SIMÓN BOLÍVAR

(THE LIBERATOR)

_Patriot, Warrior, Statesman Father of Five Nations_

[Illustration: _STATUE OF THE LIBERATOR_ at the head of the Avenue of theAmericas, New York City. ]

SIMÓN BOLÍVAR

(THE LIBERATOR)

Patriot, Warrior, Statesman Father of Five Nations

A SKETCH OF HIS LIFE AND HIS WORK

BY GUILLERMO A. SHERWELL

_Guillermo A. Sherwell (1878-1926)_ was the recipient of DoctorateDegrees from the National University of Mexico and from the Universityof Georgetown. Among the posts which he filled was that of Rector of theNational University of Mexico, Legal Counsellor of the Inter-AmericanCommittee in Washington and Professor of History and of Hispano-Americanliterature. Sincerely interested in the heroes of Spanish-Americanindependence, he dedicated himself to the study of their lives andespecially to that of the Liberator. He also wrote a biography of Sucre. 

This biography of Bolívar was first published in Washington in 1921. It wasagain published in Baltimore in 1930. There have been two translations intoSpanish, that of Roberto Cortázar and that of R. Cansinos-Assens, publishedrespectively in Bogotá (1922 and 1930) and in Madrid (1922). 

The Bolivarian Society of Venezuela has decided that in homage to thememory of the Liberator on the occasion of the transfer of the statue inNew York to its new site at the head of the Avenue of the Americas, thepublication of another edition of this excellent work of Mr. Sherwell'swhich gives in an excellent condensed form the historical significations ofBolívar. The children of Mr. Sherwell have kindly given their consent tothe publication of this edition which is made under the auspices of theJunta de Gobierno of the United States of Venezuela. 

_Introduction_

In the history of peoples, the veneration of national heroes has been oneof the most powerful forces behind great deeds. National consciousness, rather than a matter of frontiers, racial strain or community of customs, is a feeling of attachment to one of those men who symbolize best thehigher thoughts and aspirations of the country and most deeply impress thehearts of their fellow citizens. Despite efforts to write the history ofpeoples exclusively from the social point of view, history has been, andwill continue to be, mainly a record of great names and great deeds ofnational heroes. 

The Greeks, for us and for themselves, are not so much the people who livedin the various city-states of Hellas, nor the people dominated and more orless influenced by the Romans and later the Mohammedan conquerors, noreven the present population in which the old pure Hellenic element is in aproportion much smaller than is generally thought. Greece is what she is, lives in the life of men and shapes the minds and souls of peoples, through her great heroes, through her various gods, which were nothingbut divinized heroes. Greece is for us Apollo, as a symbol of whateveris filled with light, high, beautiful and noble; Heracles for what isstrength, energy, organization, life as it should be lived by human beings. Leonidas stands for us as a symbol of heroic deeds; Demosthenes as a symbolof the convincing powers of oratory and Pericles as the crystallization ofGrecian life in its totality of beauty, learning and social and civic life. Greece is a type, is an attitude, is a protest against oppression, is anaspiration towards beauty, is an inspiration and a guide for men who livein the higher planes of feeling and thought. But Greece is not all that asa people; Greece is all that through men converted into symbols. 

So it is with other peoples. 

Rome still signifies for us the defense of the bridge against the powerfulenemy; a man taking absolute power over the State and then surrendering itto the people from whom it came. Rome is Repúblican virtue, and imperialpower, --and also, alas! imperial degradation. Imperial Rome representspersecution of religion which does not recognize Caesar as a god and theassimilation of religions which do not hesitate to add a god to those theyadore. Rome, too, symbolizes the tendency to unity which survives andinspires the life of the nations of Europe, if not of the world, --atendency altogether manifest in the last gigantic struggle through whichmankind has just passed. Rome, finally, stands for Law, for the mostmarvelous social machine ever devised by human brains. But Rome is allthat, and more than that, through Horace, Sulla, Cato, Caesar, Cicero, Nero, Caracalla and Justinian. 

The confusion of the Middle Ages has some points of light, always around aman. The great Frederic Barbarossa stands for Germany, as does William Tellfor Switzerland, as Ivan the Great for Russia, as the Cid for Spain, asKing Arthur for England and Charlemagne for France. 

The modern peoples, those who only lately have begun to live as nations, have their heroes, who perhaps do not seem so great to us as the oldheroes, because they have not been magnified by time; but, if compared withmen of the past, many of them are as great, if not, in some cases, greater. The countries of America are at present forming this tradition about theirillustrious ancestors. And, if they want to live the strong life of thenations destined to last and to be powerful and respected, they mustpersevere in the work of building up around their fathers the frame-work oftheir national consciousness. Washington every day appears nobler to us, because every day we understand better what is the meaning of his sacrificeand his work; every day we learn to appreciate more the value of theinheritance he left to us when he gave us a free country where we canthink and speak and work, untrammeled by the whims and caprices of foreignmasters. And the nations to the south of us are also building theirnational consciousness around their great heroes, among them the greatestof all, Bolívar, one of those men who appear in the world at longintervals, selected by God to be the leaders of multitudes, to beperformers of miracles, achieving what is impossible for the common man. They live a life of constant inspiration, as if they were not guided bytheir own frail judgment, but, like Moses, by the smoke and the flame ofGod through a desert, through suffering and success, through happiness andmisfortune, until they might see before them the Promised Land of Victory, some destined to enjoy the full possession of it, and others to die with noother happiness than that of leaving an inheritance to their successors. 

These few pages, devoted to the life and work of Simón Bolívar, thegreat South American Liberator, will attain their object if the readerunderstands and appreciates how unusual a man Bolívar was. Every citizen ofthe United States of America must respect and venerate his sacred memory, as the Liberator and Father of five countries, the man who assured theindependence of the rest of the South American peoples of Spanish speech;the man who conceived the plans of Pan-American unity which those whocame after him have elaborated, and the man who, having conquered allhis enemies and seen at his feet peoples and laws, effected the greatestconquest, that of himself, sacrificing all his aspirations and resigninghis power, to go and die, rewarded by the ingratitude of those who owed himtheir existence as free men. The more the life of this man is studied, thegreater he appears, and the nearer he seems to the superhuman. 

The American people, made free by Washington, do not begrudge thelegitimate glory of other illustrious men, and if they have not rendered upto this time the homage due to Simón Bolívar, it has been mainly throughlack of accurate knowledge of his wonderful work. The city of New York, thegreatest community in the world, is now honoring his memory by placing ina conspicuous section of its most beautiful park a statue which theGovernment of Venezuela has given it; the statue of the Man of the South, the brother in glory to our own Washington. No greater homage could bepaid to him than to have American fathers and mothers pass by the noblemonument, pointing out to their children the statue and telling them themarvelous story of Simón Bolívar. 

In a book as brief as this it is impossible to present documents or to givelong quotations. Nevertheless, we may fairly affirm that all statementsherein made are substantiable by documentary evidence. We have consultedall the books and pamphlets which have been at hand and have studied bothsides of debatable questions regarding Bolívar. To follow a chronologicalorder we have been guided by the beautiful biography written by Larrazábal, the man called by F. Lorain Petre "the greatest flatterer of Bolívar. " Thatthis assertion is false is proved in the first volume cited below. Petre'smonograph contains apparent earmarks of impartiality, but in reality it isnothing but a bitter attack on the reputation of Bolívar. Its translator, a distinguished Venezuelan writer, is to be thanked for the serenity withwhich he has destroyed his imputations. We find nothing to add in defenseof the Liberator. 

The following studies have been particularly consulted:

 "Bolívar--por los más grandes escritores americanos, precedido de un estudio por Miguel de Unamuno, " Madrid and Buenos Aires, 1914, a book containing the following monographs:

 "Simón Bolívar, " by Juan Montalvo (Ecuadorian) "Simón Bolívar, " by F. García Calderón (Peruvian) "Simón Bolívar, " by P. M. Arcaya (Venezuelan) "Bolívar y su campaña de 1821, " by General L. Duarte Level (Mexican)[1] "Bolívar en el Perú, " by A. Galindo (Colombian) "Simón Bolívar, " by B. Vicuña Mackenna (Chilean) "Simón Bolívar, " by J. B. Alberdi (Argentinean) "Simón Bolívar, " by José Martí (Cuban) "El ideal internacional de Bolívar, " by Francisco José Urrutia (Colombian) "La entrevista de Guayaquil, " by Ernesto de la Cruz (Chilean) "Bolívar, escritor, " by Blanco-Fombona (Venezuelan) "Bolívar, " by F. Lorain Petre (North American)[2] "Bolívar, " by J. E. Rodó (Uruguayan) "Bolívar, íntimo, " by Cornelio Hispano (Colombian) "Bolívar, profesor de energía, " by José Veríssimo (Brazilian) "Bolívar, legislador, " by Jorge Ricardo Vejarano (Colombian)

 "Discursos y Proclamas--Simón Bolívar, " R. Blanco-Fombona, Paris. "Documentos para la Vida Pública del Libertador" por Blanco y Azpurúa, Caracas. "El Libertador de la América del Sur, " Guzmán Blanco, London, 1885. "Estudio Histórico, " Aristides Rojas, Caracas, 1884. "La Creación de un Continente, " F. García Calderón, Paris. "La Entrevista de Bolívar y San Martín en Guayaquil, " Camilo Destruge, Guayaquil, 1918. "La última enfermedad, los últimos momentos y los funerales de Simón Bolívar, " Dr. A. P. Révérend, Paris, 1866. "Leyendas Históricas, " A. Rojas, Caracas, 1890. "Memorias de O'Leary, " translated from English by Simón B. O'Leary, Caracas, 1883. "Orígenes del Gran Mariscal de Ayacucho, " discursos del Señor D. Felipe Francia, Caracas, 1920. "Papeles de Bolívar, " Vicente Lecuna, Caracas, 1917. "Pensamientos consagrados a la memoria del Libertador, " Caracas, 1842. "Recuerdos del Tiempo Heróico--Pájinas de la vida militar i política del Gran Mariscal de Ayacucho, " José María Rey de Castro, Guayaquil, 1883. "Resúmen de la Historia de Venezuela, " Baralt y Díaz, Paris, 1841. "Simón Bolívar, " Arturo Juega Farrulla, Montevideo, 1915. "Vida de Simón Bolívar, " Larrazábal, Madrid, 1918; also sixth edition of same book, New York, Andres Cassard, 1883. 

[Footnote 1: Duarte Level is not Mexican but Venezuelan. ]

[Footnote 2: Lorain Petre is not North American but English. ]

For the use of various documents, articles, and papers, we are alsoindebted to Dr. Manuel Segundo Sánchez, Director of the National Library ofCaracas, Venezuela, as well as to Dr. Julius Goebel of the University ofVirginia for his kindness in letting us examine his notes on certain papersexisting in the files of the State Department in Washington. 

We beg to express our sincere gratitude to Miss Edith H. Murphy of BayRidge High School and St. Joseph College of Brooklyn, and to Dr. C. E. McGuire of the Inter American High Commission, for their revision of theoriginal manuscript and their very valuable suggestions regarding thesubject matter and the style. 

For the appreciations and judgments appearing in this monograph, its authorassumes full responsibility. 

Table of Contents

_Chapter_

Introduction

I. The Spanish Colonies in America

II. Bolívar's Early Life. Venezuela's First Attemptto Obtain Self-Government (1783-1810)

III. The Declaration of Independence, July 5, 1811. Miranda's Failure (1811-1812)

IV. Bolívar's First Expedition. The Cruelty ofWar (1812-1813)

V. Bolívar's First Victories (1813)

VI. Araure. Ribas Triumphs in La Victoria. AWholesale Execution (1813-1814)

VII. The Heroic Death of Ricaurte. Victory ofCarabobo and Defeat of La Puerta (1814)

VIII. Bolívar in Exile and Morillo in Power. The"Jamaica Letter" (1814-1815)

IX. Bolívar's Expedition and New Exile. He Goesto Guayana (1815-1817)

X. Piar's Death. Victory of Calabozo. SecondDefeat at La Puerta. Submission of Páez(1817-1818)

XI. The Congress of Angostura. A great Address. Campaigning in the Plains (1819)

XII. Bolívar Pays His Debt to Nueva Granada. Boyacá. A Dream Comes True (1819)

XIII. Humanizing War. Morillo's Withdrawal(1820)

XIV. The Second Battle of Carabobo. Ambitionsand Rewards. Bolívar's Disinterestedness. American Unity (1821)

XV. Bomboná and Pichincha. The Birth of Ecuador. Bolívar and San Martín Face to Face(1822)

XVI. Junín, a Battle of Centaurs. The Continent'sFreedom Sealed in Ayacucho (1822-1824)

XVII. Bolivia's Birth. Bolívar's Triumph. The MonarchicalIdea. From Honors to Bitterness(1825-1827)

XVIII. The Convention of Ocaña. Full Powers. AnAttempt at Murder (1828)

XIX. Difficulties with Perú. Slanders and Honors. On the Road to Calvary (1829-1830)

XX. Friends and Foes. Sucre's Assassination. TheLees of Bitterness. An Upright Man's Death(1830)

XXI. The Man and His Work

SIMÓN BOLÍVAR

(THE LIBERATOR)

Patriot, Warrior, Statesman Father of Five Nations

CHAPTER I

_The Spanish Colonies in America_

Everybody knows that America was discovered by Christopher Columbus, whoserved under the King and Queen of Spain, and who made four trips, in whichhe discovered most of the islands now known as the West Indies and part ofthe central and southern regions of the American continent. Long before theEnglish speaking colonies which now constitute the United States ofAmerica were established, the Spaniards were living from Florida and theMississippi River to the South, with the exception of what is now Brazil, and had there established their culture, their institutions and theirpolitical system. 

In some sections, the Indian tribes were almost exterminated, but generallythe Spaniards mingled with the Indians, and this intercourse resulted inthe formation of a new race, the mixed race (mestizos) which now comprisesthe greater number of the inhabitants of what we call Latin America. 

African slavery added another racial element, which is often discernible inthe existing population. 

The Latin American peoples today are composed of European whites, Americanwhites (creoles), mixed races of Indian and white, white and Negro, Negro and Indian, Negro and mestizo, and finally, the pure Indian race, distinctive types of which still appear over the whole continent fromMexico to Chile, but which has disappeared almost entirely in Uruguay andArgentina. Some countries have the Indian element in larger proportionsthan others, but this distribution of races prevails substantially all overthe continent. 

It would distract us from our purpose to give a full description of thegrievances of the Spanish colonies in America. They were justified andit is useless to try to defend Spain. Granting that Spain carried out awonderful work of civilization in the American continent, and that sheis entitled to the gratitude of the world for her splendid program ofcolonization, it is only necessary, nevertheless, to cite some of hermistakes of administration in order to prove the contention of thecolonists that they must be free. 

Books could not be published or sold in America without the permission ofthe Consejo de Indias, and several cases were recorded of severe punishmentof men who disobeyed this rule. Natives could not avail themselves of theadvantages of the printing press. Communication and trade with foreignnations were forbidden. All ships found in American waters without licensefrom Spain were considered enemies. Nobody, not even the Spaniards, couldcome to America without the permission of the King, under penalty of lossof property and even of loss of life. Spaniards, only, could trade, keepstores or sell goods in the streets. The Indians and mestizos could engageonly in mechanical trades. 

Commerce was in the hands of Spain, and taxes were very often prohibitive. Even domestic commerce, except under license, was forbidden. It wasespecially so regarding the commerce between Perú and New Spain, and alsowith other colonies. Some regulations forbade Chile and Perú to send theirwines and other products to the colonists of the North. The planting ofvineyards and olive trees was forbidden. The establishment of industry, theopening of roads and improvements of any kind were very often stopped bythe Government. Charles IV remarked that he did not consider learningadvisable for America. 

Americans were often denied the right of public office. Great personalservice or merit was not sufficient to destroy the dishonor and disgrace ofbeing an American. 

The Spanish colonies were divided into vice-royalties and generalcaptaincies. There were also _audiencias_, which existed under thevice-royalties and general captaincies. The Indians were put under the careand protection of Spanish officials called _encomenderos_, but thesein fact, in most cases, were merciless exploiters of the natives who, furthermore, were subject to many local disabilities. The Kings of Spaintried to protect the Indians, and many laws were issued tending to sparethem from the ill-treatment of the Spanish colonists. But the distance fromSpain to America was great, and when laws and orders reached the colonies, they never had the force which they were intended to have when issued. There existed a general race hatred. The Indians and the mestizos, as arule, hated the creoles, or American whites, who often were as bad as, oreven worse than, the Spanish colonists in dealing with the aborigines. Itis not strange, then, that in a conflict between Spain and the colonies, the natives should take sides against the creoles, who did most of thethinking, and who were interested and concerned with all the changesthrough which the Spanish nation might pass, and that they would help Spainagainst the white promoters of the independent movement. This assertionmust be borne in mind to understand the difficulties met by the independentleaders, who had to fight not only against the Spanish army, which was inreality never very large, but also against the natives of their own land. To regard this as an invariable condition would nevertheless lead to error, for at times, under proper guidance, the natives would pass to the files ofthe insurgent leaders and fight against the Spaniards. 

Furthermore, it is necessary to remember that education was very limitedin the Spanish colonies; that in some of them printing had not beenintroduced, and that its introduction was discouraged by the publicauthority; and that public opinion, which even at this time is so poorlydeveloped, was very frequently poorly informed in colonial times, ordid not exist, unless we call public opinion a mass of prejudices, superstitions and erroneous habits of thinking fostered by interests, either personal or of the government. 

This was the condition of the Spanish American countries at the beginningof the nineteenth century, full of agitation and conflicting ideas, whennew plans of life for the people were being elaborated and put intopractice as experiments on which many men founded great hopes and whichmany others feared as forerunners of a general social disintegration. 

CHAPTER II

_Bolívar's Early Life. Venezuela's First Attempt to Obtain Self-Government_

(1783-1810)

Simón Bolívar was born in the city of Caracas on the twenty-fourth day ofJuly, 1783; his father was don Juan Vicente Bolívar, and his mother, doñaMaría de la Concepción Palacios y Blanco. His father died when Simón wasstill very young, and his mother took excellent care of his education. Histeacher, afterwards his intimate friend, was don Simón Rodríguez, a man ofstrange ideas and habits, but constant in his affection and devotion to hisillustrious pupil. 

Bolívar's family belonged to the Spanish nobility, and in Venezuela wascounted in the group called Mantuano, or noble. They owned great tracts ofland and lived in comfort, associating with the best people, among whomthey were considered leaders. 

The early youth of Bolívar was more or less like that of the other boys ofhis city and station, except that he gave evidence of a certain precocityand nervousness of action and speech which distinguished him as anenthusiastic and somewhat idealistic boy. 

Misfortune taught Bolívar its bitter lessons when he was still young. Atfifteen years of age he lost his mother. Then his uncle and guardian, donCarlos Palacios, sent him to Madrid to complete his education. The boat onwhich he made the trip left La Guaira on January 17, 1799, and stopped atVera Cruz. This enabled young Simón Bolívar to go to Mexico City and othertowns of New Spain. In the capital of the colony he was treated in amanner becoming his social standing, and met the highest offícials of thegovernment. The viceroy had several conversations with him, and admiredhis wit; but it finally alarmed him when the boy came to talk on politicalquestions and, with an assurance superior to his age, defended the freedomof the American colonies. 

Bolívar lived in Madrid with his relatives, and had occasion to be in touchwith the highest members of the court, and even with the King, Charles IV, and the Queen. There he met a young lady named María Teresa Toro, whoseuncle, the Marquis of Toro, lived in Caracas and was a friend of the youngman. He fell in love with her, but as he was only seventeen years old, theMarquis of Ustáriz, who was in charge of Bolívar in Madrid, advised him todelay his plans for an early marriage. 

In 1801 Bolívar went to Paris, where he found Napoleon Bonaparte, as FirstConsul, undertaking his greatest labors of social reorganization afterthe long period of anarchy through which France had passed following theRevolution. Bonaparte was one of the most admired men at that time. Hehad come back from Egypt and Syria, had been victorious at Marengo andHohenlinden, and had just signed the Peace of Lunéville. One does notwonder that Bolívar should admire him and that his letters should containmany expressions of enthusiasm about the great man of Europe. 

In the same year he returned to Madrid and married María Teresa Toro, deciding to go back at once to Venezuela with his wife, to live peacefully, attending to his own personal business and property. But again fate dealthim a hard blow and shattered all the dreams and plans of the young man. His virtuous wife died in January, 1803, ten months after their arrival inCaracas. He had not yet reached his twenty-first year, and had already lostfather, mother and wife. His nerves became steeled and his heart preparedfor great works, for works requiring the concentration of mind which can begiven only by men who have no intimate human connections or obligations. Asa South American orator lately declared:[1] "Neither Washington nor Bolívarwas destined to have children of his own, so that we Americans might callourselves their children. "

Bolívar decided immediately to leave for Europe. Nothing could keep him inhis own country. He had loved his wife and his wife only could have led himto accept a life of ease and comfort. He decided never to marry again and, perhaps to assuage the pain in his heart, he decided to devote his timeto the study of the great problems of his country, and to bend all hisenergies and strength to their solution. At the end of 1803, he was againin Madrid, giving his wife's father the sad news of their great loss. 

[Footnote 1: Atilano Carnevali, on the occasion of placing a wreath beforeWashington's statue in Caracas, July 4, 1920. ]

From Madrid, Bolívar went to Paris, and was in the city when the Empirewas established. All the admiration the man of the Republic had won fromBolívar immediately crumbled to dust before the young American. "SinceNapoleon has become a king, " said Bolívar, "his glory to me seems likethe brilliancy of hell. " He did not attend the ceremony of Napoleon'scoronation, and made him the object of bitter attacks when among his ownfriends. He never hesitated to speak of the liberty of America with all hisacquaintances, who enjoyed his conversation in spite of the ideas that hesupported. 

In the spring of 1805 he went on a walking tour to Italy, with his teacherand friend, don Simón Rodríguez. In Milan he saw Napoleon crowned as Kingof Italy, and then witnessed a great parade passing before the FrenchEmperor. All these royal ceremonies increased his hatred of monarchy. 

From Milan he went to Florence, Venice, Rome and Naples, studyingeverything, informing himself of all the currents of public opinion, anddreaming of what he intended to accomplish for his own people. While inRome, he and his teacher went to Mount Aventin. There they denounced in anintimate talk the oppression of peoples and discussed the liberty of theirnative Venezuela. When their enthusiasm had reached its highest pitch, theyoung dreamer took the hand of his master, and at that historic spot, hemade a solemn vow to free his country. 

From Italy, he came to the United States, where he visited Boston, NewYork, Philadelphia and other towns, sailing from Charleston for Venezuela. He arrived in Caracas at the end of 1806. 

Upon his return home, Bolívar devoted himself to the care and improvementof his estate. Yet his ideas continued to seethe, especially when theconstant spectacle of the state of affairs in Venezuela stimulated thisferment of his mind. 

Among the American colonies, Venezuela was not considered by Spain as oneof the most important. Mexico and Perú, celebrated by their production ofmineral wealth, were those which attracted most of the attention of theSpaniards. Venezuela was apparently poor, and certainly did not contributemany remittances of gold and silver to the mother country. It had beenorganized as a captaincy general in 1731, after having been governed indifferent ways and having had very little communication with Spain. It issaid that from 1706 to 1722, not a single boat sailed from any Venezuelanport for Spain. Commercial intercourse between the provinces was forbidden, and local industries could not prosper because the purchase of the productsof Spanish industries was compulsory for the natives, at prices set afterall transportation expenses and high taxes were taken into account. Thecolonists were oppressed by taxes and kept in ignorance. 

This state of affairs had produced a latent feeling of irritation and adesire for a change. The native white population read the books of theFrench philosophers, especially those of Rousseau and Montesquieu. Theideas proclaimed by the United States of America and those preached by themost radical men of the French Revolution were smuggled in and known inspite of prohibition. 

At the middle of the eighteenth century, there had been a movement againstthe Compañía Guipuzcoana, established about 1730, and which greatlyoppressed the people. This movement failed and its leaders were severelypunished. 

At the end of the eighteenth century, Spain allied herself with England tofight against France. This war ended in 1795 with the Treaty of Basel, by which Spain lost Santo Domingo to France. A year later, Spain alliedherself with France against England, and the disastrous war which followedresulted in the loss of the island of Trinidad to England, by the Treatyof Amiens, in 1802. France and England used these possessions to fosterrevolutions in the Spanish colonies. 

In 1797 a conspiracy was started in Caracas, but it too failed. Some of itsleaders received death sentences, others were expelled from the country andothers were imprisoned. In Mexico, in Perú and in the southernmost part ofthe continent, men were working in favor of the idea of freedom. 

In Europe, at this time, there was a very prominent Venezuelan, donFrancisco Miranda, who had played an important rôle in the world eventsof that period. Miranda was born in Caracas, came to the North Americancolonies, and fought under Washington against the English power. Afterwardshe went to Europe and fought in the armies of revolutionary France, attaining the rank of general. His friends were among the mostdistinguished men in Europe in political position or internationalachievement. He talked to them tirelessly, trying to convert them to theidea of the necessity for emancipating the countries of America. He failedto receive the attention he desired in England, and came to America. In NewYork he prepared an expedition and went to Venezuela, arriving there inMarch of 1806, with three boats, some arms, ammunition and men. He foundthe Spaniards prepared, and was defeated, losing two of his ships and manymen as prisoners. He escaped with the other boat to Trinidad. In the WestIndies he obtained the help of an English admiral, Sir A. Cochrane, andwith larger forces returned to Venezuela, landing at Coro, which he tookin August, 1806. But there he found the greatest enemy with which he andBolívar had to contend, and that was the lack of the sanction of publicopinion. Men whom Miranda had expected to increase his army failed toappear, and perhaps this indifference was aggravated by the antipathy withwhich the natives saw the foreign element which predominated in Miranda'sarmy. Lacking the support of the people and the reserves which Miranda hadexpected to get from the English colony of Jamaica, he withdrew and went toLondon, altogether discouraged. 

At that time great changes had occurred in Spain. Charles IV, its weakmonarch, saw the French army invading his country under the pretense ofgoing to Portugal, and feared that Napoleon would end by wresting theSpanish throne from him. If he allied himself with Napoleon, Englandcould easily seize America, and should he ally himself with England, hewould make an enemy of Napoleon, who already was in possession of Spainitself. The Crown Prince of Spain, Fernando, was intriguing against hisfather, and Charles IV had him imprisoned. Then it was discovered thatthe Prince was in treacherous relations with the ministers of Napoleon. The King complained to the French Emperor, who persuaded him to forgiveand release his son. Meanwhile, the French army was advancing into Spainwhile the English were fomenting among the Spanish people the hatred forthe French. The latter availed themselves of their advantageous positionand, feeling sure of their strength in Spanish lands, demanded from theCourt the cession of the northern section of Spain contiguous toPortugal. Rumors ran wild in the Court, and it was even said that themonarch and his family would leave Spain for Mexico. A favorite of theKing, named Manuel Godoy, received the greatest blame for thissituation, and Fernando, the Crown Prince, being the main antagonist ofGodoy, was regarded as the champion of Spanish right and was loved bythe Spanish people. The people rose and demanded that Godoy should bedelivered to them. In March, 1808, the King abdicated and Fernando wasproclaimed King. But the abdication was insincere, and Charles IV wroteto Napoleon that he had been compelled to take that action, certain thatif he did not do so, he and the Queen would perish. Not content withthis communication, Charles IV went to Bayonne to meet Napoleon, wherehis son Fernando had been invited by Napoleon to meet him. There one ofthe most disgraceful episodes in Spanish history occurred. Fernandorenounced his rights to his father, and then his father renounced hisrights and those of his family to Napoleon and to whomever he mightselect to rule. Napoleon immediately made his brother Joseph King ofSpain. This occurred in May, 1808. The Spanish people had never beentaken into consideration in all these dealings. But they wanted to beconsidered and they decided that they would be. Murat was governor inMadrid, and on May 2 the people rebelled against him. Great ensued. Though the rebellion was suppressed, the fire burning in the Spanishsoul was not extinguished. Everywhere _juntas provinciales_ (provincialassemblies) were organized against the intruder; they allied themselveswith England and declared that Fernando VII was the legitimate King ofSpain and that the nation was at war with France. In order to unify theactions of the different juntas, a central junta was established inAranjuez on September 25, 1808. 

All these events had a tremendous effect in the American colonies. Newswas received in Venezuela of the abdication of Charles and Fernando, withorders to the colonies to recognize the new government. But at the sametime an English boat sent by Admiral Cochrane arrived, and announced to theVenezuelan authorities the establishment of the juntas and the organizationof resistance to the French. The authorities concluded to obey the ordersbrought by the French messengers, but the people rose in Caracas as inSpain, went to the city council and forced it to proclaim Fernando VIIthe legitimate monarch of Spain, thus starting a revolution, which in itsinception had all the appearance of loyalty to the reigning house of Spain, but which very soon was transformed into a real movement of emancipation. 

Some days later the city council asked the governor to establish a juntain Caracas, similar to those already established in Spain. The Spanishauthorities wanted to have recognized the supremacy of the junta assembledin Seville, Spain, which had assumed the name of Supreme Junta of Spain andher Colonies. The Venezuelans insisted that they should have a junta inCaracas, and in order to foster this idea the most prominent leaders ofpublic thought met secretly at the house of Simón Bolívar. Most of theconspirators were young men, united by strong ties of friendship or family. Among them were the Marquis of Toro and don José Félix Ribas, a relative ofBolívar, two very distinguished men. The meetings were sometimes held atthe house of Ribas. It was not long before they were discovered. Theydetermined to petition for the establishment of a junta in Caracas. Theauthorities ordered them to be put into prison; and in spite of theirefforts, the Supreme Junta of Spain and her Colonies was recognized inJanuary, 1809. The Junta Central declared in that same month that allthe Spanish colonies formed part of the Spanish monarchy itself, whichstatement apparently was a declaration of equality. However, in fact, itwas not so, since the elections of deputies to the junta were not to bemade by the people but by the captain general, advised by the city council. The representation was also very disproportionate. The deputies for Spainwere to number 36 while those for America only 12. 

In May of that year, a new captain general, don Vicente Emparan, arrived inVenezuela. This man was more imperious than his predecessors had been, andimmediately alienated the good will of the city council and the audiencia. He set up still greater obstacles to commerce, sent many prominent men intoexile, declared criminals those who received printed matter from abroad, and established an organized system of espionage. 

In 1810, when Emparan was exercising his power with the strongest hand, thepatriots were meeting in the country wherever they could under differentpretexts, in order to organize themselves and to work for their ideals. Bolívar was on the point of being exiled; many prominent men were eitherimprisoned or sent out of Caracas. The French armies seemed to conquer allopposition in Spain, and the Junta Central had been forced to take refugein Cádiz. Rumors were circulated that Cádiz had fallen into the hands ofthe French. Then the patriots decided to wait no longer, and Bolívar, Ribasand other friends planned to take immediate steps. 

On the morning of April 19, 1810, Holy Thursday, the city council assembledto attend the religious services in the cathedral, and Emparan was invitedto be present. Before leaving for the service, the council told thegovernor that it was necessary to establish in Venezuela a government ofits own in order to defend the country and the rights of the legitimatemonarch. The governor answered that he would consider the matter after theservice, and left the council. On arriving at the church he was stopped bya patriot called Francisco Salias who asked him to return to the council, declaring that the public welfare so required. Emparan saw that the troopswere not ready to support him and, willingly or not, went back to thehall, where he yielded to everything that was proposed to him. Emparan wasdeposed and the first locally chosen government of Spanish America wasestablished. The principle that the provinces of America possessed theright of self-government, since no general government existed, wasproclaimed. 

CHAPTER III

_The Declaration of Independence, July 5, 1811. Miranda's Failure_

(1811-1812)

The first acts of the Junta were acts of moderation and wisdom. Emparan andother Spanish authorities were expelled from the country. The Spaniardswere assured that they would be treated as brothers, with the sameconsideration as all Americans. The Junta sent notice of this movement tothe other countries of the continent in the following lofty words:

 "Venezuela has placed herself in the number of free nations, and hastens to give advice of this event to her neighbors so that, if the aspirations of the new world are in accord with hers, they might give her help in the great and very difficult career she has undertaken. 'Virtue and moderation' have been our motto. 'Fraternity, union and generosity' should be yours, so that these great principles combined may accomplish the great work of raising America to the political dignity which so rightly belongs to her. "

The tributes formerly paid by the Indians were abolished. The alcabala, anexcessive tax on sales, was also suppressed. The introduction of slaves wasforbidden. Different branches of the government were organized. 

