 11

_Dairtheach_, 32

Dál Araide, lvii f. , 40

Dalriada, 165

Danes in Ireland, xiv ff. 

Danish colonies in Ireland, xix

---- dioceses, xxvi, lxiv ruled by Irish bishops, xx, xxi

Dates discussed: appointment of St. Malachy as vicar of Cellach, 16 birth of St. Malachy, 130 building of stone oratory at Bangor, 109 composition of _Life of St. Malachy_, lxv condemnation of heretic at Lismore, 102 death of Christian O'Morgair, 66 departure of St. Malachy from England (1148), 123 election of bishop of Cork, 93 foundation of Inislounaght, 114 journeys of St. Malachy, 71, 73 letters of St. Bernard, 131, 133, 134, 137 ordination of St. Malachy, 16 proposal of St. Malachy to visit Rome, 72 resignation of Gilbert, bishop of Limerick, 73 resignation of see of Armagh by St. Malachy, 61, 169 St. Malachy's instruction under Imar, 11 St. Malachy's visits to Lismore, 20 f. Sermons of St. Bernard, 141, 152 visit of St. Malachy to York, 70 visitation of Munster by St. Malachy, 168

David I. , king of Scots, 76 f. , 120, 121

Dermot, the count: _see_ Mac Murrough

---- father of Gelasius, 62

---- father of St. Malachy, 6

Derry, diocese of, xli, xliv, lviii Erenach (abbot) of: _see_ Gelasius

---- or Raphoe, diocese of, xli, xlvii

Desmond, 21, 43; _see also_ Mac Carthy

_De Statu Ecclesiae_, xxx-xxxiii

Dijon, 30, 71

Dioceses of Scotland, 76

Domnach Airgid, 54

Donnell, abbot of Armagh, xxxiv

---- bishop, xxiii, xxiv

Dove enters church, 115

Dove-like eyes, 63

Dover, 70

Down, diocese of, xli, lviii, lxii see of, lviii, 64

Downpatrick (Down), 36, 44, 62, 63 dispute between prior and monks of, and abbot and canons of Bangor, 64 monastery of Irish at, 63

Dromore, diocese of, xxii, xli

Dubdalethe, II. , coarb of Patrick, 164, 165

Dublin, xix, xlvi archbishopric of, lxiii f. Archbishops of: _see_ Gregory, O'Toole bishops of, xx, xxiii: _see also_ Dunan, Gregory, O'Hanley, Patrick burgesses of, xxii, xlvi church of Holy Trinity (Christ Church) in, xix, 54, 64 diocese of xix, xlv hostility of, to Irish Church, xxii, xlv f. , lxiii f. King of: _see_ Gothric, Sitric

_Duevania_, 88

Duleek, xlix diocese of, l

Dunan, bishop of Dublin, xix, xx

Dunshaughlin, diocese of, xxvii, l

_Ecclesia_, 4

Edgar the Atheling, 76

Emly, diocese of, lxi

Eporedia, 72

Erming Street, 70

Erne waterway, lix

Erolbh, bishop of Limerick, xxi

Errew, 93

Espec, Walter, 69

Eucharist called "sacraments, " 114 heresy concerning, 101-3

Eugenius III. , Pope, lxii, lxv, 3, 38, 117 f. , 122

---- bishop of Clonard, l

Eusebius, a deacon, 14

Family of coarbs of Patrick, 165 extinction of, 61, 166

"Fasting on, " 106, 107

Faughart, 100

Fearnmaigh (Farney), 59

Felix, bishop of Lismore, 75

Ferdomnach, 53

Fergus, lord of Galloway, 77, 120

_Fer légind_, xvi

Fermanagh, lix

_Ferta martair_, 115

Fiachrach, son of Colla fo Crich, 165

Fiadh meic Oengusa, council of, xxxvii, 46

Fingal, 59

Finnian, St. , xlix

Fir Li, xliv

Fontaines, 71

Fore, diocese of, li

_Forma_, 11, 56

Four Masters, confusion of, 168

Gall, St. , 86

Gelasius, archbishop of Armagh, lvii, lx, lxiii, 59, 62, 167, 168, 169, 171

"Generation, " 45, 166

_Gentes_, 74, 80

Geoffrey, St. Bernard's secretary, 47, 81 prayer of, 130

Gerlatus, 81

Geswalt, 78

Gibeonites, 50

Gilbert, bishop of Limerick, papal legate, xxi, xxii, xxvi, xxix-xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii, xxxviii, xliii, xliv f. , xlviii, lvi, lx, lxi, 17, 47 f. , 73, 163; not a suffragan of Canterbury, xxi f. , 47

