ROMAN HISTORY

By

Titus Livius

Translated by

John Henry Freese, Alfred John Church, and William Jackson Brodribb

With a Critical and Biographical Introduction and Notes by DuffieldOsborne

Illustrated

1904

LIVY'S HISTORY

Of the lost treasures of classical literature, it is doubtful whetherany are more to be regretted than the missing books of Livy. Thatthey existed in approximate entirety down to the fifth century, andpossibly even so late as the fifteenth, adds to this regret. At thesame time it leaves in a few sanguine minds a lingering hope that someunvisited convent or forgotten library may yet give to the world awork that must always be regarded as one of the greatest of Romanmasterpieces. The story that the destruction of Livy was effected byorder of Pope Gregory I, on the score of the superstitions containedin the historian's pages, never has been fairly substantiated, andtherefore I prefer to acquit that pontiff of the less pardonablesuperstition involved in such an act of fanatical vandalism. That thebooks preserved to us would be by far the most objectionable fromGregory's alleged point of view may be noted for what it is worth infavour of the theory of destruction by chance rather than by design. 

Here is the inventory of what we have and of what we might have had. The entire work of Livy--a work that occupied more than forty yearsof his life--was contained in one hundred and forty-two books, whichnarrated the history of Rome, from the supposed landing of Æneas, through the early years of the empire of Augustus, and down to thedeath of Drusus, B. C. 9. Books I-X, containing the story of earlyRome to the year 294 B. C. , the date of the final subjugation of theSamnites and the consequent establishment of the Roman commonwealth asthe controlling power in Italy, remain to us. These, by the acceptedchronology, represent a period of four hundred and sixty years. BooksXI-XX, being the second "decade, " according to a division attributedto the fifth century of our era are missing. They covered seventy-fiveyears, and brought the narrative down to the beginning of the secondPunic war. Books XXI-XLV have been saved, though those of the fifth"decade" are imperfect. They close with the triumph of Æmilius, in 167B. C. , and the reduction of Macedonia to a Roman province. Of the otherbooks, only a few fragments remain, the most interesting of which(from Book CXX) recounts the death of Cicero, and gives what appearsto be a very just estimate of his character. We have epitomes of allthe lost books, with the exception of ten; but these are so scanty asto amount to little more than tables of contents. Their probable dateis not later than the time of Trajan. To summarize the result, then, thirty-five books have been saved and one hundred and seven lost--amost deplorable record, especially when we consider that in the laterbooks the historian treated of times and events whereof his means ofknowledge were adequate to his task. 

TITUS LIVIUS was born at Patavium, the modern Padua, some time between61 and 57 B. C. Of his parentage and early life nothing is known. Itis easy to surmise that he was well born, from his political bias infavour of the aristocratic party, and from the evident fact of hishaving received a liberal education; yet the former of these argumentsis not at all inconsistent with the opposite supposition, and thelatter should lead to no very definite conclusion when we rememberthat in his days few industries were more profitable than the highereducation of slaves for the pampered Roman market. Niebuhr infers, from a sentence quoted by Quintilian, that Livy began life as ateacher of rhetoric. However that may be, it seems certain that hecame to Rome about 30 B. C. , was introduced to Augustus and won hispatronage and favour, and after the death of his great patron andfriend retired to the city of his birth, where he died, 17 A. D. Itis probable that he had fixed the date of the Emperor's death as thelimit of his history, and that his own decease cut short his task. 

No historian ever told a story more delightfully. The availabletranslations leave much to be desired, but to the student of LatinLivy's style is pure and simple, and possesses that charm which purityand simplicity always give. If there is anything to justify the chargeof "Patavinity, " or provincialism, made by Asinius Pollio, we, atleast, are not learned enough in Latin to detect it; and Pollio, too, appears to have been no gentle critic if we may judge by his equallysevere strictures upon Cicero, Cæsar, and Sallust. This much we know:the Patavian's heroes live; his events happen, and we are carriedalong upon their tide. Our sympathies, our indignation, ourenthusiasm, are summoned into being, and history and fiction appear towalk hand in hand for our instruction and amusement. In this latterword--fiction--lies the charge most often and most strongly madeagainst him--the charge that he has written a story and no more; thatwith him past time existed but to furnish materials "to point a moralor adorn a tale. " Let us consider to what extent this is true, and, iftrue, in what measure the author has sinned by it or we have lost. 

No one would claim that the rules by which scientific historians ofto-day are judged should be applied to those that wrote when historywas young, when the boundaries between the possible and the impossiblewere less clearly defined, or when, in fact, such boundaries hardlyexisted in men's minds. In this connection, even while we vaunt, wesmile. After all, how much of our modern and so-called scientifichistory must strike the reasoning reader as mere theorizing or asspecial pleading based upon the slenderest evidence! Among theancients the work of the historians whom we consider trustworthy--suchwriters, for instance, as Cæsar, Thucydides, Xenophon, Polybius, andTacitus--may be said to fall generally within Rawlinson's canons 1 and2 of historical criticism--that is, (1) cases where the historian haspersonal knowledge concerning the facts whereof he writes, or (2)where the facts are such that he may reasonably be supposed to haveobtained them from contemporary witnesses. Canon 2 might be elaboratedand refined very considerably and perhaps to advantage. It naturallyincludes as sources of knowledge--first, personal interviews withcontemporary witnesses; and, second, accesses to the writings ofhistorians whose opportunities brought them within canon 1. In thislatter case the evidence would be less convincing, owing to the lackof opportunity to cross-question, though even here apparent lack ofbias or the existence of biased testimony on both sides, from which ajudicious man might have a fair chance to extract the truth, would gofar to cure the defect. 

The point, however, to which I tend is, that the portions of Livy'shistory from which we must judge of his trustworthiness treat, for themost part, of periods concerning which even his evidence was of thescantiest and poorest description. He doubtless had family records, funeral panegyrics, and inscription--all of which were possibly almostas reliable as those of our own day. Songs sung at festivals andhanded down by tradition may or may not be held more truthful. Thesehe had as well; but the government records, the ancient fasti, hadbeen destroyed at the time of the burning of the city by the Gauls, and there is no hint of any Roman historian that lived prior to thedate of the second Punic war. Thus we may safely infer that Livy wroteof the first five hundred years without the aid of any contemporaryevidence, either approximately complete or ostensibly reliable. Withthe beginning of the second Punic war began also the writing ofhistory. Quintus Fabius Pictor had left a work, which Polybiuscondemned on the score of its evident partiality. Lucius CinciusAlimentus, whose claim to knowledge if not to impartiality restslargely on the fact that he was captured and held prisoner byHannibal, also left memoirs; but Hannibal was not famous for treatingprisoners mildly, and the Romans, most cruel themselves in thisrespect, were always deeply scandalized by a much less degree ofharshness on the part of their enemies. Above all, there was Polybiushimself, who perhaps approaches nearer to the critical historian thanany writer of antiquity, and it is Polybius upon whom Livy mainlyrelies through his third, fourth, and fifth decades. The works ofFabius and Cincius are lost. So also are those of the LacedaemonianSosilus and the Sicilian Silanus, who campaigned with Hannibal andwrote the Carthaginian side of the story; nor is there any evidencethat either Polybius or Livy had access to their writings. Polybius, then, may be said to be the only reliable source from which Livy coulddraw for any of his extant books, and before condemning unqualifiedlyin the cases where he deserts him and harks back to Roman authoritieswe must remember that Livy was a strong nationalist, one of a peoplewho, despite their conquests, were essentially narrow, prejudiced, egotistical; and, thus remembering, we must marvel that he so fullyrecognises the merit of his unprejudiced guide and wanders as littleas he does. All told, it is quite certain that he has dealt morefairly by Hannibal than have Alison and other English historians byNapoleon. His unreliability consists rather in his conclusions than inhis facts, and it is unquestioned that through all the pages ofthe third decade he has so told the story of the man most hated byRome--the deadliest enemy she had ever encountered--that the readercan not fail to feel the greatness of Hannibal dominating everychapter. 

Referring again to the criticisms made so lavishly upon Livy's storyof the earlier centuries, it is well to recall the contention of thehard-headed Scotchman Ferguson, that with all our critical acumen wehave found no sure ground to rest upon until we reach the second Punicwar. Niebuhr, on the other hand, whose German temperament is alikeprone to delve or to theorize, is disposed to think--with considerablegenerosity to our abilities, it appears to me--that we may yet evolvea fairly true history of Rome from the foundation of the commonwealth. As to the times of the kings, it is admitted that we know nothing, while from the founding of the commonwealth to the second Punic warthe field may be described as, at the best, but a battle-ground forrival theories. 

The ancient historian had, as a rule, little to do with suchconsiderations or controversies. In the lack of solid evidence he hadonly to write down the accepted story of the origin of things, asdrawn from the lips of poetry, legend, or tradition, and it wasfor Livy to write thus or not at all. Even here the honesty of hisintention is apparent. For much of his early history he does not claimmore than is claimed for it by many of his modern critics, while timeand again he pauses to express a doubt as to the credibility of someincident. A notable instance of this is found in his criticism ofthose stories most dear to the Roman heart--the stories of the birthand apotheosis of Romulus. On the other hand, if he has given freelife to many beautiful legends that were undoubtedly current andbelieved for centuries, is it heresy to avow that these as such seemto me of more true value to the antiquary than if they had beensubjected at their historical inception to the critical andtheoretical methods of to-day? I can not hold Livy quite unpardonableeven when following, as he often does, such authorities as the Furianfamily version of the redemption of the city by the arms of theirprogenitor Camillus, instead of by the payment of the agreed ransom, as modern writers consider proven, while his putting of set speechesinto the mouths of his characters may be described as a conventionalusage of ancient historians, which certainly added to the livelinessof the narrative and probably was neither intended to be takenliterally nor resulted in deceiving any one. 

Reverting for a moment to Livy's honesty and frankness, so far as hisintent might govern such qualities, I think no stronger evidence inhis favour can be found than his avowed republican leanings at thecourt of Augustus and his just estimate of Cicero's character in theface of the favour of a prince by whose consent the great orator hadbeen assassinated. Above all, it must have been a fearless and honestman who could swing the scourge with which he lashed his degeneratecountrymen in those stinging words, "The present times, when we canendure neither our vices nor their remedies. "

Nevertheless, and despite the facts that Livy means to be honest andthat he questions much on grounds that would not shame the repute ofmany of his modern critics, the charge is doubtless true that hiswritings are not free from prejudice in favour of his country. That hedefinitely regarded history rather as a moral agency and a lesson forthe future than as an irrefutable narrative of the past, I considerhighly hypothetical; but it is probable that his mind was not of thetype that is most diligent in the close, exhaustive, and logical studyso necessary to the historian of today. "Superficial, " if we couldeliminate the reproach in the word, would perhaps go far towarddescribing him. He is what we would call a popular rather than ascientific writer, and, since we think somewhat lightly of such whenthey write on what we consider scientific subjects, we are too apt totransfer their light repute to an author who wrote popularly at a timewhen this treatment was best adapted to his audience, his aims, andthe material at his command. That he has survived through all thesecenturies, and has enjoyed, despite all criticism, the position inthe literature of the world which his very critics have unitedin conceding to him, is perhaps a stronger commendation than anytechnical approval. 

From the standpoint of the present work it was felt that selectionsaggregating seven books would accomplish all the purposes of acomplete presentation. The editors have chosen the first three booksof the first decade as telling what no one can better tell than Livy:the stories and legends connected with the foundation and early lifeof Rome. Here, as I have said, there was nothing for him to do but cutloose from all trammels and hang breathless, pen in hand, upon thelips of tradition. None can hold but that her faithful scribe has writdown her words with all their ancient colour, with reverence reigningover his heart; however doubts might lurk within his brain. Thesebooks close with the restoration of the consular power, after thedownfall of the tyrannical rule of the Decemvirs, the revolutionfollowing upon the attempt of Appius Claudius to seize Virginia, thedaughter of a citizen who, rather than see his child fall into theclutches of the cruel patrician, killed her with his own hand in themarketplace, and, rushing into the camp with the bloody knife, causedthe soldiers to revolt. The second section comprises Books XXI-XXIV, apart of the narrative of the second Punic war, a military exploit themost remarkable the world has ever seen. 

The question who was the greatest general that ever lived has been afruitful source of discussion, and Alexander, Cæsar, and Napoleon haveeach found numerous and ardent supporters. Without decrying the signalabilities of these chiefs, it must nevertheless be remembered thateach commanded a homogeneous army and had behind him a compact nationthe most warlike and powerful of his time. The adversaries also of theGreek and the Roman were in the one instance an effete power alreadyfalling to pieces by its own internal weakness, and in the other, forthe most part, scattered tribes of barbarians without unity of purposeor military discipline. Even in his civil wars Cæsar's armies wereveterans, and those of the commonwealth were, comparatively speaking, recruits. But when the reader of these pages carefully considersthe story of Hannibal's campaign in Italy, what does he find? Twonations--one Caucasian, young, warlike above all its contemporaries, with a record behind it of steady aggrandizement and almost unbrokenvictory, a nation every citizen of which was a soldier. On the otherside, a race of merchants Semitic in blood, a city whose citizens hadlong since ceased to go to war, preferring that their gold shouldfight for them by the hands of mercenaries of every race andclime--hirelings whose ungoverned valour had proved almost as deadlyto their employers and generals as to their enemies. Above all, thesame battle had been joined before when Rome was weaker and Carthagestronger, and Carthage had already shown her weakness and Rome herstrength. 

And now in this renewed war we see a young man, aided only by a littlegroup of compatriots, welding together army of the most heterogeneouselements--Spaniards, Gauls, Numidians, Moors, Greeks--men of almostevery race except his own. We see him cutting loose from his base ofsupplies, leaving enemies behind him, to force his way throughhostile races, through unknown lands bristling with almost impassablemountains and frigid with snow and ice. We see him conquering here, making friends and allies there, and, more wonderful than all, holdinghis mongrel horde together through hardships and losses by the forceof his character alone. We see him at last descending into the plainsof Italy. We see him not merely defeating but annihilating army afterarmy more numerous than his own and composed of better raw material. We see him, unaided, ranging from end to end of the peninsula, nonedaring to meet him with opposing standards, and the greatest generalof Rome winning laurels because he knew enough to recognise his ownhopeless inferiority. All stories of reverses other than those of meredetachments may pretty safely be set down as the exaggeration of Romanwriters. Situated as was Hannibal, the loss of one marshalled fieldwould have meant immediate ruin, and ruin never came when he foughtin Italy. On the contrary, without supplies save what his sword couldtake, without friends save what his genius and his fortune could win, he maintained his place and his superiority not for one or for two butthrough fourteen years, during all which time we hear no murmurof mutiny, no hint of aught but obedience and devotion among theincongruous and unruly elements from which he had fashioned hisinvincible army; and at the end we see him leaving Italy of his ownfree will, at the call of his country, to waste himself in a vaineffort to save her from the blunders of other leaders and from thepenalty of inherent weakness, which only his sword had so long wardedoff. 

When I consider the means, the opposition, and the achievement--acombination of elements by which alone we can judge such questionswith even approximate fairness--I can not but feel that of allmilitary exploits this invasion of Italy, which we shall read of here, was the most remarkable; that of all commanders Hannibal has shownhimself to be the greatest. Some of Livy's charges against him as aman are doubtless true. Avarice was in his blood; and cruelty also, though it ill became a Roman to chide an enemy on that score. Besides, Livy himself tells how Hannibal had sought for the bodies of thegenerals he had slain, that he might give them the rites of honourablesepulture; tells it, and in the next breath relates how the Romancommander mutilated the corpse of the fallen Hasdrubal and threw thehead into his brother's camp. So, too, his naïve explanation thatHannibal's "more than Punic perfidy" consisted mainly of ambushesand similar military strategies goes to show, as I have said, thatwhatever is unjust in our author's estimate was rather the result ofthe prejudiced deductions of national egotism than of facts wilfullyor carelessly distorted by partisan spite. 

To the reader who bears well in mind the points I have ventured tomake, I predict profit hardly less than pleasure in these pages; forLivy is perhaps the only historian who may be said to have been honestenough to furnish much of the material for criticism of himself, andto be, to a very considerable extent, self-adjusting. 

DUFFIELD OSBORNE. 

THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE [1]

Whether in tracing the history of the Roman people, from thefoundation of the city, I shall employ myself to a useful purpose, Iam neither very certain, nor, if I were, dare I say; inasmuch as Iobserve that it is both an old and hackneyed practice, later authorsalways supposing that they will either adduce something more authenticin the facts, or, that they will excel the less polished ancients intheir style of writing. Be that as it may, it will, at all events, be a satisfaction to me that I too have contributed my share toperpetuate the achievements of a people, the lords of the world; andif, amid so great a number of historians, my reputation should remainin obscurity, I may console myself with the celebrity and lustre ofthose who shall stand in the way of my fame. Moreover, the subject isof immense labour, as being one which must be traced back for morethan seven hundred years, and which, having set out from smallbeginnings, has increased to such a degree that it is now distressedby its own magnitude. And, to most readers, I doubt not but that thefirst origin and the events immediately succeeding, will afford butlittle pleasure, while they will be hastening to these later times, inwhich the strength of this overgrown people has for a long period beenworking its own destruction. I, on the contrary, shall seek this, asa reward of my labour, viz. , to withdraw myself from the view of thecalamities, which our age has witnessed for so many years, so long asI am reviewing with my whole attention these ancient times, being freefrom every care that may distract a writer's mind, though it can notwarp it from the truth. The traditions that have come down to us ofwhat happened before the building of the city, or before its buildingwas contemplated, as being suitable rather to the fictions of poetrythan to the genuine records of history, I have no intention either toaffirm or to refute. This indulgence is conceded to antiquity, that byblending things human with divine, it may make the origin of citiesappear more venerable: and if any people might be allowed toconsecrate their origin, and to ascribe it to the gods as its authors, such is the renown of the Roman people in war, that when theyrepresent Mars, in particular, as their own parent and that of theirfounder, the nations of the world may submit to this as patientlyas they submit to their sovereignty. But in whatever way these andsimilar matters shall be attended to, or judged of, I shall notdeem it of great importance. I would have every man apply his mindseriously to consider these points, viz. , what their life and whattheir manners were; through what men and by what measures, both inpeace and in war, their empire was acquired and extended; then, asdiscipline gradually declined, let him follow in his thoughts theirmorals, at first as slightly giving way, anon how they sunk more andmore, then began to fall headlong, until he reaches the present times, when we can endure neither our vices nor their remedies. This it iswhich is particularly salutary and profitable in the study of history, that you behold instances of every variety of conduct displayed on aconspicuous monument; that thence you may select for yourself and foryour country that which you may imitate; thence note what is shamefulin the undertaking, and shameful in the result, which you may avoid. But either a fond partiality for the task I have undertaken deceivesme, or there never was any state either greater, or more moral, orricher in good examples, nor one into which luxury and avarice madetheir entrance so late, and where poverty and frugality were so muchand so long honoured; so that the less wealth there was, the lessdesire was there. Of late, riches have introduced avarice andexcessive pleasures a longing for them, amid luxury and a passion forruining ourselves and destroying everything else. But let complaints, which will not be agreeable even then, when perhaps they will be alsonecessary, be kept aloof at least from the first stage of beginning sogreat a work. We should rather, if it was usual with us (historians)as it is with poets, begin with good omens, vows and prayers to thegods and goddesses to vouchsafe good success to our efforts in soarduous an undertaking. 

[Footnote 1: The tone of dignified despondency which pervades thisremarkable preface tells us much. That the republican historian wasno timid or time-serving flatterer of prince or public is more thanclear, while his unerring judgment of the future should bring much ofrespect for his judgment of the past. When he wrote, Rome was morepowerful than ever. Only the seeds of ruin were visible, yet healready divines their full fruitage. --D. O. ]

CONTENTS

BOOK I

THE PERIOD OF THE KINGS--B. C. 510

Arrival of Æneas in Italy--Ascanius founds Alba Longa--Birth ofRomulus and Remus--Founding the city--Rome under the kings--Death ofLucretia--Expulsion of the Tarquins--First consuls elected

BOOK II

THE FIRST COMMONWEALTH--B. C. 509-468

Brutus establishes the republic--A conspiracy to receive the kingsinto the city--Death of Brutus--Dedication of the Capitol--Battle ofLake Regillus--Secession of the commons to the Sacred Mount--Fivetribunes of the people appointed--First proposal of an agrarianlaw--Patriotism of the Fabian family--Contests of the plebeians andpatricians

BOOK III

THE DECEMVIRATE--B. C. 468-446

Disturbances over the agrarian law--Cincinnatus called from his fieldsand made dictator--Number of tribunes increased to ten--Decemvirsappointed--The ten tables--Tyranny of the decemvirs--Death ofVirginia--Re-establishment of the consular and tribunician power

LIVY'S ROMAN HISTORY

BOOK I[1]

THE PERIOD OF THE KINGS

To begin with, it is generally admitted that, after the taking ofTroy, while all the other Trojans were treated with severity, in thecase of two, Æneas and Antenor, the Greeks forbore to exercise thefull rights of war, both on account of an ancient tie of hospitality, and because they had persistently recommended peace and therestoration of Helen: and then Antenor, after various vicissitudes, reached the inmost bay of the Adriatic Sea, accompanied by a body ofthe Eneti, who had been driven from Paphlagonia by civil disturbance, and were in search both of a place of settlement and a leader, theirchief Pylæmenes having perished at Troy; and that the Eneti andTrojans, having driven out the Euganei, who dwelt between the sea andthe Alps, occupied these districts. In fact, the place where theyfirst landed is called Troy, and from this it is named the Trojancanton. The nation as a whole is called Veneti. It is also agreed thatÆneas, an exile from home owing to a like misfortune, but conductedby the fates to the founding of a greater empire, came first toMacedonia, that he was then driven ashore at Sicily in his quest for asettlement, and sailing thence directed his course to the territory ofLaurentum. This spot also bears the name of Troy. When the Trojans, having disembarked there, were driving off booty from the country, aswas only natural, seeing that they had nothing left but their arms andships after their almost boundless wandering, Latinus the king and theAborigines, who then occupied these districts, assembled in arms fromthe city and country to repel the violence of the new-comers. Inregard to what followed there is a twofold tradition. Some say thatLatinus, having been defeated in battle, first made peace and thenconcluded an alliance with Æneas; others, that when the armies hadtaken up their position in order of battle, before the trumpetssounded, Latinus advanced to the front, and invited the leader of thestrangers to a conference. He then inquired what manner of men theywere, whence they had come, for what reasons they had left their home, and in quest of what they had landed on Laurentine territory. Afterhe heard that the host were Trojans, their chief Æneas, the son ofAnchises and Venus, and that, exiled from home, their country havingbeen destroyed by fire, they were seeking a settlement and a site forbuilding a city, struck with admiration both at the noble character ofthe nation and the hero, and at their spirit, ready alike for peace orwar, he ratified the pledge of future friendship by clasping hands. Thereupon a treaty was concluded between the chiefs, and mutualgreetings passed between the armies: Æneas was hospitably entertainedat the house of Latinus; there Latinus, in the presence of hishousehold gods, cemented the public league by a family one, by givingÆneas his daughter in marriage. This event fully confirmed the Trojansin the hope of at length terminating their wanderings by a lasting andpermanent settlement. They built a town, which Æneas called Laviniumafter the name of his wife. Shortly afterward also, a son was theissue of the recently concluded marriage, to whom his parents gave thename of Ascanius. 

Aborigines and Trojans were soon afterward the joint objects of ahostile attack. Turnus, king of the Rutulians, to whom Lavinia hadbeen affianced before the arrival of Æneas, indignant that a strangerhad been preferred to himself, had made war on Æneas and Latinustogether. Neither army came out of the struggle with satisfaction. TheRutulians were vanquished: the victorious Aborigines and Trojans losttheir leader Latinus. Thereupon Turnus and the Rutulians, mistrustfulof their strength, had recourse to the prosperous and powerfulEtruscans, and their king Mezentius, whose seat of government was atCære, at that time a flourishing town. Even from the outset he hadviewed with dissatisfaction the founding of a new city, and, as atthat time he considered that the Trojan power was increasing far morethan was altogether consistent with the safety of the neighbouringpeoples, he readily joined his forces in alliance with the Rutulians. Æneas, to gain the good-will of the Aborigines in face of a war soserious and alarming, and in order that they might all be not onlyunder the same laws but might also bear the same name, called bothnations Latins. In fact, subsequently, the Aborigines were not behindthe Trojans in zeal and loyalty toward their king Æneas. Accordingly, in full reliance on this state of mind of the two nations, who weredaily becoming more and more united, and in spite of the fact thatEtruria was so powerful, that at this time it had filled with the fameof its renown not only the land but the sea also, throughout the wholelength of Italy from the Alps to the Sicilian Strait, Æneas led outhis forces into the field, although he might have repelled theirattack by means of his fortifications. Thereupon a battle was fought, in which victory rested with the Latins, but for Æneas it was even thelast of his acts on earth. He, by whatever name laws human and divinedemand he should be called, was buried on the banks of the riverNumicus: they call him Jupiter Indiges. 

Ascanius, the son of Æneas, was not yet old enough to rule; thegovernment, however, remained unassailed for him till he reached theage of maturity. In the interim, under the regency of a woman--sogreat was Lavinia's capacity--the Latin state and the boy's kingdom, inherited from his father and grandfather, was secured for him. I willnot discuss the question--for who can state as certain a matter ofsuch antiquity?--whether it was this Ascanius, or one older thanhe, born of Creusa, before the fall of Troy, and subsequently thecompanion of his father's flight, the same whom, under the name ofIulus, the Julian family represents to be the founder of its name. Be that as it may, this Ascanius, wherever born and of whatevermother--it is at any rate agreed that his father was Æneas--seeingthat Lavinium was over-populated, left that city, now a flourishingand wealthy one, considering those times, to his mother or stepmother, and built himself a new one at the foot of the Alban mount, which, from its situation, being built all along the ridge of a hill, wascalled Alba Longa. 

There was an interval of about thirty years between the founding ofLavinium and the transplanting of the colony to Alba Longa. Yet itspower had increased to such a degree, especially owing to thedefeat of the Etruscans, that not even on the death of Æneas, norsubsequently between the period of the regency of Lavinia, and thefirst beginnings of the young prince's reign, did either Mezentius, the Etruscans, or any other neighbouring peoples venture to take uparms against it. Peace had been concluded on the following terms, thatthe river Albula, which is now called Tiber, should be the boundary ofLatin and Etruscan territory. After him Silvius, son of Ascanius, bornby some accident in the woods, became king. He was the father of ÆneasSilvius, who afterward begot Latinus Silvius. By him several colonieswere transplanted, which were called Prisci Latini. From this timeall the princes, who ruled at Alba, bore the surname of Silvius. FromLatinus sprung Alba; from Alba, Atys; from Atys, Capys; from Capys, Capetus; from Capetus, Tiberinus, who, having been drowned whilecrossing the river Albula, gave it the name by which it was generallyknown among those of later times. He was succeeded by Agrippa, sonof Tiberinus; after Agrippa, Romulus Silvius, having receivedthe government from his father, became king. He was killed by athunderbolt, and handed on the kingdom to Aventinus, who, owing to hisbeing buried on that hill, which now forms part of the city of Rome, gave it its name. After him reigned Proca, who begot Numitor andAmulius. To Numitor, who was the eldest son, he bequeathed the ancientkingdom of the Silvian family. Force, however, prevailed more than afather's wish or the respect due to seniority. Amulius drove out hisbrother and seized the kingdom: he added crime to crime, murderedhis brother's male issue, and, under pretence of doing honour to hisbrother's daughter, Rea Silvia, having chosen her a Vestal Virgin, [2]deprived her of all hopes of issue by the obligation of perpetualvirginity. 

My opinion, however, is that the origin of so great a city and anempire next in power to that of the gods was due to the fates. TheVestal Rea was ravished by force, and having brought forth twins, declared Mars to be the father of her illegitimate offspring, eitherbecause she really imagined it to be the case, or because it was lessdiscreditable to have committed such an offence with a god. [3] Butneither gods nor men protected either her or her offspring from theking's cruelty. The priestess was bound and cast into prison; the kingordered the children to be thrown into the flowing river. By somechance which Providence seemed to direct, the Tiber, having over flownits banks, thereby forming stagnant pools, could not be approached atthe regular course of its channel; notwithstanding it gave the bearersof the children hope that they could be drowned in its water howevercalm. Accordingly, as if they had executed the king's orders, theyexposed the boys in the nearest land-pool, where now stands the ficusRuminalis, which they say was called Romularis. [4] At that time thecountry in those parts was a desolate wilderness. The story goes, thatwhen the shallow water, subsiding, had left the floating trough, inwhich the children had been exposed, on dry ground, a thirsty she-wolffrom the mountains around directed her course toward the cries of theinfants, and held down her teats to them with such gentleness, thatthe keeper of the king's herd found her licking the boys with hertongue. They say that his name was Faustulus; and that they werecarried by him to his homestead and given to his wife Larentia to bebrought up. Some are of the opinion that Larentia was called Lupaamong the shepherds from her being a common prostitute, and hence anopening was afforded for the marvellous story. The children, thus bornand thus brought up, as soon as they reached the age of youth, didnot lead a life of inactivity at home or amid the flocks, but, in thechase, scoured the forests. Having thus gained strength, both in bodyand spirit, they now were not only able to withstand wild beasts, butattacked robbers laden with booty, and divided the spoils with theshepherds, in whose company, as the number of their young associatesincreased daily, they carried on business and pleasure. 

Even in these early times it is said that the festival of theLupercal, as now celebrated, was solemnized on the Palatine Hill, which was first called Pallantium, from Pallanteum, a city of Arcadia, and afterward Mount Palatius. There Evander, who, belonging to theabove tribe of the Arcadians, had for many years before occupiedthese districts, is said to have appointed the observance of a solemnfestival, introduced from Arcadia, in which naked youths ran aboutdoing honour in wanton sport to Pan Lycæus, who was afterward calledInuus by the Romans. When they were engaged in this festival, as itsperiodical solemnization was well known, a band of robbers, enraged atthe loss of some booty, lay in wait for them, and took Remus prisoner, Romulus having vigorously defended himself: the captive Remus theydelivered up to King Amulius, and even went so far as to bringaccusations against him. They made it the principal charge that havingmade incursions into Numitor's lands, and, having assembled a bandof young men, they had driven off their booty after the mannerof enemies. Accordingly, Remus was delivered up to Numitor forpunishment. Now from the very first Faustulus had entertained hopesthat the boys who were being brought up by him, were of royal blood:for he both knew that the children had been exposed by the king'sorders, and that the time, at which he had taken them up, coincidedexactly with that period: but he had been unwilling to disclosethe matter, as yet not ripe for discovery, till either a fittingopportunity or the necessity for it should arise. Necessity camefirst. Accordingly, urged by fear, he disclosed the whole affair toRomulus. By accident also, Numitor, while he had Remus in custody, having heard that the brothers were twins, by comparing their age andtheir natural disposition entirely free from servility, felt his mindstruck by the recollection of his grandchildren, and by frequentinquiries came to the conclusion he had already formed, so that hewas not far from openly acknowledging Remus. Accordingly a plot wasconcerted against the king on all sides. Romulus, not accompanied by abody of young men--for he was not equal to open violence--but havingcommanded the shepherds to come to the palace by different roads ata fixed time, made an attack upon the king, while Remus, having gottogether another party from Numitor's house, came to his assistance;and so they slew the king. 

Numitor, at the beginning of the fray, giving out that enemies hadinvaded the city and attacked the palace, after he had drawn off theAlban youth to the citadel to secure it with an armed garrison, whenhe saw the young men, after they had compassed the king's death, advancing toward him to offer congratulations, immediately summoned ameeting of the people, and recounted his brother's unnatural behaviourtoward him, the extraction of his grandchildren, the manner of theirbirth, bringing up, and recognition, and went on to inform them of theking's death, and that he was responsible for it. The young princesadvanced through the midst of the assembly with their band in orderlyarray, and, after they had saluted their grandfather as king, asucceeding shout of approbation, issuing from the whole multitude, ratified for him the name and authority of sovereign. The governmentof Alba being thus intrusted to Numitor, Romulus and Remus were seizedwith the desire of building a city on the spot where they had beenexposed and brought up. Indeed, the number of Alban and Latininhabitants was too great for the city; the shepherds also wereincluded among that population, and all these readily inspired hopesthat Alba and Lavinium would be insignificant in comparison with thatcity, which was intended to be built. But desire of rule, the baneof their grandfather, interrupted these designs, and thence arose ashameful quarrel from a sufficiently amicable beginning. For as theywere twins, and consequently the respect for seniority could notsettle the point, they agreed to leave it to the gods, under whoseprotection the place was, to choose by augury which of them shouldgive a name to the new city, and govern it when built. Romulus chosethe Palatine and Remus the Aventine, as points of observation fortaking the auguries. 

It is said that an omen came to Remus first, six vultures; andwhen, after the omen had been declared, twice that number presentedthemselves to Romulus, each was hailed king by his own party, theformer claiming sovereign power on the ground of priority of time, thelatter on account of the number of birds. Thereupon, having met andexchanged angry words, from the strife of angry feelings they turnedto bloodshed: there Remus fell from a blow received in the crowd. Amore common account is that Remus, in derision of his brother, leapedover the newly-erected walls, and was thereupon slain by Romulus ina fit of passion, who, mocking him, added words to this effect:"So perish every one hereafter, who shall leap over my walls. " ThusRomulus obtained possession of supreme power for himself alone. Thecity, when built, was called after the name of its founder. [5] Hefirst proceeded to fortify the Palatine Hill, on which he himself hadbeen brought up. He offered sacrifices to Hercules, according to theGrecian rite, as they had been instituted by Evander; to the othergods, according to the Alban rite. There is a tradition that Hercules, having slain Geryon, drove off his oxen, which were of surpassingbeauty, [6] to that spot: and that he lay down in a grassy spot on thebanks of the river Tiber, where he had swam across, driving the cattlebefore him, to refresh them with rest and luxuriant pasture, beingalso himself fatigued with journeying. There, when sleep hadoverpowered him, heavy as he was with food and wine, a shepherd whodwelt in the neighbourhood, by name Cacus, priding himself on hisstrength, and charmed with the beauty of the cattle, desired to carrythem off as booty; but because, if he had driven the herd in front ofhim to the cave, their tracks must have conducted their owner thitherin his search, he dragged the most beautiful of them by their tailsbackward into a cave. Hercules, aroused from sleep at dawn, havinglooked over his herd and observed that some of their number weremissing, went straight to the nearest cave, to see whether perchancetheir tracks led thither. When he saw that they were all turned awayfrom it and led in no other direction, troubled and not knowing whatto make up his mind to do, he commenced to drive off his herd from sodangerous a spot. Thereupon some of the cows that were driven away, lowed, as they usually do, when they missed those that were left; andthe lowings of those that were shut in being heard in answer fromthe cave, caused Hercules to turn round. And when Cacus attemptedto prevent him by force as he was advancing toward the cave, he wasstruck with a club and slain, while vainly calling upon the shepherdsto assist him. At that time Evander, who was an exile from thePeloponnesus, governed the country more by his personal ascendancythan by absolute sway. He was a man held in reverence on accountof the wonderful art of writing, an entirely new discovery to menignorant of accomplishments, [7] and still more revered on account ofthe supposed divinity of his mother Carmenta, whom those peoples hadmarvelled at as a prophetess before the arrival of the Sybil in Italy. This Evander, roused by the assembling of the shepherds as theyhastily crowded round the stranger, who was charged with open murder, after he heard an account of the deed and the cause of it, gazingupon the personal appearance and mien of the hero, considerably moredignified and majestic than that of a man, asked who he was. As soonas he heard the name of the hero, and that of his father and nativecountry, "Hail!" said he, "Hercules, son of Jupiter! my mother, truthful interpreter of the will of the gods, has declared to me thatthou art destined to increase the number of the heavenly beings, andthat on this spot an altar shall be dedicated to thee, which in afterages a people most mighty on earth shall call Greatest, and honour inaccordance with rites instituted by thee. " Hercules, having given himhis right hand, declared that he accepted the prophetic intimation, and would fulfil the predictions of the fates, by building anddedicating an altar. Thereon then for the first time sacrifice wasoffered to Hercules with a choice heifer taken from the herd, thePotitii and Pinarii, the most distinguished families who theninhabited those parts, being invited to serve at the feast. It sohappened that the Potitii presented themselves in due time and theentrails were set before them: but the Pinarii did not arrive untilthe entrails had been eaten up, to share the remainder of the feast. From that time it became a settled institution, that, as long as thePinarian family existed, they should not eat of the entrails ofthe sacrificial victims. The Potitii, fully instructed by Evander, discharged the duties of chief priests of this sacred functionfor many generations, until their whole race became extinct, inconsequence of this office, the solemn prerogative of their family, being delegated to public slaves. These were the only religious ritesthat Romulus at that time adopted from those of foreign countries, being even then an advocate of immortality won by merit, to which thedestiny marked out for him was conducting him. 

The duties of religion having been thus duly completed, the peoplewere summoned to a public meeting: and, as they could not be unitedand incorporated into one body by any other means save legalordinances, Romulus gave them a code of laws: and, judging that thesewould only be respected by a nation of rustics, if he dignifiedhimself with the insignia of royalty, he clothed himself with greatermajesty--above all, by taking twelve lictors to attend him, but alsoin regard to his other appointments. Some are of opinion that he wasinfluenced in his choice of that number by that of the birds which hadforetold that sovereign power should be his when the auguries weretaken. I myself am not indisposed to follow the opinion of those, who are inclined to believe that it was from the neighbouringEtruscans--from whom the curule chair and purple-bordered toga wereborrowed--that the apparitors of this class, as well as the numberitself, were introduced: and that the Etruscans employed such a numberbecause, as their king was elected from twelve states in common, eachstate assigned him one lictor. 

In the meantime, the city was enlarged by taking in various plots ofground for the erection of buildings, while they built rather in thehope of an increased population in the future, than in view of theactual number of the inhabitants of the city at that time. Next, thatthe size of the city might not be without efficiency, in order toincrease the population, following the ancient policy of founders ofcities, who, by bringing together to their side a mean and ignoblemultitude, were in the habit of falsely asserting that an offspringwas born to them from the earth, he opened as a sanctuary the placewhich, now inclosed, is known as the "two groves, " and which peoplecome upon when descending from the Capitol. Thither, a crowd of allclasses from the neighbouring peoples, without distinction, whetherfreemen or slaves, eager for change, flocked for refuge, and thereinlay the foundation of the city's strength, corresponding to thecommencement of its enlargement. Having now no reason to bedissatisfied with his strength, he next instituted a standing councilto direct that strength. He created one hundred senators, eitherbecause that number was sufficient, or because there were only onehundred who could be so elected. Anyhow they were called fathers[8], by way of respect, and their descendants patricians. 

By this time the Roman state was so powerful, that it was a match forany of the neighbouring states in war: but owing to the scarcity ofwomen its greatness was not likely to outlast the existing generation, seeing that the Romans had no hope of issue at home, and they didnot intermarry with their neighbours. So then, by the advice of thesenators, Romulus sent around ambassadors to the neighbouring states, to solicit an alliance and the right of intermarriage for his newsubjects, saying, that cities, like everything else, rose from thehumblest beginnings: next, that those which the gods and their ownmerits assisted, gained for themselves great power and high renown:that he knew full well that the gods had aided the first beginnings ofRome and that merit on their part would not be wanting: therefore, asmen, let them not be reluctant to mix their blood and stock with men. The embassy nowhere obtained a favourable hearing: but, although theneighbouring peoples treated it with such contempt, yet at the sametime they dreaded the growth of such a mighty power in their midst tothe danger of themselves and of their posterity. In most cases whenthey were dismissed they were asked the question, whether they hadopened a sanctuary for women also: for that in that way only couldthey obtain suitable matches. 

The Roman youths were bitterly indignant at this, and the matter beganunmistakably to point to open violence. Romulus in order to provide afitting opportunity and place for this, dissembling his resentment, with this purpose in view, instituted games to be solemnized everyyear in honour of Neptunus Equester, which he called Consualia. Hethen ordered the show to be proclaimed among the neighbouring peoples;and the Romans prepared to solemnize it with all the pomp with whichthey were then acquainted or were able to exhibit, in order to makethe spectacle famous, and an object of expectation. Great numbersassembled, being also desirous of seeing the new city, especially allthe nearest peoples, the Caeninenses, Crustumini, and Antemnates: theentire Sabine population attended with their wives and children. Theywere hospitably invited to the different houses: and, when they sawthe position of the city, its fortified walls, and how crowded withhouses it was, they were astonished that the power of Rome hadincreased so rapidly. When the time of the show arrived, and theireyes and minds alike were intent upon it, then, according topreconcerted arrangement, a disturbance was made, and, at a givensignal, the Roman youths rushed in different directions to carry offthe unmarried women. A great number were carried off at hap-hazard, bythose into whose hands they severally fell: some of the common people, to whom the task had been assigned, conveyed to their homes certainwomen of surpassing beauty, who were destined for the leadingsenators. They say that one, far distinguished beyond the rest in formand beauty, was carried off by the party of a certain Talassius, andthat, when several people wanted to know to whom they were carryingher, a cry was raised from time to time, to prevent her beingmolested, that she was being carried to Talassius: and that from thisthe word was used in connection with marriages. The festival beingdisturbed by the alarm thus caused, the sorrowing parents of themaidens retired, complaining of the violated compact of hospitality, and invoking the god, to whose solemn festival and games they hadcome, having been deceived by the pretence of religion and good faith. Nor did the maidens entertain better hopes for themselves, or feelless indignation. Romulus, however, went about in person and pointedout that what had happened was due to the pride of their fathers, in that they had refused the privilege of intermarriage to theirneighbours; but that, notwithstanding, they would be lawfully wedded, and enjoy a share of all their possessions and civil rights, and--athing dearer than all else to the human race--the society of theircommon children: only let them calm their angry feelings, and bestowtheir affections on those on whom fortune had bestowed their bodies. Esteem (said he) often arose subsequent to wrong: and they would findthem better husbands for the reason that each of them would endeavour, to the utmost of his power, after having discharged, as far as hispart was concerned, the duty of a husband, to quiet the longing forcountry and parents. To this the blandishments of the husbands wereadded, who excused what had been done on the plea of passion and love, a form of entreaty that works most successfully upon the feelings ofwomen. [9]

By this time the minds of the maidens were considerably soothed, buttheir parents, especially by putting on the garb of mourning, and bytheir tears and complaints, stirred up the neighbouring states. Nordid they confine their feelings of indignation to their own homeonly, but they flocked from all quarters to Titus Tatius, king of theSabines, and embassies crowded thither, because the name of Tatiuswas held in the greatest esteem in those quarters. The Caeninenses, Crustumini, and Antemnates were the people who were chiefly affectedby the outrage. As Tatius and the Sabines appeared to them to beacting in too dilatory a manner, these three peoples by mutualagreement among themselves made preparations for war unaided. However, not even the Crustumini and Antemnates bestirred themselves withsufficient activity to satisfy the hot-headedness and anger of theCaeninenses: accordingly the people of Caenina, unaided, themselvesattacked the Roman territory. But Romulus with his army met themwhile they were ravaging the country in straggling parties, and ina trifling engagement convinced them that anger unaccompanied bystrength is fruitless. He routed their army and put it to flight, followed in pursuit of it when routed, cut down their king in battleand stripped him of his armour, and, having slain the enemy's leader, took the city at the first assault. Then, having led back hisvictorious army, being a man both distinguished for his achievements, and one equally skilful at putting them in the most favourable light, he ascended the Capitol, carrying suspended on a portable frame, cleverly contrived for that purpose, the spoils of the enemy'sgeneral, whom he had slain: there, having laid them down at the footof an oak held sacred by the shepherds, at the same time that hepresented the offering, he marked out the boundaries for a temple ofJupiter, and bestowed a surname on the god. "Jupiter Feretrius, " saidhe, "I, King Romulus, victorious over my foes, offer to thee theseroyal arms, and dedicate to thee a temple within those quarters, whichI have just now marked out in my mind, to be a resting-place for thespolia opima, which posterity, following my example, shall bringhither on slaying the kings or generals of the enemy. " This is theorigin of that temple, the first that was ever consecrated at Rome. Itwas afterward the will of the gods that neither the utterances ofthe founder of the temple, in which he solemnly declared that hisposterity would bring such spoils thither, should be spoken in vain, and that the honour of the offering should not be rendered commonowing to the number of those who enjoyed it. In the course of so manyyears and so many wars the spolia opima were only twice gained: sorare has been the successful attainment of this honour. [10]

While the Romans were thus engaged in those parts, the army of theAntemnates made a hostile attack upon the Roman territories, seizingthe opportunity when they were left unguarded. Against these in likemanner a Roman legion was led out in haste and surprised them whilestraggling in the country. Thus the enemy were routed at the firstshout and charge: their town was taken: Romulus, amid his rejoicingsat this double victory, was entreated by his wife Hersilia, inconsequence of the importunities of the captured women, to pardontheir fathers and admit them to the privileges of citizenship; thatthe commonwealth could thus be knit together by reconciliation. The request was readily granted. After that he set out against theCrustumini, who were beginning hostilities: in their case, as theircourage had been damped by the disasters of others, the struggle wasless keen. Colonies were sent to both places: more, however, werefound to give in their names for Crustuminum, because of the fertilityof the soil. Great numbers also migrated from thence to Rome, chieflyof the parents and relatives of the women who had been carried off. 

The last war broke out on the part of the Sabines, and this was by farthe most formidable: for nothing was done under the influence of angeror covetousness, nor did they give indications of hostilities beforethey had actually begun them. Cunning also was combined with prudence. Spurius Tarpeius was in command of the Roman citadel: his maidendaughter, who at the time had gone by chance outside the walls tofetch water for sacrifice, was bribed by Tatius, to admit some armedsoldiers into the citadel. After they were admitted, they crushed herto death by heaping their arms upon her: either that the citadel mightrather appear to have been taken by storm, or for the sake of settingforth a warning, that faith should never on any occasion be kept witha betrayer. The following addition is made to the story: that, as theSabines usually wore golden bracelets of great weight on their leftarm and rings of great beauty set with precious stones, she bargainedwith them for what they had on their left hands; and that thereforeshields were heaped upon her instead of presents of gold. Some saythat, in accordance with the agreement that they should deliver upwhat was on their left hands, she expressly demanded their shields, and that, as she seemed to be acting treacherously, she herself wasslain by the reward she had chosen for herself. 

Be that as it may, the Sabines held the citadel, and on the next day, when the Roman army, drawn up in order of battle, had occupied all thevalley between the Palatine and Capitoline Hills, they did not descendfrom thence into the plain until the Romans, stimulated by resentmentand the desire of recovering the citadel, advanced up hill to meetthem. The chiefs on both sides encouraged the fight, on the sideof the Sabines Mettius Curtius, on the side of the Romans HostiusHostilius. The latter, in the front of the battle, on unfavourableground, supported the fortunes of the Romans by his courage andboldness. When Hostius fell, the Roman line immediately gave way, and, being routed, was driven as far as the old gate of the Palatium. Romulus himself also, carried away by the crowd of fugitives, cried, uplifting his arms to heaven: "O Jupiter, it was at the bidding of thyomens, that here on the Palatine I laid the first foundations for thecity. The citadel, purchased by crime, is now in possession of theSabines: thence they are advancing hither in arms, having passed thevalley between. But do thou, O father of gods and men, keep back theenemy from hence at least, dispel the terror of the Romans, and checktheir disgraceful flight. On this spot I vow to build a temple to theeas Jupiter Stator, to be a monument to posterity that the city hasbeen preserved by thy ready aid. " Having offered up these prayers, as if he had felt that they had been heard, he cried: "From thisposition, O Romans, Jupiter, greatest and best, bids you halt andrenew the fight. " The Romans halted as if ordered by a voice fromheaven. Romulus himself hastened to the front. Mettius Curtius, on theside of the Sabines, had rushed down from the citadel at the head ofhis troops and driven the Romans in disordered array over the wholespace of ground where the Forum now is. He had almost reached thegate of the Palatium, crying out: "We have conquered our perfidiousfriends, our cowardly foes: now they know that fighting with men is avery different thing from ravishing maidens. " Upon him, as he utteredthese boasts, Romulus made an attack with a band of his bravestyouths. Mettius then happened to be fighting on horseback: on thataccount his repulse was easier. When he was driven back, the Romansfollowed in pursuit: and the remainder of the Roman army, fired by thebravery of the king, routed the Sabines. Mettius, his horse takingfright at the noise of his pursuers, rode headlong into a morass: thiscircumstance drew off the attention of the Sabines also at the dangerof so high a personage. He indeed, his own party beckoning and callingto him, gaining heart from the encouraging shouts of many of hisfriends, made good his escape. The Romans and Sabines renewed thebattle in the valley between the two hills: but the advantage restedwith the Romans. 

At this crisis the Sabine women, from the outrage on whom the war hadarisen, with dishevelled hair and torn garments, the timidity naturalto women being overcome by the sense of their calamities, wereemboldened to fling themselves into the midst of the flying weapons, and, rushing across, to part the incensed combatants and assuage theirwrath: imploring their fathers on the one hand and their husbandson the other, as fathers-in-law and sons-in-law, not to besprinklethemselves with impious blood, nor to fix the stain of murder on theiroffspring, the one side on their grandchildren, the other on theirchildren. "If, " said they, "you are dissatisfied with the relationshipbetween you, and with our marriage, turn your resentment against us;it is we who are the cause of war, of wounds and bloodshed to ourhusbands and parents: it will be better for us to perish than tolive widowed or orphans without one or other of you. " This incidentaffected both the people and the leaders; silence and sudden quietfollowed; the leaders thereupon came forward to conclude a treaty;and not only concluded a peace, but formed one state out of two. Theyunited the kingly power, but transferred the entire sovereignty toRome. Rome having thus been made a double state, that some benefit atleast might be conferred on the Sabines, they were called Quiritesfrom Cures. To serve as a memorial of that battle, they called theplace--where Curtius, after having emerged from the deep morass, sethis horse in shallow water--the Lacus Curtius. [11]

This welcome peace, following suddenly on so melancholy a war, endeared the Sabine women still more to their husbands and parents, and above all to Romulus himself. Accordingly, when dividing thepeople into thirty curiae, he called the curiae after their names. While the number of the women were undoubtedly considerably greaterthan this, it is not recorded whether they were chosen for their age, their own rank or that of their husbands, or by lot, to give namesto the curiae. At the same time also three centuries of knights wereenrolled: the Ramnenses were so called from Romulus, the Titiensesfrom Titus Tatius: in regard to the Luceres, the meaning of the nameand its origin is uncertain. [12] From that time forward the two kingsenjoyed the regal power not only in common, but also in perfectharmony. 