One of the first works of the Junta was to send emissaries to the severalprovinces of the old captaincy general to invite them to unite with Caracasin the movement. It was the first government of Spanish America to initiatediplomatic missions abroad. Among her envoys we find Simón Bolívarrepresenting Venezuela at London. 

Most of the provinces followed the example given by Caracas, but some ofthem did not take that action, and among these were Coro and Maracaibo, which exercised powerful influence against the movement for liberty. Theemissaries who went to Maracaibo were even sent to Porto Rico to be triedthere as rebels and were sentenced to prison in that colony. 

Among the diplomatic representatives, some were well received and somewere ignored. Bolívar was very highly praised by the London authorities, although he could obtain no substantial assistance because of a treaty ofalliance then existing between England and Spain. Bolívar worked not onlyas a diplomat, but he also wrote and published articles of propagandato acquire friends for the cause he represented, and from the first hisinfluence was felt all over the continent, especially when he was able togive substantial help to the representatives from Buenos Aires, who went toLondon to secure the alliance and friendship of England. 

The attitude of Venezuela was not only generous and conciliatory, but itwas even inspired by a great regard for Spain. The junta declared itselfready to send help to Spain in her fight against the intruder, and alsooffered the Venezuelan soil as a refuge for those who might despair of thesalvation and freedom of the mother country. The Council of Regency whichhad been established in Spain, instead of thanking Venezuela for her offer, declared the Venezuelans insurgents, rebels and traitors, and submitted theprovince of Caracas to a strict blockade. This decision on the part of theCouncil served to arouse the Venezuelans and to change the ends of themovement. The sea became infested with privateers and pirates and, withinthe country, royalist agencies promoted war and insurrection. Towns whichhad declared themselves in favor of the Junta were destroyed by theroyalists, and everywhere the situation was very difficult for all whohad expressed any sympathy with the new régime. Nevertheless, the newauthorities persevered in their purpose to show loyalty to FernandoVII, and tried by all means to avoid bloodshed. Even with regard to thegovernors of Coro and Maracaibo, Caracas tried persuasion rather thanforce. The uncompromising attitude of the Regency, however, indicatedclearly that the Venezuelans could not expect to effect any agreement withSpain. Bolívar, thinking that he could be more useful in his own countrythan in London, decided to return to Venezuela, but he did not go backalone. We have mentioned before that General Miranda was then living inLondon. Bolívar invited him to return to Venezuela to help the cause offreedom, for he deemed him the ablest man to lead the movement. He gave himthe hospitality of his own home and praised him generously, increasing hispopularity. 

Miranda was very well received, and the Junta at once appointedhim Lieutenant General. At that time the Venezuelans were electingrepresentatives to Congress, and Miranda was elected deputy from one of thecities of the East. Congress entered into session March 2nd with forty-fourmembers, representing seven provinces, and its very first decision was toappoint three men to exercise the executive power and a council to sit forpurposes of consultation. Thus the first autonomous government in LatinAmerica was established. 

There were several factors active in the creation of public opinion: thepress was free, and popular orators held meetings in which they spoke ofthe new ideas and tried to prepare the people for the new institutions. Special mention should be made of the Sociedad Patriótica (PatrioticSociety) whose promoters and leaders were Miranda and Bolívar. Thisassociation worked constantly for absolute freedom, putting forward asan example the independence of the North American colonies. Somerepresentatives distrusted the association, considering it as a rival ofCongress, but Bolívar relieved their fears by an inspired address deliveredon July 3, 1811, which might be considered as the beginning of his careeras a great orator. He denounced the apathy of the deputies, denied thatthere were two congresses, and among other things said:

 "What do we care if Spain submits to Napoleon Bonaparte, if we have decided to be free? Let us without fear lay the corner-stone of South American freedom. To hesitate is to die. "

Obeying these feelings, the association sent a memorandum to Congress, which was read on July 4, 1811. The following day this assembly proclaimedthe independence of Venezuela. The document contained an exposition of thewrongs suffered by the colony, a decision to live and to die free, and thepledge of seven provinces to sacrifice the lives and fortunes of theirinhabitants in this great work. On that same day the national flag ofVenezuela was adopted, one containing three horizontal stripes: yellow, blue and red. 

Up to this time the revolution had been peaceful and bloodless, but nowthe royalists of Valencia, a very important city to the west of Caracas, rebelled against the new institutions and asked help from the governors ofCoro and Maracaibo. Miranda besieged and took the city, Bolívar fightingon his side. Insurrections broke out in other places and were speedilyrepressed. In some cities the new state of affairs was welcomed with greatjoy. The obvious political needs became the object of study of the newCongress. From the beginning the federal system and the central systemappeared in opposition. Bolívar was opposed to the federation, arguing thatthe people of Venezuela were still ignorant and unable to understand theobligations of a federation. At last the partisans of the federationmovement were victorious, and Venezuela adopted a federal constitution, inwhich the most advanced principles with regard to individual rights wereincorporated. The epoch of independence was to be called the Colombianepoch, and the first country to free itself from the bond of Spain was tobe called Colombia. Colombia (from the name of Columbus) was an ideal ofthe South American patriots, and the greatest apostle of this ideal wasBolívar, as will be readily seen by this study. Valencia was selected asthe capital, and in this city the government established itself on March 1, 1812. 

The work of organizing the new government did not interrupt the royalistactivity in Venezuela nor the preparations made by Spain to suppress therevolution. The East and the Orinoco valley were in constant agitation, and we have seen that in the West, Coro and Maracaibo were on the sideof Spain, and their governors ready to send help to the enemies ofindependence. Domingo Monteverde, a Spanish naval officer, had arrived inCoro as a member of a Spanish contingent, and when the governor learnedthat a royalist conspiracy was being prepared in a town called Siquisique, he organized an expedition and gave command of the troops to Monteverde, with instructions to help the conspirators. At that place more men joinedhis troops. Transgressing the orders he had received, which were onlyto occupy the town, Monteverde constituted himself head of the army andadvanced to fight the insurgents. Luck was undeservedly on his side. OnMarch 23, 1812, he defeated a small body of patriots. 

The news of this defeat added to the effect of a natural catastrophe, whichcame directly on the heels of it, and which was painted by the fanaticroyalists as a punishment of Heaven for the uprising. In the afternoon ofMarch 26, at a moment when the churches were filled with people, for it wasHoly Thursday, there occurred a violent earthquake in Venezuela. Caracas, La Guaira and many other towns were reduced to ruins, and some smalldwellings entirely disappeared. It was pointed out that the towns punishedby the earthquake were those that had shown themselves as favoringindependence. Whole bodies of troops were buried. In a church of Caracas, the coat-of-arms of Spain had been painted on one of the pillars, and theearthquake destroyed the whole building with the exception of that onepillar. Orators went out into the streets to proclaim that this wasunmistakably the result of divine anger because of the rebellion of thepeople against Fernando VII, "the anointed of God. "

In this cataclysm, Bolívar distinguished himself in Caracas, going hitherand thither among the ruins, counteracting with his words the effect of thespeeches of the royalists and assisting to dig out of the debris corpsesand the wounded, giving the latter first aid. 

The advance of Monteverde was substantially helped by this earthquake. Manysoldiers of the patriots' army had died in their armories and otherson their way to fight the enemy and on parade grounds. All the patriotgovernment had was reduced to practically nothing in a moment. Monteverdecontinued to advance eastward, and took the important town of Barquisimeto, where he received a large contingent of men, who flocked to him fearful ofthe divine anger. His lieutenants were meeting with success in differentfields and he himself soon entered the city of San Carlos. 

On the 4th of April, there occurred a second earthquake which lasted eighthours, and which destroyed the little remaining courage of those who werenot heart and soul with the movement of emancipation. 

[Illustration: MAP TO FOLLOW BOLÍVAR'S CAMPAIGNS

(The boundary lines of Colombia are taken from Codazzi's Atlas, 1821-1823. The other boundaries are taken from Rand McNally's Atlas, 1919. ) **note:illustration spans two pages. ]

In the midst of these difficulties, the executive power appointed GeneralFrancisco Miranda supreme commander of all the forces of the Republic, onland and sea, and the government withdrew from Valencia to the town of LaVictoria, situated between Valencia and Caracas. Miranda went to Caracas toobtain some resources, and while there associated Bolívar with him in thearmy. Later, Miranda sent him to Puerto Cabello, while Monteverde seizedValencia, the capital of the country. 

Various events continued to favor Monteverde, and when Miranda came backto besiege Valencia, Monteverde was so successful that the independentmilitary commander saw himself forced to take a defensive attitude insteadof an offensive one. From that moment, Miranda committed error after error, all of which resulted in victories for the fortunate Spanish leader. Thepatriots grew distrustful of their chief, who withdrew to La Victoria. There he was attacked by Monteverde, but defeated him. This victory availedthe patriots little, for Miranda did not want to abandon his defensiveposition. He had 12, 000 men and could have destroyed his enemy, but hepreferred to wait. Meanwhile, Bolívar was requesting help to defend PuertoCabello, where there were deposited many provisions, and also to attackMonteverde by the rear. Miranda refused assistance. Monteverde, upon beingdefeated in a second attack on La Victoria, withdrew in the direction ofPuerto Cabello. Already one of the forts had hoisted the Spanish flag. Monteverde was successful, and Bolívar sailed for La Guaira. The loss ofPuerto Cabello, and other facts which need not be mentioned here, decidedMiranda to capitulate, at a time when he was still stronger than his enemy. The capitulation was ratified in La Victoria by Miranda on the 25th ofJuly, 1812. The following day Monteverde occupied the city and on the 30thhe entered Caracas. 

All the patriots denounced Miranda for the capitulation, which meant thedissolution of the army and the abandonment of all the elements which hadso raised their hopes. 

Bolívar, who, ignorant of the capitulation, had arrived in Caracas onhis way to join Miranda, decided to return to La Guaira and to emigrate, resolved never to submit to the Spanish rule. Before departing, he issued aproclamation denouncing emphatically the action of Miranda, and the conductof Monteverde who had transgressed the laws of war by encouraging thebarbarous actions of the undisciplined crowds which, in the interior ofthe country, were committing all kinds of atrocities. Monteverde had alsoviolated the articles of the capitulation stipulating that the lives andproperties of the inhabitants should be respected and that there shouldfollow a general oblivion of all past actions. 

Bolívar was in La Guaira when Miranda arrived there with many otherofficers who were escaping persecution from Monteverde. The generalissimointended to remain in La Guaira that night, sailing from there thefollowing day. That evening the most prominent men of the city assembledand denounced the supreme commander for his conduct. Among the most bitterjudges of Miranda was Bolívar, the man who had asked the London exile toreturn to Venezuela to work for liberty in his country. The word treacherywas uttered and all agreed to imprison Miranda, a culpable action performedon the morning of July 31. That same day the port of La Guaira was closedby order of Monteverde, and the most distinguished patriots who fell intohis hands were sent to prison, and cruel persecutions were exercisedeverywhere. A committee of public safety was established and immediatelythe prisons of Caracas and Puerto Cabello were filled with men, many ofwhom died of suffocation. Into a dungeon in Puerto Cabello, a Spaniardthrew five flasks of alkali, thus causing the death by asphyxiation of allthe prisoners locked there. 

The properties of the leading citizens were seized. It was enough to havemeans of comfortable livelihood to be denounced as an enemy of Spain. Themost peaceful men were dragged from their homes, and the tears of wives andchildren never moved to pity Monteverde's agents. 

Miranda, a prisoner in Puerto Cabello, appealed in vain to the audienciaagainst these crimes. From Puerto Cabello he was sent to Porto Rico andfinally to Cádiz, where he was locked in a fortress called la Carraca. There he died on July 14, 1816, his remains being thrown with the corpsesof common criminals. Such was the end of the noble man who had been theguest of Catherine II of Russia, a soldier of Washington and a general ofthe French Republic. He spent his last days in a dungeon, chained tothe wall like a dog. Venezuela has erected in the Pantheon of Caracas abeautiful marble monument in the shape of a coffin, the cover of which isheld open by the claws of a majestic eagle, waiting for the remains of thegreat Venezuelan, who committed errors, it is true, but whose devotion tohis country has never been doubted and whose martyrdom, and the fortitudewith which he bore it, place him among the noblest characters of history. 

Bolívar remained in La Guaira for a short while, but inactivity wasdistasteful. Through the efforts of a Spanish friend, he obtained apassport from Monteverde and left the port for Curaçao at the end ofAugust. 

This action marks the end of the first part of Bolívar's life, his restlessyouth, the preparation for struggles through sorrow and patient study, hismilitary training under Miranda, and the clarification in his mind of thesupreme purposes to which he was going to devote his life, no longer in asecondary position, but as a leader, a commanding figure on the Americancontinent. 

CHAPTER IV

_Bolívar's First Expedition. The Cruelty of War_

(1812-1813)

After the entrance of Monteverde in Caracas and the ensuing persecutions, all Venezuela could be considered as reconquered for Spain, and it seemedthat all was lost for the cause of independence. The disobedience ofMonteverde, who, as we have remarked before, had no instructions tocontinue the campaign, had been forgiven and rewarded, for it had beensanctioned by success. Until the end of 1812, Caracas was treatedhigh-handedly and was very cruelly punished for all interest it hadmanifested in, and all support it had given to, the cause of independence. 

Bolívar joined some patriots in Curaçao, where he remained until Octoberin the company of his relative and loyal friend, José Félix Ribas. He thensailed for Cartagena, a city of New Granada which at that time was freefrom Spain, and offered his service to the Repúblican government of thatcity. Bolívar was made colonel under a Frenchman called Pedro Labatut. 

In Cartagena, Bolívar continued to write, supporting his idea that the onlysalvation for the colonies lay in war with Spain. At the end of that yearhe published a memorandum of so great importance that it can be consideredas the first real revelation of his true genius. He explained the reasonsfor the defeat of Venezuela, and set them forth as a lesson of the urgentneed of unity and firmness on the part of the American colonies. Hedenounced the weakness of the first government, evidenced in the treatmentaccorded Coro, which was not conquered immediately, but was permitted tobe fortified so as to defy the whole federation and finally to destroy it. Recognizing the lack of friendly public opinion, he denounced the junta fornot being ready to free the "stupid peoples who do not know the value oftheir rights. "

 "The codes consulted by our magistrates, " he wrote, "were not those which could teach them the practical science of government, but those formed by certain idealists who build republics in the air and try to obtain political perfection, presupposing the perfection of the human race, in such a way that we have philosophers as leaders, philanthropy instead of law, dialectic instead of tactics, and sophists instead of soldiers. With this subversion of things, social order was shaken up, and from its very beginning advanced with rapid strides towards universal dissolution, which very soon was effected. "

He emphasized the necessity for regular soldiers, trained to fight andexperienced enough to know that a single defeat does not mean the loss ofall hope, and that "ability and constancy correct misfortune. " He denouncedthe misuse of public funds and declared himself against state paper moneynot guaranteed, pointing out that such a currency was a clear violationof the right of property, since men who had objects of real value hadto exchange them for paper, the price of which was uncertain and evenimaginary. Acknowledging that the federal system was the best, he declaredthat it was the most inadequate for the good of the new states. He addedthat, "as yet our fellow citizens are not in a condition fully to exercise their rights, for they lack the political virtues which characterise a true republic, and which cannot be acquired under an absolute government where the rights and obligations of citizens are ignored. "

In another part he said, "It is necessary that the government identify itself, so to speak, with the circumstances, times and men surrounding it. If they are prosperous and calm, the government must be mild and protective, but if they are calamitous and turbulent, the government must show itself terrible and must arm itself with a firmness equal to the dangers, without paying heed to laws or constitution, until peace is reestablished. "

Bolívar well understood the character of his people when he declared

 "Public elections performed by the ignorant peasants and by the intriguing inhabitants of the city are an obstacle to the practice of federation among us, because the former are so ignorant that vote like machines, and the latter are so ambitious that they make everything into factions. For these reasons Venezuela has never k a free and reasonable election and the government has fallen into the hands of men, either opposed to the cause, weak or immoral. Partisan spirit decided everything and, consequently, it disorganized us more than circumstances did. Our divisions, and not the Spanish Army, brought us back to slavery. "

Summarizing the causes of the fall of Venezuela, he attributed it inthe first place to the nature of its constitution; secondly, to thediscouragement of the government and people; thirdly, to the oppositionto the establishment of a regular military organization; fourthly, toearthquakes and superstitions strengthened by those calamities, and fifthlyand lastly to

 "the internal dissensions, which, in fact, were the deadly poison which carried the country to its doom. "

Then he appealed with persuasive eloquence to Nueva Granada for help, arguing that it was indispensable for Nueva Granada to reobtain the freedomof Caracas, pointing out that as Coro, as an enemy, had been enough todestroy the whole of Venezuela, so Venezuela as a center of Spanishpower would suffice to recover Nueva Granada for the Spanish crown. Thepossession of Caracas by Spain was a danger for all Spanish America. Thenhe showed the possibility of a military undertaking, starting from NuevaGranada, and expressed his faith that thousands of valiant patriots wouldjoin the ranks of the army of liberty as soon as it set foot in Venezuela. He gave the details of the proposed campaign, and finished with a mosteloquent and forceful appeal in the following words:

 "The honor of Nueva Granada imperatively requires the punishment of the daring invaders, their persecution to the last trenches. Her glory will be the undertaking of going to Venezuela, and freeing the birthplace of Colombian independence and its martyrs, and that worthy people of Caracas, whose clamors are addressed to their beloved fellow patriots of Nueva Granada, for whom they are waiting with deadly impatience as for their redeemers. Let us hasten to break the chains of those victims who moan in the dungeons, ever expecting their salvation from you. Do not betray their confidence, do not be heedless of the lamentations of your brothers. Be eager to avenge the dead, to bring back to life the dying, to relieve the oppressed and to give liberty to all. "

This noteworthy document was published in Cartagena, on December 15, 1812, and presents Bolívar as he was in the maturity of his life, as a thinker, apostle, general, and practical statesman; it shows him as the man destinedto give liberty to five countries. This proclamation is the first fulldisplay of Bolívar's genius. 

Bolívar was sent to command a small place where he had to be inactive. Heprepared an expedition against the city of Tenerife, considered one of thestrongest in Nueva Granada and which prevented the free navigation of theMagdalena River. He left with only 400 men and seized the castle abandonedby the garrison, thus obtaining some artillery, boats and war material. Following his success, the government of Cartagena placed him in fullcommand of his own army and gave him orders to conquer the upper Magdalena. Bolívar accomplished this with only 500 men, freeing the east bank ofthe river. When he arrived at Ocaña, he was received amidst the greatestenthusiasm. He had won five victories in five days. 

The Congress of Nueva Granada was holding its meetings in the city ofTunja. Bolívar got in touch with it and received instructions to lead anexpedition against Cúcuta and Pamplona. He started out with 400 men anda few spare rifles to arm patriots who might join the ranks. With thegreatest alacrity he advanced, defeating several detachments on the way. Hefinally attacked the city of Cúcuta, where 800 royalists were awaiting theattack of his men. On the 28th of February, after a bloody fight, Bolívartook the city and considerably increased his supply of war implements. The royalists occupying Pamplona and neighboring towns evacuated theirpossessions upon learning of the defeat of the royalists of Cúcuta. Onsending communications to the governor of Cartagena, Bolívar dated them inthe city of "Cúcuta delivered" (libertada). His habit of adding the word"libertada" to the cities captured from the royalists contributed greatlyto his later receiving the name of "Libertador, " by which he is mostgenerally known in history. 

As soon as he entered Venezuelan territory, he declared that on that veryday Venezuela had returned to life. Addressing the soldiers, he said:

 "In less than two months you have carried out two campaigns and have begun a third one, which commences here and which must end in the country which gave me life. "

He regarded his two previous campaigns merely as an introduction to thethird, and most important for him, whose supreme ambition was to obtainonce again the freedom of Venezuela. At the close of the address to thesoldiers, we find these words:

 "All America expects its liberty and salvation from you, brave soldiers of Cartagena and of the Union. " (The Union of Nueva Granada. )

These words indicate that he was thinking not in local terms, but in termsof Greater America. 

The government of the Union promoted him to the rank of brigadier generaland conferred upon him the honorary title of citizen of Nueva Granada. Heasked immediate authority to use the troops of the Union to continuehis march, until he could recover the ruins of Caracas. To convince thegovernment he repeated the arguments put forth in the proclamation ofCartagena, tending to prove that the freedom of Venezuela was essentialto the continued liberty of Nueva Granada. He insisted so eloquentlyon receiving permission to advance, that at last he obtained it, withauthorization to occupy the southwestern provinces of Venezuela: Mérida andTrujillo. In thanking the executive power for this privilege, he evidencedhis confidence in his future triumph by the following words, addressed tothe president:

 "I ask Your Excellency to send the answer to this communication to Trujillo: I shall receive it there. "

Bolívar started his campaign from San Cristóbal on the 15th of May, 1813, with 800 men. The royalists had 15, 000 and sufficient resources to equip6, 000 additional men. The work of the young warrior seemed a dream; perhapsno wise general would have undertaken that campaign, but Bolívar was abovecommon wisdom; he had the power of making the most beautiful dreams cometrue. Among the men who accompanied him were many who have received thegreatest honors history can confer. Two of them may be noted here, for weshall have occasion to mention them again very soon; they are AtanasioGirardot and Antonio Ricaurte. 

Upon his approach to Mérida, the royalists, numbering 1, 000, left the city, and Bolívar took it on the 30th of May without any opposition. He wasreceived with enthusiasm as the liberator of Venezuela. The general beganat once to attend to the organization of the emancipated territory, andto increase the strength of his army. He sent some men to attack theretreating Spaniards, and Girardot to occupy the province of Trujillo. Theroyalists escaped to Maracaibo and, on the 14th of June, Bolívar was inTrujillo, reorganizing the province. From there he sent Girardot to pursuethe royalists. 

On the next day Bolívar took an action which has been the subject of manydebates, and which some writers consider is the one stain in the career ofthe great man of the South. We must devote a few lines to frank discussionof this subject, not neglecting to declare immediately that in our mindsthere has never been the slightest doubt that Bolívar was right in hisconduct, and that a different action would have been the height of folly. Bolívar proclaimed "War to Death to the Spaniards, " considering the conductof Monteverde, the savage crimes committed in the interior cities ofVenezuela, the many instances in which the Spanish authorities had shown anutter disrespect for the sanctity of treaties and the lives and propertiesof enemies who had surrendered, and even of peaceful natives, these actscoupled with documents like the proclamation published by a Spanishgovernor of a province in which he stated that his troops would notgive quarter to those who surrendered. The documents proving that thisproclamation had been issued were received by Bolívar in Trujillo. InBolívar's mind this idea was a permanent obsession: "Americans are dyingbecause they are Americans, whether or not they fight for Americanfreedom. " He took into account the long list of crimes committed, theharmless citizens, women and children who had died, the barbarousasphyxiation of the prisoners in Puerto Cabello, the horrors committed onthe peaceful inhabitants of Caracas, and even the atrocities perpetrated bythe royalist armies in Mexico and other parts of the continent. He recalledthe leniency and mercy of the first independent government of Venezuelaand the cruelty of the Spanish authorities, and thought, not only of thereprisals necessary to punish and, if possible, to stop these cruel deeds, but also of the salutary effect of a rigorous attitude on hesitating men, and the necessity that those who had not taken part on one side or anothershould declare themselves immediately, whether they sympathized with andwere ready to help the cause of liberty, or favored a foreign régime. He was still in Mérida when in a proclamation he spoke of avenging thevictims, and threatened with war to death. But Bolívar was not only a manof genius but one of equanimity, poise, deep thought and attention. He didnot want to carry out his threats immediately, but decided to think atlength over the transcendent step he was considering. The night of the 14thof June was a night of torture for the Liberator. On the morning of the15th he himself wrote the decree of _War to Death_, and then called for anassembly of his officers to hear their opinions of this decree. Not oneof them dissented. At the close of the meeting Bolívar signed theproclamation, in which these terrible words appeared:

 "Spaniards and Natives of the Canary Islands:[1] Be sure of death even if you are indifferent. Americans: Be sure of life even if you are guilty. "

[Footnote 1: Many of the natives of the Canary Islands had distinguishedthemselves by their cruelty against the independents in Venezuela. ]

The law of war is a terrible law, and Bolívar could not but take this step, unless he preferred to wage a losing fight. 

As a measure of legitimate reprisal and as a measure of wisdom in warfare, the War to Death decree is fully justifiable. 

Regarding it as a reprisal, let us mention only two or three facts. WhenMonteverde learned of the asphyxiation of the prisoners in Puerto Cabello, he wrote to the commander of the port:

 "I strongly recommend that your activity on this point be not slackened (the expulsion of foreigners from Puerto Cabello), nor on that of the safe-keeping of the prisoners in the dungeons. If any one is to die, that is his fate. "

On the plains some towns were entirely destroyed by bands of assassins. Women and children were the victims of the royalists in a number of cities. There were occasions where men and women of all ages had their ears cutoff, were skinned alive, or in other ways cruelly tortured. A Spaniardcalled Boves distinguished himself among the worst criminals. Hesystematically organized the work of destroying Americans. His theory wasthat no American should live, and he simply destroyed them mechanically, for he thought that that was the only thing to do with them. Bolívar, himself, in a letter sent to the governor of Curaçao on October 2, 1813, makes the most eloquent exposition of facts, and shows clearly the reasonshe had for the decree of War to Death. 

Still, Bolívar did not carry out the decree of War to Death immediately, nor did he do so constantly. Whenever he found any opportunity to exercisemercy, he did so; and when he was forced to let the severity of this lawfall upon his enemy, there was generally an immediate reason for hisaction. In San Carlos, a few days after the issuance of this decree, whenaddressing the Spaniards and the Natives of the Canary Islands, he said:

 "For the last time, Spaniards and Natives of the Canary Islands, listen to the voice of justice and clemency. If you prefer our cause to that of tyrants, you will be forgiven and will enjoy your property, and honor; but if you persist in being our enemies, withdraw from our country or prepare to die. "

Several proofs are recorded of his clemency in spite of his threats; butat last, when he saw that there was no other way to bring the royalists toterms, he ordered that war be waged mercilessly. 

CHAPTER V

_Bolívar's First Victories_

(1813)

The Congress of Nueva Granada had ordered Bolívar to take Trujillo andthere to await new instructions. It was reluctant to permit him to advance, because the patriots in Nueva Granada found themselves in a difficultposition. Bolívar wrote them, showing the necessity of his advancingimmediately, in order to prevent the enemy from discovering the reducedsize of his army and destroying it. His plan was to advance steadilyagainst the royalists, to destroy them, and thus secure the freedom ofNueva Granada. Finally, the Congress yielded. 

Bolívar's situation was an exceedingly dangerous one. There was agood-sized royalist army to his right, while to his left were the oldhostile cities of Maracaibo and Coro. Before him was Monteverde with themen who had helped him to conquer Venezuela and with an abundant supplyof war material. He became so impatient that he advanced without havingreceived an answer to his last communication to Congress, crossed the Andesand, on the first of July, took the city of Guanare. Meanwhile, GeneralRibas, following Bolívar's orders, also advanced, meeting a detachment ofroyalists sent to cut off Bolívar's retreat. Ribas had less than half asmany men as his opponent, but he was a man of the stamp of his leader, andon the same day that Bolívar entered Guanare he attacked the enemy. Whenhis limited supply of ammunition was exhausted, he fought with the bayonet, and succeeded in completely destroying his foes. This battle occurred in atown called Niquitao, and is considered one of the most brilliant battlesof the War of Independence. 

Bolívar continued his rapid advance to the city of Barinas, and found itabandoned by the royalists, who had left behind artillery and ammunition. He ordered his trusted Girardot to continue the prosecution of the enemy, but they made their escape towards Venezuelan Guiana (Guayana) by means ofone of the tributaries of the Orinoco, leaving behind them a path markedwith crimes and depredations. 

Once in possession of Barinas, Bolívar reorganized the province, createdhis first troops of cavalry, instilled enthusiasm in the population andprepared himself for new steps in his brilliant career. To Ribas, heentrusted the defeat of some 1, 500 royalists whose position might hinderhis progress. With only one-third this number of men, Ribas encountered anddestroyed the enemy on the plains of Los Horcones, which victory, togetherwith that at Niquitao, did much for the success of the whole campaign. 

Leaving a detachment in Barinas, Bolívar advanced to San Carlos, which heentered on the 28th of July, and then continued onward towards Valencia. 

While Bolívar was advancing from the western border towards the heartof his country, very important events were taking place in the easternextremity. A young man named don Diego Mariño, after having madepreparations in the Island of Trinidad to fight against the Spanishdomination in his country, entered Venezuela and advanced to the city ofCumaná. There is a striking similarity in the lives and labors of Bolívarand Mariño. Both were young, both were animated by the same hatred oftyranny and the same love for independence; both knew how to arouseenthusiasm in their followers and both displayed the greatest devotion totheir friends; both were inspired by the same ambition for glory andhonor, and both realized a very important part of the first liberation ofVenezuela. 

Monteverde attacked Mariño and met with disaster, being compelled towithdraw to Caracas, where he learned of the victories of Bolívar in theWest. He immediately prepared to go personally to Valencia to stop theadvance of the independents. There he was informed of the latest triumph ofRibas. 

Bolívar advanced, destroyed in Taguanes a strong army sent to checkhim, and continued his march toward Valencia, prepared to meet a strongresistance on the part of Monteverde. Great indeed was his surprise when hefound that Monteverde had escaped toward Puerto Cabello during the night, leaving everything to the mercy of the conqueror. 

From Valencia, the victor went to Caracas, where he granted an honorablecapitulation to the city, offering passports to the Spanish soldiers andofficers and permitting them to evacuate the town in the most dignifiedway. Upon his arrival in Caracas, Bolívar. Found that soldiers andofficers, as well as about six thousand persons who considered themselvesguilty, had already escaped to La Guaira, confident that Bolívar would actas Monteverde had done in the past. 

August 6th, 1813, marks the entrance of Bolívar in Caracas, the end of thecampaign which he had begun with 500 men, --his first campaign as a general, one in which he fought six pitched battles, covered a distance of 1, 200kilometers, destroyed five hostile armies, captured 50 pieces of artilleryand three ammunition depots, and reconquered all the western part ofVenezuela, while Eastern Venezuela had been recovered by Mariño. All thiswas done within ninety days, and established forever the reputation ofBolívar as one of the most distinguished generals in history. 

Caracas received him with the highest honors. The most beautiful youngladies of the city, dressed in white, brought flowers and branches oflaurel to the conqueror; church bells were rung; flowers were strewn in hispath. Bolívar, with his usual energy, set to work at once to reestablishorder and to arrange to continue operations against La Guaira. He issueda proclamation announcing the rebirth of the Republic, and expressing hisgratitude to Nueva Granada, to whom Venezuela owed the beginning of thisundertaking. In order to avoid the necessity of fulfilling his decree ofWar to Death, he sent messengers to Puerto Cabello to ask Monteverde toratify the convention by which he granted life to all Spaniards caught inCaracas or on their way to La Guaira, but Monteverde refused, explainingthat he did not want to have any dealings with the insurgents. 

As soon as the most urgent work of organization was finished, Bolívar, whohad sent cordial congratulations to Mariño, went himself to conduct thesiege of Puerto Cabello. 

At that period, when his glory was at its greatest splendor, he made thefirst public declaration by which the world could know that he had nopersonal ambition. He, who in his youth had enjoyed all the comfortsand pleasures of life; who had had, in various parts of Venezuela, vast estates, slaves which he had set free, and all kinds of personalpossessions; and who had abandoned everything to devote his life to hisefforts in the service of his country, said these words:

 "The Liberator of Venezuela renounces forever and declines irrevocably to accept any office except the post of danger at the head of our soldiers in defense of the salvation of our country. "

And Bolívar lived up to his words. 