----, St. , of Sempringham, 123

Gill Abbey, Cork, 93

Giraldus Cambrensis, xv, 162

Gisburn, 67, 121 monastery of, 120 f. 

Glendalough, bishop of, xlvi, lxiv diocese of, xlv, lxiv

Godscalcus, 81

Gothric, king of Dublin, xxiii

Gougaud, Dom L. , xxi, 76

Gregory, archbishop of Dublin, xx, xxii, lxiii, 20

---- I. , Pope, xxxix, xl

---- VII. , Pope, 162

Greenogue, xlv

Grenan Ely, 40

_Gyrovagus_, 55

Harding, Stephen, 71

Henry I. , king of England, 47

---- II. , king of England, 62

----, son of David I. , king of Scots, 77

Hereditary succession of abbots, xv, lvi f. , 45 f. , 48, 148, 165

Heresy regarding the Eucharist, 101-103

Hinba, 29

Holy Island, liv

---- Trinity, church of: _see_ Dublin

Honorius II. , Pope, 72

Hook, simile of a, applied to Death of Christ, 145

Horse presented to St. Malachy, 69 f. 

Humbert of Igny, 136

Ignatius, St. , epistles of, 37

Igny, Humbert of, 136

Imar: _see_ O'Hagan

Indrechtach, abbot of Bangor, 31

Inishowen, xli, xlii f. 

Inislounaght, 76, 114

Inispatrick, synod of, lxi, 118

Innocent II. , Pope, lx f. , 71, 72 f. , 117, 118

Irish Church, state of, described, 16-18, 37 f. , 45 f. , 161-3

Isaac, 133 f. 

Ithael, xvii

Iveagh, 40

Iveragh, lv, 40, 43 site of S. Malachy's monastery in, 40 f. 

Ivrea, 71, 72

John Evangelist, St. , Abbey of, at Cork, 93

----, son of Sulien, xvii manuscript written by, xviii verses, of, xviii

Jonas, 30

Joseph, coarb of Patrick, 165 f. 

Judas Maccabćus, 23

Kells, xvii archdeacon of: _see_ Petit archdeaconry of, xxviii bishop of, xxviii, lxiii Book of, xxv diocese of, xxvii, xxviii, li synod of, xxvii, lxii-lxiv, 75, 93, 163

Kilcurry River, 100

Kildare, xvii

Killeshin, 4

Kilmore, diocese of, xlix, li, lxii

Kingarth, 29

Kirkham Abbey, 69

Kirk Mochrum, 78

Knock, monastery of SS. Paul and Peter at, 67, 118, 170

Krusch, Bruno, 30

Lambay Island, xlv

Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, xv, xxi, xxiii, xxiv, xxvi, 162; letters of, xxiii

Lapasperi, Portus, 78 f. 

Larne, lviii

Laurence, St. : _see_ O'Toole

Learning in Ireland, xiv, xvi-xviii, xxvi

Leath Chuinn, xxv, xl

---- Mogha, xl

Lecan, Yellow Book of, 171

Leinster, xxxviii, xl, 86 Book of, 171

Lepadh Feichin, 170

_Lía na rígh_, 51

Limerick, bishops of: _see_ Erolbh, Gilbert, Patrick, Turgesius church of St. Mary in, xxx, xliv diocese of, xix, xxi, xxx, xliv

Lismore, xlvii, liii, lv, 19, 36, 46, 69, 86, 87, 101 assemblies at, 101 f. Bishops of: _see_ Christian, Felix, Malchus

---- or Waterford, diocese of, xlvii

---- in Scotland, 28

Llanbadarn Fawr, school of, xvii

London, 70

Louth, see of diocese of Oriel, lix, 66 county of, lix f. Diocese of, lix, 64 bishops of: _see_ O'Kelly, O'Morgair monastery of St. Mary at, 67

Loxewdy, diocese of, li

Lucius II. , Pope, 118

Lugaid, 28, 29

Lugidus, 28

Luxeuil (Luxovium) 29 f. 