Several years afterward, some relatives of King Tatius ill-treatedthe Ambassadors of the Laurentines, and on the Laurentines beginningproceedings according to the rights of nations, the influence andentreaties of his friends had more weight with Tatius. In this mannerhe drew upon himself the punishment that should have fallen upon them:for, having gone to Lavinium on the occasion of a regularly recurringsacrifice, he was slain in a disturbance which took place there. Theysay that Romulus resented this less than the event demanded, eitherbecause partnership in sovereign power is never cordially kept up, orbecause he thought that he had been deservedly slain. Accordingly, while he abstained from going to war, the treaty between the citiesof Rome and Lavinium was renewed, that at any rate the wrongs of theambassadors and the murder of the king might be expiated. 

With these people, indeed, there was peace contrary to expectations:but another war broke out much nearer home and almost at the city'sgates. The Fidenates, [13] being of opinion that a power in too closeproximity to themselves was gaining strength, hastened to make warbefore the power of the Romans should attain the greatness it wasevidently destined to reach. An armed band of youths was sent intoRoman territory and all the territories between the city and theFidenae was ravaged. Then, turning to the left, because on the rightthe Tiber was a barrier against them, they continued to ravage thecountry, to the great consternation of the peasantry: the suddenalarm, reaching the city from the country, was the first announcementof the invasion. Romulus aroused by this--for a war so near home couldnot brook delay--led out his army, and pitched his camp a mile fromFidenae. Having left a small garrison there, he marched out with allhis forces and gave orders that a part of them should lie in ambush ina spot hidden amid bushes planted thickly around; he himself advancingwith the greater part of the infantry and all the cavalry, by ridingup almost to the very gates, drew out the enemy--which was just whathe wanted--by a mode of battle of a disorderly and threatening nature. The same tactics on the part of the cavalry caused the flight, whichit was necessary to pretend, to appear less surprising: and when, asthe cavalry appeared undecided whether to make up its mind to fight orflee, the infantry also retreated--the enemy, pouring forth suddenlythrough the crowded gates, were drawn toward the place of ambuscade, in their eagerness to press on and pursue, after they had broken theRoman line. Thereupon the Romans, suddenly arising, attacked theenemy's line in flanks; the advance from the camp of the standards ofthose, who had been left behind on guard, increased the panic: thusthe Fidenates, smitten with terror from many quarters, took to flightalmost before Romulus and the cavalry who accompanied him could wheelround: and those who a little before had been in pursuit of men whopretended flight, made for the town again in much greater disorder, seeing that their flight was real. They did not, however, escape thefoe: the Romans, pressing closely on their rear, rushed in as if itwere in one body, before the doors of the gates could be shut againstthem. 

The minds of the inhabitants of Veii, [14] being exasperated by theinfectious influence of the Fidenatian war, both from the tie ofkinship--for the Fidenates also were Etruscans--and because the veryproximity of the scene of action, in the event of the Roman arms beingdirected against all their neighbours, urged them on, they salliedforth into the Roman territories, rather with the object of plunderingthan after the manner of a regular war. Accordingly, without pitchinga camp, or waiting for the enemy's army, they returned to Veii, takingwith them the booty they had carried off from the lands; the Romanarmy, on the other hand, when they did not find the enemy in thecountry, being ready and eager for a decisive action, crossed theTiber. And when the Veientes heard that they were pitching a camp, andintended to advance to the city, they came out to meet them that theymight rather decide the matter in the open field, than be shut up andhave to fight from their houses and walls. In this engagement theRoman king gained the victory, his power being unassisted by anystratagem, by the unaided strength of his veteran army: and havingpursued the routed enemies up to their walls, he refrained fromattacking the city, which was strongly fortified and well defendedby its natural advantages: on his return he laid waste their lands, rather from a desire of revenge than of booty. The Veientes, humbledby that loss no less than by the unsuccessful issue of the battle, sent ambassadors to Rome to sue for peace. A truce for one hundredyears was granted them, after they had been mulcted in a part of theirterritory. These were essentially the chief events of the reign ofRomulus, in peace and in war, none of which seemed inconsistent withthe belief of his divine origin, or of his deification after death, neither the spirit he showed in recovering his grandfather's kingdom, nor his wisdom in building a city, and afterward strengthening it bythe arts of war and peace. For assuredly it was by the power thatRomulus gave it that it became so powerful, that for forty years afterit enjoyed unbroken peace. He was, however, dearer to the people thanto the fathers: above all others he was most beloved by the soldiers:of these he kept three hundred, whom he called Celeres, armed to serveas a body-guard not only in time of war but also of peace. 

Having accomplished these works deserving of immortality, while he washolding an assembly of the people for reviewing his army, in the plainnear the Goat's pool, a storm suddenly came on, accompanied by loudthunder and lightning, and enveloped the king in so dense a mist, thatit entirely hid him from the sight of the assembly. After this Romuluswas never seen again upon earth. The feeling of consternation havingat length calmed down, and the weather having become clear and fineagain after so stormy a day, the Roman youth seeing the royal seatempty--though they readily believed the words of the fathers whohad stood nearest him, that he had been carried up to heaven by thestorm--yet, struck as it were with the fear of being fatherless, for aconsiderable time preserved a sorrowful silence. Then, after a few hadset the example, the whole multitude saluted Romulus as a god, the sonof a god, the king and parent of the Roman city; they implored hisfavour with prayers, that with gracious kindness he would alwayspreserve his offspring. I believe that even then there were some, whoin secret were convinced that the king had been torn in pieces by thehands of the fathers--for this rumour also spread, but it was verydoubtfully received; admiration for the man, however, and the awe feltat the moment, gave greater notoriety to the other report. Also by theclever idea of one individual, additional confirmation is said to havebeen attached to the occurrence. For Proculus Julius, while the statewas still troubled at the loss of the king, and incensed against thesenators, a weighty authority, as we are told, in any matter howeverimportant, came forward into the assembly. "Quirites, " said he, "Romulus, the father of this city, suddenly descending from heaven, appeared to me this day at daybreak. While I stood filled with dread, and religious awe, beseeching him to allow me to look upon him face toface, 'Go, ' said he, 'tell the Romans, that the gods so will, thatmy Rome should become the capital of the world. Therefore let themcultivate the art of war, and let them know and so hand it down toposterity, that no human power can withstand the Roman arms. ' Havingsaid this, he vanished up to heaven. " It is surprising what credit wasgiven to that person when he made the announcement, and how much theregret of the common people and army for the loss of Romulus wasassuaged when the certainty of his immortality was confirmed. [15]

Meanwhile[16] contention for the throne and ambition engaged the mindsof the fathers; the struggle was not as yet carried on by individuals, by violence or contending factions, because, among a new people, noone person was pre-eminently distinguished; the contest was carried onbetween the different orders. The descendants of the Sabines wished aking to be elected from their own body, lest, because there had beenno king from their own party since the death of Tatius, they mightlose their claim to the crown although both were on an equal footing. The old Romans spurned the idea of a foreign prince. Amid thisdiversity of views, however, all were anxious to be under thegovernment of a king, as they had not yet experienced the delights ofliberty. Fear then seized the senators, lest, as the minds of manysurrounding states were incensed against them, some foreign powershould attack the state, now without a government, and the army, nowwithout a leader. Therefore, although they were agreed that thereshould be some head, yet none could bring himself to give way toanother. Accordingly, the hundred senators divided the governmentamong themselves, ten decuries being formed, and the individualmembers who were to have the chief direction of affairs being choseninto each decury. [17] Ten governed; one only was attended by thelictors and with the insignia of authority: their power was limited tothe space of five days, and conferred upon all in rotation, and theinterval between the government of a king lasted a year. From thisfact it was called an interregnum, a term which is employed even now. Then the people began to murmur, that their slavery was multiplied, and that they had now a hundred sovereigns instead of one, and theyseemed determined to submit to no authority but that of a king, andthat one appointed by themselves. When the fathers perceived that suchschemes were on foot, thinking it advisable to offer them, withoutbeing asked, what they were sure to lose, they conciliated thegood-will of the people by yielding to them the supreme power, yet insuch a manner as to surrender no greater privilege than they reservedto themselves. For they decreed, that when the people had chosen aking, the election should be valid, if the senate gave the sanction oftheir authority. And even to this day the same forms are observed inproposing laws and magistrates, though their power has been takenaway; for before the people begin to vote, the senators ratify theirchoice, even while the result of the elections is still uncertain. Then the interrex, having summoned an assembly of the people, addressed them as follows: "Do you, Quirites, choose yourselves aking, and may this choice prove fortunate, happy, and auspicious; suchis the will of the fathers. Then, if you shall choose a prince worthyto be reckoned next after Romulus, the fathers will ratify yourchoice. " This concession was so pleasing to the people, that, not toappear outdone in generosity, they only voted and ordained that thesenate should determine who should be king at Rome. 

The justice and piety of Numa Pompilius was at that time celebrated. He dwelt at Cures, a city of the Sabines, and was as eminently learnedin all law, human and divine, as any man could be in that age. Theyfalsely represent that Pythagoras of Samos was his instructor inlearning, because there appears no other. Now it is certain that thisphilosopher, in the reign of Servius Tullius, more than a hundredyears after this, held assemblies of young men, who eagerlyembraced his doctrines, on the most distant shore of Italy, in theneighbourhood of Metapontum, Heraclea, and Croton. But from theseplaces, even had he flourished in the same age, what fame of his couldhave reached the Sabines? or by what intercourse of language could ithave aroused any one to a desire of learning? Or by what safeguardcould a single man have passed through the midst of so many nationsdiffering in language and customs? I am therefore rather inclined tobelieve that his mind, owing to his natural bent, was attempered byvirtuous qualities, and that he was not so much versed in foreignsystems of philosophy as in the stern and gloomy training of theancient Sabines, a race than which none was in former times morestrict. When they heard the name of Numa, although the Roman fathersperceived that the balance of power would incline to the Sabines ifa king were chosen from them, yet none of them ventured to preferhimself, or any other member of his party, or, in fine, any of thecitizens or fathers, to a man so well known, but unanimously resolvedthat the kingdom should be offered to Numa Pompilius. Being sent for, just as Romulus obtained the throne by the augury in accordance withwhich he founded the city, so Numa in like manner commanded the godsto be consulted concerning himself. Upon this, being escorted into thecitadel by an augur, to whose profession that office was later madea public and perpetual one by way of honour, he sat down on a stonefacing the south: the augur took his seaton his left hand with hishead covered, holding in his right a crooked wand free from knots, called lituus; then, after having taken a view over the city andcountry, and offered a prayer to the gods, he defined the bounds ofthe regions of the sky from east to west: the parts toward the southhe called the right, those toward the north, the left; and in front ofhim he marked out in his mind the sign as far as ever his eyes couldsee. Then having shifted the lituus into his left hand, and placedhis right on the head of Numa, he prayed after this manner: "O fatherJupiter, if it be thy will that this Numa Pompilius, whose head Ihold, be king of Rome, mayest thou manifest infallible signs to uswithin those bounds which I have marked. " Then he stated in set termsthe auspices which he wished to be sent: on their being sent, Numa wasdeclared king and came down from the seat of augury. 

Having thus obtained the kingdom, he set about establishing anew, onthe principles of law and morality, the newly founded city that hadbeen already established by force of arms. When he saw that theinhabitants, inasmuch as men's minds are brutalized by military life, could not become reconciled to such principles during the continuanceof wars, considering that the savage nature of the people mustbe toned down by the disuse of arms, he erected at the foot ofArgiletum[18] a temple of Janus, as a sign of peace and war, that whenopen, it might show that the state was engaged in war, and when shut, that all the surrounding nations were at peace. Twice only since thereign of Numa has this temple been shut: once when Titus Manlius wasconsul, after the conclusion of the first Punic war; and a secondtime, which the gods granted our generation to behold, by the EmperorCæsar Augustus, after the battle of Actium, when peace was establishedby land and sea. This being shut, after he had secured the friendshipof all the neighbouring states around by alliance and treaties, allanxiety regarding dangers from abroad being now removed, in order toprevent their minds, which the fear of enemies and military disciplinehad kept in check, running riot from too much leisure, he considered, that, first of all, awe of the gods should be instilled into them, a principle of the greatest efficacy in dealing with the multitude, ignorant and uncivilized as it was in those times. But as this fearcould not sink deeply into their minds without some fiction of amiracle, he pretended that he held nightly interviews with the goddessEgeria; that by her direction he instituted sacred rites such as wouldbe most acceptable to the gods, and appointed their own priests foreach of the deities. And, first of all, he divided the year intotwelve months, according to the courses of the moon;[19] and becausethe moon does not fill up the number of thirty days in each month, andsome days are wanting to the complete year, which is brought round bythe solstitial revolution, he so regulated this year, by insertingintercalary months, that every twentieth year, the lengths of all theintermediate years being filled up, the days corresponded with thesame starting-point of the sun whence they had set out. He likewisedivided days into sacred and profane, because on certain occasions itwas likely to be expedient that no business should be transacted withthe people. 

Next he turned his attention to the appointment of priests, though hedischarged many sacred functions himself, especially those which nowbelong to the flamen of Jupiter. But, as he imagined that in a warlikenation there would be more kings resembling Romulus than Numa, and that they would go to war in person, in order that the sacredfunctions of the royal office might not be neglected, he appointed aperpetual priest as flamen to Jupiter, and distinguished him by a finerobe, and a royal curule chair. To him he added two other flamens, onefor Mars, another for Quirinus. He also chose virgins for Vesta, apriesthood derived from Alba, and not foreign to the family of thefounder. That they might be constant attendants in the temple, heappointed them pay out of the public treasury; and by enjoiningvirginity, and various religious observances, he made them sacred andvenerable. He also chose twelve Salii for Mars Gradivus, and gave themthe distinction of an embroidered tunic, and over the tunic a brazencovering for the breast. He commanded them to carry the shields calledAncilia, [20] which fell fromheaven, and to go through the city singingsongs, with leaping and solemn dancing. Then he chose from the fathersNuma Marcius, son of Marcius, as pontiff, and consigned to him acomplete system of religious rites written out and recorded, showingwith what victims, upon what days, and at what temples the sacredrites were to be performed, and from what funds the money was to betaken to defray the expenses. He also placed all other religiousinstitutions, public and private, under the control of the decrees ofthe pontiff, to the end that there might be some authority to whomthe people should come to ask advice, to prevent any confusion in thedivine worship being caused by their neglecting the ceremonies oftheir own country, and adopting foreign ones. He further ordained thatthe same pontiff should instruct the people not only in the ceremoniesconnected with the heavenly deities, but also in the due performanceof funeral solemnities, and how to appease the shades of the dead; andwhat prodigies sent by lightning or any other phenomenon were to beattended to and expiated. To draw forth such knowledge from the mindsof the gods, he dedicated an altar on the Aventine to Jupiter Elicius, and consulted the god by means of auguries as to what prodigies oughtto be attended to. 

The attention of the whole people having been thus diverted fromviolence and arms to the deliberation and adjustment of these matters, both their minds were engaged in some occupation, and the watchfulnessof the gods now constantly impressed upon them, as the deity of heavenseemed to interest itself in human concerns, had filled the breasts ofall with such piety, that faith and religious obligations governed thestate, the dread of laws and punishments being regarded as secondary. And while the people of their own accord were forming themselves onthe model of the king, as the most excellent example, the neighbouringstates also, who had formerly thought that it was a camp, not a city, that had been established in their midst to disturb the general peace, were brought to feel such respect for them that they considered itimpious to molest a state, wholly occupied in the worship of the gods. There was a grove, the middle of which was irrigated by a spring ofrunning water, flowing from a dark grotto. As Numa often repairedthither unattended, under pretence of meeting the goddess, hededicated the grove to the Camenae, because, as he asserted, theirmeetings with his wife Egeria were held there. He also instituted ayearly festival to Faith alone, and commanded her priests to be drivento the chapel erected for the purpose in an arched chariot drawn bytwo horses, and to perform the divine service with their hands wrappedup to the fingers, intimating that Faith ought to be protected, andthat even her seat in men's right hands was sacred. He instituted manyother sacred rites, and dedicated places for performing them, whichthe priests call Argei. But the greatest of all his works was themaintenance of peace during the whole period of his reign, no lessthan of his royal power. Thus two kings in succession, by differentmethods, the one by war, the other by peace, aggrandized the state. Romulus reigned thirty-seven years, Numa forty-three: the state wasboth strong and attempered by the arts both of war and peace. 

Upon the death of Numa, the administration returned again to aninterregnum. After that the people appointed as King Tullus Hostilius, the grandson of that Hostilius who had made the noble stand againstthe Sabines at the foot of the citadel: the fathers confirmed thechoice. He was not only unlike the preceding king, but even of a morewarlike disposition than Romulus. Both his youth and strength, and, further, the renown of his grandfather, stimulated his ambition. Thinking therefore that the state was deteriorating through ease, he everywhere sought for an opportunity of stirring up war. It sohappened that some Roman and Alban peasants mutually plundered eachother's lands. Gaius Cluilius at that time was in power at Alba. Fromboth sides ambassadors were sent almost at the same time, to demandsatisfaction. Tullus had ordered his representatives to attend totheir instructions before anything else. He knew well that the Albanwould refuse, and so war might be proclaimed with a clear conscience. Their commission was executed in a more dilatory manner by the Albans:being courteously and kindly entertained by Tullus, they gladly tookadvantage of the king's hospitality. Meanwhile the Romans had bothbeen first in demanding satisfaction, and upon the refusal of theAlban, had proclaimed war upon the expiration of thirty days: of thisthey gave Tullus notice. Thereupon he granted the Alban ambassadors anopportunity of stating with what demands they came. They, ignorant ofeverything, at first wasted some time in making excuses: That it waswith reluctance they would say anything which might be displeasingto Tullus, but they were compelled by orders: that they had come todemand satisfaction: if this was not granted, they were commanded todeclare war. To this Tullus made answer, "Go tell your king, that theking of the Romans takes the gods to witness, that, whichever of thetwo nations shall have first dismissed with contempt the ambassadorsdemanding satisfaction, from it they [the gods] may exact atonementfor the disasters of this war. " This message the Albans carried home. 

Preparations were made on both sides with the utmost vigour for a warvery like a civil one, in a manner between parents and children, bothbeing of Trojan stock: for from Troy came Lavinium, from Lavinium, Alba, and the Romans were descended from the stock of the Alban kings. However, the result of the war rendered the quarrel less distressing, for the struggle never came to regular action, and when the buildingsonly of one of the cities had been demolished, the two states wereincorporated into one. The Albans first invaded the Roman territorieswith a large army. They pitched their camp not more than five milesfrom the city, and surrounded it with a trench, which, for severalages, was called the Cluilian trench, from the name of the general, till, by lapse of time, the name, as well as the event itself, wasforgotten. In that camp Cluilius, the Alban king, died: the Albanscreated Mettius Fufetius dictator. In the meantime Tullus, exultant, especially at the death of the king, and giving out that the supremepower of the gods, having begun at the head, would take vengeance onthe whole Alban nation for this impious war, having passed the enemy'scamp in the night-time, marched with a hostile army into the Albanterritory. This circumstance drew out Mettius from his camp: he ledhis forces as close as possible to the enemy; thence he despatcheda herald and commanded him to tell Tullus that a conference wasexpedient before they came to an engagement; and that, if he wouldgive him a meeting, he was certain he would bring forward matterswhich concerned the interests of Rome no less than of Alba. Tullus didnot reject the offer: nevertheless, in case the proposals made shouldprove fruitless, he led out his men in order of battle: the Albanson their side marched out also. After both armies stood drawn upin battle array, the chiefs, with a few of the principal officers, advanced into the midst. Then the Alban began as follows: "Thatinjuries and the non-restitution of property claimed according totreaty is the cause of this war, methinks I have both heard our kingCluilius assert, and I doubt not, Tullus, but that you allege thesame. But if the truth must be told, rather than what is plausible, itis thirst for rule that provokes two kindred and neighbouring statesto arms. Whether rightly or wrongly, I do not take upon myself todetermine: let the consideration of that rest with him who has begunthe war. As for myself, the Albans have only made me their leader forcarrying on that war. Of this, Tullus, I would have you advised: howpowerful the Etruscan state is around us, and around you particularly, you know better than we, inasmuch as you are nearer to them. They arevery powerful by land, far more so by sea. Recollect that, directlyyou shall give the signal for battle, these two armies will be theobject of their attention, that they may fall on us when wearied andexhausted, victor and vanquished together. Therefore, for the love ofheaven, since, not content with a sure independence, we are runningthe doubtful hazard of sovereignty and slavery, let us adopt somemethod, whereby, without great loss, without much bloodshed of eithernation, it may be decided which is to rule the other. " The proposalwas not displeasing to Tullus, though both from his natural bent, asalso from the hope of victory, he was rather inclined to violence. After consideration, on both sides, a plan was adopted, for whichFortune herself afforded the means of execution. 

It happened that there were in the two armies at that time threebrothers born at one birth, neither in age nor strength ill-matched. That they were called Horatii and Curiatii is certain enough, andthere is hardly any fact of antiquity more generally known; yet in amanner so well ascertained, a doubt remains concerning their names, asto which nation the Horatii, to which the Curiatii belonged. Authorsincline to both sides, yet I find a majority who call the HoratiiRomans: my own inclination leads me to follow them. The kings arrangedwith the three brothers that they should fight with swords each indefence of their respective country; assuring them that dominionwould rest with those on whose side victory should declare itself. Noobjection was raised; the time and place were agreed upon. Before theengagement began, a compact was entered into between the Romans andAlbans on these conditions, that that state, whose champions shouldcome off victorious in the combat, should rule the other state withoutfurther dispute. Different treaties are made on different conditions, but in general they are all concluded with the same formalities. Wehave heard that the treaty in question was then concluded as follows, nor is there extant a more ancient record of any treaty. The heraldasked King Tullus, "Dost thou command me, O king, to conclude atreaty with the pater patratus of the Alban people?" On the king socommanding him he said, "I demand vervain of thee, O king. " The kingreplied, "Take some that is pure. " The herald brought a pure blade ofgrass from the citadel; then again he asked the king, "Dost thou, Oking, appoint me the royal delegate of the Roman people, the Quirites, and my appurtenances and attendants?" The king replied, "So far asit may be done without detriment to me and to the Roman people, theQuirites, I do so. " The herald was Marcus Valerius, who appointedSpurius Fusius pater patratus, [21] touching his head and hair withthe vervain. [22] The pater patratus was appointed ad iusiurandumpatrandum, that is, to ratify the treaty; and he went through it in alengthy preamble, which, being expressed in a long set form, it is notworth while to repeat. After having set forth the conditions, he said:"Hear, O Jupiter; hear, O pater patratus of the Alban people, and ye, O Alban people, give ear. As those conditions, from first to last, have been publicly recited from those tablets or wax without wickedor fraudulent intent, and as they have been most correctly understoodhere this day, the Roman people will not be the first to fail toobserve those conditions. If they shall be the first to do so bypublic consent, by fraudulent intent, on that day do thou, O Jupiter, so strike the Roman people, as I shall here this day strike thisswine; and do thou strike them so much the more, as thou art moremighty and more powerful. " When he said this, he struck the swine witha flint stone. The Albans likewise went through their own set form andoath by the mouth of their own dictator and priests. 

The treaty being concluded, the twin-brothers, as had been agreed, took arms. While their respective friends exhorted each party, reminding them that their country's gods, their country and parents, all their fellow-citizens both at home and in the army, had their eyesthen fixed on their arms, on their hands, being both naturally brave, and animated by the shouts and exhortations of their friends, theyadvanced into the midst between the two lines. The two armies on bothsides had taken their seats in front of their respective camps, freerather from danger for the moment than from anxiety: for sovereignpower was at stake, dependent on the valour and fortune of so few. Accordingly, therefore, on the tip-toe of expectation, their attentionwas eagerly fixed on a spectacle far from pleasing. The signal wasgiven: and the three youths on each side, as if in battle array, rushed to the charge with arms presented, bearing in their breasts thespirit of mighty armies. Neither the one nor the other heeded theirpersonal danger, but the public dominion or slavery was present totheir mind, and the thought that the fortune of their country would besuch hereafter as they themselves should have made it. Directly theirarms clashed at the first encounter, and their glittering swordsflashed, a mighty horror thrilled the spectators; and, as hopeinclined to neither side, voice and breath alike were numbed. Thenhaving engaged hand to hand, when now not only the movements of theirbodies, and the indecisive brandishings of their arms and weapons, butwounds also and blood were seen, two of the Romans fell lifeless, oneupon the other, the three Albans being wounded. And when the Albanarmy had raised a shout of joy at their fall, hope had entirely bythis time, not however anxiety, deserted the Roman legions, breathlesswith apprehension at the dangerous position of this one man, whom thethree Curiatii had surrounded. He happened to be unhurt, so that, though alone he was by no means a match for them all together, yethe was full of confidence against each singly. In order therefore toseparate their attack, he took to flight, presuming that they wouldeach pursue him with such swiftness as the wounded state of his bodywould permit. He had now fled a considerable distance from the placewhere the fight had taken place, when, looking back, he perceived thatthey were pursuing him at a great distance from each other, and thatone of them was not far from him. On him he turned round with greatfury, and while the Alban army shouted out to the Curiatii to succourtheir brother, Horatius by this time victorious, having slain hisantagonist, was now proceeding to a second attack. Then the Romansencouraged their champion with a shout such as is wont to be raisedwhen men cheer in consequence of unexpected success; and he hastenedto finish the combat. Wherefore before the other, who was not far off, could come up to him, he slew the second Curiatius also. And now, thecombat being brought to equal terms, one on each side remained, butunequally matched in hope and strength. The one was inspired withcourage for a third contest by the fact that his body was uninjured bya weapon, and by his double victory: the other dragging along his bodyexhausted from his wound, exhausted from running, and dispirited bythe slaughter of his brothers before his eyes, thus met his victoriousantagonist. And indeed there was no fight. The Roman, exulting, cried:"Two I have offered to the shades of my brothers: the third I willoffer to the cause of this war, that the Roman may rule over theAlban. " He thrust his sword down from above into his throat, while hewith difficulty supported the weight of his arms, and stripped himas he lay prostrate. The Romans welcomed Horatius with joy andcongratulations; with so much the greater exultation, as the matterhad closely bordered on alarm. They then turned their attention to theburial of their friends, with feelings by no means the same: for theone side was elated by the acquisition of empire, the other broughtunder the rule of others: their sepulchres may still be seen in thespot where each fell; the two Roman in one place nearer Alba, thethree Alban in the direction of Rome, but situated at some distancefrom each other, as in fact they had fought. 

Before they departed from thence, when Mettius, in accordance with thetreaty which had been concluded, asked Tullus what his orders were, he ordered him to keep his young men under arms, for he intended toemploy them, if a war should break out with the Veientes. After thisboth armies were led away to their homes. Horatius marched in front, carrying before him the spoils of the three brothers: his maidensister, who had been betrothed to one of the Curiatii, met him beforethe gate Capena;[23] and having recognised on her brother's shouldersthe military robe of her betrothed, which she herself had worked, shetore her hair, and with bitter wailings called by name on her deceasedlover. The sister's lamentations in the midst of his own victory, andof such great public rejoicings, raised the ire of the hot-temperedyouth. So, having drawn his sword, he ran the maiden through the body, at the same time reproaching her with these words: "Go hence with thyill-timed love to thy spouse, forgetful of thy brothers that are dead, and of the one who survives--forgetful of thy country. So fare everyRoman woman who shall mourn an enemy. " This deed seemed cruel to thefathers and to the people; but his recent services outweighed itsenormity. Nevertheless he was dragged before the king for judgment. The king, however, that he might not himself be responsible for adecision so melancholy, and so disagreeable in the view of the people, or for the punishment consequent on such decision, having summonedan assembly of the people, declared, "I appoint, according to law, duumvirs to pass sentence on Horatius for treason. " The law was ofdreadful formula. "Let the duumvirs pass sentence for treason. If heappeal from the duumvirs, let him contend by appeal; if they shallgain the cause, let the lictor cover his head, hang him by a ropeon the accursed tree, scourge him either within the pomerium, [24]orwithout the pomerium. " The duumvirs appointed in accordance with thisdecision, who did not consider that, according to that law, they couldacquit the man even if innocent, having condemned him, then one ofthem said: "Publius Horatius, I judge thee guilty of treason. Lictor, bind his hands. " The lictor had approached him, and was commencing tofix the rope round his neck. Then Horatius, on the advice of Tullus, a merciful interpreter of the law, said, "I appeal. " Accordingly thematter was contested before the people as to the appeal. At that trialthe spectators were much affected, especially on Publius Horatiusthe father declaring that he considered his daughter to have beendeservedly slain; were it not so, that he would by virtue of hisauthority as a father have inflicted punishment on his son. He thenentreated them that they would not render him childless, one whom buta little while ago they had beheld blessed with a fine progeny. Duringthese words the old man, having embraced the youth, pointing to thespoils of the Curiatii hung up in that place which is now called PilaHoratia, [25] "Quirites, " said he, "can you bear to see bound beneaththe gallows, amid scourgings and tortures, the man whom you just nowbeheld marching decorated with spoils and exulting in victory--a sightso shocking that even the eyes of the Albans could scarcely endure it?Go then, lictor, bind those hands, which but a little while since, armed, won sovereignty for the Roman people. Go, cover the head of theliberator of this city: hang him on the accursed tree: scourge him, either within the pomerium, so it be only amid those javelins andspoils of the enemy, or without the pomerium, so it be only amid thegraves of the Curiatii. For whither can you lead this youth, where hisown noble deeds will not redeem him from such disgraceful punishment?"The people could not withstand either the tears of the father, or thespirit of the son, the same in every danger, and acquitted him morefrom admiration of his bravery, than on account of the justice of hiscause. But that so clear a murder might be at least atoned for by someexpiation, the father was commanded to expiate the son's guilt at thepublic charge. He, having offered certain expiatory sacrifices, whichwere ever after continued in the Horatian family, and laid a beamacross the street, made the youth pass under it, as under the yoke, with his head covered. This beam remains even to this day, beingconstantly repaired at the public expense; it is called SororiumTigillum (Sister's Beam). A tomb of square stone was erected toHoratia in the spot where she was stabbed and fell. 

However, the peace with Alba did not long continue. Thedissatisfaction of the populace at the fortune of the state havingbeen intrusted to three soldiers, perverted the wavering mind of thedictator; and since straightforward measures had not turned out well, he began to conciliate the affections of the populace by treacherousmeans. Accordingly, as one who had formerly sought peace in time ofwar, and was now seeking war in time of peace, because he perceivedthat his own state possessed more courage than strength, he stirredup other nations to make war openly and by proclamation: for his ownpeople he reserved the work of treachery under the show of allegiance. The Fidenates, a Roman colony, [26] having taken the Veientes intopartnership in the plot, were instigated to declare war and take uparms under a compact of desertion on the part of the Albans. WhenFidenae had openly revolted, Tullus, after summoning Mettius and hisarmy from Alba, marched against the enemy. When he crossed the Anio, he pitched his camp at the conflux of the rivers. [27] Between thatplace and Fidenae, the army of the Veientes had crossed the Tiber. These, in the line of battle, also occupied the right wing near theriver; the Fidenates were posted on the left nearer the mountains. Tullus stationed his own men opposite the Veientine foe; the Albanshe posted to face the legion of the Fidenates. The Alban had no morecourage than loyalty. Therefore neither daring to keep his ground, norto desert openly, he filed off slowly to the mountains. After this, when he supposed he had advanced far enough, he led his entire armyuphill, and still wavering in mind, in order to waste time, openedhis ranks. His design was, to direct his forces to that side on whichfortune should give success. At first the Romans who stood nearestwere astonished, when they perceived their flanks were exposed by thedeparture of their allies; then a horseman at full gallop announcedto the king that the Albans were moving off. Tullus, in this perilousjuncture, vowed twelve Salii and temples to Paleness and Panic. Rebuking the horseman in a loud voice, so that the enemy might hearhim plainly, he ordered him to return to the ranks, that there was nooccasion for alarm; that it was by his order that the Alban army wasbeing led round to fall on the unprotected rear of the Fidenates. Helikewise commanded him to order the cavalry to raise their spearsaloft; the execution of this order shut out the view of the retreatingAlban army from a great part of the Roman infantry. Those who saw it, believing that it was even so, as they had heard from the king, foughtwith all the greater valour. The alarm was transferred to the enemy;they had both heard what had been uttered so loudly, and a great partof the Fidenates, as men who had mixed as colonists with the Romans, understood Latin. Therefore, that they might not be cut off from thetown by a sudden descent of the Albans from the hills, they took toflight. Tullus pressed forward, and having routed the wing of theFidenates, returned with greater fury against the Veientes, who weredisheartened by the panic of the others: they did not even sustainhis charge; but the river, opposed to them in the rear, prevented adisordered flight. When their flight led thither, some, shamefullythrowing down their arms, rushed blindly into the river; others, whilelingering on the banks, undecided whether to fight or flee, wereoverpowered. Never before was a more desperate battle fought by theRomans. 

Then the Alban army, which had been a mere spectator of the fight, was marched down into the plains. Mettius congratulated Tullus on hisvictory over the enemy; Tullus on his part addressed Mettius withcourtesy. He ordered the Albans to unite their camp with that of theRomans, which he prayed heaven might prove beneficial to both; andprepared a purificatory sacrifice for the next day. As soon as itwas daylight, all things being in readiness, according to custom, hecommanded both armies to be summoned to an assembly. The heralds, beginning at the farthest part of the camp, summoned the Albans first. They, struck also with the novelty of the thing, in order to hear theRoman king deliver a speech, crowded next to him. The Roman forces, under arms, according to previous arrangement, surrounded them; thecenturions had been charged to execute their orders without delay. Then Tullus began as follows: "Romans, if ever before, at any othertime, in any war, there was a reason that you should return thanks, first to the immortal gods, next to your own valour, it wasyesterday's battle. For the struggle was not so much with enemies aswith the treachery and perfidy of allies, a struggle which is moreserious and more dangerous. For--that you may not be under a mistakenopinion--know that it was without my orders that the Albans retired tothe mountains, nor was that my command, but a stratagem and the merepretence of a command: that you, being kept in ignorance that you weredeserted, your attention might not be drawn away from the fight, andthat the enemy might be inspired with terror and dismay, conceivingthemselves to be surrounded on the rear. Nor is that guilt, which Inow complain of, shared by all the Albans. They merely followed theirleader, as you too would have done, had I wished to turn my army awayto any other point from thence. It is Mettius there who is the leaderof this march: it is Mettius also who the contriver of this war is: itis Mettius who is the violator of the treaty between Rome and Alba. Let another hereafter venture to do the like, if I do not presentlymake of him a signal example to mankind. " The centurions in arms stoodaround Mettius: the king proceeded with the rest of his speech as hehad commenced: "It is my intention, and may it prove fortunate, happy, and auspicious to the Roman people, to myself, and to you, O Albans, to transplant all the inhabitants of Alba to Rome, to grant yourcommons the rights of citizenship, to admit your nobles into the bodyof senators, to make one city, one state: as the Alban state afterbeing one people was formerly divided into two, so let it now againbecome one. " On hearing this the Alban youth, unarmed, surrounded byarmed men, although divided in their sentiments, yet under pressure ofthe general apprehension maintained silence. Then Tullus proceeded:"If, Mettius Fufetius, you were capable of learning fidelity, and howto observe treaties, I would have suffered you to live and have givenyou such a lesson. But as it is, since your disposition is incurable, do you at any rate by your punishment teach mankind to consider thoseobligations sacred, which have been violated by you? As therefore alittle while since you kept your mind divided between the interests ofFidenae and of Rome, so shall you now surrender your body to be tornasunder in different directions. " Upon this, two chariots drawn byfour horses being brought up, he bound Mettius stretched at fulllength to their carriages: then the horses were driven in differentdirections, carrying off his mangled body on each carriage, where thelimbs had remained hanging to the cords. All turned away their eyesfrom so shocking a spectacle. That was the first and last instanceamong the Romans of a punishment which established a precedent thatshowed but little regard for the laws of humanity. In other caseswe may boast that no other nation has approved of milder forms ofpunishment. [28]

Meanwhile the cavalry had already been sent on to Alba, to transplantthe people to Rome. The legions were next led thither to demolish thecity. When they entered the gates, there was not indeed such a tumultor panic as usually prevails in captured cities, when, after the gateshave been burst open, or the walls levelled by the battering-ram, orthe citadel taken by assault, the shouts of the enemy and rush ofarmed men through the city throws everything into confusion with fireand sword: but gloomy silence and speechless sorrow so stupefied theminds of all, that, through fear, paying no heed as to what theyshould leave behind, what they should take with them, in theirperplexity, making frequent inquiries one of another, they now stoodon the thresholds, now wandering about, roamed through their houses, which they were destined to see then for the last time. When now theshouts of the horsemen commanding them to depart became urgent, andthe crash of the dwellings which were being demolished was heard inthe remotest parts of the city, and the dust, rising from distantplaces, had filled every quarter as with a cloud spread over them;then, hastily carrying out whatever each of them could, while theywent forth, leaving behind them their guardian deity and householdgods, [29] and the homes in which each had been born and brought up, anunbroken line of emigrants soon filled the streets, and the sight ofothers caused their tears to break out afresh in pity for one another:piteous cries too were heard, of the women more especially, as theypassed by their revered temples now beset with armed men, and lefttheir gods as it were in captivity. After the Albans had evacuated thetown, the Roman soldiery levelled all the public and private buildingsindiscriminately to the ground, and a single hour consigned todestruction and ruin the work of four hundred years, during whichAlba had stood. The temples of the gods, however--for so it had beenordered by the king--were spared. 

In the meantime Rome increased by the destruction of Alba. The numberof citizens was doubled. The Coelian Mount was added to the city, and, in order that it might be more thickly populated, Tullus selected itas a site for his palace, and subsequently took up his abode there. The leading men of the Albans he enrolled among the patricians, thatthat division of the state also might increase, the Tullii, Servilii, Quinctii, Geganii, Curiatii, Cloelii; and as a consecrated placeof meeting for the order thus augmented by himself he built asenate-house, which was called Hostilia[30] even down to the time ofour fathers. Further, that all ranks might acquire some additionalstrength from the new people, he chose ten troops of horsemen fromamong the Albans: he likewise recruited the old legions, and raisednew ones, by additions from the same source. Trusting to this increaseof strength, Tullus declared war against the Sabines, a nation at thattime the most powerful, next to the Etruscans, in men and arms. Onboth sides wrongs had been committed, and satisfaction demanded invain. Tullus complained that some Roman merchants had been seized in acrowded market near the temple of Feronia:[31] the Sabines that someof their people had previously taken refuge in the asylum, and hadbeen detained at Rome. These were put forward as the causes of thewar. The Sabines, well aware both that a portion of their strength hadbeen settled at Rome by Tatius, and that the Roman power had also beenlately increased by the accession of the Alban people, began, in likemanner, to look around for foreign aid themselves. Etruria was intheir neighbourhood; of the Etruscans the Veientes were the nearest. From thence they attracted some volunteers, whose minds were stirredup to break the truce, chiefly in consequence of the ranklinganimosities from former wars. Pay also had its weight with somestragglers belonging to the indigent population. They were assistedby no aid from the government, and the loyal observation of the truceconcluded with Romulus was strictly kept by the Veientes: with respectto the others it is less surprising. While both sides were preparingfor war with the utmost vigour, and the matter seemed to turn on this, which side should first commence hostilities, Tullus advanced firstinto the Sabine territory. A desperate battle took place at the woodcalled Malitiosa, in which the Roman army gained a decisive advantage, both by reason of the superior strength of their infantry, and also, more especially, by the aid of their cavalry, which had been recentlyincreased. The Sabine ranks were thrown into disorder by a suddencharge of the cavalry, nor could they afterward stand firm in battlearray, or retreat in loose order without great slaughter. 

After the defeat of the Sabines, when the government of Tullus and thewhole Roman state enjoyed great renown, and was highly flourishing, itwas announced to the king and senators, that it had rained stones onthe Alban Mount. As this could scarcely be credited, on persons beingsent to investigate the prodigy, a shower of stones fell from heavenbefore their eyes, just as when balls of hail are pelted down to theearth by the winds. They also seemed to hear a loud voice from thegrove on the summit of the hill, bidding the Albans perform theirreligious services according to the rites of their native country, which they had consigned to oblivion, as if their gods had beenabandoned at the same time as their country; and had either adoptedthe religious rites of Rome, or, as often happens, enraged at theirevil destiny, had altogether renounced the worship of the gods. Afestival of nine days was instituted publicly by the Romans also onaccount of the same prodigy, either in obedience to the heavenly voicesent from the Alban Mount--for that, too, is reported--or by theadvice of the soothsayers. Anyhow, it continued a solemn observance, that, whenever a similar prodigy was announced, a festival for ninedays was observed. Not long after, they were afflicted withan epidemic; and though in consequence of this there arose anunwillingness to serve, yet no respite from arms was given them by thewarlike king, who considered besides that the bodies of the youngmen were more healthy when on service abroad than at home, until hehimself also was attacked by a lingering disease. Then that proudspirit and body became so broken, that he, who had formerly considerednothing less worthy of a king than to devote his mind to religiousobservances, began to pass his time a slave to every form ofsuperstition, important and trifling, and filled the people's mindsalso with religious scruples. The majority of his subjects, nowdesiring the restoration of that state of things which had existedunder King Numa, thought that the only chance of relief for theirdiseased bodies lay in grace and compassion being obtained from thegods. It is said that the king himself, turning over the commentariesof Numa, after he had found therein that certain sacrifices of asecret and solemn nature had been performed to Jupiter Elicius, shuthimself up and set about the performance of those solemnities, butthat that rite was not duly undertaken or carried out, and that notonly was no heavenly manifestation vouchsafed to him, but he and hishouse were struck by lightning and burned to ashes, through theangerof Jupiter, who was exasperated at the ceremony having been improperlyperformed. [32] Tullus reigned two-and-thirty years with great militaryrenown. 

On the death of Tullus, according to the custom established in thefirst instance, the government devolved once more upon the senate, who nominated an interrex; and on his holding the comitia, the peopleelected Ancus Marciusking. The fathers ratified the election. AncusMarcius was the grandson of King Numa Pompilius by his daughter. Assoon as he began to reign, mindful of the renown of his grandfather, and reflecting that the last reign, glorious as it had been in everyother respect, in one particular had not been adequately prosperous, either because the rites of religion had been utterly neglected, orimproperly performed, and deeming it of the highest importance toperform the public ceremonies of religion, as they had been institutedby Numa, he ordered the pontiff, after he had recorded them all fromthe king's commentaries on white tables, to set them up in a publicplace. Hence, as both his own subjects, and the neighbouring nationsdesired peace, hope was entertained that the king would adopt theconduct and institutions of his grandfather. Accordingly, the Latins, with whom a treaty had been concluded in the reign of Tullus, gainedfresh courage; and, after they had invaded Roman territory, returneda contemptuous answer to the Romans when they demanded satisfaction, supposing that the Roman king would spend his reign in indolence amongchapels and altars. The disposition of Ancus was between two extremes, preserving the qualities of both Numa and Romulus; and, besidesbelieving that peace was more necessary in his grandfather's reign, since the people were then both newly formed and uncivilized, he alsofelt that he could not easily preserve the tranquility unmolestedwhich had fallen to his lot: that his patience was being tried andbeing tried, was despised: and that the times generally were moresuited to a King Tullus than to a Numa. In order, however, that, sinceNuma had instituted religious rites in peace, ceremonies relating towar might be drawn up by him, and that wars might not only be waged, but proclaimed also in accordance with some prescribed form, heborrowed from an ancient nation, the Æquicolae, and drew up the formwhich the heralds observe to this day, according to which restitutionis demanded. The ambassador, when he reaches the frontiers of thepeople from whom satisfaction is demanded, having his head coveredwith a fillet--this covering is of wool--says: "Hear, O Jupiter, hear, ye confines" (naming whatsoever nation they belong to), "let divinejustice hear. I am the public messenger of the Roman people; I comedeputed by right and religion, and let my words gain credit. " He thendefinitely states his demands; afterward he calls Jupiter to witness:"If I demand these persons and these goods to be given up to mecontrary to human or divine right, then mayest thou never permit me toenjoy my native country. " These words he repeats when he passesover the frontiers: the same to the first man he meets: the same onentering the gate: the same on entering the forum, with a slightchange of expression in the form of the declaration and drawing up ofthe oath. If the persons whom he demands are not delivered up, afterthe expiration of thirty-three days--for this number is enjoined byrule--he declares war in the following terms: "Hear, Jupiter, andthou, Janus Quirinus, and all ye celestial, terrestrial, and infernalgods, give ear! I call you to witness, that this nation "(mentioningits name)" is unjust, and does not carry out the principles ofjustice: however, we will consult the elders in our own countryconcerning those matters, by what means we may obtain our rights. "The messenger returns with them to Rome to consult. The king usedimmediately to consult the fathers as nearly as possible in thefollowing words: "Concerning such things, causes of dispute, andquarrels, as the pater patratus of the Roman people, the Quirites, hastreated with the pater patratus of the ancient Latins, and with theancient Latin people, which things ought to be given up, made good, discharged, which things they have neither given up, nor made good, nor discharged, declare, " says he to him, whose opinion he askedfirst, "what think you?" Then he replies: "I think that they shouldbe demanded by a war free from guilt and regularly declared; andaccordingly I agree, and vote for it. " Then the others were askedin order, and when the majority of those present expressed the sameopinion, war was agreed upon. It was customary for the fetialis tocarry in his hand a spear pointed with steel, or burned at the endand dipped in blood, to the confines of the enemy's country, and inpresence of at least three grown-up persons, to say, "Forasmuch asthe states of the ancient Latins, and the ancient Latin people, haveoffended against the Roman people of the Quirites, forasmuch as theRoman people of the Quirites have ordered that there should be warwith the ancient Latins, and the senate of the Roman people, theQuirites, have given their opinion, agreed, and voted that war shouldbe waged with the ancient Latins, on this account I and the Romanpeople declare and wage war on the states of the ancient Latins, andon the ancient Latin people. " Whenever he said that, he used to hurlthe spear within their confines. After this manner at that timesatisfaction was demanded from the Latins, and war proclaimed: andposterity has adopted that usage. 

Ancus, having intrusted the care of sacred matters to the flamenand other priests, set out with an army freshly levied, and tookPolitorium, a city of the Latins, by storm: and following the exampleof former kings, who had increased the Roman power by incorporatingenemies into the state, transplanted all the people to Rome. And sincethe Sabines had occupied the Capitol and citadel, and the Albans theCoelian Mount on both sides of the Palatium, the dwelling-place ofthe old Romans, the Aventine was assigned to the new people; not longafter, on the capture of Tellenae and Ficana, new citizens were addedto the same quarter. After this Politorium, which the ancient Latinshad taken possession of when vacated, was taken a second time by forceof arms. This was the cause of the Romans demolishing that city thatit might never after serve as a place of refuge for the enemy. Atlast, the war with the Latins being entirely concentrated at Medullia, the contest was carried on there for some time with changing success, according as the fortune of war varied: for the town was both wellprotected by fortified works, and strengthened by a powerful garrison, and the Latins, having pitched their camp in the open, had severaltimes come to a close engagement with the Romans. At last Ancus, making an effort with all his forces, first defeated them in a pitchedbattle, and, enriched by considerable booty, returned thence to Rome:many thousands of the Latins were then also admitted to citizenship, to whom, in order that the Aventine might be united to the Palatium, a settlement was assigned near the Temple of Murcia. [33] was likewiseadded not from want of room, but lest at any time it should become astronghold for the enemy. It was resolved that it should not only besurrounded by a wall, but also, for convenience of passage, be unitedto the city by a wooden bridge, which was then for the first timebuilt across the Tiber. The fossa Quiritium, no inconsiderable defencein places where the ground was lower and consequently easier ofaccess, was also the work of King Ancus. The state being augmentedby such great accessions, seeing that, amid such a multitude ofinhabitants (all distinction of right and wrong being as yetconfounded), secret crimes were committed, a prison [34] was builtin the heart of the city, overlooking the forum, to intimidate thegrowing licentiousness. And not only was the city increased under thisking, but also its territory and boundaries. After the Mesian foresthad been taken from the Veientines, the Roman dominion was extended asfar as the sea, and the city of Ostia built at the mouth of the Tiber;salt-pits were dug around it, and, in consequence of the distinguishedsuccesses in war, the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius was enlarged. 

In the reign of Ancus, Lucumo, [35] a wealthy and enterprising man, came to settle at Rome, prompted chiefly by the desire and hope ofhigh preferment, which he had no opportunity of obtaining at Tarquinii(for there also he was descended from an alien stock). He was the sonof Demaratus, a Corinthian, who, an exile from his country on accountof civil disturbances had chanced to settle at Tarquinii, and havingmarried a wife there, had two sons by her. Their names were Lucumoand Arruns. Lucumo survived his father, and became heir to all hisproperty. Arruns died before his father, leaving a wife pregnant. Thefather did not long survive the son, and as he, not knowing thathis daughter-in-law was pregnant, had died without mentioning hisgrandchild in his will, the boy who was born after the death of hisgrandfather, and had no share in his fortune, was given the name ofEgerius on account of his poverty. Lucumo, who was, on the otherhand, the heir of all his father's property, being filled with highaspirations by reason of his wealth, had these ambitions greatlyadvanced by his marriage with Tanaquil, who was descended from a veryhigh family, and was a woman who would not readily brook that thecondition into which she had married should be inferior to that inwhich she had been born. As the Etruscans despised Lucumo, as beingsprung from a foreign exile, she could not put up with the affront, and, regardless of the natural love of her native country, providedonly she could see her husband advanced to honour, she formed thedesign of leaving Tarquinii. Rome seemed particularly suited for thatpurpose. In a state, lately founded, where all nobility is rapidlygained and as the reward of merit, there would be room (she thought)for a man of courage and activity. Tatius, a Sabine, had been kingof Rome: Numa had been sent for from Cures to reign there: Ancus wassprung from a Sabine mother, and rested his title to nobility on thesingle statue of Numa. [36] Without difficulty she persuaded him, being, as he was, ambitious of honours, and one to whom Tarquinii washis country only on his mother's side. Accordingly, removing theireffects, they set out for Rome. They happened to have reached theJaniculum: there, as he sat in the chariot with his wife, an eagle, gently swooping down on floating wings, took off his cap, and hoveringabove the chariot with loud screams, as if it had been sent fromheaven for that very purpose, carefully replaced it on his head, and then flew aloft out of sight. Tanaquil is said to have joyfullywelcomed this omen, being a woman well skilled, as the Etruscansgenerally are, in celestial prodigies, and, embracing her husband, bade him hope for a high and lofty destiny: that such a bird had comefrom such a quarter of the heavens, and the messenger of such a god:that it had declared the omen around the highest part of man: that ithad lifted the ornament placed on the head of man, to restore it tohim again, by direction of the gods. Bearing with them such hopes andthoughts, they entered the city, and having secured a dwelling there, they gave out his name as Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. The fact that hewas a stranger and his wealth rendered him an object of attentionto the Romans. He himself also promoted his own good fortune by hisaffable address, by the courteousness of his invitations, and bygaining over to his side all whom he could by acts of kindness, untilreports concerning him reached even to the palace: and that notorietyhe, in a short time, by paying his court to the king without trucklingand with skilful address, improved so far as to be admitted on afooting of intimate friendship, so much so that he was present at allpublic and private deliberations alike, both foreign and domestic;and being now proved in every sphere, he was at length, by the king'swill, also appointed guardian to his children. 