Monteverde held many patriots in Puerto Cabello. Bolívar proposed anexchange of prisoners, but the Spaniard steadily refused all reasonabledemands. The siege of Puerto Cabello was not altogether successful becausethe city was open to the sea and the royalist army was able to receiveprovisions. A strong expedition commanded by don José Miguel Salomónarrived from Spain to help Monteverde, and Bolívar realized that he couldnot hope to succeed unless the enemy could be drawn out of the city tofight in the open. Consequently, he ordered his troops to withdraw. Monteverde came out of the city on the 30th of September, and was attackedby three independent columns which defeated him completely. They themselvessuffered a distressing loss in the death of Colonel Girardot, who waskilled by a bullet in the forehead while hoisting in a captured positionthe flag of independence. Bolívar paid the greatest honor to Girardot, andtook the heart of his young lieutenant to Caracas to receive the homageof the people. The soldiers and followers of Girardot asked Bolívar theprivilege of being sent to avenge the young colonel. Monteverde hadestablished himself in a place which he considered impregnable. Theinsurgents attacked with all their might, and the enemy was routed. Monteverde had to withdraw to Puerto Cabello, where he was deposed by hissubordinates and Salomón was elected to take his place. His successoraccepted the exchange of prisoners, and Bolívar, leaving some troops tocontinue the siege of the port, went to Caracas, where he had to face newdifficulties. 

The communication with Nueva Granada had been cut by the Spanish troopssent from Maracaibo. In Cúcuta the royalists were committing all kinds ofbrutal deeds. It is said that assassinations were committed as the resultof bets. Children under ten years of age had their hands cut off. In theOrinoco plains, the _llanos_, Boves with his lieutenant, Morales, exceededwhatever imagination can fancy in the way of bloodthirsty cruelty. Someindependent detachments had been destroyed in the South, and severalfanatical priests were discouraging sympathizers of freedom, declaring that"The King is the representative of God. "[1]

[Footnote 1: It is necessary, at this point, to make very plain theattitude of the Catholic clergy in the wars of American independence. Ofcourse, no man of good sense and culture will today pay any attention tothe accusations against Spain, the clergy and the Inquisition, all inspiredby religious hatred, which is one of the worst forms of fanaticism. Nevertheless, there are still fanatics who refuse to open their eyes to thetruth, either because they find their ignorance a very comfortable frame ofmind or because they maliciously devote themselves to the abominable workof slandering a country and institutions which have played and are playinga very important historical rôle. 

There appears to be only one serious monograph on Simón Bolívar writtenin English, and this is an article which appeared in Harper's New MonthlyMagazine, No. 238, V. 40, published in March, 1870. This article waswritten by Eugene Lawrence, and pretends to be a eulogy of the Man of theSouth. In substance it is nothing more than a superficial synopsis of themain facts of the public life of Bolívar, and a constant and virulentattack against Spain and the Catholic Church. It would seem that to theauthor Spain is nothing, and has never been anything, but kings andpriests, and that kings and priests are a curse on the population. Thecruelties of the Spanish kings and priests constitute his main subject. Asa matter of fact, in the political revolutions of America, the priests havebeen divided and have acted like other men, availing themselves of theirright to their own opinions. The greatest proof that the Church is not totake any blame or praise for whatever happened in the War of Independenceis that it did not force its dignitaries to take any particular stand. Theydid as they pleased. There were priests on the side of Monteverde and therewere priests on the side of Bolívar. Undoubtedly, the former thoughtand preached that the will of God was to keep the American countries insubjection, while the latter might have believed that the independence ofthe American countries would satisfy the desires of God. If the Church wason the side of Spain, the Spaniards certainly failed to reward her. In aletter to the Governor of Curaçao, Bolívar wrote: "Many respectable oldmen, many venerable priests, have seen themselves in chains and in otherinfamous ways prisoners, herded with common criminals and men of the loweststamp, exposed to the insults of brutal soldiers and of the vilest menof the lowest station. " On the other hand, several priests accompaniedBolívar, and he always showed the greatest veneration for the Church andfor its members. Speaking, then, of priests exploiting the fanaticism ofthe crowd, no sober-minded historian would ever intend an attack againstthe Church in general. Furthermore, we must not forget that most of theenemies of independence were Americans, and that some publicists refuse tospeak of it as a war of independence but term the revolution a civil war. ]

Bolívar sent Brigadier General Urdaneta, who had distinguished himselfin the previous campaigns, to take charge of the army of the West. Campo-Elías, another trusted officer, was sent to the plains, while Bolívarhimself went to Caracas to pay his last homage to the heart of Girardot, anaction by which he not only honored his dead officer, but also showedhis appreciation of the help received from Nueva Granada in the work ofsecuring the independence of his country. In Caracas, Bolívar for the firsttime received officially the name of "Savior of the Country, Liberator ofVenezuela. " On receiving the decree conferring these titles upon him, he said that the title of Liberator of Venezuela was more glorious andsatisfying to him than the crowns of all the empires of the world, but thatthe real liberators had been the Congress of Nueva Granada, Ribas, Girardotand the other men who had been with him throughout the campaign. 

Bolívar was very much concerned with the increasing wave of discontentwhich threatened to destroy his work. As we said at the beginning, therewas no public opinion to support him. The masses were moved by theirfeelings, by early acquired habits, by superstitions or by lowinterests, and the _llaneros_ (inhabitants of the plains) would followany chieftain who could guarantee them sufficient loot. At only thirtyyears of age Bolívar had proved himself as great a statesman as he was asoldier. He arranged for the organization of all public services, andwhen this was attended to, he took care to satisfy the natural pride ofthe patriots, by creating an order called "The Military Order of theLiberators of Venezuela. "

CHAPTER VI

_Araure. Ribas Triumphs in La Victoria. A Wholesale Execution_

(1813-1814)

The Governor of Coro had come out of the city with 1, 300 men and haddestroyed an independent army. He now threatened the possession of Valenciaand the security of the troops engaged in the siege of Puerto Cabello. Yáñez, at the head of 2, 500 _llaneros_, had destroyed another patriot armyand had seized the city of Barinas, leaving his path strewn with corpsesand stained with the blood of his victims. 

Urdaneta sent news of his danger to the Liberator, and the latter came atonce to the rescue, and defeated in Barquisimeto the army of Coro, only tosee this victory turned to defeat as the result of a mistaken bugle orderwhich caused the retreat of one of his regiments. Urdaneta was entrustedwith the organization of the remains of the patriotic army, and Bolívarwent to Valencia to obtain new reinforcements. The Governor of Coro, D. José Ceballos by name, succeeded in getting in touch with Yáñez and theGovernor of Puerto Cabello, and concerted a combined attack. Bolívarordered Ribas, who was at that time in Caracas, to come to the rescue withall the men he could gather. The commander of Puerto Cabello, Salomón, advancing on the road which leads from Valencia to Caracas, was attacked byRibas and by Bolívar and, after three days of constant fighting, was forcedto withdraw to the port, having suffered very heavy losses. Then Bolívar, with all the men that he could summon, proceeded to San Carlos, where hefound himself with 3, 000 armed men ready to fight the royalists. With thisarmy he advanced to meet Ceballos, and met him, commanding 3, 500 men, neara place called Araure. The great battle of Araure was fought on the 5th ofDecember, 1813. At first it was costly to the insurgent armies, whichlost their best infantrymen. But the Liberator was present everywhere, encouraging his soldiers and directing their movements. At last, theindependents obtained the victory, and the royalists had to withdraw, leaving 1, 000 dead and many guns. After that battle, Ceballos and Yáñez hadto escape to the south, to the valley of the Orinoco. Bolívar's prestigewas shown at its best. 

The regiment which, through a mistake, had begun the retreat at the battleof Barquisimeto, Bolívar punished by depriving it of the right to have aflag and a name until it would conquer them in the field of battle. The"Nameless Battalion" was placed in the center of the independent forces inAraure, and ten minutes after the battle had started, it had conquered aflag from the enemy and had broken through the royalist army. From thatdate the "Nameless Battalion" was called "The Conqueror of Araure. "

The victory at Araure destroyed in one day the armies oppressing Venezuela, and was the last military triumph of 1813, a year of success for theindependent army. 

On thanking his staff for the congratulations which they addressed to him, Bolívar uttered the following significant words:

 "It is true that our armies have avenged Venezuela. The largest army which has tried to subjugate us lies destroyed on the field. But we cannot rest. Other obligations await us. And when our native is entirely free, we shall go to fight the Spaniards in any part of America where they are in control, and we shall throw them into the sea. Freedom shall live protected by our swords. "

But Bolívar's concern was increasing. He well knew that he was notsupported by public opinion, and he was also aware that the cruel crowds ofthe plains were his greatest menace. 

He sent a communication to the Congress of Nueva Granada, notifying it ofthe conquest of the West and of his preparation for war against the men ofthe plains, explaining again his attitude with regard to personal power. 

 "The possession of supreme authority, " he wrote, "so flattering for the despots of the other continent, has been for me, the lover of liberty, heavy and displeasing. "

In another he added:

 "I shall not retain any part of the authority, even if the people themselves would entrust it to me. "

His report of the 31st of December is one of the most conspicuous documentsof the life of Bolívar. It ranks as high as his proclamation of Cartagenaat the beginning of the campaign. In this report, through his Secretary ofForeign Relations, he expressed his idea about union between Nueva Granadaand Venezuela. The document appears as addressed to him, and of it thefollowing words deserve special consideration:

 "The lessons of experience should not be lost for us. The spectacle presented to us by Europe, steeped in blood in an endeavor to establish a balance which is forever changing, should correct our policy in order to save it from those bloody dangers.... Besides that continental balance of power which Europe is seeking where it seems less likely to be found, that is, through war and disturbances, there is another balance, a balance which concerns us, the balance of the universe. The ambition of the European countries is to reduce to slavery the other parts of the world, and all these other parts of the world should endeavor to establish a balance between themselves and Europe in order to destroy the preponderance of the latter. I call this the balance of the world, and it must enter into the calculations of American policies. 

 "It is necessary that our country be sufficiently strong to resist successfully the aggressions which European ambitions may plan; and this colossal power, which must oppose another great power, cannot be formed but through the union of all South America under a national body, so that a single government may use its great resources a single purpose, that of resisting with all of them exterior aggressions, while in the interior an increasing mutual cooperation of all will lift us to the summit of power and prosperity. "

The present ideas of inter-American coöperation do not differ very muchfrom those existing in the mind of Bolívar. 

Following the deposition of Monteverde, the army of Puerto Cabello had leftfor Coro and practically disappeared on its way. But some royalists hadgone to the south, and entered the city of Calabozo, after having destroyedan insurgent force. Its commander was one of the worst men who had everbreathed the air of America, José Tomás Rodríguez, a native of Spain, who, after having been a pirate, was sentenced to the prison of Puerto Cabello. Several Spaniards applied for a mitigation of the sentence, and he was setfree within the city of Calabozo, where he was employed when the revolutionbegan. By that time he had changed his name to that of Boves. He firstjoined the patriots' army, but for some reason or other he was imprisoned. He was released in 1810 by the royalists, and swore revenge against therevolutionists. He organized a cavalry corps and committed infamous deedsof cruelty wherever he happened to be, at the same time achieving militarysuccess for, though morally a beast, he was clever in the field of battleand possessed dauntless bravery. He held the banks of the Orinoco with theaid of his lieutenant, Francisco Tomás Morales, a native of the CanaryIslands, whose moral worth can be judged by a single word applied to him byBoves himself. Boves called him "atrocious. " While Boves killed Americanssystematically, considering that it was the best, and perhaps the only wayto end the insurrection, Morales killed Americans for pleasure, whether ornot their death would foster the ends of the royalists. He had formerlybeen a servant. He was brave and obdurate, and a very able second. In thearmy of Boves, composed of 4, 000 _llaneros_, he helped to take the city ofCalabozo. Bolívar immediately asked Mariño, who was commanding in the East, to help him, but for several reasons, and perhaps mainly because Mariñowanted to have supreme power, he did not go to the rescue. This was the sadstate of affairs at the beginning of 1814. 

This year began with an assembly in Caracas of representatives of thepeople, to whom Bolívar submitted a report on the use he had made of hisauthority. On that occasion Bolívar spoke his mind as plainly as before. Although his words depicted legitimate pride, he was very anxious to makeit understood that he was unwilling to retain any power over the nation. Among other things he said:

 "I accepted and retained the supreme authority in order to save you from anarchy and to destroy the enemy who tried to support the p of oppression. I have given you laws, I organized for you the administration of justice and revenue, and, finally, I have given you a government. 

 "Fellow citizens: I am not the sovereign. Your representatives should draw up your laws. The national treasury does not belong to the government. All those who have kept your wealth should show you the use they have made of it.... I am anxious to transfer this power to the representatives you must appoint, and I hope you will relieve me of a burden, which one of you can worthily bear, giving me the only honor to which I aspire, that is, to continue to fight your enemies, for I shall never sheathe my sword until the freedom of my country is altogether secure. "

The political governor of Caracas answered the address of the Liberator, praising him for his brilliant campaign and for the successes due to hisgenius. After a brief summary of his heroic deeds in Nueva Granada, hesaid that the greatest merit of a man lay in the handing over of the powerentrusted to him. To take the power from Bolívar, he reasoned, would verylikely work to the ruin of the country, and he expressed his belief thatthe thing necessary to do was to offer Bolívar supreme power for the timebeing. In his answer to the governor, Bolívar paid a deserving tribute tohis brothers-in-arms, and then added the following words:

 "I have not come to oppress you with my victorious arms. I have come to bring you the empire of law. I have come with the purpose of preserving your sacred rights. It is not military despotism which can make a people free, and the power I have never can be good for the Republic except for a short period. A successful soldier does not acquire any right to command his country. He is not the arbiter of laws and government; he is the defender of freedom, and his glories must be identical to those of the Republic and his ambition satisfied if he gives happiness to his country.... Elect your representatives, your magistrates, a just government, and be sure that the armies which have saved the Republic will always protect the freedom and the national glory of Venezuela. "

Nevertheless, in spite of his protestations, the power was forced upon him. He did not stay long in the work of the government, but soon devoted histime to the conduct of war. Puerto Cabello, with fewer soldiers thanbefore, was the main object of his attention. He intended to put an endto the siege, attacking the town at one time by land and by sea. Misunderstandings with Mariño, who had sent some reinforcements previously, prevented the successful carrying out of his plan. 

Barinas had fallen into the hands of the royalist Yáñez, whose bloodthirstyfollowers beheaded eighty soldiers who had been left behind, killed men, women and children, and destroyed the whole city by fire. A few days laterthis man was killed in a skirmish, and thus ended the life of a fiend whosename may be placed at the side of those of Boves and Morales, because ofhis delight in committing crimes. In the rest of the country the royalistswere conducting guerrilla warfare, preventing the reunion of patrioticbodies and rendering the situation very critical for Bolívar. The largesttroops of royalists were generally commanded by men distinguished for theirferocity. To the names appearing elsewhere we must add those of Calzada, Yáñez' successor, and of Rosete, who competed with each other for thedistinction of shedding the most blood. 

Boves, in command of the horsemen of the plains, won a great victory in aplace called La Puerta, over Campo-Elías, and as a result he reached thevalley of Valencia and approached the city of Caracas. The city of Ocumarewas taken by Rosete, who proceeded to kill even the persons who were inchurch praying to God. 

In an effort to take advantage of his favorable position by swiftmovements, Boves advanced to a city called La Victoria, on the road fromValencia to Caracas, where Ribas was ready to do his utmost to prevent thetriumph of the bloodthirsty _llaneros_. On the morning of February 12, 1814, Boves attacked and succeeded in entering the town, but he found thatthe garrison was made up of extraordinary men, one of whom was worth fourof his own, thanks to the inspiration and bravery of Ribas. The number ofcasualties was enormous. Ribas saw his best officers falling about him, and he himself had three horses killed under him. In the middle of theafternoon the result of the battle was still undecided. Then troopsgathered by Campo-Elías after his defeat of La Puerta joined the defenders. Ribas pushed out of the city and destroyed whatever appeared in his path. Boves retreated and installed himself on the outskirts. The followingday he was attacked again and was forced to withdraw, this time in utterdisorder. The battle of La Victoria was the greatest victory of Ribas, andis counted among the most brilliant feats of arms during the Venezuelan Warof Independence, filled as it was with heroic deeds. 

Bolívar did not fail properly to praise the conqueror. He announced thetriumph to Caracas and to the world, and in paying tribute to the livinghero, he did not forget to pay homage to those who had fallen on thefield of battle. On that occasion, he uttered one of those brilliantexpressions so common in his writings: "Ribas, against whom adversity ispowerless. " ... He never felt that his own glory had to suffer from theunstinted praise he bestowed on his followers. 

After this victory at La Victoria, Ribas went to Ocumare, where he saw thework of Rosete, who had left the streets strewn with dying men, women andchildren, and with the corpses of many victims of his insatiable ferocity. More than 300 had fallen at the hands of the monsters. Bodies and mutilatedmembers appeared everywhere, the best proof of how just had been Bolívar'sdecree of War to Death. Among other things Ribas found a branding iron inthe shape of a _P_, with which Rosete had intended to mark the foreheads ofthe patriots and those of their children. 

Bolívar, who in spite of the frequent atrocities of the enemy, had hadhis decree carried out very seldom and very reluctantly, now, with theroyalists in command of Boves, Rosete and Morales, found it necessary tobegin severe reprisals in earnest. 

The prisoners taken by the independents were constantly plotting. WhenBoves was threatening Caracas, the commander of La Guaira asked Bolívarwhat he was to do with the Spaniards in the prisons of the city, considering that they were numerous and the garrison very small. TheLiberator answered as follows:

 "I command you to execute immediately all the Spaniards in the fortress and in the hospital, without exception. "

He gave a similar order to the authorities in Caracas. As a result of theseorders, 886 Spaniards and natives of the Canary Islands were executed. 

This is the act for which Bolívar has been most severely criticised and hisconduct most generally condemned. But, if what we have already said isnot sufficient to prove the need of these reprisals, we can take intoconsideration also the slow torture to which the sick independents in thehospital had been subjected, the killing of a woman because she had beenaccused of having embroidered a uniform for Bolívar, the destruction of theinnocent dwellers in the towns taken by the royalists. This decision mustbe considered also as a measure of safety, for Bolívar could not see anenemy approaching, realizing the necessity perhaps of a hasty retreat, andleave behind him reinforcements for his foes. On this occasion, Bolívar wasnot merciful, but mercy had been repeatedly exercised by him even againstthe dictates of wisdom. His measure of reprisal in this case can beconsidered as ferocious only by contrast with his previous clemency. As ahistorian (Baralt) remarks:

 "It must be agreed that the patience of saints could not tolerate the crimes of the royalist leaders, and at that very moment new attacks increased indignation and anger to an inexpressible degree. "

CHAPTER VII

_The Heroic Death of Ricaurte. Victory of Carabobo and Defeat of La Puerta_

(1814)

Boves had retreated from La Victoria, but after reorganizing his army hewas again ready to attack. Bolívar had very few men, for the country wasnearly exhausted. With them he waited the dreaded royalist in a placecalled San Mateo, where he was attacked by an army at least four times aslarge as his. He had but one advantage, having selected a hilly groundwhere the cavalry of the enemy could not easily maneuver. The battle beganon the 28th of February. It lasted all that day, and at the end of ten andone-half hours of constant fighting, Bolívar was master of the situation, not without having lost some of his best men, among them the valiantCampo-Elías, who died a few days later. 

Boves, wounded also, withdrew and waited for reinforcements, which arrivedin great numbers from the plains; while Bolívar had to reduce the defendersof San Mateo in order to send some men to protect Caracas, which was beingthreatened on the southeast by Rosete. Boves attacked again on the 20thof March and was once more repulsed. Being informed that Rosete had beendefeated at Ocumare by the independents and that Mariño was approaching tothe relief of Bolívar, he decided to make a desperate effort to take SanMateo. On the 25th of March he made a third attempt, and that day marks theoccurrence of one of the heroic deeds of the ages. 

The supplies and the hospital of the insurgents were at a house built on ahill, while the fight developed down below on the farm of San Mateo, ownedby Bolívar. Antonio Ricaurte, a native of Santa Fé (Nueva Granada) wasin command of the house. Boves decided to take this position and, in themiddle of the combat, the independents on the plain discovered that alarge column of royalists had stolen towards the ammunition depot fromthe opposite side of the hill. All felt that the war material was lost. Ricaurte was known as a brave man, but he could do little with the very fewmen in his command. The young man had the wounded men taken down to theplain, then he ordered his own soldiers to follow, and he remained alone. The enemies continued to advance, and finally entered the house. Suddenlythere was heard a terrific explosion, and, when the smoke had cleared, itcould be seen that the house had been partially destroyed. Ricaurte hadblown up the ammunition, and with it himself and the enemy. ThusBolívar's army was saved. Boves, who had attacked thirty times, retreatedimmediately, leaving nearly 1, 000 men dead on the field of battle. The lossof the patriots had been as big, or bigger, than that of Boves, but successremained with them. Ricaurte took his place among men who, like Leonidas, deemed life of little value as compared with the salvation of theircountry. 

Further to the west, Ceballos, the former governor of Coro, had obliged thepatriots to retreat towards Valencia, where they were besieged by him withreinforcements brought by Boves, who, after his defeat at San Mateo, hadfought Mariño, meeting again with disaster. In spite of the reinforcements, the royalists were forced to retreat when the garrison of Valencia wasreduced to less than half of its former size. 

Mariño and Bolívar met in La Victoria. The former, with an army made up ofhis men and some given by Bolívar, proceeded to the west to fight againstCeballos, while Bolívar went to Puerto Cabello, intending to take the cityby storm. By an imprudent move on his own part, Mariño was forced to meetan army superior to his own, and he was defeated. He then withdrew toValencia, where Bolívar hastened to meet him, once more leaving the city ofPuerto Cabello. There he learned that Ceballos had received reinforcements, and went to Caracas to recruit more men from a city which by now was bledwhite. Nevertheless, he did obtain a few more men, and these he sent toValencia under Ribas, following shortly in order to take personal commandof the army in the battle. 

The contending armies met on a plain called Carabobo, the royalists withmany more men than there were patriots. Desertions from the forces of theRepúblicans were frequent. This caused Bolívar much concern, as did thenews that Boves was advancing from the south with a great body of cavalry. With Mariño and Ribas to help him, and with his most trusted officersat the head of the different sections, he advanced against the enemy, commanded at that time by the Spanish field-marshal, D. Juan ManuelCagigal. This first battle of Carabobo, fought on the 28th of May, was oneof the swiftest and most complete victories of the Liberator. Three hourswere enough to destroy the royalist army and to force its commander to fleeto the southwest with some of his men. Many offícers were killed, greatmasses of infantrymen surrendered, 4, 000 horses were seized, as well as agreat quantity of ammunition, provisions, documents and money. 

But the battle of Carabobo was not decisive. Boves was coming to avengeCagigal. The Liberator distributed his officers with such soldiers as hecould gather at different points. Mariño advanced against Boves. Bolívarand Ribas returned to Caracas, still on the endless quest for moreresources with which to fight. When complimented upon his victory atCarabobo, Bolívar remarked:

 "Let us not be dazzled by the victories Fate gives us; let us prepare ourselves for greater struggles; let us employ all the resource our good or bad condition, based on the principle that nothing is accomplished when there is something more to do; and we have much still to do. "

He was thinking of Boves, Boves who had a large army, all the resources ofthe plains, and the support of public opinion, while he had neither men norresources, nor the invigorating approval of his fellow citizens. 

Mariño established himself in La Puerta, a place of ill-omen for thepatriots, and his position was disadvantageous. When Bolívar arrived totake charge of the army, it was too late to change the place, for Boves wasto the front, with three times as many men as there were patriots. Itwas necessary to fight and it was impossible to conquer. All was lost. Apatriot general (Antonio María Freites) killed himself in despair; someofficers who had been with Bolívar since the beginning of his gloriouscareer died on the field of battle. 

Boves killed all the wounded men and prisoners who fell into his hands. Heinvited a prisoner colonel (Jalón) to dine with him, and at the end of themeal he ordered him to be hanged and his head sent as a present to hisfriends at Calabozo. 

Mariño escaped in one direction, and Ribas and Bolívar went to Caracas, not without first taking all possible steps to hinder the advance of Bovestowards the city. Bolívar was always full of enthusiasm. At that time hismost frequent remark was:

 "The art of conquering is learned through defeats. "

This battle of La Puerta took place on June 15, 1814. Boves entered thecity of La Victoria and then besieged Valencia, which resisted until everymeans of defense was gone and the defenders were dying of thirst andhunger. Boves proposed capitulation of the besieged and, it being accepted, entered the city on the 10th of July. The treaty provided for theinviolability of the life of all the inhabitants of the city, eithermilitary or civilian. Boves had sworn that he would fulfil this convention, but as soon as he had the city in his power he violated his own oath and, with his usual ferocity, put to the sword the governor, the officers, somehundreds of the army, and about ninety of the most prominent inhabitants. His officers forced the young ladies of the families of those who had diedto attend a reception in honor of Boves. 

Meanwhile, Bolívar was endeavoring to keep enthusiasm alive in Caracas. Heeven intended to resist the advance of the enemy but, being convinced thatthe defense of the town would mean a useless sacrifice, he decided to leaveit and went east to Barcelona. The inhabitants of Caracas, realizing themonster Boves was, decided to leave their homes, and a painful pilgrimageensued. The emigration from Caracas is one of the saddest episodes of theWar of Independence. Many emigrants met death on their way east, but theypreferred it to the tortures that Boves knew very well how to inflict uponthe life and honor of the population of the cities he took. He entered thecapital on the 16th of July, and the crimes started. Cagigal, who was areal soldier and a man of honor, saw his authority ignored by Boves. Ingiving an account of this fact to the government of Spain, the only answerhe obtained was that Boves' conduct was approved by Madrid with a vote ofthanks for his important services and his great valor. 

Leaving his lieutenant, Quero, in command of the city, Boves followedBolívar. Quero was a native American and was so bad that Boves' rule waspreferable to his. 

With the few men obtained in Caracas, Bolívar organized a small army withwhich he protected the emigrants. 

From Barcelona he intended to send diplomatic representatives to Europe, thus showing his unshaken confidence in the ultimate triumph of his cause. 

With no more than 3, 000 men, he faced an army of from 8, 000 to 10, 000at Aragua, commanded by Morales, and was defeated (August 18, 1814). A battalion composed of the best elements of the youth of Caracas wasentirely destroyed. Bolívar retreated to Barcelona, and Morales entered thetown of Aragua, where he massacred more than 3, 500 men, women and children, for the sole crime of being Americans. Realizing that he could not hold thecity of Barcelona, Bolívar went to the city of Cumaná with generals Ribasand Manuel Piar, the latter famous for his military skill, his daring, hisrestlessness and his ultimate sad death, of which we shall speak later. From there Bolívar went with Mariño to Carúpano, and then sailed forCartagena, having lost his reputation and having been insulted by his ownofficers and friends, among them Piar and Ribas, himself. 

Before leaving Venezuela, the Liberator issued a proclamation, for he neverneglected an opportunity to speak to his fellow-countrymen and to the worldin order to build up favorable public opinion, by which he hoped to wina final victory. In that document Bolívar emphasized the fact that theSpaniards themselves had done very little harm in the fields of battle tothe cause of independence, and that defeats were due mainly to the nativeroyalists. This assertion was intended to produce a change of mind on thepart of the native population. 

 "It seems that Heaven, to grant us at one time humiliation and pride, has permitted that our conquerors be our own brothers, and that our brothers only may triumph over us. The army of freedom exterminated the enemy's force, but it could not and should not exterminate the men for whose happiness it fought in hundreds of battles. It is not just to destroy the men who do not want to be free, nor can freedom be enjoyed under strength of arms against the opinion of fanatics whose depraved souls make them love chains as though they were social ties.... Your brothers and not the Spaniards have torn your bosom, shed your blood, set your homes on fire and condemned you to exile. "

He then affirmed that he was going to Nueva Granada to render an account ofhis conduct and to have an impartial judgment, and finished by asserting tothe Venezuelans that the people of Nueva Granada would again help them, andthat he would always be on the side of liberty. 

The East was soon subjected, and all Venezuela was once again under theyoke of Spain, mainly through the work of her own children. During thesecampaigns Piar and Ribas and the brave General Bermúdez, of whom we shallspeak later, were united for a while, but at last each one took his ownway. The only good thing that occurred at this time was Boves' death in abattle in December, 1814. Morales was still left as Venezuela's curse. 

Ribas, after a defeat, was traveling with two officers. He was sick andsad. He lay down to rest under a tree while his servant went to a near-bytown to obtain some provisions. The servant betrayed his master, and Ribaswas imprisoned. In the town he was humiliated and insulted. Then he waskilled. His head was sent to Caracas and placed in an iron cage at theentrance of the city. His wife, who was Bolívar's aunt, locked herself in aroom and swore not to go out until freedom was achieved, and she remainedtrue to her vow. 

Bolívar and Mariño arrived in Cartagena on September 25, 1814. The formerwas on his way to Tunja to render an account of his Venezuelan campaign, when he learned that some Venezuelan troops commanded by General Urdaneta, who were in the territory of Nueva Granada, were quarreling with the nativesoldiers. He went directly to the army to try to prevent anarchy anddissensions between the Venezuelans and the natives of Nueva Granada. Thenews proved to be false. The army of Urdaneta, which had left Venezuela toawait in the land of Nueva Granada new instructions from the Liberator, and had obtained the protection of that government, received him with thegreatest enthusiasm. 

From there Bolívar proceeded to Tunja, where he was very well received byCongress. He requested that his conduct be examined and impartially judged. The President of the Congress answered him with the following magnanimouswords:

 "General, your country is not vanquished while your sword exists. With this sword you will again rescue her from the power of her oppressors. The Congress of Nueva Granada will give you its protection because it is satisfied with your conduct. You have been an unfortunate general, but you are a great man. "

Then the Congress ordered him to liberate Santa Fé (Bogotá), a part ofNueva Granada, which had been separated from the Union. Bolívar with hisusual activity proceeded to Bogotá, reached the outskirts of the city and, promising immunity of properties and honor, offered a capitulation. Thecommander of the garrison refused to accept and an assault followed, theresult of which was the surrender of the city. Bolívar was rewarded withthe title of _Capitán General_ of the Army of the Confederation, andCongress immediately transferred the capital from Tunja to Santa Fé. 

Congress asked Bolívar to direct the campaign to protect Nueva Granadaagainst the royalists. So he decided to take Santa Marta, the only place inthe country which was still in the hands of the Spaniards; then he plannedto fight once more for the liberty of Venezuela. Before adjourning, to meetagain in Santa Fé, the Congress at Tunja conferred on Bolívar the officialtitle of Pacificador (Peacemaker), which is frequently used with referenceto him, but not so generally as the title he himself used in preference toany other: Libertador. 

On this occasion Bolívar could not count on certain troops of Cartagenabecause of the hostility of Castillo, the commander, who had haddifferences with Bolívar, and was jealous of his glory. These dissensionshindered Bolívar's advance towards Santa Marta, and produced delays whichresulted in great loss of provisions, and also of men because of anepidemic of smallpox which developed in the army. To avoid furtherdissension, Bolívar was willing to resign without using force against theCartagena contingent. He was unwilling to permit the royalists to learn ofdisagreements in the independent army. He had at last, however, to makeready to take the city and was going to lay siege to it when it was learnedthat a great Spanish army had arrived in Venezuela. The delay of theindependent soldiers before Cartagena permitted some royalist troops totake other cities of Nueva Granada, causing great losses of men and arms ondifferent occasions. Bolívar lost 1, 000 men; 100 artillery guns and otherarmament were also lost, as well as the boats upon which the army countedand which would have been very useful to capture the city of Santa Marta. At last, convinced that there was no remedy for the situation, Bolívardetermined to resign, and he called for an assembly of his officers, whoaccepted his resignation. He embarked for Jamaica, first issuing anotherwarning against the disunion of the patriots. 

 "No tyrant, " he said, "has been destroyed by your arms; they have been stained with the blood of brothers in two struggles which have produced in us an equal sorrow. "

The departure of Bolívar was very soon to be deplored by the armies of theindependents. 

We have mentioned that a Spanish army had arrived in Venezuela, and we mustgive some details concerning that expedition. Never in the history of theSpanish domination and struggles in America did Spain send such a numerous, well-equipped and powerful army as the one mentioned above. It wascommanded by Field-Marshal D. Pablo Morillo. 