Mabillon, J. , lxv

Mac Cairthinn, St. , 54

Mac Carthy, Cormac, king of Desmond, liii, lvi f. , 43 f. , 51, 53, 93, 167, 170 assists St. Malachy at Iveragh, lv, 40, 41 called Bishop-King, 44 character of, 22, 23 f. , 44 crozier of, 44 expelled from kingdom and restored, lv, 21-4, 41, 43

Mac Carthy, Dermot, 93

Mac Carthy, Donough, lv, 21, 23

Mac Carthy, Teague, king of Desmond, 21, 43

Mac Firbis, 7, 164, 165

Mac Mahon, 166

Mac Murrough, Dermot, king of Leinster, 90

Mac Sinaich, 166

Mael Brigte (Marianus Scotus), xviii

---- ----, son of Tornan, coarb of Patrick, 7

Maelcoba, coarb of Patrick, 165

Maelisa, abbot of Armagh, 14

Maelsechlainn, king of Ireland, 161, 164

Magh Cobha, 40

Maghera, 44, 64

Magheramorne, 28

Mainz, xviii

Malachy, St. , early life of, lii, 6-18 part taken by, in Reformation, lii-lxiv vicar of Cellach, lii, 16-18, 20, 163 at Lismore, liii, lv, 18-26, 40, 86, 87, 101-3 bishop of Connor, liv, 36-9, 128 abbot of Bangor, 27, 41, 43, 80, 112 at Iveragh, lv, 40-2 archbishop of Armagh, lvi f. , lix, 53-61 bishop of Down, lvii f. , lxi, 62 ff. , 82 journey of, to Rome, lx f. , 64-80 at Clairvaux, lx, 70-2, 74, 122-30 at Rome, 72-4 papal legate, lxi, 73, 80 f. , 93, 102, 132 last journey of, lxi f. , 118-22, 142 death of, lxii, 4, 117, 122, 123-8, 139, 141, 143 burial of, 3, 128-30, 139, 142, 144 a canon of St. Augustine, 11 age of, 128 called an ape, 111 character of, 3, 7-10, 47, 81-4, 153-7 coarb of Patrick, 82, 106 compared to Ananias of Damascus, 108 to Elijah, 52, 151, 159 to Elisha, 60, 95, 129 to Moses, 159 to St. John Baptist, 89 consecrated bishop, 36, 43 conspiracy against, by men of Tullaghoge, 51, 57, 168 contest of, for the abbacy of Armagh, 46-61, 167-71 convent of regular clerics founded by, 63 f. Father of, 6 in Paradise, 89 last sayings of, 123, 124, 126, 127, 143, 147 letters of, to St. Bernard, 131, 135 made deacon, 14, 15, 16, 43 meaning of name of, 27, 157 miracles of, 32, 34, 52, 72, 77, 78, 79, 81, 85-108, 111, 116, 119, 121, 129, 154, 158, 171 monastery of, 18, 104 mother of, 7, 8, 27, 162 not allowed to cross channel, 121, 142 ordained priest, 15, 16, 43 parents of, 6 plot against, by a prince at Armagh, 55-7 reason of retirement of, from archbishopric, 169 rebuilds churches, 39, 163 reforms of, 17 f. , 39, 58, 61, 81, 163 relics of, 73, 130 sister of, 14, 15, 25 f. Uncle of, 27 visions of, 25, 49, 113 voluntary poverty of, 49, 82, 149 where buried, 130

Malchus (Mael Isa Ua hAinmire), bishop of Waterford, archbishop of Cashel, xxi, xxii, xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxxiv, xxxvi, xxxviii, xlvi, xlvii, liii, lv, lx, 18 f. , 21, 23, 47 f. , 65; miracles of, 19 f. 