Ancus reigned twenty-four years, equal to any of the former kings bothin the arts of war and peace, and in renown. His sons were now nighthe age of puberty; for which reason Tarquin was more urgent thatthe assembly for the election of a king should be held as soon aspossible. The assembly having been proclaimed, he sent the boys outof the way to hunt just before the time of the meeting. He is said tohave been the first who canvassed for the crown, and to have made aspeech expressly worded with the object of gaining the affections ofthe people: saying that he did not aim at anything unprecedented, forthat he was not the first foreigner (a thing at which any one mightfeel indignation or surprise), but the third who aspired to thesovereignty of Rome. That Tatius who had not only been an alien, buteven an enemy, had been made king; that Numa, who knew nothing ofthe city, and without solicitation on his part, had been voluntarilyinvited by them to the throne. That he, from the time he was his ownmaster, had migrated to Rome with his wife and whole fortune, andhad spent a longer period of that time of life, during which men areemployed in civil offices, at Rome, than he had in his native country;that he had both in peace and war become thoroughly acquainted withthe political and religious institutions of the Romans, under a masterby no means to be despised, King Ancus himself; that he had vied withall in duty and loyalty to his king, and with the king himself in hisbounty to others. While he was recounting these undoubted facts, thepeople with great unanimity elected him king. The same spirit ofambition which had prompted Tarquin, in other respects an excellentman, to aspire to the crown, attended him also on the throne. Andbeing no less mindful of strengthening his own power, than ofincreasing the commonwealth, he elected a hundred new members into thesenate, who from that time were called minorum gentium, a party whostanchly supported the king, by whose favour they had been admittedinto the senate. The first war he waged was with the Latins, in whoseterritory he took the town of Apiolae by storm, and having broughtback thence more booty than might have been expected from the reportedimportance of the war, he celebrated games with more magnificence anddisplay than former kings. The place for the circus, which is nowcalled Maximus, was then first marked out, and spaces were apportionedto the senators and knights, where they might each erect seats forthemselves: these were called fori (benches). They viewed the gamesfrom scaffolding which supported seats twelve feet in height from theground. The show consisted of horses and boxers that were summoned, chiefly from Etruria. These solemn games, afterward celebratedannually, continued an institution, being afterward variously calledthe Roman and Great games. By the same king also spaces round theforum were assigned to private individuals for building on; coveredwalks and shops were erected. 

He was also preparing to surround the city with a stone wall, when awar with the Sabines interrupted his plans. The whole thing was sosudden, that the enemy passed the Anio before the Roman army couldmeet and prevent them: great alarm therefore was felt at Rome. Atfirst they fought with doubtful success, and with great slaughter onboth sides. After this, the enemy's forces were led back into camp, and the Romans having thus gained time to make preparations for thewar afresh, Tarquin, thinking that the weak point of his army layspecially in the want of cavalry, determined to add other centuries tothe Ramnenses, Titienses, and Luceres which Romulus had enrolled, andto leave them distinguished by his own name. Because Romulus had donethis after inquiries by augury, Attus Navius, a celebrated soothsayerof the day, insisted that no alteration or new appointment could bemade, unless the birds had approved of it. The king, enraged at this, and, as they say, mocking at his art, said, "Come, thou diviner, tellme, whether what I have in my mind can be done or not?" When Attus, having tried the matter by divination, affirmed that it certainlycould, "Well, then, " said he, "I was thinking that you should cutasunder this whetstone with a razor. Take it, then, and perform whatthy birds portend can be done. " Thereupon they say that he immediatelycut the whetstone in two. A statue of Attus, with his head veiled, was erected in the comitium, close to the steps on the left of thesenate-house, on the spot where the event occurred. They say also thatthe whetstone was deposited in the same place that it might remain asa record of that miracle to posterity. Without doubt so much honouraccrued to auguries and the college of augurs, that nothing wassubsequently undertaken either in peace or war without taking theauspices, and assemblies of the people, the summoning of armies, andthe most important affairs of state were put off, whenever thebirds did not prove propitious. Nor did Tarquin then make any otheralteration in the centuries of horse, except that he doubled thenumber of men in each of these divisions, so that the three centuriesconsisted of one thousand eight hundred knights; only, those that wereadded were called "the younger, " but by the same names as theearlier, which, because they have been doubled, they now call the sixcenturies. 

This part of his forces being augmented, a second engagement tookplace with the Sabines. But, besides that the strength of the Romanarmy had been thus augmented, a stratagem also was secretly resortedto, persons being sent to throw into the river a great quantity oftimber that lay on the banks of the Anio, after it had been first seton fire; and the wood, being further kindled by the help of the wind, and the greater part of it, that was placed on rafts, being drivenagainst and sticking in the piles, fired the bridge. This accidentalso struck terror into the Sabines during the battle, and, after theywere routed, also impeded their flight. Many, after they had escapedthe enemy, perished in the river: their arms floating down the Tiberto the city, and being recognised, made the victory known almostbefore any announcement of it could be made. In that action the chiefcredit rested with the cavalry: they say that, being posted on thetwo wings, when the centre of their own infantry was now being drivenback, they charged so briskly in flank, that they not only checkedthe Sabine legions who pressed hard on those who were retreating, butsuddenly put them to flight. The Sabines made for the mountains indisordered flight, but only a few reached them; for, as has beensaid before, most of them were driven by the cavalry into the river. Tarquin, thinking it advisable to press the enemy hard while in astate of panic, having sent the booty and the prisoners to Rome, andpiled in a large heap and burned the enemy's spoils, vowed as anoffering to Vulcan, proceeded to lead his army onward into the Sabineterritory. And though the operation had been unsuccessfully carriedout, and they could not hope for better success; yet, because thestate of affairs did not allow time for deliberation, the Sabines cameout to meet him with a hastily raised army. Being again routed there, as the situation had now become almost desperate, they sued for peace. Collatia and all the land round about was taken from the Sabines, andEgerius, son of the king's brother, was left there in garrison. Ilearn that the people of Collatia were surrendered, and that theform of the surrender was as follows. The king asked them, "Are yeambassadors and deputies sent by the people of Collatia to surrenderyourselves and the people of Collatia?" "We are. " "Are the people ofCollatia their own masters?" "They are. " "Do ye surrender yourselvesand the people of Collatia, their city, lands, water, boundaries, temples, utensils, and everything sacred or profane belonging to them, into my power, and that of the Roman people?" "We do. " "Then I receivethem. " When the Sabine war was finished, Tarquin returned in triumphto Rome. After that he made war upon the ancient Latins, wherein theycame on no occasion to a decisive engagement; yet, by shifting hisattack to the several towns, he subdued the whole Latin nation. Corniculum, old Ficulea, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, and Nomentum, towns which either belonged to the ancient Latins, orwhich had revolted to them, were taken from them. Upon this, peace wasconcluded. Works of peace were then commenced with even greater spiritthan the efforts with which he had conducted his wars, so that thepeople enjoyed no more repose at home than it had already enjoyedabroad; for he set about surrounding the city with a stone wall, onthe side where he had not yet fortified it, the beginning of whichwork had been interrupted by the Sabine war; and the lower parts ofthe city round the forum, and the other valleys lying between thehills, because they could not easily carry off the water from the flatgrounds, he drained by means of sewers conducted down a slope into theTiber. He also levelled an open space for a temple of Jupiter in theCapitol, which he had vowed to him in the Sabine war: as his mind eventhen forecast the future grandeur of the place, he took possession ofthe site by laying its foundations. 

At that time a prodigy was seen in the palace, which was marvellousin its result. It is related that the head of a boy, called ServiusTullius, as he lay asleep, blazed with fire in the presence of severalspectators: that, on a great noise being made at so miraculous aphenomenon, the king and queen were awakened: and when one of theservants was bringing water to put out the flame, that he was keptback by the queen, and after the disturbance was quieted, that sheforbade the boy to be disturbed till he should awaken of his ownaccord. As soon as he awoke the flame disappeared. Then Tanaquil, taking her husband apart, said: "Do you see this boy whom bringing upin so mean a style? Be assured that some time hereafter he will be alight to us in our adversity, and a protector of our royal house whenin distress. Henceforth let us, with all the tenderness we can, trainup this youth, who is destined to prove the source of great glory toour family and state. " From this time the boy began to be treated astheir own son, and instructed in those accomplishments by which men'sminds are roused to maintain high rank with dignity. This was easilydone, as it was agreeable to the gods. The young man turned out to beof truly royal disposition: nor when a son-in-law was being soughtfor Tarquin, could any of the Roman youth be compared to him in anyaccomplishment: therefore the king betrothed his own daughter tohim. The fact of this high honour being conferred upon him fromwhatever cause, forbids us to believe that he was the son of a slave, or that he had himself been a slave when young. I am rather of theopinion of those who say that, on the taking of Corniculum, the wifeof Servius Tullius, who had been the leading man in that city, beingpregnant when her husband was slain, since she was known among theother female prisoners, and, in consequence of her distinguished rank, exempted from servitude by the Roman queen, was delivered of a childat Rome, in the house of Tarquinius Priscus: upon this, that both theintimacy between the women was increased by so great a kindness, and that the boy, as he had been brought up in the family from hisinfancy, was beloved and respected; that his mother's lot, in havingfallen into the hands of the enemy after the capture of her nativecity, caused him to be thought to be the son of a slave. 

About the thirty-eighth year of Tarquin's reign, Servius Tulliusenjoyed the highest esteem, not only of the king, but also of thesenate and people. At this time the two sons of Ancus, though they hadbefore that always considered it the highest indignity that theyhad been deprived of their father's crown by the treachery of theirguardian, that a stranger should be King of Rome, who not only did notbelong to a neighbouring, but not even to an Italian family, now felttheir indignation roused to a still higher pitch at the idea thatthe crown would not only not revert to them after Tarquin, but woulddescend even lower to slaves, so that in the same state, about thehundredth year after Romulus, descended from a deity, and a deityhimself, had occupied the throne as long as he lived, Servius, oneborn of a slave, would possess it: that it would be the commondisgrace both of the Roman name, and more especially of their family, if, while there was male issue of King Ancus still living, thesovereignty of Rome should be accessible not only to strangers, buteven to slaves. They determined therefore to prevent that disgrace bythe sword. But since resentment for the injury done to them incensedthem more against Tarquin himself, than against Servius, and theconsideration that a king was likely to prove a more severe avenger ofthe murder, if he should survive, than a private person; and moreover, even if Servius were put to death, it seemed likely that he wouldadopt as his successor on the throne whomsoever else he might haveselected as his son-in-law. For these reasons the plot was laidagainst the king himself. Two of the most brutal of the shepherds, chosen for the deed, each carrying with him the iron tools ofhusbandmen to the use of which he had been accustomed, by creating asgreat a disturbance as they could in the porch of the palace, underpretence of a quarrel, attracted the attention of all the king'sattendants to themselves; then, when both appealed to the king, andtheir clamour had reached even the interior of the palace, they weresummoned and proceeded before him. At first both shouted aloud, andvied in clamouring against each other, until, being restrained bythe lictor, and commanded to speak in turns, they at length ceasedrailing: as agreed upon, one began to state his case. While the king'sattention, eagerly directed toward the speaker, was diverted from thesecond shepherd, the latter, raising up his axe, brought it down uponthe king's head, and, leaving the weapon in the wound, both rushed outof the palace. 

When those around had raised up Tarquin in a dying state, the lictorsseized the shepherds, who were endeavouring to escape. Upon this anuproar ensued and a concourse of people assembled, wondering what wasthe matter. Tanaquil, amid the tumult, ordered the palace to be shut, and thrust out all spectators: at the same time she carefully preparedeverything necessary for dressing the wound, as if a hope stillremained: at the same time, she provided other means of safety, incase her hopes should prove false. Having hastily summoned Servius, after she had shown him her husband almost at his last gasp, holdinghis right hand, she entreated him not to suffer the death of hisfather-in-law to pass unavenged, nor to allow his mother-in-law to bean object of scorn to their enemies. "Servius, " said she, "if you area man, the kingdom belongs to you, not to those, who, by the hands ofothers, have perpetrated a most shameful deed. Rouse yourself, andfollow the guidance of the gods, who portended that this head of yourswould be illustrious by formerly shedding a divine blaze around it. Now let that celestial flame arouse you. Now awake in earnest. We, too, though foreigners, have reigned. Consider who you are, not whenceyou are sprung. If your own plans are rendered useless by reason ofthe suddenness of this event, then follow mine. " When the uproarand violence of the multitude could scarcely be endured, Tanaquiladdressed the populace from the upper part of the palace [37] throughthe windows facing the New Street (for the royal residence was nearthe Temple of Jupiter Stator). She bade them be of good courage; thatthe king was merely stunned by the suddenness of the blow; that theweapon had not sunk deep into his body; that he had already come tohis senses again; that the blood had been wiped off and the woundexamined; that all the symptoms were favourable; that she wasconfident they would see him in person very soon; that, in themeantime, he commanded the people to obey the orders of ServiusTullius; that the latter would administer justice, and perform allthe other functions of the king. Servius came forth wearing thetrabea[38], and attended by lictors, and seating himself on the king'sthrone, decided some cases, and with respect to others pretended thathe would consult the king. Therefore, though Tarquin had now expired, his death was concealed for several days, and Servius, under pretenceof discharging the functions of another, strengthened his owninfluence. Then at length the fact of his death was made public, lamentations being raised in the palace. Servius, supported by astrong body-guard, took possession of the kingdom by the consentof the senate, being the first who did so without the order of thepeople. The children of Ancus, the instruments of their villainyhaving been by this time caught, as soon as it was announced that theking still lived, and that the power of Servius was so great, hadalready gone into exile to Suessa Pometia. 

And now Servius began to strengthen his power, not more by publicthan by private measures; and, that the children of Tarquin might notentertain the same feelings toward himself as the children of Ancushad entertained toward Tarquin, he united his two daughters inmarriage to the young princes, the Tarquinii, Lucius and Arruns. Hedid not, however, break through the inevitable decrees of fate byhuman counsels, so as to prevent jealousy of the sovereign powercreating general animosity and treachery even among the members ofhis own family. Very opportunely for the immediate preservation oftranquility, a war was undertaken against the Veientes (for the trucehad now expired) and the other Etruscans. In that war, both the valourand good fortune of Tullius were conspicuous, and he returned to Rome, after routing a large army of the enemy, undisputed king, whether hetested the dispositions of the fathers or the people. He then setabout a work of peace of the utmost importance: that, as Numa had beenthe author of religious institutions, so posterity might celebrateServius as the founder of all distinction in the state and of theseveral orders by which any difference is perceptible between thedegrees of rank and fortune. For he instituted the census, [39] a mostsalutary measure for an empire destined to become so great, accordingto which the services of war and peace were to be performed, not byevery man, as formerly, but in proportion to his amount of property. Then he divided the classes and centuries according to the census, andintroduced the following arrangement, eminently adapted either forpeace or war. 

Of those who possessed property to the value of a hundred thousandasses[40] and upward, he formed eighty centuries, forty of seniors[41]and forty of juniors. [42] All these were called the first class, theseniors to be in readiness to guard the city, the juniors to carry onwar abroad. The arms they were ordered to wear consisted of a helmet, a round shield, greaves, and a coat of mail, all of brass; these werefor the defence of the body: their weapons of offence were a spear anda sword. To this class were added two centuries of mechanics, who wereto serve without arms: the duty imposed upon them was that of makingmilitary engines in time of war. The second class included all thosewhose property varied between seventy-five and a hundred thousandasses, and of these, seniors and juniors twenty centuries wereenrolled. The arms they were ordered to wear consisted of a bucklerinstead of a shield, and, except a coat of mail, all the rest were thesame. He decided that the property of the third class should amount tofifty thousand asses: the number of its centuries was the same, andformed with the same distinction of age: nor was there any change intheir arms, only the greaves were dispensed with. In the fourth class, the property was twenty-five thousand asses: the same number ofcenturies was formed; their arms were changed, nothing being giventhem but a spear and a short javelin. The fifth class was larger, thirty centuries being formed: these carried slings and stones forthrowing. Among them the supernumeraries, the horn-blowers and thetrumpeters, were distributed into three centuries. This class wasrated at eleven thousand asses. Property lower than this embraced therest of the citizens, and of them one century was made up which wasexempted from military service. Having thus arranged and distributedthe infantry, he enrolled twelve centuries of knights from amongthe chief men of the state. While Romulus had only appointed threecenturies, Servius formed six others under the same names as they hadreceived at their first institution. Ten thousand asses were giventhem out of the public revenue, to buy horses, and a number of widowsassigned them, who were to contribute two thousand asses yearly forthe support of the horses. All these burdens were taken off the poorand laid on the rich. Then an additional honour was conferred uponthem: for the suffrage was not now granted promiscuously to all--acustom established by Romulus, and observed by his successors--toevery man with the same privilege and the same right, but gradationswere established, so that no one might seem excluded from the right ofvoting, and yet the whole power might reside in the chief men of thestate. For the knights were first called to vote, and then the eightycenturies of the first class, consisting of the first class of theinfantry: if there occurred a difference of opinion among them, whichwas seldom the case, the practice was that those of the second classshould be called, and that they seldom descended so low as to comedown to the lowest class. Nor need we be surprised, that the presentorder of things, which now exists, after the number of the tribes wasincreased to thirty-five, their number being now double of what itwas, should not agree as to the number of centuries of juniors andseniors with the collective number instituted by Servius Tullius. Forthe city being divided into four districts, according to the regionsand hills which were then inhabited, he called these divisions, tribes, as I think, from the tribute. For the method of levying taxesratably according to the value of property was also introduced by him:nor had these tribes any relation to the number and distribution ofthe centuries. 

The census being now completed, which he had brought to a speedy closeby the terror of a law passed in reference to those who werenot rated, under threats of imprisonment and death, he issued aproclamation that all the Roman citizens, horse and foot, shouldattend at daybreak in the Campus Martius, each in his century. Therehe reviewed the whole army drawn up in centuries, and purified it bythe rite called Suovetaurilia, [43] and that was called the closingof the lustrum, because it was the conclusion of the census. Eightythousand citizens are said to have been rated in that survey. FabiusPictor, the most ancient of our historians, adds that that was thenumber of those who were capable of bearing arms. To accommodate thatvast population the city also seemed to require enlargement. He tookin two hills, the Quirinal and Viminal; then next he enlarged theEsquiline, and took up his own residence there, in order that dignitymight be conferred upon the place. He surrounded the city with arampart, a moat, and a wall:[44] thus he enlarged the pomerium. Thosewho regard only the etymology of the word, will have the pomerium tobe a space of ground behind the walls: whereas it is rather a spaceon each side of the wall, which the Etruscans, in building cities, formerly consecrated by augury, within certain limits, both within andwithout, in the direction they intended to raise the wall: so thatthe houses might not be erected close to the walls on the inside, aspeople commonly unite them now, and also that there might be somespace without left free from human occupation. This space, which wasforbidden to be tilled or inhabited, the Romans called pomerium, notso much from its being behind the wall, as from the wall being behindit: and in enlarging the boundaries of the city, these onsecratedlimits were always extended, as far as the walls were intended to beadvanced. 

When the population had been increased in consequence of theenlargement of the city, and everything had been organized at home tomeet the exigencies both of peace and war, that the acquisition ofpower might not always depend on mere force of arms, he endeavoured toextend his empire by policy and at the same time to add some ornamentto the city. The Temple of Diana at Ephesus was even then in highrenown; it was reported that it had been built by all the states ofAsia in common. When Servius, in the company of some Latin nobles withwhom he had purposely formed ties of hospitality and friendship, both in public and private, extolled in high terms such harmonyand association of their gods, by frequently harping upon the samesubject, he at length prevailed so far that the Latin states agreedto build a temple of Diana at Rome[45] in conjunction with the Romanpeople. This was an acknowledgment that the headship of affairs, concerning which they had so often disputed in arms, was centred inRome. An accidental opportunity of recovering power by a scheme of hisown seemed to present itself to one of the Sabines, though that objectappears to have been left out of consideration by all the Latins, in consequence of the matter having been so often attemptedunsuccessfully by arms. A cow of surprising size and beauty is said tohave been calved to a certain Sabine, the head of a family: her horns, which were hung up in the porch of the Temple of Diana, remained formany ages, to bear record to this marvel. The thing was regarded inthe light of a prodigy, as indeed it was, and the soothsayers declaredthat sovereignty should reside in that state, a citizen of which hadsacrificed this heifer to Diana. This prediction had also reached theears of the high priest of the Temple of Diana. The Sabine, as soon asa suitable day for the sacrifice seemed to have arrived, drove the cowto Rome, led her to the Temple of Diana, and set her before thealtar. There the Roman priest, struck with the size of the victim, socelebrated by fame, mindful of the response of the soothsayers, thusaccosted the Sabine: "What dost thou intend to do, stranger?" saidhe; "with impure hands to offer sacrifice to Diana? Why dost not thoufirst wash thyself in running water? The Tiber runs past at the bottomof the valley. " The stranger, seized with religious awe, since he wasdesirous of everything being done in due form, that the event mightcorrespond with the prediction, forthwith went down to the Tiber. Inthe meantime the Roman priest sacrificed the cow to Diana, gave greatsatisfaction to the king, and to the whole state. 

Servius, though he had now acquired an indisputable right to thekingdom by long possession, yet, as he heard that expressions weresometimes thrown out by young Tarquin, to the effect that he occupiedthe throne without the consent of the people, having first secured thegood-will of the people by dividing among them, man by man, the landtaken from their enemies, he ventured to propose the question tothem, whether they chose and ordered that he should be king, andwas declared king with greater unanimity than any other of hispredecessors. And yet even this circumstance did not lessen Tarquin'shope of obtaining the throne; nay, because he had observed that thematter of the distribution of land to the people was against the willof the fathers, he thought that an opportunity was now presented tohim of arraigning Servius before the fathers with greater violence, and of increasing his own influence in the senate, being himself ahot-tempered youth, while his wife Tullia roused his restless temperat home. For the royal house of the Roman kings also exhibited anexample of tragic guilt, so that through their disgust of kings, liberty came more speedily, and the rule of this king, which wasattained through crime, was the last. This Lucius Tarquinius (whetherhe was the son or grandson of Tarquinius Priscus is not clear:following the greater number of authorities, however, I should feelinclined to pronounce him his son) had a brother, Arruns Tarquinius, ayouth of a mild disposition. To these two, as has been already stated, the two Tullias, daughters of the king, had been married, they alsothemselves being of widely different characters. It had come to pass, through the good fortune, I believe, of the Roman people, that twoviolent dispositions should not be united in marriage, in order thatthe reign of Servius might last longer, and the constitution ofthe state be firmly established. The haughty spirit of Tullia waschagrined, that there was no predisposition in her husband, either toambition or daring. Directing all her regard to the other Tarquinius, him she admired, him she declared to be a man, and sprung from royalblood; she expressed her contempt for her sister, because, having aman for her husband, she lacked that spirit of daring that a womanought to possess. Similarity of disposition soon drew them together, as wickedness is in general most congenial to wickedness; but thebeginning of the general confusion originated with the woman. Accustomed to the secret conversations of the husband of another, there was no abusive language that she did not use about her husbandto his brother, about her sister to her sister's husband, assertingthat it would have been better for herself to remain unmarried, and hesingle, than that she should be united with one who was no fit matefor her, so that her life had to be passed in utter inactivity byreason of the cowardice of another. If the gods had granted her thehusband she deserved, she would soon have seen the crown in possessionof her own house, which she now saw in possession of her father. Shesoon filled the young man with her own daring. Lucius Tarquinius andthe younger Tullia, when the pair had, by almost simultaneous murders, made their houses vacant for new nuptials, were united in marriage, Servius rather offering no opposition than actually approving. 

Then indeed the old age of Tullius began to be every day moreendangered, his throne more imperilled. For now the woman from onecrime directed her thoughts to another, and allowed her husband norest either by night or by day, that their past crimes might not proveunprofitable, saying that what she wanted was not one whose wife shemight be only in name, or one with whom she might live an inactivelife of slavery: what she wanted was one who would consider himselfworthy of the throne, who would remember that he was the son ofTarquinius Priscus, who would rather have a kingdom than hope for it. "If you, to whom I consider myself married, are such a one, I greetyou both as husband and king; but if not, our condition has beenchanged so far for the worse, in that in your crime is associated withcowardice. Why do you not gird yourself to the task? You need not, like your father, from Corinth or Tarquinii, struggle for a kingdom ina foreign land. Your household and country's gods, the statue of yourfather, the royal palace and the kingly throne in that palace, and theTarquinian name, elect and call you king. Or if you have too littlespirit for this, why do you disappoint the state? Why suffer yourselfto be looked up to as a prince? Get hence to Tarquinii or Corinth. Sink back again to your original stock, more like your brother thanyour father. " By chiding him with these and other words, she urged onthe young man: nor could she rest herself, at the thought that thoughTanaquil, a woman of foreign birth, had been able to conceive andcarry out so vast a project, as to bestow two thrones in succession onher husband, and then on her son-in-law, she, sprung from royal blood, had no decisive influence in bestowing and taking away a kingdom. Tarquinius, driven on by the blind passion of the woman, began to goround and solicit the support of the patricians, especially those ofthe younger families:[46] he reminded them of his father's kindness, and claimed a return for it, enticed the young men by presents, increased his influence everywhere both by making magnificent promiseson his own part, as well as by accusations against the king. Atlength, as soon as the time seemed convenient for carrying out hispurpose, he rushed into the forum, accompanied by a band of armed men;then, while all were struck with dismay, seating himself on the thronebefore the senate-house, he ordered the fathers to be summoned to thesenate-house by the crier to attend King Tarquinius. They assembledimmediately, some having been already prepared for this, othersthrough fear, lest it should prove dangerous to them not to have come, astounded at such a strange and unheard-of event, and considering thatthe reign of Servius was now at an end. Then Tarquinius began hisinvectives with his immediate ancestors: That a slave, the son of aslave, after the shameful death of his father, without an interregnumbeing adopted, as on former occasions, without any election beingheld, without the suffrages of the people, or the sanction of thefathers, he had taken possession of the kingdom by the gift of awoman; that so born, so created king, a strong supporter of the mostdegraded class, to which he himself belonged, through a hatred of thehigh station of others, he had deprived the leading men of the stateof their land and divided it among the very lowest; that he had laidall the burdens, which were formerly shared by all alike, on the chiefmembers of the community; that he had instituted the census, in orderthat the fortune of the wealthier citizens might be conspicuous inorder to excite envy, and ready to hand, that out of it he mightbestow largesses on the most needy, whenever he pleased. 

Servius, aroused by the alarming announcement, having come upon thescene during this harangue, immediately shouted with a loud voice fromthe porch of the senate-house: "What means this, Tarquin? By whataudacity hast thou dared to summon the fathers, while I am stillalive, or to sit on my throne?" When the other haughtily replied, that he, a king's son, was occupying the throne of his father, a muchfitter successor to the throne than a slave; that he had insulted hismasters full long enough by shuffling insolence, a shout arose fromthe partisans of both, the people rushed into the senate-house, and itwas evident that whoever came off victor would gain the throne. ThenTarquin, forced by actual necessity to proceed to extremities, havinga decided advantage both in years and strength, seized Servius by thewaist, and having carried him out of the senate-house, hurled himdown the steps to the bottom. He then returned to the senate houseto assemble the senate. The king's officers and attendants took toflight. The king himself, almost lifeless (when he was returning homewith his royal retinue frightened to death and had reached the top ofthe Cyprian Street), was slain by those who had been sent by Tarquin, and had overtaken him in his flight. As the act is not inconsistentwith the rest of her atrocious conduct, it is believed to have beendone by Tullia's advice. Anyhow, as is generally admitted, drivinginto the forum in her chariot, unabashed by the crowd of men present, she called her husband out of the senate-house, and was the first togreet him, king; and when, being bidden by him to withdraw from such atumult, she was returning home, and had reached the top of the CyprianStreet, where Diana's chapel lately stood, as she was turning on theright to the Urian Hill, in order to ride up to the Esquiline, thedriver stopped terrified, and drew in his reins, and pointed out tohis mistress the body of the murdered Servius lying on the ground. On this occasion a revolting and inhuman crime is said to have beencommitted, and the place bears record of it. They call it the WickedStreet, where Tullia, frantic and urged on by the avenging furies ofher sister and husband, is said to have driven her chariot over herfather's body, and to have carried a portion of the blood of hermurdered father on her blood-stained chariot, herself also defiledand sprinkled with it, to her own and her husband's household gods, through whose vengeance results corresponding with the evil beginningof the reign were soon destined to follow. Servius Tullius reignedforty-four years in such a manner that it was no easy task even for agood and moderate successor to compete with him. However, this alsohas proved an additional source of renown to him that together withhim perished all just and legitimate reigns. This same authority, somild and so moderate, because it was vested in one man, some say thathe nevertheless had intended to resign, had not the wickedness of hisfamily interfered with him as he was forming plans for the liberationof his country. 

After this period Lucius Tarquinius began to reign, whose actsprocured him the surname of Proud, for he, the son-in-law, refused hisfather-in-law burial, alleging that even Romulus was not buried afterdeath. He put to death the principal senators, whom he suspectedof having favoured the cause of Servius. Then, conscious that theprecedent of obtaining the crown by evil means might be borrowed fromhim and employed against himself, he surrounded his person with abody-guard of armed men, for he had no claim to the kingdom exceptforce, as being one who reigned without either the order of the peopleor the sanction of the senate. To this was added the fact that, as hereposed no hope in the affection of his citizens, he had to secure hiskingdom by terror; and in order to inspire a greater number with this, he carried out the investigation of capital cases solely by himselfwithout assessors, and under that pretext had it in his power to putto death, banish, or fine, not only those who were suspected or hated, but those also from whom he could expect to gain nothing else butplunder. The number of the fathers more particularly being in thismanner diminished, he determined to elect none into the senate intheir place, that the order might become more contemptible owingto this very reduction in numbers, and that it might feel the lessresentment at no business being transacted by it. For he was the firstof the kings who violated the custom derived from his predecessors ofconsulting the senate on all matters, and administered the businessof the state by taking counsel with his friends alone. War, peace, treaties, alliances, all these he contracted and dissolved withwhomsoever he pleased, without the sanction of the people and senate, entirely on his own responsibility. The nation of the Latins he wasparticularly anxious to attach to him, so that by foreign influencealso he might be more secure among his own subjects; and he contractedties not only of hospitality but also of marriage with their leadingmen. On Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, who was by far the most eminentof those who bore the Latin name, being descended, if we believetradition, from Ulysses and the goddess Circe, he bestowed hisdaughter in marriage, and by this match attached to himself many ofhis kinsmen and friends. 

The influence of Tarquin among the chief men of the Latins beingnow considerable, he issued an order that they should assemble on acertain day at the grove of Ferentina, [47] saying that there werematters of common interest about which he wished to confer with them. They assembled in great numbers at daybreak. Tarquinius himself keptthe day indeed, but did not arrive until shortly before sunset. Manymatters were there discussed in the meeting throughout the day invarious conversations. Turnus Herdonius of Aricia inveighed violentlyagainst the absent Tarquin, saying that it was no wonder the surnameof Proud was given him at Rome; for so they now called him secretlyand in whispers, but still generally. Could anything show morehaughtiness than this insolent mockery of the entire Latin nation?After their chiefs had been summoned so great a distance from home, he who had proclaimed the meeting did not attend; assuredly theirpatience was being tried, in order that, if they submitted to theyoke, he might crush them when at his mercy. For who could fail to seethat he was aiming at sovereignty over the Latins? This sovereignty, if his own countrymen had done well in having intrusted it to him, orif it had been intrusted and not seized on by murder, the Latins alsoought to intrust to him (and yet not even so, inasmuch as he was aforeigner). But if his own subjects were dissatisfied with him (seeingthat they were butchered one after another, driven into exile, anddeprived of their property), what better prospects were held out tothe Latins? If they listened to him, they would depart thence, each tohis own home, and take no more notice of the day of meeting than hewho had proclaimed it. When this man, mutinous and full of daring, andone who had obtained influence at home by such methods, was pressingthese and other observations to the same effect, Tarquin appeared onthe scene. This put an end to his harangue. All turned away from himto salute Tarquin, who, on silence being proclaimed, being advised bythose next him to make some excuse for having come so late, said thathe had been chosen arbitrator between a father and a son: that, fromhis anxiety to reconcile them, he had delayed: and, because that dutyhad taken up that day, that on the morrow he would carry out what hehad determined. They say that he did not make even that observationunrebuked by Turnus, who declared that no controversy could be morequickly decided than one between father and son, and that it could besettled in a few words--unless the son submitted to the father, hewould be punished. 

The Arician withdrew from the meeting, uttering these reproachesagainst the Roman king. Tarquin, feeling the matter much more sorelythan he seemed to, immediately set about planning the death of Turnus, in order to inspire the Latins with the same terror as that with whichhe had crushed the spirits of his own subjects at home: and becausehe could not be put to death openly, by virtue of his authority, heaccomplished the ruin of this innocent man by bringing a false chargeagainst him. By means of some Aricians of the opposite party, hebribed a servant of Turnus with gold, to allow a great numberof swords to be secretly brought into his lodging. When thesepreparations had been completed in the course of a single night, Tarquin, having summoned the chief of the Latins to him a littlebefore day, as if alarmed by some strange occurrence, said thathis delay of yesterday, which had been caused as it were by someprovidential care of the gods, had been the means of preservation tohimself and to them; that he had been told that destruction was beingplotted by Turnus for him and the chiefs of the Latin peoples, that healone might obtain the government of the Latins. That he would haveattacked them yesterday at the meeting; that the attempt had beendeferred, because the person who summoned the meeting was absent, whowas the chief object of his attack? That that was the reason of theabuse heaped upon him during his absence, because he had disappointedhis hopes by delaying. That he had no doubt that, if the truth weretold him, he would come attended by a band of conspirators, at breakof day, when the assembly met, ready prepared and armed. That it wasreported that a great number of swords had been conveyed to his house. Whether that was true or not, could be known immediately. He requestedthem to accompany him thence to the house of Turnus. Both the daringtemper of Turnus, and his harangue of the previous day, and the delayof Tarquin, rendered the matter suspicious, because it seemed possiblethat the murder might have been put off in consequence of the latter. They started with minds inclined indeed to believe, yet determined toconsider everything else false, unless the swords were found. Whenthey arrived there, Turnus was aroused from sleep, and surroundedby guards: the slaves, who, from affection to their master, werepreparing to use force, being secured, and the swords, which had beenconcealed, drawn out from all corners of the lodging, then indeedthere seemed no doubt about the matter: Turnus was loaded withchains, and forthwith a meeting of the Latins was summoned amid greatconfusion. There, on the swords being exhibited in the midst, suchviolent hatred arose against him, that, without being allowed adefence, he was put to death in an unusual manner; he was thrown intothe basin of the spring of Ferentina, a hurdle was placed over him, and stones being heaped up in it, he was drowned. 

Tarquin then recalled the Latins to the meeting, and having applaudedthem for having inflicted well-merited punishment on Turnus, asone convicted of murder, by his attempt to bring about a change ofgovernment, spoke as follows: That he could indeed proceed by along-established right; because, since all the Latins were sprung fromAlba, they were comprehended in that treaty by which, dating from thetime of Tullus, the entire Alban nation, with its colonies, had passedunder the dominion of Rome. However, for the sake of the interest ofall parties, he thought rather that that treaty should be renewed, andthat the Latins should rather share in the enjoyment of the prosperityof the Roman people, than be constantly either apprehending orsuffering the demolition of their towns and the devastation of theirlands, which they had formerly suffered in the reign of Ancus, andafterward in the reign of his own father. The Latins were easilypersuaded, though in that treaty the advantage lay on the side ofRome: however, they both saw that the chiefs of the Latin nation sidedwith and supported the king, and Turnus was a warning example, stillfresh in their recollections, of the danger that threatened eachindividually, if he should make any opposition. Thus the treaty wasrenewed, and notice was given to the young men of the Latins that, according to the treaty, they should attend in considerable numbersin arms, on a certain day, at the grove of Ferentina. And when theyassembled from all the states according to the edict of the Romanking, in order that they should have neither a general of their own, nor a separate command, nor standards of their own, he formed mixedcompanies of Latins and Romans so as out of a pair of companies tomake single companies, and out of single companies to make a pair: andwhen the companies had thus been doubled, he appointed centurions overthem. 

Nor was Tarquin, though a tyrannical prince in time of peace, an incompetent general in war; nay, he would have equalled hispredecessors in that art, had not his degeneracy in other wayslikewise detracted from his merit in this respect. He first began thewar against the Volsci, which was to last two hundred years after histime, and took Suessa Pometia from them by storm; and when by the saleof the spoils he had realized forty talents of silver, he conceivedthe idea of building a temple to Jupiter on such a magnificent scalethat it should be worthy of the king of gods and men, of the RomanEmpire, and of the dignity of the place itself: for the building ofthis temple he set apart the money realized by the sale of the spoils. Soon after a war claimed his attention, which proved more protractedthan he had expected, in which, having in vain attempted to stormGabii, [48] a city in the neighbourhood, when, after suffering arepulse from the walls, he was deprived also of all hope of taking itby siege, he assailed it by fraud and stratagem, a method by no meansnatural to the Romans. For when, as if the war had been abandoned, he pretended to be busily engaged in laying the foundations of thetemple, and with other works in the city, Sextus, the youngest of histhree sons, according to a preconcerted arrangement, fled to Gabii, complaining of the unbearable cruelty of his father toward himself:that his tyranny had now shifted from others against his own family, and that he was also uneasy at the number of his own children, andintended to bring about the same desolation in his own house as he haddone in the senate, in order that he might leave behind him no issue, no heir to his kingdom. That for his own part, as he had escaped fromthe midst of the swords and weapons of his father, he was persuadedhe could find no safety anywhere save among the enemies of LuciusTarquinius: for--let them make no mistake--the war, which it was nowpretended had been abandoned, still threatened them, and he wouldattack them when off their guard on a favourable opportunity. But ifthere were no refuge for suppliants among them, he would traverse allLatium, and would apply next to the Volscians, Aequans, and Hernicans, until he should come to people who knew how to protect children fromthe impious and cruel persecutions of parents. That perhaps he wouldeven find some eagerness to take up arms and wage war against thismost tyrannical king and his equally savage subjects. As he seemedlikely to go further, enraged as he was, if they paid him no regard, he was kindly received by the Gabians. They bade him not be surprised, if one at last behaved in the same manner toward his children as hehad done toward his subjects and allies--that he would ultimately venthis rage on himself, if other objects failed him--that his own comingwas very acceptable to them, and they believed that in a short time itwould come to pass that by his aid the war would be transferred fromthe gates of Gabii up to the very walls of Rome. 

Upon this, he was admitted into their public councils, in which, while, with regard to other matters, he declared himself willingto submit to the judgment of the elders of Gabii, who were betteracquainted with them, yet he every now and again advised them to renewthe war, claiming for himself superior knowledge in this, on theground of being well acquainted with the strength of both nations, and also because he knew that the king's pride, which even his ownchildren had been unable to endure, had become decidedly hateful tohis subjects. As he thus by degrees stirred up the nobles of theGabians to renew the war, and himself accompanied the most active oftheir youth on plundering parties and expeditions, and unreasonablecredit was increasingly given to all his words and actions, framedas they were with the object of deceiving, he was at last chosengeneral-in-chief in the war. In the course of this war when--thepeople being still ignorant of what was going on--trifling skirmisheswith the Romans took place, in which the Gabians generally had theadvantage, then all the Gabians, from the highest to the lowest, wereeager to believe that Sextus Tarquinius had been sent to them as theirgeneral, by the favour of the gods. By exposing himself equallywith the soldiers to fatigues and dangers, and by his generosity inbestowing the plunder, he became so loved by the soldiers, that hisfather Tarquin had not greater power at Rome than his son at Gabii. Accordingly, when he saw he had sufficient strength collected tosupport him in any undertaking, he sent one of his confidants to hisfather at Rome to inquire what he wished him to do, seeing the godshad granted him to be all-powerful at Gabii. To this courier noanswer by word of mouth was given, because, I suppose, he appeared ofquestionable fidelity. The king went into a garden of the palace, asif in deep thought, followed by his son's messenger; walking there forsome time without uttering a word, he is said to have struck offthe heads of the tallest poppies with his staff. [49] The messenger, wearied with asking and waiting for an answer, returned to Gabiiapparently without having accomplished his object, and told whathe had himself said and seen, adding that Tarquin, either throughpassion, aversion to him, or his innate pride, had not uttered asingle word. As soon as it was clear to Sextus what his father wished, and what conduct he enjoined by those intimations without words, heput to death the most eminent men of the city, some by accusing thembefore the people, as well as others, who from their own personalunpopularity were liable to attack. Many were executed publicly, andsome, in whose case impeachment was likely to prove less plausible, were secretly assassinated. Some who wished to go into voluntary exilewere allowed to do so, others were banished, and their estates, aswell as the estates of those who were put to death, publicly dividedin their absence. Out of these largesses and plunder were distributed;and by the sweets of private gain the sense of public calamitiesbecame extinguished, till the state of Gabii, destitute of counsel andassistance, surrendered itself without a struggle into the power ofthe Roman king. 

Tarquin, having thus gained possession of Gabii, made peace with thenation of the Aequi, and renewed the treaty with the Etruscans. Henext turned his attention to the affairs of the city. The chief ofthese was that of leaving behind him the Temple of Jupiter on theTarpeian Mount, as a monument of his name and reign; to remindposterity that of two Tarquinii, both kings, the father had vowed, theson completed it. [50] Further, that the open space, to the exclusionof all other forms of worship, might be entirely appropriated toJupiter and his temple, which was to be erected upon it, he resolvedto cancel the inauguration of the small temples and chapels, severalof which had been first vowed by King Tatius, in the crisis of thebattle against Romulus, and afterward consecrated and dedicated byhim. At the very outset of the foundation of this work it is said thatthe gods exerted their divinity to declare the future greatness of somighty an empire; for, though the birds declared for the unhallowingof all the other chapels, they did not declare themselves in favourof it in the case of that of Terminus. [51] This omen and augury weretaken to import that the fact of Terminus not changing his residence, and that he was the only one of the gods who was not called out ofthe consecrated bounds devoted to his worship, was a presage of thelasting stability of the state in general. This being accepted asan omen of its lasting character, there followed another prodigyportending the greatness of the empire. It was reported that the headof a man, with the face entire, was found by the workmen when diggingthe foundation of the temple. The sight of this phenomenon by nodoubtful indications portended that this temple should be the seat ofempire, and the capital of the world; and so declared the soothsayers, both those who were in the city, and those whom they had summonedfrom Etruria, to consult on this subject. The king's mind was therebyencouraged to greater expense; in consequence of which the spoilsof Pometia, which had been destined to complete the work, scarcelysufficed for laying the foundation. On this account I am moreinclined to believe Fabius (not to mention his being the more ancientauthority), that there were only forty talents, than Piso, who saysthat forty thousand pounds of silver by weight were set apart for thatpurpose, a sum of money neither to be expected from the spoils of anyone city in those times, and one that would more than suffice for thefoundations of any building, even the magnificent buildings of thepresent day. 

Tarquin, intent upon the completion of the temple, having sent forworkmen from all parts of Etruria, employed on it not only the publicmoney, but also workmen from the people; and when this labour, initself no inconsiderable one, was added to their military service, still the people murmured less at building the temples of the godswith their own hands, than at being transferred, as they afterwardwere, to other works, which, while less dignified, requiredconsiderably greater toil; such were the erection of benches in thecircus, and conducting underground the principal sewer, the receptacleof all the filth of the city; two works the like of which even modernsplendour has scarcely been able to produce. [52] After the people hadbeen employed in these works, because he both considered that sucha number of inhabitants was a burden to the city where there was noemployment for them, and further, was anxious that the frontiers ofthe empire should be more extensively occupied by sending colonists, he sent colonists to Signia[53] and Circeii, [54] to serve as defensiveoutposts hereafter to the city on land and sea. While he was thusemployed a frightful prodigy appeared to him. A serpent gliding out ofa wooden pillar, after causing dismay and flight in the palace, not somuch struck the king's heart with sudden terror, as it filled him withanxious solicitude. Accordingly, since Etruscan soothsayers were onlyemployed for public prodigies, terrified at this so to say privateapparition, he determined to send to the oracle of Delphi, the mostcelebrated in the world; and not venturing to intrust the responses ofthe oracle to any other person, he despatched his two sons to Greecethrough lands unknown at that time, and yet more unknown seas. Titusand Arruns were the two who set out. They were accompanied by LuciusJunius Brutus, the son of Tarquinia, the king's sister, a youth of anentirely different cast of mind from that of which he had assumed thedisguise. He, having heard that the chief men of the city, among themhis own brother, had been put to death by his uncle, resolved to leavenothing in regard to his ability that might be dreaded by the king, nor anything in his fortune that might be coveted, and thus to besecure in the contempt in which he was held, seeing that there was butlittle protection in justice. Therefore, having designedly fashionedhimself to the semblance of foolishness, and allowing himself and hiswhole estate to become the prey of the king, he did not refuse to takeeven the surname of Brutus, [55] that, under the cloak of this surname, the genius that was to be the future liberator of the Roman people, lying concealed, might bide its opportunity. He, in reality beingbrought to Delphi by the Tarquinii rather as an object of ridiculethan as a companion, is said to have borne with him as an offering toApollo a golden rod, inclosed in a staff of cornel-wood hollowed outfor the purpose, a mystical emblem of his own mind. When they arrivedthere, and had executed their father's commission, the young men'sminds were seized with the desire of inquiring to which of them thesovereignty of Rome should fall. They say that the reply was utteredfrom the inmost recesses of the cave, "Young men, whichever of youshall first kiss his mother shall enjoy the sovereign power at Rome. "The Tarquinii ordered the matter to be kept secret with the utmostcare, that Sextus, who had been left behind at Rome, might be ignorantof the response of the oracle, and have no share in the kingdom; theythen cast lots among themselves, to decide which of them should firstkiss his mother, after they had returned to Rome. Brutus, thinkingthat the Pythian response had another meaning, as if he had stumbledand fallen, touched the ground with his lips, she being, forsooth, thecommon mother of all mankind. After this they returned to Rome, wherepreparations were being made with the greatest vigour for a waragainst the Rutulians. 

The Rutulians, a very wealthy nation, considering the country and agein which they lived, were at that time in possession of Ardea. [56]Their wealth was itself the actual occasion of the war: for the Romanking, whose resources had been drained by the magnificence of hispublic works, was desirous of enriching himself, and also of soothingthe minds of his subjects by a large present of booty, as they, independently of the other instances of his tyranny, were incensedagainst his government, because they felt indignant that they had beenkept so long employed by the king as mechanics, and in labour only fitfor slaves. An attempt was made, to see if Ardea could be taken at thefirst assault; when that proved unsuccessful, the enemy began to bedistressed by a blockade, and by siege-works. In the standing camp, asusually happens when a war is tedious rather than severe, furloughswere easily obtained, more so by the officers, however, than thecommon soldiers. The young princes also sometimes spent their leisurehours in feasting and mutual entertainments. One day as theywere drinking in the tent of Sextus Tarquinius, where CollatinusTarquinius, the son of Egerius, was also at supper, they fell totalking about their wives. Every one commended his own extravagantly:a dispute thereupon arising, Collatinus said there was no occasion forwords, that it might be known in a few hours how far his wife Lucretiaexcelled all the rest. "If, then, " added he, "we have any youthfulvigour, why should we not mount our horses and in person examine thebehaviour of our wives? Let that be the surest proof to every one, which shall meet his eyes on the unexpected arrival of the husband. "They were heated with wine. "Come on, then, " cried all. Theyimmediately galloped to Rome, where they arrived when darkness wasbeginning to fall. From thence they proceeded to Collatia, [57]where they found Lucretia, not after the manner of the king'sdaughters-in-law, whom they had seen spending their time in luxuriousbanqueting with their companions, but, although the night was faradvanced, employed at her wool, sitting in the middle of the house inthe midst of her maids who were working around her. The honour of thecontest regarding the women rested with Lucretia. Her husband on hisarrival, and the Tarquinii, were kindly received; the husband, proudof his victory, gave the young princes a polite invitation. There anevil desire of violating Lucretia by force seized Sextus Tarquinius;both her beauty, and her proved chastity urged him on. Then, afterthis youthful frolic of the night, they returned to the camp. 

After an interval of a few days, Sextus Tarquinius, without theknowledge of Collatinus, came to Collatia with one attendant only:there he was made welcome by them, as they had no suspicion of hisdesign, and, having been conducted after supper into the guestchamber, burning with passion, when all around seemed sufficientlysecure, and all fast asleep, he came to the bedside of Lucretia, asshe lay asleep, with a drawn sword, and with his left hand pressingdown the woman's breast, said: "Be silent, Lucretia; I am SextusTarquinius. I have a sword in my hand. You shall die if you utter aword. " When the woman, awaking terrified from sleep, saw there was nohelp, and that impending death was nigh at hand, then Tarquin declaredhis passion, entreated, mixed threats with entreaties, tried all meansto influence the woman's mind. When he saw she was resolved, anduninfluenced even by the fear of death, to the fear of death he addedthe fear of dishonour, declaring that he would lay a murdered slavenaked by her side when dead, so that it should be said that she hadbeen slain in base adultery. When by the terror of this disgrace hislust (as it were victorious) had overcome her inflexible chastity, and Tarquin had departed, exulting in having triumphed over a woman'shonour by force, Lucretia, in melancholy distress at so dreadful amisfortune, despatched one and the same messenger both to her fatherat Rome, and to her husband at Ardea, bidding them come each with atrusty friend; that they must do so, and use despatch, for a monstrousdeed had been wrought. Spurius Lucretius came accompanied by PubliusValerius, the son of Volesus, Collatinus with Lucius Junius Brutus, incompany with whom, as he was returning to Rome, he happened to be metby his wife's messenger. They found Lucretia sitting in her chamberin sorrowful dejection. On the arrival of her friends the tears burstfrom her eyes; and on her husband inquiring, whether all was well, "Byno means, " she replied, "for how can it be well with a woman whohas lost her honour? The traces of another man are on your bed, Collatinus. But the body only has been violated, the mind isguiltless; death shall be my witness. But give me your right hands, and your word of honour, that the adulterer shall not come offunpunished. It is Sextus Tarquinius, who, an enemy last night inthe guise of a guest has borne hence by force of arms, a triumphdestructive to me, and one that will prove so to himself also, if yoube men. " All gave their word in succession; they attempted to consoleher, grieved in heart as she was, by turning the guilt of the act fromher, constrained as she had been by force, upon the perpetrator ofthe crime, declaring that it is the mind sins, not the body; and thatwhere there is no intention, there is no guilt. "It is for you tosee, " said she, "what is due to him. As for me, though I acquit myselfof guilt, I do not discharge myself from punishment; nor shall anywoman survive her dishonour by pleading the example of Lucretia. " Sheplunged a knife, which she kept concealed beneath her garment, intoher heart, and falling forward on the wound, dropped down expiring. Her husband and father shrieked aloud. 