CHAPTER VIII

_Bolívar in Exile and Morillo in Power. The "Jamaica Letter"_

(1814-1815)

At that time Napoleon's luck was beginning to turn in Europe. He had beenforced to free Fernando VII, who had been imprisoned since 1808. FernandoVII started to govern his country as a despot, disregarding the nationalconstitution and the public clamor for greater freedom, and soon decided toassert his power in the New World. For that purpose he organized a powerfularmy, the total strength of which, exclusive of sailors, was nearly, 000men, supplied with implements for attacks on fortified places, and witheverything necessary for warfare on a large scale. This army was placedunder the command of Morillo, who also brought with him a number ofwarships and transports. The soldiers had had experience in the Europeanwar and they had proved equal or superior to the armies of Napoleon. Theplan was to seize Venezuela and Nueva Granada, then go southward to Perú, and then to Buenos Aires. 

Morillo decided to land in the island of Margarita, whose inhabitants haddistinguished themselves by their heroism in the long war for independenceto such an extent that, upon becoming a province, the island changed itsname to New Sparta. Two men of equal bravery, Arismendi and Bermúdez, werein command of a few more than 400 men. Morales was about to lead 5, 000 to6, 000 men against the island, with 32 boats, of which 12 were armed withartillery, when Morillo appeared with his huge army. Arismendi decidedto surrender. However, Bermúdez would not surrender, and, with recklessdaring, he got into a small boat, passed between Morillo's large vessels, insulting the occupants, and then made his escape, going to join thepatriots in Cartagena. 

Morillo was a very clever soldier; it is said that Wellington himselfrecommended that he should be chosen, as the Spaniard ablest to subjectVenezuela and New Granada. He was as harsh as he was clever, and was readyto wage a war of extermination. By the time Morillo reached the continent, Venezuela was in the hands of Spain. That was at the end of 1814, a fatalyear for the cause of independence. From New Spain to the south, theSpanish armies seemed to encounter no resistance. Morillo likened thesilence and peace he found everywhere to the silence and peace of thecemeteries. There was no government anywhere, not even military authority. Crime prevailed; cupidity and vengeance were the guiding principles of thechieftains. 

After leaving a garrison at Margarita and Cumaná, Morillo went to Caracas, where he arrived on the 11th of May, immediately taking Cagigal's place ascaptain general. There he published a proclamation announcing that he wasready to go to Nueva Granada with his army, and, after levying exorbitanttributes in money from the citizens and securing in the most outrageousmanner all the provisions he could possibly obtain, he sailed from PuertoCabello for Cartagena with 8, 500 men, while Morales with 3, 500 advanced byland against the city. 

Cartagena resisted the siege in such an admirable manner as to have hername placed side by side with the most heroic cities of history. Thebesiegers had all kinds of war material; the city lacked all. Still, Cartagena fought constantly during one hundred and six days. The citywas then almost in ruins; its inhabitants were starving in the gutters;soldiers and civilians were dying. When Morillo entered its streets hefound them almost deserted, and he made the few remaining persons sufferthe worst tortures he could devise. The able-bodied men succeeded inescaping by sea. 

Several more victories placed all of Nueva Granada in the power of Morillo. The Congress had to dissolve and the Spaniards entered Santa Fé, markingtheir entrance with the execution of more than 600 Americans, among themmen of the greatest prominence and highest social standing. All hope forthe liberty of South America seemed to be lost. 

Bolívar arrived in Kingston in May, 1815, where he was very well receivedpersonally by the governor. But he failed to obtain any substantial helpfor an expedition to the mainland. Learning of the propaganda being madeeverywhere against the cause of independence, he once more used his pen tocounteract this influence. His most important writing during his stay inJamaica was a letter addressed on September 6, 1815, to a gentleman of theisland, in which he analyzed the causes of the American failure and thereasons he had to hope for the final success of the cause. The "Letterof Jamaica" is counted as one of the greatest documents from the pen ofBolívar. 

First, he examines all the errors and crimes committed by the Spaniardsin America, describes the partial success of the American armies and thedevelopment of the war, as well as the enormous sacrifices made for thecause of independence everywhere, from New Spain to the provinces of theRiver Plata and Chile. He deprecates the attitude of Europe, which does notintervene to save America from the clutches of an oppressive government, and proves that even for the good of Europe, the independence of Americashould be secured. 

 "Europe itself, " he said, "by reasons of wholesome policies, should have prepared and carried out the plan of American independence, not only because it is so required for the balance of the world, but because this is a legitimate and safe means of obtaining commercial posts on the other side of the ocean. "

He very exactly described the true condition of the American people in thefollowing lucid way:

 "I consider the actual state of America as when, after the coll of the Roman Empire, each member constituted a political system in conformity with its interests and position, but with this great difference: that these scattered members reestablished the old nationalities with the alterations required by circumstances or events. But we, who scarcely keep a vestige of things of the past, and who, on the other hand, are not Indians nor Europeans, but a mixture of the legitimate owners of the country and the usurping Spaniards; in short, we, being Americans by birth and with rights equal to those of Europe, have to dispute these rights with the men of the country, and to maintain ourselves against the possession of the invaders. Thus, we find ourselves in the most extraordinary and complicated predicament. "

After analyzing slavery in the abstract, he said:

 "Americans, under the Spanish system now in vigor, have in society no other place than that of serfs fit for work, and, at the most, that of simple consumers; and even this is limited by absurd restrictions, such as prohibition of the cultivation of European products; the mono of certain goods in the hands of the king; the prevention of the establishment in America of factories not possessed by Spain; the exclusive privileges of trade, even regarding the necessities of life; the obstacles placed in the way of the American provinces so that they may not deal with each other, nor have understandings, nor trade. In short, do you want to know what was our lot? The fields, in which to cultivate indigo, cochineal, coffee, sugar cane, cocoa, cotton; the solitary plains, to breed cattle; the deserts, to hunt the wild beasts; the bosom of the earth, to extract gold, with which that avaricious country was never satisfied. "

 * * * * *

 "We were never viceroys or governors except by very extraordinary reasons; archbishops and bishops, seldom; ambassadors, never; military men, only as subordinates; nobles, without privileges; lastly, we were neither magistrates nor financiers, and hardly merchants. All this we had to accept in direct opposition to our institutions. 

 "The Americans have risen suddenly and without previous preparation and without previous knowledge and, what is more deplorable, without experience in public affairs, to assume in the world the eminent dignity of legislators, magistrates, administrators of the public treasury, diplomats, generals and all the supreme and subordinate authorities which form the hierarchy of an organized state. 

 "The events of the mainland have proved that perfectly representative institutions do not agree with our character, habits, and present state of enlightenment.... So long as our fellow citizens do not acquire the talents and the political virtues which distinguish our brothers of the North, who have a system of government altogether popular in character, I am very much afraid these institutions might lead to our ruin instead of aiding us.... 

 "I desire more than anybody else to see the formation in America the greatest nation in the world, not so much as to its extension and wealth as to its glory and freedom. "

 * * * * *

 "Monsignor de Pradt has wisely divided America into fifteen or seventeen independent states, ruled by as many monarchs. I agree on the first point, for America could be divided into seventeen countries As for the second point, although it is easier to realize, it is less useful, and, consequently, I am not in favor of American monarchies. Here are my reasons: The real interests of a republic are circumscribed in the sphere of its conservation, prosperity and glory. Since freedom is not imperialistic, because it is opposed to empires, no impulse induces Repúblicans to extend the limits of their country; injuring its own center, with only the object of giving their neighbors a liberal constitution. They do not acquire any right nor any advantage by conquering them, unless they reduce them to colonies, conquered territories or allies, following the example of Rome.... A state too large in itself, or together with its dependent territories, finally decays and its free form reverts to a tyrannical one, the principles which should conserve it relax, and at last it evolves into despotism. The characteristic of the small republics is permanency; that of the large ones is varied, but always tends to an empire. Almost all of the former have been of long duration; among the latter Rome alone lived for some centuries, but this was because the capital was a republic, and the rest of her dominions were not, for they governed themselves by different laws and constitutions. "

Then Bolívar ventures to prophesy the destiny of all nations of thecontinent, from Mexico to the River Plata, and he does so with suchaccuracy of vision that almost to the word the history of the first halfcentury of independence in Latin America was shaped according to hisprediction. The tranquility of Chile, the tyranny of Rosas in Argentina, the Mexican empire, all were clearly seen in the future by his genius. Nearthe close of his letter, he adds these inspired words:

 "How beautiful it would be if the Isthmus of Panamá should come to be to us what the Isthmus of Corinth was to the Greeks! May God g that some day we may have the happiness of installing there an august congress of the representatives of the republics, kingdoms and empires, to discuss and study the high interests of peace and war with the nations of the other three parts of the world! This kind of cooperation may be established in some happy period of our regeneration.... "

He ends this capital document of his career as a political writer, bypleading again for union as the only means of putting an end to Spanishdomination, in America. 

Nothing better can be said than the following words of a biographer ofBolívar:[1]

 "Alone, poor, in a foreign land, when his friends had denied him and had persecuted him, and his enemies had torn him to shreds in blind rage, when everybody saw America carrying once again the yoke imposed upon her, Bolívar saw her redeemed, and from the depth of his soul he felt himself bound to this wonderful task of redemption. His spirit, animated by an unknown breath, and which had lived a superior life, saw Colombia free, Chile established, Argentina expanding, Mexico Perú liberated, the Isthmus of Panamá converted into the center of communications and activities of human industry; it saw South America divided into powerful nationalities, having passed from slavery to struggle and to the conquest of her own dignity, and from the times of the sword to those of political civilization and organization of power; national units weighty in the statistics of the world by reason of their products, by their commerce, by their culture, by their wars, their alliances, their laws, their free governments; with names of their own, with famous histories, with supreme virtues. All that Bolívar saw, and of all that Bolívar wrote. Can human intelligence go any farther?"

[Footnote 1: Larrazábal, "Vida del Libertador Simón Bolívar, " Vol. I. Page404. ]

CHAPTER IX

_Bolívar's Expedition and New Exile. He Goes to Guayana_

(1815-1817)

While in Jamaica, Bolívar was as active as he had been in Venezuela. Whilehe used his pen to teach the world the meaning of the South AmericanRevolution, and to try and obtain friends for the cause of freedom, heworked actively in the Island and in other parts of the West Indies toorganize an expedition to the continent. 

In this work he was very greatly helped by Luis Brion, --a wealthy merchantof Curaçao, --who sacrificed practically all of his private fortune inhelping the cause of Liberty. 

The influence exercised by the Holy Alliance on the governments of Europehad some effect on the authorities of Jamaica, who hindered the assemblingof munitions of war by Bolívar. He then decided to go to the Republic ofHaiti, after having escaped almost by a miracle, an assassin who, believingthat he was asleep in a hammock where he usually rested, stabbed to death aman occupying Bolívar's customary place. The assassin was a slave set freeby Bolívar. 

On his way to Haiti he learned of the surrender of Cartagena. The Presidentof Haiti, Alexander Pétion, received Bolívar in a most friendly way, andgave him very substantial assistance in the preparations for his expeditionto the continent. The men who had succeeded in escaping from Cartagena werealso well received by Pétion, and treated in a most hospitable manner. Among them many were personal enemies of Bolívar. None the less, Bolívarwas elected supreme head of the expedition, and the refugees from Cartagenafollowed him in his new undertaking, with Mariño as Major General of theArmy and Brion as Admiral. About 250 persons constituted the party, butthey carried enough ammunition to arm six thousand men, whom they hoped togather together on the continent. Once more Bolívar seemed to undertake theimpossible, but, as ever, he had full confidence in the ultimate triumphof liberty. The proportion of his enemies to his followers was 100 to 1. Public opinion was still against him, but he was still the same man who, atthat time more than any other, had become a symbol--the symbol of America'sfreedom. 

Bolívar made his way to the Island of Margarita, where the Spanishcommander had systematically carried on a work of destruction of wealth andhumiliation of families. 

In November of 1815, Arismendi, the man who had submitted to Morillo, againproclaimed independence in the Island and started to fight with no betterarms than clubs and farm implements. The Governor determined to destroy thepopulation of the Island, even allowing his anger to fall on Arismendi'sown wife, --but Arismendi continued fighting and, knowing his attitude, Bolívar decided to come to Margarita before touching the continent. On thatisland Bolívar reorganized the government of the Republic in its thirdperiod and was again proclaimed Supreme Chief of the Republic, while Mariñowas designated Second Chief. Then Bolívar called for the election ofdeputies and proclaimed that he would stop the War to Death, provided theSpaniards would also stop waging war in a ruthless way. The Captain Generalanswered by offering 10, 000 pesos for the head of either Bolívar, Bermúdez, Mariño, Piar, Brion or Arismendi. From Margarita the undaunted Libertadorwent to the continent, landing in Carúpano, from which place he sent Mariñoto fight in the east, in the land of his old victories, where he was wellknown; and organized a military school to prepare officers, and workedwith his usual activity in the organization of the army, while a popularassembly gathered in the city and again accepted Bolívar as Supreme Chief. 

Mariño and Piar, the latter fostering the ambitions of the former, startedagain to act against the orders of the Libertador. Several partial defeatsmade the condition of the insurgents so critical that Bolívar made up hismind to leave the east and commence operations in the west, as he hadpreviously done. On July 6, he and his men landed in Ocumare de la Costa, aport north of Valencia, proclaimed the cessation of the War to Death, and offered pardon to all those who surrendered, even though they wereSpaniards. He also proclaimed the freedom of all slaves, thereby fulfillinga promise made to President Pétion of Haiti. 

 "Henceforward, " he said, "in Venezuela, there will be only one class of men: all will be citizens. "

From there Brion was sent to do as much damage as possible to the Spanishsea trade, and he also received a commission to get in touch with thegovernment of Washington, and with the patriots of Mexico. The royalistsorganized a strong veteran army and attacked Bolívar, who, with hisinexperienced soldiers, could not resist, and had to leave Ocumare. One ofhis followers, called MacGregor, who had been sent with some men by Bolívarinto the interior of the country, decided to go and join the guerrillas whowere fighting the royalists in the interior; and his daring movement wascrowned with success, for he and his men advanced through the plains, fighting the royalists, or dodging them when they were too numerous to befought. In that way they covered a distance of over four hundred miles, atlast joining the forces fighting near the Orinoco. Again deprived of hisprestige, Bolívar was deposed and Mariño and Bermúdez were elected firstand second chiefs. Bolívar had to return to Haiti. His deposition wasnot well received by the chiefs of the guerrillas, who were fighting theroyalists in the interior. Bolívar--undaunted as ever--thought only oforganizing an expedition to assist those who were fighting in Venezuela. Pétion once more rendered him substantial aid. He was invited to go toMexico and help in the War of Independence of New Spain, but he declined, and instead continued to make preparations to go back to fight for hiscountry. 

The different commanders had obtained some partial successes, but they soonrecognized the necessity of Bolívar's leadership, and sent Arismendi toPort-au-Prince to ask him to return. Admiral Brion also besought him to goback to Venezuela. At the end of December Bolívar reached Margarita Islandwith some Venezuelan exiles. Once there, he issued a proclamation convokingan assembly, for his paramount desire was to have the military powersubordinated to the civil government. 

On January 1, 1817, Bolívar once more set foot on the continent, this timenever to leave it. The lessons learned through failures had been welllearned, and new plans were taking shape in his mind. He was thinking ofthe freedom of all America, not only of Venezuela, and started plans forthe freedom of New Granada and Perú: all this when he had no soldiersto command, except 400 men under Arismendi, to which 300 were added byconscription. He advanced towards Caracas, but was defeated, and had toreturn to Barcelona, leaving all his war provisions in the hands ofthe enemy. He then had 600 men, and he knew that an army of over 5, 000royalists was advancing against the city. At first he thought of resistingthe enemy, counting on the help of Mariño, who was at that time in theSouth, and who, in fact, hastened to the rescue. Mariño and Bermúdezentered Barcelona and Bolívar received them with joy. Nevertheless, heunderstood that he could not stay in that city. It was clear that thebest method of resistance would consist in attacking the royalists fromdifferent and unexpected angles. He concluded that he must leave Barcelonaand go to the Orinoco Valley and the Province of Guayana (VenezuelanGuiana). Several of his officers opposed the idea so strongly that at lastBolívar was induced to leave some men to protect the city and send the restto Guayana, under the command of Mariño. The men left in Barcelona weresacrificed by the royalists. In April Bolívar crossed the Orinoco andafterwards met Piar, who was besieging the City of Angostura, the mostimportant position of Guayana. Piar had been fighting in that section withsome success since the end of 1816. 

The inconstancy of Mariño showed itself once more, although in thisinstance his conduct was opposed by Bermúdez and other officers. He did notgive opportune help to Barcelona, and tried to foster his own ambitionsinstead of collaborating with Bolívar. Without the support of Mariño andwith Barcelona lost, Bolívar found himself in a very difficult situation, counting more on his own genius than on human help. Morillo, master ofNueva Granada, had come from Santa Fé and destroyed most of the insurgentforces existing in the western part of Venezuela. He had received morereinforcements from Spain. Bolívar, nevertheless, continued his work withhis all powerful faith, trying to have his dreams proved true by the effortof his will. "We shall conquer them and we shall free America, " he usedto say. The greatest support that Bolívar found at that time was that ofGeneral Piar's troops. 

In order to supplant Bolívar, Mariño convoked a congress, which proved tobe a farce, having but ten members. Mariño solemnly resigned his placeof second in command of the army and also resigned on behalf of Bolívar, without the slightest authorization from his chief. The "congress"appointed Mariño supreme chief of the army and decided to establish thecapital of the republic in Margarita. The other heads of the army refusedto recognize the usurper, and many of them, among whom the foremostwas Colonel Antonio José Sucre, went to Guayana to join the legitimatecommander. Mariño himself at last abruptly dissolved the congress. Bolívar, with his usual prudence, did not show that he noticed the attitude of hissecond, and praised General Piar for his triumphs, knowing, nevertheless, by that time, that he could not count on the personal loyalty of thelatter. 

While attending to the operations of the siege Bolívar did not neglect hisusual administrative work. He organized a system of military justice so asto avoid the arbitrariness of the military chieftains and, being awarethat Piar had tried to foster the disloyalty of Mariño, he endeavoredto convince him of his folly, and said very plainly that unless thesemachinations were stopped, great evils must be expected. 

Admiral Brion came with his boats to the Orinoco in order to help inthe siege of Angostura. When he arrived in the river, the royalists ofAngostura decided to abandon the city, which fell into the hands of theindependents, Bermúdez being the first to occupy it. Bolívar found himselffor the first time behind his enemy and was ready to fight against his foesin the position that his foes had held in the past. He obtained, besides, great resources in cattle and horses, and it seemed possible that he mightobtain the coöperation of the plainsmen of the Apure Valley, the oldfollowers of Boves, now followers of José Antonio Páez, a lover of personalliberty and a sworn foe of the Spanish régime. 

CHAPTER X

_Piar's Death. Victory of Calabozo. Second Defeat at La Puerta. Submissionof Páez_

(1817-1818)

Morillo, who had lost a great part of his army and his prestige trying toconquer the Island of Margarita, was obliged to withdraw when he discoveredthat Bolívar had become master of Guayana. The two leaders were soon againconfronting each other on the mainland. 

Bolívar, who had always been conciliatory towards his personal enemies andwho had tried to make friends with all the chieftains, had been constantlypreaching union among all the elements fighting for independence. He had, however, met with slight success, and a moment came when he realized thathe must use strong measures in order to have discipline in his army. Piartried to induce certain officers to establish a council for the purpose ofcurtailing the authority of Bolívar. The Liberator tried persuasion, butfailed. Piar decided to leave the army. He pretended to be sick and, offering to go to one of the islands of the Caribbean, requested leave ofabsence, which was granted. 

Once having obtained his leave of absence, he became Bolívar's open foe; heremained in Venezuela and came back to Angostura, where he intrigued withother chieftains, and tried to get the support of Bermúdez to depriveBolívar of his command. Peaceful means failing again to win over Piar, Bolívar ordered his apprehension. Piar fled to Mariño, and began enlistingsoldiers to resist. He enjoyed great prestige; he had been a distinguishedgeneral and in bravery, daring, skill and personal magnetism, no onesurpassed him. Bolívar referred with his officers and, after being assuredof the support of all, he ordered the apprehension of Piar, who wasabandoned by his own followers and fell into the hands of Bolívar's agents. 

Piar was court-martialed and was sentenced to death. Bolívar confirmed thesentence and Piar died with the same bravery and serenity he had shown onthe field of battle. Bolívar deplored the fate of the valiant general, butwith this action succeeded in obtaining a greater measure of respect andobedience from the army than he had been able to secure with his formerleniency. 

As a measure of justice and wisdom, Bolívar, on the 3rd of September, 1817, decreed the distribution of national wealth among the officers and soldiersof the Republic as a reward for their services. A council of state wasestablished, and the General rendered to it an account of his work andpresented an exposition of the state of the national affairs. In hisaddress he explained the division of the powers of the state, and freelypraised all the generals of the insurgent army, mentioning General Páez, the chieftain of the _llaneros_ (plainsmen), who was the terror of theroyalists and whose support was becoming of paramount importance to theLiberator. He declared that Angostura was to be the provisional capital ofVenezuela until the city of Caracas could be retaken from the royalists. Then he divided the administration into three sections, --state and finance, war and navy, and interior and justice, putting in each the man bestprepared for the position. 

In order to carry out his decision to advance against Caracas, he firstmade sure that he could count on the assistance of Páez. The latteragreed to fight in combination with Bolívar on condition that he wouldbe absolutely independent and have full power in the territory under hiscommand. Páez was one of the most remarkable characters of the revolutionof independence and the early years of Venezuela. He was a young man whenhe came in touch with Bolívar, --strong, attractive, every inch a warrior, who lived with his plainsmen just as they lived, living with, and caringfor, his horse as the others did, eating the same food as they did, andfighting whenever a chance presented itself. He was ignorant. He wasopposed to discipline and his men knew none, --they followed him because ofhis prestige and because he was one of them, but better than any of them. His men were the same kind Boves had commanded, and as Boves was terriblewith his horsemen, so was Páez, with the exception that Páez fought for thecause of liberty and did not stain his life with the monstrosities of theSpanish chieftain. His name was respected in the southwestern part ofVenezuela, and he was ready to fight against the army of Morillo when hereceived the message of Bolívar. 

Morillo concentrated his army in Calabozo, the center of the plains, intending to attack Páez in Apure, and other patriots who operated to thesouth under Zaraza. Bolívar sent General Pedro León Torres to support thelatter, but they were defeated in the bloody battle of La Hogaza. 

Bolívar began his movement to join Páez, full of confidence in spite of thecheck at La Hogaza. It was now 1818. He was wont to say "This year will seethe end of the Spanish power in Venezuela. " His faith had more foundationthan during his exile and the earlier expeditions, when, with a handfulof men, he had started to fight against the great armies organized by theSpanish government. Public opinion was now beginning to swing towards him;he had Páez and his plainsmen on his side and he counted on the greatresources of Guayana. 

His activity was astonishing. In a month and a half, he and his mentraveled 900 miles to join Páez. As they advanced, his forces were beingdisciplined, organized, strengthened and made ready to fight. Owing to hispersonal prestige, and his unbelievable daring, Páez was of inestimablevalue. On one occasion he promised Bolívar to have boats at a certain placeso that the army could cross the Apure River. When Bolívar arrived at thepoint in question with the army, he found that there were no boats ready. When Páez was questioned by the Libertador, he replied:

"Oh, yes, Sir, I am counting on the boats. "

"But where are they?" Bolívar asked. 

"The enemy has them, " said Páez, indicating some royalists' launches andcanoes across the river. 

While Bolívar was wondering what Páez meant by that, the latter calledfifty of his men and with them jumped into the river with their unsaddledhorses, swam through it, defeated the enemy, and brought the boats across. Bolívar's forces were then able to pass. Immediately the armies ofindependence advanced to Calabozo, with such swiftness that Morillo knewof their advance only when they had arrived. The Spaniards were utterlydefeated and Morillo himself barely escaped falling prisoner. Bolívar couldhave advanced and finished the destruction of the royalist army, but Páezand other officers were opposed to this course, and the commander-in-chiefhad to yield. 

Soon after this, Bolívar was again in La Victoria, between Valencia andCaracas, having occupied the rich valley of Aragua, in which he had livedas a young man of wealth, and had passed years of suffering. He immediatelysent proclamations ordering all men able to fight to present themselveswith arms and horses for the service of the Republic. He called on thosewho had been slaves to defend their own freedom, and urged the manufactureand repair of arms. His position was by no means secure. Morillo was inValencia, and don Miguel de Latorre, the victor of La Hogaza, was inCaracas. A triumph of Morillo over some patriots near Valencia forced theLiberator to retreat in haste from La Victoria. When Morillo learned of hisretreat, he immediately went on with his persecution and at last met theindependent army in a place called La Puerta, where, on March 15, 1818, heinflicted on Bolívar perhaps the greatest of his defeats, although at greatloss to himself, and suffering severe wounds. The Spanish authoritiesthought that Bolívar would never recover from this disaster, but soon theundaunted Liberator was again fighting the royal forces. 

The defeat of La Puerta was so costly to the royalists that they did notdare to occupy the position. It was considered so important, however, forthe cause of Spain that Morillo was rewarded with the title of Marquisof La Puerta. Morillo waited for reinforcements to be sent to him by theSpanish commander of Caracas, Latorre; and Bolívar, who never despaired, immediately got ready for new struggles. He summoned Páez to his aid andprepared for the defense of Calabozo, so that when Latorre arrived he founda well organized army under command of the Liberator. He withdrew, andBolívar followed him, fighting an indecisive battle. 

Convinced that he could not at that time occupy Caracas, Bolívar decided toconsolidate his position in the West, and sent his troops towards the cityof San Carlos, while he worked actively in Calabozo, and elsewhere throughhis lieutenants, to increase his army. Then he went to join Páez, wassurprised and defeated on his way, being in imminent danger himself. Furthermore, through a partial defeat of Páez and disasters of otherofficers, by the end of May the insurgent forces were almost totallydestroyed. Morales, of bloody reputation, had taken Calabozo; and, in theEast, fate was against the independents, where the weakness of Mariño hadcaused the loss of Cumaná. In other sections, the troops had rebelledagainst the authority of Bolívar, and had begun to fight in the samedesultory way as before. All this was not sufficient to shake the constancyand faith of Bolívar. He addressed a letter to Pueyrredón, Supreme Directorof the Provinces of the River Plata, using these lofty words:

 "Venezuela is now in mourning, but tomorrow, covered with laurels, she will have extinguished the last of the tyrants who now desecrate her soil. Then she will invite you to a single association, so that our motto may be 'Unity in South America. ' All Americans should have one country. "

Back in Angostura, with his unflinching courage, he went on reviving hisarmy and reorganizing the supreme government, which had been in the handsof the Council of State during his absence. He appointed secretaries of thecabinet and established a weekly paper to spread the new principles of thegovernment. He again entrusted Mariño with the command of the province ofCumaná, took the necessary steps to suppress the symptoms of indisciplinein the army, and initiated several military operations. Again, when hismeans were more limited, his thoughts covered a greater field. He seemedunable to assure the liberty of Venezuela, yet he was thinking of givingfreedom to Nueva Granada. He sent a proclamation to its inhabitants anddirected one of his generals to invade it. He said:

 "The day of America has arrived, and no human power can stop the course of nature, guided by the hand of Providence. Join your efforts to those of your brethren. Venezuela goes with me to free you, as you in the past with me gave freedom to Venezuela.... The sun will not end the course of its present period without seeing altars dedicated to liberty throughout your territory. "

This promise came true. 

Before undertaking this great task, he convoked a national assembly forJanuary 1, 1819. In his long proclamation summoning the representatives ofthe people he again made a summary of the work already done, and asked thepeople to select the best citizens for the places, without regard to thefact that they might or might not have been in the army of freedom. 

 "For my part, " he stated, "I renounce forever the authority you have conferred upon me, and, while the fearful Venezuelan war lasts, I shall accept none save that of a simple soldier. The first day of peace will be the last of my command. "

Venezuela had lost the best of her blood; she was nothing better than aheap of ruins, and yet, she was preparing for new and greater undertakings. 

After publishing the proclamation, he started for Cumaná. Learning thatMariño had been defeated, he sent him to Barcelona, and returned toAngostura to organize new armies. Spain, he knew, was trying to obtain thehelp of the other nations of Europe to regain possession of her Americancolonies. He felt it expedient, therefore, once more to manifest to theworld the attitude of Venezuela regarding her new relations with the mothercountry. He published a decree on November 20, 1818, reaffirming theprinciples of independence proclaimed on July 5, 1811. This decree waspublished and translated into three languages, to be distributed all overthe world. After stating the reasons for its publication, he emphaticallydeclared that Venezuela was free and did not contemplate further dealingswith Spain, nor was she willing ever to deal with Spain except as herequal, in peace and in war, as is done reciprocally by all countries. Heconcluded with the following words, which represent clearly his characterand that of his followers:

 "The Republic of Venezuela declares that from April 19, 1810, she has been fighting for her rights; that she has shed most of her sons' blood, that she has sacrificed her youth, all her pleasures, and all that is dear and sacred to men, in order to regain her sovereign rights and in order to keep them in their integrity, as Divine Providence granted them to her; the Venezuelan people have decided to bury themselves in the ruins of their country if Spain, Europe and the world insist on subjecting them to the Spanish yoke. "

Immediately afterwards, Bolívar had to go to the West, where Páez had beenproclaimed supreme director of the republic by some dissenters. Bolívartalked with Páez in private, induced him to return to obedience andsubmission, and promoted him to major general in command of the independentcavalry. The Liberator then returned to install the national congress andto make preparations for the liberation of Nueva Granada. 

CHAPTER XI

_The Congress of Angostura. A Great Address. Campaigning in the Plains_

(1819)

Congress did not meet until February 15, 1819, on account of the latearrival of some representatives. There again Bolívar spoke, and on thisoccasion he excelled himself in expressing his ideas regarding freedom. [1]

[Footnote 1: Bolívar has been accused of verbosity. Of all the accusations, this is one of the most stupid. Bolívar's style is the style of his epoch. The Spanish and French writers of that period wrote exactly in the sameform, and if his words do not appear as modern and sober as we might wishthem at this time, we must remember that times alter customs, and stylesalso, and that if a document of Bolívar's were judged with no knowledge ofthe work realized by the great man of the South, it might appear bombastic;when his life is known, his words seem altogether natural. He was proud, and his words show it, but his pride was a collective pride rather than anindividual one. He praised the work of the liberators, while he was theLiberator _par excellence_, with this title conferred upon him officially. When he mentioned his own person and his own glory, he did not exceed thelanguage of men of his time, and employed words even inferior to his ownmerits. He was as emphatic as his race is, but he was never pedantic, andas for the vanity of which Lorain Petre accuses him and his race, it neverexisted. Lorain Petre's pamphlet is a work of passion masquerading as oneof wisdom and of impartiality. ]

 "Happy is the citizen, " he said in his address, "who, under the shield of the armies he commands, has convoked national sovereignty to exercise its absolute will.... Only a forceful need, coupled with the imperious will of the people, could force me into the terrible and hazardous position of Dictator and Supreme Chief of the Republic. I breathe freely now when I return to you this authority, which, with much danger, difficulty and sorrow, I have succeeded in keeping in the midst of the most horrible misfortunes which can befall a people. "

Among the most remarkable parts of this document, the following will bearclose and careful study:

 "The continuation of authority in one individual has frequently been the undoing of democratic governments. Repeated elections are essential in popular systems, because nothing is so dangerous as to permit a citizen to remain long in power. The people get used to obeying and he gets used to commanding it, from which spring usurpation and tyranny. " ... "We have been subjected by deception rather than by force. We have been degraded by vice rather than by superstition. Slavery is a child of darkness; an ignorant people becomes a blind instrument of its own destruction. It takes license for freedom, treachery for patriotism, vengeance for justice. " ... "Liberty is a rich food, but of difficult digestion. Our weak fellow citizens must greatly strengthen their spirit before they are able to digest the wholesome and nutritious bread of liberty. " ... "The most perfect system of government is the one which produces the greatest possible happiness, the greatest degree of social safety, and the greatest political stability. "

The following study of the balance of powers in a country shows keenpolitical penetration:

 "In republics, the executive must be the stronger, because all conspire against him; while in monarchies, the legislative power should be the stronger, because all conspire in favor of the monarch. The splendor of the throne, of the crown, of the purple; the formidable support given to it by the nobility; the immense wealth which generations accumulate in the same dynasty; the fraternal protection which kings mutually enjoy, are considerable advantages which militate in favor of royal authority and make it almost boundless. These advantages show the need of giving a Repúblican executive a greater degree of authority than that possessed by a constitutional prince. 