----, brother of Christian, abbot of Mellifont, 33 f. , 95

Malcolm IV. , king of Scots, 77

---- Canmore, king of Scots, 76

Marcus, author of _Tundale's Vision_, 88

Margaret, St. , 76

Marianus Scotus: _see_ Mael Brigte, Muiredach. 

Marriage, 18, 37, 39, 162, 170

Married abbots of Armagh, 45, 164

Mary, St. , church of, at Clairvaux, 128, 129, 130 at Limerick, xxx, xliv at Mellifont, 75 f. At Melrose, 69 monastery of, at Louth, 67

Matilda, empress, 76, 121

----, wife of David I. , 69, 76

----, wife of Henry I. , 76

----, wife of Stephen, 76

Mattock, stream, 75

Maurice, St. , in Valois, 30

Maxwell, Sir Herbert, 78

Meath, xl, 40 bishops of: _see_ O'Dunan, Rochfort, Tachmon deaneries of, xxvii, li dioceses of, xxvii-xxix, xxxiii, xlviii-lii

Mellifont Abbey, 75, 170 choice of site of, 75, 132 consecration of church of, 59, 75 daughters of, 76 progress of, 75, 135

Melrose, 69

_Membra_ (_memrae_), 60

_Memoria Sanctorum_, 60

"Metropolitan, " 36, 45, 166

Michael, abbot at Soulseat, 34, 120

Michael's Church, St. , 78

Mitre of St. Malachy, 73

Mochrum, 78

Mochuta, St. , xlvii, 19

Molua, 28

Monaghan, county of, xli, lix

Monasteries rebuilt, 170

Monasternenagh, 76

Monenna, St. , Life of, 32

Monk, nations which have not seen a, 74

Moore, Sir Edward, 75 f. 

Moriarty, Nehemiah, bishop of Cloyne, lxi, 89

Mortlach, 28

Muiredach Mac Robartaigh (Marianus Scotus), xviii

Mullingar, diocese of, li

Mungret, 6

Munster, xl, 46, 91 visitations of, xxxiv, xxxvi, 14, 16, 53, 167, 168, 169

Murtough, coarb of Patrick, 43, 46, 50, 51, 164, 165 f. , 167, 170

"Nations, " 74

Nehemiah, bishop of Cloyne, lxi, 89

_Nemheds_, 170

Newbald, 68

Newtown, near Trim, xxvii, li synod at, xxvii, xxviii

Newtown Stewart, xli

Niall, coarb of Patrick, 43, 50, 53, 58, 167, 168, 170, 171

Nostal, priory of St. Oswald at, 69

O'Boyle, Caincomrac, bishop of Armagh, xxxiv Cinaeth, bishop of Clogher, lix, 66

O'Brien, xxvi Conor, king of Thomond, lv, lvi f. , 21, 23, 43 f. , 51, 170 Dermot, xxiv, 43 Murtough, king of Munster, xxiv, xxx, xxxv, xxxviii, lv, 43 Teague, 106 Turlough, xxiii, xxiv

O'Carroll, Donough, king of Oriel, lvii, lix, 58 f. , 66, 67, 75, 163, 170 f. 

O'Conor, Cathal, 106 Rory, 106 Turlough, king of Connaught, lv, 21, 23, 43, 106

O'Dunan, Mael Muire, "bishop of Meath, " bishop of Clonard (?), xxiv, xxv, xxvi, xxix, xxxv, xxxvii, xxxviii, xlix

O'Flaherty, Donnell, 106

O'Gormon, Oengus, coarb of Comgall, 27

O'Hagan, sept of, 51 f. Imar, abbot of SS. Paul and Peter, Armagh, lii, liii, 11, 13, 15, 20, 26, 31, 33, 36

O'Hanley, Donough, bishop of Dublin, xx, xxi, xxiv Samuel, bishop of Dublin, xx, xxi, xxiv, xlvi, 20

O'Hanlon, sept of, 166 Rev. J. , 78

O'Hanratty, family of, 7, 27 Murtough, coarb of Comgall, 27

O'Heney, Donnell, xxiii, xxiv

Oirgialla, the, 59, 166

O'Kane, xliv

O'Kelly, Edan, bishop of Louth, lix f. , lxii, 66

Old Melrose, 69

O'Loughlin, Conor, king of north of Ireland, lv, 40, 46, 55, 59, 170 Donnell, 40

O'Morgair, sometimes written O'Mongair, 6 family of, known as O'Dogherty, 7 Christian, bishop of Clogher and Louth, lix, 66, 67, 89, 167 Dermot, 6 Mughron, _fer légind_ at Armagh, 6 _See also_ Malachy, St. 