While they were overwhelmed with grief, Brutus drew the knife out ofthe wound, and, holding it up before him reeking with blood, said: "Bythis blood, most pure before the outrage of a prince, I swear, and Icall you, O gods, to witness my oath, that I will henceforth pursueLucius Tarquinius Superbus, his wicked wife, and all their children, with fire, sword, and all other violent means in my power; nor willI ever suffer them or any other to reign at Rome. " Then he gave theknife to Collatinus, and after him to Lucretius and Valerius, who wereamazed at such an extraordinary occurrence, and could not understandthe newly developed character of Brutus. However, they all took theoath as they were directed, and, their sorrow being completely changedto wrath, followed the lead of Brutus, who from that time ceased notto call upon them to abolish the regal power. They carried forth thebody of Lucretia from her house, and conveyed it to the forum, wherethey caused a number of persons to assemble, as generally happens, by reason of the unheard-of and atrocious nature of an extraordinaryoccurrence. They complained, each for himself, of the royal villainyand violence. Both the grief of the father affected them, and alsoBrutus, who reproved their tears and unavailing complaints, andadvised them to take up arms, as became men and Romans, against thosewho dared to treat them like enemies. All the most spirited youthsvoluntarily presented themselves in arms; the rest of the young menfollowed also. From thence, after an adequate garrison had been leftat the gates at Collatia, and sentinels appointed, to prevent any onegiving intelligence of the disturbance to the royal party, the restset out for Rome in arms under the conduct of Brutus. When theyarrived there, the armed multitude caused panic and confusion whereverthey went. Again, when they saw the principal men of the state placingthemselves at their head, they thought that, whatever it might be, it was not without good reason. Nor did the heinousness of the eventexcite less violent emotions at Rome than it had done at Collatia:accordingly, they ran from all parts of the city into the forum, andas soon as they came thither, the public crier summoned them to attendthe tribune of the celeres [58], with which office Brutus happened tobe at the time invested. There a harangue was delivered by him, by nomeans of the style and character which had been counterfeited by himup to that day, concerning the violence and lust of Sextus Tarquinius, the horrid violation of Lucretia and her lamentable death, thebereavement of Tricipitinus, [59], in whose eyes the cause of hisdaughter's death was more shameful and deplorable than that deathitself. To this was added the haughty insolence of the king himself, and the sufferings and toils of the people, buried in the earth in thetask of cleansing ditches and sewers: he declared that Romans, theconquerors of all the surrounding states, instead of warriors hadbecome labourers and stone-cutters. The unnatural murder of KingServius Tullius was recalled, and the fact of his daughter havingdriven over the body of her father in her impious chariot, and thegods who avenge parents were invoked by him. By stating these and, Ibelieve, other facts still more shocking, which, though by no meanseasy to be detailed by writers, the then heinous state of thingssuggested, he so worked upon the already incensed multitude, that theydeprived the king of his authority, and ordered the banishment ofLucius Tarquinius with his wife and children. He himself, havingselected and armed some of the younger men, who gave in their names asvolunteers, set out for the camp at Ardea to rouse the army againstthe king: the command in the city he left to Lucretius, who had beenalready appointed prefect of the city by the king. During this tumultTullia fled from her house, both men and women cursing her wherevershe went, and invoking upon her the wrath of the furies, the avengersof parents. 

News of these transactions having reached the camp, when the king, alarmed at this sudden revolution, was proceeding to Rome to quell thedisturbances, Brutus--for he had had notice of his approach--turnedaside, to avoid meeting him; and much about the same time Brutus andTarquinius arrived by different routes, the one at Ardea, the other atRome. The gates were shut against Tarquin, and sentence of banishmentdeclared against him; the camp welcomed with great joy the delivererof the city, and the king's sons were expelled. Two of them followedtheir father, and went into exile to Caere, a city of Etruria. SextusTarquinius, who had gone to Gabii, as if to his own kingdom, was slainby the avengers of the old feuds, which he had stirred up againsthimself by his rapines and murders. Lucius Tarquinius Superbus reignedtwenty-five years: the regal form of government lasted, from thebuilding of the city to its deliverance, two hundred and forty-fouryears. Two consuls, Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius TarquiniusCollatinus, were elected by the prefect of at the comitia ofcenturies, according to the commentaries of Servius Tullius. 

[Footnote 1: Books I-III are based upon the translation by John HenryFreese, but in many places have been revised or retranslated byDuffield Osborne. ]

[Footnote 2: The king was originally the high priest, his office moresacerdotal than military: as such he would have the selection andappointment of the Vestal Virgins, the priestesses of Vesta, thehearth-goddess. Their chief duty was to keep the sacred fire burning("the fire that burns for aye"), and to guard the relics in the Templeof Vesta. If convicted of unchastity they were buried alive. ]

[Footnote 3: Surely there is no lack of "historical criticism" hereand on a subject where a Roman writer might be pardoned for somecredulity. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 4: Livy ignores the more accepted and prettier traditionthat this event took place where the sacred fig-tree originally stood, and that later it was miraculously transplanted to the comitium byAttius Navius, the famous augur, "That it might stand in the midst ofthe meetings of the Romans"--D. O. ]

[Footnote 5: According to Varro, Rome was founded B. C. 753; accordingto Cato, B. C. 751. Livy here derives Roma from Romulus, but this isrejected by modern etymologists; according to Mommsen the word means"stream-town, " from its position on the Tiber. ]

[Footnote 6: The remarkable beauty of the white or mouse-colouredcattle of central Italy gives a touch of realism to this story. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 7: The introduction of the art of writing among the Romanswas ascribed to Evander. The Roman alphabet was derived from theGreek, through the Grecian (Chalcidian) colony at Cumae. ]

[Footnote 8: The title patres originally signified the heads offamilies, and was in early times used of the patrician senate, asselected from these. When later, plebeians were admitted into thesenate, the members of the senate were all called patres, whilepatricians, as opposed to plebeians, enjoyed certain distinctions andprivileges. ]

[Footnote 9: This story of the rape of the Sabines belongs to theclass of what are called "etiological" myths--i. E. , stories inventedto account for a rite or custom, or to explain local names orcharacteristics. The custom prevailed among Greeks and Romans of thebridegroom pretending to carry off the bride from her home by force. Such a custom still exists among the nomad tribes of Asia Minor. Therape of the Sabine women was invented to account for this custom. ]

[Footnote 10: The spolia opima (grand spoils)--a term used to denotethe arms taken by one general from another--were only gained twiceafterward during the history of the republic; in B. C. 437, when A. Cornelius Cossus slew Lars Tolumnius of Veii; and in B. C. 222, whenthe consul M. Claudius Marcellus slew Viridomarus, chief of theInsubrian Gauls. ]

[Footnote 11: The place afterward retained its name, even when filledup and dry. Livy (Book VII) gives a different reason for the name:that it was so called from one Marcus Curtius having sprung, armed, and on horseback, several hundred years ago (B. C. 362), into a gulfthat suddenly opened in the forum; it being imagined that it wouldnot close until an offering was made of what was most valuable in thestate--i. E. , a warrior armed and on horseback. According to Varro, it was a locus fulguritus (i. E. , struck by lightning), which wasinclosed by a consul named Curtius. ]

[Footnote 12: Supposed to be derived from "Lucumo, " the name or, according to more accepted commentators, title of an Etruscan chiefwho came to help Romulus. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 13: The inhabitants of Fidenae, about five miles from Rome, situated on the Tiber, near Castel Giubileo. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 14: About twelve and a half miles north of Rome, close tothe little river Cremera; it was one of the most important of thetwelve confederate Etruscan towns. Plutarch describes it as thebulwark of Etruria: not inferior to Rome in military equipment andnumbers. ]

[Footnote 15: A naïvely circumstantial story characteristically told. Though a republican, it is quite evident that Livy wishes to conveythe idea that Romulus, having by the creation of a body-guard aspiredto tyrannical power, was assassinated by the senate. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 16: The reading in this section is uncertain. ]

[Footnote 17: Two interpretations are given of this passage--(1)that out of each decury one senator was chosen by lot to make up thegoverning body of ten; (2) that each decury as a whole held office insuccession, so that one decury was in power for fifty days. ]

[Footnote 18: At this time a grove: later it became one of theartificers' quarters, lying beyond the forum and in the jaws of thesuburra, which stretched away over the level ground to the foot of theEsquiline and Quirinal Hills. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 19: Romulus had made his year to consist of ten months, thefirst month being March, and the number of days in the year only 304, which corresponded neither with the course of the sun nor moon. Numa, who added the two months of January and February, divided the yearinto twelve months, according to the course of the moon. This was thelunar Greek year, and consisted of 354 days. Numa, however, adopted355 days for his year, from his partiality to odd numbers. The lunaryear of 354 days fell short of the solar year by 11-1/4 days; this in8 years amounted to (11-1/4 x 8) 90 days. These 90 days he dividedinto 2 months of 22, and 2 of 23 days [(2 x 22) + (2 x 23) = 90], and introduced them alternately every second year for two octennialperiods: every third octennial period, however, Numa intercalated only66 days instead of 90 days--i. E. , he inserted 3 months of only 22days each. The reason was, because he adopted 355 days as the lengthof his lunar year instead of 354, and this in 24 years (3 octennialperiods) produced an error of 24 days; this error was exactlycompensated by intercalating only 66 days (90--24) in the thirdoctennial period. The intercalations were generally made in the monthof February, after the 23d of the month. The management was leftto the pontiffs--ad metam eandem solis unde orsi essent--diescongruerent; "that the days might correspond to the samestarting-point of the sun in the heavens whence they had set out. "That is, taking for instance the Tropic of Cancer for the place orstarting-point of the sun any one year, and observing that he was inthat point of the heavens on precisely the 21st of June, the objectwas so to dispense the year, that the day on which the sun wasobserved to arrive at that same meta or starting-point again, shouldalso be called the 21st of June. ]

[Footnote 20: A more general form of the legend ran to the effect thatbut one of these shields fell from heaven, and that the otherswere made like it, to lessen the chance of the genuine one beingstolen. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 21: The chief of the fetiales. ]

[Footnote 22: This vervain was used for religious purposes, andplucked up by the roots from consecrated ground; it was carried byambassadors to protect them from violence. ]

[Footnote 23: This gate became later the starting-point of the AppianWay. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 24: An imaginary sacred line that marked the bounds of thecity. It did not always coincide with the line of the walls, but wasextended from time to time. Such extension could only be made bya magistrate who had extended the boundaries of the empire by hisvictories, --D. O. ]

[Footnote 25: Literally, "Horatian javelins. "--D. O. ]

[Footnote: Evidently so established after the destruction of theinhabitants in the storming (see p. 17, above). --D. O. ]

[Footnote 27: Tiber and Anio. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 28: Scourging and beheading, scourging to death, buryingalive, and crucifixion (for slaves) may make us question the justiceof this boast. Foreign generals captured in war were only strangled. Altogether, the Roman indifference to suffering was very marked ascompared with the humanity of the Greeks. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 29: The Lares were of human origin, being only the deifiedancestors of the family: the Penates of divine origin, the tutelarygods of the family. ]

[Footnote 30: "Curia Hostilia. " It was at the northwest corner of theforum, northeast of the comitium. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 31: Identified with Juno. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 32: This story makes us suspect that it was the case ofanother warlike king who had incurred the enmity of the senate. The patricians alone controlled or were taught in religiousmatters. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 33: Supposed to be an Etruscan goddess, afterward identifiedwith Jana, the female form of Janus, as was customary with theRomans. --D. O. ] The Janiculum [Footnote: The heights across theTiber. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 34: Called Mamertinus; though apparently not until theMiddle Ages. ]

[Footnote 35: Lucumo seems to have been, originally at least, anEtruscan title rather than name. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 36: No one was noble who could not show images of hisancestors: and no one was allowed to have an image who had not filledthe highest offices of state: this was called jus imaginum. ]

[Footnote 37: This part of the Via Nova probably corresponded prettyclosely with the present Via S. Teodoro, and Tarquin's houseis supposed to have stood not far from the church of Sta. Anastasia. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 38: A white toga with horizontal purple stripes. This wasoriginally the royal robe. Later it became the ceremonial dress ofthe equestrian order. The Salii, priests of Mars Gradivus, also woreit--D. O. ]

[Footnote 39: This was a quinquennial registering of every man's age, family, profession, property, and residence, by which the amount ofhis taxes was regulated. Formerly each full citizen contributed anequal amount. Servius introduced a regulation of the taxes accordingto property qualifications, and clients and plebeians alike had topay their contribution, if they possessed the requisite amount ofproperty. ]

[Footnote 40: Or, "pounds weight of bronze, " originally reckoned bythe possession of a certain number of jugera (20 jugera being equal to5, 000 asses). ]

[Footnote 41: Between the ages of forty-six and sixty. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 42: Between the ages of seventeen and forty-six--D. O. ]. 

[Footnote 43: A ceremony of purification, from sus, ovis, and taurus:the three victims were led three times round the army and sacrificedto Mars. The ceremony took place every fifth year]

[Footnote 44: These were the walls of Rome down to about 271-276 A. D. , when the Emperor Aurelian began the walls that now inclose thecity. Remains of the Servian wall are numerous and of considerableextent. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 45: On the summit of the Aventine. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 46: Those introduced by Tarquinius Priscus, as relatedabove. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 47: At the foot of the Alban Hill. The general councils ofthe Latins were held here up to the time of their final subjugation. ]

[Footnote 48: A few ruins on the Via Praenestina, about nine milesfrom the Porta Maggiore, mark the site of Gabii. They are on the bankof the drained Lago Castiglione, whence Macaulay's "Gabii of thePool". --D. O. ]

[Footnote 49: This message without words is the same as that which, according to Herodotus, was sent by Thrasybulus of Miletus toPeriander of Corinth. The trick by which Sextus gained the confidenceof the people of Gabii is also related by him of Zophyrus and Darius. ]

[Footnote 50: The name "Tarpeian, " as given from the Tarpeia, whosestory is told above, was generally confined to the rock or precipicefrom which traitors were thrown. Its exact location on the CapitolineHill does not seem positively determined; in fact, most of the siteson this hill have been subjects of considerable dispute. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 51: The god of boundaries. His action seems quite in keepingwith his office. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 52: The Cloaca Maxima, upon which Rome still relies formuch of her drainage, is more generally attributed to TarquiniusPriscus. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 53: The modern Segni, upward of thirty miles from Rome, onthe Rome-Naples line. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 54: On the coast, near Terracina. The Promontoria Circeo isthe traditional site of the palace and grave of Circe, whose story istold in the Odyssey. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 55: Dullard. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 56: In the Pomptine marshes, about twenty miles south ofRome and five from the coast. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 57: Its site, about nine miles from Rome, on the road toTivoli, is now known as Lunghezza. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 58: The royal body-guard. See the story of Romulusabove. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 59: Spurius Lucretius. --D. O. ]

BOOK II

THE FIRST COMMONWEALTH

The acts, civil and military, of the Roman people, henceforth free, their annual magistrates, and the sovereignty of the laws, morepowerful than that of men, I will now proceed to recount. The haughtyinsolence of the last king had caused this liberty to be the morewelcome: for the former kings reigned in such a manner that they allin succession may be deservedly reckoned founders of those partsat least of the city, which they independently added as newdwelling-places for the population, which had been increased bythemselves. Nor is there any doubt that that same Brutus, who gainedsuch renown from the expulsion of King Superbus, would have acted tothe greatest injury of the public weal, if, through the desire ofliberty before the people were fit for it, he had wrested the kingdomfrom any of the preceding kings. For what would have been theconsequence, if that rabble of shepherds and strangers, runaways fromtheir own peoples, had found, under the protection of an inviolablesanctuary, either freedom, or at least impunity for former offences, and, freed from all dread of regal authority, had begun to bedistracted by tribunician storms, and to engage in contests with thefathers in a strange city, before the pledges of wives and children, and affection for the soil itself, to which people become habituatedonly by length of time, had united their affections? Their condition, not yet matured, would have been destroyed by discord; but thetranquillizing moderation of the government so fostered thiscondition, and by proper nourishment brought it to such perfection, that, when their strength was now developed, they were able to bringforth the wholesome fruits of liberty. The first beginnings ofliberty, however, one may date from this period, rather becausethe consular authority was made annual, than because of the royalprerogative was in any way curtailed. The first consuls kept all theprivileges and outward signs of authority, care only being taken toprevent the terror appearing doubled, should both have the fasces atthe same time. Brutus, with the consent of his colleague, was firstattended by the fasces, he who proved himself afterward as keen inprotecting liberty as he had previously shown himself in asserting it. First of all he bound over the people, jealous of their newly-acquiredliberty, by an oath that they would suffer no one to be king in Rome, for fear that later they might be influenced by the importunitiesor bribes of the royal house. Next, that a full house might giveadditional strength to the senate, he filled up the number ofsenators, which had been diminished by the assassinations ofTarquinius, to the full number of three hundred, by electing theprincipal men of equestrian rank to fill their places: from this issaid to have been derived the custom of summoning into the senate boththe patres and those who were conscripti. They called those whowere elected, conscripti, enrolled, that is, as a new senate. It issurprising how much that contributed to the harmony of the state, andtoward uniting the patricians and commons in friendship. 

Attention was then paid to religious matters, and, as certain publicfunctions had been regularly performed by the kings in person, toprevent their loss being felt in any particular, they appointed aking of the sacrifices. [1] This office they made subordinate to thepontifex maximus, that the holder might not, if high office were addedto the title, prove detrimental to liberty, which was then theirprincipal care. And I do not know but that, by fencing it in on everyside to excess, even in the most trivial matters, they exceededbounds. For, though there was nothing else that gave offence, the nameof one of the consuls was an object of dislike to the state. They declared that the Tarquins had been too much habituated tosovereignty; that it had originated with Priscus: that Servius Tulliushad reigned next; that Tarquinius Superbus had not even, in spite ofthe interval that had elapsed, given up all thoughts of the kingdomas being the property of another, which it really was, but thought toregain it by crime and violence, as if it were the heirloom of hisfamily; that after the expulsion of Superbus, the government was inthehands of Collatinus: that the Tarquins knew not how to live in aprivate station; that the name pleased them not; that it was dangerousto liberty. Such language, used at first by persons quietly soundingthe dispositions of the people, was circulated through the wholestate; and the people, now excited by suspicion, were summoned byBrutus to a meeting. There first of all he read aloud the people'soath: that they would neither suffer any one to be king, nor allowany one to live at Rome from whom danger to liberty might arise. Hedeclared that this ought to be maintained with all their might, andthat nothing, that had any reference to it, ought to be treated withindifference: that he said this with reluctance, for the sake of theindividual; and that he would not have said it, did not his affectionfor the commonwealth predominate; that the people of Rome did notbelieve that complete liberty had been recovered; that the regalfamily, the regal name, was not only in the state but also in power;that that was a stumbling-block, was a hindrance to liberty. "Do you, Lucius Tarquinius, " said he, "of your own free will, remove thisapprehension? We remember, we own it, you expelled the royal family;complete your services: take hence the royal name; your property yourfellow-citizens shall not only hand over to you, by my advice, but, ifit is insufficient, they will liberally supply the want. Depart in aspirit of friendship. Relieve the state from a dread which may be onlygroundless. So firmly are men's minds persuaded that only with theTarquinian race will kingly power depart hence. " Amazement at soextraordinary and sudden an occurrence at first impeded the consul'sutterance; then, as he was commencing to speak, the chief men of thestate stood around him, and with pressing entreaties urged the samerequest. The rest of them indeed had less weight with him, butafter Spurius Lucretius, superior to all the others in age and highcharacter, who was besides his own father-in-law, began to try variousmethods, alternately entreating and advising, in order to induce himto allow himself to be prevailed on by the general feeling of thestate, the consul, apprehensive that hereafter the same lot mightbefall him, when his term of office had expired, as well as loss ofproperty and other additional disgrace, resigned his consulship, andremoving all his effects to Lavinium, withdrew from the city. Brutus, according to a decree of the senate, proposed to the people, that allwho belonged to the family of the Tarquins should be banished fromRome: in the assembly of centuries he elected Publius Valerius, withwhose assistance he had expelled the kings, as his colleague. 

Though nobody doubted that a war was impending from the Tarquins, yetit broke out later than was generally expected; however, liberty waswell-nigh lost by fraud and treachery, a thing they never apprehended. There were among the Roman youth several young men--and these of nono rank--who, while the regal government lasted, had enjoyed greaterlicense in their pleasures, being the equals in age, boon companionsof the young Tarquins, and accustomed to live after the fashion ofprinces. Missing that freedom, now that the privileges of all wereequalized, [2] they complained among themselves that the liberty ofothers had turned out slavery for them: that a king was a human being, from whom one could obtain what one wanted, whether the deed might bean act of justice or of wrong; that there was room for favour andgood offices; that he could be angry, and forgive; that he knew thedifference between a friend and an enemy; that the laws were a deaf, inexorable thing, more beneficial and advantageous for the poor thanfor the rich; that they allowed no relaxation or indulgence, if onetransgressed due bounds; that it was perilous, amid so many humanerrors, to have no security for life but innocence. While their mindswere already of their own accord thus discontented, ambassadors fromthe royal family arrived unexpectedly, merely demanding restitution oftheir personal property, without any mention of their return. Aftertheir application had been heard in the senate, the deliberation aboutit lasted for several days, as they feared that the non-restitution ofthe property might be made a pretext for war, its restitution a fundand assistance for the same. In the meantime the ambassadors wereplanning a different scheme: while openly demanding the restoration ofproperty, they secretly concerted measures for recovering the throne, and soliciting them, as if to promote that which appeared to be theobject in view, they sounded the minds of the young nobles; to thoseby whom their proposals were favourably received they gave lettersfrom the Tarquins, and conferred with them about admitting the royalfamily into the city secretly by night. 

The matter was first intrusted to the brothers Vitellii and Aquilii. Asister of the Vitellii was married to Brutus the consul, and the issueof that marriage was the grown-up sons, Titus and Tiberius; they alsowere admitted by their uncles to share the plot; several young noblesalso were taken into their confidence, recollection of whose names hasbeen lost from lapse of time. In the meantime, as that opinion hadprevailed in the Senate, which was in favour of the property beingrestored, the ambassadors made use of this as a pretext for lingeringin the city, and the time which they had obtained from the consulsto procure conveyances, in which to remove the effects of the royalfamily, they spent entirely in consultations with the conspirators, and by persistent entreaties succeeded in getting letters given tothem for the Tarquins. Otherwise how could they feel sure that therepresentations made by the ambassadors on matters of such importancewere not false? The letters, given as an intended pledge of theirsincerity, caused the plot to be discovered: for when, the day beforethe ambassadors set out to the Tarquins, they had supped by chance atthe house of the Vitellii, and the conspirators had there discoursedmuch together in private, as was natural, concerning theirrevolutionary design, one of the slaves, who had already observed whatwas on foot, overheard their conversation; he waited, however, for theopportunity when the letters should be given to the ambassadors, thedetection of which would put the matter beyond a doubt. When he foundthat they had been given, he laid the whole affair before the consuls. The consuls left their home to seize the ambassadors and conspirators, and quashed the whole affair without any disturbance, particular carebeing taken of the letters, to prevent their being lost or stolen. The traitors were immediately thrown into prison: some doubt wasentertained concerning the treatment of the ambassadors, and thoughtheir conduct seemed to justify their being considered as enemies, thelaw of nations nevertheless prevailed. 

The consideration of the restoration of the king's effects, for whichthe senate had formerly voted, was laid anew before them. The fathers, overcome by indignation, expressly forbade either their restoration orconfiscation. They were given to the people to be rifled, that, havingbeen polluted as it were by participation in the royal plunder, theymight lose forever all hopes of reconciliation with the Tarquins. Afield belonging to the latter, which lay between the city and theTiber, having been consecrated to Mars, was afterward called theCampus Martius. It is said that there was by chance, at that time, acrop of corn upon it ripe for harvest; this produce of the field, asthey thought it unlawful to use it, after it had been reaped, a largenumber of men, sent into the field together, carried in baskets cornand straw together, and threw it into the Tiber, which then wasflowing with shallow water, as is usual in the heat of summer; thusthe heaps of corn as they stuck in the shallows settled down, coveredover with mud; by means of these and other substances carried down tothe same spot, which the river brings along hap-hazard, an island[3]was gradually formed. Afterward I believe that substructures wereadded, and that aid was given by human handicraft, that the surfacemight be well raised, as it is now and strong enough besides to bearthe weight even of temples and colonnades. After the tyrant's effectshad been plundered, the traitors were condemned and punishmentinflicted. This punishment was the more noticeable, because theconsulship imposed on the father the office of punishing his ownchildren, and to him, who should have been removed even as aspectator, was assigned by fortune the duty of carrying out thepunishment. Young men of the highest rank stood bound to the stake;but the consul's sons diverted the eyes of all the spectators from therest of the criminals, as from persons unknown; and the people feltpity, not so much on account of their punishment, as of the crime bywhich they had deserved it. That they, in that year above all others, should have brought themselves to betray into the hands of one, who, formerly a haughty tyrant, was now an exasperated exile, their countryrecently delivered, their father its deliverer, the consulate whichtook its rise from the Junian family, the fathers, the people, andall the gods and citizens of Rome. The consuls advanced to take theirseats, and the lictors were despatched to inflict punishment. Theyoung men were stripped naked, beaten with rods, and their headsstruck off with the axe, while all the time the looks and countenanceof the father presented a touching spectacle, as his natural feelingsdisplayed themselves during the discharge of his duty in inflictingpublic punishment. After the punishment of the guilty, that theexample might be a striking one in both aspects for the prevention ofcrime, a sum of money was granted out of the treasury as a rewardto the informer: liberty also and the rights of citizenship wereconferred upon him. He is said to have been the first person made freeby the vindicta; some think that even the term vindicta is derivedfrom him, and that his name was Vindicius. [4] After him it wasobserved as a rule, that all who were set free in this manner wereconsidered to be admitted to the rights of Roman citizens. 

On receiving the announcement of these events as they had occurred, Tarquin, inflamed not only with grief at the annihilation of suchgreat hopes, but also with hatred and resentment, when he saw that theway was blocked against stratagem, considering that war ought tobe openly resorted to, went round as a suppliant to the cities ofEtruria, imploring above all the Veientines and Tarquinians, not tosuffer him, a man sprung from themselves, of the same stock, to perishbefore their eyes, an exile and in want, together with his grown-upsons, after they had possessed a kingdom recently so flourishing. Thatothers had been invited to Rome from foreign lands to succeed to thethrone; that he, a king, while engaged in extending the Roman Empireby arms, had been driven out by his nearest relatives by a villainousconspiracy, that they had seized and divided his kingdom in portionsamong themselves, because no one individual among them was deemedsufficiently deserving of it: and had given up his effects to thepeople to pillage, that no one might be without a share in the guilt. That he was desirous of recovering his country and his kingdom, andpunishing his ungrateful subjects. Let them bring succour and aid him;let them also avenge the wrongs done to them of old, the frequentslaughter of their legions, the robbery of their land. These argumentsprevailed on the people of Veii, and with menaces they loudlydeclared, each in their own name, that now at least, under the conductof a Roman general, their former disgrace would be wiped out, and whatthey had lost in war would be recovered. His name and relationshipinfluenced the people of Tarquinii, for it seemed a high honour thattheir countrymen should reign at Rome. Accordingly, the armies ofthese two states followed Tarquin to aid in the recovery of hiskingdom, and to take vengeance upon the Romans in war. When theyentered Roman territory, the consuls marched to meet the enemy. Valerius led the infantry in a square battalion: Brutus marched infront with the cavalry to reconnoitre. In like manner the enemy'shorse formed the van of the army: Arruns Tarquinius, the king's son, was in command: the king himself followed with the legions. Arruns, when he knew at a distance by the lictors that it was a consul, and ondrawing nearer more surely discovered that it was Brutus by his face, inflamed with rage, cried out: "Yonder is the man who has driven usinto exile from our native country! See how he rides in state adornedwith the insignia of our rank! Now assist me, ye gods, the avengers ofkings. " He put spurs to his horse and charged furiously against theconsul. Brutus perceived that he was being attacked, and, as it washonourable in those days for the generals to personally engage inbattle, he accordingly eagerly offered himself for combat. Theycharged with such furious animosity, neither of them heedful ofprotecting his own person, provided he could wound his opponent, thateach, pierced through the buckler by his adversary's blow, fell fromhis horse in the throes of death, still transfixed by the two spears. The engagement between the rest of the horse began at the same time, and soon after the foot came up. There they fought with varyingsuccess, and as it were with equal advantage. The right wings of botharmies were victorious, the left worsted. The Veientines, accustomedto defeat at the hands of the Roman soldiers, were routed and put toflight. The Tarquinians, who were a new foe, not only stood theirground, but on their side even forced the Romans to give way. 

After the engagement had thus been fought, so great a terror seizedTarquinius and the Etruscans, that both armies, the Veientine andTarquinian, abandoning the attempt as a fruitless one, departed bynight to their respective homes. Strange incidents are also reportedin the account of this battle--that in the stillness of the next nighta loud voice was heard from the Arsian wood;[5] that it was believedto be the voice of Silvanus. That the following words were uttered:that more of the Tuscans by one man had fallen in the fight: that theRomans were victorious in the war. Under these circumstances, theRomans departed thence as conquerors, the Etruscans as practicallyconquered. For as soon as it was light, and not one of the enemy wasto be seen anywhere, Publius Valerius, the consul, collected thespoils, and returned thence in triumph to Rome. He celebrated thefuneral of his colleague with all the magnificence possible at thetime. But a far greater honour to his death was the public sorrow, especially remarkable in this particular, that the matrons mourned himfor a year as a parent, because he had shown himself so vigorous anavenger of violated chastity. Afterward, the consul who survived--sochangeable are the minds of the people--after enjoying greatpopularity, encountered not only jealousy, but suspicion, thatoriginated with a monstrous charge. Report represented that he wasaspiring to kingly power, because he had not substituted a colleaguein the room of Brutus, and was building on the top of Mount Velia:[6]that an impregnable stronghold was being erected there in an elevatedand well-fortified position. These reports, widely circulated andbelieved, disquieted the consul's mind at the unworthiness of thecharge; and, having summoned the people to an assembly, he mounted theplatform, after lowering the fasces. It was a pleasing sight to themultitude that the insignia of authority were lowered before them, andthat acknowledgment was made, that the dignity and power of the peoplewere greater than that of the consul. Then, after they had beenbidden to listen, the consul highly extolled the good fortune of hiscolleague, in that, after having delivered his country, he had diedwhile still invested with the highest rank, fighting in defence of thecommonwealth, when his glory was at its height, and had not yet turnedto jealousy. He himself (said he) had outlived his glory, and onlysurvived to incur accusation and odium: that, from being the liberatorof his country, he had fallen back to the level of the Aquilii andVitellii. "Will no merit then, " said he, "ever be so approved in youreyes as to be exempt from the attacks of suspicion? Was I to apprehendthat I, that bitterest enemy of kings, should myself have to submitto the charge of desiring kingly power? Was I to believe that, eventhough I should dwell in the citadel and the Capitol itself, I shouldbe dreaded by my fellow-citizens? Does my character among you dependon so mere a trifle? Does your confidence in me rest on such slightfoundations, that it matters more where I am than what I am? Thehouse of Publius Valerius shall not stand in the way of your liberty, Quirites; the Velian Mount shall be secure to you. I will not onlybring down my house into the plain, but will build it beneath thehill, that you may dwell above me, the suspected citizen. Let thosebuild on the Velian Mount, to whom liberty can be more safelyintrusted than to Publius Valerius. " Immediately all the materialswere brought down to the foot of the Velian Mount, and the house wasbuilt at the foot of the hill, where the Temple of Vica Pota[7] nowstands. 

After this laws were proposed by the consul, such as not only freedhim from all suspicion of aiming at regal power, but had so contrarya tendency, that they even made him popular. At this time he wassurnamed Publicola. Above all, the laws regarding an appeal to thepeople against the magistrates, and declaring accursed the life andproperty of any one who should have formed the design of seizing regalauthority, [8] were welcome to the people. Having passed these lawswhile sole consul, so that the merit of them might be exclusively hisown, he then held an assembly for the election of a new colleague. Spurius Lucretius was elected consul, who, owing to his great age, andhis strength being inadequate to discharge the consular duties, diedwithin a few days. Marcus Horatius Pulvillus was chosen in the room ofLucretius. In some ancient authorities I find no mention of Lucretiusas consul; they place Horatius immediately after Brutus. My own beliefis that, because no important event signalized his consulate, allrecord of it has been lost. The Temple of Jupiter on the Capitol hadnot yet been dedicated; the conuls Valerius and Horatius cast lotswhich should dedicate it. The duty fell by lot to Horatius. Publicoladeparted to conduct the war against the Veientines. The friends ofValerius were more annoyed than the circumstances demanded that thededication of so celebrated a temple was given to Horatius. Havingendeavoured by every means to prevent it, when all other attempts hadbeen tried and failed, at the moment when the consul was holding thedoor-post during his offering of prayer to the gods, they suddenlyannounced to him the startling intelligence that his son was dead, andthat, while his family was polluted by death, he could not dedicatethe temple. Whether he did not believe that it was true, or whetherhe possessed such great strength of mind, is neither handed down forcertain, nor is it easy to decide. On receiving the news, holding thedoor-post, without turning off his attention in any other way from thebusiness he was engaged completed the form of prayer, and dedicatedthe temple. Such were the transactions at home and abroad duringthe first year after the expulsion of the kings. After this PubliusValerius, for the second time, and Titus Lucretius were electedconsuls. 

By this time the Tarquins had fled to Lars Porsina, King of Clusium. There, mingling advice with entreaties, they now besought him not tosuffer them, who were descended from the Etruscans, and of the samestock and name, to live in exile and poverty; now advised him also notto let the rising practice of expelling kings pass unpunished. Libertyin itself had charms enough; and, unless kings defended their throneswith as much vigour as the people strove for liberty, the highest wasput on a level with the lowest; there would be nothing exalted instates, nothing to be distinguished above the rest; that the end ofregal government, the most beautiful institution both among gods andmen, was close at hand. Porsina, thinking it a great honour to theTuscans both that there should be a king at Rome, and that onebelonging to the Etruscan nation, marched toward Rome with a hostilearmy. Never before on any other occasion did such terror seize thesenate; so powerful was the state of Clusium[9] at that time, and sogreat the renown of Porsina. Nor did they dread their enemies only, but even their own citizens, lest the common people of Rome, smittenwith fear, should, by receiving the Tarquins into the city, acceptpeace even at the price of slavery. Many concessions were thereforegranted to the people by the senate during that period by way ofconciliating them. Their attention, in the first place, was directedto the markets, and persons were sent, some to the country of theVolscians, others to Cumae, to buy up corn. The privilege of sellingsalt also was withdrawn from private individuals because it was soldat an exorbitant price, while all the expense fell upon the state:[10]and the people were freed from duties and taxes, inasmuch as the rich, since they were in a position to bear the burden, should contributethem; the poor, they said, paid taxes enough if they brought up theirchildren. This indulgence on the part of the fathers accordingly keptthe state so united during their subsequent adversity in time of siegeand famine, that the lowest as much as the highest abhorred the nameof king; nor did any single individual afterward gain such popularityby intriguing practices, as the whole body of the senate at that timeby their excellent government. 

On the approach of the enemy, they all withdrew for protection fromthe country into the city, and protected the city itself with militarygarrisons. Some parts seemed secured by the walls, others by the Tiberbetween. The Sublician [11] bridge well-nigh afforded a passage tothe enemy, had it not been for one man, Horatius Cocles: in him theprotecting spirit of Rome on that day found a defence. He happened tobe posted on guard at the bridge: and, when he saw the Janiculum takenby a sudden assault, and the enemy pouring down from thence at fullspeed, and his own party, in confusion, abandoning their arms andranks, seizing hold of them one by one, standing in their way, andappealing to the faith of gods and men, he declared, that their flightwould avail them nothing if they deserted their post; if they crossedthe bridge and left it behind them, there would soon be greaternumbers of the enemy in the Palatium and Capitol than in theJaniculum; therefore he advised and charged them to break down thebridge, by sword, by fire, or by any violent means whatsoever; thathe himself would receive the attack of the enemy as far as resistancecould be offered by the person of one man. He then strode to the frontentrance of the bridge, and being easily distinguished among thosewhose backs were seen as they gave way before the battle, he struckthe enemy with amazement by his surprising boldness as he faced roundin arms to engage the foe hand to hand. Two, however, a sense of shamekept back with him, Spurius Larcius and Titus Herminius, both men ofhigh birth, and renowned for their gallant exploits. With them he fora short time stood the first storm of danger, and the severest bruntof the battle. Afterward, as those who were cutting down the bridgecalled upon them to retire, and only a small portion of it was left, he obliged them also to withdraw to a place of safety. Then, castinghis stern eyes threateningly upon all the nobles of the Etruscans, henow challenged them singly, now reproached them all as the slaves ofhaughty tyrants, who, unmindful of their own freedom, came to attackthat of others. For a considerable time they hesitated, looking roundone upon another, waiting to begin the fight. A feeling of shame thenstirred the army, and raising a shout, they hurled their weapons fromall sides on their single adversary; and when they had all stuck inthe shield he held before him, and he with no less obstinacy keptpossession of the bridge with firm step, they now began to strive tothrust him down from it by their united attack, when the crash of thefalling bridge, and at the same time the shout raised by the Romansfor joy at having completed their task, checked their assault withsudden consternation. Then Cocles said, "Father Tiberinus, holy one, Ipray thee, receive these arms, and this thy soldier, in thy favouringstream. " So, in full armour, just as he was, he leapedinto the Tiber, and, amid showers of darts that fell upon him, swam across unharmed tohis comrades, having dared a deed which is likely to obtain more famethan belief with posterity. [12] The state showed itself gratefultoward such distinguished valour; a statue of him was erected in thecomitium, and as much land was given to him as he could draw a furrowround in one day with a plough. The zeal of private individuals alsowas conspicuous in the midst of public honours. For, notwithstandingthe great scarcity, each person contributed something to him inproportion to his private means, depriving himself of his own means ofsupport. 

Porsina, repulsed in his first attempt, having changed his plans to asiege of the city, and a blockade, and pitched his camp in the plainand on the bank of the Tiber, placed a garrison in the Janiculum. Then, sending for boats from all parts, both to guard the river, so asto prevent any provisions being conveyed up stream to Rome, and alsothat his soldiers might get across to plunder in different places asopportunity offered, in a short time he so harassed all the countryround Rome, that not only was everything else conveyed out of thecountry, but even the cattle were driven into the city, and nobodyventured to drive them without the gates. This liberty of action wasgranted to the Etruscans, not more from fear than from design: for theconsul Valerius, eager for an opportunity of falling unawares upon anumber of them together in loose order, careless of taking vengeancein trifling matters, reserved himself as a serious avenger for moreimportant occasions. Accordingly, in order to draw out the pillagers, he ordered a large body of his men to drive out their cattle the nextday by the Esquiline gate, which was farthest from the enemy, thinkingthat they would get intelligence of it, because during the blockadeand scarcity of provisions some of the slaves would turn traitors anddesert. And in fact they did learn by the information of a deserter, and parties far more numerous than usual crossed the river in the hopeof seizing all the booty at once. Then Publius Valerius commandedTitus Herminius, with a small force, to lie in ambush at the secondmilestone on the road to Gabii, and Spurius Larcius, with a party oflight-armed youths, to post himself at the Colline gate while theenemy was passing by, and then to throw himself in their way to cutoff their return to the river. The other consul, Titus Lucretius, marched out of the Naevian gate with some companies of soldiers, whileValerius himself led some chosen cohorts down from the Colan Mount. These were the first who were seen by the enemy. Herminius, when heperceived the alarm, rushed from his ambush and fell upon the rear ofthe Etruscans, who had turned against Valerius. The shout was returnedon the right and left, from the Colline gate on the one side andthe Naevian on the other. Thus the plunderers were put to the swordbetween both, being neither their match in strength for fighting, andall the ways being blocked up to prevent escape: this put an end tothe disorderly raids of the Etruscans. 

The blockade, however, was carried on none the less, and corn was bothscarce and very dear. Porsina still entertained the hope that, bycontinuing the blockade, he would be able to reduce the city, whenGaius Mucius, a young noble, who considered it a disgrace that theRoman people, who, even when in a state of slavery, while under thekings, had never been confined within their walls during any war, orblockaded by any enemy, should now, when a free people, be blockadedby these very Etruscans whose armies they had often routed--andthinking that such disgrace ought to be avenged by some great anddaring deed, at first designed on his own responsibility to make hisway into the enemy's camp. Then, being afraid that, if he went withoutthe permission of the consuls, and unknown to all, he might perhaps beseized by the Roman guards and brought back as a deserter, since thecircumstances of the city at the time rendered such a charge credible, he approached the senate. "Fathers, " said he, "I desire to crossthe Tiber, and enter the enemy's camp, if I may be able, not asa plunderer, nor as an avenger to exact retribution for theirdevastations: a greater deed is in my mind, if the gods assist. " Thesenate approved. He set out with a dagger concealed under his garment. When he reached the camp, he stationed himself where the crowd wasthickest, near the king's tribunal. There, as the soldiers happenedto be receiving their pay, and the king's secretary, sitting by him, similarly attired, was busily engaged, and generally addressed bythe soldiers, he killed the secretary, against whom chance blindlydirected the blow, instead of the king, being afraid to ask which ofthe two was Porsina, lest, by displaying his ignorance of the king, he should disclose who he himself was. As he was moving off in thedirection where with his bloody dagger he had made a way for himselfthrough the dismayed multitude, the crowd ran up on hearing the noise, and he was immediately seized and brought back by the king's guards:being set before the king's tribunal, even then, amid the perilousfortune that threatened him, more capable of inspiring dread thanof feeling it, "I am, " said he, "a Roman citizen; men call me GaiusMucius; an enemy, I wished to slay an enemy, nor have I less courageto suffer death than I had to inflict it. Both to do and to sufferbravely is a Roman's part. Nor have I alone harboured such feelingstoward you; there follows after me a long succession of aspirants tothe same honour. Therefore, if you choose, prepare yourself for thisperil, to be in danger of your life from hour to hour: to find thesword and the enemy at the very entrance of your tent: such is the warwe, the youth of Rome, declare against you; dread not an army in thefield, nor a battle; you will have to contend alone and with each ofus one by one. " When the king, furious with rage, and at the same timeterrified at the danger, threateningly commanded fires to be kindledabout him, if he did not speedily disclose the plots, at which in histhreats he had darkly hinted, Mucius said, "See here, that you mayunderstand of how little account the body is to those who have greatglory in view"; and immediately thrust his right hand into the firethat was lighted for sacrifice. When he allowed it to burn as ifhis spirit were quite insensible to any feeling of pain, the king, well-nigh astounded at this surprising sight, leaped from his seat andcommanded the young man to be removed from the altar. "Depart, " saidhe, "thou who hast acted more like an enemy toward thyself than towardme. I would bid thee go on and prosper in thy valour, if that valourwere on the side of my country. I now dismiss thee unharmed andunhurt, exempt from the right of war. " Then Mucius, as if in returnfor the kindness, said: "Since bravery is held in honour with you, that you may obtain from me by your kindness that which you could notobtain by threats, know that we are three hundred, the chief of theRoman youth, who have conspired to attack you in this manner. Thelot fell upon me first. The rest will be with you each in his turn, according to the fortune that shall befall me who drew the first lot, until fortune on some favourable opportunity shall have delivered youinto their hands. "

Mucius, to whom the surname of Scaevola[13] was afterward given fromthe loss of his right hand, was let go and ambassadors from Porsinafollowed him to Rome. The danger of the first attempt, in whichnothing had protected him but the mistake of his secret assailant, and the thought of the risk of life he would have to run so often inproportion to the number of surviving conspirators that remained, madeso strong an impression upon him that of his own accord he offeredterms of peace to the Romans. In these terms the restoration of theTarquins to the throne was proposed and discussed without success, rather because he felt he could not refuse that to the Tarquins, thanfrom ignorance that it would be refused him by the Romans. In regardto the restoration of territory to the Veientines his request wasgranted, and the obligation of giving hostages, if they wished thegarrison to be withdrawn from the Janiculum, was extorted from theRomans. Peace being concluded on these terms, Porsina led his troopsdown from the Janiculum, and withdrew from Roman territory. Thefathers bestowed upon Gaius Mucius, in reward for his valour, someland on the other side of the Tiber, which was afterward called theMucian meadows. By this honour paid to valour women also were rousedto deeds that brought glory to the state. Among others, a young womannamed Claelia, one of the hostages, escaped her keepers, and, as thecamp of the Etruscans had been pitched not far from the bank of theTiber, swam over the river, amid the darts of the enemy, at the headof a band of maidens, and brought them all back in safety to theirrelations at Rome. When news of this was brought to the king, atfirst, furious with rage, he sent deputies to Rome to demand thehostage Claelia, saying that he did not set great store by the rest:afterward, his feelings being changed to admiration, he said thatthis deed surpassed those of men like Cocles and Mucius, and furtherdeclared that, as he would consider the treaty broken if the hostagewere not delivered up, so, if she were given up, he would send herback unharmed and unhurt to her friends. Both sides kept faith: theRomans restored their pledge of peace according to treaty: and withthe Etruscan king valour found not only security, but also honour;and, after praising the maiden, he promised to give her, as a present, half the hostages, allowing her to choose whom she pleased. When theyhad all been led forth, she is said to have picked out those below theage of puberty, a choice which both reflected honour upon her maidendelicacy, and was one likely to be approved of by consent of thehostages themselves--that those who were of such an age as was mostexposed to injury should above all others be delivered from the enemy. Peace being renewed, the Romans rewarded this instance of braveryuncommon in a woman with an uncommon kind of honour: an equestrianstatue, which, representing a maiden sitting on horseback, was erectedat the top of the Via Sacra. [14]

The custom handed down from the ancients, and which has continued downto our times among other usages at public sales, that of sellingthe goods of King Porsina, is inconsistent with this account of sopeaceful a departure of the Etruscan king from the city. The originof this custom must either have arisen during the war, and not beenabandoned in time of peace, or it must have grown from a milderbeginning than the form of expression seems, on the face of it, toindicate, of selling the goods as if taken from an enemy. Of theaccounts handed down, the most probable is, that Porsina, whenretiring from the Janiculum, made a present to the Romans of his camprich with stores of provisions conveyed from the neighbouring fertilefields of Etruria, as the city was then exhausted owing to the longsiege: that then, to prevent its contents being plundered as if itbelonged to an enemy when the people were admitted, they were sold, and called the goods of Porsina, the expression rather conveying theidea of a thankworthy gift than an auction of the king's property, seeing that this never even came into the power of the Roman people. Porsina, having abandoned the war against the Romans, that his armymight not seem to have been led into those parts to no purpose, sent his son Arruns with part of his forces to besiege Aricia. Theunexpected occurrence at first terrified the Aricians: afterward aid, which had been sent for, both from the people of Latium and fromCumæ, [15] inspired such hope that they ventured to try the issue of apitched battle. At the beginning of the battle the Etruscans attackedso furiously that they routed the Aricians at the first onset. But theCuman cohorts, employing stratagem against force, moved off a littleto one side, and when the enemy were carried beyond them in loosearray, they wheeled round and attacked them in the rear. By this meansthe Etruscans, when on the point of victory, were hemmed in and cut topieces. A very small number of them, having lost their general, andhaving no nearer refuge, came to Rome without their arms, in theplight and guise of suppliants. There they were kindly received anddistributed in different lodgings. When their wounds had been attendedto, some with. Affection for their hosts and for the city caused manyothers to remain at Rome: a quarter was assigned them to dwell in, which has ever since been called the Tuscan Street. [16]

Spurius Lucretius and Publius Valerius Publicola were next electedconsuls. In that year ambassadors came from Porsina for the last time, to discuss the restoration of Tarquin to the throne. And when answerhad been given them, that the senate would send deputies to the king, the most distinguished of that order were forthwith despatched toexplain that it was not because the answer could not have been givenin a few words--that the royal family would not be received--thatselect members of the senate had been deputed to him, rather than ananswer given to his ambassadors at Rome, but in order that all mentionof the matter might be put an end to forever, and that their mindsmight not be disturbed amid so many mutual acts of kindness on bothsides, by his asking what was adverse to the liberty of the Romanpeople, and by their refusing him (unless they were willing to promotetheir own destruction) whom they would willingly refuse nothing. Thatthe Roman people were not now under a kingly government, but in theenjoyment of freedom, and were accordingly resolved to open theirgates to enemies sooner than to kings. That it was the wish of all, that the end of their city's freedom might also be the end of the cityitself. Wherefore, if he wished Rome to be safe, they entreated himto suffer it to be free. The king, overcome by feelings of respect, replied: "Since that is your firm and fixed resolve, I will neitherannoy you by importunities, by urging the same request too often to nopurpose, nor will I disappoint the Tarquins by holding out hopes ofaid, which it is not in my power to give them; whether they have needof peace, or of war, let them go hence and seek another place ofexile, that nothing may hinder the peace between us. " To kindly wordshe added deeds still more friendly: he delivered up the remainder ofthe hostages, and restored to them the land of the Veientines, whichhad been taken from them by the treaty concluded at the Janiculum. Tarquin, now that all hope of return was cut off, went into exile toTusculum [17] to his son-in-law Octavius Mamilius. Thus a lastingpeace was concluded between Porsina and the Romans. 