 "A Repúblican executive is an individual isolated in the midst of society, to restrain the impulses of the people toward license and the propensities of administrators to arbitrariness. He is directly subject to the legislative power, to the people; he is a single man, resisting the combined attack of opinion, personal interests and the passions of society. "

Elsewhere in his address, he remarks:

 "The government of Venezuela has been, is, and must be Repúblican its foundation must be the sovereignty of the people, the division of powers, civil freedom, the proscription of slavery, the abolition of monarchy and of privileges. " ... "Unlimited freedom, absolute democracy, are the rocks upon which Repúblican hopes have been destroyed. Look at the old republics, the modern republics, and the republics now in process of formation; almost all have aimed to establish themselves as absolutely democratic, and almost all have failed in their just desires. " ... "Angels only, and not men, could exist free, peaceful and happy, while all of them exercise sovereign power. " ... "Let the legislative power relinquish the attributes belonging to the executive, but let it acquire, nevertheless, new influence in the true balance of authority. Let the courts be strengthened by the stability and independence of the judges the establishment of juries, and of civil and criminal codes, not prescribed by old times, nor by conquering kings, but by the voice of nature, by the clamor of justice and by the genius of wisdom. " ... "Humankind cries against the thoughtless and blind legislators who have thought that they might with impunity try chimerical institutions. All the peoples of the world have attempted to gain freedom, some by deeds of arms, others by laws passing alternately from anarchy to despotism, from despotism to anarchy. Very few have contented themselves with moderate ambitions constituting themselves in conformity with their means, their spirit and their circumstances. Let us not aspire to impossible things, lest, desiring to rise above the region of freedom, we descend to the region of tyranny. From absolute liberty, peoples invariably descend to absolute power, and the means between those two extremes is social liberty. " ... "In order to constitute a stable government, a national spirit is required as a foundation, ha for its object a uniform aspiration toward two capital principles; moderation of popular will and limitation of public authority. " ... "Popular education must be the first care of the paternal love of Congress. Morals and enlightenment are the two poles of a republic; morals and enlightenment are our first needs. "

Then Bolívar recommended the sanctioning of his decree granting freedom tothe slaves. 

 "I abandon to your sovereign decision the reform or abrogation of all my statutes and decrees, but I implore for the confirmation of the absolute freedom of slaves as I would implore for my own life and the life of the Republic. "

This document might well be quoted in its entirety. Very few in the historyof mankind can compare with it. "No one has ever spoken like this man, "says an author. [1] The peoples of America have been marching steadily, though at times haltingly, but always in a progressive way, towards theideals of Bolívar. The Congress of Angostura carried into effect many ofthese sublime principles. 

[Footnote 1: Larrazábal--Vida de Simón Bolívar. Vol. 2, p. 177. ]

 "An assembly of tried and illustrious men, the Congress of Angostura, responded to the important requirements of the revolution, and when it gave birth to Colombia, powerful and splendid, it realized no longer a task Venezuelan in character, but rather an American mission. "[1]

 "The address of the Liberator in Angostura may be considered as a masterpiece of reason and patriotism. "[2]

At the beginning the Congress was formed of twenty-six deputies, whichnumber was increased to twenty-nine, representing the provinces of Caracas, Barcelona, Cumaná, Barinas, Guayana, Margarita and Casanare. This lastprovince belonged to Nueva Granada and the others forming the samevice-royalty were expected to be represented as soon as freed from Spanishdomination. Its president was don Francisco Antonio Zea. 

As was proper Bolívar immediately divested himself of the civil authority, handing it to the President of the Congress and then resigned his commandof the army, offering to serve in any military position, in which hepledged himself to give an example of subordination and of the "blindobedience which should distinguish every soldier of the Republic. " TheCongress, as was to be expected, confirmed Bolívar in his command andsanctioned all the commissions he had given during the campaign. He wasalso elected President of the Republic, with don Francisco Antonio Zea asVice-President to take charge of the government during the campaigns ofthe Liberator. He organized the government, made the appointments for thecabinet and sent commissioners to England to obtain arms, ammunition and aloan of a million pounds sterling, undertakings in which the Republic didnot meet with success at that time. 

[Footnote 1: Discurso de Bolívar en el Congreso deAngostura, --Caracas. --1919. ]

[Footnote 2: Larrazábal--Vida de Simón Bolívar. Vol. 2, p. 177. ]

The installation of the Congress made a great impression at home andabroad, in spite of the attacks and ridicule with which the Spaniards triedto discredit it. On that eventful day Bolívar saw his dream of a greatnation, Colombia, take shape, even though it were in danger of dyingshortly after its birth. 

After asking all the members of the government and prominent persons ofAngostura to remain united in the cause of liberty, he went to join thearmy in the western section. 

During his stay in Angostura and afterwards he had been receiving foreigncontingents, especially from England. The Foreign Legion played fromthat time on a very important role in the War of Independence and helpedsubstantially to obtain the triumph. By means of the British contingents, the plainsmen of Páez, the regular armies of Bermúdez and Mariño, and thegenius of Bolívar, which united and directed all, the final victory wasachieved. 

After a rapid march, Bolívar joined Páez and for a while waged a constantwar in the plains, consisting of local actions by which he slowly, butsurely, destroyed the morale of the royalists and did all the harm hecould, the climate being a great factor in his favor. He was impetuousby nature, but for a while he imitated Fabius by slowly gnawing at thestrength of his foe. He tired him with marches and surprises. He burnedthe grass of the plains, cleared away the cattle, and drove Morillo to thepoint of desperation. Meanwhile he lived the same life as the _llaneros_, for he could do whatever the semi-barbarous plainsmen did. He could ride onthe bare back of a horse against the foe, or just for the exhilaration ofcrossing the endless plains with the swiftness of lightning; he could groomhis horse and he did; he swam the rivers, waded marshes, slept on theground and associated freely with his men in the moonlight in front of thecamp fires. 

At this point of the war, Páez again distinguished himself by an act ofsupreme daring. With 150 of his horsemen, he crossed the river Arauca, which separated the independent army from the royalists, and then feigned aretreat along the river, which in very few places could be waded. Morillo, considering him and his men easy prey, sent 1, 200 men, including all hiscavalry, against the retreating horsemen. When they were far from the mainbody of the army Páez rushed against the attacking party, without givingthem time to organize, and at the first inrush he destroyed the column. The defeated royalists fled to their camp and Morillo decided to withdraw, which he did during the night. This action, fought on April 3, 1819, andknown as the Battle of Las Queseras del Medio, covered Páez with gloryand Morillo with discredit. Bolívar conferred all the honors and praisepossible on the brave Páez and on his men. 

At that time the plains began to be flooded. In the northern part of SouthAmerica, the season of rain, called winter, lasts from May until October. The Valley of the Orinoco becomes in places an interior sea. The cattle goup to the highlands and, where horses walk in the summer, small boats plyin the winter, going from village to village and from home to home. Thevillages are built on piles, and traveling on horseback is very difficultduring this season. On these plains, Bolívar and his men would travel, riding or swimming as required. They would drive cattle with them andkill them for food, pressing the remaining meat under the saddles, andcontinuing the march. To all of this the plainsmen were accustomed; and tothis, Bolívar, born among the greatest comforts and reared amid all therefinements of life, showed no apparent repugnance. 

CHAPTER XII

_Bolívar Pays His Debt to Nueva Granada. Boyacá, A Dream Comes True_

(1819)

Páez was commissioned to get fresh horses with which to advance againstBarinas, when Bolívar got in communication with the province of NuevaGranada--where Santander, a very able general, had organized an army, whichwas fighting successfully against the royalists. Bolívar perhaps recalledhis promise made to Nueva Granada before leaving Angostura, or perhaps heobeyed a long prepared plan. The fact is that he decided to do nothing lessthan cross the flooded plains, go to the viceroyalty, free that countryfrom the Spanish domination and return to emancipate Venezuela. The man whocould not consider himself even the equal of Morillo again dreamed of theimpossible, and decided to convert it into fact. 

He convoked his officers, communicated to them his plan of leaving some mento distract Morillo's attention while he, himself, should go quickly toNueva Granada and give it freedom, and on May 25, 1819, he started to carryout his project, one perhaps more difficult than those of Hannibal andNapoleon. 

He left Páez to hold the attention of the royalists, and, besides thatdepletion, had to suffer the loss of many of his plainsmen who refused toaccompany him across the Andes. But Colonel Rook, the head of the BritishLegion, assured Bolívar that he would follow him "beyond Cape Horn, ifnecessary. " After spending a month painfully wading through the floodedplains, he ascended the Andes and crossed them, in spite of inexpressiblesuffering. The men had lost most of their clothing in the marshes below;very few soldiers had even a pair of trousers in good condition. Leavingthe torrid climate of the plains, these men had to climb up the Andesalmost naked, on foot, --because they could not use their horses, --andto suffer the freezing cold of the summits. Many died, but the faith ofBolívar sustained the rest. The Liberator himself suffered all the fatigueof the road. He was worn out, but he was always going forward. 

Then he began his fight with the royalists in the land of Nueva Granada. At this time he had no horses and his men had had to abandon most of theprovisions and ammunition. While in these straits, he learned that aroyalist army of 5, 000 well disciplined men was approaching. Bolívar hadthree days only in which to get ready, but at the end of that short periodhe had arms and horses provided and his men prepared to fight. Then heattacked the enemy, at first by the system of guerrillas and later informal battle, in which his genius succeeded in defeating the disciplinedstrength of his foes. On entering the emancipated cities he was receivedwith the greatest enthusiasm and acclaimed as their liberator. New recruitsjoined him everywhere. 

These pitched battles would receive greater mention in history were it notfor the fact that another one took place almost immediately afterwardswhich, by its magnitude and its results, made the others sink to asecondary place. The royalists took position in a place called Boyacá. Theywere commanded by Barreiro, and formed the vanguard of the army of theviceroy Sámano. Bolívar attacked them with an army only two-thirdstheir size and was victorious. Among the independents was José AntonioAnzoátegui, a major general, who fought like a hero and succeeded inbreaking the stubborn resistance of the enemy. Death spared him on thefield of battle, but his glorious career ended a few days after the victoryof Boyacá, following a short illness. He was thirty years old. A member ofa very distinguished family, his culture was brilliant, his character waspure, his loyalty and patriotism were unsurpassed. His loss was equivalentto a great defeat. Barreiro, the commander of the royalists, fell prisonerto Bolívar's troops. This battle occurred on August 7, 1819, and was notonly a complete victory for the forces of independence, but also meantpractically the end of the Spanish régime in Nueva Granada. 

Regarding the crossing of the Andes and the victory of Boyacá, J. E. Rodó(Uruguayan), one of the greatest thinkers of recent years, says:

 "Other crossings of mountains may have been more adroit and more exemplary strategy; none so audacious, so heroic and legendary. Twenty-five hundred men climb the eastern slope of the range, and a smaller number of specters descends the other side; these specters are those of the men who were strong in body and soul, for the weak ones remained in the snow, in the torrents, on the heights where the air is not sufficient for human breasts. And with those specters of survivors, the victory of Boyacá was obtained. "[1]

One of the elements required for the upbuilding of Colombia--theindependence of Nueva Granada, was created by the victory of Boyacá. Thiswas by its effects the greatest triumph of Bolívar up to that moment. The Liberator advanced to Bogotá and was received there in a frenzy ofadmiration and love. 

The whole march and campaign lasted 75 days. This is the time a man wouldrequire to traverse the distance covered; but it was completed by an army, fighting against nature and man, and conquering both. Immediately after thetriumph of Boyacá, Bolívar sent troops to the different sections of NuevaGranada, and felt the satisfaction of repaying this country for what shehad done when she placed in his hands the army with which he first achievedthe freedom of Venezuela. In Bogotá, he obtained money and other[1] veryimportant resources with which to continue the war in Venezuela. Aselsewhere, he used his marvelous activity in the work of organization, andin conducting his armies on the field of battle. A great assembly of themost prominent men of Bogotá conferred upon him the title of Liberator ofNueva Granada, and bestowed the same title on all the men composing hisarmy, each one of whom also received a cross of honor called the Cross ofBoyacá. A Vice-President of Nueva Granada was appointed, General Franciscode Paula Santander, the man who had organized the troops which Bolívarjoined when he invaded the viceroyalty. Bolívar considered all theinhabitants as citizens of Colombia, without asking questions about theirprevious conduct, and issued passports to those who cared to depart. 

[Footnote 1: J. E. Rodó--Bolívar. ]

After Boyacá, the campaigns of Bolívar were very swift, very successful andon a very different footing from his past campaigns. His enemies henceforthhad to give up calling him the chieftain of rebels and bandits, and totreat him as an equal. He, however, by word and act showed to the worldthat he was not their equal, but very far their superior. After Boyacá"victory is always true, and grows, and spreads as the waters of a flood, and from peak to peak of the Andes, each mountain is a milestone oftriumph. "[1]

[Footnote 1: J. E. Rodó--Bolívar. ]

The royalists retreated from Bogotá, and Sámano fled to Cartagena. As forBolívar, he soon returned to Venezuela, leaving the business of NuevaGranada in the hands of Santander, recommending him to respect the rightsof everyone, because, as he said, "Justice is the foundation of theRepublic. "

In Angostura, there had arisen dissensions, and opposition to thevice-president, and even to Bolívar, himself. Some wanted him to be treatedas a deserter because he had undertaken the campaign of Nueva Granadawithout the permission of Congress; some pronounced him defeated; somedeclared that he was fleeing to safety. Mariño, who had been called tooccupy his seat in Congress, seconded by Arismendi, was the center of illfeeling against Bolívar. The vice-president was forced to resign, andArismendi was elected in his stead. His first action was to appoint Mariñohead of the army of the East. The substitution of a military president fora civilian was a vicious precedent which, unfortunately, has been followedin many instances by the Spanish American countries. Arismendi proved, nevertheless, a good vice-president, and retained the cabinet appointedby Bolívar. Affairs were in this condition when news arrived of Bolívar'svictory in Boyacá. 

The Liberator had learned of the disturbances in Angostura on his wayto Venezuela. He received also at this time the distressing news ofthe execution, ordered by Santander, of Barreiro and the other Spanishprisoners taken in Boyacá. Bolívar had proposed to the viceroy anexchange of prisoners, but the viceroy had not even answered Bolívar'scommunication. The Liberator had never agreed that the cause of freedomshould be stained by the blood of prisoners, except in those veryexceptional cases, already mentioned, when the War to Death decree wasin effect. On some occasions, individual chieftains had not hesitated tocommit crimes as heinous as those of the royalists. Though at times Bolívarhad to ignore such actions, lest he be left alone by his followers, whenever he could prevent them, he did. He had recommended justice toSantander, who, though otherwise a distinguished officer, an able generaland patriot, marred the fame he had acquired by this stupid act of cruelty, an act not to be justified even by the fact that Barreiro had ordered, without any form of law, the execution of many prisoners of war. Once, whena priest was imploring that the lives of prisoners be spared, Barreiroanswered: "I am shooting them as I should shoot Bolívar were he ever tofall into my hands. " Santander published a proclamation in which he triedto vindicate his conduct, but history has been just in its severity, condemning him unreservedly. 

Once back in Angostura, Bolívar feigned ignorance of what had happened, and comported himself with much prudence and circumspection. Arismendipresented his resignation with words of modesty, and promises which hefulfilled thereafter. On December 14, Bolívar appeared before the Congress, and in an address gave a short report of his victory in Nueva Granada, voicing his constant aspiration for the union of Venezuela and NuevaGranada to form the republic of Colombia. He said:

"Its aspiration (that of Nueva Granada) to join its provinces to those ofVenezuela is ... Unanimous. The New Granadians are entirely convinced ofthe enormous advantages which would result to both countries from thecreation of a new republic composed of these two nations. The union ofNueva Granada and Venezuela is the only purpose I have had since my firstbattles; it is the wish of the citizens of both countries, and it is theguaranty of the freedom of South America.... It behooves your wisdom todecree this great social act and to establish the principles of the pact onwhich this great republic is to be founded. Proclaim it before the wholeworld, and my services will be rewarded. "

The vice-president endorsed the proposition of Bolívar with eloquent words, incidentally praising the victorious general and his troops. Among thepersons who came to compliment him was an old foe named Mariano Montilla, acolonel in the army. Bolívar knew well how to discover real qualificationseven in the hearts of his enemies, and he availed himself of thisopportunity to establish strong bonds of friendship between himself and hisformer foe. He gave Montilla full powers to go to Cartagena, still in thehands of the Spaniards, with instructions to take it. Montilla provedworthy of Bolívar's trust. After fourteen months' siege, he capturedCartagena, as we shall see later. 

On the 17th of December, 1819, Congress decreed the creation of Colombiaby the union of Venezuela, Nueva Granada and Quito into a singlerepublic. Bolívar was then elected president. Don Antonio Zea was electedvice-president for Venezuela, and Santander for Nueva Granada (also calledCundinamarca). No vice-president was elected for Quito. The organization ofQuito was deferred until the army of freedom should enter that city. 

The dream of Bolívar had come true again, and his prophecy made in Jamaicain 1815 had become a reality. 

CHAPTER XIII

_Humanizing War. Morillo's Withdrawal_

(1820)

Meanwhile, in Spain, a great expedition was being prepared to come toAmerica, an expedition which was intended to surpass even the army ofMorillo. Fernando VII was determined to reëstablish his absolute power, notonly in Spain but in the colonies. Morillo, in Venezuela, was asking forreinforcements. In his pleas for more men he stated that he wanted them toconquer Bolívar, "an indomitable soul, whom a single victory, the smallest, is enough to make master of 500 leagues of territory. " Fernando VII wasvery willing to send this expedition, not merely to support his authority, but also to get rid of many officers who were accused of liberalprinciples. The army, gathered in Cádiz, was very soon undermined bysubversive ideas. An officer named Rafael Riego led the insurrection, andon New Year's Day, 1820, instead of being on its way to America, the armywas in revolt in the name of constitutional freedom. The ultimate resultof this was that the expedition did not sail, and that Fernando VII hadfrankly to accept a constitutional program. Although Morillo endeavored toconvey the idea that the events in Cádiz had little importance, the newswhich reached Bolívar after some delay strengthened his hope, for it seemedevident that Spanish soldiers were unwilling to come to America to fightagainst the insurgents. 

In January, 1820, Bolívar again crossed the plains, where Páez was incommand, and journeyed towards Bogotá, with the object of publishing thelaw establishing the Republic of Colombia. It was proclaimed there withsolemnity by Santander, who, on communicating the event to the President, praised the latter with the following words: "Colombia is the only child ofthe immortal Bolívar. " In March Bolívar was in Bogotá, where he gave thefinal orders for the various military operations to be conducted in theNorth and South. 

In his absence, the Congress of Angostura decreed that he should use theofficial title _Libertador_ before the word _Presidente_, and considerthis title as his own on all occasions of his life. Many other honors wereconferred upon him and his men. Grateful at heart, Bolívar devoted hisattention to the stupendous task of organizing the country. 

Meanwhile, Morillo, waiting for the Spanish reinforcements which neverarrived, distributed his armies on the plains and in the southwest, inorder to be in a position to fight Bolívar whenever the opportunityoccurred. There were still nearly 15, 000 men under Morillo, besides thosewho were in Nueva Granada occupying Cartagena and other smaller places, andthose in possession of Quito. Bolívar organized another army, determined totry his forces once more against those of his powerful foe. 

As a result of the revolution in Spain, Morillo had to proclaim and swearto the Spanish constitution in the provinces that he governed. This factwrought a marked change in the position of the contending armies. Therepresentative government established certain rights for provinces, andat the same time created the hope among the Spaniards that the revolutionwould end by conferring the privilege of representation on the Americancolonies. 

The Spanish government initiated peace negotiations with the patriots, andMorillo was made president of a commission which went to talk this matterover with the heads of the Colombian revolution in July, 1820. A "JuntaPacificadora, " or assembly to establish peace, was set up by Morillo inCaracas. Its first work was to send communications to the various generalsto suspend military operations for a month, while settlement was beingreached, and Bolívar was approached. On this occasion, Bolívar wasaddressed as "His Excellency, the President of the Republic. " He was nolonger the rebel, the insurgent or the bandit. 

Bolívar was not to be deceived by any conciliatory attitude on the part ofthe government. He decided that all his subordinate officers should furnishevery means for the conferences with the royalists, but always on the basisof the independence of Colombia. 

"It will never be humiliating, " he wrote in a letter to one of hisofficers, "to offer peace on the principles established in the declarationof the Republic of Venezuela, [1] which ought to be the foundation of allnegotiations; first, because it is ordered by a law of the Republic, and second, because it is necessary according to the nature and for thesalvation of Colombia. "

[Footnote 1: That of November, 1818. ]

Consequently, Congress answered the commissioners who came to deal withBolívar that the sovereign congress of Colombia would listen with pleasureto all the propositions of the Spanish government, provided they werefounded on the acknowledgment of the sovereignty and independence ofColombia, and that it would not admit any departure from this principle, often proclaimed by the government and people of the republic. 

Latorre, one of the most distinguished and gentlemanly of the Spanishcommanders, sent a personal note to Bolívar, in which he expressed the hopethat Bolívar would some day give him the pleasure of embracing him as hisbrother. Bolívar answered accepting the armistice, but reiterated that hewould listen to no proposition not based on the independence of Colombia. 

The proposal of the Spanish commanders was that the provinces should adoptthe political constitution of the Spanish monarchy; the King would permitthe present chieftains to retain command in the provinces they were thenoccupying for an indefinite time, but subordinate either to the general ofthe Spanish army or directly to the Spanish government. The representativeof Bolívar, for Bolívar did not attend the meeting through necessities ofthe campaign, declined to accept the proposals, and added:

 "The champions of justice and liberty, far from feeling flattered by promises of unlimited command, feel insulted to see themselves identified with the low element which prefers to oppress and be powerful to the sublime glory of being the liberators of their country. "

Meanwhile, the diplomatic representatives of Colombia were strengtheningthe credit of the country in London. The public debt was recognized anda system of payment was decided on. Colombia, whose freedom was not yetaccepted by the world, had at the time better credit than that of some ofthe European countries. On the other hand, some diplomatic movements werebadly conducted in Europe. The royalist system was so deeply rooted inthe spirits of men that many did not hesitate to take steps to establishindependent kingdoms in America, with European princes at their heads. As amatter of fact, at that time, the Spanish colonies, with the exception ofColombia, showed very marked monarchical tendencies. 

Mexico had given indication of her desire for a Spanish prince, and atlast fell into the hands of Iturbide. In Buenos Aires also, a monarch waswanted, and it is well known that San Martín, the hero of Argentina andChile, was very much in favor of the monarchical system. Colombia alonecontinued to support Bolívar in his idea concerning the establishment andthe conservation of the Repúblican system. It is true that Bolívar wanted apresident for life and an hereditary senate, but these ideas were rejectedby his fellow citizens. He defended them with great vigor, and, if we areto judge by the history of anarchy succeeded by long periods of tyrannythrough which many countries of Spanish America have passed, we may believethat Bolívar's ideas were based on a knowledge of all the weaknessescharacteristic of the Spanish American people of his time. He wantedto live up to the lofty words of Henry Clay, who, in the House ofRepresentatives of the United States, proposed that Colombia should berecognized as a free country, "worthy for many reasons to stand side byside with the most illustrious peoples of the world, " a solemn utterancewhich had little weight at that time in the United States, but which showedfor the first time in a semi-official way that the United States was takingnotice of the important movement of the South. 

Bolívar, after an expedition to inspect the military operations of hisarmy, sent a communication to Morillo, notifying him that he was readyto communicate with him. In a later letter, he asked Morillo to giveinstructions to his commanders to enter into a treaty to regularize thewar, the horrors and crimes of which up to that time had steeped Colombiain tears and blood. The first arrangement made by the commanders of bothsides was the agreement to an armistice to last during six months, coveringall Colombia, and designating the lines where the contending armies shouldstay. It was also agreed that a treaty would be drafted providing for thecontinuance of war in accordance with international law and the usagesof civilized countries. The initiative for these improvements was due toBolívar, who was also the author of the basis of the treaty proposed bythe Colombian delegates. Among the clauses of this agreement were someproviding for the safety, good-treatment and exchange of prisoners; theabolition of capital punishment against deserters apprehended in the ranksof the enemy; the inviolability of lives and property in the sectionstentatively occupied by the troops of the two armies; and the burial orincineration of the bodies of the dead on the field of battle. No treatyof the same nature entered into before that time had been so advanced incharacter. As Bolívar had previously said, the Venezuelans had nothingto lose; they had lost everything already; but the new treaty preventedfurther misfortune or abuse. 

Subsequent to the signing of the treaty, Morillo expressed a desire to meetBolívar personally, and Bolívar agreed. The two met in a town called SantaAna, accompanied by a very few officers. Latorre also attended the meeting, but the presence of officers particularly distasteful to Bolívar wasprevented by Morillo. Each of these two men represented in its noblestaspect the cause which he defended. It is strange that neither of themseemed to have been prepared by circumstances of early life for the role hewas playing. Morillo was born of humble parentage, and from the lowestrung of the ladder he climbed to the highest place in the army, always indefense of the monarchy, until he received the titles of Count of Cartagenaand Marquis of La Puerta; Bolívar, born in wealth, destined to become amillionaire and to be the recipient of every honor if he remained on theside of the oppressors of his country, sacrificed everything, lost hispersonal property to the last penny, and shared privations of every kindwith his soldiers. When he had money, he gave it away; when he had nomoney, he gave away his food and clothing. His generosity was unlimited. Onone occasion, when he learned that the man who had helped him to secure apassport after the surrender of Miranda was in prison and his estate aboutto be confiscated, Bolívar immediately asked that his own private propertybe taken instead of that of his friend. 

But both Bolívar and Morillo were very much above the common chieftains, the bloodthirsty Boves, the ignorant Páez. They were the bestrepresentatives of what was truest and loftiest in Spanish power and inindependent energy. 

The interview was cordial. The two men embraced one another, had a longfriendly conversation, and parted with a high mutual regard. They decidedthat a monument should be erected to commemorate their meeting. Bolívar'stoast at a dinner tendered him on that occasion indicated clearly how hedesired the war to be fought in the future. Lifting his glass, he said:

 "To the heroic firmness of all the fighters of both armies; to their constancy, endurance and matchless bravery; to the worthy men who support and defend freedom in the face of ghastly penalties; to those who have gloriously died defending their country and their government; to the wounded men of both armies who have shown their intrepidity, their dignity and their character ... Eternal hatred to those who desire blood and who shed it unjustly. "

Morillo answered in these words:

 "May Heaven punish those who are not inspired with the same feelings of peace and friendship that animate us. "

From that day on the correspondence between the two men was very respectfuland cordial. 

Morillo knew well that he could not conquer the independent army, and hedecided to return to Spain before he had lost his reputation in Venezuela. He asked to be recalled, and was succeeded by D. Manuel de Latorre, of whomwe have already made mention. Transfer of the command was effected on thefourteenth of December, 1820. 

CHAPTER XIV

_The Second Battle of Carabobo. Ambitions and Rewards. Bolívar'sDisinterestedness. American Unity_

(1821)

Sucre had been placed by Bolívar in command of the army of the South, withinstructions to go to Guayaquil, --a section which was not covered by thearmistice, --in order to negotiate its incorporation with Colombia. SanMartín desired to have the province of Quito form part of Perú, and thereis no ground for believing that he did so without sound and patrioticreasons. Bolívar, on his part, insisted that Quito and Guayaquil shouldbelong to Colombia. Sucre had a very delicate mission, for he represented aman totally opposite in ideas to San Martín, although inspired by the samelofty motives and with the same noble purpose of freedom. Sucre went by seato Guayaquil and prevented its invasion by the royalists, who had Quito intheir possession. 

Meanwhile, new commissioners came from Spain to undertake peacenegotiations. On that occasion Bolívar wrote a very courteous letter toLatorre; and in a private communication he sent these friendly words tohim:

 "I feel happy, my dear General, at seeing you at the head of my enemies, for nobody can do less harm and more good than you. You are destined to heal the wounds of your new country. You came to fight against it, and you are going to protect it. You have always shown yourself as a noble foe; be also the most faithful friend. "

He also sent commissioners to Spain with a very polite and cordial letterto Ferdinand VII, so as to do his best to obtain the freedom of Colombiaand its acceptance by Spain, avoiding, if possible, further fighting. 

Maracaibo, which, as we have seen, had always been a royalist city, alsodecided to break with Spain; on this occasion, Latorre thought that Bolívarhad broken the armistice, a thing that Bolívar denied, for he had notintervened in the movement, although he was ready to support the city inits labors towards freedom. He was willing to submit the decision of thequestion to arbitration, but Latorre did not acquiesce. Bolívar thennotified him that hostilities were resumed. He was convinced that theSpanish Government never thought seriously of granting peace to the formercolonies through accepting their independence. He immediately concentratedhis forces, organized an expedition against Maracaibo, called the cavalry, ordered invasion of the province of Caracas, obtained incorporation of Páezand his plainsmen, and advanced towards the enemy. On opening the campaign, he published a proclamation offering pardon to the Spaniards and promisingto send them to their country, and in all respects to obey the treatyon regularization of warfare. He also ordered his soldiers to obey thestipulations of that treaty. 

 "The Government, " he said, "imposes on you the strict duty of being more merciful than brave. Any one who may infringe on any of the articles on the regulation of war will be punished with death. Even when our foes would break them, we must fulfil them, so that Colombia's glory may not be stained with blood. "

It must not be forgotten that these enemies of Bolívar were very differentfrom the murderers commanded by Yáñez or Boves. 

The new Colombian Congress convened in the city of Rosario de Cúcuta. Bolívar, as usual on such occasions, submitted his resignation in order toleave the Congress free to give the command to whomever it might select. Among the members of the Congress there were some men openly hostile toBolívar, and in his communication he not only presented the usual reasonsfor resigning, but also stated frankly that he was tired of hearing himselfcalled tyrant by his enemies. The Congress answered very cordially, askinghim to remain in his position and assuring him of the gratitude of theAssembly for his valor and constancy. 

Knowing that Latorre had advanced to Araure, the General moved with hisarmy towards the town of San Carlos, where he received some reinforcements. As other independent commanders were harassing Latorre at different points, the Spaniard had to send some of his troops to repel these attacks, and sowas forced to weaken his own army. Then he placed himself on the plain ofCarabobo, where Bolívar, in 1814, had defeated the royalists commanded byCagigal and Ceballos. There he was attacked by Bolívar on June 24, 1821. Ateleven o'clock in the morning the battle began, and it developed with theswiftness of lightning. In an hour the royalist army was destroyed, notwithout great losses to the independents. In one hour not only the royalistarmy was defeated, but the Spanish domination in Venezuela had come to anend. In this battle, a very decisive rôle was played by the British legion, and by the brave _llaneros_ commanded by Páez. 

As the battle of Boyacá practically secured the independence of NuevaGranada, the battle of Carabobo secured the independence of Venezuela. Boyacá and Carabobo were up to that moment the greatest titles of glory forBolívar, but his work was not completed, and America had still more andbrighter glory in store for him. He, in his vigorous style, described thebattle in a communication to the Congress, in which he said, among otherthings:

 "Yesterday the political birth of the Republic of Colombia was confirmed by a splendid victory. "

Then he praised Páez, whom he immediately promoted to the rank of fullGeneral of the Army, and paid last homage to General Cedeño, who died inaction, --

 "none braver than he, none more obedient to the Government ... He died in the middle of the battle, in the heroic manner in which the life of the brave of Colombia deserves to end.... 

 "The Republic suffers an equal pain in the death of the most daring Colonel Plaza, who, filled with unparalleled enthusiasm, threw himself against an enemy battalion to conquer it. Colonel Plaza deserves the tears of Colombia ... The Spanish army had over 6, 000 picked men. This army does not exist any more; 400 of the enemy's men entered Puerto Cabello today. "

The struggle for Venezuelan independence opened on April 19, 1810, inCaracas, and closed on June 24, 1821, at Carabobo. 