O'Neills, 51, 166

Oratories, materials of, 32 f. , 109

Oratory at Bangor, 30, 32, 109-113 at Cairngarroch, 79, 171 at Clairvaux, 128, 129 at Saul, 113

Oriel, lviii, 59, 163, 170 cathedral of, 67 diocese of, lviii-lx, 67, 170 kings of: _see_ O'Carroll, O'Loughlin see of, lix f. 

O'Rorke, Tighernan, 59

Oswald, St. , priory of, 69

O'Toole, St. Laurence, archbishop of Dublin, xxi

Paisley, 29

Pall, xxxii, lx f. , lxii-lxiv, 65, 73, 117, 118

Papal schism, 66, 72

Paparo, John, cardinal priest of St. Laurence, xxvii, xlv, lxii-lxiv

"Parish, " meaning of, xxviii

Pastoral staves, 44, 49, 50, 123

Patrick, St. , 27, 89, 117, 148, 162 authority of coarbs of, 44 burial place of, 44, 115, 117 canon of, 54 coarbs of: _see_ Armagh, abbots of, archbishops of gospels of, 53, 54

Patrick, bishop of Dublin, xx, xxi, xxiii, xlvi

----, bishop of Limerick, xxi, 73

Paul and Peter, SS. , monastery of, at Armagh, 11, 18 at Knock, 67, 118, 170

Penance, 37, 97, 98, 115, 161, 167

Peter, St. , coarb of, 118

Petit, Adam, archdeacon of Kells, xxviii

Petrie on stone churches, 32

Philip of Clairvaux, 13

Pilgrims from Connaught, 93

"Poor man, " 93

Popes: _see_ Eugenius, Gregory, Honorius, Innocent, Lucius

Portus Lapasperi, 78 f. 

Primate of Ireland, xxxvii f. 

_Princeps_, 27

"Quasi-generations, " 45, 65

Ralph, archbishop of Canterbury, xxii, xlvi

Raphoe, diocese of, xli, xlii, lviii

Rathbreasail, synod of, xxxvii-lii, lvi, lviii, lix, 14, 18, 36, 47, 62, 65; canons of, violated, lii, lviii, lx, lxi, lxii

Rathbrennan, 106

Rathluraigh, 44

Ratisbon, monastery of St. Peter at, xviii

Rebekah, 133 f. 

Reformation of Irish Church, took place in twelfth century, xii causes of, xvi-xx, xxvi scope of, xiii

"Returning to his own country, " 127

Rheims, council of, 121

Ribble, river, 67, 121

Ribchester, 121

Ricemarch, son of Sulien, life of St. David by, xviii psalter of, xvii f. Verses of, xviii

Richard, abbot of Melrose, 69

Rievaulx, 69

Rivulet becomes a river, 105 f. , 154

Robert, architect of Mellifont, 75, 136

Rochfort, Simon, bishop of Meath, xxvii, xxviii, l

Roe Valley, xliv

Rosemarkie, 28

Rouen, 47

"Rouncy, " 69

Round Towers, 170

Route of St. Malachy's journeys, 67, 70, 121

Roxburgh, 76

Rufinus, 145

Rummun, 33

_Runcinus_, 69

Sacraments, 18, 25 f. , 39, 96, 97, 101, 114, 117

"Sacraments" meaning the Eucharist, 114

St. Liz, Simon de, Earl of Northampton, 69, 76

Saul, 44, 87 monastery of, 113, 163

_Scotia_, 20

Scotic, 32

Scotland, 34, 67, 69, 72, 76, 120 boundaries of, 67

Scotland, Further, 125

Scots, 20, 69, 110

"Seed" of a bishop, 67, 165

Senior, xxv, 48

Sexual morality, xxiv, 162 f. 