The next consuls were Marcus Valerius and Publius Postumius. Duringthat year war was carried on successfully against the Sabines; theconsuls received the honour of a triumph. Upon this the Sabines madepreparations for war on a larger scale. To make head against them, andto prevent any sudden danger arising from Tusculum, from which quarterwar, though not openly declared, was suspected, Publius Valerius wascreated consul a fourth time, and Titus Lucretius a second time. Adisturbance that arose among the Sabines between the advocates ofwar and of peace transferred considerable strength from them to theRomans. For Attius Clausus, who was afterward called Appius Claudiusat Rome, being himself an advocate of peace, when hard pressed bythe agitators for war, and being no match for the party, fled fromRegillum to Rome, accompanied by a great number of dependents. Therights of citizenship and land on the other side of the Anio werebestowed on them. This settlement was called the old Claudian tribe, and was subsequently increased by the addition of new tribesmen whokept arriving from that district. Appius, being chosen into thesenate, was soon after advanced to the rank of the highest in thatorder. The consuls entered the territories of the Sabines with ahostile army, and when, both by laying waste their country, andafterward by defeating them in battle, they had so weakened the powerof the enemy that for a long time there was no reason to dread therenewal of the war in that quarter, they returned to Rome in triumph. The following year, Agrippa Menenius and Publius Postumius beingconsuls, Publius Valerius, by universal consent the ablest man inRome, in the arts both of peace and war, died covered with glory, butin such straitened private circumstances that there was not enoughto defray the expenses of a public funeral: one was given him atthe public charge. The matrons mourned for him as they had done forBrutus. The same year two Latin colonies, Pometia and Cora, [18]revolted to the Auruncans. [19] War was commenced against theAuruncans, and after a large army, which boldly met the consulsas they were entering their frontiers, had been defeated, all theoperations of the Auruncan war were concentrated at Pometia. Nor, after the battle was over, did they refrain from slaughter any morethan when it was going on: the number of the slain was considerablygreater than that of the prisoners, and the latter they put to deathindiscriminately. Nor did the wrath of war spare even the hostages, three hundred in number, whom they had received. This year also theconsuls celebrated a triumph at Rome. 

The succeeding consuls, Opiter Verginius and Spurius Cassius, firstendeavoured to take Pometia by storm, and afterward by means ofmantlets [20] and other works. But the Auruncans, stirred up againstthem more by an irreconcilable hatred than induced by any hopes ofsuccess, or by a favourable opportunity, having sallied forth, more ofthem armed with lighted torches than swords, filled all places withfire and slaughter. Having fired the mantlets, slain and wounded manyof the enemy, they almost succeeded in slaying one of the consuls, whohad been thrown from his horse and severely wounded: which of them itwas, authorities do not mention. Upon this the Romans returned to thecity unsuccessful: the consul was taken back with many more wounded, with doubtful hope of his recovery. After a short interval, sufficientfor attending to their wounds and recruiting their army, they attackedPometia with greater fury and increased strength. When, after themantlets and the other military works had been repaired, the soldierswere on the point of mounting the walls, the town surrendered. Yet, though the town had surrendered, the Auruncans were treated with noless cruelty than if it had been taken by assault: the chief men werebeheaded: the rest, who were colonists, were sold by auction, the townwas razed, and the land sold. The consuls obtained a triumph more fromhaving violently gratified their[21] resentment than in consequence ofthe importance of the war thus concluded. 

In the following year Postumus Cominius and Titus Larcius wereconsuls. In that year, during the celebration of the games at Rome, assome courtesans were being carried off by some of the Sabine youthin wanton frolic, a crowd assembled, a quarrel ensued, and almosta battle: and in consequence of this trifling occurrence the wholeaffair seemed to point to a renewal of hostilities, which inspiredeven more apprehension than a Latin war. Their fears were furtherincreased, because it was known for certain that thirty differentstates had already entered into a confederacy against them, at theinstigation of Octavius Mamilius. While the state was troubled duringthe expectation of such important events, the idea of nominating adictator was mentioned for the first time. 

But in what year, or who the consuls were in whom confidence was notreposed, because they belonged to the party of the Tarquins--for thatalso is reported--or who was elected dictator for the first time, isnot satisfactorily established. Among the oldest authorities, however, I find that Titus Larcius was appointed the first dictator, andSpurius Cassius master of the horse. They chose men of consulardignity: so the law that was passed for the election of a dictatorordained. For this reason, I am more inclined to believe that Larcius, who was of consular rank, was attached to the consuls as theirdirector and superior, rather than Manius Valerius, the son of Marcusand grandson of Volesus, who had not vet been consul. Moreover, hadthey intended a dictator to be chosen from that family under anycircumstances, they would much rather have chosen his father, MarcusValerius, a man of consular rank, and of approved merit. On the firstcreation of the dictator at Rome, when they saw the axes carriedbefore him, great awe came upon the people, [22] so that they becamemore attentive to obey orders. For neither, as was the case under theconsuls, who possessed equal power, could the assistance of one ofthem be invoked, nor was there any appeal, nor any chance of redressbut in attentive submission. The creation of a dictator at Rome alsoterrified the Sabines, and the more so because they thought he wascreated on their account. Accordingly, they sent ambassadors to treatconcerning peace. To these, when they earnestly entreated the dictatorand senate to pardon a youthful offence, the answer was given, thatthe young men might be forgiven, but not the old, seeing that theywere continually stirring up one war after another. Nevertheless theycontinued to treat about peace, which would have been granted, if theSabines had brought themselves to make good the expenses incurredduring the war, as was demanded. War was proclaimed; a truce, however, with the tacit consent of both parties, preserved peace throughout theyear. 

Servius Sulpicius and Manius Tullius were consuls the next year:nothing worth mentioning happened. Titus Aebutius and Gaius Vetusiussucceeded. In their consulship Fideae was besieged, Crustumeria taken, and Præneste[23] revolted from the Latins to the Romans. Nor was theLatin war, which had now been fomenting for several years, any longerdeferred. Aulus Postumius the dictator, and Titus Aebutius his masterof the horse, setting out with a numerous army of horse and foot, met the enemy's forces at the Lake Regillus, [24] in the territory ofTusculum, and, because it was rumoured that the Tarquins were in thearmy of the Latins, their rage could not be restrained, so thatthey immediately came to an engagement. Accordingly, the battle wasconsiderably more severe and fierce than others. For the generalswere present not only to direct matters by their instructions, but, exposing their own persons, they met in combat. And there was hardlyone of the principal officers of either army who came off unwounded, except the Roman dictator. As Postumius was encouraging his men in thefirst line, and drawing them up in order, Tarquinius Superbus, thoughnow advanced in years and enfeebled, urged on his horse to attack him:and, being wounded in the side, he was carried off by a party of hismen to a place of safety. In like manner, on the other wing, Aebutius, master of the horse, had charged Octavius Mamilius; nor was hisapproach unobserved by the Etruscan general, who in like mannerspurred his horse against him. And such was their impetuosity as theyadvanced with lances couched, that Aebutius was pierced through thearm and Mamilius run through the breast. The Latins received thelatter into their second line; Aebutius, as he was unable to wieldhis lance with his wounded arm, retired from the battle. The Latingeneral, no way discouraged by his wound, stirred up the fight: and, because he saw that his own men were disheartened, sent for a companyof Roman exiles, commanded by the son of Lucius Tarquinius. This body, inasmuch as they fought with greater fury, owing to the loss of theircountry, and the seizure of their estates, for a while revived thebattle. 

When the Romans were now beginning to give ground in that quarter, Marcus Valerius, brother of Publicola, having observed young Tarquinboldly parading himself at the head of his exiles, fired besides withthe renown of his house, that the family, which had gained glory byhaving expelled the kings, might also have the glory of destroyingthem, put spurs to his horse, and with his javelin couched made towardTarquin. Tarquin retreated before his infuriated foe to a battalion ofhis own men. As Valerius rode rashly into the line of the exiles, oneof them attacked him and ran him sideways through the body, and as thehorse was in no way impeded by the wound of his rider, the Roman sankto the ground expiring, with his arms falling over his body. Postumiusthe dictator, seeing the fall of so distinguished a man, and that theexiles were advancing boldly at a run, and his own men disheartenedand giving ground, gave the signal to his own cohort, a chosen body ofmen which he kept for the defence of his person, to treat every Romansoldier, whom they saw fleeing from the battle, as an enemy. Upon thisthe Romans, in fear of the danger on both sides, turned from flightand attacked the enemy, and the battle was restored. The dictator'scohort then for the first time engaged in the fight, and with personsand courage unimpaired, fell on the wearied exiles, and cut themto pieces. There another engagement took place between the leadingofficers. The Latin general, on seeing the cohort of the exilesalmost surrounded by the Roman dictator, hurried up some companies ofreserves to the front. Titus Herminius, a lieutenant-general, seeingthem advancing in a body, and recognising Mamilius, distinguishedamong them by his armour and dress, encountered the leader of theenemy with violence so much greater than the master of the horse hadshown a little before, that at one thrust he ran him through theside and slew him. While stripping the body of his enemy, he himselfreceived a wound with a javelin, and, though brought back to the campvictorious, died while it was being dressed. Then the dictator hurriedup to the cavalry, entreating them, as the infantry were tired out, todismount and take up the fight. They obeyed his orders, dismounted, flew to the front, and, taking the place of the first line, coveredthemselves with their targets. The infantry immediately recoveredtheir courage when they saw the young nobles sustaining a share of thedanger with them, the mode of fighting being now the same forall. Then at length the Latins were beaten back, and their line, disheartened, gave way. The horses were then brought up to thecavalry, that they might pursue the enemy: the infantry likewisefollowed. Thereupon the dictator, disregarding nothing that held outhope of divine or human aid, is said to have vowed a temple to Castor, and to have promised rewards to the first and second of the soldierswho should enter the enemy's camp. Such was the ardour of the Romansthat they took the camp with the same impetuosity wherewith they hadrouted the enemy in the field. Such was the engagement at the LakeRegillus. 

The dictator and master of the horse returned to the city in triumph. For the next three years there was neither settled peace nor open war. The consuls were Q. Cloelius and T. Larcius. They were succeeded byA. Sempronius and M. Minucius. During their consulship a temple wasdedicated to Saturn and the festival of the Saturnalia instituted. The next consuls were A. Postumius and T. Verginius. I find in someauthors this year given as the date of the battle at Lake Regillus, and that A. Postumius laid down his consulship because the fidelityof his colleague was suspected, on which a Dictator was appointed. Somany errors as to dates occur, owing to the order in which the consulssucceeded being variously given, that the remoteness in time of boththe events and the authorities make it impossible to determine eitherwhich consuls succeeded which, or in what year any particular eventoccurred. Ap. Claudius and P. Servilius were the next consuls. Thisyear is memorable for the news of Tarquin's death. His death tookplace at Cuma, whither he had retired, to seek the protection of thetyrant Aristodemus after the power of the Latins was broken. The newswas received with delight by both senate and plebs. But the elation ofthe patricians was carried to excess. Up to that time they had treatedthe commons with the utmost deference, now their leaders began topractice injustice upon them. The same year a fresh batch of colonistswas sent to complete the number at Signia, a colony founded by KingTarquin. The number of tribes at Rome was increased to twenty-one. Thetemple of Mercury was dedicated on May 15. 

The relations with the Volscians during the Latin war were neitherfriendly nor openly hostile. The Volscians had collected a force whichthey were intending to send to the aid of the Latins had not theDictator forestalled them by the rapidity of his movements, a rapiditydue to his anxiety to avoid a battle with the combined armies. Topunish them the consuls led the legions into the Volscian country. This unexpected movement paralysed the Volscians, who were notexpecting retribution for what had been only an intention. Unableto offer resistance, they gave as hostages three hundred childrenbelonging to their nobility, drawn from Cora and Pometia. The legions, accordingly, were marched back without fighting. Relieved from theimmediate danger, the Volscians soon fell back on their old policy, and after forming an armed alliance with the Hernicans, made secretpreparations for war. They also despatched envoys through the lengthand breadth of Latium to induce that nation to join them. But aftertheir defeat at Lake Regillus the Latins were so incensed againstevery one who advocated a resumption of hostilities that they did noteven spare the Volscian envoys, who were arrested and conducted toRome. There they were handed over to the consuls and evidence wasproduced showing that the Volscians and Hernicans were preparing forwar with Rome. When the matter was brought before the senate, theywere so gratified by the action of the Latins that they sent back sixthousand prisoners who had been sold into slavery, and also referredto the new magistrates the question of a treaty which they hadhitherto persistently refused to consider. The Latins congratulatedthemselves upon the course they had adopted, and the advocates ofpeace were in high honour. They sent a golden crown as a gift tothe Capitoline Jupiter. The deputation who brought the gift wereaccompanied by a large number of the released prisoners, who visitedthe houses where they had worked as slaves to thank their formermasters for the kindness and consideration shown them in theirmisfortunes, and to form ties of hospitality with them. At noprevious period had the Latin nation been on more friendly terms bothpolitically and personally with the Roman government. 

But a war with the Volscians was imminent, and the State was torn withinternal dissensions; the patricians and the plebeians were bitterlyhostile to one another, owing mainly to the desperate condition of thedebtors. They loudly complained that whilst fighting in the fieldfor liberty and empire they were oppressed and enslaved by theirfellow-citizens at home; their freedom was more secure in war thanin peace, safer amongst the enemy than amongst their own people. Thediscontent, which was becoming of itself continually more embittered, was still further aggravated by the striking sufferings of anindividual. A man advanced in years rushed into the forum with thetokens of his utter misery upon him. His clothes were covered withfilth, his personal appearance still more pitiable, pale, andemaciated. In addition, a long beard and hair gave a wild look to hiscountenance. Notwithstanding his wretched appearance however, hewas recognised, and people said that he had been a centurion, and, compassionating him, recounted other distinctions that he had gainedin war: he himself exhibited scars on his breast in front, which borewitness to honourable battles in several places. When they repeatedlyinquired the reason of his plight, and wretched appearance, a crowdhaving now gathered round him almost like a regular assembly, he said, that, while serving in the Sabine war, because he had not only beendeprived of the produce of his land in consequence of the depredationsof the enemy, but his residence had also been burned down, all hiseffects pillaged, his cattle driven off, and a tax imposed on him at atime when it pressed most hardly upon him, he had got into debt: thatthis debt, increased by exorbitant interest, had stripped him first ofhis father's and grandfather's farm, then of all his other property;lastly that, like a wasting sickness, it had reached his person: thathe had been dragged by his creditor, not into servitude, but into ahouse of correction and a place of torture. He then showed his backdisfigured with the marks of recent scourging. At this sight and thesewords a great uproar arose. The tumult now no longer confined itselfto the forum, but spread everywhere through the entire city. Thenexi, [25] both those who were imprisoned, and those who were now atliberty, hurried into the streets from all quarters and implored theprotection of the Quirites. Nowhere was there lack of volunteers tojoin the disturbance. They ran in crowds through all the streets, fromall points, to the forum with loud shouts. Such of the senators ashappened to be in the forum fell in with this mob at great peril tothemselves; and it might not have refrained from actual violencehad not the consuls, Publius Servilius and Appius Claudius, hastilyinterfered to quell the disturbance. The multitude, however, turningtoward them, and showing their chains and other marks of wretchedness, said that they deserved all this, [26] mentioning, each of them, inreproachful terms, the military services performed by himself, byone in one place, by another in another. They called upon them withmenaces, rather than entreaties, to assemble the senate, and stoodround the senate-house in a body, determined themselves to bewitnesses and directors of the public resolves. Very few of thesenators, whom chance had thrown in the way, were got together by theconsuls; fear kept the rest away not only from the senate-house, buteven from the forum, and no business could be transacted owing totheir small attendance. Then indeed the people began to think theywere being tricked, and put off: and that such of the senators asabsented themselves did so not through accident or fear, but with theexpress purpose of obstructing business: that the consuls themselveswere shuffling, that their miseries were without doubt held up toridicule. Matters had now almost come to such a pass that not eventhe majesty of the consuls could restrain the violence of the people. Wherefore, uncertain whether they would incur greater danger bystaying at home, or venturing abroad, they at length came into thesenate; but, though the house was now by this time full, not only werethe senators unable to agree, but even the consuls themselves. Appius, a man of violent temperament, thought the matter ought to be settledby the authority of the consuls, and that, if one or two were seized, the rest would keep quiet. Servilius, more inclined to moderateremedies, thought that, while their minds were in this state ofexcitement, they could be bent with greater ease and safety than theycould be broken. 

Meanwhile an alarm of a more serious nature presented itself. SomeLatin horse came full speed to Rome, with the alarming news that theVolscians were marching with a hostile army to besiege the city. This announcement--so completely had discord split the state intotwo--affected the senators and people in a far different manner. Thepeople exulted with joy, and said that the gods were coming to takevengeance on the tyranny of the patricians. They encouraged oneanother not to give in their names, [27] declaring that it was betterthat all should perish together than that they should perish alone. Let the patricians serve as soldiers; let the patricians take up arms, so that those who reaped the advantages of war should also undergo itsdangers. But the senate, dejected and confounded by the double alarmthey felt, inspired both by their own countryman and by the enemy, entreated the consul Servilius, whose disposition was more inclined tofavour the people, that he would extricate the commonwealth, beset asit was with so great terrors. Then the consul, having dismissed thesenate, came forward into the assembly. There he declared that thesenate were solicitous that the interests of the people should beconsulted: but that alarm for the safety of the whole commonwealth hadinterrupted their deliberation regarding that portion of the state, which, though indeed the largest portion, was yet only a portion: norcould they, seeing that the enemy were almost at the gates, allowanything to take precedence of the war: nor, even though there shouldbe some respite, was it either to the credit of the people not to havetaken up arms in defence of their country unless they first receivedpay, nor consistent with the dignity of the senators to have adoptedmeasures of relief for the distressed fortunes of their countrymenthrough fear rather than afterward of their own free will. He thenfurther gave his speech the stamp of sincerity by an edict, by whichhe ordained that no one should detain a Roman citizen either in chainsor in prison, so that he would thereby be deprived of the opportunityof enrolling his name under the consuls, and that no one should eithertake possession of or sell the goods of any soldier, while on service, or detain his children or grandchildren in custody for debt. Onthe publication of this edict, both the debtors who were presentimmediately gave in their names, and crowds of persons, hastening fromall quarters of the city from private houses, as their creditors hadno right to detain their persons, ran together into the forum, to takethe military oath. These made up a considerable body of men, nor didany others exhibit more conspicuous bravery or activity during theVolscian war. The consul led out his forces against the enemy, andpitched his camp at a little distance from them. 

The next night the Volscians, relying on the dissension among theRomans, made an attempt on their camp, to see if there were any chanceof desertion or treachery during the night. The sentinels on guardperceived them: the army was called up, and, the signals being given, they ran to arms. Thus the attempt of the Volscians was frustrated;the remainder of the night was given up to repose on both sides. Thenext morning at daybreak the Volscians, having filled the trenches, attacked the rampart. And already the fortifications were beingdemolished on every side, when the consul, after having delayed alittle while for the purpose of testing the feelings of the soldiers, although all from every quarter, and before all the debtors, werecrying out for him to give the signal, at length, when their greateagerness became unmistakable, gave the signal for sallying forth, andlet out the soldiery impatient for the fight. At the very first onsetthe enemy was routed; the fugitives were harassed in the rear, as faras the infantry were able to follow them: the cavalry drove then inconsternation up to their camp. In a short time the legions havingbeen drawn around it, the camp itself was taken and plundered, sincepanic had driven the Volscians even from thence also. On the nextday the legions were led to Suessa Pometia, whither the enemy hadretreated. In a few days the town was taken, and, after being taken, was given up for plunder, whereby the needs of the soldiers weresomewhat relieved. The consul led back his victorious army to Romewith the greatest renown to himself. On his departure for Rome, he wasmet by the deputies of the Ecetrans, a tribe of the Volscians, whowere alarmed for the safety of their state after the capture ofPometia. By a decree of the senate peace was granted them, but theywere deprived of their land. 

Immediately after this the Sabines also frightened the Romans: for itwas rather an alarm than a war. News was brought into the city duringthe night that a Sabine army had advanced as far as the river Anio, plundering the country: that the country houses there were beingpillaged and set fire to indiscriminately. Aulus Postumius, who hadbeen dictator in the Latin war, was immediately sent thither with allthe cavalry forces. The consul Servilius followed him with a pickedbody of infantry. The cavalry cut off most of the stragglers; nordid the Sabine legions make any resistance against the battalion ofinfantry when it came up with them. Tired both by their march andnightly raids, surfeited with eating and drinking in the countryhouses, a great number of them had scarcely sufficient strength toflee. Thus the Sabine war was heard of and finished in a single night. On the following day, when all were sanguine that peace had beensecured in every quarter, ambassadors from the Auruncans presentedthemselves before the senate, threatening to declare war unless thetroops were withdrawn from the Volscian territory. The army of theAuruncans had set out from home at the same time as the ambassadors, and the report that this army had been seen not far from Aricia threwthe Romans into such a state of confusion that neither could thesenate be consulted in regular form, nor could the Romans, whilethemselves taking up arms, give a pacific answer to those who wereadvancing to attack them. They marched to Aricia in hostile array, engaged with the Auruncans not far from that town and in one battlethe war was ended. 

After the defeat of the Auruncans, the people of Rome, victorious inso many wars within a few days, were looking to the consul to fulfillhis promises, and to the senate to keep their word, when Appius, bothfrom his natural pride, and in order to undermine the credit of hiscolleague, issued a decree concerning borrowed money in the harshestpossible terms. From this time, both those who had been formerly inconfinement were delivered up to their creditors, and others also weretaken into custody. Whenever this happened to any soldier, he appealedto the other consul. A crowd gathered about Servilius: they threw hispromises in his teeth, severally upbraiding him with their services inwar, and the scars they had received. They called upon him eitherto lay the matter before the senate, or, as consul, to assist hisfellow-citizens, as commander, his soldiers. These remonstrancesaffected the consul, but the situation of affairs obliged him to actin a shuffling manner: so completely had not only his colleague, but the whole of the patrician party, enthusiastically taken up theopposite cause. And thus, by playing a middle part, he neither escapedthe odium of the people, nor gained the favour of the senators. The patricians looked upon him as wanting in energy and apopularity-hunting consul, the people, as deceitful: and it soonbecame evident that he had become as unpopular as Appius himself. Adispute had arisen between the consuls, as to which of them shoulddedicate the Temple of Mercury. The senate referred the matter fromthemselves to the people, and ordained that, to whichever of them thetask of dedication should be intrusted by order of the people, heshould preside over the markets, establish a guild of merchants, [28]and perform the ceremonies in presence of the Pontifex Maximus. Thepeople intrusted the dedication of the temple to Marcus Laetorius, acenturion of the firstrank, which, as would be clear to all, was donenot so muchout of respect to a person on whom an office above his rankhad been conferred, as to affront the consuls. Upon this one of theconsuls particularly, and the senators were highly incensed: however, the people had gained fresh courage, and proceeded in quite adifferent manner to what they had at first intended. For when theydespaired of redress from the consuls and senate, whenever they saw adebtor led into court, they rushed together from all quarters. Neithercould the decree of the consul be heard distinctly for the noise andshouting, nor, when he had pronounced the decree, did any one obeyit. Violence was the order of the day, and apprehension and danger inregard to personal liberty was entirely transferred from the debtorsto the creditors, who were individually maltreated by the crowd beforethe very eyes of the consul. In addition, the dread of the Sabine warspread, and when a levy was decreed, nobody gave in his name: Appiuswas enraged, and bitterly inveighed against the self-seeking conductof his colleague, in that he, by the inactivity he displayed to winthe favour of the people, was betraying the republic, and, besides nothaving enforced justice in the matter of debt, likewise neglectedeven to hold a levy, in obedience to the decree of the senate. Yethe declared that the commonwealth was not entirely deserted, nor theconsular authority altogether degraded; that he, alone and unaided, would vindicate both his own dignity and that of the senators. Whenday by day the mob, emboldened by license, stood round him, hecommanded a noted ringleader of the seditious outbreaks to bearrested. He, as he was being dragged off by the lictors, appealedto the people; nor would the consul have allowed the appeal, becausethere was no doubt regarding the decision of the people, had not hisobstinacy been with difficulty overcome, rather by the advice andinfluence of the leading men, than by the clamours of the people; withsuch a superabundance of courage was he endowed to support the weightof public odium. The evil gained ground daily, not only by openclamours, but, what was far more dangerous, by secession and by secretconferences. At length the consuls, so odious to the commons, resignedoffice, Servilius liked by neither party, Appius highly esteemed bythe senators. 

Then Aulus Verginius and Titus Vetusius entered on the consulship. Upon this the commons, uncertain what sort of consuls they were likelyto have, held nightly meetings, some of them upon the Esquiline, andothers upon the Aventine, lest, when assembled in the forum, theyshould be thrown into confusion by being obliged to adopt hastyresolutions, and proceed inconsiderately and at hap-hazard. Theconsuls, judging this proceeding to be of dangerous tendency, as itreally was, laid the matter before the senate. But, when it was laidbefore them, they could not get them to consult upon it regularly; itwas received with an uproar on all sides, and by the indignant shoutsof the fathers, at the thought that the consuls threw on the senatethe odium for that which should have been carried out by consularauthority. Assuredly, if there were real magistrates in the republic, there would have been no council at Rome but a public one. As it was, the republic was divided and split into a thousand senate-houses andassemblies, some meetings being held on the Esquiline, others on theAventine. One man, like Appius Claudius--for such a one was of morevalue than a consul--would have dispersed those private meetings in amoment. When the consuls, thus rebuked, asked them what it was thatthey desired them to do, declaring that they would carry it out withas much energy and vigour as the senators wished, the latter issueda decree that they should push on the levy as briskly as possibledeclaring that the people had become insolent from want of employment. When the senate had been dismissed, the consuls assembled the tribunaland summoned the younger men by name. When none of them answered tohis name, the people, crowding round after the manner of a generalassembly, declared that the people could no longer be imposed on: thatthey should never enlist one single soldier unless the engagement madepublicly with the people were fulfilled: that liberty must be restoredto each before arms should be given, that so they might fight fortheir country and fellow-citizens, and not for lords and masters. Theconsuls understood the orders of the senate, but saw none of those whotalked so big within the walls of the senate-house present themselvesto share the odium they would incur. In fact, a desperate contest withthe commons seemed at hand. Therefore, before they had recourse toextremities, they thought it advisable to consult the senate a secondtime. Then indeed all the younger senators almost flew to the chairsof the consuls, commanding them to resign the consulate, and lay asidean office which they lacked the courage to support. 

Both plans having been sufficiently made proof of, the consuls atlength said: "Conscript fathers, that you may not say that you havenot been forewarned, know that a great disturbance is at hand. Wedemand that those who accuse us most loudly of cowardice shall assistus when holding the levy; we will proceed according to the resolutionof the most intrepid among you, since it so pleases you. " Returningto their tribunal, they purposely commanded one of the leaders of thedisturbance, who were in sight, to be summoned by name. When he stoodwithout saying a word, and a number of men stood round him in a ring, to prevent violence being offered, the consuls sent a lictor to seizehim, but he was thrust back by the people. Then, indeed, those ofthe fathers who attended the consuls, exclaiming against it as anintolerable insult, hurried down from the tribunal to assist thelictor. But when the violence of the people was turned from thelictor, who had merely been prevented from arresting the man, againstthe fathers, the riot was quelled by the interposition of consuls, during which, however, without the use of stones or weapons, there wasmore noise and angry words than actual injury inflicted. The senate, summoned in a tumultuous manner was consulted in a manner still moretumultuous, those who had been beaten demanding an inquiry, and themost violent of them attempting to carry their point, not so much byvotes as by clamour and bustle. At length, when their passion hadsubsided, and the consuls reproached them that there was no morepresence of mind in the senate than in the forum, the matter began tobe considered in order. Three different opinions were held. PubliusVerginius was against extending relief to all. He voted that theyshould consider only those who, relying on the promise of PubliusServilius the consul, had served in the war against the Volscians, Auruncans, and Sabines. Titus Larcius was of opinion, that it was notnow a fitting time for services only to be rewarded: that all thepeople were overwhelmed with debt, and that a stop could not be put tothe evil, unless measures were adopted for the benefit of all: nay, further, if the condition of different parties were different discordwould thereby rather be inflamed than healed. Appius Claudius, beingnaturally of a hard disposition, and further infuriated by the hatredof the commons on the one hand, and the praises of the senators on theother, insisted that such frequent riots were caused not by distress, but by too much freedom: that the people were rather insolent thanviolent: that this mischief, in fact, took its rise from the right ofappeal; since threats, not authority, was all that remained to theconsuls, while permission was given to appeal to those who wereaccomplices in the crime. "Come, " added he, "let us create a dictatorfrom whom there lies no appeal, and this madness, which has seteverything ablaze, will immediately subside. Then let me see the manwho will dare to strike a lictor, when he shall know that that person, whose authority he has insulted, has sole and absolute power to flogand behead him. "

To many the opinion of Appius appeared, as in fact it was, harsh andsevere. On the other hand, the proposals of Verginius and Larciusappeared injurious, from the precedent they established: that ofLarcius they considered especially so, as one that would destroy allcredit. The advice of Verginius, was reckoned to be most moderate, anda happy medium between the other two. But through party spirit andmen's regard for their private interest, which always has and alwayswill stand in the way of public councils, Appius prevailed, and washimself near being created dictator--a step which would certainlyhave alienated the commons at a most dangerous juncture, when theVolscians, the Aequans, and the Sabines all happened to be in arms atthe same time. But the consuls and elders of the senate took care thatthis command, in its own nature uncontrollable, should be intrustedto a man of mild disposition. They elected Marcus Valerius son ofVolesus, dictator. The people, though they saw that this magistratewas appointed against themselves, yet, as they possessed the right ofappeal by his brother's law, had nothing harsh or tyrannical to fearfrom that family. Afterward an edict published by the dictator, whichwas almost identical in terms with that of the consul Servilius, further inspirited them. But, thinking reliance could be more safelyplaced both in the man and in his authority, [29] they abandoned thestruggle and gave in their names. Ten legions were raised, a largerarmy than had ever been raised before. [30] Of these, each of theconsuls had three legions assigned him; the dictator commanded four. 

The war could not now be any longer deferred. The Aequans had invadedthe territory of the Latins: the deputies of the latter begged thesenate either to send them assistance, or to allow them to armthemselves for the purpose of defending their own frontiers. It seemedsafer that the Latins should be defended without their being armed, than to allow them to handle arms again. Vetusius the consul was sentto their assistance: thereby a stop was put to the raids. The Aequansretired from the plains, and depending more on the advantages ofposition than on their arms, secured themselves on the heights of themountains. The other consul, having set out against the Volscians, lest he in like manner might waste time, [31] provoked the enemy topitch their camp nearer, and to risk a regular engagement, by ravagingtheir lands. Both armies stood ready to advance, in front of theirlines, in hostile array, in a plain between the two camps. TheVolscians had considerably the advantage in numbers: accordingly, theyentered into battle in loose order, and in a spirit of contempt. TheRoman consul neither advanced his forces, nor allowed the enemy'sshouts to be returned, but ordered his men to stand with their spearsfixed in the ground, and whenever the enemy came to a hand-to-handencounter, to draw their swords, and attacking them with all theirforce, to carry on the fight. The Volscians, wearied with running andshouting attacked the Romans, who appeared to them paralyzed withfear; but when they perceived the vigorous resistance that was made, and saw the swords glittering before their eyes, just as if they hadfallen into an ambuscade, they turned and fled in confusion. Nor hadthey sufficient strength even to flee as they had entered into actionat full speed. The Romans, on the other hand, as they had quietlystood their ground at the beginning of the action, with physicalvigour unimpaired, easily overtook the weary foe, took their camp byassault, and, having driven them from it, pursued them to Velitrae, [32] into which city conquered and conquerors together rushed in onebody. By the promiscuous slaughter of all ranks, which there ensued, more blood was shed than in the battle itself. Quarter was given to afew, who threw down their arms and surrendered. 

While these operations were going on among the Volscians, the dictatorrouted the Sabines, among whom by far the most important operationsof the war were carried on, put them to flight, and stripped them oftheir camp. By a charge of cavalry he had thrown the centre of theenemy's line into confusion, in the part where, owing to the wingsbeing extended too widely, they had not properly strengthened theirline with companies in the centre. The infantry fell upon them intheir confusion: by one and the same charge the camp was taken and thewar concluded. There was no other battle in those times more memorablethan this since the action at the Lake Regillus. The dictator rodeinto the city in triumph. Besides the usual honours, a place in thecircus was assigned to him and his descendants, to see the publicgames: a curule chair. [33] was fixed in that place. The territory ofVelitrae was taken from the conquered Volscians: colonists were sentfrom Rome to Velitrae, and a colony led out thither. Some considerabletime afterward an engagement with the Aequans took place, but againstthe wish of the consul, because they had to approach the enemy onunfavourable ground: the soldiers, however, complaining that theaffair was being purposely protracted, in order that the dictatormight resign his office before they themselves returned to the city, and so his promises might come to nothing, like those of the consulbefore, forced him at all hazards to march his army up the hills. This imprudent step, through the cowardice of the enemy, turned outsuccessful: for, before the Romans came within range, the Aequans, amazed at their boldness, abandoned their camp, which they had pitchedin a very strong position, and ran down into the valleys that laybehind them. There abundant plunder was found: the victory was abloodless one. While military operations had thus proved successfulin three quarters, neither senators nor people had dismissed theiranxiety in regard to the issue of domestic questions. With suchpowerful influence and such skill had the usurers made arrangements, so as to disappoint not only the people, but even the dictatorhimself. For Valerius, after the return of the consul Vetusius, of allthe measures brought before the senate, made that on behalf of thevictorious people the first, and put the question, what it was theirpleasure should be done with respect to the debtors. And when hisreport was disallowed, he said: "As a supporter of reconciliation, Iam not approved of. You will ere long wish, depend on it, that thecommons of Rome had supporters like myself. For my part, I willneither further disappoint my Fellow-citizens, nor will I be dictatorto no purpose. Intestine dissensions and foreign wars have caused therepublic to stand in need of such a magistrate. Peace has been securedabroad, it is impeded at home. I will be a witness to the disturbanceas a private citizen rather than as dictator. " Accordingly, quittingthe senate-house, he resigned his dictatorship. The reason was clearto the people: that he had resigned his office from indignation attheir treatment. Accordingly, as if his promise had been fully kept, since it had not been his fault that his word had not been madegood, they escorted him on his return home with favouring shouts ofacclamation. 

Fear then seized the senators lest, if the army was disbanded, secretmeetings and conspiracies would be renewed; accordingly, although thelevy had been held by the dictator, yet, supposing that, as they hadsworn obedience to the consuls, the soldiers were bound by their oath, they ordered the legions to be led out of the city, under the pretextof hostilities having been renewed by the Aequans. By this course ofaction the sedition was accelerated. And indeed it is said that it wasat first contemplated to put the consuls to death, that the legionsmight be discharged from their oath: but that, being afterwardinformed that no religious obligation could be rendered void by acriminal act, they, by the advice of one Sicinius, retired, withoutthe orders of the consuls, to the Sacred Mount, [34] beyond the riverAnio, three miles from the city: this account is more commonly adoptedthan that which Piso[35] has given, that the secession was made to theAventine. There, without any leader, their camp being fortified witha rampart and trench, remaining quiet, taking nothing but what wasnecessary for subsistence, they remained for several days, neithermolested nor molesting. Great was the panic in the city, and throughmutual fear all was in suspense. The people, left by their fellows inthe city, dreaded the violence of the senators: the senators dreadedthe people who remained in the city, not feeling sure whether theypreferred them to stay or depart. On the other hand, how long wouldthe multitude which had seceded, remain quiet? What would be theconsequences hereafter, if, in the meantime, any foreign war shouldbreak out? They certainly considered there was no hope left, save inthe concord of the citizens: that this must be restored to the stateat any price. Under these circumstances it was resolved that AgrippaMenenius, an eloquent man, and a favourite with the people, becausehe was sprung from them, should be sent to negotiate with them. Beingadmitted into the camp, he is said to have simply related to them thefollowing story in an old-fashioned and unpolished style: "At the timewhen the parts of the human body did not, as now, all agree together, but the several members had each their own counsel, and their ownlanguage, the other parts were indignant that, while everything wasprovided for the gratification of the belly by their labour andservice, the belly, resting calmly in their midst, did nothing butenjoy the pleasures afforded it. They accordingly entered into aconspiracy, that neither should the hands convey food to the mouth, nor the mouth receive it when presented, nor the teeth have anythingto chew: while desiring, under the influence of this indignation, tostarve out the belly, the individual members themselves and the entirebody were reduced to the last degree of emaciation. Thence it becameapparent that the office of the belly as well was no idle one, that itdid not receive more nourishment than it supplied, sending, as it did, to all parts of the body that blood from which we derive life andvigour, distributed equally through the veins when perfected by thedigestion of the food. " [36] By drawing a comparison from this, howlike was the internal sedition of the body to the resentment of thepeople against the senators, he succeeded in persuading the minds ofthe multitude. 

Then the question of reconciliation began to be discussed, and acompromise was effected on certain conditions: that the commons shouldhave magistrates of their own, whose persons should be inviolable, whoshould have the power of rendering assistance against the consuls, and that no patrician should be permitted to hold that office. Accordingly, two tribunes of the commons were created, Gaius Liciniusand Lucius Albinus. These created three colleagues for themselves. It is clear that among these was Sicinius, the ring-leader of thesedition; with respect to the other two, there is less agreement whothey were. There are some who say that only two tribunes were electedon the Sacred Mount and that there the lex sacrata [37] was passed. 

During the secession of the commons, Spurius Cassius and PostumusCominius entered on the consulship. During their consulate, a treatywas concluded with the Latin states. To ratify this, one of theconsuls remained at Rome: the other, who was sent to take commandin the Volscian war, routed and put to flight the Volscians ofAntium, [38] and pursuing them till they had been driven into the townof Longula, took possession of the walls. Next he took Polusca, alsoa city of the Volscians: he then attacked Corioli [39] with greatviolence. There was at that time in the camp, among the young nobles, Gnaeus Marcius, a youth distinguished both for intelligence andcourage, who was afterward surnamed Coriolanus. While the Roman armywas besieging Corioli, devoting all its attention to the townspeople, who were kept, shut up within the walls, and there was no apprehensionof attack threatening from without, the Volscian legions, setting outfrom Antium, suddenly attacked them, and the enemy sallied forth atthe same time from the town. Marcius at that time happened to be onguard. He, with a chosen body of men, not only beat back the attackof those who had sallied forth, but boldly rushed in through theopen gate, and, having cut down all who were in the part of the citynearest to it, and hastily seized some blazing torches, threw theminto the houses adjoining the wall. Upon this, the shouts of thetownsmen, mingled with the wailings of the women and childrenoccasioned at first by fright, as is usually the case, both increasedthe courage of the Romans, and naturally dispirited the Volscianswho had come to bring help, seeing that the city was taken. Thus theVolscians of Antium were defeated, and the town of Corioli was taken. And so much did Marcius by his valour eclipse the reputation of theconsul, that, had not the treaty concluded with the Latins by SpuriusCassius alone, in consequence of the absence of his colleagues, andwhich was engraved on a brazen column, served as a memorial of it, itwould have been forgotten that Postumus Cominius had conducted the warwith the Volscians. In the same year died Agrippa Menenius, a man allhis life equally a favourite with senators and commons, endeared stillmore to the commons after the secession. This man, the mediator andimpartial promoter of harmony among his countrymen, the ambassador ofthe senators to the commons, the man who brought back the commons tothe city, did not leave enough to bury him publicly. The people buriedhim by the contribution of a sextans [40] per man. 

Titus Geganius and Publius Minucius were next elected consuls. Inthis year, when abroad there was complete rest from war, and at homedissensions were healed, another far more serious evil fell upon thestate: first, dearness of provisions, a consequence of the lands lyinguntilled owing to the secession of the commons; then a famine, such asattacks those who are besieged. And matters would certainly have endedin the destruction of the slaves and commons, had not the consulsadopted precautionary measures, by sending persons in every directionto buy up corn, not only into Etruria on the coast to the right ofOstia, and through the territory of the Volscians along the coast onthe left as far as Cumae, but into Sicily also, in quest of it. Tosuch an extent had the hatred of their neighbours obliged them tostand in need of assistance from distant countries. When corn hadbeen bought up at Cumae, the ships were detained as security for theproperty of the Tarquinians by the tyrant Aristodemus, who was theirheir. Among the Volscians and in the Pomptine territory it could noteven be purchased. The corn dealers themselves incurred danger fromthe violence of the inhabitants. Corn was brought from Etruria by wayof the Tiber: by means of this the people were supported. In suchstraitened resources they would have been harassed by a mostinopportune war, had not a dreadful pestilence attacked the Volscianswhen on the point of beginning hostilities. The minds of the enemybeing so terrified by this calamity, that they felt a certain alarm, even after it had abated the Romans both augmented the number of theircolonists at Velitrae, and despatched a new colony to the mountains OfNorba [41] to serve as a stronghold in the Pomptine district. Thenin the consulship of Marcus Minucius and Aulus Sempronius a greatquantity of corn was imported from Sicily and it was debated in thesenate at what price it should be offered to the commons. Many wereof opinion that the time was come for crushing the commons, andrecovering those rights which had been wrested from the senators bysecession and violence. In particular, Marcius Coriolanus, an enemy totribunician power, said: "If they desire corn at its old price, letthem restore to the senators their former rights. Why do I, like acaptive sent under the yoke, as if I had been ransomed from robbers, behold plebeian magistrates, and Sicinius invested with power? Am I tosubmit to these indignities longer than is necessary? Am I, who haverefused to endure Tarquin as king, to tolerate Sicinius? Let him nowsecede, let him call away the commons. The road lies open to theSacred Mount and to other hills. Let them carry off the corn from ourlands, as they did three years since. Let them have the benefitof that scarcity which in their mad folly they have themselvesoccasioned. I venture to say, that, overcome by these sufferings, theywill themselves become tillers of the lands, rather than, taking uparms, and seceding, prevent them from being tilled. " It is not so easyto say whether it should have been done, but I think that it mighthave been practicable for the senators, on the condition of loweringthe price of provisions, to have rid themselves of both thetribunician power, and all the regulations imposed on them againsttheir will. 

This proposal both appeared to the senate too harsh and fromexasperation well-nigh drove the people to arms: they complained thatthey were now being attacked with famine, as if they were enemies, that they were being robbed of food and sustenance, that the cornbrought from foreign countries, the only support with which fortunehad unexpectedly furnished them, was being snatched from their mouth, unless the tribunes were delivered in chains to Gnaeus Marcius, unlesssatisfaction were exacted from the backs of the commons of Rome. Thatin him a new executioner had arisen, one to bid them either die orbe slaves. He would have been attacked as he was leaving thesenate-house, had not the tribunes very opportunely appointed him aday for trial: thereupon their rage was suppressed, every one sawhimself become the judge, the arbiter of the life and death of hisfoe. At first Marcius listened to the threats of the tribunes withcontempt, saying that it was the right of affording aid, not ofinflicting punishment that had been conferred upon that office: thatthey were tribunes of the commons and not of the senators. But thecommons had risen with such violent determination, that the senatorsfelt themselves obliged to sacrifice one man to arrive at asettlement. They resisted, however, in spite of opposing odium, andexerted, collectively, the powers of the whole order, as well as, individually, each his own. At first, an attempt was made to see if, by posting their clients [42] in several places, they could quash thewhole affair, by deterring individuals from attending meetings andcabals. Then they all proceeded in a body--one would have said thatall the senators were on their trial--earnestly entreating the commonsthat, if they would not acquit an innocent man, they would at leastfor their sake pardon, assuming him guilty, one citizen, one senator. As he did not attend in person on the day appointed, they persisted intheir resentment. He was condemned in his absence, and went into exileamong the Volscians, threatening his country, and even then cherishingall the resentment of an enemy. [43] The Volscians received him kindlyon his arrival, and treated him still more kindly every day, inproportion as his resentful feelings toward his countrymen became moremarked, and at one time frequent complaints, at another threats, wereheard. He enjoyed the hospitality of Attius Tullius, who was at thattime by far the chief man of the Volscian people, and had always beena determined enemy of the Romans. Thus, while long-standing animositystimulated the one and recent resentment the other, they concertedschemes for bringing about a war with Rome. They did not readilybelieve that their own people could be persuaded to take up arms, sooften unsuccessfully tried, seeing that by many frequent wars, andlastly, by the loss of their youth in the pestilence, their spiritswere now broken; they felt that in a case where animosity had now diedaway from length of time they must proceed by scheming, that theirfeelings might become exasperated under the influence of some freshcause for resentment. 

It happened that preparations were being made at Rome for a renewal ofthe great games. [44] The cause of this renewal was as follows: On theday of the games, in the morning when the show had not yet begun, acertain head of a family had driven a slave of his through the middleof the circus while he was being flogged, tied to the fork:[45] afterthis the games had been begun, as if the matter had nothing to do withany religious difficulty. Soon afterward Titus Latinius, a plebeian, had a dream, in which Jupiter appeared to him and said that the personwho danced before the games had displeased him; unless those gameswere renewed on a splendid scale, danger would threaten the city:let him go and announce this to the consuls. Though his mind was notaltogether free from religious awe, his reverence for the dignity ofthe magistrates, lest he might become a subject for ridicule in themouths of all, overcame his religious fear. This delay cost him dear, for he lost his son within a few days; and, that there might be nodoubt about the cause of this sudden calamity, the same vision, presenting itself to him in the midst of his sorrow of heart, seemedto ask him, whether he had been sufficiently requited for his contemptof the deity; that a still heavier penalty threatened him, unless hewent immediately and delivered the message to the consuls. The matterwas now still more urgent. While, however, he still delayed and keptputting it off, he was attacked by a severe stroke of disease, asudden paralysis. Then indeed the anger of the gods frightened him. Wearied out therefore by his past sufferings and by those thatthreatened him, he convened a meeting of his friends and relatives, and, after he had detailed to them all he had seen and heard, and thefact of Jupiter having so often presented himself to him in his sleep, and the threats and anger of Heaven speedily fulfilled in his owncalamities, he was, with the unhesitating assent of all who werepresent, conveyed in a litter into the forum to the presence of theconsuls. From the forum, by order of the consuls, he was carried intothe senate-house, and, after he had recounted the same story to thesenators, to the great surprise of all, behold another miracle: he whohad been carried into the senate-house deprived of the use of all hislimbs, is reported to have returned home on his own feet, after he haddischarged his duty. 

The senate decreed that the games should be celebrated on asmagnificent a scale as possible. To those games a great number ofVolscians came at the suggestion of Attius Tullius. Before the gameshad commenced, Tullius, as had been arranged privately with Marcius, approached the consuls, and said that there were certain mattersconcerning the common-wealth about which he wished to treat with themin private. When all witnesses had been ordered to retire, he said:"I am reluctant to say anything of my countrymen that may seemdisparaging. I do not, however, come to accuse them of any crimeactually committed by them, but to see to it that they do not commitone. The minds of our people are far more fickle than I could wish. We have learned that by many disasters; seeing that we are stillpreserved, not through our own merits, but thanks to your forbearance. There is now here a great multitude of Volscians; the games are goingon: the city will be intent on the exhibition. I remember what wasdone in this city on a similar occasion by the youth of the Sabines. My mind shudders at the thought that anything should be doneinconsiderately and rashly. I have deemed it right that these mattersshould be mentioned beforehand to you, consuls, both for your sakesand ours. With regard to myself, it is my determination to departhence home immediately, that I may not be tainted with the suspicionof any word or deed if I remain. " Having said this, he departed. Whenthe consuls had laid the matter before the senate, a matter that wasdoubtful, though vouched for by a thoroughly reliable authority, theauthority, more than the matter itself, as usually happens, urged themto adopt even needless precautions; and a decree of the senate havingbeen passed that the Volscians should quit the city, criers were sentin different directions to order them all to depart before night. They were at first smitten with great panic, as they ran in differentdirections to their lodgings to carry away their effects. Afterward, when setting out, indignation arose in their breasts, to think thatthey, as if polluted with crime and contaminated, had been driven awayfrom the games on festival days, a meeting, so to speak, both of godsand men. 

As they went along in an almost unbroken line, Tullius, who hadpreceded them to the fountain of Ferentina, [46]received the chiefmen, as each arrived, and, complaining and giving vent to expressionsof indignation, led both those, who eagerly listened to language thatfavoured their resentment, and through them the rest of the multitude, into a plain adjoining the road. There, having begun an address afterthe manner of a public harangue, he said: "Though you were to forgetthe former wrongs inflicted upon you by the Roman people, thecalamities of the nation of the Volscians, and all other such matters, with what feelings, pray, do you regard this outrage offered youto-day, whereby they have opened the games by insulting us? Did younot feel that a triumph has been gained over you this day? That you, when leaving, were the observed of all, citizens, foreigners, and somany neighbouring states? That your wives, your children were led inmockery before the eyes of men? What do you suppose were the feelingsof those who heard the voice of the crier? what of those who saw usdeparting? What of those who met this ignominious cavalcade? What, except that it is assuredly a matter of some offence against the gods:and that, because, if we were present at the show, we should profanethe games, and be guilty of an act that would need expiation, for thisreason we are driven away from the dwellings of these pious people, from their meeting and assembly? What then? Does it not occur to youthat we still live, because we have hastened our departure?--if indeedthis is a departure and not rather a flight. And do you not considerthis to be the city of enemies, in which, if you had delayed a singleday, you must all have died? War has been declared against you, to thegreat injury of those who declared it, if you be men. " Thus, beingboth on their own account filled with resentment, and further incitedby this harangue, they severally departed to their homes, and bystirring up each his own state, succeeded in bringing about the revoltof the entire Volscian nation. 

The generals selected to take command in that war by theunanimouschoice of all the states were Attius Tullius and Gnaeus Marcius, anexile from Rome, in the latter of whom far greater hopes were reposed. These hopes he by no means disappointed, so that it was clearly seenthat the Roman commonwealth was powerful by reason of its generalsrather than its military force. Having marched to Circeii, he firstexpelled from thence the Roman colonists, and handed over that city ina state of freedom to the Volscians. From thence passing across thecountry through by-roads into the Latin way, he deprived the Romansof the following recently acquired towns, Satricum, Longula, Polusca, Corioli. He next himself master of Lavinium, and then took insuccession Corbio, Vitellia, Trebia, Labici, and Pedum. [47]

Lastly he marched from Pedum toward Rome, and having pitched his campat the Cluilian trenches five miles from the city, he openly ravagedthe Roman territory, guards being sent among the devastators topreserve the lands of the patricians uninjured, whether it was that hewas chiefly incensed against the plebeians, or whether his object wasthat dissension might arise between the senators and the people. Andit certainly would have arisen--so powerfully did the tribunes, byinveighing against the leading men of the state, incite the plebeians, already exasperated in themselves--had not apprehension of dangerfrom abroad, the strongest bond of union, united their minds, thoughdistrustful and mutually hostile. The only matter in which they werenot agreed was this: that, while the senate and consuls rested theirhopes on nothing else but arms, the plebeians preferred anything towar. Spurius Nautius and Sextus Furius were now consuls. While theywere reviewing the legions, posting guards along the walls and otherplaces where they had determined that there should be outposts andwatches, a vast multitude of persons demanding peace terrified themfirst by their seditious clamouring, and then compelled them toconvene the senate, to consider the question of sending ambassadors toGnaeus Marcius. The senate approved the proposal, when it was evidentthat the spirits of the plebeians were giving way, ambassadors, sentto Marcius to treat concerning peace, brought back the haughty answer:If their lands were restored to the Volscians, the question of peacemight then be considered; if they were minded to enjoy the plunder ofwar at their ease, he, remembering both the injurious treatment of hiscountrymen, as well as the kindness of strangers, would do his utmostto make it appear that his spirit was irritated by exile, not crushed. The same envoys, being sent a second time, were not admitted into thecamp. It is recorded that the priests also, arrayed in the vestmentsof their office, went as suppliants to the enemy's camp, but that theydid not influence his mind any more than the ambassadors. 