The Congress decreed the highest honors to the conquerors of Carabobo, ordered a day of public rejoicing throughout the whole country, and set thefollowing day for the funerals of all those who had fallen on the field ofbattle. 

After the battle of Carabobo, Venezuela was divided into three militarydistricts, which were placed under the command respectively of Mariño, Páezand Bermúdez, who had also been promoted to the rank of general. In thisway, Bolívar tried to satisfy the ambitions of his officers, who, in morethan one respect, considered their conquests as private property. 

This was especially true of Páez. The Liberator had to be very careful indealing with them, constantly impelled by the fear that through peace theirrestlessness would become a danger to the stability of the country. Bolívarsummarized the situation when he exclaimed:

 "I am more afraid of peace than of war!"

His attention was then turned to the campaign of the South. He had beeninformed that San Martín was inclined to deal with the royalists, andhe wanted to hasten there to avoid any such compromise. At this time helearned that the independence of Mexico was a fact, and he became impatientto finish the emancipation of Colombia by means of the freedom of theIsthmus of Panamá, which he used to call the "carrier of the universe. "

Upon the organization of Colombia, as a result of the union of NuevaGranada and Venezuela, Bolívar was made president, and in that capacity hesigned the constitution of 1821. In his communication to the Congress ofRosario de Cúcuta, he reiterated his desire to resign the command. On thisoccasion, his declaration could not be more emphatic. 

 "A man like me is a dangerous citizen in a popular government. He is an immediate threat to the national sovereignty. I want to be a cit in order to secure my own freedom and the freedom of everybody else. I prefer the title of citizen to that of Liberator, because the latter comes from war and the former comes from the law. Change, I beg you, all my titles for that of _good citizen_. "

Of course, no one would think of accepting his resignation at a moment whenhis genius was most needed for the organization of the country. 

We have mentioned very often the resignation of the Liberator from hiscommand, and the invariable nonacceptance of it. Some enemies of Bolívarhave declared that he never resigned in earnest, and have gone so far as topronounce him an ambitious man who wanted all glory and power in Colombiaand South America. The declarations made by Bolívar were made before thewhole world. He had gained sufficient glory to be termed a great man, even though he left the army. If his resignation had been accepted, it isabsolutely certain that he would have abandoned the power in order tokeep untainted his reputation as a warrior, as an organizer, and as aself-sacrificing patriot. At that time he was praised by the North Americanpress, as well as by men in every part of the world. The press of theUnited States opposed his resignation, considering it premature. GeneralFoy said:

 "Bolívar, born a subject, freeing a world, and dying as a citizen, shall be for America a redeeming divinity, and in history the noblest example of greatness to which a man can arrive. "

The Archbishop of Malines, Monsignor de Pradt, said:

 "The morality of the world, weakened with so many examples of violence, baseness, ambition, covetousness and hypocrisy, was in need of a stimulus like Bolívar, whose moderation and whose unheard-of abnegation in the full possession of power have rendered ambition hate The example of this great, virtuous man may serve as a general purification, strong enough to disinfect society. "

The author of this monograph has been very keen to find all papers anddocuments in which appears disparaging criticism of the life of Bolívar. Hedeclares that he has never found one which is not invalidated by reasons ofpersonal interest, political antagonism or prejudice. Bolívar's life wasalways consistent with his words. He was a man of power. Whenever occasiondemanded it, he became a real dictator. At times necessity made him ratherweak in dealing with the stormy elements of his own party, and only inexceptional circumstances, as in the sad case of General Piar did he riseto the plane of severity in letting justice take its course. A carefulstudy of the life of Bolívar has produced a great change in the mind of theauthor of this work. He has come to realize that he was studying not merelythe life and deeds of a great American, or even of a great man among allmen, but the history of one of those exceptional beings selected by God toperform the highest missions and to teach great lessons. The student, uponleaving the subject, feels the same reverence experienced upon leavinga sacred place, where the spirit has been under the influence of thesupernatural. Bolívar's ambition was the legitimate desire for glory, buthe never wanted that power which consists in the oppression of fellowmenand the acquisition of wealth. 

We have seen that General Sucre had gone by sea to Guayaquil, while Bolívardecided to go by land to Quito. He considered this campaign as decisive, but while he was making his preparations, he did not neglect the diplomaticrelations of his country, the organization of finance nor the domesticservice. He continued to dream of the unity of America. He never succeededin attaining it, but that dream was the star to which he had hitched hischariot. He had been in communication with the statesmen of Argentina andChile, and, as we have seen, in his proclamation sent to the inhabitantsof Nueva Granada he expressed a desire that the motto of America shouldbe "Unity in South America. " He sent one plenipotentiary to Mexico, andanother to Perú, Chile and Argentina. In his instructions to the latter hesaid the following words, which sound today, a century later, as thoughthey had been uttered yesterday:

 "I repeat that of all I have expressed, there is nothing of so much importance at this moment as the formation of a league truly American. But this confederation must not be formed simply on the principles of an ordinary alliance for attack and for defense; it must be closer than the one lately formed in Europe against the freedom of the people. 

 "It is necessary that our society be a society of sister nations, divided for the time being in the exercise of their sovereignty, on account of the course of human events, but united, strong and powerful, in order to support each other against aggressions of foreign powers. 

 "It is indispensable that you should incessantly urge the necessary to establish immediately the foundations of an amphictyonic body or assembly of plenipotentiaries to promote the common interests of the American states, to settle the differences which may arise in the future between peoples which have the same habits and the same customs, and which, through the lack of such a sacred institution, may perhaps kindle deplorable wars, such as those which have destroyed other regions less fortunate. "

In the projected treaty carried by the same representative, the followingappears:

 "Both contracting parties guarantee to each other the integrity of their respective territories, as constituted before the present war, keeping the boundaries possessed at that time by each captaincy general or viceroyalty of those who now have resumed the exercise of their sovereignty, unless in a legal way two or more of them have agreed to form a single body or nation, as has happened with the old captaincy general of Venezuela and the kingdom of Nueva Granada, which now form the Republic of Colombia. "

Similar instructions were given to the representative sent to Mexico. 

The treaty arranged with Perú was similar to another entered intoafterwards with Chile. In both documents it was stipulated: that anassembly should be organized with representatives of the differentcountries; that all the governments of America, or of that part of Americawhich had belonged to Spain, should be invited to enter into that union, league, or perpetual confederation; that the assembly of plenipotentiariesshould be entrusted with the work of laying the foundation for, and ofestablishing, the closer relations which should exist among all of thosestates; and that this assembly should "serve them as a council in greatconflicts, as a point of contact in the common dangers, as faithfulinterpreter of their public treaties when difficulties occur, and as anarbitral judge and conciliator in their disputes and differences. " In thisway, two great principles were sanctioned by Bolívar: the principle of_uti-possidetis_ and the principle of arbitration, which was proclaimed inAmerica, for the first time, by Bolívar as president of Colombia. 

Before leaving for the campaign of the South, the Libertador Presidentereceived the good news of Cartagena's fall into the hands of Montilla afterfourteen months of siege, and of the insurrection of Panamá, which becameindependent and formed the eighth department of Colombia. 

The importance of the independence of Panamá cannot be exaggerated. Bolívarwisely deemed it of greatest moment, and what has occurred during thetwentieth century has proved that Bolívar was absolutely right in hisjudgment. 

CHAPTER XV

_Bomboná and Pichincha. The Birth of Ecuador. Bolívar and San Martin Faceto Face_

(1822)

In January, 1822, Bolívar was in Cali, assembling his army to invade Quitoby land. 

This campaign proved to be the most difficult he had undertaken withrespect to natural obstacles. Between Quito and his army, the Andes form anucleus of mountains called the Nudo de Pasto. All the difficulties withwhich he had had to contend in the campaigns of Venezuela and NuevaGranada, --such as the flooded plains, the deep ravines between Venezuelaand the Colombian valleys, the narrow and rugged passages, the wildbeasts, --sink into nothingness as compared with the almost unconquerableobstacles which he was to face on his way to the South. In no other partof the continent do the Andes present such an appalling combination ofravines, torrents, precipitous paths and gigantic peaks. Furthermore, nowhere on the continent was the population so hostile to freedom as werethe _pastusos_ (inhabitants of the _Pastos_). Men, women and childrencordially hated the cause of the Republic, and stopped at no crime todestroy the armies of Bolívar. Despite all this opposition, Bolívar madeready to throw the glories he had earned in Boyaca and Carabobo into thebalance, risking everything to obtain the freedom of the peoples of thesouth, and the union of Quito and Colombia. This campaign presenteddifficulties greater than Napoleon himself ever found in his path. TheAlps do not compare with these American mountains, --which rank with theHimalayas. 

On the 8th of March, Bolívar began his advance to the South, being forcedto leave a thousand men in the hospitals on the way. Scarcely two thousandmen formed the army when it approached the formidable Nudo de Pasto. Sucre, who had been stationed in Guayaquil, moved so as to distract the attentionof the Spaniards, thus helping Bolívar, and this was the only favorablecircumstance. 

Two thousand men were awaiting Bolívar in the city of Pasto, men who knewthe country and who had the support of the inhabitants in their war againstthe independents. The commander of Pasto was a Spanish colonel named D. Basilio García. 

The two armies met in a place called Bomboná, where all the advantages wereon the side of the royalists. Bolívar found himself about to attack an armymade almost invulnerable by nature; forests, roads, ravines--all protectedit. In such a position, Bolívar merely said these words: "We must conquerand we will conquer!"

On the 7th of April the battle of Bomboná occurred. It lasted the entireafternoon and part of the night. The independent army rose to the occasion, and accomplished what it had never before realized. The light of the moonwitnessed the retreat of the royalist army, defeated and destroyed, seekingshelter in the city of Pasto; and the name of Bomboná was written inhistory beside those of Boyacá and Carabobo as among the most momentous, the most significant battles fought for the cause of independence. [1]

[Footnote 1: Before the battle, General Pedro León Torres misunderstood anorder from Bolívar. The latter instructed him to surrender his command to acolonel. Torres took a rifle and answered:

 "Libertador, if I am not good enough to serve my country as a general, I shall serve her as a grenadier. "

Bolívar gave him back his command; Torres ordered the advance of his menand threw himself against the enemy, falling fatally wounded. ]

The city of Pasto was unanimous against the Liberator, who now asked Garcíato surrender. García at first refused, but finally accepted capitulation. He was a brave man and a creditable representative of Spanish heroism. 

Bolívar entered Pasto. He was in such grave danger from the hostility ofthe inhabitants that he had to be escorted by Spanish soldiers, who, inthis way, displayed their loyalty to their word and their high sense ofhonor. 

This occurred on the 8th of June, 1822. The battle of Bomboná had takenplace two months before, and in the interval another great event occurredin favor of the independent army. General Sucre, who had come to helpBolívar in the movement, had taken several cities as he advanced towardsQuito. On the 24th of May he fought a decisive battle on the volcanicmountain of Pichincha, by which the independence of Quito was secured. Thebattle of Pichincha made Sucre the greatest general in the Repúblicanarmy, after Bolívar. He captured 1, 200 prisoners, several pieces of fieldartillery, guns and implements of war, and even made prisoner the Spanishcommander, Aymerich. On the 25th of May, Sucre entered the city of Quito, two hundred and eighty years after the Spaniards arrived in that city forthe first time. 

With Sucre in Quito and Bolívar in Pasto, many bodies of royalist troopssurrendered. 

In the United States, the question of recognizing the independence of theSouth American countries finally came before Congress. On March 8, 1822, with James Monroe as President and John Quincy Adams as Secretary of State, the ideas expressed by Henry Clay in 1820 were carried to full fruition. The press had been working in favor of independence, and the message ofMonroe in favor of recognition was an interpretation of public opinionat that time. In the report presented to Congress was the followingexpression:

 "To deny to the peoples of Spanish America their right to independence would be in fact to renounce our own independence. "

The independence of the South American countries was recognized by acongressional vote of 159 out of 160. It is better to forget the name ofthe man who opposed it. Spain fought against this measure but still itheld. Colombia, Mexico and Buenos Aires entered into the concert of freenations. 

Bolívar proceeded to organize the province of Los Pastos, and, with thehelp of the Bishop of Popayan, --a former foe to the cause of independence, who had wanted to return to Spain when the insurgents took possessionof the city, but who was persuaded to remain by the noble words ofBolívar--finally obtained the consolidation of the republic in thatsection. A few days later Bolívar left Los Pastos for Quito, where he wasreceived in triumph. The authorities of the old kingdom of Quito declaredthe city's desire to be reunited with the Republic of Colombia, --to becomea part of the latter. Upon receiving the minutes of the assembly in whichthis decision was taken, Bolívar decided that this resolution should beplaced before the proper representatives of the people, so that it might begiven greater emphasis by their approval. 

In the organization of the country, Bolívar formed the department ofEcuador of three old provinces. Sucre, promoted to the rank of majorgeneral, was appointed governor of this department. Then Bolívar addresseda letter to San Martin, at that time Protector of Perú, telling him thatthe war in Colombia had come to an end and that his men were ready to gowherever their brothers would call them, "especially to the country of ourneighbors to the South. "

There was a serious problem to be solved in the South, and it had to beworked out in Guayaquil. Two great men were going to come face to face. Itis necessary to study, even briefly, the personality of the other noted manof the South, General San Martín. 

D. José de San Martín was born on the 25th of February, 1778, of Spanishparents, in the little village of Yapeyú, in the missions established amongthe Indians in the northeast part of what is now the Argentine Republic. His father was lieutenant governor of the department. José was educated inSpain among youths of noble birth. At eleven years of age he entered thearmy. He fought in Africa, against the French, and in Portugal. In thecampaign in Portugal he was a brother-in-arms of don Mariano Montilla, thehero of Cartagena. He rose to the position of lieutenant colonel. In 1811he met Miranda in London, and then decided to come to Buenos Aires. He arrived there in 1812, and placed himself at the disposal of therevolutionary government, which gave him the grade of lieutenant colonelof cavalry. He immediately showed his talent as an organizer of men; heinstructed his officers and disciplined his soldiers. 

At the beginning of the Argentine revolution, the idea of independence wasvague, and it was San Martín who first suggested that the revolutionistsshould call themselves "independents, " so as to have a cause, a flag andprinciples by which they might be known. It is necessary to remember thatthe revolution in this section of America was always of a monarchicaltendency, and San Martin was always an ardent supporter of monarchicalideas. The only battle in which he took part in Argentina was one in whichhe, with 120 men, defeated 250 foes. The independence of the viceroyalty ofthe River Plata caused very little bloodshed, except in the northern part, which is now the republic of Bolivia. San Martin was sent to fight theSpaniards in this section, but he well knew the futility of attackingby land, because the greatest stronghold of the Spaniards on the entirecontinent--the viceroyalty of Perú--was on the other side. He then feignedillness, and was sent as governor to the province of Cuyo, at the foot ofthe Andes, where he worked constantly and efficiently to organize a largearmy. He succeeded, not with the brilliancy of Bolívar's genius, butthrough the constancy of his own methodical soul. 

San Martín was reserved. It was very difficult to know his thoughts and hisfeelings. He was successful in battle as well as in his deception of theenemy. In many respects he was the opposite of Bolívar. 

In 1817 San Martín had 4, 000 soldiers in Mendoza ready to invade Chile, where the insurgent armies had been defeated in Rancagua by a Spanish armysent from Perú. The remnants of the Chilean patriots dispersed, and some ofthem crossed the Andes and presented themselves to San Martín in the cityof Mendoza. He received some and rejected others. Among the former was D. Bernardo O'Higgins, upon whose loyalty San Martín was certain he coulddepend. 

San Martín crossed the Andes, and defeated the Spaniards at Chacabuco. Later, he fought the decisive battle of Maipó, passing then to Santiago, where he was proclaimed director of the state, from which position heimmediately resigned, using all his influence to have O'Higgins appointedin his stead, which was done. O'Higgins was an honest man and an excellentadministrator. He immediately appointed San Martín general-in-chief of thearmy, and together they planned the invasion of Perú by sea. 

With the help of Admiral Cochrane, San Martín reached the shores of Perú, where he landed. After some delay, due to the desire to enlist publicopinion in the cause of independence, he took the city of Lima on July 8, 1821, and was appointed Protector of Perú. He wished to unite Guayaquil andPerú, in which plan he was opposed by Bolívar. 

Guayaquil had declared itself independent of Spain in October, 1820. Wehave seen that Sucre was sent there by Bolívar because that section hadnot been included in the armistice agreed to with Morillo in Santa Ana. InGuayaquil there were three parties, one on the side of Perú, one on theside of Colombia, and a third which desired the independence of thatsection. There were several movements in favor of and against theseconflicting views, when Bolívar sent messages to Sucre, O'Higgins, SanMartín, and other prominent men, in an endeavor to form a combination tobring about an early and successful end to the war for independence. In allthe difficulties of Guayaquil, Sucre displayed exceptional prudence andtact, but when he was obliged to leave the city in order to draw to himselfthe attention of the Spaniards and thus facilitate the movement of Bolívaragainst Pasto, the intrigues increased, and Bolívar had to intervene, sending a message to the Junta of Guayaquil, asking them to recognize theunion of Guayaquil and Colombia. San Martín was on the point of declaringwar on Colombia, a fatal step which was prevented by the pressure of othermore urgent matters, and perhaps because the victories of Bomboná andPichincha were too recent to encourage any disregard of the conquerors. 

As soon as Bolívar arrived in Quito, he decided to go to Guayaquil to takethe situation in hand. He arrived on July 11, and was received in triumph, his presence producing a decided effect in favor of the union withColombia. He published a proclamation inviting expressions of popularopinion as to union, and was waiting for the day on which therepresentatives of the province were to meet, when General San Martínappeared in the city, surprising everybody, for, although he had sentBolívar a letter notifying him of his intended visit, Bolívar had notreceived it. He was most cordially received by the Liberator, who, in aprevious communication, had declared his friendship for the Protector ofPerú. San Martín landed on the 26th of July, and that night had a longpersonal conference with Bolívar, concerning which opinions varied. Therewere no witnesses of that interview. It is certain that the men discussedthe union of Guayaquil, and the conflicting ideas of both leaders. Againthe intellectual superiority of Bolívar was evident. One thing, however, isknown: forty hours after landing in Guayaquil, the Protector left the cityand went to Perú, where he resigned his position and then sailed for Chile, whence he went to the Argentine Republic. Later, he proceeded to Europe, where he died in the middle of the century, a great man, the victim of theingratitude of his fellow citizens, always modest and reserved, and, inmany respects, an unsolved mystery. He harbored no resentment towardsBolívar. When he arrived in Callao after the interview, the paperspublished the following words over his name:

 "The 26th of last July, when I had the satisfaction of embracing the Hero of the South, was one of the happiest days of my life. The Liberator of Colombia is not only helping this state with three of his brave battalions, united to the valiant division of Perú under the command of General Santa Cruz, to put an end to the war in America, but he is also sending a considerable number of arms for the same purpose. Let us all pay the homage of our eternal gratitude to the immortal Bolívar. "

CHAPTER XVI

_Junín, a Battle of Centaurs. The Continent's Freedom Sealed in Ayacucho_

(1822-1824)

After the victories of Bomboná and Pichincha Bolívar again evidencedhis disinterestedness and his generosity in praising his officers. Hereiterated his desire to resign his power. He expressed in a letter theneed he felt for rest, and a belief that a period of repose might restorehis former energy, which he felt slipping away from him. 

Writing to a friend about Iturbide, he said:

 "You must be aware that Iturbide made himself emperor through the grace of Pío, first sergeant. [1] ... I am very much afraid that the four boards covered with crimson, and which are termed a throne, cause the shedding of more blood and tears and give more cares than rest.... Some believe that it is very easy to put upon one's head a crown and have all adore it; But I believe that the period of monarchy is pass and that thrones will not be up-to-date in public opinion until the corruption of men chokes love of freedom. "

[Footnote 1: Augustin de Iturbide was proclaimed Emperor of Mexico as theresult of a mutiny led in Mexico City by a sergeant called Pio Marcha. ]

 Regarding the battle of Pichincha, he said: "Sucre is the Liberator of Ecuador. "

No better praise could be given his worthy lieutenant. 

Once in Quito, he received the alarming news from Perú, which province hadbeen left by San Martín, that several serious defeats had been suffered bythe independents. He immediately made ready to free the viceroyalty fromSpain, realizing that while Perú remained under Spain the independenceof Colombia would be in danger. The viceroy of Perú had 23, 000 Europeansoldiers and all the resources necessary to carry on war. 

Perú was the last South American country to proclaim its independence. Although there had been some movements of insurrection in 1809 in Alto Perú(now Bolivia), they were soon quelled and the country once more placedunder the dominion of Spain. As a result, Perú was in position to sendreinforcements to the royalists in Chile and was a constant menace toColombia. The patriots of Chile, after obtaining their freedom, organizedSan Martín's expedition to invade Perú. When San Martín entered Lima earlyin July, 1821, the viceroy (Pezuela) was deposed by an assembly, andLaserna was appointed to take his place. Once in Lima, San Martín enteredupon a period of inactivity which resulted in heavy losses to theindependents. He was even ready to communicate with the Spaniards in orderto arrange for the establishment of a regency in Perú, awaiting the arrivalof a European prince to govern the country. He even appeared ready to go toSpain, himself, to beg for a prince. 

The viceroy established his residence in Cuzco, the old capital of theIncas, and the Spanish officers obtained several partial victories. 

The defeats of the independent forces brought about the dissolution of a_junta_ which had taken charge of the government. At that time, Bolívardecided to intervene to help Perú gain her independence. He decided to send3, 000 men at once and to follow himself with 3, 000 more to undertake thislast part of his important work. As we have said, his decision in thismatter was based, among other things, on the realization that the freedomof Colombia was in constant danger while the royalists occupied Perú. Whilemaking preparations for the campaign, he received news from Santander, the vice-president of Colombia, that the Spanish general, Morales, wasadvancing from Mérida to Cúcuta with a powerful army. He decided to sendSucre to Lima to handle the situation there and to go, himself, to Bogotáto defend his own country. He would have been unable to go to Limaimmediately anyway, for he had not yet obtained permission from theColombian government to do so. On his way to Bogotá he learned that thereports of the movements of Morales were very much exaggerated and that hisforces were not so large as at first thought. Meanwhile, the Perúvians wereinsisting that Bolívar come to assist them, and the Constitutional Congressof Perú even instructed the President to ask the Libertador Presidente toinform his home government that the government of Perú ardently besoughthim to lend his assistance. Aware of the inefficient organization of thePeruvian forces, Bolívar strongly advised that attacks should not be madeat once in order to see whether negotiations could bring about the desiredresults, or to allow time in which to improve the condition of the army. He argued that no movement should be made until it was certain thatindependence could be gained only through the success of arms. 

While Bolívar was still undecided, a powerful royalist army approachedLima, and the insurgents had to leave the capital and take shelter in thenear-by port of Callao. Sucre, to whom the command of the united armyhad been offered, but who had not accepted this commission, directed theretreat. In Callao he assumed power, organized the insurgents of the city, and undertook other military operations. The royalists remained in Lima fora short while only, and then their opponents reoccupied the city. 

Once more Bolívar was obliged to leave Guayaquil, this time to go to Quitoto defend the city against the _pastusos_, who had again rebelled. Afterpunishing them, he sent men to the city of Pasto to finish the work ofpacification, and he returned to Guayaquil in January, 1823, where he wasmet by a commission sent from Perú to insist upon his taking command of thePerúvians. Upon receipt of authorization from the Colombian government, he proceeded to Callao, where he arrived on the first of September, 1823. Congress conferred upon Bolívar the title of Libertador, and placed in hishands supreme military authority over all the forces of the country. Inorder to insure close coöperation between the civil administration and themilitary operations, he was vested with political and executive authority. Bolívar accepted these powers with great modesty, and remarked:

 "I do for Perú more than my ability permits, because I count upon the efforts of my generous fellows-in-arms. The wisdom of Congress will give me light in the midst of the chaos, difficulties and dangers in which I see myself.... I left the capital of Colombia, avoiding the responsibilities of civil government. My repugnance to work in governmental affairs is beyond all exaggeration, so I have resigned forever from civil power so far as it is not closely connected with military operations. The Congress of Perú may count, nevertheless on all the strength of Colombian arms to give the country unlimited freedom. By protecting national representation I have done for Perú the greatest service a man could do for a nation. "

There were elaborate festivities in honor of Bolívar, and his moderation, as well as his other personal qualifications, was recognized and admired. General O'Higgins of Chile was present on that occasion. At one of thebanquets, Bolívar proposed a toast voicing the hope that the children ofAmerica might never see a throne raised in any of its territories, andthat, as Napoleon was exiled in the middle of the ocean, and the newemperor, Iturbide, thrown out of Mexico, all usurpers of the rights of thepeople might fall, and that not one of them might remain throughout the NewWorld. 

Bolívar had many difficulties to overcome in the work of organizing theelements of the country for the final struggle. Perúvians had not beenhardened by constant fighting as had Venezuelans and New Granadians, andalthough they were patriotic and anxious to obtain their freedom, yet theylacked the ardor that only Bolívar knew how to kindle in men's hearts. Hedecided to hasten the advance of the Colombian reinforcements, knowing thathe could trust them to form a strong nucleus around which he could organizethe Peruvian campaign. In the midst of his incessant work, he would say:

 "We must conquer or die! And we will conquer, for Heaven does not want us in chains. "

In January, 1824, Bolívar became very ill with fever. Before he had fullyrecovered he began to direct the preparations for the campaign, and whileconvalescing displayed remarkable energy in his work. [1] At times, though, he showed some signs of discouragement. He had already said he felt thathis energy was diminishing, and in a letter to General Sucre he wrote:

 "I am ready to meet the Spaniards in a battle to end war in America, but nothing more. I feel tired, I am old, and I have nothing to expect. "

He had something to expect: the last and final victories, and then theingratitude of his fellow citizens. Perhaps at that time he was beginningto feel the advances of the illness which caused his death. [2]

[Footnote 1: When he was still very weak, sitting ghost-like in anarmchair, his friend don Joaquín Mosquera, who had been his ambassador tothe countries of the South, asked him, "And now, what are you going to do?""To conquer, " answered Bolívar. ]

[Footnote 2: Tuberculosis. ]

Then an event occurred which almost destroyed all of Bolívar's well-madeplans. Some troops sent from the River Plata started a rebellion in Callao, and, before anything could be done to correct the situation, the Spanishflag was hoisted over the fortress and messages had been sent to theviceroy offering to deliver the city. Laserna sent General Rodil, appointing him governor and military commander of the province of Lima, andplacing him in full command of the fortress and the treacherous soldiers. This was a severe loss for the Repúblican cause. Congress at once suspendedthe constitution and the law and appointed Bolívar dictator, for itrealized that he was the only man to cope with the situation. The royalistarmy had 18, 000 men, 12, 000 to fight Bolívar, who was then in the cityof Trujillo, and 6, 000 to keep Upper Perú (now Bolivia) and the southerncoast, subject to Spain. Bolívar had from 4, 000 to 6, 000 Colombians andabout 4, 000 Perúvians, all in poor condition. He gathered all the resourcesavailable in Lima, but desertion and treachery had left very little of use. At that time, to be disloyal was a fashionable thing for the insurgents ofLima. However, Bolívar would not despair. In a letter written at that time, he said:

 "This year will not come to a close without our having gained Potosí. "

His chief hope had been in the army of Colombia; but, while in Trujillo, he learned that the government of Colombia would not send any troops orresources without express authorization from Congress, which meant a longdelay. Meanwhile, the Spaniards under command of Canterac were advancingagainst Trujillo. Bolívar set to work again with that feverish activitywhich seemed to enable him to create everything from nothing--men, uniforms, arms, horses, even horseshoes. The smallest detail, near or at adistance, was the object of his care, and he attended to everything withthat precision and accuracy which form a great proportion of what we callgenius. 

The city of Pasco was selected by Bolívar as the meeting place of all theindependent forces, and the month of May chosen for the general movement. In June the Andes were crossed, and on August 2nd, the army was assembledon the plain of Sacramento, near Pasco. There he arranged his soldiers forbattle and decided to attack on the 6th the royalists, who were nearby. Canterac was approaching with an army of 9, 000 of which 2, 000 werecavalrymen. 

On August 6, 1824, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the two armies met onthe plain of Junín, near the lake of that name, the source of the Amazonas. This battle was one of cavalry only, and was in appearance and in resultsone of the most terrible. Throughout the whole combat not one shot wasfired. Only the horsemen fought, but the defeated royalist cavalry onretreat, drew the infantry with them. The battle of Junín ranked inimportance with those of Boyacá, Carabobo and Bomboná, as well as that ofPichincha, and had a marked effect on the ultimate success of the Peruviancampaign. The morale of the royalists was destroyed. Canterac, in hisretreat, was forced to cover 450 miles of very rough country, and lost alarge part of his army. 

A festivity following this success was the occasion of generous wordsexchanged between the victor of Bomboná and the conqueror of Pichincha. Sucre said:

 "Led by the Liberator, we can expect nothing but victory!"

to which Bolívar answered:

 "To know that I will conquer, it is enough to know who are around me. "

At another time, Bolívar reiterated his feelings in the following way:

 "Let the valiant swords of those who surround me pierce my breast a thousand times if at any time I oppress the countries I now lead to freedom! Let the authority of the people be the only existing power on earth! Let the name of tyranny be obliterated from the language of the world and even forgotten!"

Bolívar then left the army in the command of Sucre and departed for theseaboard to continue his work of organization. 

The royalists had left Lima as soon as they learned of the defeat of Junín. Rodil was in the fortress at Callao. The viceroy in Cuzco gathered all thesoldiers he could, forming an army of 11, 000 men, and started out to avengethe defeat of Junín. 

On December 9, 1824, the two armies met on the plain of Ayacucho, and atnoon began the final battle of the Wars of Independence on the Americancontinent. At first the Spaniards had some success. Then General Córdovaof the army of Sucre, jumped from his horse, killed it with his sabre, andexclaimed to his soldiers: "I do not want any means of escape. I am merelykeeping my sword to conquer. Forward, march of conquerors!" The royalistscould not resist Córdova. They put all their reserves into action, but thesoldiers of the independent army were determined to triumph, and Córdova, himself, had the glory of taking the viceroy prisoner. It is said that inthe afternoon of that day the insurgents were fewer in number than theirprisoners. A capitulation was proposed and was accepted, Canterac signingon account of the capture of the viceroy. The generals and officerspromised not to fight any more in the War of Independence nor to go to anyplace occupied by royalists. Callao was included in the capitulation, butRodil did not accept. 

Bolívar possessed the virtue of creating heroes by his side: Anzoátegui inBoyacá; Páez in Carabobo; Torres in Bomboná; Sucre, commander-in-chief inPichincha and Ayacucho; and Córdova, under Sucre's command, in the lastfight for independence. 

The War of Independence of Latin America began in Caracas on April 19, 1810, and ended in Ayacucho on December 9, 1824. Writing about this battle, Bolívar said:

 "The battle of Ayacucho is the greatest American glory and is work of General Sucre. Its arrangement was perfect; its execution superhuman. Swift and clever maneuvers destroyed in one hour the victors of fourteen years, and an enemy perfectly organized and ably commanded. "

He conferred the highest honors on Sucre, and bestowed the titles of GrandMarshal and General, Liberator of Perú, on him. In a letter to Sucre, hewrote:

 "The ninth of December, 1824, when you triumphed over the foe of independence, will be remembered by countless generations, who will always bless the patriot and warrior who made that day famous in the annals of America. So long as Ayacucho is remembered, the name of Sucre will be remembered. It will last forever. "

The battle of Ayacucho practically put an end to the War of Independence ofAmerica, which began with the battle of Lexington, April 19, 1775. 

CHAPTER XVII

_Bolivia's Birth. Bolívar's Triumph. The Monarchical Idea. From Honors toBitterness_

(1825-1827)

Immediately after Ayacucho, Bolívar ordered the cessation of conscriptionand called a constitutional convention for February 8, 1825. 