Shalvey, Donnell, erenach of Cork, 93

Sheelan, Lough, 59

Shrule, 76

Sigeric, archbishop of Canterbury, 70

Sighere, 68

Silence, rule of, 13

Sinach, 165

Singing, 17 f. , 37, 125, 127, 143, 161

Sitric, king of Dublin, xix

Skerries, lxi, 118

Skreen, diocese of, xxvii, l

_Sollemnitas_, 126

Song, Church, 17 f. , 37, 125, 127, 143, 161

Soulseat, monastery founded at, by St. Malachy, 34, 120 Premonstratensian monastery at, 120

Slane, diocese of, xxvii, l

Staff of Jesus, 53 f. , 58, 167, 168, 169 keeper of, 58, 167

Staff sent by St. Malachy to St. Bernard, 131

Standard, Battle of the, 77

State of Continental Church described, 1-3

State of the Irish Church described, 16-18, 37 f. , 45 f. , 161-3

Stephen, king of England, lxii, 121, 142

Stone churches, 11, 32 f. , 109

Stoneykirk, 78

Stowe Missal, 162

Students, in Irish schools, xiv, xvii f. , xxvi

Suffragan, meaning of, xxii

Sulien the Wise, bishop of St. David's, xvii, xviii

Surio, De (Suir, monastery of the; Suriense monasterium), 4, 76, 114

Sweden, 74

Sycarus (Sighere), 68

Tachmon, Hugh de, bishop of Meath, li

Tanaidhe, coarb of Comgall, 30

Tees, River, 67

Termann Feichin, 170

Tescelin, father of St. Bernard, 71

Thaddaeus, bishop of Kells, xxviii

Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury, 73, 121

Thomas, St. , monastery of, in Dublin, l

Thomond, kingdom of, 43

Tír Conaill, lviii

Tiree, island of, 29

Tír Eoghain, lviii diocese of, 64 visitation of, xxxiv, 50

Tithes, xxxiii, 37, 84, 163, 170

Tobit, 15

Tostius, bishop of Waterford, xxi

Translation of bodies to new cemetery at Clairvaux, 125, 143

Travellers from Ireland, xviii f. , xxi, xxvi

Treasure found, 112

Tribal territories, xlii-xliv

Trim, diocese of, xxvii, l

Tuam, archbishopric of, lxiii

Tullaghoge, 51, 167 f. , 169

Turgesius, bishop of Limerick, xxi

Ua Condoirche: _see_ Christian

Ua hAinmire: _see_ Malchus

Ua Maelsechlainn Murrough, king of Meath, 106

Ua Muidhin, Gilla Aedha, bishop of Cork, lxi, 93

Ua Sinaich, 166 Flann, 58, 167

Uhtred, bishop of Llandaff, 73

Ui Méith, 27

Ui Neill, 40

Ui Sinaich, 165

Ulaid, lviii, 28, 40, 87 count of, 89 diocese of, lviii, 64 duke and magnates of, 111

Ulster, xl f. , xlii, lviii, 46

Unction of sick, 88, 96 f. , 124 not confined to priests, 164

Usnagh, synod of, xxviii, xlix, l f. 

Valerian, persecution of, 14

Valle Salutis, De, 76

_Vallis Angelorum_, 27

Victor IV. , anti-pope, 72

Viride Stagnum, 120

Voice of the turtle, 3

Waltheof (Waldeve, Wallenus, Wallevus), St. , abbot of Melrose, 69, 121

----, Earl of Northumberland, 69

Wardon, 69

Waterford, xix bishops of: _see_ Malchus, Tostius diocese of, xix, xlvi

Watling Street, 121

Wexford, xix

----, diocese of, xix

---- or Ferns, diocese of, xlvii

William the Conqueror, 47

---- I. , king of Scots, 77

----, prior of Kirkham, 69

Winchester, 18, 19

Wissant, 70, 123

Wooden churches, 32 f. 

Wormwood, Valley of, 71

Yellow Book of Lecan, 171

York, xxii, xxxix, 67, 68, 70

Zacchaeus, 14