Then the matrons assembled in a body around Veturia, the mother ofCoriolanus, and his wife, Volumnia: whether that was the result ofpublic counsel, or of women's fear, I can not clearly ascertain. Anyhow, they succeeded in inducing Veturia, a woman advanced in years, and Volumnia with her two sons by Marcius, to go into the camp of theenemy, and in prevailing upon women to defend the city by entreatiesand tears, since men were unable to defend it by arms. When theyreached the camp, and it was announced to Coriolanus that a greatcrowd of women was approaching, he, as one who had been affectedneither by the public majesty of the state, as represented by itsambassadors, nor by the sanctity of religion so strikingly spreadbefore his eyes and understanding in the person of its priests, wasat first much more obdurate against women's tears. Then one of hisacquaintances, who had recognised Veturia, distinguished beyondall the rest by her sorrowful mien, standing in the midst with herdaughter-in-law and grandchildren, said, "Unless my eyes deceiveme, your mother, and wife and children, are at hand. " Coriolanus, bewildered, almost like one who had lost his reason, rushed from hisseat, and offered to embrace his mother as she met him; but she, turning from entreaties to wrath, said: "Before I permit your embrace, let me know whether I have come to an enemy or to a son, whether I amin your camp a captive or a mother? Has length of life and a haplessold age reserved me for this--to behold you first an exile, then anenemy? Have you had the heart to lay waste this land, which gaveyou birth and nurtured you? Though you had come in an incensed andvengeful spirit, did not your resentment abate when you entered itsborders? When Rome came within view, did not the thought enter yourmind--within those walls are my house and household gods, my mother, wife, and children? So then, had I not been a mother, Rome would notnow be besieged: had I not a son, I might have died free in a freecountry. But I can now suffer nothing that will not bring moredisgrace on you than misery on me; nor, most wretched as I am, shallI be so for long. Look to these, whom, if you persist, either anuntimely death or lengthened slavery awaits. " Then his wife andchildren embraced him: and the lamentation proceeding from the entirecrowd of women and their bemoaning their own lot and their country's, at length overcame the man. Then, having embraced his family, he sentthem away; he himself withdrew his camp from the city. After he haddrawn off his troops from Roman territory, they say that he diedoverwhelmed by the hatred excited against him on account of this act;different writers give different accounts of his death: I find inFabius, [48] far the most ancient authority, that he lived to anadvanced age: at any rate, this writer states, that in his old age heoften made use of the expression, "that exile was far more miserableto the aged. " The men of Rome were not grudging in the award of theirdue praise to the women, so truly did they live without disparagingthe merit of others: a temple was built, and dedicated to femaleFortune, to serve also as a record of the event. 

The Volscians afterward returned, having been joined by the Aequans, into Roman territory: the latter, however, would no longer have AttiusTullius as their leader; hence from a dispute, whether the Volsciansor the Aequans should give the general to the allied army, a quarrel, and afterward a furious battle, broke out. Therein the good fortune ofthe Roman people destroyed the two armies of the enemy, by a contestno less ruinous than obstinate. Titus Sicinius and Gaius Aquilius weremade consuls. The Volscians fell to Sicinius as his province; theHernicans--for they, too, were in arms--to Aquilius. That year theHernicans were completely defeated; they met and parted with theVolscians without any advantage being gained on either side. 

Spurius Cassius and Proculus Verginius were next made consuls; atreaty was concluded with the Hernicans; two thirds of their land weretaken from them: of this the consul Cassius proposed to distributeone half among the Latins, the other half among the commons. To thisdonation he desired to add a considerable portion of land, which, though public property, [49] he alleged was possessed by privateindividuals. This proceeding alarmed several of the senators, theactual possessors, at the danger that threatened their property; thesenators moreover felt anxiety on public grounds, fearing that theconsul by his donation was establishing an influence dangerous toliberty. Then, for the first time, an agrarian law was proposed, whichfrom that time down to the memory of our own days has never beendiscussed without the greatest civil disturbances. The other consulopposed the donation, supported by the senators, nor, indeed, were allthe commons opposed to him: they had at first begun to feel disgustthat this gift had been extended from the citizens to the allies, andthus rendered common: in the next place they frequently heard theconsul Verginius in the assemblies as it were prophesying, that thegift of his colleague was pestilential: that those lands were sure tobring slavery to those who received them: that the way was being pavedto a throne. Else why were it that the allies were thus included, andthe Latin nation? What was the object of a third of the land that hadbeen taken being restored to the Hernicans, so lately their enemies, except that those nations might have Cassius for their leader insteadof Coriolanus? The dissuader and opposer of the agrarian law now beganto be popular. Both consuls then vied with each other in humouring thecommons. Verginius said that he would suffer the lands to be assigned, provided they were assigned to no one but a Roman citizen. Cassius, because in the agrarian donation he sought popularity among theallies, and was therefore lowered in the estimation of his countrymen, commanded, in order that by another gift he might win the affectionsof the citizens, that the money received for the Sicilian corn shouldbe refunded to the people. That, however, the people spurned asnothing else than a ready money bribe for regal authority: souncompromisingly were his gifts rejected, as if there was abundance ofeverything, in consequence of their inveterate suspicion that he wasaiming at sovereign power. As soon as he went out of office, it iscertain that he was condemned and put to death. There are somewho represent that his father was the person who carried out thepunishment: that he, having tried the case at home, scourged him andput him to death, and consecrated his son's private property to Ceres;that out of this a statue was set up and inscribed, "Presented out ofthe property of the Cassian family. " In some authors I find it stated, which is more probable, that a day was assigned him to stand histrial for high treason, by the quaestors, [50] Caeso Fabius and LuciusValerius, and that he was condemned by the decision of the people;that his house was demolished by a public decree: this is the spotwhere there is now an open space before the Temple of Tellus. [51]However, whether the trial was held in private or public, he wascondemned in the consulship of Servius Cornelius and Quintus Fabius. 

The resentment of the people against Cassius was not lasting. Thecharm of the agrarian law, now that its proposer was removed, ofitself entered their minds: and their desire of it was further kindledby the meanness of the senators, who, after the Volscians and Æquanshad been completely defeated in that year, defrauded the soldiers oftheir share of the booty; whatever was taken from the enemy, was soldby the consul Fabius, and the proceeds lodged in the public treasury. All who bore the name of Fabius became odious to the commons onaccount of the last consul: the patricians, however, succeeded ingetting Cæso Fabius elected consul with Lucius Æmilius. The commons, still further aggravated at this, provoked war abroad by excitingdisturbance at home;[52] in consequence of the war civil dissensionswere then discontinued. Patricians and commons uniting, under thecommand of Æmilius, overcame the Volscians and Æquans, who renewedhostilities, in a successful engagement. The retreat, however, destroyed more of the enemy than the battle; so perseveringly did thecavalry pursue them when routed. During the same year, on the ides ofJuly, [53]the Temple of Castor was dedicated: it had been vowed duringthe Latin war in the dictatorship of Postumius: his son, who waselected duumvir for that special purpose, dedicated it. 

In that year, also, the minds of the people were excited by theallurements of the agrarian law. The tribunes of the peopleendeavoured to enhance their authority, in itself agreeable to thepeople, by promoting a popular law. The patricians, considering thatthere was enough and more than enough frenzy in the multitude withoutany additional incitement, viewed with horror largesses and allinducements to ill-considered action: the patricians found in theconsuls most energetic abettors in resistance. That portion of thecommonwealth therefore prevailed; and not for the moment only, but forthe coming year also they succeeded in securing the election of MarcusFabius, Cæso's brother, as consul, and one still more detested by thecommons for his persecution of Cassius--namely, Lucius Valerius. In that year also was a contest with the tribunes. The law came tonothing, and the supporters of the law proved to be mere boasters, bytheir frequent promises of a gift that was never granted. The Fabianname was thenceforward held in high repute, after three successiveconsulates, and all as it were uniformly tested in contending with thetribunes; accordingly, the honour remained for a considerable timein that family, as being right well placed. A war with Veii was thenbegun: the Volscians also renewed hostilities; but, while theirstrength was almost more than sufficient for foreign wars, theyonly abused it by contending among themselves. In addition to thedistracted state of the public mind prodigies from heaven increasedthe general alarm, exhibiting almost daily threats in the city and inthe country, and the soothsayers, being consulted by the state and byprivate individuals, declared, at one time by means of entrails, atanother by birds, that there was no other cause for the deity havingbeen roused to anger, save that the ceremonies of religion were notduly performed. These terrors, however, terminated in this, thatOppia, a vestal virgin, being found guilty of a breach of chastity, suffered punishment. [54] Quintus Fabius and Gaius Julius were nextelected consuls. During this year the dissension at home was notabated, while the war abroad was more desperate. The Æquans took uparms: the Veientines also invaded and plundered the Roman territory:as the anxiety about these wars increased, Cæso Fabius and SpuriusFurius were appointed consuls. The Æquans were laying siege to Ortona, a Latin city. The Veientines, now sated with plunder, threatened tobesiege Rome itself. These terrors, which ought to have assuaged thefeelings of the commons, increased them still further: and the peopleresumed the practice of declining military service, not of their ownaccord, as before, but Spurius Licinius, a tribune of the people, thinking that the time had come for forcing the agrarian law onthe patricians by extreme necessity, had undertaken the task ofobstructing the military preparations. However, all the odium againstthe tribunician power was directed against the author of thisproceeding: and even his own colleagues rose up against him asvigorously as the consuls; and by their assistance the consuls heldthe levy. An army was raised for the two wars simultaneously; one wasintrusted to Fabius to be led against the Veientines, the other toFurius to operate against the Æquans. In regard to the latter, indeed, nothing took place worthy of mention. Fabius had considerably moretrouble with his countrymen than with the enemy: that one man alone, as consul, sustained the commonwealth, which the army was doing itsbest to betray, as far as in it lay, from hatred of the consul. Forwhen the consul, in addition to his other military talents, of whichhe had exhibited abundant instances in his preparations for and in hisconduct of war, had so drawn up his line that he routed the enemy'sarmy solely by a charge of his cavalry, the infantry refused to pursuethem when routed; nor, although the exhortation of their general, whomthey hated, had no effect upon them, could even their own infamy, andthe immediate public disgrace and subsequent danger likely to arise, if the enemy recovered their courage, induce them to quicken theirpace, or even, if nothing else, to stand in order of battle. Withoutorders they faced about, and with a sorrowful air (one would havethought them defeated) they returned to camp, execrating at one timetheir general, at another the vigour displayed by the cavalry. Nordid the general know where to look for any remedies for so harmful aprecedent: so true is it that the most distinguished talents will bemore likely found deficient in the art of managing a countryman, thanin that of conquering an enemy. The consul returned to Rome, nothaving so much increased his military glory as irritated andexasperated the hatred of his soldiers toward him. The patricians, however, succeeded in keeping the consulship in the Fabian family. They elected Marcus Fabius consul; Gnaeus Manlius was assigned as acolleague to Fabius. 

This year also found a tribune to support an agrarian law. This wasTiberius Pontificius, who, pursuing the same tactics, as if it hadsucceeded in the case of Spurius Licinius, obstructed the levy for alittle time. The patricians being once more perplexed, Appius Claudiusdeclared that the tribunician power had been put down the yearbefore, for the moment by the fact, for the future by the precedentestablished, since it was found that it could be rendered ineffectiveby its own strength; for that there never would be wanting a tribunewho would both be willing to obtain a victory for himself over hiscolleague, and the good-will of the better party to on advancement ofthe public weal: that more tribunes than one, if there were need ofmore than one, would be ready to assist the consuls: and that in factone would be sufficient even against all. [55] Only let the consuls andleading members of the senate take care to win over, if not all, atleast some of the tribunes, to the side of the commonwealth and thesenate. The senators, instructed by the counsels of Appius, bothcollectively addressed the tribunes with kindness and courtesy, andthe men of consular rank, according as each possessed private personalinfluence over them individually, and, partly by conciliation, partlyby authority, prevailed so far as to make them consent that the powersof the tribunician office should be beneficial to the state; and bythe aid of four tribunes against one obstructor of the public good, the consuls carried out the levy. They then set out to the war againstVeii, to which auxiliaries had assembled from all parts of Etruria, not so much influenced by feelings of regard for the Veientines, as because they had formed a hope that the power of Rome could bedestroyed by internal discord. And in the general councils of all thestates of Etruria the leading men murmured that the power of Romewould last forever, unless they were distracted by disturbances amongthemselves: that this was the only poison, this the bane discoveredfor powerful states, to render mighty empires mortal: that this evil, a long time checked, partly by the wise measures of the patricians, partly by the forbearance of the commons, had now proceeded toextremities: that two states were now formed out of one: that eachparty had its own magistrates, its own laws: that, although at firstthey were accustomed to be turbulent during the levies, still thesesame individuals had notwithstanding ever been obedient to theircommanders during war: that as long as military discipline wasretained, no matter what might be the state of the city, the evilmight have been withstood: but that now the custom of not obeyingtheir officers followed the Roman soldier even to the camp: that inthe last war, even in a regular engagement and in the very heat ofbattle, by consent of the army the victory had been voluntarilysurrendered to the vanquished Aequans: that the standards had beendeserted, the general abandoned on the field, and that the army hadreturned to camp without orders: without doubt, if they persevered, Rome might be conquered by means of her own soldiery: nothing else wasnecessary save a declaration and show of war: the fates and thegods would of themselves manage the rest. These hopes had armed theEtruscans, who by many changes of fortune had been vanquished andvictors in turn. 

The Roman consuls also dreaded nothing else but their own strength andtheir own arms. The recollection of the most mischievous precedent setin the last war was a terrible warning to them not to let mattersgo so far that they would have two armies to fear at the same time. Accordingly, they kept within their camp, avoiding battle, owing tothe two-fold danger that threatened them, thinking that length of timeand circumstances themselves would perchance soften down resentment, and bring them to a healthy frame of mind. The Veientine enemy and theEtruscans proceeded with proportionately greater precipitation;they provoked them to battle, at first by riding up to the camp andchallenging them; at length when they produced no effect, by revilingthe consuls and the army alike, they declared that the pretence ofinternal dissension was assumed as a cloak for cowardice: and that theconsuls rather distrusted the courage than disbelieved the sincerityof their soldiers: that inaction and idleness among men in arms were anovel form of sedition. Besides this they uttered insinuations, partlytrue and partly false, as to the upstart nature of their race andorigin. While they loudly proclaimed this close to the very rampartand gates, the consuls bore it without impatience: but at one timeindignation, at another shame, agitated the breasts of the ignorantmultitude, and diverted their attention from intestine evils; theywere unwilling that the enemy should remain unpunished; they did notwish success either to the patricians or the consuls; foreign anddomestic hatred struggled for the mastery in their minds: at lengththe former prevailed, so haughty and insolent were the jeers of theenemy; they crowded in a body to the general's tent; they desiredbattle, they demanded that the signal should be given. The consulsconferred together as if to deliberate; they continued the conferencefor a long time: they were desirous of fighting, but that desire theyconsidered should be checked and concealed, that by opposition anddelay they might increase the ardour of the soldiery now that it wasonce roused. The answer was returned that the matter in question waspremature, that it was not yet time for fighting: let them keep withintheir camp. They then issued a proclamation that they should abstainfrom fighting: if any one fought without orders, they would punishhim as an enemy. When they were thus dismissed, their eagerness forfighting increased in proportion as they believed the consuls wereless disposed for it; the enemy, moreover, who now showed themselveswith greater boldness, as soon as it was known that the consuls haddetermined not to fight, further kindled their ardour. For theysupposed that they could insult them with impunity; that the soldierswere not trusted with arms; that the affair would explode in a violentmutiny; that an end had come to the Roman Empire. Relying on thesehopes, they ran up to the gates, heaped abuse on the Romans, and withdifficulty refrained from assaulting the camp. Then indeed the Romanscould no longer endure their insults: they ran from every quarter ofthe camp to the consuls: they no longer, as formerly, put forth theirdemands with reserve, through the mediation of the centurions of thefirst rank, but all proceeded indiscriminately with loud clamours. Theaffair was now ripe; yet still they hesitated. Then Fabius, as hiscolleague was now inclined to give way in consequence of his dread ofmutiny in face of the increasing uproar, having commanded silenceby sound of trumpet, said: "I know that those soldiers are able toconquer, Gneius Manlius: by their own conduct they themselves haveprevented me from knowing that they are willing. Accordingly, I haveresolved and determined not to give the signal, unless they swear thatthey will return from this battle victorious. The soldier has oncedeceived the Roman consul in the field, the gods he will neverdeceive. " There was a centurion, Marcus Flavoleius, one of theforemost in demanding battle: said he, "Marcus Fabius, I will returnvictorious from the field. " He invoked upon himself, should he deceivethem, the wrath of Father Jove, Mars Gradivus, and the other gods. After him in succession the whole army severally took the same oath. After they had been sworn, the signal was given: they took up arms andmarched into battle, full of rage and of hope. They bade the Etruscansnow utter their reproaches: now severally demanded that the enemy, soready of tongue, should face them, now that they were armed. On thatday, both commons and patricians alike showed distinguished bravery:the Fabian family shone forth most conspicuous: they were determinedto recover in that battle the affections of the commons, estranged bymany civil contests. 

The army was drawn up in order of battle; nor did the Veientine foeand the Etruscan legions decline the contest. They entertained analmost certain hope that the Romans would no more fight with them thanthey had with the Aequans; that even some more serious attempt was notto be despaired of, considering the sorely irritated state of theirfeelings, and the critical condition of affairs. The result turned outaltogether different: for never before in any other war did the Romansoldiers enter the field with greater fury, so exasperated were theyby the taunts of the enemy on the one hand, and the dilatoriness ofthe consuls on the other. Before the Etruscans had time to form theirranks, their javelins having been rather thrown away at random, inthe first confusion, than aimed at the enemy, the battle had becomea hand-to-hand encounter, even with swords, in which the fury ofwar rages most fiercely. Among the foremost the Fabian family wasdistinguished for the sight it afforded and the example it presentedto its fellow-citizens; one of these, Quintus Fabius, who had beenconsul two years before, as he advanced at the head of his men againsta dense body of Veientines, and incautiously engaged amid numerousparties of the enemy, received a sword-thrust through the breast atthe hands of a Tuscan emboldened by his bodily strength and skill inarms: on the weapon being extracted, Fabius fell forward on thewound. Both armies felt the fall of this one man, and the Romans inconsequence were beginning to give way, when the consul Marcus Fabiusleaped over the body of his prostrate kinsman, and, holding hisbuckler in front, cried out: "Is this what you swore, soldiers, thatyou would return to the camp in flight? Are you so afraid of yourmost cowardly foes, rather than of Jupiter and Mars, by whom you havesworn? Well, then, I, who have taken no oath, will either returnvictorious, or will fall fighting here beside thee, Quintus Fabius. "Then Caeso Fabius, the consul of the preceding year, addressed theconsul: "Brother, is it by these words you think you will prevail onthem to fight? The gods, by whom they have sworn, will bring it about. Let us also, as becomes men of noble birth, as is worthy of the Fabianname, kindle the courage of the soldiers by fighting rather than byexhortation. " Thus the two Fabii rushed forward to the front withspears presented, and carried the whole line with them. 

The battle being thus restored in one quarter, Gnaeus Manlius, theconsul, with no less ardour, encouraged the fight on the other wing, where the course of the fortune of war was almost identical. For, asthe soldiers eagerly followed Quintus Fabius on the one wing, so didthey follow the consul Manlius on this, as he was driving the enemybefore him now nearly routed. When, having received a severe wound, heretired from the battle, they fell back, supposing that he was slain, and would have abandoned the position had not the other consul, galloping at full speed to that quarter with some troops of horse, supported their drooping fortune, crying out that his colleague wasstill alive, that he himself was now at hand victorious, having routedthe other wing. Manlius also showed himself in sight of all to restorethe battle. The well-known faces of the two consuls kindled thecourage of the soldiers: at the same time, too, the enemy's line wasnow thinner, since, relying on their superior numbers, they had drawnoff their reserves and despatched them to storm the camp This wasassaulted without much resistance: and, while they wasted time, bethinking themselves of plunder rather than fighting, the Romantriarii, [56] who had not been able to sustain the first shock, havingsent a report to the consuls of the position of affairs, returned in acompact body to the prætorium, [57] and of their own accord renewedthe battle. The consul Manlius also having returned to the camp, andposted soldiers at all the gates, had blocked up every passage againstthe enemy. This desperate situation aroused the fury rather than thebravery of the Etruscans; for when, rushing on wherever hope heldout the prospect of escape, they had advanced with several fruitlessefforts, a body of young men attacked the consul himself, who wasconspicuous by his arms. The first missiles were intercepted by thosewho stood around him; afterward their violence could not be withstood. The consul fell, smitten with a mortal wound, and all around him wereput to flight. The courage of the Etruscans increased. Terror drovethe Romans in dismay through the entire camp; and matters would havecome to extremities had not the lieutenants, [58] hastily seizing thebody of the consul opened a passage for the enemy at one gate. [59]Through this they rushed out; and going away in the utmost disorder, they fell in with the other consul, who had been victorious; therea second time they were cut down and routed in every direction. Aglorious victory was won, saddened, however, by two such illustriousdeaths. The consul, therefore, on the senate voting him a triumph, replied, that if the army could triumph without its general, he wouldreadily accede to it in consideration of its distinguished service inthat war: that for his own part, as his family was plunged in griefin consequence of the death of his brother Quintus Fabius, and thecommonwealth in some degree bereaved by the loss of one of herconsuls, he would not accept the laurel disfigured by public andprivate grief. The triumph thus declined was more illustrious thanany triumph actually enjoyed; so true it is, that glory refused ata fitting moment sometimes returns with accumulated lustre. He nextcelebrated the two funerals of his colleague and brother, one afterthe other, himself delivering the funeral oration over both, wherein, by yielding up to them the praise that was his own due, he himselfobtained the greatest share of it; and, not unmindful of that whichhe had determined upon at the beginning of his consulate, namely, theregaining the affection of the people, he distributed the woundedsoldiers among the patricians to be attended to. Most of them weregiven to the Fabii: nor were they treated with greater attentionanywhere else. From this time the Fabii began to be popular, and thatnot by aught save such conduct as was beneficial to the state. 

Accordingly, Caeso Fabius, having been elected consul with TitusVerginius not more with the good-will of the senators than of thecommons, gave no attention either to wars, or levies, or anything elsein preference, until, the hope of concord being now in some measureassured, the feelings of the commons should be united with thoseof the senators at the earliest opportunity. Accordingly, at thebeginning of the year he proposed that before any tribune should standforth as a supporter of the agrarian law, the patricians themselvesshould be beforehand in bestowing the gift unasked and making it theirown: that they should distribute among the commons the land taken fromthe enemy in as equal a proportion as possible; that it was but justthat those should enjoy it by whose blood and labour it had been won. The patricians rejected the proposal with scorn: some even complainedthat the once vigorous spirit of Caeso was running riot, and decayingthrough a surfeit of glory. There were afterward no party struggles inthe city. The Latins, however, were harassed by the incursions ofthe Aequans. Caeso being sent thither with an army, crossed into theterritory of the Aequans themselves to lay it waste. The Aequansretired into the towns, and kept themselves within the walls: on thataccount no battle worth mentioning was fought. 

However, a reverse was sustained at the hands of the Veientine foeowing to the rashness of the other consul; and the army would havebeen all cut off, had not Caeso Fabius come to their assistancein time. From that time there was neither peace nor war with theVeientines: their mode of operation had now come very near to the formof brigandage. They retired before the Roman troops into the city;when they perceived that the troops were drawn off, they madeincursions into the country, alternately mocking war with peace andpeace with war. Thus the matter could neither be dropped altogether, nor brought to a conclusion. Besides, other wars were threateningeither at the moment, as from the Aequans and Volscians, who remainedinactive no longer than was necessary, to allow the recent smart oftheir late disaster to pass away, or at no distant date, as it wasevident that the Sabines, ever hostile, and all Etruria would soonbegin to stir up war: but the Veientines, a constant rather than aformidable enemy, kept their minds in a state of perpetual uneasinessby petty annoyances more frequently than by any real danger to beapprehended from them, because they could at no time be neglected, anddid not suffer the Romans to turn their attention elsewhere. Then theFabian family approached the senate: the consul spoke in the name ofthe family: "Conscript fathers, the Veientine war requires, as youknow, an unremitting rather than a strong defence. Do you attend toother wars: assign the Fabii as enemies to the Veientines. We pledgeourselves that the majesty of the Roman name shall be safe inthat quarter. That war, as if it were a family matter, it is ourdetermination to conduct at our own private expense. In regard to itlet the republic be spared the expense of soldiers and money. "The warmest thanks were returned to them. The consul, leaving thesenate-house, accompanied by the Fabii in a body, who had beenstanding in the porch of the senate-house, awaiting the decree of thesenate, returned home. They were ordered to attend on the followingday in arms at the consul's gate: they then retired to their homes. 

The report spread through the entire city; they extolled the Fabiito the skies: that a single family had undertaken the burden of thestate; that the Veientine war had now become a private concern, aprivate quarrel. If there were two families of the same strength inthe city, let them demand, the one the Volscians for itself, the otherthe Aequans; that all the neighbouring states could be subdued, while the Roman people all the time enjoyed profound peace. The dayfollowing, the Fabii took up arms; they assembled where they had beenordered. The consul, coming forth in his military robe, beheld thewhole family in the porch drawn up in order of march; being receivedinto the centre, he ordered the standards to be advanced. Never didan army march through the city, either smaller in number, or moredistinguished in renown and more admired by all. Three hundred and sixsoldiers, all patricians, all of one family, not one of whom an honestsenate would reject as a leader under any circumstances whatever, proceeded on their march, threatening the Veientine state withdestruction by the might of a single family. A crowd followed, one part belonging to themselves, consisting of their kinsmen andcomrades, who contemplated no half measures, either as to their hopeor anxiety, but everything on a grand scale:[60] the other aroused bysolicitude for the public weal, unable to express their esteem andadmiration. They bade them proceed in their brave resolve, proceedwith happy omens, and render the issue proportionate to theundertaking: thence to expect consulships and triumphs, all rewards, all honours from them. As they passed the Capitol and the citadel, andthe other sacred edifices, they offered up prayers to all the godsthat presented themselves to their sight, or to their mind, that theywould send forward that band with prosperity and success, and soonsend them back safe into their country to their parents. In vain werethese prayers uttered. Having set out on their luckless road by theright-hand arch of the Carmental gate, [61] they arrived at the riverCremera:[62] this appeared a favourable situation for fortifying anoutpost. 

Lucius Aemilius and Gaius Servilius were then created consuls. And aslong as there was nothing else to occupy them but mutual devastations, the Fabii were not only able to protect their garrison, but throughthe entire tract, where the Tuscan territory adjoins the Roman, theyprotected all their own districts and ravaged those of the enemy, spreading their forces along both frontiers. There was afterward acessation, though not for long, of these depredations: while both theVeientines, having sent for an army from Etruria, [63] assaulted theoutpost at the Cremera, and the Roman troops, brought up by the consulLucius Aemilius, came to a close engagement in the field with theEtruscans; the Veientines, however, had scarcely time to draw up theirline: for, during the first alarm, while they were entering the linesbehind their colours, and they were stationing their reserves, abrigade of Roman cavalry, charging them suddenly in flank, deprivedthem of all opportunity not only of opening the fight, but even ofstanding their ground. Thus being driven back to the Red Rocks [64]. (where they had pitched their camp), as suppliants they sued forpeace; and, after it was granted, owing to the natural inconsistencyof their minds, they regretted it even before the Roman garrison waswithdrawn from the Cremera. 

Again the Veientine state had to contend with the Fabii without anyadditional military armament: and not merely did they make raids intoeach other's territories, or sudden attacks upon those carrying onthe raids, but they fought repeatedly on level ground, and in pitchedbattles: and one family of the Roman people oftentimes gained thevictory over an entire Etruscan state, and a most powerful one forthose times. This at first appeared mortifying and humiliating to theVeientines: then they conceived the design, suggested by the state ofaffairs, of surprising their daring enemy by an ambuscade; they wereeven glad that the confidence of the Fabii was increasing owing totheir great success. Wherefore cattle were frequently driven in thepath of the plundering parties, as if they had fallen in their wayby accident, and tracts of land left abandoned by the flight ofthe peasants: and reserve bodies of armed men, sent to prevent thedevastations, retreated more frequently in pretended than in realalarm. By this time the Fabii had conceived such contempt for theenemy that they believed that their arms, as yet invincible, could notbe resisted either in any place or on any occasion: this presumptioncarried them so far that at the sight of some cattle at a distancefrom Cremera, with an extensive plain lying between, they ran down tothem, in spite of the fact that some scattered bodies of the enemywere visible: and when, anticipating nothing, and in disorderly haste, they had passed the ambuscade placed on either side of the roaditself, and, dispersed in different directions, had begun to carry offthe cattle that were straying about, as is usual when frightened, theenemy started suddenly in a body from their ambuscade, and surroundedthem both in front and on every side. At first the noise of theirshouts, spreading, terrified them; then weapons assailed them fromevery side: and, as the Etruscans closed in, they also were compelled, hemmed in as they were by an unbroken body of armed men, to formthemselves into a square of narrower compass the more the enemypressed on: this circumstance rendered both their own scarcity ofnumbers noticeable and the superior numbers of the Etruscans, whoseranks were crowded in a narrow space. Then, having abandoned theplan of fighting, which they had directed with equal effort in everyquarter, they all turned their forces toward one point; strainingevery effort in that direction, both with their arms and bodies, andforming themselves into a wedge, they forced a passage. The way led toa gradually ascending hill: here they first halted: presently, as soonas the higher ground afforded them time to gain breath, and to recoverfrom so great a panic, they repulsed the foe as they ascended: and thesmall band, assisted by the advantages of the ground, was gaining thevictory, had not a party of the Veientines, sent round the ridge ofthe hill, made their way to the summit: thus the enemy again gotpossession of the higher ground; all the Fabii were cut down to a man, and the fort was taken by assault: it is generally agreed that threehundred and six were slain; that one only, who had nearly attainedthe age of puberty, survived, who was to be the stock for the Fabianfamily, and was destined to prove the greatest support of the Romanpeople in dangerous emergencies on many occasions both at home and inwar. [65]

At the time when this disaster was sustained, Gaius Horatius and TitusMenenius were consuls. Menenius was immediately sent againstthe Tuscans, now elated with victory. On that occasion also anunsuccessful battle was fought, and the enemy took possession of theJaniculum: and the city would have been besieged, since scarcity ofprovisions distressed them in addition to the war--for the Etruscanshad passed the Tiber--had not the consul Horatius been recalled fromthe Volscians; and so closely did that war approach the very walls, that the first battle was fought near the Temple of Hope[66] withdoubtful success, and a second at the Colline gate. There, althoughthe Romans gained the upper hand by only a trifling advantage, yetthat contest rendered the soldiers more serviceable for future battlesby the restoration of their former courage. 

Aulus Verginius and Spurius Servilius were next chosen consuls. Afterthe defeat sustained in the last battle, the Veientines declined anengagement. [67] Ravages were committed, and they made repeated attacksin every direction upon the Roman territory from the Janiculum, as iffrom a fortress: nowhere were cattle or husbandmen safe. They wereafterward entrapped by the same stratagem as that by which theyhad entrapped the Fabii: having pursued cattle which had beenintentionally driven on in all directions to decoy them, they fellinto an ambuscade; in proportion as they were more numerous, [68] theslaughter was greater. The violent resentment resulting from thisdisaster was the cause and beginning of one still greater: for havingcrossed the Tiber by night, they attempted to assault the camp of theconsul Servilius; being repulsed from thence with great slaughter, they with difficulty made good their retreat to the Janiculum. Theconsul himself also immediately crossed the Tiber, and fortifiedhis camp at the foot of the Janiculum: at daybreak on the followingmorning, being both somewhat elated by the success of the battle ofthe day before, more, however, because the scarcity of corn forced himto adopt measures, however dangerous, provided only they were moreexpeditious, he rashly marched his army up the steep of the Janiculumto the camp of the enemy, and, being repulsed from thence with moredisgrace than when he had repulsed them on the preceding day, hewas saved, both himself and his army, by the intervention of hiscolleague. The Etruscans, hemmed in between the two armies, andpresenting their rear to the one and the other by turns, werecompletely destroyed. Thus the Veientine war was crushed by asuccessful piece of audacity. [69]

Together with peace, provisions came in to the city in greaterabundance, both by reason of corn having been brought in fromCampania, and, as soon as the fear of want, which every one felt waslikely to befall himself, left them, by the corn being brought out, which had been stored. Then their minds once more became wanton fromplenty and ease, and they sought at home their former subjects ofcomplaint, now that there was none abroad; the tribunes began toexcite the commons by their poisonous charm, the agrarian law: theyroused them against the senators who opposed it, and not only againstthem as a body, but against particular individuals. Quintus Considiusand Titus Genucius, the proposers of the agrarian law, appointed a dayof trial for Titus Menenius: the loss of the fort of Cremera, whilethe consul had his standing camp at no great distance from thence, was the cause of his unpopularity. This crushed him, though both thesenators had exerted themselves in his behalf with no less earnestnessthan in behalf of Coriolanus, and the popularity of his father Agrippawas not yet forgotten. The tribunes, however, acted leniently inthe matter of the fine: though they had arraigned him for a capitaloffence, they imposed on him, when found guilty, a fine of only twothousand asses. This proved fatal to him. They say that he could notbrook disgrace and anguish of mind: and that, in consequence, he wascarried off by disease. Another senator, Spurius Servilius was soonafter arraigned, as soon as he went out of office a day of trialhaving been appointed for him by the tribunes, Lucius Caedicius andTitus Statius, immediately at the beginning of the year, in theconsulship of Gaius Nautius and Publius Valerius: he did not, however, like Menenius, meet the attacks of the tribunes with supplications onthe part of himself and the patricians, but with firm reliance on hisown integrity and his personal popularity. The battle with the Tuscansat the Janiculum was also the charge brought against him: but beinga man of impetuous spirit, as he had formerly done in time of publicperil, so now in the danger which threatened himself, he dispelledit by boldly meeting it, by confuting not only the tribunes but thecommons also, in a haughty speech, and upbraiding them with thecondemnation and death of Titus Menenius, by the good offices of whosefather the commons had formerly been re-established, and now had thosemagistrates and enjoyed those laws, by virtue of which they then actedso insolently: his colleague Verginius also, who was brought forwardas a witness, aided him by assigning to him a share of his own glory:however--so had they changed their mind--the condemnation of Meneniuswas of greater service to him. 

The contests at home were now concluded. A war against the Veientines, with whom the Sabines had united their forces, broke out afresh. Theconsul Publius Valerius, after auxiliaries had been sent for fromthe Latins and Hernicans, being despatched to Veii with an army, immediately attacked the Sabine camp, which had been pitched beforethe walls of their allies, and occasioned such great consternationthat, while scattered in different directions, they sallied forth insmall parties to repel the assault of the enemy, the gate which hefirst atacked was taken: then within the rampart a massacre ratherthan a battle took place. From within the camp the alarm spread alsointo the city; the Veientines ran to arms in as great a panic as ifVeii had been taken: some came up to the support of the Sabines, others fell upon the Romans, who had directed all their force againstthe camp. For a little while they were disconcerted and thrown intoconfusion; then they in like manner formed two fronts and made astand: and the cavalry, being commanded by the consul to charge, routed the Tuscans and put them to flight; and in the self-samehour two armies and two of the most influential and powerful of theneighbouring states were vanquished. While these events were takingplace at Veii, the Volscians and Æquans had pitched their camp inLatin territory, and laid waste their frontiers. The Latins, beingjoined by the Hernicans, without either a Roman general or Romanauxiliaries, by their own efforts, stripped them of their camp. Besides recovering their own effects, they obtained immense booty. Theconsul Gaius Nautius, however, was sent against the Volscians fromRome. The custom, I suppose, was not approved of, that the alliesshould carry on wars with their own forces and according to their ownplans without a Roman general and troops. There was no kind of injuryand petty annoyance that was not practised against the Volscians; theycould not, however, be prevailed on to come to an engagement in thefield. 

Lucius Furius and Gaius Manlius were the next consuls. The Veientinesfell to Manlius as his province. No war, however, followed: a trucefor forty years was granted them at their request, but they wereordered to provide corn and pay for the soldiers. Disturbance at homeimmediately followed in close succession on peace abroad: the commonswere goaded by the spur employed by the tribunes in the shape of theagrarian law. The consuls, no whit intimidated by the condemnation ofMenenius, nor by the danger of Servilius, resisted with their utmostmight; Gnæus Genucius, a tribune of the people, dragged the consulsbefore the court on their going out of office. Lucius Æmilius andOpiter Verginius entered upon the consulate. Instead of Verginius Ifind Vopiscus Julius given as consul in some annals. In this year(whoever were the consuls) Furius and Manlius, being summoned to trialbefore the people, in sordid garb solicited the aid of the youngerpatricians as much as that of the commons: they advised, theycautioned them to keep themselves from public offices and theadministration of public affairs, and indeed to consider the consularfasces, the toga prætexta and curule chair, as nothing else but afuneral parade: that when decked with these splendid insignia, as withfillets, [70] they were doomed to death. But if the charms of theconsulate were so great they should even now rest satisfied that theconsulate was held in captivity and crushed by the tribunician power;that everything had to be done by the consul, at the beck and commandof the tribune, as if he were a tribune's beadle. If he stirred, if heregarded the patricians at all, if he thought that there existed anyother party in the state but the commons, let him set before hiseyes the banishment of Gnæeus Marcius, the condemnation and death ofMenenius. Fired by these words, the patricians from that time heldtheir consultations not in public, but in private houses, and remotefrom the knowledge of the majority, at which, when this one point onlywas agreed on, that the accused must be rescued either by fair meansor foul, the most desperate proposals were most approved; nor did anydeed, however daring, lack a supporter. [71] Accordingly, on the day oftrial, when the people stood in the forum on tiptoe of expectation, they at first began to feel surprised that the tribune did not comedown; then, the delay now becoming more suspicious, they believed thathe was hindered by the nobles, and complained that the public causewas abandoned and betrayed. At length those who had been waitingbefore the entrance of the tribune's residence announced that hehad been found dead in his house. As soon as rumour spread the newsthrough the whole assembly, just as an army disperses on the fallof its general, so did they scatter in different directions. Panicchiefly seized the tribunes, now taught by their colleague's death howutterly ineffectual was the aid the devoting laws afforded them. [72]Nor did the patricians display their exultation with due moderation;and so far was any of them from feeling compunction at the guilty act, that even those who were innocent wished to be considered to haveperpetrated it, and it was openly declared that the tribunician powerought to be subdued by chastisement. 

Immediately after this victory, that involved a most ruinousprecedent, a levy was proclaimed; and, the tribunes being nowoverawed, the consuls accomplished their object without anyopposition. Then indeed the commons became enraged more at theinactivity of the tribunes than at the authority of the consuls: theydeclared there was an end of their liberty: that things had returnedto their old condition: that the tribunician power had died along withGenucius and was buried with him; that other means must be devised andadopted, by which the patricians might be resisted: and that the onlymeans to that end was for the people to defend themselves, since theyhad no other help: that four-and-twenty lictors waited on the consuls, and they men of the common people: that nothing could be moredespicable, or weaker, if only there were persons to despise them;that each person magnified those things and made them objects ofterror to himself. When they had excited one another by these words, a lictor was despatched by the consuls to Volero Publilius, a manbelonging to the commons, because he declared that, having been acenturion, he ought not to be made a common soldier. Volero appealedto the tribunes. When no one came to his assistance, the consulsordered the man to be stripped and the rods to be got ready. "I appealto the people, " said Volero, "since the tribunes prefer to see a Romancitizen scourged before their eyes, than themselves to be butcheredby you each in his bed. " The more vehemently he cried out, the moreviolently did the lictor tear off his clothes and strip him. ThenVolero, being both himself a man of great bodily strength, and aidedby his partisans, having thrust back the lictor, retired into thethickest part of the crowd, where the outcry of those who expressedtheir indignation was loudest, crying out: "I appeal, and implore theprotection of the commons; assist me, fellow-citizens: assist me, fellow-soldiers: it is no use to wait for the tribunes, who themselvesstand in need of your aid. " The men, excited, made ready as if forbattle: and it was clear that a general crisis was at hand, that noone would have respect for anything, either public or private right. When the consuls had faced this violent storm, they soon found outthat authority unsupported by strength had but little security; thelictors being maltreated, and the fasces broken, they were driven fromthe forum into the senate-house, uncertain how far Volero would followup his victory. After that, the disturbance subsiding, having orderedthe members to be summoned to the senate, they complained of theinsults offered to themselves, of the violence of the people, ofthe daring conduct of Volero. After many violent measures had beenproposed, the older members prevailed, who did not approve of therash behaviour of the commons being met by the resentment of thepatricians. 

The commons having warmly espoused the cause of Volero, at the nextmeeting, secured his election as tribune of the people for thatyear, in which Lucius Pinarius and Publics Furius were consuls: and, contrary to the opinion of all, who thought that he would make freeuse of his tribuneship to harass the consuls of the preceding year, postponing private resentment to the public interest, without theconsuls being attacked even by a single word, he brought a bill beforethe people that plebeian magistrates should be elected at the comitiatributa. [73] A measure of no small importance was now proposed, underan aspect at first sight by no means alarming; but one of such anature that it really deprived the patricians of all power of electingwhatever tribunes they pleased by the suffrage of their clients. Thepatricians resisted to the utmost this proposal, which met with thegreatest approval of the commons: and though none of the college[74]could be induced by the influence either of the consuls or of thechief members of the senate to enter a protest against it, which wasthe only means of effectual resistance, yet the matter, a weighty onefrom its own importance, was spun out by party struggles for awhole year. The commons re-elected Volero as tribune. The senators, considering that the matter would end in a desperate struggle, electedas Consul Appius Claudius, the son of Appius, who was both hated byand had hated the commons, ever since the contests between them andhis father. Titus Quinctius was assigned to him as his colleague. Immediately, at the beginning of the year, [75]no other question tookprecedence of that regarding the law. But like Volero, the originatorof it, so his colleague, Lætorius, was both a more recent, as well asa more energetic, supporter of it. His great renown in war made himoverbearing, because, in the age in which he lived, no one was moreprompt in action. He, while Volero confined himself to the discussionof the law, avoiding all abuse of the consuls, broke out intoaccusations against Appius and his family, as having ever been mostoverbearing and cruel toward the Roman commons, contending that he hadbeen elected by the senators, not as consul, but as executioner, toharass and torture the people: his tongue, unskilled in speech, as wasnatural in a soldier, was unable to give adequate expression to thefreedom of his sentiments. When, therefore, language failed him, hesaid: "Romans, since I do not speak with as much readiness as I makegood what I have spoken, attend here to-morrow. I will either diebefore your eyes, or will carry the law. " On the following day thetribunes took possession of the platform: the consuls and the noblestook their places together in the assembly to obstruct the law. Lætorius ordered all persons to be removed, except those going tovote. The young nobles kept their places, paying no regard to theofficer; then Lætorius ordered some of them to be seized. The consulAppius insisted that the tribune had no jurisdiction over any oneexcept a plebeian; for that he was not a magistrate of the people ingeneral, but only of the commons; and that even he himself could not, according to the usage of their ancestors, by virtue of his authorityremove any person, because the words were as follows: "If ye thinkproper, depart, Quirites. " He was easily able to disconcert Lætoriusby discussing his right thus contemptuously. The tribune, therefore, burning with rage, sent his officer to the consul; the consul sent hislictor to the tribune, exclaiming that he was a private individual, without military office and without civil authority: and the tribunewould have been roughly handled, had not both the entire assemblyrisen up with great warmth in behalf of the tribune against theconsul, and a crowd of people belonging to the excited multitude, rushed from all parts of the city into the forum. Appius, however, withstood this great storm with obstinacy, and the contest would haveended in a battle, not without bloodshed, had not Quinctius, the otherconsul, having intrusted the men of consular rank with the task ofremoving his colleague from the forum by force, if they could notdo so in any other way, himself now assuaged the raging people byentreaties, now implored the tribunes to dismiss the assembly. Letthem, said he, give their passion time to cool: delay would not inany respect deprive them of their power, but would add prudence tostrength; and the senators would be under the control of the people, and the consul under that of the senators. 

The people were with difficulty pacified by Quinctius; the otherconsul with much more difficulty by the patricians. The assembly ofthe people having been at length dismissed, the consuls convened thesenate; in which, though fear and resentment by turns had produced adiversity of opinions, the more their minds were called off, by lapseof time, from passion to reflection, the more adverse did they becometo contentiousness, so that they returned thanks to Quinctius, becauseit was owing to his exertions that the disturbance had been quieted. Appius was requested to give his consent that the consular dignityshould be merely so great as it could be in a state if it was to beunited: it was declared that, as long as the tribunes and consulsclaimed all power, each for his own side, no strength was leftbetween: that the commonwealth was distracted and torn asunder: thatthe object aimed at was rather to whom it should belong, than thatit should be safe. Appius, on the contrary, called gods and men towitness that the commonwealth was being betrayed and abandoned throughcowardice; that it was not the consul who had failed to support thesenate, but the senate the consul: that more oppressive conditionswere now being submitted to than had been submitted to on the SacredMount. Overcome, however, by the unanimous feeling of the senators, hedesisted: the law was carried without opposition. 

Then for the first time the tribunes were elected in the comitatributa. Piso is the authority for the statement that three were addedto the number, as if there had been only two before. He also givesthe names of the tribunes, Gnæus Siccius, Lucius Numitorius, MarcusDuellius, Spurius Icilius, Lucius Mecilius. During the disturbanceat Rome, a war broke out with the Volscians and Æquans, who had laidwaste the country, so that, if any secession of the people took place, they might find a refuge with them. Afterward, when matters weresettled, they moved back their camp. Appius Claudius was sent againstthe Volscians; the Æquans fell to Quinctius as his province. Appiusexhibited the same severity in war as at home, only more unrestrained, because it was free from the control of the tribunes. He hated thecommons with a hatred greater than that inherited from his father: hehad been defeated by them: when he had been chosen consul as the onlyman able to oppose the influence of the tribunes, a law had beenpassed, which former consuls had obstructed with less effect, amidhopes of the senators by no means so great as those now placed in him. His resentment and indignation at this stirred his imperious temper toharass the army by the severity of his command; it could not, however, be subdued by any exercise of authority, with such a spirit ofopposition were the soldiers filled. They carried out all ordersslowly, indolently, carelessly, and stubbornly: neither shame norfear restrained them. If he wished the march to be accelerated, theydesignedly went more slowly: if he came up to them to encourage themin their work, they all relaxed the energy which they had beforeexerted of their own accord: they cast down their eyes in hispresence, they silently cursed him as he passed by; so that thatspirit, unconquered by plebeian hatred, was sometimes moved. Everykind of severity having been tried without effect, he no longer heldany intercourse with the soldiers; he said the army was corrupted bythe centurions; he sometimes gibingly called them tribunes of thepeople and Voleros. 

None of these circumstances were unknown to the Volscians, and theypressed on with so much the more vigour, hoping that the Romansoldiers would entertain the same spirit of opposition against Appiusas they had formerly exhibited against the consul Fabius. However, they showed themselves still more embittered against Appius thanagainst Fabius. For they were not only unwilling to conquer, like thearmy of Fabius, but even wished to be conquered. When led forth intothe field, they made for their camp in ignominious flight, and didnot stand their ground until they saw the Volscians advancing againsttheir fortifications, and the dreadful havoc in the rear of theirarmy. Then they were compelled to put forth their strength for battle, in order that the now victorious enemy might be dislodged from theirlines; while, however, it was sufficiently clear that the Romansoldiers were only unwilling that the camp should be taken, in regardto all else they gloried in their own defeat and disgrace. When thehaughty spirit of Appius, in no wise broken by this behaviour of thesoldiers, purposed to act with still greater severity, and summoned ameeting, the lieutenants and tribunes flocked around him, recommendinghim by no means to decide to put his authority to the proof, theentire strength of which lay in unanimous obedience, saying that thesoldiers generally refused to come to the assembly, and that theirvoices were heard on all sides, demanding that the camp should beremoved from the Volscian territory: that the victorious enemy werebut a little time ago almost at the very gates and rampart, and thatnot merely a suspicion but the visible form of a grievous disasterpresented itself to their eyes. Yielding at last--since they gainednothing save a respite from punishment--having prorogued the assembly, and given orders that their march should be proclaimed for thefollowing day, at daybreak he gave the signal for departure by soundof trumpet. At the very moment when the army, having got clear of thecamp, was forming itself, the Volscians, as if they had been arousedby the same signal, fell upon those in the rear: from these the alarmspreading to the van, threw both the battalions and companies intosuch a state of consternation, that neither could the general'sorders be distinctly heard, nor the lines drawn up. No one thoughtof anything but flight. In such loose order did they make their waythrough heaps of dead bodies and arms, that the enemy ceased theirpursuit sooner than the Romans their flight. The soldiers having atlength rallied from their disordered flight, the consul, after he hadin vain followed his men, bidding them return, pitched his camp in apeaceful part of the country; and having convened an assembly, afterinveighing not without good reason against the army, as traitors tomilitary discipline, deserters of their posts, asking them, one by onewhere were their standards, where their arms, he first beat with rodsand then beheaded those soldiers who had thrown down their arms, the standard-bearers who had lost their standards, and also thecenturions, and those who received double allowance, [76] who haddeserted their ranks. With respect to the rest of the rank and file, every tenth man was drawn by lot for punishment. 