 "The deplorable circumstances which forced Congress to create the extraordinary office of dictatorship have disappeared, " he said, "and the Republic is now able to constitute and organize itself as it will. "

Passing from national interests to his great idea of American union, heissued a circular to all the governments of the continent to carry intopractice the assembly of plenipotentiaries of Latin America. 

 "It is now time, " he wrote, "that the common interests uniting the American republics had a fundamental basis to make permanent the duration of their governments, if possible. The task of establishing this system and affirming the power of this great political body must rest upon that lofty authority which may direct the policies of our governments and keep their principles of conduct uniform, an authority whose name alone will calm our storms. So respectable an authority can exist only in an assembly of plenipotentiaries, designated by each one of our republics and united under the auspices of the victory obtained by our armies against the Spanish government.... The day when our plenipotentiaries exchange their powers will start an immortal epoch in the diplomatic history of America. When, after one hundred centuries, posterity seeks the beginning of our international law, it will remember the agreements which affirmed its destiny and will gaze with respect upon the conventions of the Isthmus. And then it will find the plan of the first alliances showing the course of our relations with the world. What will the Isthmus of Corinth then be, compared with the Isthmus of Panamá?"

Bolívar now sent his resignation to Colombia, stating that since he hadfulfilled his mission and there were no more enemies in America, it wastime to carry out his promise. At this very time he was beginning to beattacked by his enemies as an ambitious man who desired monarchial power!These attacks, it was clear to him, would become more numerous, and evenforeigners would take part in the abuses. But there does not now exist onedocument which warrants a single accusation against Bolívar for immoderateaspirations. 

When the War of Independence had practically come to a close Rodil washolding Callao, and Upper Perú was still in the hands of the Spanish. Sucreundertook to remedy this situation while Bolívar attended to the conveningof the constitutional congress in Perú. The Liberator remarked howdangerous it was "to put into the hands of any one man a monstrousauthority which could not be placed without danger into the hands of Apollohimself. " Speaking to the delegates he said he desired:

 "to compliment the people because they have been freed of that which is most dreadful in the world, war, through the victory of Ayacucho, and despotism, through my resignation. Proscribe forever, I pray you, such enormous authority, which was the doom of Rome. It was praiseworthy, undoubtedly, for Congress, in order to pass through the abyss and face terrific storms, to substitute the bayonets of the liberating for its laws, but now that the country has secured domestic peace and political freedom, it should permit no rule but the rule of law. "

The Perúvians insisted that Bolívar should retain the power, and passed adecree conferring it on him, without, however, calling him dictator, so asto respect his will. On the same day a decree ordered several honors to bepaid him and also that one million pesos (about $1, 000, 000) be distributedamong the officers and soldiers of the liberating army, and that anothermillion pesos be placed in the hands of the Liberator as a token ofgratitude of the country. 

Bolívar was very much moved, and, to a certain extent, hurt by thispecuniary reward. He declined to accept in the following words:

 "I have never wanted to accept, even from my own country, any reward of this kind. It would be a monstrous incongruity if I should receive from the hands of Perú that which I refused to receive from the hands of my country. "

Congress finally asked Bolívar to take the million dollars and devote it tocharities in his own country and other parts of the republic of Colombia. This Bolívar agreed to do. 

Bolívar decided to remain in Perú until the convening of the followingcongress, which was to assemble in 1826. He immediately bent all his energyto the work of government, in which he was, if possible, more admirablethan he was as a soldier. Among the several measures of his administrativework was the establishment of normal schools in the departments, tribunalsof justice, several educational institutions, mining bureaus, roads, publiccharities and multitudinous other services. 

On April 1, 1825, Sucre defeated the last Spanish troops in a place calledTumusla. 

Upon the completion of his work, Bolívar started to visit Cuzco and UpperPerú. In the city of Arequipa, on May 16, he issued a decree proclaimingthe republic of Alto (Upper) Perú. In Cuzco he was received in triumph. Athousand ladies offered him a beautiful crown set with pearls and diamonds. The Liberator received it and immediately sent it to Marshal Sucre, saying:

 "He is the conqueror of Ayacucho and the true liberator of this republic. "

From Cuzco, Bolívar went to La Paz, and there he was received in likemanner. The assembly of Alto Perù sent representatives to meet him. Thecountry had received the name of República Bolívar (now Bolivia). Fromthere he went to Potosí, where he remained several weeks, accepting thehomage and gratitude of the people. There he received several members ofthe diplomatic corps and a committee sent by the government of Buenos Aireswith the purpose of complimenting him for the services he had rendered tothe cause of South American independence which, as they said, Bolívar hadmade secure forever. 

He gave Bolivia its first political organization, applying his favoriteideas about the distribution of powers. Here he repeated what he had doneeverywhere when in command. He established educational institutions;ordered that the rivers be examined in order to study the feasibility ofchanging their courses so as to furnish water to arid and sterile areas;distributed land among the Indians; suppressed the duties on miningmachinery; ordered the planting of trees, and showed in a thousand ways hisuntiring energy, all the while keeping in active diplomatic correspondenceand in constant communication with his friends and civil officers, in orderto give instructions in detail. He issued orders from Chuquisaca to havethe Venezuelan soldiers sent back to their country from Perú. He even wentso far as to entertain thoughts of the independence of Cuba and Porto Rico. 

In January, 1826, he left Chuquisaca for the coast and from there he sailedfor Perú, and a month later reached Lima, where he rendered an account ofwhat he had done in Upper Perú and in the South. By that time the laststronghold of the Spaniards, Callao, had fallen into the hands of theVenezuelan general, Bartolomé Salom, a very distinguished officer who hadplayed a remarkable rôle under Bolívar during the War of Independence. The resistance of Rodil in Callao is one of the best examples of Spanishbravery. Rodil was a rough soldier, and often harsh and cruel in hismeasures. In spite of hunger, illness and losses, he remained in Callao foralmost eleven months, not surrendering until January 23, 1826; he andhis men were the last representatives of the Spanish power to leave thecontinent. 

As soon as everything was well organized in Perú, Bolívar made ready toreturn to Colombia. At that time some imprudent friends tried to convincehim that it was to the best interest of the now independent countries thathe should be made emperor of the Andes, which covered Colombia, Perú andBolivia. From Caracas, Páez proposed that he should return to Colombia andset up a monarchy. Bolívar steadfastly refused to listen to any of theseseductions. To Páez he wrote:

 "France had always been a kingdom. The Repúblican government discredited itself and became more and more debased until it fell into an abyss of hate. The ministers who led France were equally cruel and inept. Napoleon was great, singular, and, besides that, extremely ambitious. Nothing of the kind exists here. I am not Napoleon, no I wish to be; neither do I want to imitate Caesar, and still less Iturbide.... The magistrates of Colombia are neither Robespierre nor Marat.... Colombia has never been a kingdom. A throne would produce terror on account of its height as well as on account of its glamour. "

To all his friends he declared his decided opposition to the monarchicalidea. In another letter, addressed to vice-president Santander, he wrote:

 "I have fulfilled all my obligations, for I have done my duty as a soldier, the only profession which I have followed since the first day of the Republic.... I was not born to be a magistrate.... Even if a soldier saves his country, he rarely proves a good executive.... You, only, are a glorious exception to this rule. "

One of the greatest rewards for his ambition, the one he valued the mostthroughout the rest of his life, was received at that time. It consistedof Washington's picture and a lock of his hair, sent as a present byWashington's family from Mount Vernon through General Lafayette. In hisletter to Bolívar, Lafayette said:

 "My religious and filial devotion to General Washington could not be better recognized by his family than by honoring me with the commission they have entrusted to me.... Of all men living, and even of all men in history, Bolívar is the very one to whom my paternal friend w have preferred to send this present. What else can I say to the great citizen whom South America has honored with the name of Liberator, confirmed in him by two worlds, a man endowed with an influence equal to his self-denial, who carries in his heart the sole love of freedom and of the republic?"

Bolívar answered:

 "There are no words with which I can express how my heart appreciates this gift.... Washington's family honors me beyond my greatest hopes, because Washington's gift presented by Lafayette is the crown of all human rewards. "[1]

[Footnote 1: From that time until his death Bolívar preferred to any otherdecoration, Washington's miniature picture, which often he wore on hisbreast. Venezuela keeps with veneration this sacred relic in the _MuseoBoliviano_ of Caracas. ]

While yet aglow with the great satisfaction he derived from this episode, Bolívar was annoyed again by the movement to make him accept a crown. Something still worse occurred at this time. In 1826 trouble broke out inVenezuela because of the activities of Páez. 

We have already mentioned that Venezuela was divided into three militarydistricts, governed by Bermúdez, Mariño and Páez. These three men had beenat times hostile to Bolívar, and, in order to satisfy their ambitions, hehad placed them in high commands. Páez was stationed in Caracas, wherehis arbitrary rule was resented by the people. He intrigued against thevice-president, Santander, executing his commands in such a way as toproduce ill-will, especially an order providing for the recruiting ofsoldiers in Venezuela, which because of the manner of its execution, causedmuch protest and resulted in complaints to the House of Representativesagainst Páez. The House endorsed the accusation and submitted it to theSenate, which suspended Páez from his post and summoned him to the capital. Páez refused to appear, but at last was obliged to leave his command andretire to Valencia as a private citizen. Once there, he instigated allsorts of disturbances, and succeeded in creating an appearance of popularclamor for his reinstatement in command of the department in order to avoidanarchy. In this he was helped by his friends and partisans. A factionasked him to accept the military command of the department, and Páez, supported by the municipal council of Valencia, did so in disobedience toCongress. He adopted the title of Military and Civil Chief of Venezuela. Hesucceeded in enlisting the support of Mariño, but not that of Bermúdez, inspite of all his flattering propositions. Thus started the endless chain ofcivil revolutions in independent Latin America. 

Santander wrote to the Libertador asking him to help save the country fromrevolution. Páez also sent a communication to him, in which he complainedagainst vice-president Santander. Bolívar decided to return at once to hiscountry, but he met with strong opposition on the part of the Peruvianauthorities and people. After some hesitation, he concluded to return home, thus ending the period which marks the height of his popularity. Soon hisglory was to be tarnished by ingratitude. He departed from Perú never toreturn. "Whatever remains of that life is sorrow. "[1]

[Footnote 1: Bolívar--J. E. Rodó. ]

On the way to his country, Bolívar found that the southern provinces ofColombia wanted him to be dictator, but he declared that it was his desirethat the constitutional regime should continue. He sent a proclamation tothe Colombians, once more offering his services as a brother. 

 "I do not want to know, " he said, "who is at fault. I have never forgotten that you are my brothers-in-blood and my fellow soldiers.... Let there be no more Cundinamarca; let us all be Colombians, or death will cover the deserts left by anarchy. "

He crossed at the foot of the lofty Chimborazo and arrived in Quito, wherehe was again received with rejoicing, as he had been in all the townson his way home; and again he was urged to assume dictatorship. This hesteadfastly refused to do. In the middle of November he arrived in Bogotá, where he exhorted the people to union and concord. He expressed muchsatisfaction at the obedience to law on the part of the army, "because ifthe armed force deliberates, freedom will be in danger, and the mightysacrifices of Colombia will be lost. " For two days only he exercised theexecutive power, but those days were sufficient to deepen the impression hehad left as a great organizer. He then continued on his way to Venezuela, learning that Páez, who was openly opposed to the most cherished ideasof Bolívar, had convoked a Venezuelan constitutional congress to meet inValencia on the 15th day of January, 1827. Appreciating the type of manhe was to face, Bolívar gathered a small army, to be prepared forcontingencies. On his way he learned that Puerto Cabello, which haddeclared itself in favor of union, had been attacked by Páez and thatVenezuelan blood had been shed. Upon his arrival at Maracaibo, he publisheda proclamation, resolved to make every effort at persuasion beforeresorting to the sword. Páez had declared that Bolívar was coming toVenezuela as a citizen to help with his advice and experience to perfectthe work of reform. From Coro, the Libertador wrote him, attempting toconvince him that his conduct was criminal and making him flattering offersif he would desist. When the people of Caracas learned that Bolívar wasapproaching, a reaction took place, to such an extent that Páez becamefrightened. Some of the population openly declared themselves in Bolívar'sfavor. 

On the last day of 1826, Bolívar's mind passed through a crisis in aneffort to decide what steps would best reduce Páez to obedience, and, ifpossible, avoid bloodshed. On the following day, the first of 1827, heissued a decree, by virtue of his extraordinary powers, granting anarmistice to all those who had taken part in the so-called reform movement, and ordering that his authority as President of the Republic be recognizedand obeyed. He also offered to convoke a national convention. Páezhesitated no longer; he acknowledged the authority of Bolívar as President, annulled the decree convoking a congress, and ordered that the Presidentshould be honored in all the towns from Coro to Caracas. From PuertoCabello, Bolívar issued a beautiful proclamation in which he said:

 "There are no longer any enemies at home.... Today peace triumphs.... Let us drown in the abyss of time the year 1826.... I have not known what has happened. Colombians, forget whatever you know of the days of sorrow. "

Páez humiliated himself to the point of asking that he be tried, butBolívar would not permit it. He even praised Páez for his self-denial, going so far in his generosity as to call him _savior of the country_. Thisgenerosity was censured, especially by the people of Nueva Granada, andwas considered a weakness on the part of Bolívar. It was thought to be anindication that he feared his authority would not be sufficiently strongto carry him through the dangerous business of disciplining a man withso large a following as Páez. But this was not so. Bolívar had, uponthe occasion of Piar's treachery, shown himself capable of decisive, ifdifficult action; but his preference was always for justice temperedwith mercy. That he felt no weakening in personal power is shown by thefollowing incident: At a banquet where Páez and his partisans formed thegreat majority of those present, a man started a debate which gave Bolívaropportunity to make very energetic declarations, and even to utter thefollowing words:

 "Here is no other authority and no other power than mine. Among all my lieutenants I am like the sun; if they shine it is because of the light I lend them. "

Silence followed these words; everybody, including Páez, realized thatBolívar could make himself respected whenever he wished. 

His reception in Caracas surpassed any one that Bolívar had ever beengiven. He could not walk because of the crowd. He had to listen toaddresses, hymns and eulogies, receive crowns, attend banquets and acceptall kinds of homage. His modesty was recognized by an inscription on one ofthe banquet tables: "To conquer in the field of battle may be the work offortune; to conquer the pride of victory is the work of the conqueror. "Páez, who had been presented a sword by Bolívar, expressed his gratitudein the warmest terms, and pledged himself to the service of his fellowcitizens. 

 "I should rather die a hundred times, " he said, "and lose every drop of my blood than to permit this sword to leave my hand, or ever attempt to shed the blood which up to now it has set free.... Bolívar's sword is in my hands. For you and for him I shall go with it to eternity. This oath is inviolable. "

CHAPTER XVIII

_The Convention of Ocaña. Full Powers. An Attempt at Murder_

(1828)

It was Bolívar's fortune to dispel the effect of evil with his presence, but in his absence evil was certain to raise its head. While he triumphedin Caracas, he was being severely criticised in Bogotá, even by Santander. His generosity with regard to Páez irritated the people of Nueva Granada tothe extreme. 

When Congress convened, Bolívar tendered his resignation, as usual, butthis time he insisted still more. "For fourteen years, " he wrote, "I havebeen Supreme Chief and President of the Republic. Danger forced me toaccept this duty. Now that the danger has passed, I may retire to enjoyprivate life. " The rest of his communication evidenced the sincerity ofhis desires and his modesty. He finished with these words: "I implore ofCongress and of the people the grace to be permitted to resume my simplecitizenship. "

In spite of the resignation, intrigues continued in Nueva Granada, andthe separatist feeling grew stronger and stronger in that country and inVenezuela. Through the separation of Nueva Granada, Bolívar's enemies inthat nation saw a way to get rid of him without displaying their enmity, since, being a citizen of Venezuela, Bolívar could not be president ofNueva Granada. Páez and his partisans, on their side, did not want to haveSantander in authority, because Santander was not a native of Venezuela. The situation was made more complicated and more serious by a rebellionin Lima, followed by another in Guayaquil. Notwithstanding that hisresignation had been tendered, Bolívar, considering that the union ofColombia was threatened, immediately started for Bogotá, to take thesituation in hand. He resolved to sacrifice everything to prevent anarchyfrom taking the place of freedom and mutiny from taking the place of law. He left Caracas, his native city, and here again he was taking a lastfarewell. In July he was in Cartagena, where the people received him withgenuine affection. He recalled that it was from here he had begun his firstquixotic expedition to his country in 1812. Fifteen years had elapsed sincethen, and he was again in Cartagena, his great work of redemption fulfilledbut now in danger of being destroyed. 

The steps taken by the Liberator to organize the attack against therevolutionists were described by Santander and his followers as steps todestroy the country and its political freedom. It was publicly proposedthat Nueva Granada should declare null the fundamental convention providingfor the union of the country with Venezuela. Santander was ready to beginthe work of resistance. He was persuaded to be prudent, but not before hehad given vent to his immoderate anger in ignoble expressions. He went sofar as to state that war should be declared against Bolívar, for, if theywere to be deprived of public liberty, it would have been better, he said, to remain under Spain. Morillo was to him preferable to Bolívar. 

Bolívar advanced towards Bogotá. Santander endeavored to stop him, sendinghim word that the army was not necessary since constitutional order hadbeen reestablished in Guayaquil. Bolívar knew better, and continued hisadvance. On the 10th day of September he arrived in Bogotá, was received bythe Congress, took the oath of office and delivered an address in which heoffered to govern according to the constitution, in order to keep Colombiafree and united until the meeting of the national convention. Santandergreeted Bolívar formally. They had a long conversation in which theLiberator showed unbounded generosity. 

Congress had entire confidence in Bolívar. It approved all the steps he hadtaken and gave him powers to execute other measures seemingly necessary tothe life of the Republic. It also issued a communication providing for ageneral convention in the city of Ocaña on the 2nd of March, 1828. Thisconvention was the last hope for the reestablishment of the Republic. Bolívar recommended that, in the election of representatives, the peopleselect honorable men, possessed of intense patriotism and devotion to theindependence, union and freedom of Colombia. He sent a request to Guayaquilnot to leave the Union, and he had the satisfaction of learning that acounter revolution had put an end to the work of secession in that sectionof the country. Other minor movements were soon defeated and an alarm overa reported Spanish invasion subsided. 

The convention took place in Ocaña, and after the work of preparation itformally inaugurated its work on April 9th. Among its members were some ofBolívar's most bitter enemies, some of his closest friends and a groupof so-called independents who were ready to swing to either side. Theconvention proved a field of discord and of disgraceful disputes. Bolívarexperienced keen anguish at the thought of the inevitable results of themeeting of that ill-advised group of men, and feared that it would leadto anarchy. He sent a message in which he exhorted the convention to saveColombia from ruin and to give it security and tranquility. He demanded afirm, powerful and just government to indemnify her for the loss of 500, 000men killed in the field of battle. 

 "Give us a government under which law is obeyed, the magistrate is respected, and the people are free; a government which can prevent the transgression of the general will and of the people's commands ... In the name of Colombia, I pray you to give us for the people, for the army, for the judge and for the magistrate an inexorable government. "

Bolívar knew that in his appeals for a strong government his enemies wouldsee, or pretend to see, personal ambitions, and Santander, of course, immediately exploited this feeling against him. But Bolívar, who had provedhis disinterestedness when he might have had anything he desired, made noeffort, at this time, when he was trying to rescue his country from gravedanger, to show that he was not ambitious. 

A large number of petitions were received by the general assembly, requesting that Bolívar continue in control of the government "as the onlyman who, because of his talents, his exceptional services and his powerfulinfluence, can keep Colombia united and tranquil. " But the conventionwas agitated by opposing feelings and influences. The federal system wasproposed, but it was not accepted, although the proposal was greeted withjoy by the enemies of the Liberator. 

Bolívar, at about this time, wrote to a friend:

 "If the constitution to be adopted in Ocaña is not suitable to the situation in which I see Colombia, I shall abandon at once a government of which I am tired at heart. "

And to his sister he wrote:

 "I have decided to leave for Venezuela, and I want you to know this, warning you that I absolutely do not want you, on your account or on mine, to incur the least expense, for you well know how poor I am. "

And this was the man who had been born wealthy, who had declined to accepta million dollars from Perú, who gave his salary to the needy, who couldhave had all life can give, but who renounced all to devote himself to hiscountry!

When the constitution was drafted, Bolívar found that it was going to becontrary to his desires, and he made ready to return to Venezuela, butwas persuaded by the insistence of his friends to remain. At last, they, fearing the oppression of Santander and his followers, left Congress. Thisdestroyed the quorum, as other representatives had already resigned. On June 11th, they issued a proclamation explaining the failure of theCongress, attributing it to the oppression by a party which desired aconstitution unsuited to Colombia, and which overlooked the real facts ofthe situation; and declared that the legal status of the country was asfollows:

 "The constitution of the year 1811 is in full vigor; the laws are in force, and at the head of the government is the Libertador Presidente, who has the confidence of the nation. "

When Bolívar was informed that the convention had adjourned, he wanted toreturn to the capital and withdraw from public life. This would have meantcivil war with no man powerful enough to put an end to it. In the emergencyan assembly of respectable persons met in Bogotá and established a _Junta_, asking Bolívar to resume power and to hasten to the capital to handle thesituation. Bolívar had nothing to do but to obey; it was a matter of hisown conscience, even more than of the demands of the people. 

He had full power in governmental matters, but he decided to exercise itwith due consultation and only during the crisis through which Colombia waspassing. Bogotá received him with unusual enthusiasm. He declared publiclythat he would always be the champion of public liberty. 

"When the people want to deprive me of the power and separate me from thecommand, I shall gladly submit to their will and will surrender to them mysword, my blood and my life. That is the sacred oath I utter before all theprincipal magistrates, and what is more, before all the people. "

In truth, he used his powers with great prudence, and devoted his timeespecially to the reorganization of the army and the extinction ofprivateering, ordering that no more licenses should be issued and thatthose in force should be recalled. 

Memorials to him were drafted in every part of Nueva Granada, and even thesmallest villages showed their unanimous wish that Bolívar should take thesituation in hand and save the country. Guayaquil and Venezuela did thesame. It seemed that everything was settled and that peace was to lastforever. Bolívar did not use the name of Dictator nor that of SupremeChief, but the one given to him by law, _Libertador Presidente_. Heregulated his own powers, created a council of state, ordered that allguarantees granted by the constitution of Cúcuta be respected, and offeredto convoke the national representation for January 2, 1830, to establishat last the constitution of the Republic. In papers concerning theconstitution, he expressed disgust for dictatorship. 

 "Under a dictatorship, who can speak of freedom?" he said. "Let us feel mutual compassion for the people who obey and for the man who commands alone. "

He was as generous as ever with his enemies. Santander was appointedminister of Colombia in Washington; and in the appointment of the membersof his council of state, Bolívar did not hesitate to include men who hadnot shown the least friendship for him, if their intellectual achievementsor their patriotic work warranted the distinction. 

Santander repaid Bolívar's kindness by fostering a plot against his life. On the 25th of September, Bolívar's palace was attacked by a group ofconspirators whose object was to murder him. They took the guard bysurprise, wounding and killing several of its members, and started towardsBolívar's room. The Liberator intended to fight, but was persuaded that itwould be foolhardy; so he jumped through the window to the street and hidfor a while. The conspirators, crying, "Death to the tyrant and long lifeto General Santander and the constitution of Cúcuta, " went in pursuit ofhim. Colonel William Ferguson, the Liberator's Irish aide-de-camp, seekinghis chief in order to defend him, was killed. Other men were also murdered. The garrison was made ready and went to the palace. Finding it abandonedby the conspirators, it assembled in the principal square of the cityand prepared to defend Bogotá. There was fighting in several sections, accompanied by much sorrow, for it was believed that Bolívar had beenkilled. Bolívar had not been killed, but he would have preferred death tothe torture which he experienced at this reward of his eighteen yearsof service in the interest of his country. Seeing some soldiers passdiscussing the defeat of the mutineers, Bolívar joined them and soonpresented himself to the garrison, who received him with tears of joy. 

To make a show of energy, he published a decree declaring that he wouldassume the powers given to him by the people and would use them accordingto circumstances; but this event had depressed him more than anything inhis life. "I have really been murdered, " he said. "The daggers have enteredhere in my heart. Is this the reward for my services to Colombia and tothe independence of America? How have I offended freedom and those men?Santander has caused all this; but I will be generous. "

Several of the conspirators were sentenced to die, among them Santander, but Bolívar changed the penalty to banishment from the country. Santanderalways contended that the sentence of death had been unjust. The worstpunishment that might have fallen upon the would-be-murderers was theunanimous condemnation of all the people. 

CHAPTER XIX

_Difficulties with Perú. Slander and Honors. On the Road to Calvary_

(1829-1830)

The wound received by Bolívar's heart had no possible cure. His physicalcondition was getting worse and worse from day to day, but he had to remainin power. Serious dangers threatened the country. In Bolivia, Sucre, avictim of the conspiracy of Perúvians, had been wounded and forced to leavethe country where he had been in command, but not without showing hisgenerosity in a message to the Bolivian Congress, in which he said:

 "Although through foreign instigations I carry broken the arm w in Ayacucho put an end to the war of American Independence, which destroyed the chains of Perú and gave birth to Bolivia, I am comforted, feeling in these difficult circumstances that my conscience is of any guilt.... My Government has been distinguished by clemency, tolerance and kindness. "

All of this was the naked truth. Perú had invaded Bolivia and had attackedColombia. Bolívar immediately organized an expedition, under the command ofGeneral José Maria Córdova, --who distinguished himself in Ayacucho, --andhe, himself, prepared to go immediately. After attending to several mattersof an administrative character, he started towards the South, in spite ofdeclining health. It was torture for him to ride on horseback. He knew thatlittle of life remained for him, and still he was going to give his lastdays to the service of his country. He did not seek revenge on his enemiesthen in power in Perú. He only wanted to defend the integrity of Colombiaagainst the foreign invader. 

As was his custom, he tried first to settle all difficulties throughnegotiation. His aide-de-camp, Colonel O'Leary, was sent to offer theLiberator's friendship to Perú, but the Peruvian Government did not deigneven to answer O'Leary's communication. In January, 1829, the Perúviansobtained some success; they occupied Guayaquil and other places with anarmy of over 8, 000 men well organized, while the Colombians numbered only6, 000 men, poorly equipped, but commanded by the greatest of all SouthAmerican generals after Bolívar, --Sucre, who was able to inflict twodefeats on the enemy during the month of February, and, after his finalvictory, offered a capitulation, which was accepted by the enemy, withthe stipulation that the boundaries between Perú and Colombia were tobe settled by a special commission, and that neither of the contractingparties would intervene in the domestic affairs of the other. The cityof Guayaquil was to be surrendered to Colombia. The Peruvian army wascommanded by La Mar, head of the anti-Colombian party of Perú. 

The inhabitants of Pasto had again rebelled against Colombia, but they weresubdued without bloodshed. Upon receiving their submission, Bolívar went toQuito, where, after long separation, he met Sucre, and found in the loyalfriendship of the Great Marshal of Ayacucho some comfort in the midst ofall the bitterness which filled his soul. On that occasion, for the firsttime, Bolívar's facility and felicity of language failed him, and his tearswere the only expression of his feelings. He received in Quito a manifestoissued by Páez regarding the murderous attempt of the 25th of September, once more protesting that he was loyal to Bolívar. Again mentioning thesword that his illustrious chief had given him, he said: "In my hands itwill always be Bolívar's sword, not my own; let his will direct it and myarm will carry it. "

La Mar, on trivial pretexts, did not surrender the city of Guayaquil, butundertook the reorganization and enlargement of his army. Bolívar preparedhimself for new struggles, while in private he did his best to have thecapitulation fulfilled. Advancing to Guayaquil, he succeeded in recoveringwithout a single shot the land lost by Colombia, for La Mar had becomeunpopular in Perú on account of this war and was deprived of his commandand expelled from the country. Immediately after his banishment publicfeeling in Perú expressed itself freely in favor of Colombia and a friendlyarrangement was very easy. La Mar died soon after in exile, forgotten byall. 

In Guayaquil, Bolívar's life was in great danger because of very seriousillness, and his soul was sick of the unjust attacks by his enemies. In1815 the Duke of Manchester, governor of Jamaica, had said of him that _theflame had consumed the oil_, but at this time it was really true. Yet onAugust 31st, while barely convalescing, he plunged again into activityby issuing a famous circular asking the people to express their opinionsfreely on the form of government and on the constitution to be adopted bythe next constitutional congress. After recovering from that illness hewent to Quito, where he worked in the reorganization of the southerndepartments, and at the end of October he left for Bogotá. 

Then another man added his bit to the work of Bolívar's enemies. Córdova, tempted by ambition, and believing in the necessity for the separation ofNew Granada from Venezuela, claimed that, since Bolívar was getting old andhad very few days to live, he should be deprived of the command. He triedto form a combination with Páez, Mariño and others. Bolívar knew of hisactions and talked to him in an attempt to win back his friendship. He thought that so distinguished a general would hesitate much beforesmirching his glory with ingratitude; but at the bottom of his heart thiswound, added to the others he had received, pushed him a little farthertowards his premature end. Córdova finally raised the flag of insurrection, based on the Constitution of Cúcuta, calling Bolívar the tyrant of thecountry. He and his improvised army were destroyed by O'Leary, and he wasfatally wounded on the field of battle. He was young, rich and endowed withgreat powers of attraction; he was brave and clever, and his disloyalty andinsurrection form one of the saddest episodes of this part of the historyof America. 

It may have been of some comfort to Bolívar that at that time a specialenvoy from France went to Bogotá to express the esteem of his country forthe great man of the South. Addressing the Council of Ministers, the Frenchenvoy, Bresson, voiced the hope of seeing Bolívar soon, and of

 "expressing to him verbally to what extent Simón Bolívar's name is honored among us. France admires in him not only that intrepidity and celerity in enterprise, that vision and that constancy which are the qualifications of a great general, but pays homage to his virtue to his political talent, which are guaranty of independence and order--the essentials of the freedom of the country, which has placed her destiny in his hands. "

Europe was unanimous in her admiration for Bolívar. In England they alsohad the highest opinion of the American hero. 

 "It is impossible, " wrote the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Dudley, in March, 1828, to Campbell, British Chargé d'Affaires in Colombia, "to have observed the events which have occurred in Colombia and its neighboring provinces since their separation from the mother country, without being convinced that the merits and services of General Bolívar entitle him to the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, and to the esteem of foreign nations. "

But this general feeling also gave foundation to slanderous affirmationsthat Bolívar wanted to make himself king. We have seen how untrue thiswas. Bolívar had no other ambition than the freedom and the union of hiscountry, --Colombia, the child of his genius. For himself, he wanted only tokeep his honor untarnished and to pass his last days as a simple citizen. 

During his stay in the South, the Council of Ministers started to workfor a monarchy. A letter was sent to him, not speaking openly of themonarchical question, but dwelling on the restless condition of thepopulation and the need of preparing for the future. In answer, Bolívarexpressed his agreement and, knowing that he could not live much longer, said that in order to avoid civil war with its terrible results, which heexpected to occur within ten years, it would be advisable to divide thecountry by legal and peaceable means. He declared that he considered thestability of the government impossible because of the hostility betweenVenezuela and Nueva Granada. He pronounced himself against a foreignmonarch and said that, as for himself, he took it for granted that it wasunderstood that he was tired of serving and of suffering ingratitude andattempts against his own life. He still insisted that, "in case no othersolution seems feasible, the best way out of the difficulty would bea president for life, and a hereditary senate, " as he had proposed inGuayana. In a letter to O'Leary, he wrote:

 "I cannot conceive of even the possibility of establishing a kingdom in a country which is constitutionally democratic because the lo and most numerous classes of the people want it to be so, with an indisputable right, since legal equality is indispensable where there is physical inequality, in order to correct to a certain extent the injustice of nature. Besides, who can be a king in Colombia? Nobody, for no foreign prince would accept a throne surrounded by danger and misery, and the generals would consider it humiliating to subordinate themselves to a comrade, and resign the supreme authority forever. "

He wrote that the idea of monarchy was chimerical, and that it shouldbe discussed no more. In another letter he expressed his decision torelinquish power, whether Congress met or not. 