On the other hand, the consul and soldiers among the Æquans vied witheach other in courtesy and acts of kindness: Quinctius was naturallymilder in disposition, and the ill-fated severity of his colleague hadcaused him to give freer vent to his own good temper. This remarkableagreement between the general and his army the Æquans did not ventureto meet, but suffered the enemy to go through their country committingdevastations in every direction. Nor were depredations committed moreextensively in that quarter in any preceding war. The whole of thebooty was given to the soldiers. In addition, they received praise, inwhich the minds of soldiers find no less pleasure than in rewards. Thearmy returned more reconciled both to their general, and also, thanksto the general, to the patricians, declaring that a parent had beengiven to them, a tyrant to the other army by the senate. The yearwhich had passed with varied success in war, and violent dissensionsat home and abroad, was rendered memorable chiefly by the electionsof tribes, a matter which was more important from the victory in thecontest[77] that was undertaken than from any real advantage; for moredignity was withdrawn from the elections themselves by the fact thatthe patricians were excluded from the council, than influence eitheradded to the commons or taken from the patricians. [78]

A still more stormy year followed, when Lucius Valerius and TitusÆmilius were consuls, both by reason of the struggles between thedifferent orders concerning the agrarian law, as well as on accountof the trial of Appius Claudius, for whom Marcus Duilius and GnæusSiccius appointed a day of trial, as a most active opposer of the law, and one who supported the cause of the possessors of the public land, as if he were a third consul [79]. Never before was an accusedperson so hateful to the commons brought to trial before the people, overwhelmed with their resentment against himself and also against hisfather. The patricians too seldom made equal exertions so readily onone's behalf: they declared that the champion of the senate, and theupholder of their dignity, set up as a barrier against all the stormsof the tribunes and commons, was exposed to the resentment of thecommons, although he had only exceeded the bounds of moderation in thecontest. Appius Claudius himself was the only one of the patricianswho made light both of the tribunes and commons and his own trial. Neither the threats of the commons, nor the entreaties of the senate, could ever persuade him even to change his garb, or accost personsas a suppliant, or even to soften or moderate his usual harshness ofspeech in the least degree, when his cause was to be pleaded beforethe people. The expression of his countenance was the same; the samestubbornness in his looks, the same spirit of pride in his language:so that a great part of the commons felt no less awe of Appius when onhis trial than they had felt for him when consul. He pleaded his causeonly once, and in the same haughty style of an accuser which he hadbeen accustomed to adopt on all occasions: and he so astounded boththe tribunes and the commons by his intrepidity, that, of their ownaccord, they postponed the day of trial, and then allowed the matterto die out. No long interval elapsed: before, however, the appointedday came, he died of some disease; and when the tribunes of the peopleendeavoured to put a stop to his funeral panegyric, the commons wouldnot allow the burial day of so great a man to be defrauded of thecustomary honours: and they listened to his eulogy when dead aspatiently as they had listened to the charges brought against him whenliving, and attended his obsequies in vast numbers. 

In the same year the consul Valerius, having marched with an armyagainst the Aequans, and being unable to draw out the enemy to anengagement, proceeded to attack their camp. A dreadful storm comingdown from heaven accompanied by thunder and hail prevented him. Then, on a signal for a retreat being given, their surprise was excitedby the return of such fair weather, that they felt scruples aboutattacking a second time a camp which was defended as it were by somedivine power: all the violence of the war was directed to plunderingthe country. The other consul, Aemilius, conducted the war in Sabineterritory. There also, because the enemy confined themselves withintheir walls, the lands were laid waste. Then the Sabines, roused bythe burning not only of the farms, but of the villages also, whichwere thickly inhabited, after they had fallen in with the raidersretired from an engagement the issue of which was left undecided, andon the following day removed their camp into a safer situation. Thisseemed a sufficient reason to the consul why he should leave theenemy as conquered, and depart thence, although the war was as yetunfinished. 

During these wars, while dissensions still continued at home, TitusNumicius Priscus and Aulus Verginius were elected consuls. The commonsappeared determined no longer to brook the delay in accepting theagrarian law, and extreme violence was on the point of being resortedto, when it became known by the smoke from the burning farms andthe flight of the peasants that the Volscians were at hand; thiscircumstance checked the sedition that was now ripe and on the pointof breaking out. The consuls, under the immediate compulsion of thesenate, led forth the youth from the city to war, and thereby renderedthe rest of the commons more quiet. And the enemy indeed, havingmerely filled the Romans with fear that proved groundless, departedin great haste. Numicius marched to Antium against the Volscians, Verginius against the Aequans. There, after they had nearly met witha great disaster in an attack from an ambuscade, the bravery of thesoldiers restored their fortunes, which had been endangered throughthe carelessness of the consul. Affairs were conducted better in thecase of the Volscians. The enemy were routed in the first engagement, and driven in flight into the city of Antium, a very wealthy place, considering the times: the consul, not venturing to attack it, tookfrom the people of Antium another town, Caeno, [80] which was by nomeans so wealthy While the Aequans and Volscians engaged the attentionof the Roman armies, the Sabines advanced in their depredations evento the gates of the city: then they themselves, a few days later, sustained from the two armies heavier losses than they had inflicted, both the consuls having entered their territories under the influenceof exasperation. 

At the close of the year to some extent there was peace, but, asfrequently at other times, a peace disturbed by contests between thepatricians and commons. The exasperated commons refused to attend theconsular elections: Titus Quinctius and Quintus Servilius were electedconsuls through the influence of the patricians and their dependents:the consuls had a year similar to the preceding, disturbed at thebeginning, and afterward tranquil by reason of war abroad. The Sabinescrossing the plains of Crustumerium by forced marches, after carryingfire and sword along the banks of the Anio, being repulsed when theyhad nearly come up to the Colline gate and the walls, drove off, however, great booty of men and cattle: the consul Servilius, havingpursued them with an army bent on attacking them, was unable toovertake the main body itself in the level country: he, however, extended his devastations over such a wide area, that he left nothingunmolested by war, and returned after having obtained booty many timesgreater than that carried off by the enemy. The public cause was alsoextremely well supported among the Volscians by the exertions both ofthe general and the soldiers. First a pitched battle was fought, onlevel ground, with great slaughter and much bloodshed on both sides:and the Romans, because their small numbers caused their loss to bemore keenly felt, would have given way, had not the consul, by awell-timed fiction, reanimated the army, by crying out that the enemywas in flight on the other wing; having charged, they, by believingthemselves victorious, became so. The consul, fearing lest, bypressing on too far, he might renew the contest, gave the signal forretreat. A few days intervened, both sides resting as if by tacitsuspension of hostilities: during these days a vast number of personsfrom all the states of the Volscians and Equans came to the camp, feeling no doubt that the Romans would depart during the night, ifthey perceived them. Accordingly, about the third watch [81], theycame to attack the camp. Quinctius having allayed the confusion whichthe sudden panic had occasioned, and ordered the soldiers to remainquiet in their tents, led out a cohort of the Hernicans for an advanceguard: the trumpeters and horn blowers he mounted on horseback, andcommanded them to sound their trumpets before the rampart, and to keepthe enemy in suspense till daylight: during the rest of the nighteverything was so quiet in the camp, that the Romans had even theopportunity of sleeping. [82] The sight of the armed infantry, whomthey both considered to be more numerous than they were, and at thesame time Romans, the bustle and neighing of the horses, which becamerestless, both from the fact of strange riders being mounted on them, and moreover from the sound of the trumpets frightening them, kept theVolscians intently awaiting an attack of the enemy. 

When the day dawned, the Romans, invigorated and having enjoyed a fullsleep, on being marched out to battle, at the first onset caused theVolscians to give way, wearied as they were from standing and keepingwatch: though indeed the enemy rather retired than were routed, because in the rear there were hills to which the unbroken ranksbehind the first line had a safe retreat. The consul, when he came tothe uneven ground, halted his army; the infantry were kept backwith difficulty; they loudly demanded to be allowed to pursue thediscomfited foe. The cavalry were more violent: crowding round thegeneral, they cried out that they would proceed in front of the firstline. While the consul hesitated, relying on the valour of his men, yet having little confidence in the nature of the ground, they allcried out that they would proceed; and execution followed the shout. Fixing their spears in the ground, in order that they might be lighterto mount the heights, they advanced uphill at a run. The Volscians, having discharged their missile weapons at the first onset, hurleddown the stones that lay at their feet upon the Romans as theywere making their way up, and having thrown them into confusion byincessant blows, strove to drive them from the higher ground: thusthe left wing of the Romans was nearly overborne, had not the consuldispelled their fear by rousing them to a sense of shame as they wereon the point of retreating, chiding at the same time their temerityand their cowardice. At first they stood their ground with determinedfirmness; then, as they recovered their strength by still holdingtheir position, they ventured to advance of themselves, and, renewingtheir shouts, they encouraged the whole body to advance: then havingmade a fresh attack, they forced their way up and surmounted theunfavourable ground. They were now on the point of gaining the summitof the hill, when the enemy turned their backs, and pursued andpursuer at full speed rushed into the camp almost in one body. Duringthis panic the camp was taken; such of the Volscians as were able tomake good their escape, made for Antium. The Roman army also wasled thither; after having been invested for a few days, the townsurrendered, not in consequence of any new efforts on the part of thebesiegers, but because the spirits of the inhabitants had sunk eversince the unsuccessful battle and the loss of their camp. 

[Footnote 1: The functions of the old priest-king were divided, thepolitical being assigned to the consuls, the duty of sacrificingto the newly-created rex sacrificulus, who was chosen from thepatricians: he was, nevertheless, subject to the control of thePontifex Maximus, by whom he was chosen from several nominees of thecollege of priests. ]

[Footnote 2: This, of course applied only to patricians. Plebians wereaccounted nobodies. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 3: The insula Tiberina between Rome and the Janiculum. ]

[Footnote 4: Vindicta was properly the rod which was laid on the headof a slave by the magistrate who emancipated him, or by one of hisattendants: the word is supposed to be derived from vim dicere(to declare authority). ]

[Footnote 5: Near the Janiculum, between the Via Aurelia and the ViaClaudia. ]

[Footnote 6: A part of the Palatine. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 7: The goddess of victory [vi(n)co-pot(is)]. ]

[Footnote 8: Practically a sentence of combined excommunication andoutlawry. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 9: Now Chiusi. ]

[Footnote 10: They did not let these salt-works by auction, but tookthem under their own management, and carried them on by meansof persons employed to work on the public account. Thesesalt-works, first established at Ostia by Ancus, were, like otherpublic property, farmed out to the publicans. As they had a highrent to pay, the price of salt was raised in proportion; but now thepatricians, to curry favour with the plebeians, did not let the salt-pitsto private tenants, but kept them in the hands of public labourers, tocollect all the salt for the public use; and appointed salesmen toretail it to the people at a cheaper rate. ]

[Footnote 11: Just below the sole remaining pillar of the PonsAemilius. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 12: Macaulay, in his "Lays of Ancient Rome, " has madethis incident the basis of one of the most stirring poems in theEnglish language. Though familiar to all, it does not seem out ofplace to quote from his "Horatius" in connection with the story astold by Livy:

 "Alone stood brave Horatius, But constant still in mind; Thrice thirty thousand foes before And the broad flood behind. 'Down with him!' cried false Sextus, With smile on his pale face. 'Now yield thee, ' cried Lars Porsena, 'Now yield thee to our grace. '

 * * * * *

 'O Tiber! father Tiber! To whom the Romans pray, A Roman's life, a Roman's arms, Take thou in charge this day!' So he spake, and speaking, sheathed The good sword by his side, And with his harness on his back Plunged headlong in the tide. 

 No sound of joy or sorrow Was heard from either bank, But friends and foes, in dumb surprise, With parted lips and straining eyes, Stood gazing where he sank; And when above the surges They saw his crest appear, All Rome sent forth a rapturous cry, And even the ranks of Tuscany Could scarce forbear to cheer. 

 But fiercely ran the current, Swollen high by months of rain; And fast his blood was flowing, And he was sore in pain, And heavy with his armour, And spent with changing blows; And oft they thought him sinking, But still again he rose. 

 * * * * *

 'Curse on him!' quoth false Sextus, 'Will not the villain drown? But for this stay, ere close of day, We should have sacked the town!' 'Heaven help him!' quoth Lars Porsena 'And bring him safe to shore; For such a gallant feat of arms Was never seen before. '

 And now he feels the bottom; Now on dry earth he stands; Now round him throng the fathers To press his gory hands; And now with shouts and clapping, And noise of weeping loud, He enters through the River-gate Borne by the joyous crowd. 

 * * * * *

 When the goodman mends his armour, And trims his helmet's plume; When the good wife's shuttle merrily Goes flashing through the loom; With weeping and with laughter Still is the story told, How well Horatius kept the bridge In the brave days of old. " ]

[Footnote 13: Of the left hand. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 14: Probably where the Cliva Capitolina begins to ascend theslope of the Capitol. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 15: The most ancient of the Greek colonies in Italy. Itsruins are on the coast north of the Promontory of Miseno. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 16: Leading from the forum to the Velabrum. ]

[Footnote 17: It was situated in the Alban Hills about ten miles fromRome, on the site of the modern Frascati. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 18: Suessa-Pometia, mentioned in former note. Cora is nowCori. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 19: Their home was in Campania. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 20: Wooden roofs covered with earth or wet hides, and rolledforward on wheels for the protection of those engaged in battering ormining the walls. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 21: That is, the Romans'. ]

[Footnote 22: Perhaps because the twenty-four axes of both consulswent to the dictator. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 23: Now Palestrina]

[Footnote 24: See Macaulay's "Lays of Ancient Rome": The Battle ofLake Regillus. ]

[Footnote 25: The bound (by the law of debt), from nexo, to join orconnect. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 26: That is, for allowing themselves to suffer it and yetfight for their oppressors. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 27: For military service. ]

[Footnote:28 Known as Mercuriales. Mercury was the patron ofmerchants. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 29: That is, over the senate. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 30: About 40, 000 men. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 31: That is, like Vetusius, watching the Aequans, whouncrippled were lying in their mountain fastnesses in northern Latium, waiting a chance to renew their ravages. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 32: Modern Velletri. ]

[Footnote 33: a chair-shaped X . Its use was an insignia first ofroyalty, then of the higher magistracies. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 34: Supposed to be the hill beyond and to the right of thePonte Nomentano. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 35: Lucius Calpurnius Piso, the historian. ]

[Footnote 36: This fable is of very great antiquity. Max Müller saysit is found among the Hindus. ]

[Footnote 37: The law which declared the persons of the tribunesinviolate and him who transgressed it accursed. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 38: Modern Anzio, south of Ostia on the coast ofLatium. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 39: Between Ardea and Aricia. ]

[Footnote 40: The sixth part of the as, the Roman money unit, whichrepresented a pound's weight of copper. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 41: Its ruins lie on the road to Terracina, near Norma, andabout forty-five miles from Rome. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 42: The clientes formed a distinct class; they were thehereditary dependents of certain patrician families (their patroni) towhom they were under various obligations; they naturally sided withthe patricians. ]

[Footnote 43: Dionysius and Plutarch give an account of theprosecution much more favourable to the defendant. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 44: Celebrated annually in the Circus Maximus, September 4thto 12th, in honour of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, or, according tosome authorities, of Consus and Neptunus Equestus. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 45: A >-shaped yoke placed on the slave's neck, with hishands tied to the ends. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 46: In a grove at the foot of the Alban Hill. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 47: There seems to be something wrong here, as Satricum, etc. , were situated west of the Via Appia, while Livy places them onthe Via Latina. Niebuhr thinks that the words "passing across . .. Latin way, " should be transposed, and inserted after the words "hethen took in succession. " For the position of these towns, see Map. ]

[Footnote 48: Quintus Fabius Pictor, the historian. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 49: The ager publicus consisted of the landed estates whichhad belonged to the kings, and were increased by land taken fromenemies who had been conquered in war. The patricians, having thechief political power, gained exclusive occupation (possessio) of thisager publicus, for which they paid a nominal rent in the shape ofproduce and tithes. The nature of the charge brought by Cassius wasnot the fact of its being occupied by privati, but by patricians tothe exclusion of plebeians. ]

[Footnote 50: "Quaestors, " this is the first mention of these officersin Livy; in early times it appears to have been part of their dutyto prosecute those who were guilty of treason, and to carry out thepunishment. ]

[Footnote 51: On the west slope of the Esquiline. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 52: There seems to be something wrong in the text here, asthe subterfuge was distinctively a patrician one, and the commons hadnothing to gain and all to lose by it. If Livy means that the commonsprovoked war by giving cause for the patricians to seek refuge in it, he certainly puts it very vaguely. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 53: July 15th. ]

[Footnote 54: By being buried alive. The idea being that theceremonies could not be duly performed by an unchaste vestal. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 55: By his power of veto. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 56: These were veterans and formed the third line. The firstwere the "hastati, " so called from their carrying long spears, which were later discarded for heavy javelins. The second were the"principes, " the main line. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 57: The space assigned for the general's tent. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 58: The legati of a general were at once his council of warand his staff. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 59: There is much in the description of this battle not easyto understand, and I am inclined to believe it was at least no betterthan drawn. The plundered camp, the defeat of the triarii, andthe failure to mention pursuit or consequences, all favour thissupposition. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 60: It was to be victory or annihilation. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 61: so called from the altar of Carmenta, which stood nearit. It was located in or near what is now the Piazza Montanara, andwas always after considered a gate of evil omen. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 62: Now the Valchetta. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 63: Probably of mercenaries, as the Veientines are alludedto throughout the paragraph as commanding, and it was apparently not acase of alliance. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 64: On the Via Flaminia (near the grotta rossa). ]

[Footnote 65: This story has been much questioned by learnedcommentators. I see nothing improbable in it if we pare down theexploits a little, and the evidence, such as it is all pro. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 66: As this temple was about a mile from the city, it isprobable the Romans were defeated and that the second fight at thegate means simply that they repulsed an assault on the walls. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 67: That is, did not renew their assault on thewalls. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 68: Evidently only a small detatchment, since they werein condition to assault a fortified consular camp despite theirdefeat. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 69: The story of this war is much more doubtful than theexploit of the Fabii, and Livy, as usual, furnishes the material forhis own criticism. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 70: After the manner of animals about to besacrificed. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 71: This was probably the origin of the "clubs" of youngpatricians, to which so much of the later violance was due. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 72: The lex sacrata, which declared their personsinviolate. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 73: The assembly of the plebeians by tribes. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 74: Of tribunes. ]

[Footnote 75: The consular year. ]

[Footnote 76: One of the rewards of good conduct was doublerations. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 77: That is, the contest to obtain the reform. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 78: While the plebeians lost the dignity conferred on theassembly by the presence of distinguished patricians, they gainednothing, as, in the mere matter of votes, they already had a majority;and the patricians lost nothing, as the number of their votes wouldnot be sufficient to render them of much importance. ]

[Footnote 79: There were other specific charges, but Livy confineshimself to the spirit of the prosecution. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 80: The port of Antium, now Nettuno. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 81: Midnight. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 82: The rendering of the rest of this section is vague andunsatisfactory. --D. O. ]

BOOK III

THE DECEMVIRATE

After the capture of Antium, Titus Æmilius and Quintus Fabius becameconsuls. This was the Fabius who was the sole survivor of the familythat had been annihilated at the Cremera. Æmilius had already in hisformer consulship recommended the bestowal of land on the people. Accordingly, in his second consulship also, both the advocates of theagrarian law encouraged themselves to hope for the passing of themeasure, and the tribunes took it up, thinking that a result, thathad been frequently attempted in opposition to the consuls, might beobtained now that at any rate one consul supported it: the consulremained firm in his opinion. The possessors of state land [1]--andthese a considerable part of the patricians--transferred the odium ofthe entire affair from the tribunes to the consul, complaining that aman, who held the first office in the state, was busying himself withproposals more befitting the tribunes, and was gaining popularity bymaking presents out of other people's property. A violent contestwas at hand; had not Fabius compromised the matter by a suggestiondisagreeable to neither party. That under the conduct and auspices ofTitus Quinctius a considerable tract of land had been taken in thepreceding year from the Volscians: that a colony might be sent toAntium, a neighbouring and conveniently situated maritime city: inthis manner the commons would come in for lands without any complaintson the part of the present occupiers, and the state remain at peace. This proposition was accepted. He secured the appointment of TitusQuinctius, Aulus Verginius, and Publius Furius as triumvirs fordistributing the land: such as wished to receive land were ordered togive in their names. The attainment of their object created disgustimmediately, as usually happens, and so few gave in their names thatVolscian colonists were added to fill up the number: the rest of thepeople preferred to ask for land in Rome, rather than to receive itelsewhere. The Aequans sued for peace from Quintus Fabius (he hadgone thither with an army), and they themselves broke it by a suddenincursion into Latin territory. 

In the following year Quintus Servilius (for he was consul withSpurius Postumius), being sent against the Aequans, pitched his camppermanently in Latin territory: unavoidable inaction held the army incheck, since it was attacked by illness. The war was protracted to thethird year, when Quintus Fabius and Titus Quinctius were consuls. ToFabius, because he, as conqueror, had granted peace to the Aequansthat sphere of action was assigned in an unusual manner. [2]He, settingout with a sure hope that his name and renown would reduce the Aequansto submission, sent ambassadors to the council of the nation, andordered them to announce that Quintus Fabius, the consul, stated thathe had brought peace to Rome from the Aequans, that from Rome he nowbrought them war, with that same right hand, but now armed, which hehad formerly given to them in amity; that the gods were now witnesses, and would presently take vengeance on those by whose perfidy andperjury that had come to pass. That he, however, be matters as theymight, even now preferred that the Aequans should repent of their ownaccord rather than suffer the vengeance of an enemy. If they repented, they would have a safe retreat in the clemency they had alreadyexperienced; but if they still took pleasure in perjury, they wouldwage war with the gods enraged against them rather than their enemies. These words had so little effect on any of them that the ambassadorswere near being ill-treated, and an army was sent to Algidum[3]against the Romans. When news of this was brought to Rome, theindignity of the affair, rather than the danger, caused the otherconsul to be summoned from the city; thus two consular armies advancedagainst the enemy in order of battle, intending to come to anengagement at once. But as it happened that not much of the dayremained, one of the advance guard of the enemy cried out: "This ismaking a show of war, Romans, not waging it: you draw up your armyin line of battle, when night is at hand; we need a longer period ofdaylight for the contest which is to come. Tomorrow at sunrise returnto the field: you shall have an opportunity of fighting, never fear. "The soldiers, stung by these taunts, were marched back into camp tillthe following day, thinking that a long night was approaching, whichwould cause the contest to be delayed. Then indeed they refreshedtheir bodies with food and sleep: on the following day, when it waslight, the Roman army took up their position some considerable timebefore. At length the Aequans also advanced. The battle was hotlycontested on both sides, because the Romans fought under the influenceof resentment and hatred, while the Aequans were compelled by aconsciousness of danger incurred by misconduct, and despair of anyconfidence being reposed in them hereafter, to venture and to haverecourse to the most desperate efforts. The Aequans, however, didnot withstand the attack of the Roman troops, and when, having beendefeated, they had retired to their own territories, the savagemultitude, with feelings not at all more disposed to peace, began torebuke their leaders: that their fortunes had been intrusted to thehazard of a pitched battle, in which mode of fighting the Romans weresuperior. That the Aequans were better adapted for depredations andincursions, and that several parties, acting in different directions, conducted wars with greater success than the unwieldy mass of a singlearmy. 

Accordingly, having left a guard over the camp, they marched out andattacked the Roman frontiers with such fury that they carried terroreven to the city: the fact that this was unexpected also causedmore alarm, because it was least of all to be feared that an enemy, vanquished and almost besieged in their camp, should entertainthoughts of depredation: and the peasants, rushing through the gatesin a state of panic, cried out that it was not a mere raid, norsmall parties of plunderers, but, exaggerating everything in theirgroundless fear, whole armies and legions of the enemy that were closeat hand, and that they were hastening toward the city in hostilearray. Those who were nearest carried to others the reports heard fromthese, reports vague and on that account more groundless: and thehurry and clamour of those calling to arms bore no distant resemblanceto the panic that arises when a city has been taken by storm. It sohappened that the consul Quinctius had returned to Rome from Algidum:this brought some relief to their terror; and, the tumult beingcalmed, after chiding them for their dread of a vanquished enemy, heset a guard on the gates. Then a meeting of the senate was summoned, and a suspension of business proclaimed by their authority: hehimself, having set out to defend the frontiers, leaving behindQuintus Servilius as prefect of the city, found no enemy in thecountry. Affairs were conducted with distinguished success by theother consul; who, having attacked the enemy, where he knew that theywould arrive, laden with booty, and therefore marching with theirarmy the more encumbered, caused their depredation to prove theirdestruction. Few of the enemy escaped from the ambuscade; all thebooty was recovered. Thus the return of the consul Quinctius to thecity put an end to the suspension of business, which lasted four days. A census[4] was then held, and the lustrum [Footnote: The ceremony ofpurification took place every five years, hence "Justrum" came to beused for a period of five years. ] closed by Quinctius: the number ofcitizens rated is said to have been one hundred and four thousandseven hundred and fourteen, not counting orphans of both sexes. Nothing memorable occurred afterward among the Æquans; they retiredinto their towns, allowing their possessions to be consumed byfire and devastated. The consul, after he had repeatedly carrieddevastation with a hostile army through the whole of the enemy'scountry, returned to Rome with great glory and booty. 

The next consuls were Aulus Postumius Albus and Spurius Furius Fusus. Furii is by some writers written Fusii; this I mention, to prevent anyone thinking that the change, which is only in the names, is in thepersons themselves. There was no doubt that one of the consuls wasabout tobegin hostilities against the Æquans. The latter accordinglysought help from the Volscians of Ecetra; this was readily granted(so keenly did these states contend in inveterate hatred against theRomans), and preparations for war were made with the utmost vigour. The Hernicans came to hear of it, and warned the Romans that theEcetrans had revolted to the Æquans: the colony of Antium also wassuspected, because, after the town had been taken a great number ofthe inhabitants had fled thence for refuge to the Æquans: and thesesoldiers behaved with the very greatest bravery during the course ofthe war. After the Æquans had been driven into the towns, when thisrabble returned to Antium, it alienated from the Romans the colonistswho were already of their own accord disposed to treachery. The matternot yet being ripe, when it had been announced to the senate that arevolt was intended, the consuls were charged to inquire what wasgoing on, the leading men of the colony being summoned to Rome. Whenthey had attended without reluctance, they were conducted before thesenate by the consuls, and gave such answers to the questions thatwere put to them that they were dismissed more suspected than they hadcome. 

After this, war was regarded as inevitable. Spurius Furius, one ofthe consuls to whom that sphere of action had fallen, having marchedagainst the Aequans, found the enemy committing depredations in thecountry of the Hernicans; and being ignorant of their numbers, becausethey had nowhere been seen all together, he rashly hazarded anengagement with an army which was no match for their forces. Beingdriven from his position at the first onset, he retreated to his camp;nor was that the end of his danger; for both on the next night and thefollowing day, his camp was beset and assaulted with such vigour thatnot even a messenger could be despatched thence to Rome. The Hernicansbrought news both that an unsuccessful battle had been fought, andthat the consul and army were besieged; and inspired the senate withsuch terror, that the other consul Postumius was charged to see to itthat the commonwealth took no harm, [5] a form of decree which has everbeen deemed to be one of extreme urgency. It seemed most advisablethat the consul himself should remain at Rome to enlist all suchas were able to bear arms: that Titus Quinctius should be sent asproconsul[6] to the relief of the camp with the army of the allies: tocomplete this army the Latins and Hernicans, and the colony of Antiumwere ordered to supply Quinctius with troops hurriedly raised-such wasthe name (subitarii) that they gave to auxiliaries raised for suddenemergencies. 

During those days many manoeuvres and many attacks were carried outon both sides, because the enemy, having the advantage in numbers, attempted to harass the Roman forces by attacking them on many sides, as not likely to prove sufficient to meet all attacks. While the campwas being besieged, at the same time part of the army was sent todevastate Roman territory, and to make an attempt upon the cityitself, should fortune favour. Lucius Valerius was left to guard thecity: the consul Postumius was sent to prevent the plundering of thefrontiers. There was no abatement in any quarter either of vigilanceor activity; watches were stationed in the city, outposts before thegates, and guards along the walls: and a cessation of businesswas observed for several days, as was necessary amid such generalconfusion. In the meantime the consul Furius, after he had at firstpassively endured the siege in his camp, sallied forth through themain gate[7] against the enemy when off their guard; and though hemight have pursued them, he stopped through apprehension, that anattack might be made on the camp from the other side. The lieutenantFurius (he was also the consul's brother) was carried away too farin pursuit: nor did he, in his eagerness to follow them up, observeeitherhis own party returning, or the attack of the enemy on his rear:being thus shut out, having repeatedly made many unavailing efforts toforce his way to the camp, he fell, fighting bravely. In like mannerthe consul, turning about to renew the fight, on being informed thathis brother was surrounded, rushing into the thick of the fight rashlyrather than with sufficient caution, was wounded, and with difficultyrescued by those around him. This both damped the courage of his ownmen, and increased the boldness of the enemy; who, being encouragedby the death of the lieutenant, and by the consul's wound, could notafterward have been withstood by any force, as the Romans, having beendriven into their camp, were again being besieged, being a match forthem neither in hopes nor in strength, and the very existence of thestate would have been imperilled, had not Titus Quinctius come totheir relief with foreign troops, the Latin and Hernican army. Heattacked the Aequans on their rear while their attention was fixed onthe Roman camp, and while they were insultingly displaying the head ofthe lieutenant: and, a sally being made at the same time from the campat a signal given by himself from a distance, he surrounded a largeforce of the enemy. Of the Aequans in Roman territory the slaughterwas less, their flight more disorderly. As they straggled in differentdirections, driving their plunder before them, Postumius attackedthem in several places, where he had posted bodies of troops inadvantageous positions. They, while straying about and pursuing theirflight in great disorder, fell in with the victorious Quinctius as hewas returning with the wounded consul. Then the consular army by itsdistinguished bravery amply avenged the consul's wound, and the deathof the lieutenant and the slaughter of the cohorts; heavy losses wereboth inflicted and received on both sides during those days. In amatter of such antiquity it is difficult to state, so as to inspireconviction, the exact number of those who fought or fell: AntiasValerius, however, ventures to give an estimate of the numbers: thatin the Hernican territory there fell five thousand eight hundredRomans; that of the predatory parties of the Aequans, who strayedthrough the Roman frontiers for the purpose of plundering, twothousand four hundred were slain by the consul Aulus Postumius; thatthe rest of the body which fell in with Quinctius while driving itsbooty before them, by no means got off with a loss equally small: ofthese he asserts that four thousand, and by way of stating the numberexactly, two hundred and thirty were slain. After their return toRome, the cessation of business was abandoned. The sky seemed to beall ablaze with fire; and other prodigies either actually presentedthemselves before men's eyes, or exhibited imaginary appearances totheir affrighted minds. To avert these terrors, a solemn festival forthree days was proclaimed, during which all the shrines were filledwith a crowd of men and women, earnestly imploring the favour of thegods. After this the Latin and Hernican cohorts were sent back totheir respective homes, after they had been thanked by the senate fortheir spirited conduct in war. The thousand soldiers from Antium weredismissed almost with disgrace, because they had come after the battletoo late to render assistance. 

The elections were then held: Lucius Aebutius and Publius Serviliuswere elected consuls, and entered on their office on the calends ofAugust[8] according to the practice of beginning the year on thatdate. It was an unhealthy season, and it so happened that the year [9]was pestilential to the city and country, and not more to men than tocattle; and they themselves increased the severity of the disease byadmitting the cattle and the peasants into the city in consequence oftheir dread of devastation. This collection of animals of every kindmingled together both distressed the inhabitants of the city by theunusual stench, and also the peasants, crowded together into theirconfined dwellings, by heat and want of sleep while their attendanceon each other, and actual contact helped to spread disease. While theywere hardly able to endure the calamities that pressed upon them, ambassadors from the Hernicans suddenly brought word that the Aequansand Volscians had united their forces, and pitched their camp in theirterritory: that from thence they were devastating their frontiers withan immense army. In addition to the fact that the small attendance ofthe senate was a proof to the allies that the state was prostrated bythe pestilence, they further received this melancholy answer: That theHernicans, as well as the Latins, must now defend their possessions bytheir own unaided exertions. That the city of Rome, through the suddenanger of the gods, was ravaged by disease. If any relief from thatcalamity should arise, that they would afford aid to their allies, as they had done the year before, and always on other occasions. Theallies departed, carrying home, instead of the melancholy news theyhad brought, news still more melancholy, seeing that they were nowobliged to sustain by their own resources a war, which they would havewith difficulty sustained even if backed by the power of Rome. Theenemy no longer confined themselves to the Hernican territory. Theyproceeded thence with determined hostility into the Roman territories, which were already devastated without the injuries of war. There, without any one meeting them, not even an unarmed person, theypassed through entire tracts destitute not only of troops, buteven uncultivated, and reached the third milestone on the Gabinianroad. [10] Aebutius, the Roman consul, was dead: his colleague, Servilius, was dragging out his life with slender hope of recovery;most of the leading men, the chief part of the patricians, nearly allthose of military age, were stricken down with disease, so that theynot only had not sufficient strength for the expeditions, which amidsuch an alarm the state of affairs required, but scarcely even forquietly mounting guard. Those senators, whose age and health permittedthem, personally discharged the duty of sentinels. The patrol andgeneral supervision was assigned to the plebeian aediles: on themdevolved the chief conduct of affairs and the majesty of the consularauthority. 

The commonwealth thus desolate, since it was without a head, andwithout strength, was saved by the guardian gods and good fortune ofthe city, which inspired the Volscians and Æquans with the dispositionof freebooters rather than of enemies; for so far were their mindsfrom entertaining any hope not only of taking but even of approachingthe walls of Rome, and so thoroughly did the sight of the houses inthe distance, and the adjacent hills, divert their thoughts, that, ona murmur arising throughout the entire camp--why should they wastetime in indolence without booty in a wild and desert land, amid thepestilence engendered by cattle and human beings, when they couldrepair to places as yet unattacked--the Tusculan territory aboundingin wealth? They suddenly pulled up their standards, [11] and, bycross-country marches, passed through the Lavican territory to theTusculan hills: to that quarter the whole violence and storm of thewar was directed. In the meantime the Hernicans and Latins, influencednot only by compassion but by a feeling of shame, if they neitheropposed the common enemy who were making for the city of Rome witha hostile army, nor afforded any aid to their allies when besieged, marched to Rome with united forces. Not finding the enemy there, theyfollowed their tracks in the direction they were reported to havetaken, and met them as they were coming down from Tusculan territoryinto the Alban valley: there a battle was fought under circumstancesby no means equal; and their fidelity proved by no means favourable tothe allies for the time being. The havoc caused by pestilence at Romewas not less than that caused by the sword among the allies: the onlysurviving consul died, as well as other distinguished men, MarcusValerius, Titus Verginius Rutilus, augurs: Servius Sulpicius, chiefpriest of the curies:[12] while among undistinguished persons thevirulence of the disease spread extensively: and the senate, destituteof human aid, directed the people's attention to the gods and to vows:they were ordered to go and offer supplications with their wives andchildren, and to entreat the favour of Heaven. Besides the fact thattheir own sufferings obliged each to do so, when summoned by publicauthority, they filled all the shrines; the prostrate matrons in everyquarter sweeping the temples with their hair, begged for a remissionof the divine displeasure, and a termination to the pestilence. 

From this time, whether it was that the favour of the gods wasobtained, or that the more unhealthful season of the year was nowover, the bodily condition of the people, now rid of disease, gradually began to be more healthy, and their attention beingnow directed to public concerns, after the expiration of severalinterregna, Publius Valerius Publicola, on the third day after he hadentered on his office of interrex, [13] procured the election of LuciusLucretius Tricipitinus, and Titus Veturius (or Vetusius) Geminus, tothe consulship. They entered on their consulship on the third daybefore the ides of August, [14] the state being now strong enoughnot only to repel a a hostile attack, but even to act itself on theoffensive. Therefore when the Hernicans announced that the enemy hadcrossed over into their boundaries, assistance was readily promised:two consular armies were enrolled. Veturius was sent against theVolscians to carry on an offensive war. Tricipitinus, being posted toprotect the territory of the allies from devastation, proceeded nofurther than into the countryof the Hernicans. Veturius routed and putthe enemy to flight in the first engagement. A party of plunderers, led over the Praenestine Mountains, and from thence sent down into theplains, was unobserved by Lucretius, while he lay encamped among theHernicans. These laid waste all the countryaround Praeneste and Gabii:from the Gabinian territory they turned their course toward theheights of Tusculum; great alarm was excited in the city of Rome also, more from the suddenness of the affair than because there was notsufficient strength to repel the attack. Quintus Fabius was in commandof the city; he, having armed the young men and posted guards, madethings secure and tranquil. The enemy, therefore, not venturing toapproach the city, when they were returning by a circuitous route, carrying off plunder from the adjacent places, their caution being nowmore relaxed, in proportion as they removed to a greater distance fromthe enemy's city, fell in with the consul Lucretius, who had alreadyreconnoitred his lines of march, and whose army was drawn up in battlearray and resolved upon an engagement. Accordingly, having attackedthem with predetermined resolution, though with considerably inferiorforces, they routed and put to flight their numerous army, whilesmitten with sudden panic, and having driven them into the deepvalleys, where means of egress were not easy, they surrounded them. There the power of the Volscians was almost entirely annihilated. Insome annals, I find that thirteen thousand four hundred and seventyfell in battle and in flight that one thousand seven hundred and fiftywere taken alive, that twenty-seven military standards were captured:and although in accounts there may have been some exaggeration inregard to numbers, undoubtedly great slaughter took place. Thevictorious consul, having obtained immense booty, returned to hisformer standing camp. Then the consuls joined camps. The Volscians andÆquans also united their shattered strength. This was the third battlein that year; the same good fortune gave them victory; the enemy wasrouted, and their camp taken. 

Thus the affairs of Rome returned to their former condition; andsuccesses abroad immediately excited commotions in the city. GaiusTerentilius Harsa was tribune of the people in that year: he, considering that an opportunity was afforded for tribunician intriguesduring the absence of the consuls began, after railing against thearrogance of the patricians for several days before the people, toinveigh chiefly against the consular authority, as being excessiveand intolerable for a free state: for that in name only was it lesshateful, in reality it was almost more cruel than the authority of thekings: that forsooth in place of one, two masters had been accepted, with unbounded and unlimited power, who, themselves unrestrained andunbridled, directed all the terrors of the law, and all kinds ofpunishments against the commons. Now, in order that their unboundedlicense might not last forever, he would bring forward a law that fivepersons be appointed to draw up laws regarding the consular power, bywhich the consul should use that right which the people should havegiven him over them, not considering their own caprice and licenseas law. Notice having been given of this law, as the patricians wereafraid, lest, in the absence of the consuls, they should be subjectedto the yoke; the senate was convened by Quintus Fabius, prefect of thecity, who inveighed so vehemently against the bill and its proposerthat no kind of threats or intimidation was omitted by him, which boththe consuls could supply, even though they surrounded the tribune inall their exasperation: That he had lain in wait, and, having seized afavourable opportunity, had made an attack on the commonwealth. Ifthe gods in their anger had given them any tribune like him in thepreceding year, during the pestilence and war, it could not havebeen endured: that, when both the consuls were dead, and the stateprostrate and enfeebled, in the midst of the general confusion hewould have proposed laws to abolish the consular government altogetherfrom the state; that he would have headed the Volscians and Æquans inan attack on the city. What, if the consuls behaved in a tyrannical orcruel manner against any of the citizens, was it not open to him toappoint a day of trial for them, to arraign them before those veryjudges against any one of whom severity might have been exercised?That he by his conduct was rendering, not the consular authority, butthe tribunician power hateful and insupportable; which, after havingbeen in a state of peace, and on good terms with the patricians, wasnow being brought back anew to its former mischievous practices; nordid he beg of him not to proceed as he had begun. "Of you, the othertribunes, " said Fabius, "we beg that you will first of all considerthat that power was appointed for the aid of individuals, not for theruin of the community; that you were created tribunes of the commons, not enemies of the patricians. To us it is distressing, to youa source of odium, that the republic, now bereft of its chiefmagistrates, should be attacked; you will diminish not your rights, but the odium against you. Confer with your colleague that he maypostpone this business till the arrival of the consuls, to be thendiscussed afresh; even the Æquans and the Volscians, when our consulswere carried off by pestilence last year, did not harass us with acruel and tyrannical war. " The tribunes conferred with Terentilius, and the bill being to all appearance deferred, but in realityabandoned, the consuls were immediately sent for. 

Lucretius returned with immense spoil, and much greater glory; andthis glory he increased on his arrival, by exposing all the booty inthe Campus Martius, so that each person might, for the space of threedays, recognise what belonged to him and carry it away; the remainder, for which no owners were forthcoming, was sold. A triumph was byuniversal consent due to the consul; but the matter was deferred, asthe tribune again urged his law; this to the consul seemed of greaterimportance. The business was discussed for several days, both in thesenate and before the people: at last the tribune yielded to themajesty of the consul, and desisted; then their due honour was paid tothe general and his army. He triumphed over the Volscians and Æquans;his troops followed him in his triumph. The other consul was allowedto enter the city in ovation[15]unaccompanied by his soldiers. 

In the following year the Terentilian law, being brought forwardagain by the entire college, engaged the serious attention of the newconsuls, who were Publius Volumnius and Servius Sulpicius. In thatyear the sky seemed to be on fire, and a violent earthquake tookplace: it was believed that an ox spoke, a phenomenon which had notbeen credited in the previous year: among other prodigies there was ashower of flesh, which a large flock of birds is said to have carriedoff by pecking at the falling pieces: that which fell to the groundis said to have lain scattered about just as it was for several days, without becoming tainted. The books were consulted[16] by the duumvirifor sacred rites: dangers of attacks to be made on the highestparts of the city, and of consequent bloodshed, were predicted asthreatening from an assemblage of strangers; among other things, admonition was given that all intestine disturbances should beabandoned. [17] The tribunes alleged that that was done to obstruct thelaw, and a desperate contest was at hand. 

On a sudden, however, that the same order of events might be renewedeach year, the Hernicans announced that the Volscians and the Æquans, in spite of their strength being much impaired, were recruiting theirarmies: that the centre of events was situated at Antium; that thecolonists of Antium openly held councils at Ecetra: that there was thehead--there was the strength--of the war. As soon as this announcementwas made in the senate, a levy was proclaimed: the consuls werecommanded to divide the management of the war between them; that theVolscians should be the sphere of action of the one, the Æquans of theother. The tribunes loudly declared openly in the forum that the storyof the Volscian war was nothing but a got-up farce: that the Hernicanshad been trained to act their parts: that the liberty of the Romanpeople was now not even crushed by manly efforts, but was baffled bycunning; because it was now no longer believed that the Volscians andthe Æquans who were almost utterly annihilated, could of themselvesbegin hostilities, new enemies were sought for: that a loyal colony, and one in their very vicinity, was being rendered infamous: that warwas proclaimed against the unoffending people of Antium, in realitywaged with the commons of Rome, whom, loaded with arms, they weredetermined to drive out of the city with precipitous haste, wreakingtheir vengeance on the tribunes by the exile and expulsion of theirfellow-citizens. That by these means--and let them not think thatthere was any other object contemplated--the law was defeated, unless, while the matter was still in abeyance, while they were still at homeand in the grab of citizens, they took precautions, so as to avoidbeing driven out of possession of the city, or being subjected to theyoke. If they only had spirit, support would not be wanting: thatall the tribunes were unanimous: that there was no apprehension fromabroad, no danger. That the gods had taken care, in the precedingyear that their liberty could be defended with safety. Thus spoke thetribunes. 

But on the other side, the consuls, having placed their chairs[18]within view of them, were holding the levy; thither the tribuneshastened down, and carried the assembly along with them; a few [19]were summoned, as it were, by way of making an experiment, andinstantly violence ensued. Whomsoever the lictor laid hold of by orderof the consul, him the tribune ordered to be released; nor did his ownproper jurisdiction set a limit to each, but they rested their hopeson force, and whatever they set their mind upon, was to be gained byviolence. Just as the tribunes had behaved in impeding the levy, inthe same manner did the consuls conduct themselves in obstructing thelaw which was brought forward on each assembly day. The beginning ofthe riot was that the patricians refused to allow themselves to bemoved away, when the tribunes ordered the people to proceed to givetheir vote. Scarcely any of the older citizens mixed themselves upin the affair, inasmuch as it was one that would not be directed byprudence, but was entirely abandoned to temerity and daring. Theconsuls also frequently kept out of the way, lest in the generalconfusion they might expose their dignity to insult. There was oneCæso Quinctius, a youth who prided himself both on the nobility ofhis descent, and his bodily stature and strength; to these endowmentsbestowed on him by the gods, he himself had added many brave deedsin war, and eloquence in the forum; so that no one in the state wasconsidered readier either in speech or action. When he had taken hisplace in the midst of a body of the patricians, pre-eminent abovethe rest, carrying as it were in his eloquence and bodily strengthdictatorships and consulships combined, he alone withstood the stormsof the tribunes and the populace. Under his guidance the tribunes werefrequently driven from the forum, the commons routed and dispersed;such as came in his way, came off ill-treated and stripped: so that itbecame quite clear that, if he were allowed to proceed in this way, the law was as good as defeated Then, when the other tribunes werenow almost thrown into despair, Aulus Verginius, one of the colleges, appointed a day for Cæso to take his trial on a capital charge. Bythis proceeding he rather irritated than intimidated his violenttemper: so much the more vigorously did he oppose the law, harassthe commons, and persecute the tribunes, as if in a regular war. Theaccuser suffered the accused to rush headlong to his ruin, and to fanthe flame of odium and supply material for the charges he intended tobring against him: in the meantime he proceeded with the law, notso much in the hope of carrying it through, as with the objectof provoking rash action on the part of Cæso. After that manyinconsiderate expressions and actions of the younger patricians wereput down to the temper of Cæso alone, owing to the suspicion withwhich he was regarded: still the law was resisted. Also AulusVerginius frequently remarked to the people: "Are you now sensible, Quirites that you can not at the same time have Cæso as afellow-citizen, and the law which you desire? Though why do I speakof the law? He is a hindrance to your liberty; he surpasses all theTarquins in arrogance. Wait till that man is made consul or dictator, whom, though but a private citizen, you now see exercising kinglypower by his strength and audacity. " Many agreed, complaining thatthey had been beaten by him: and, moreover, urged the tribune to gothrough with the prosecution. 

The day of trial was now at hand, and it was evident that people ingeneral considered that their liberty depended on the condemnation ofCæso: then, at length being forced to do so, he solicited the commonsindividually, though with a strong feeling of indignation; hisrelatives and the principal men of the state attended him. TitusQuinctius Capitolinus, who had been thrice consul, recounting manysplendid achievements of his own, and of his family, declared thatneither in the Quinctian family, nor in the Roman state, had thereever appeared such a promising genius displaying such early valour. That he himself was the first under whom he had served, that he hadoften in his sight fought against the enemy. Spurius Furius declaredthat Cæso, having been sent to him by Quinctius Capitolinus, had cometo his aid when in the midst of danger; that there was no singleindividual by whose exertions he considered the common weal had beenmore effectually re-established. Lucius Lucretius, the consul of thepreceding year, in the full splendour of recent glory, shared his ownmeritorious services with Cæso; he recounted his battles detailed hisdistinguished exploits, both in expeditions and in pitched battle;he recommended and advised them to choose rather that a youth sodistinguished, endowed with all the advantages of nature and fortune, and one who should prove the greatest support of whatsoever state heshould visit, should continue to be a fellow-citizen of their own, rather than become the citizen of a foreign state: that with respectto those qualities which gave offence in him, hot-headedness andoverboldness, they were such as increasing years removed more and moreevery day: that what was lacking, prudence, increased day by day: thatas his faults declined, and his virtues ripened, they should allow sodistinguished a man to grow old in the state. Among these his father, Lucius Quinctius, who bore the surname of Cincinnatus, withoutdwelling too often on his services, so as not to heighten publichatred, but soliciting pardon for his youthful errors, implored themto forgive his son for his sake, who had not given offence to anyeither by word or deed. But while some, through respect or fear, turned away from his entreaties, others, by the harshness of theiranswer, complaining that they and their friends had been ill-treated, made no secret of what their decision would be. 

Independently of the general odium, one charge in particular boreheavily on the accused; that Marcus Volscius Fictor, who some yearsbefore had been tribune of the people, had come forward to beartestimony: that not long after the pestilence had raged in the city, he had fallen in with a party of young men rioting in the Subura;[20]that a scuffle had taken place: and that his elder brother, not yetperfectly recovered from his illness, had been knocked down by Cæsowith a blow of his fist: that he had been carried home half dead inthe arms of some bystanders, and that he was ready to declare thathe had died from the blow: and that he had not been permitted bythe consuls of former years to obtain redress for such an atrociousaffair. In consequence of Volscius vociferating these charges, thepeople became so excited that Cæso was near being killed through theviolence of the crowd. Verginius ordered him to be seized and draggedoff to prison. The patricians opposed force to force. Titus Quinctiusexclaimed that a person for whom a day of trial for a capital offencehad been appointed, and whose trial was now close at hand, ought notto be outraged before he was condemned, and without a hearing. Thetribune replied that he would not inflict punishment on him before hewas condemned: that he would, however, keep him in prison until theday of trial, that the Roman people might have an opportunity ofinflicting punishment on one who had killed a man. [21] The tribunesbeing appealed to, got themselves out of the difficulty in regard totheir prerogative of rendering aid, by a resolution that adopted amiddle course: they forbade his being thrown into confinement, anddeclared it to be their wish that the accused should be brought totrial, and that a sum of money should be promised to the people, in case he should not appear. How large a sum of money ought to bepromised was a matter of doubt: the decision was accordingly referredto the senate. The accused was detained in public custody until thepatricians should be consulted: it was decided that bail should begiven: they bound each surety in the sum of three thousand asses; howmany sureties should be given was left to the tribunes; they fixed thenumber at ten: on this number of sureties the prosecutor admitted theaccused to bail. [22] He was the first who gave public sureties. Beingdischarged from the forum, he went the following night into exileamong the Tuscans. When on the day of trial it was pleaded that hehad withdrawn into voluntary exile, nevertheless, at a meeting ofthe comitia under the presidency of Verginius, his colleagues, whenappealed to, dismissed the assembly: [23] the fine was rigorouslyexacted from his father, so that, having sold all his effects, helived for a considerable time in an out-of-the-way cottage on theother side of the Tiber, as if in exile. 

This trial and the proposal of the law gave full employment to thestate: in regard to foreign wars there was peace. When the tribunes, as if victorious, imagined that the law was all but passed owing tothe dismay of the patricians at the banishment of Cæso, and infact, as far as regarded the seniors of the patricians, they hadrelinquished all share in the administration of the commonwealth, thejuniors, more especially those who were the intimate friends of Cæso, redoubled their resentful feelings against the commons, and did notallow their spirits to fail; but the greatest improvement was madein this particular, that they tempered their animosity by a certaindegree of moderation. The first time when, after Cseso's banishment, the law began to be brought forward, these, arrayed and well prepared, with a numerous body of clients, so attacked the tribunes, as soon asthey afforded a pretext for it by attempting to remove them, that noone individual carried home from thence a greater share than another, either of glory or ill-will, but the people complained that in placeof one Cæso a thousand had arisen. During the days that intervened, when the tribunes took no proceedings regarding the law, nothing couldbe more mild or peaceable than those same persons; they saluted theplebeians courteously, entered into conversation with them, andinvited them home: they attended them in the forum, [24] and sufferedthe tribunes themselves to hold the rest of their meetings withoutinterruption: they were never discourteous to any one either in publicor in private, except on occasions when the matter of the law beganto be agitated. In other respects the young men were popular. Andnot only did the tribunes transact all their other affairs withoutdisturbance, but they were even re-elected or the following year. Without even an offensive expression, much less any violence beingemployed, but by soothing and carefully managing the commons the youngpatricians gradually rendered them tractable. By these artifices thelaw was evaded through the entire year. 