Bolívar arrived in Bogotá on the 15th of January, 1830, and on the20th Congress began its work under the presidency of Sucre. With theinauguration of the Congress, Bolívar considered that his public dutieshad ended, and in that sense he published an eloquent proclamation, whichclosed with this supreme appeal:

 "Fellow citizens, listen to my last words, at the end of my political career. In the name of Colombia, I beg you, I pray you, always to remain united so that you may not become the murderers of your country and your own murderers. "

In this proclamation he mentioned the fact that a crown had been offeredto him more than once, and that he had rejected the offers with theindignation befitting a strong Repúblican. In his message to the Congress, he offered to obey any person elected to occupy his place and to supporthim with his sword and all his strength. 

 "The Republic will be happy, " he said, "if, on accepting my resignation, you appoint as President a citizen loved by the country. She would succumb if you insisted that I command her.... Beginning today I am nothing but a citizen, armed for the defense of my country and for the obedience to her government. My public functions have ended forever. I deliver unto you the supreme authority which the will of the country conferred upon me. "

The circular issued by Bolívar from Guayaquil on the 31st of August hadbeen received by Páez, who circulated it in Venezuela, and organizeddemonstrations asking for the separation of Venezuela from Colombia. As theunion of Colombia had been Bolívar's greatest conception, he was attacked, and in Valencia his ostracism was demanded. Páez was asked to prevent hisentering Venezuelan territory. Wherever Páez exercised any influence, Bolívar's authority was denounced, and Páez was asked to assume the highestauthority of the country. Bolívar was insulted by the press of his ownnation, which called him a tyrant and a hypocrite, and insisted on hisbanishment. At last Páez declared himself openly. He went to Caracas, approved the rebellion of the capital against Bolívar, broke with him, declared Venezuela a sovereign state, appointed a cabinet and convoked acongress to meet in Valencia. He asked the people for subsidies for thewar against Bolívar, and at the same time wrote a letter to the Libertadorwarning him not to oppose the will of the Venezuelans, who were ready, hesaid, to deliver themselves to the Spaniards rather than to Bolívar. 

The Congress of Colombia had asked Bolívar to remain in command, tosuppress anarchy, and to fulfil his promise that he would exercise poweruntil the constitution had been proclaimed and magistrates duly elected. Bolívar accepted provisionally, and immediately tried to obtain a friendlycompromise with Venezuela. He wanted to have a personal interview withPáez, but Páez declined. He had unsheathed the sword Bolívar had given him, and the one he had sworn to carry according to the will of the Libertador. The Congress of Colombia appointed a constitutional committee, and Bolívarproposed that a peace mission be sent to Venezuela to make known theintentions of the national representation, and to show the basis of theconstitution, in order to destroy any suspicions which might have beenconceived in Venezuela regarding this document. The mission was appointed, one of its members being the illustrious General Sucre, President of theCongress, another, its Vice-President. The Commissioners were asked toinform the Venezuelan people that the future constitution was to beentirely Repúblican, that the Congress hoped to obtain a friendly agreementwith Venezuela, and that the Congress was firmly decided to preserve theprinciples of integrity of the Republic and unity of the government in thenew constitution; that all dissensions were to be forgotten and that allexisting differences would be settled in a friendly way. Sucre said veryfrankly that, considering the state of affairs in Venezuela, he did notexpect favorable results. The basis of the constitution as finally adoptedprovided that

 "the republic should be unitary according to its fundamental law; the government should be popular, representative and elected for terms of eight years; the legislative power should be divided among the Senate, the House of Representatives and the Executive; there was to be a Council of State to help the President of the Republic, and this Council should have no responsibility except in the case of treachery; the Cabinet officers were to be responsible. Local legislatures to be created to take care of local interests; individual rights were guaranteed. "[1]

[Footnote 1: Larrazábal--Vida de Bolívar. Vol. II (6th Edition), New York, 1883, p. 531. ]

Bolívar showed his generosity again by pardoning those who were in exileon account of the conspiracy of the 25th of September, and then askedpermission of the Congress to be relieved of his duties because of illhealth. Once obtaining permission, he went to a country place to recover. He was never again to exercise the executive authority of Colombia. Usinghis power, he appointed General Domingo Caicedo to take his place. He wasa very kindly and patriotic man and the best suited to mediate between thecontending parties. 

The peace commission was not even received in Venezuelan territory, but hadto stay on the border to meet the delegates appointed by Páez, one of whomwas Mariño. Claiming that Bolívar was oppressing Nueva Granada, Páezhad prepared himself for a campaign, not only to support the VenezuelanRevolution but to deliver Nueva Granada from its so-called oppressor. Thereal cause was simply his inordinate ambition. The conferences between thetwo groups were fruitless, and the delegates of the Congress withdrew. Meanwhile, Páez was issuing proclamation after proclamation againstBolívar, who had to leave the country place where he was caring for hishealth and go to Bogotá to meet the new situation. He was asked to resumethe supreme command, but he knew that he was not strong enough for thetask. He consulted the Ministers and some friends, but nothing was decided. Some members of the Congress wanted to elect him constitutional President;these, however, were vehemently attacked by others. Many friends desertedthe Libertador, knowing perfectly well they had little to expect from alife which was rapidly nearing the end. Bolívar saw all this, learned ofthe intrigues of his enemies, and, convinced that the best thing he coulddo was to withdraw not only from power but from the country he had loved sodearly and for which he had done so much, he sent a message on the 27th ofApril, 1830, to the Congress, in which he reiterated his decision not toaccept again the supreme power of the state. 

 "You must be assured, " he said, "that the good of the country imposes on me the sacrifice of leaving forever the land which gave me life in order that my presence in Colombia may not be an obstacle to the happiness of my fellow citizens. "

Three days later, Congress answered, praising the patrioticdisinterestedness of Bolívar and protesting that the country would alwaysrespect and venerate him, and take care that the luster of his nameshould pass to posterity in a manner befitting the founder of Colombianindependence. [1]

[Footnote 1: Upon the disruption of Colombia, Nueva Granada kept her oldname. Later she changed it to Colombia. It is necessary to bear in mindthat Colombia of today is only a part of Bolívar's Colombia. ]

CHAPTER XX

_Friends and Foes. Sucre's Assassination. The Lees of Bitterness. AnUpright Man's Death_

(1830)

Bolívar prepared to go to Cartagena, where he intended to sail for Jamaicaor Europe. His melancholy was relieved by a message from Quito, in whichthe most prominent citizens asked him to select as his residence that city, where he was respected and admired. "Come, " they said, "to live in ourhearts and to receive the homage of gratitude and respect due to the geniusof America, the Liberator of a world. " The Bishop of Quito, MonsignorRafael Lasso, also sent a communication, in his own name and in the name ofthe clergy, endorsing the petition. Bolívar did not accept this invitation. On May third, the constitution of Colombia was signed, and on the followingday don Joaquín Mosquera and General Domingo Caicedo were elected Presidentand Vice-President of Colombia, respectively. Bolívar showed his pleasureat the result, and uttered the following words:

 "I am reduced to the private life which I have so much desired if the Congress wants any special proof of my blind obedience to the constitution and the laws, I am ready to give whatever may be asked. "

He left the palace and went to live in a private residence. There hereceived a delegation of the principal citizens of Bogotá, who placed inhis hands a beautiful document containing the following words, especiallyworthy of notice:

 "You conquered the plane upon which our future happiness will be built and, believing yourself to be an obstacle to that happiness, you resign voluntarily the first authority, protesting never again to take the reins of government. Such a noble, generous and magnanimous action places you above heroes. History has its pages filled with the actions of brave soldiers and fortunate warriors, but it can make them beautiful only with the actions of a Washington or a Bolívar. In private life, you will receive unmistakable proofs of our devotion to your person. We shall always remember your merits and services, and we shall teach our children to pronounce your name with tender emotions of admiration and gratitude. "

This document was signed on May 5, 1830, by Caicedo, the Vice-President, inthe exercise of the executive power, the Archbishop of Bogotá, the membersof the Cabinet and 2, 000 distinguished citizens. Three days later, Bolívarleft Bogotá, accompanied for six miles by the members of the Cabinet, theministers of the diplomatic corps, many military men and citizens, andalmost all the members of the foreign colonies. The following day, Congresspassed a decree which is an honor to it and to Bolívar, by which homage ofgratitude and admiration was paid him in the name of Colombia, and it wasordered that wherever Bolívar might choose to live he should be treatedalways with the respect and consideration due the first and best citizenof Colombia. In that same decree, it was ordered that a pension of 30, 000pesos per year, decreed to Bolívar in 1823, be punctually paid for life. 

Among the many sad things which can be told of this man of sorrows, is thefact that this pension was sorely needed. In March of that year he had beenforced to sell his silver, and even then did not have enough money to payfor his trip. 

On his way to the Caribbean, Bolívar received homage in all the townshe entered. He advised everybody to respect the law and to obey thegovernment. Every day saw him poorer. His personal fortune in Venezuela hadbeen greatly diminished, and possessions left to him by his ancestors wereinvolved in litigation. Consequently, he could count on very little. Hehad planned to sail from Cartagena, but was unable to do so. From there heendeavored to secure some money from his relatives in Caracas, in whicheffort he failed. 

While in Cartagena he received news of several insurrections in favor ofthe integrity of Colombia and of himself as head of the nation. Bolívarrefused to heed these calls, and continued his life of poverty, embitteredand saddened by the news received that Antonio José de Sucre, his belovedfriend and lieutenant, the hero of Pichincha and Ayacucho, had beenmurdered on his way to Quito, on the 4th of June, while crossing a mountaincalled Berruecos. It is difficult to conceive how Sucre could have hadenemies, he who was perhaps the purest and kindest figure of all theAmerican War of Independence, all generosity, forgiveness and benevolence. He was riding alone when shot from an ambush. His orderly, who was at somedistance behind him, rushed to the scene only to find that Sucre was dead. His corpse remained there that afternoon and all night. On the followingday the soldier buried him in the forest. [1]

[Footnote 1: Sucre's body was lost for a long while. In the Pantheon ofCaracas there are three beautiful monuments: the one in the center containsBolívar's ashes; the one to the right, which we have already described, isdevoted to Miranda; the one to the left is devoted to Sucre, and containsan expression of hope that some day Venezuela can pay homage to her greatson. The body of Sucre has been found at last in Quito, and it is expectedthat very soon it will occupy its place near Bolívar, Sucre's leader andfriend. (See: Manuel Segundo Sánchez, Los Restos de Sucre, Caracas, 1918. )]

That news was perhaps the last blow to Bolívar. The day he received it hewas attacked with a severe cold, which he neglected and which developedinto his fatal illness, an illness which had been long latent in his frailbody. He remarked that the murder had perturbed his spirit. As a matter offact, from the day he received the news, he sank rapidly in both mind andbody. 

Venezuela was doing her best to thrust the dagger still deeper in Bolívar'sheart. Since she had decided to withdraw from the Union, it was resolvedby Congress that no negotiations should be exchanged between Venezuela andNueva Granada while "General Simón Bolívar remains in the territory of oldColombia. " One representative proposed, as a provision for the continuedrelations between Venezuela and Nueva Granada, the expulsion of GeneralBolívar from all the territory of Colombia, and his motion was accepted. Most of the former friends of the dying man were now his bitter enemies, all due to the ambition of Páez and the intrigues of his partisans and ofthose who, in good faith, believed that idealistic Repúblican principlescould meet the practical needs of Colombia. 

The President of Colombia, Mosquera, committed so many errors in governmentthat he lost his prestige and was forced to leave Bogotá. The governmentthen passed into the hands of Caicedo. A military insurrection overthrewthe President and the Vice-President, and the military element proclaimedBolívar chief of the republic, granting him full powers. General Urdaneta, old friend and constant companion of Bolívar, was entrusted provisionallywith the executive power, and he organized a cabinet. He at once sent acommission to meet the Libertador in Cartagena. Many friends wrote Bolívarbeseeching him to return to Bogotá to establish public order. The foreignrepresentatives also used their influence to induce Bolívar to acceptauthority, for he was the only guaranty of peace. [1]

[Footnote 1: Among the foreign representatives who showed pleasure at theidea of Bolívar's accepting the power was the representative of the UnitedStates. 

It is worthy of notice that the reputation of Bolívar as an ambitious manwas discredited in the State Department at Washington by the veryperson thought to be its originator. When Watts was in Bogotá, in hiscorrespondence with Clay (No. 19, Nov. 28, 1826), he asserted that he didnot believe in the anti-Repúblicanism of Bolívar, who had consolidated thedepartments and acted with prudence and discretion. Watts expressed hisfirm conviction that Bolívar would not act as dictator but in conformitywith the constitution, stating also the fact that Bolívar had refused theBolivian and Peruvian dictatorships. In his communication of March 2, 1827(No. 26), Watts denies the rumors of the monarchial ambitions of Bolívar, and says that he has nothing but the greatest magnanimity. On March 15, Watts himself asked Bolívar to assume power. 

All these stories of disinterestedness seem to be contradicted in thecorrespondence of Harrison and Van Buren. In his note of May 27, 1829 (No. 13), Harrison speaks of monarchical plots, expressing his belief thatBolívar is behind them, founding his assertions only on the opposition ofBolívar to foreign princes. He is very free in speaking of _plans_, but hegives no precise data about them. In his note of July 28, 1829 (No. 18), Harrison states that the monarchists are determined to put Bolívar on thethrone, and adds that he saw a letter of "_a man in high position_ whohas enjoyed the entire confidence of Bolívar, but who is now in completeopposition to all his schemes of personal aggrandizement. " Bolívar, according to this letter, intended to become the monarch of Colombia, Perúand Bolivia. Then Harrison mentions the printing of a paper on the evils offree government, and states that that paper, of which he had seen a singlecopy, had the purpose of making propaganda in favor of Bolívar, but hadbeen suppressed for fear that it would injure Bolívar's cause. All thissounds very much like personal hostility, and shows that the practice ofsome diplomatic representatives of making trouble for the countrieswhere they are accredited instead of representing their own country in adignified manner is not new. 

After the correspondence of Harrison, we find the papers of Moore to VanBuren. In No. 10 of December 21, 1829, Moore affirms that Bolívar had nomonarchical designs and encloses a letter of Bolívar to O'Leary, ridiculingmonarchical government. That letter is dated August 21, 1829, and in itBolívar suggests the election of another president. Moore accuses Harrisonof insulting the Colombian government. The author is indebted to Dr. JuliusGoebel, Jr. , for the references to these papers. ]

Bolívar, declining to accept command of the insurrection and condemning themovement, sent General O'Leary to the assembly provisionally organizedto advise them to use the right of petition and to inform them that hecondemned all other actions. He reiterated his offer to serve as a citizenand as a soldier, and repeated that he would not accept any position exceptas the majority of the people willed. In a letter to Urdaneta he said thatbetween him and the presidency there was "a bronze wall, " which was thelaw. He advised them to wait until the election could be held, and saidthat he would then assume the executive power in case he were chosen infree elections held according to the law. This letter was the last publicdefense of his career. The last principle he sought to establish was themost sound of Repúblican principles. 

 "The source of legality, " he wrote, "is the free will of the people; not the agitation of a mutiny nor the votes of friends. "

From Cartagena he went to a town called Soledad, and then to Barranquilla, where he remained during October and November, receiving daily news of theinsults with which Venezuela was rewarding his services, and knowing verylittle of the good work of his friends, for he still had friends in severalsections of the countries he had set free. All Nueva Granada was in favorof his assuming power as supreme chief of the republic. Ecuador proclaimedhim father of his country and protector of Southern Colombia, and thegovernment of Bolivia, learning that he was going to Europe, decided toappoint him its ambassador to the Holy See. 

But Bolívar was preparing for his last voyage. He planned to go to SantaMarta, where his friends urged him to rest. His physician heartilyapproved, thinking that there his health might improve. When he arrivedat Santa Marta, on the 1st of December, he had to be carried in a chair. Subsequent to an examination by a French and an American physician, he wassent to a country place called San Pedro Alejandrino, situated about threemiles from Santa Marta, where he obtained temporary relief. On the 10ththere were symptoms of congestion of the brain, but they disappeared. Thesame day he drafted his will and, not desiring to die without speakingagain to his fellow citizens, issued his last proclamation, which read asfollows:

 "Colombians, you have witnessed my efforts to establish freedom where tyranny formerly reigned. I have worked unselfishly, giving up my fortune and my tranquillity. I resigned the command when I was convinced that you did not trust my disinterestedness. My foes availed themselves of your credulity and trampled upon what is most sacred to me--my reputation as a lover of freedom. I have been a victim of my persecutors, who have led me to the border of the tomb. I forgive them. 

 "Upon disappearing from your midst, my love prompts me to express my last wishes. I aspire to no other glory than the consolidation of Colombia; all must work for the invaluable blessing of union; the peoples, obeying the present government, in order to free themselves from anarchy; the ministers of the Sanctuary, by sending prayers to Heaven; and the soldiers, by using their swords to protect the sanctions of social order. 

 "Colombians, my last wishes are for the happiness of our country. If my death can help to destroy the spirit of partisanship, and strengthen union, I shall tranquilly descend to my grave. "

After this act he became delirious and, calling his servant, he said:"Joseph, let us go away. They are throwing us out of here. Where shall wego?" On the 17th of December, at one o'clock in the afternoon, the greatman of the South, one of the greatest men in the history of the world, died. On that same day, eleven years before, in Angostura, Colombia hadbeen created by his genius. He died at the age of forty-seven and one-halfyears. 

 "Few men have lived such a beautiful life in the whirlpool of action; nobody has died a more noble death in the peace of his bed. "[1]

[Footnote 1: Bolívar--J. E. Rodó. ]

His death was the end of Colombia. 

For twelve years his remains rested in Santa Marta, and then they werecarried to Caracas, where they now lie in the Pantheon, between two emptycoffins, that of Miranda on his right and that destined for Sucre on hisleft. 

There the Venezuelans honor him as the protecting genius of their country. They have blotted from the memory of man the ingratitude of theirforefathers. They live in constant veneration of the great man, andconsider him as the creator and protector of their country, and thegreatest source of inspiration to live austerely and united withinVenezuela, since they cannot form a part of that greater country, the dreamof which went with Bolívar to his tomb. 

A patriot, a general as great as the greatest who ever lived, a statesmanpossessing an exceptional wisdom and a vision which has been justified by acentury of American history, a loyal friend, a man of generous and liberalnature, always forgiving, always opening his arms wide to his enemies, always giving all that he had in material wealth and in spiritual gifts, a conqueror of the oppressors of his country, a founder of three nations(which later were converted into five, by the disruption of Colombia); theman who consolidated the independence of America, making his power felt asfar as the provinces of the River Plata and Chile; a symbol of freedom, even in Europe where his name was like a flag to all those who foughtoppression; a sincere Repúblican--all this was Simón Bolívar, and he wassomething more. He was the best personification of his own race, theSpanish race, which made him the brother of Morillo, Latorre and Rodil, arace which lives in twenty nations of the earth and in whose memory allnames now stand equal, if they represent the same principles, whether theywere written in Covadonga or Carabobo, by the sword of Pelayo or by thesword of Bolívar. 

A man who writes of Bolívar's life, actions and sorrows, can hardly retainthe serenity of the historian, but surrenders to that deep emotion composedof profound awe and human love, and, though his work may have been begunimpersonally, it ends with the creation in his heart of those deep feelingswhich at times have no better expression than tears. 

CHAPTER XXI

The Man and His Work

Bolívar was of rather less than medium height, thin and agile. In all hisactions he showed quickness and alertness. He had large, black, piercingeyes, his eyebrows were curved and thick; his nose straight and long;his cheeks somewhat sunken; his mouth, not particularly well formed butexpressive and graceful. From early youth his forehead was deeply lined. His neck was erect; his chest, narrow. At one period of his life he worea mustache and sidewhiskers, but he resumed shaving about 1825, when greyhair began to appear. His hair was auburn at first, and his complexion verywhite in his youth, but tanned after his long campaigns. His appearanceevidenced frankness of character, and his body, spiritual energy. 

Bolívar was always a great reader. In his style and his quotations he showshis predilection for the classics, especially for Plutarch's "Lives. " Healso read much of the literature of the French Revolution. He was a veryimpressive orator; his addresses and proclamations show much emphasis, andthe rhetorical artifice is apparent, as it is in all literature of thiskind. In his letters he uses a very simple and naturally witty style. He was a great coiner of sentences, many of which can be found in hisproclamations and addresses. His political perspicacity was remarkable. He could and did break the conventionalities and the political principlessacred in that epoch, to formulate those which were better for thecondition of the country. He was a shrewd judge of men, and knew how tohonor them and please them for the good of the cause they defended. All hisintellectual power was necessary to become a master of men like Páez andBermúdez. His mental alertness was exceptional. He could make a decisionpromptly without showing the effect of haste. He had a brain for largeproblems and for small details. He would attend to the organization of hisarmy down to the most minute details, as well as to the preparations forlong campaigns. 

The most admirable moral quality of Bolívar was his constancy. It roseabove everything. 

His energy was marvelous to carry him through the difficulties he had toencounter. In defeat he had

 "the virtue of Antheus as no other hero had to such a degree; a singular virtue of growing to more gigantic proportions when the fall had been deepest and hardest; he had something like a strengthening power to assimilate the sap of adversity and of discredit, not through the lessons of experience, but through the unconscious and immediate reaction of a nature which thus fulfils its own laws. His personality as a warrior has in this characteristic the seal which individualizes it, as was aptly said in a few words by his adversary, the Spanish general Morillo: 'More fearful vanquished than victor. '"[1]

[Footnote 1: Bolívar--J. E. Rodó]

His soul could be like steel, as in the case of Piar, and it could be soft, as in his untiring forgiveness to Santander. His generosity was unlimited. He gave all. Any soldier could come to him and receive money. It is saidthat no common soldier went away from him with less than a dollar. When hewas on his way to Cartagena, having resigned power forever, when he waswriting to Caracas for money, at a time when he had not enough to pay histransportation abroad, he was still giving of his limited resources to allwho begged of him. 

His ambition was legitimate. In a communication he acknowledged that he wasnot free from all ambition; but that does not mean that he yielded toit. Virtue does not lie in the absence of temptation, but in fightingit successfully. He was truly ambitious for glory, and when glory is aslegitimate as his was, there is no worthier ambition. He was accused byLorain Petre of craving flattery, and of having been delighted with thehomage paid him on his way to Potosí. Great men have been flatteredalways, and that they are flattered does not mean that they like flattery. Furthermore, there is a certain delicate flattery which every man likes. We, sober-minded Americans, have often heard some of our great men who arestill living, even called saints, and we do not feel shocked. Afterhaving given life to three countries, one of them composed of three largedivisions, Bolívar could receive homage without finding it incongruous orexaggerated. 

He was refined in manner and always a gentleman. In his campaigns he wascareless of his clothing through necessity, but when in the cities he likedto have all the refinements. He never thought of money; he would spendit if he had it, and if he did not spend it, he gave it away. He enjoyedsociety and was a great admirer of women. "He knelt before love, withoutsurrendering his sword to it. "

He was human. He enjoyed a good joke, and sometimes his jokes hurt. It isrelated that once, after a long march, he arrived at a small town where heexpected to get some food. He was received by the notables of the town, among them a young intellectual, who took from his pocket a long address. Bolívar listened to the beginning and at once knew that it was going to benot only long but tedious. The young man came to a sentence reading: "WhenCaesar crossed the Rubicon... , " at which point Bolívar interrupted him, saying, "My dear friend, when Caesar crossed the Rubicon he had had hisbreakfast, and I have not yet had mine. Let us first have breakfast. "Generally, he respected everyone's feelings, and was much inclined topraise others, the living as well as the dead. We may well remember thehonors paid to Girardot, his beautiful words in homage to Cedeño and Plaza, how Páez received his dues after the battle of Carabobo, and how Sucrewas given his right place as one of the most legitimate glories of thecontinent by Bolívar. Speaking of Anzoátegui's death, he said: "I wouldhave preferred the loss of two battles to the loss of Anzoátegui. " No morebeautiful way could be found to be generous while being just. 

We have called Bolívar a gentleman; we might rather call him a knight. He loved an ideal and lived for that ideal, and that ideal was his lastthought before he went to his rest. 

He was judged in Europe and North America in very flattering terms. DanielWebster, J. H. Perkins and Joseph Story, in the name of the Bunker HillMonument Association, wrote Bolívar the following:

 "When we read of the enormous sacrifice of personal fortune, the calmness in difficult situations, the exercise without misusing a power greater than imperial power, the repeated refusal of dictatorship, the simplicity of your Repúblican habits and the submission to the constitution and law which has so gloriously distinguished the career of Your Excellency, we believe that we see the image of our venerated Washington. At the same time that we admire and respect his virtues, we feel moved by the greatest sympathy to pay equal homage to the hero and Liberator of the South. "

Martin Van Buren wrote:

 "What better example could be presented of human glory than that the great chieftain who, after having successfully resisted foreign aggression and extinguished domestic commotion, also conquered the weakness to which noble hearts have been subjected at all times. "

Murray, an English rear admiral, wanted to present his homage to the"leader of all South America"; Lord Byron, whose yacht was called Bolívar, also expressed his desire to visit him. Lafayette, Monsignor de Pradt, Martin de Nancy, Martin-Maillefer, and the noted Humboldt, among others, expressed their admiration for Bolívar. Victor Hugo praised him. His namewas on the lips of the Repúblicans of Europe as a symbol of liberty. 

We have seen the words of Lafayette in transmitting the present sent toBolívar by Washington's family. A former member of the French Conventionwrote to him: "You are the first citizen of the world. " The noted Irishorator O'Connell sent his son to him with the following words: "I amsending him to you, illustrious sir, in order that, admiring and imitatingyour example he may serve under Your Excellency. " The same was done by SirRobert Wilson, member of the English Parliament. Kosciusko's nephew wentto him to have the honor to serve him. The Dutch representative in Boliviacompared him with William of Nassau. Bernadotte, King of Sweden, spoke ofa striking analogy between Bolívar and himself. Joseph Bonaparte, Kingof Spain, expressed his desire that Murat's son go to Bolívar as hisaide-de-camp. Iturbide's son preferred also to serve under him. J. P. Hamilton, British commissioner to the republic of Colombia, says: "He isthe greatest man, the most extraordinary character produced up to this dayby the new world. " He considers him "supereminent above all heroes livingin the Temple of Fame. "

Many persons have made comparisons between Bolívar and Napoleon, Bolívarand Washington and Bolívar and San Martín. Juan Montalvo (in "SimónBolívar") writes that Bolívar is not so well known as Napoleon becausethe glamour of Napoleon's life reduced to silence the lives of hiscontemporaries. He asserts that in the future, Bolívar will take his placebeside the French Emperor. Napoleon owes his glory to Chateaubriand, toLamartine, to Madame de Stael, to Byron, to Victor Hugo, while Bolívar hashad few biographers, and a very few have spoken of him with the power andauthority of those who praised or attacked Napoleon. 

Regarding a comparison between Washington and Bolívar, Montalvo says:

 "Washington presents himself to memory and imagination as a great citizen rather than as a great warrior; as a philosopher rather than as a general.... Washington and Bolívar have in common their identity of purpose; both aspired to the freedom of a country and the establishment of democracy. The difference between these two illustrious men in the excessive difficulty one had to conquer and the abundance with which the other carried on his work to the end. Bolívar, during several periods of the war, had no resources at all, nor did he know where to get them; his indestructible love for his country, the sense of honor active in his breast, the fertile imagination, the supreme will, the prodigious activities which formed his character, inspired in him wisdom to turn the impossibility into a reality.... North America was rich, civilized and powerful even before its emancipation from Mother England; if the colonists had not had their leader, one hundred Washingtons would have presented themselves to fill the place, and not at a disadvantage. Washington was surrounded by men as remarkable as he was, if not better: Jefferson, Madison, men of great and deep counsel; Franklin, a genius of Heaven and earth. All these and many others, no matter how great they were, or how numerous, were as one in the service of the cause, were rivals in obedience.... Bolívar had to tame his lieutenants, to fight and to conquer his own fellow citizens, to fight one thousand elements conspiring against him and against independence, at the same time that he fought the Spanish legions and conquered them or was conquered by them.... Washington presents himself to the admiration of the world, more venerable and majestic, and Bolívar, higher and brighter. Washington established a republic which later became one of the greatest countries on earth; Bolívar founded also a great country, but, less happy than his elder brother, saw it crumble down; and though he did not see his work destroyed, he saw it disfigured and diminished. The successors of Washington, great citizens, philosophers and statesmen, never dreamed of tearing up the sacred mantle of their mother in order to cover their scars with rags of purple; Bolívar's companions, all of them, stabbed Colombia order to take for themselves the greatest prize. Washington, his work finished, accepted the trivial presents of his fellow citizens Bolívar refused millions offered by Perú. Washington declined a third presidential term in the United States and, like a patriarch withdrew to live tranquilly in the bosom of private life, enjoying without any mixture of hate the respect of his fellow citizens, venerated by the people and loved by his friends. This singular and happy man had no enemies. Bolívar accepted the tempting command that came to harass his spirit for the third time, and this time from an impure source, he died rejected, persecuted, insulted by many of his contemporaries. Death has erased this small blemish and we see only the light which surrounds the greatest of South Americans. Washington and Bolívar were august men, the glory of the New World. "[1]

[Footnote 1: "Simón Bolívar, " Juan Montalvo. ]

In reality, great men cannot be compared. Each one stands by himself. Washington was an able general, ready to sacrifice himself for his country;a learned man, trained in military affairs; the representative of the willof his fellow citizens, who were behind him in his tremendous fight forfreedom. Washington was the Father and the servant of his country. 

Bolívar did not receive special training in military affairs. He did notrepresent the will of his country, for his country had no will. His countryreally did not exist. Bolívar created it. He was obeying no commands butthose of his conscience. He was making something out of nothing, and in hiscampaigns it was the flash of genius which led him rather than science. 

Washington was successful as a military commander and more so as astatesman; Bolívar had remarkable successes and crushing defeat a general, and, as a statesman, he showed a vision which amounted to inspiration--butthe creation of his mind and soul, Colombia, was a sad failure. Washingtonlived in a country of law; Bolívar had to make the law. When Washington wasabsent from a place, law remained in that place; when Bolívar turned hisback, law was violated. 

San Martín is a noble figure. He stands alone in the southernmost part ofAmerica. He did not begrudge praise given Bolívar, whose superiority heacknowledged by withdrawing in time from the scene in America. Because ofthis acknowledgment, San Martín grew greater than he had been before theirinterview in Guayaquil. To endeavor to establish invidious comparisonsbetween him and Bolívar does harm to both heroes and good to no one. Letboth stay where they belong, in the hearts of their fellow-citizens, andin the minds of lovers of freedom. 

Strong resemblance might be found between Bolívar and Lincoln. Both gavefreedom to slaves; both fought a real civil war, for we must not forgetthat most of the royalists were Americans. Both were men of sorrows. Aclose examination of Bolívar's pictures and statues will reveal to theobserver that in the eyes of the great man of the South is the sameinexpressible melancholy which is obvious in those of our own man ofsorrows, the beloved Lincoln. Bolívar was insulted and slandered as wasLincoln, and if Lincoln was assassinated by a man, Bolívar escaped theweapon of the assassin only to sink under poisonous treachery andingratitude. It is true that Bolívar was quick-tempered, at times sharpin his repartee; his intellectual aptness had no patience with stupidity, and occasionally his remarks hurt. But when the storm had passed, he wasall benevolence, enduring all, forgiving all, like Lincoln. 

He compared himself with Don Quixote, and in many ways this comparison isthe best. As Don Quixote, he created Dulcinea. It was not Don Quixote'sfault that the lady of his thoughts, the ideal Dulcinea, proved to be justthe uncouth peasant girl, Aldonza Lorenzo. Bolívar's Dulcinea was hispeople, and he was not to blame for all the weakness, the roughness, thegrossness of those with whom he came in contact. But the American DonQuixote had a higher virtue than the knight created by Cervantes, for DonQuixote never could transform Aldonza into Dulcinea, while the peoples thatBolívar saw in his imagination, those peoples who at first were hostile tohis work, through a century of constant purification, through a centuryduring which Bolívar has become a symbol, a protecting genius, a warningagainst danger, an irresistible force to conquer difficulties and animperious finger pointing to higher destinies, are approaching more andmore each day what Bolívar thought they ought to be. The Aldonza Lorenzoof America, through Bolívar's sublime madness, rid of her dross, will bethe Dulcinea of Bolívar's dream.