The consuls Gaius Claudius, the son of Appius, and Publius ValeriusPublicola, took over the government from their predecessors in a moretranquil condition. The next year had brought with it nothing new:thoughts about carrying the law, or submitting to it, engrossed theattention of the state. The more the younger patricians stroveto insinuate themselves into favour with the plebeians, the morestrenuously did the tribunes strive on the other hand to render themsuspicious in the eyes of the commons by alleging that a conspiracyhad been formed; that Cæso was in Rome; that plans had been concertedfor assassinating the tribunes, for butchering the commons. That thecommission assigned by the elder members of the patricians was, thatthe young men should abolish the tribunician power from the state, andthe form of government should be the same as it had been before theoccupation of the Sacred Mount. At the same time a war from theVolscians and Æquans, which had now become a fixed and almost regularoccurrence every year, was apprehended, and another evil nearer homestarted up unexpectedly. Exiles and slaves, to the number of twothousand five hundred, seized the Capitol and citadel during thenight, under the command of Appius Herdonius, a Sabine. Those whorefused to join the conspiracy and take up arms with them wereimmediately massacred in the citadel: others, during the disturbance, fled in headlong panic down to the forum: the cries, "To arms!" and"The enemy are in the city!" were heard alternately. The consulsneither dared to arm the commons, nor to suffer them to remainunarmed; uncertain what sudden calamity had assailed the city, whetherfrom without or within, whether arising from the hatred of the commonsor the treachery of the slaves: they tried to quiet the disturbances, and while trying to do so they sometimes aroused them; for thepopulace, panic-stricken and terrified, could not be directed byauthority. They gave out arms, however, but not indiscriminately; onlyso that, as it was yet uncertain who the enemy were, there might bea protection sufficiently reliable to meet all emergencies. Theremainder of the night they passed in posting guards in suitableplaces throughout the city, anxious and uncertain who the enemy were, and how great their number. Daylight subsequently disclosed the warand its leader. Appius Herdonius summoned the slaves to liberty fromthe Capitol, saying, that he had espoused the cause of all the mostunfortunate, in order to bring back to their country those who hadbeen exiled and driven out by wrong, and to remove the grievous yokefrom the slaves: that he had rather that were done under the authorityof the Roman people. If there were no hope in that quarter, he wouldrouse the Volscians and Aequans, and would try even the most desperateremedies. 

The whole affair now began to be clearer to the patricians andconsuls; besides the news, however, which was officially announced, they dreaded lest this might be a scheme of the Veientines or Sabines;and, further, as there were so many of the enemy in the city, lestthe Sabine and Etruscan troops might presently come up according toa concerted plan, and their inveterate enemies, the Volscians andAequans should come, not to ravage their territories, as before, buteven to the gates of the city, as being already in part taken. Manyand various were their fears, the most prominent among which was theirdread of the slaves, lest each should harbour an enemy in his ownhouse, one whom it was neither sufficiently safe to trust, nor, bydistrusting, to pronounce unworthy of confidence, lest he might provea more deadly foe. And it scarcely seemed that the evil could beresisted by harmony: no one had any fear of tribunes or commons, whileother troubles so predominated and threatened to swamp the state: thatfear seemed an evil of a mild nature, and one that always arose duringthe cessation of other ills, and then appeared to be lulled to restby external alarm. Yet at the present time that, almost more thananything else, weighed heavily on their sinking fortunes: for suchmadness took possession of the tribunes, that contended that not war, but an empty appearance of war, had taken possession of the Capitol, to divert the people's minds from attending to the law: that thesefriends and clients of the patricians would depart in deeper silencethan they had come, if they once perceived that, by the law beingpassed, they had raised these tumults in vain. They then held ameeting for passing the law, having called away the people from arms. In the meantime, the consuls convened the senate, another dreadpresenting itself by the action of the tribunes, greater than thatwhich the nightly foe had occasioned. 

When it was announced that the men were laying aside their arms, andquitting their posts, Publius Valerius, while his colleague stilldetained the senate, hastened from the senate-house, and went thenceinto the meeting-place to the tribunes. "What is all this, " said he, "O tribunes? Are you determined to overthrow the commonwealth underthe guidance and auspices of Appius Herdonius? Has he been sosuccessful in corrupting you, he who, by his authority, has not eveninfluenced your slaves? When the enemy is over our heads, is it yourpleasure that we should give up our arms, and laws be proposed?" Then, directing his words to the populace: "If, Quirites, no concern foryour city, or for yourselves, moves you, at least revere the godsof your country, now made captive by the enemy. Jupiter, bestand greatest, Queen Juno, and Minerva, and the other gods andgoddesses, [25] are being besieged; a camp of slaves now holdspossession of the tutelary gods of the state. Does this seem to youthe behavior of a state in its senses? Such a crowd of enemies is notonly within the walls, but in the citadel, commanding the forum ansenate-house: in the meanwhile meetings are being held in the forum, the senate is in the senate-house: just as when tranquility prevails, the senator gives his opinion, the other Romans their votes. Does itnot behoove all patricians and plebeians, consuls, tribunes, gods, andmen of all classes, to bring aid with arms in their hands, to hurryinto the Capitol, to liberate and restore to peace that most augustresidence of Jupiter, best and greatest? O Father Romulus! Do thouinspire thy progeny with that determination of thine, by which thoudidst formerly recover from these same Sabines this citadel, whencaptured by gold. Order them to pursue this same path, which thou, asleader, and thy army, pursued. Lo! I as consul will be the first tofollow thee and thy footsteps, as far as I, a mortal, can follow agod. " Then, in concluding his speech, he said that he was ready totake up arms, that he summoned every citizen of Rome to arms; if anyone should oppose, that he, heedless of the consular authority, thetribunician power, and the devoting laws, would consider him as anenemy, whoever and wheresoever he might be, in the Capitol, or in theforum. Let the tribunes order arms to be taken up against PubliusValerius the consul, since they forbade it against Appius Herdonius;that he would dare to act in the case of the tribunes, as the founderof his family [26] had dared to act in the case of the kings. It wasnow clear that matters would come to violent extremities, and that aquarrel among Romans would be exhibited to the enemy. The law howevercould neither be carried, nor could the consul proceed to the Capitol. Night put an end to the struggle that had been begun; the tribunesyielded to the night, dreading the arms of the consuls. [27] When theringleaders of the disturbances had been removed, the patricians wentabout among the commons, and, mingling in their meetings, spreadstatements suited to the occasion: they advised them to take heed intowhat danger they were bringing the commonwealth: that the contestwas not one between patricians and commons, but that patricians andcommons together, the fortress of the city, the temples of the gods, the guardian gods of the state and of private families, were beingdelivered up to the enemy. While these measures were being taken inthe forum for the purpose of appeasing the disturbances, the consulsin the meantime had retired to visit the gates and the walls, fearingthat the Sabines or the Veientine enemy might bestir themselves. 

During the same night, messengers reached Tusculum with news of thecapture of the citadel, the seizure of the Capitol, and also of thegenerally disturbed condition of the city. Lucius Mamilius was at thattime dictator at Tusculum; he, having immediately convoked the senateand introduced the messengers, earnestly advised, that they should notwait until ambassadors came from Rome, suing for assistance; that thedanger itself and importance of the crisis, the gods of allies, andthe good faith of treaties, demanded it; that the gods would neverafford them a like opportunity of obliging so powerful a state and sonear a neighbour. It was resolved that assistance should be sent theyoung men were enrolled, and arms given them. On their way to Rome atbreak of day, at a distance they exhibited the appearance of enemies. The Æquans or Volscians were thought to be coming. Then, after thegroundless alarm was removed, they were admitted into the city anddescended in a body into the forum. There Publius Valerius, havingleft his colleague with the guards of the gates, was now drawing uphis forces in order of battle. The great influence of the man producedan effect on the people, when he declared that, when the Capitol wasrecovered, and the city restored to peace, if they allowed themselvesto be convinced what hidden guile was contained in the law proposed bythe tribunes, he, mindful of his ancestors, mindful of his surname, and remembering that the duty of protecting the people had been handeddown to him as hereditary by his ancestors, would offer no obstructionto the meeting of the people. Following him, as their leader, in spiteof the fruitless opposition of the tribunes, they marched up theascent of the Capitoline Hill. The Tusculan troops also joined them. Allies and citizens vied with each other as to which of them shouldappropriate to themselves the honour of recovering the citadel. Eachleader encouraged his own men. Then the enemy began to be alarmed, andplaced no dependence on anything but their position. While they werein this state of alarm, the Romans and allies advanced to attack them. They had already burst into the porch of the temple, when PubliusValerius was slain while cheering on the fight at the head of his men. Publius Volumnius, a man of consular rank, saw him falling. Havingdirected his men to cover the body, he himself rushed forward totake the place and duty of the consul. Owing to their excitement andimpetuosity, this great misfortune passed unnoticed by the soldiers, they conquered before they perceived that they were fighting without aleader. Many of the exiles defiled the temple with their blood; manywere taken prisoners: Herdonius was slain. Thus the Capitol wasrecovered. With respect to the prisoners, punishment was inflicted oneach according to his station, as he was a freeman or a slave. TheTusculans received the thanks of the Romans: the Capitol was cleansedand purified. The commons are stated to have thrown every man afarthing into the consul's house, that he might be buried with moresplendid obsequies. 

Order being thus established, the tribunes then urged the patriciansto fulfill the Promise given by Publius Valerius; they pressed onClaudius to free the shade of his colleague from breach of faith, andto allow the matter of the law to proceed. The consul asserted that hewould not suffer the discussion of the law to proceed, until he hadappointed a colleague to assist him. These disputes lasted until thetime of the elections for the substitution of a consul. In the monthof December, by the most strenuous exertions of the patricians, LuciusQuinctius Cincinnatus, Caeso's father, was elected consul, to enterupon office without delay. The commons were dismayed at being about tohave for consul a man incensed against them, powerful by the supportof the patricians, by his own merit, and by reason of his three sons, not one of whom was inferior to Caeso in greatness of spirit, whilethey were his superiors in the exercise of prudence and moderation, whenever occasion required. When he entered upon office, in hisfrequent harangues from the tribunal, he was not more vehement inrestraining the commons than in reproving the senate, owing to thelistlessness of which body the tribunes of the commons, now become astanding institution, exercised regal authority, by means of theirreadiness of speech and prosecutions, not as if in a republic of theRoman people, but as if in an ill-regulated household. That with hisson Caeso, valour, constancy, all the splendid qualifications of youthin war and in peace, had been driven and exiled from the city of Rome:that talkative and turbulent men, sowers of discord, twice and eventhrice re-elected tribunes by the vilest intrigues, lived in theenjoyment of regal irresponsibility. "Does that Aulus Verginius, " saidhe, "deserve less punishment than Appius Herdonius, because he was notin the Capitol? Considerably more, by Hercules, if any one will lookat the matter fairly. Herdonius, if nothing else, by avowing himselfan enemy, thereby as good as gave you notice to take up arms: thisman, by denying the existence of war, took arms out of your hands, andexposed you defenceless to the attack of slaves and exiles. And didyou--I will speak with all due respect for Gaius Claudius andPublius Valerius, now no more--did you decide to advance against theCapitoline Hill before you expelled those enemies from the forum? Ifeel ashamed in the sight of gods and men. When the enemy were in thecitadel, in the Capitol, when the leader of the exiles and slaves, after profaning everything, took up his residence in the shrine ofJupiter, best and greatest, arms were taken up at Tusculum soonerthan at Rome. It was a matter of doubt whether Lucius Mamilius, theTusculan leader, or Publius Valerius and Gaius Claudius, the consuls, recovered the Roman citadel, and we, who formerly did not suffer theLatins to touch arms, not even in their own defence, when they had theenemy on their very frontiers, should have been taken and destroyednow, had not the Latins taken up arms of their own accord. Tribunes, is this bringing aid to the commons, to expose them in a defencelessstate to be butchered by the enemy? I suppose, if any one, even thehumblest individual of your commons--which portion you have as it werebroken off from the rest of the state, and created a country and acommonwealth of your own--if any one of these were to bring you wordthat his house was beset by an armed band of slaves, you would thinkthat assistance should be afforded him: was then Jupiter, bestand greatest, when hemmed in by the arms of exiles and of slaves, deserving of no human aid? And do these persons claim to be consideredsacred and inviolable, to whom the gods themselves are neither sacrednor inviolable? Well but, loaded as you are with crimes against bothgods and men, you proclaim that you will pass your law this year. Verily then, on the day I was created consul, it was a disastrous actof the state, much more so even than the day when Publius Valeriusthe consul fell, if you shall pass it. Now, first of all, " said he, "Quirites, it is the intention of myself and of my colleague to marchthe legions against the Volscians and the Aequans. I know not by whatfatality we find the gods more propitious when we are at war than inpeace. How great the danger from those states would have been, hadthey known that the Capitol was besieged by exiles, it is better toconjecture from what is past, than to learn by actual experience. "

The consul's harangue had a great effect on the commons: thepatricians, recovering their spirits, believed the statere-established. The other consul, a more ardent partner than promoterof a measure, readily allowing his colleague to take the lead inmeasures of such importance, claimed to himself his share of theconsular duty in carrying these measures into execution. Then thetribunes, mocking these declarations as empty, went on to ask how theconsuls were going to lead out an army, seeing that no one would allowthem to hold a levy? "But, " replied Quinctius, "we have no need of alevy, since, at the time Publius Valerius gave arms to the commons torecover the Capitol, they all took an oath to him, that they wouldassemble at the command of the consul, and would not depart withouthis permission. We therefore publish an order that all of you, whohave sworn, attend to-morrow under arms at the Lake Regillus. " Thetribunes then began to quibble, and wanted to absolve the people fromtheir obligation, asserting that Quinctius was a private person at thetime when they were bound by the oath. But that disregard of the gods, which possesses the present generation, had not yet gained ground:nor did every one accommodate oaths and laws to his own purposes, byinterpreting them as it suited him, but rather adapted his own conductto them. Wherefore the tribunes, as there was no hope of obstructingthe matter, attempted to delay the departure of the army the moreearnestly on this account, because a report had gone out, both thatthe augurs had been ordered to attend at the Lake Regillius and that aplace was to be consecrated, where business might be transacted withthe people by auspices: and whatever had been passed at Rome bytribunician violence, might be repealed there in the assembly. [28]That all would order what the consuls desired: for that there was noappeal at a greater distance than a mile [29] from the city: and thatthe tribunes, if they should come there, would, like the rest of theQuirites, be subjected to the consular authority. This alarmed them:but the greatest anxiety which affected their minds was becauseQuinctius frequently declared that he would not hold an election ofconsuls. That the malady of the state was not of an ordinary nature, so that it could be stopped by the ordinary remedies. That thecommonwealth required a dictator, so that whoever attempted to disturbthe condition of the state, might feel that from the dictatorshipthere was no appeal. 

The senate was assembled in the Capitol. Thither the tribunes camewith the commons in a state of great consternation: the multitude, with loud clamours, implored the protection, now of the consuls, now of the patricians: nor could they move the consul from hisdetermination, until the tribunes promised that they would submit tothe authority of the senate. Then, on the consul's laying before themthe demands of the tribunes and commons, decrees of the senate werepassed: that neither should the tribunes propose the law during thatyear, nor should the consuls lead out the army from the city--that, for the future, the senate decided that it was against the interestsof the commonwealth that the same magistrates should be continuedand the same tribunes be reappointed. The consuls conformed tothe authority of the senate: the tribunes were reappointed, notwithstanding the remonstrance of the consuls. The patricians also, that they might not yield to the commons in any particular, themselvesproposed to re-elect Lucius Quinctius consul. No address of the consulwas delivered with greater warmth during the entire year. "Can I besurprised, " said he, "if your authority with the people is held incontempt, O conscript fathers? It is you yourselves who are weakeningit. Forsooth, because the commons have violated a decree of thesenate, by reappointing their magistrates, you yourselves also wishit to be violated, that you may not be outdone by the populace inrashness; as if greater power in the state consisted in the possessionof greater inconstancy and liberty of action; for it is certainly moreinconstant and greater folly to render null and void one's own decreesand resolutions, than those of others. Do you, O conscript fathers, imitate the unthinking multitude; and do you, who should be an exampleto others, prefer to transgress by the example of others, ratherthan that others should act rightly by yours, provided only I do notimitate the tribunes, nor allow myself to be declared consul, contraryto the decree of the senate. But as for you, Gaius Claudius, Irecommend that you, as well as myself, restrain the Roman people fromthis licentious spirit, and that you be persuaded of this, as far as Iam concerned, that I shall take it in such a spirit, that I shall notconsider that my attainment of office has been obstructed by you, butthat the glory of having declined the honour has been augmented, andthe odium, which would threaten me if it were continued, lessened. "Thereupon they issued this order jointly: That no one should supportthe election of Lucius Quinctius as consul: if any one should do so, that they would not allow the vote. 

The consuls elected were Quintus Fabius Vibulanus (for the thirdtime), and Lucius Cornelius Maluginensis. The census was taken duringthat year; it was a matter of religious scruple that the lustrumshould be closed, on account of the seizure of the Capitol and thedeath of the consul. In the consulship of Quintus Fabius and LuciusCornelius, disturbances woke out immediately at the beginning ofthe year. The tribunes were urging on the commons. The Latins andHernicans brought word that a formidable war was threatening on thepart of the Volscians and Æquans; that the troops of the Volscianswere now in the neighbourhood of Antium. Great apprehension was alsoentertained, that the colony itself would revolt: and with difficultythe tribunes were prevailed upon to allow the war to be attended tofirst. The consuls divided their respective spheres of action. Fabiuswas commissioned to march the legions to Antium: to Cornelius wasassigned the duty of keeping guard at Rome, lest any portion of theenemy's troops, as was the practice of the Aequans, should advance tocommit depredations. The Hernicans and Latins were ordered to supplysoldiers in accordance with the treaty; and of the army two thirdsconsisted of allies, the remainder of Roman citizens. When the alliesarrived on the appointed day, the consul pitched his camp outside theporta Capena. [30] Then, after the army had been reviewed, he set outfor Antium, and encamped not far from the town and fixed quartersof the enemy. There, when the Volscians, not venturing to risk anengagement, because the contingent from the Aequans had not yetarrived, were making preparations to see how they might protectthemselves quietly within their ramparts, on the following day Fabiusdrew up not one mixed army of allies and citizens, but three bodiesof the three states separately around the enemy's works. He himselfoccupied the centre with the Roman legions. He ordered them to watchfor the signal for action, so that at the same time both the alliesmight begin the action together, and retire together if he should giveorders to sound a retreat. He also posted the proper cavalry of eachdivision behind the front line. Having thus assailed the camp at threedifferent points, he surrounded it: and, pressing on from every side, he dislodged the Volscians, who were unable to withstand his attack, from the rampart. Having then crossed the fortifications, he drove outfrom the camp the crowd who were panic-stricken and inclining to makefor one direction. Upon this the cavalry, who could not have easilypassed over the rampart, having stood by till then as mere spectatorsof the fight, came up with them while flying in disorder over theopen plain, and enjoyed a share of the victory, by cutting down theaffrighted troops. Great was the slaughter of the fugitives, bothin the camp and outside the lines; but the booty was still greater, because the enemy were scarcely able to carry off their arms withthem; and the entire army would have been destroyed, had not the woodscovered them in their flight. 

While these events were taking place at Antium, the Aequans, in themeanwhile, sending forward the flower of their youth surprised thecitadel of Tusculum by night: and with the rest of their army sat downat no great distance from the walls of Tusculutn, so as to divide theforces of the enemy. [31] News of this being quickly brought to Rome, and from Rome to the camp at Antium, affected the Romans no less thanif it had been announced that the Capitol was taken; so recent wasthe service rendered by the Tusculans, and the very similarity of thedanger seemed to demand a return of the aid that had been afforded. Fabius, giving up all thought of everything else, removed the bootyhastily from the camp to Antium: and, having left a small garrisonthere, hurried on his army by forced marches to Tusculum. The soldierswere allowed to take with them nothing but their arms, and whateverbaked provision was at hand. The consul Cornelius sent up provisionsfrom Rome. The war was carried on at Tusculum for several months. Withone part of his army the consul assailed the camp of the Aequans;he had given part to the Tusculans to aid in the recovery of theircitadel. They could never have made their way up to it by force: atlength famine caused the enemy to withdraw from it. When matterssubsequently came to extremities, they were all sent under the yoke, [32] by the Tusculans, unarmed and naked. While returning home inignominious flight, they were overtaken by the Roman consul atAlgidum, and cut to pieces to a man. [33] After this victory, havingmarched back his army to Columen (so is the place named), he pitchedhis camp there. The other consul also, as soon as the Roman wallsceased to be in danger, now that the enemy had been defeated, set outfrom Rome. Thus the consuls, having entered the territories of theenemies on two different sides, in eager rivalry plundered theterritory of the Volscians on the one hand, and of the Aequans on theother. I find it stated by several writers that the people of Antiumrevolted during the same year. That Lucius Cornelius, the consul, conducted that war and took the town; I would not venture to assertit for certain, because no mention is made of the matter in the olderwriters. 

This war being concluded, a tribunician war at home alarmed thesenate. The tribunes held that the detention of the army abroad wasdue to a fraudulent motive: that that deception was intended toprevent the passing of the law; that they, however, would nonethe less go through with the matter they had undertaken. PubliusLucretius, however, the prefect of the city, so far prevailed, thatthe proceedings of the tribunes were postponed till the arrival of theconsuls. A new cause of disturbance had also arisen. The quæstors, [34] Aulus Cornelius and Quintus Servilius, appointed a day of trialfor Marcus Volscius, because he had come forward as a manifestly falsewitness against Caeso. For it was established by many proofs, that thebrother of Volscius, from the time he first fell ill, had not onlynever been seen in public, but that he had not even left his bed afterhe had been attacked by illness, and that he had died of a wastingdisease of several months' standing; and that at the time to which thewitness had referred the commission of the crime, Caeso had notbeen seen at Rome: while those who had served in the army with himpositively stated that at that time he had regularly attended at hispost along with them without any leave of absence. Many, on their ownaccount, proposed to Volscius to refer the matter to the decision ofan arbitrator. As he did not venture to go to trial, all these pointscoinciding rendered the condemnation of Volscius no less certain thanthat of Caeso had been on the testimony of Volscius. The tribunes werethe cause of delay, who said that they would not suffer the quæstorsto hold the assembly concerning the accused, unless it were first heldconcerning the law. Thus both matters were spun out till the arrivalof the consuls. When they entered the city in triumph with theirvictorious army, because nothing was said about the law, many thoughtthat the tribunes were struck with dismay. But they in reality (forit was now the close of the year), being eager to obtain a fourthtribuneship, had turned away their efforts from the law to thediscussion of the elections; and when the consuls, with the object oflessening their dignity, opposed the continuation of their tribuneshipwith no less earnestness than if the law in question had beenproposed, the victory in the contest was on the side of the tribunes. 

In the same year peace was granted to the Aequans on their suing forit. The census, begun in the preceding year, was completed: this issaid to have been the tenth lustrum that was completed from the dateof the foundation of the city. The number of citizens rated was onehundred and seventeen thousand three hundred and nineteen. The consulsobtained great glory this year both at home and in war, because theyestablished peace abroad, while at home, though the state was not in acondition of absolute harmony, yet it was less harassed by dissensionsthan at other times. 

Lucius Minucius and Gaius Nautius being next elected consuls took upthe two causes which remained undecided from the preceding year. Asbefore, the consuls obstructed the law, the tribunes the trial ofVolscius: but in the new quæstors there was greater power and greaterinfluence. With Marcus Valerius, son of Manius and grandson of VolesusTitus Quinctius Capitolinus, who had been thrice consul, was appointedquaestor. Since Caeso could neither be restored to the Quinctianfamily, nor to the state, though a most promising youth, did he, justly, and as in duty bound, prosecute the false witness who haddeprived an innocent person of the power of pleading his cause. WhenVerginius, more than any of the tribunes, busied himself about thepassing of the law, the space of two months was allowed the consuls toexamine into the law: on condition that, when they had satisfied thepeople as to what secret designs were concealed under it, [35] theyshould then allow them to give their votes. The granting of thisrespite established tranquility in the city. The Aequans, however, didnot allow them long rest: in violation of the treaty which had beenmade with the Romans the year before, they conferred the chief commandon Gracchus Cloelius. He was then by far the chief man among theAequans. Under the command of Gracchus they advanced with hostiledepredations into the district of Labici, from thence into that ofTusculum, and, laden with booty, pitched their camp at Algidum. Tothat camp came Quintus Fabius, Publius Volumnius, Aulus Postumius, ambassadors from Rome, to complain of the wrongs committed, and todemand restitution in accordance with the treaty. The general of theAequans commanded them to deliver to the oak the message they broughtfrom the Roman senate; that he in the meantime would attend toother matters. An oak, a mighty tree, whose shade formed a coolresting-place, overhung the general's tent. Then one of theambassadors, when departing, cried out: "Let both this consecrated oakand all the gods hear that the treaty has been broken by you, andboth lend a favourable ear to our complaints now, and assist our armspresently, when we shall avenge the rights of gods and men that havebeen violated simultaneously. " As soon as the ambassadors returnedto Rome, the senate ordered one of the consuls to lead his army intoAlgidum against Gracchus, to the other they assigned as his sphere ofaction the devastation of the country of the Aequans. The tribunes, after their usual manner, attempted to obstruct the levy, and probablywould have eventually succeeded in doing so, had not a new andadditional cause of alarm suddenly arisen. 

A large force of Sabines, committing dreadful devastation advancedalmost up to the walls of the city. The fields were laid waste, thecity was smitten with terror. Then the commons cheerfully took uparms; two large armies were raised, the remonstrance of the tribunesbeing of no avail. Nautius led one against the Sabines, and, havingpitched his camp at Eretum, [36] by trifling incursions, mostly bynight, he so desolated the Sabine territory that, in comparison withit, the Roman borders seemed almost undamaged by the war. Minuciusneither had the same good fortune nor displayed the same energy inconducting his operations: for after he had pitched his camp at nogreat distance from the enemy, without having experienced any reverseof importance, he kept himself through fear within the camp. When theenemy perceived this, their boldness increased, as usually happens, from the fears of others; and, having attacked his camp by night, whenopen force availed little, they drew lines of circumvallation aroundit on the following day. Before these could close the means of egress, by a rampart thrown up on all sides, five horsemen, despatched betweenthe enemies' posts, brought news to Rome, that the consul and hisarmy were besieged. Nothing could have happened so unexpected nor sounlooked-for. Accordingly, the panic and the alarm were as great asif the enemy were besieging the city, not the camp. They summonedthe consul Nautius; and when there seemed to be but insufficientprotection in him, and it was determined that a dictator should beappointed to retrieve their shattered fortunes, Lucius QuinctiusCincinnatus was appointed by universal consent. 

It is worth while for those persons who despise all things human incomparison with riches, and who suppose that there is no room eitherfor exalted honour, or for virtue, except where riches abound in greatprofusion, to listen to the following: Lucius Quinctius, the sole hopeof the empire of the Roman people, cultivated a farm of four acres onthe other side of the Tiber, which is called the Quinctian meadows, exactly opposite the place where the dock-yard now is. There, whetherleaning on a stake while digging a trench, or while ploughing, at anyrate, as is certain, while engaged on some work in the fields, aftermutual exchange of salutations had taken place, being requested bythe ambassadors to put on his toga, and listen to the commands of thesenate (with wishes that it might turn out well both for him and thecommonwealth), he was astonished, and, asking whether all was well, bade his wife Racilia immediately bring his toga from the hut. As soonas he had put it on and come forward, after having first wiped off thedust and sweat, the ambassadors congratulating him, united in salutinghim as dictator: they summoned him into the city, and told him whatterror prevailed in the army. A vessel was prepared for Quinctius byorder of the government, and his three sons, having come out tomeet him, received him on landing at the other side; then his otherrelatives and his friends: then the greater part of the patricians. Accompanied by this numerous attendance, the lictors going before him, he was conducted to his residence. [37] There was a numerous concourseof the commons also: but they by no means looked on Quinctius with thesame satisfaction, as they considered both that he was vested withexcessive authority, and was likely to prove still more arbitraryby the exercise of that same authority. During that night, however, nothing was done except that guards were posted in the city. 

On the next day the dictator, having entered the forum beforedaylight, appointed as his master of the horse Lucius Tarquitius, aman of patrician family, but who, though he had served his campaignson foot by reason of his scanty means, was yet considered by far themost capable in military matters among the Roman youth. With hismaster of the horse he entered the assembly, proclaimed a suspensionof public business, ordered the shops to be closed throughout thecity, and forbade any one to attend to any private affairs. Then hecommanded all who were of military age to attend under arms, in theCampus Martius, before sunset, with dressed provisions for five daysand twelve stakes apiece: those whose age rendered them unfit foractive service were ordered to prepare victuals for the soldiers nearthem, while the latter were getting their arms ready, and procuringstakes. Accordingly, the young men ran in all directions to procurethe stakes; they took them whatever was nearest to each: no onewas prevented from doing so: all attended readily according to thedictator's order. Then, the troops being drawn up, not more suitablyfor a march than for an engagement, should occasion require it, thedictator himself marched at the head of the legions, the master of thehorse at the head of his cavalry. In both bodies such exhortationswere delivered as circumstances required: that they should quickentheir pace; that there was need of despatch, that they might reach theenemy by night; that the consul and the Roman army were besieged; thatthey had now been shut up for three days; that it was uncertain whateach day or night might bring with it; that the issues of the mostimportant affairs often depended on a moment of time. The soldiers, toplease their leaders, exclaimed among themselves: "Standard-bearer, hasten; follow, soldier. " At midnight they reached Algidum: and, assoon as they perceived that they were near the enemy, they halted. 

There the dictator, riding about, and having observe as far as couldbe ascertained by night, what the extent of the camp was, and whatwas its nature, commanded the tribunes of the soldiers to order thebaggage to be thrown into one place, and that the soldiers with theirarms and bundles of stakes should return to their ranks. His orderswere executed. Then, with the regularity which they had observed onthe march, he drew the entire army in a long column around the enemy'scamp, and directed that, when the signal was given, they should allraise a shout, and that, on the shout being raised, each man shouldthrow up a trench before his post, and fix his palisade. The ordersbeing issued, the signal followed: the soldiers carried out theirinstructions; the shout echoed around the enemy: it then passed beyondthe camp of the enemy, and reached that of the consul: in the one itoccasioned panic, in the other great joy. The Romans, observingto each other with exultation that this was the shout of theircountrymen, and that aid was at hand, took the initiative, and fromtheir watch-guards and outposts dismayed the enemy. The consuldeclared that there must be no delay; that by that shouts not onlytheir arrival was intimated, but that hostilities were already begunby their friends; and that it would be a wonder if the enemy's campwere not attacked on the farther side. He therefore ordered his men totake up arms and follow him. The battle was begun during the night. They gave notice by a shout to the dictator's legions that on thatside also the decisive moment had arrived. The AEquans were nowpreparing to prevent the works from being drawn around them, when, the battle being begun by the enemy from within, having turned theirattention from those employed on the fortifications to those who werefighting on the inside, lest a sally should be made through the centreof their camp, they left the night free for the completion of thework, and continued the fight with the consul till daylight. Atdaybreak they were now encompassed by the dictator's works, and werescarcely able to maintain the fight against one army. Then their lineswere attacked by the army of Quinctius, which, immediately aftercompleting its work, returned to arms. Here a new engagement pressedon them: the former one had in no wise slackened. Then, as the dangerthat beset them on both sides pressed them hard, turning from fightingto entreaties, they implored the dictator on the one hand, the consulon the other, not to make the victory their total destruction, and tosuffer them to depart without arms. They were ordered by the consul toapply to the dictator: he, incensed against them, added disgrace todefeat. He gave orders that Gracchus Cloelius, their general, and theother leaders should be brought to him in chains, and that the town ofCorbio should be evacuated; he added that he did not desire thelives of the Æquans: that they were at liberty to depart; but thata confession might at last be wrung from them that their nation wasdefeated and subdued, they would have to pass under the yoke. The yokewas formed of three spears, two fixed in the ground, and one tiedacross between the upper ends of them. Under this yoke the dictatorsent the Æquans. 

The enemy's camp, which was full of all their belongings--for hehad sent them out of the camp half naked--having been taken, hedistributed all the booty among his own soldiers only: rebuking theconsul's army and the consul himself, he said: "Soldiers, you shallnot enjoy any portion of the spoil taken from that enemy to whom youyourselves nearly became a spoil: and you, Lucius Minucius, untilyou begin to assume a spirit worthy of a consul, shall command theselegions only as lieutenant. " Minucius accordingly resigned his officeof consul, and remained with the army, as he had been commanded. Butso meekly obedient were the minds of men at that time to authoritycombined with superior merit, that this army, remembering hiskindness, rather than their own disgrace, both voted a golden crownof a pound weight to the dictator, and saluted him as their preserverwhen he set out. The senate at Rome, convened by Quintus Fabius, prefect of the city, ordered Quinctius to enter the city in triumph, in the order of march in which he was coming. The leaders of the enemywere led before his car: the military standards were carried beforehim: his army followed laden with spoil. Banquets are said to havebeen spread before the houses of all, and the soldiers, partaking ofthe entertainment, followed the chariot with the triumphal hymn andthe usual jests, [38] after the manner of revellers. On that day thefreedom of the state was granted to Lucius Mamilius of Tusculum, amiduniversal approbation. The dictator would have immediately laid downhis office had not the assembly for the trial of Marcus Volscius, thefalse witness, detained him; the fear of the dictator prevented thetribunes from obstructing it. Volscius was condemned and went intoexile at Lanuvium. Quinctius laid down his dictatorship on thesixteenth day, having been invested with it for six months. Duringthose days the consul Nautius engaged the Sabines at Eretum withdistinguished success: besides the devastation of their lands, thisadditional blow also befell the Sabines. Fabius was sent to Algidum assuccessor to Minucius. Toward the end of the year the tribunes beganto agitate concerning the law; but, because two armies were away, thepatricians carried their point, that no proposal should be made beforethe people. The commons succeeded in electing the same tribunes forthe fifth time. It is said that wolves seen in the Capitol were drivenaway by dogs, and that on account of that prodigy the Capitol waspurified. Such were the transactions of that year. 

Quintus Minucius and Gaius Horatius Pulvillus were the next consuls. At the beginning of this year, when there was peace abroad, the sametribunes and the same law occasioned disturbances at home; and matterswould have proceeded further--so highly were men's minds inflamed-hadnot news been brought, as if for the very purpose, that by a nightattack of the AEquans the garrison at Corbio had been cut off. Theconsuls convened the senate: they were ordered to raise a hasty levyand to lead it to Algidum. Then, the struggle about the law beingabandoned, a new dispute arose regarding the levy. The consularauthority was on the point of being overpowered by tribunicianinfluence, when an additional cause of alarm arose: that the Sabinearmy had made a descent upon Roman territory to commit depredationsand from thence was advancing toward the city. This fear influencedthe tribunes to allow the soldiers to be enrolled, not without astipulation, however, that since they themselves had been foiled forfive years, and as the present college was but inadequate protectionfor the commons, ten tribunes of the people should henceforward beelected. Necessity extorted this concession from the patricians: theyonly exacted this proviso, that they should not hereafter see the samemen tribunes. The election for the tribunes was held immediately, lestthat measure also, like others, might remain unfulfilled after thewar. In the thirty-sixth year after the first tribunes, ten wereelected, two from each class; and provision was made that they shouldbe elected in this manner for the future. The levy being then held, Minucius marched out against the Sabines, but found no enemy. Horatius, when the Æquans, having put the garrison at Corbio to thesword, had taken Ortona also, fought a battle at Algidum, in which heslew a great number of the enemy and drove them not only from Algidum, but from Corbio and Ortona. He also razed Corbio to the ground forhaving betrayed the garrison. 

Marcus Valerius and Spurius Verginius were next elected consuls. Quiet prevailed at home and abroad. The people were distressed forprovisions on account of the excessive rains. A law was proposed tomake Mount Aventine public property. [39] The same tribunes of thepeople were re-elected. In the following year, Titus Romilius andGaius Veturius being consuls, they strongly recommended the law in alltheir harangues, declaring that they were ashamed that their numberhad been increased to no purpose, it that matter should be neglectedduring their two years in the same manner as it had been during thewhole preceding five. While they were most busily employed in thesematters, an alarming message came from Tusculum that the Æquans werein Tusculan territory. The recent services of that state made themashamed of delaying relief. Both the consuls were sent with an army, and found the enemy in their usual post in Algidum. There a battle wasfought: upward of seven thousand of the enemy were slain, the restwere put to flight: immense booty was obtained. This the consuls soldon account of the low state of the treasury. This proceeding, however, brought them into odium with the army, and also afforded the tribunesmaterial for bringing a charge against the consuls before the commons. Accordingly, as soon as they went out of office, in the consulship ofSpurius Tarpeius and Aulus Aternius, a day of trial was appointed forRomilius by Gaius Calvius Cicero, tribune of the people; for Veturius, by Lucius Alienus plebeian ædile. They were both condemned, to thegreat mortification of the patricians: Romilius to pay ten thousandasses, Veturius fifteen thousand. Nor did this misfortune of theirpredecessors render the new consuls more timid. They said that on theone hand they might be condemned, and that on the other the commonsand tribunes could not carry the law. Then, having abandoned thelaw, which, by being repeatedly brought forward, had now lostconsideration, the tribunes, adopted a milder method of proceedingwith the patricians. Let them, said they, at length put an end todisputes. If laws drawn up by plebeians displeased them, at least letthem allow legislators to be chosen in common, both from the commonsand from the patricians, who might propose measures advantageous toboth parties, and such as would tend to the establishment of libertyon principles of equality. The patricians did not disdain to acceptthe proposal. They claimed that no one should propose laws, excepthe were a patrician. When they agreed with respect to the laws, anddiffered only in regard to the proposer, ambassadors were sent toAthens, Spurius Postumius Albus, Aulus Manlius, Publius SulpiciusCamerinus, who were ordered to copy out the celebrated laws of Solon, and to make themselves acquainted with the institutions, customs, andlaws of the other states of Greece. 

The year was peaceful as regards foreign wars; the following one, whenPublius Curiatius and Sextus Quinctilius were consuls, was still morequiet, owing to the tribunes observing uninterrupted silence, whichwas occasioned in the first place by their waiting for the return ofthe ambassadors who had gone to Athens, and for the account of theforeign laws; in the next place, two grievous calamities arose at thesame time, famine and pestilence, destructive to man, and equallyso to cattle. The lands were left desolate; the city exhausted bya constant succession of deaths. Many illustrious families were inmourning. The Flamen Quirinalis, [40]Servius Cornelius, died; also theaugur, Gaius Horatius Pulvillus; in his place the augurs elected GaiusVeturius, and that with all the more eagerness, because he had beencondemned by the commons. The consul Quinctilius died, and fourtribunes of the people. The year was rendered a melancholy one bythese manifold disasters; as far as foreign foes were concerned therewas perfect quiet. Then Gaius Menenius and Publius Sestius Capitolinuswere elected consuls. Nor in that year was there any foreign war: butdisturbances arose at home. The ambassadors had now returned with theAthenian laws; the tribunes therefore insisted the more urgently thata beginning should at length be made of compiling the laws. It wasresolved that decemvirs should be elected to rule without appeal, andthat there should be no other magistrate during that year. Therewas, for a considerable time, a dispute whether plebeians shouldbe admitted among them: at length the point was conceded to thepatricians, provided that the Icilian law regarding the Aventine andthe other devoting laws were not repealed. 

In the three hundred and second year after the foundation of Rome, theform of government was a second time changed, the supreme power beingtransferred from consuls to decemvirs as it had passed before fromkings to consuls. The change was less remarkable, because not of longduration; for the joyous commencement of that government afterward ranriot through excess. On that account the sooner did the arrangementfall to the ground, and the practice was revived, that the name andauthority of consuls should be committed to two persons. The decemvirsappointed were, Appius Claudius, Titus Genucius, Publius Sestius, Lucius Veturius, Gaius Julius, Aulus Manlius, Publius Sulpicius, Publius Curiatius, Titus Romilius, Spurius Postumius. On Claudiusand Genucius, because they had been consuls elect for that year, thehonour was conferred in compensation for the honour of the consulate;and on Sestius, one of the consuls of the former year, because hehad proposed the plan itself to the senate against the will of hiscolleague. Next to these were considered the three ambassadors who hadgone to Athens, so that the honour might serve at once as a recompensefor so distant an embassy, while at the same time they considered thatpersons acquainted with the foreign laws would be of use in drawing upthe new code of justice. The others made up the number. They say thatalso persons advanced in years were appointed by the last suffrages, in order that they might oppose with less warmth the opinions ofothers. The direction of the entire government rested with Appiusthrough the favour of the commons, and he had assumed a demeanourso different that, from being a severe and harsh persecutor of thepeople, he became suddenly a courter of the commons, and strove tocatch every breath of popular favour. They administered justice to thepeople individually every tenth day. On that day the twelve fascesattended the administrator of justice; one officer attended each ofhis nine colleagues, and in the midst of the singular unanimity thatexisted among themselves--a harmony that sometimes proves prejudicialto private persons--the strictest equity was shown to others. In proofof their moderation it will be enough to instance a single case as anexample. Though they had been appointed to govern without appeal, yet, upon a dead body being found buried in the house of PubliusSestius, [41] a man of patrician rank, and produced in the assembly, Gaius Julius, a decemvir, appointed a day of trial for Sestius, in amatter at once clear and heinous, and appeared before the peopleas prosecutor of the man whose lawful judge he was if accused: andrelinquished his right, [42] so that he might add what had been takenfrom the power of the office to the liberty of the people. 

While highest and lowest alike obtained from them this promptadministration of justice, undefiled, as if from an oracle, at thesame time their attention was devoted to the framing of laws; and, theten tables being proposed amid the intense expectation of all, theysummoned the people to an assembly: and ordered them to go and readthe laws that were exhibited, [43] and Heaven grant it might provefavourable, advantageous, and of happy result to the commonwealth, themselves, and their children. That they had equalized the rights ofall, both the highest and the lowest, as far as could be devised bythe abilities of ten men: that the understanding and counsels of agreater number had greater weight; let them turn over in their mindseach particular among themselves, discuss it in conversation, andbring forward for public discussion whatever might be superfluous ordefective under each particular: that the Roman people should havesuch laws only as the general consent might appear not so much to haveratified when proposed as to have itself proposed. When they seemedsufficiently corrected in accordance with public opinion regardingeach section of the laws as it was published, the laws of the tentables were passed at the assembly voting by centuries, which, even atthe present time, amid the immense heap of laws crowded one uponthe other, still remain the source of all public and privatejurisprudence. A rumour then spread that two tables were needed, onthe addition of which a digest, as it were, of the whole Roman lawcould be completed. The desire for this gave rise, as the day ofelection approached, to a request that decemvirs be appointed again. The commons by this time, besides that they detested the nameof consuls no less than that of kings, did not even require thetribunician aid, as the decemvirs in turn allowed an appeal. 

But when the assembly for the election of decemvirs was proclaimed forthe third market-day, the flame of ambition burst out sopowerfully that even the first men of the state began to canvassindividuals--fearing, I suppose, that the possession of such highauthority might become accessible to persons not sufficiently worthyif the post were left unoccupied by themselves--humbly soliciting, from those very commons with whom they had often contended, an honourwhich had been opposed by them with all their might. The fact of theirdignity being now laid aside in a contest, at their time of life, andafter they had filled such high official positions, stimulated theexertions of Appius Claudius. You would not have known whether toreckon him among the decemvirs or the candidates; he resembled attimes more closely one canvassing for office than one invested withit; he aspersed the nobles, extolled all the most unimportant andinsignificant candidates; surrounded by the Duellii and Icilii who hadbeen tribunes, he himself bustled about the forum, through their meanshe recommended himself to the commons; until even his colleagues, whotill then had been devoted to him heart and soul, turned their eyes onhim, wondering what he was about. It was evident to them that therewas no sincerity in it; that such affability amid such pride wouldsurely prove not disinterested. That this excessive lowering ofhimself, and condescending to familiarity with private citizens, wascharacteristic not so much of one eager to retire from office, as ofone seeking the means of continuing that office. Not daring openly tooppose his wishes, they set about mitigating his ardour by humouringit. They by common consent conferred on him, as being the youngest, the office of presiding at the elections. This was an artifice, toprevent his appointing himself; which no one ever did, except thetribunes of the people, and that with the very worst precedent. He, however, declaring that, with the favour of fortune, he would presideat the elections, seized upon what should have been an obstacle as alucky opportunity: and having succeeded by a coalition in keeping outof office the two Quinctii, Capitolinus and Cincinnatus, and hisown uncle Gaius Claudius, a man most steadfast in the cause of thenobility, and other citizens of equal eminence, he securedthe appointment as decemvirs of men by no means their equalsdistinction--himself in the first instance, a proceeding whichhonourable men disapproved of greatly, as no one believed that hewould have ventured to do it. With him were elected Marcus CorneliusMaluginensis, Marcus Sergius, Lucius Minucius, Quintus FabiusVibulanus, Quintus Poetilius, Titus Antonius Merenda, Cæso Duilius, Spurius Oppius Cornicen, Manius Rabuleius. 

This was the end of Appius's playing a part at variance with hisdisposition. Henceforward he began to live according to his naturalcharacter, and to mould to his own temper his new colleagues beforethey entered upon office. They daily held meetings in private: then, instructed in their unruly designs, which they concocted apart fromothers, now no longer dissembling their arrogance, difficult ofaccess, captious to all who conversed with them, they protracted thematter until the ides of May. The ides of May was at that time theusual period for beginning office. Accordingly, at the attainmentof their magistracy, they rendered the first day of their officeremarkable by threats that inspired great terror. For, while thepreceding decemvirs had observed the rule, that only one should havethe fasces, and that this emblem of royalty should pass to all inrotation, to each in his turn, lo! On a sudden they all came forth, each with twelve fasces. One hundred and twenty lictors filled theforum, and carried before them the axes tied up with the fasces, [44]giving the explanation that it was of no consequence that the axeshould be taken away, since they had been appointed without appeal. There appeared to be ten kings, and terrors were multiplied not onlyamong the humblest individuals, but even among the principal menof the patricians, who thought that an excuse for the beginning ofbloodshed was being sought for: so that, if any one should haveuttered a word that hinted at liberty, either in the senate or ina meeting of the people, the rods and axes would also instantly bebrought forward, for the purpose of intimidating the rest. For, besides that there was no protection in the people, as the right ofappeal had been abolished, they had also by mutual consent prohibitedinterference with each other: whereas the preceding decemvirs hadallowed the decisions pronounced by themselves to be amended by appealto any one of their colleagues, and had referred to the people somepoints which seemed naturally to come within their own jurisdiction. For a considerable time the terror seemed equally distributed amongall ranks; gradually it began to be directed entirely against thecommons. While they spared the patricians, arbitrary and cruelmeasures were taken against the lower classes. As being persons withwhom interest usurped the force of justice, they all took account ofpersons rather than of causes. They concerted their decisions at home, and pronounced them in the forum. If any one appealed to a colleague, he departed from the one to whom he had appealed in such a manner thathe regretted that he had not abided by the sentence of the former. Anirresponsible rumour had also gone abroad that they had conspired intheir tyranny not only for the present time, but that a clandestineleague had been concluded among them on oath, that they would not holdthe comitia, but by perpetuating the decemvirate would retain supremepower now that it had once come into their possession. 

The plebeians then began narrowly to watch the countenances of thepatricians, and to strive to catch a glimpse of liberty from thatquarter, by apprehending slavery from which they had brought therepublic into its present condition. The leading members of the senatedetested the decemvirs, detested the commons; they neither approved ofwhat was going on, and they considered that what befell the latter wasnot undeserved. They were unwilling to assist men who, by rushing tooeagerly toward liberty, had fallen into slavery: they even heapedinjuries on them, that, from disgust at the present state of things, two consuls and the former constitution might at length be regretted. By this time the greater part of the year had passed, and two tablesof laws had been added to the ten tables of the former year; and ifthese laws also had been passed in the assembly of the centuries, there would now have remained no reason why the republic shouldrequire that form of government. They were anxiously waiting to seehow long it would be before the assembly would be proclaimed for theelection of consuls. The only thing that troubled the commons wasby what means they should re-establish the tribunician power, thatbulwark of their liberty, now so long discontinued, no mention in themeantime being made of the elections. Further, the decemvirs, whohad at first exhibited themselves to the people surrounded by menof tribunician rank, because that was deemed popular, now guardedthemselves by bands of young patricians: crowds of these beset thetribunals. They harried the commons, and plundered their effects: whenfortune was on the side of the more powerful individual in regard towhatever was coveted. And now they spared not even their persons: somewere beaten with rods, others had to submit to the axe; and, that suchcruelty might not go unrewarded, a grant of his effects followed thepunishment of the owner. Corrupted by such bribes, the young noblesnot only made no opposition to oppression, but openly avowed apreference for their own selfish gratification rather than for theliberty of all. 

The ides of May came round. Without any magistrates being electedin place of those retiring, private persons [45]came forward asdecemvirs, without any abatement either in their determination toenforce their authority, or any alteration in the insignia displayedas outward signs of office. That indeed seemed undoubted regaltyranny. Liberty was now deplored as lost forever: no champion of itstood forth, or seemed likely to do so. And not only were the Romansthemselves sunk in despondency, but they began to be looked down uponby the neighbouring states, who felt indignant that sovereign powershould be in the hands of a state where liberty did not exist. TheSabines with a numerous body of men made an incursion into Romanterritory; and having committed extensive devastations, after they haddriven off with impunity booty of men and cattle, they recalled theirtroops, which had been dispersed in different directions, toEretum, where they pitched their camp, grounding their hopes on thedissensions at Rome, which they expected would prove an obstruction tothe levy. Not only the couriers, but also the flight of the countrypeople through the city inspired them with alarm. The decemvirs, leftin a dilemma between the hatred of the patricians and people, tookcounsel what was to be done. Fortune, moreover, brought an additionalcause of alarm. The AEquans on the opposite side pitched their camp atAlgidum, and by raids from there ravaged Tusculan territory. News ofthis was brought by ambassadors from Tusculum imploring assistance. The panic thereby occasioned urged the decemvirs to consult thesenate, now that two wars at once threatened the city. They orderedthe patricians to be summoned into the senate-house, well aware what astorm of resentment was ready to break upon them; they felt that allwould heap upon them the blame for the devastation of their territory, and for the dangers that threatened; and that that would give them anopportunity of endeavouring to abolish their office, if they did notunite in resisting, and by enforcing their authority with severity ona few who showed an intractable spirit repress the attempts of others. When the voice of the crier was heard in the forum summoning thesenators into the senate-house to the presence of the decemvirs, thisproceeding, as altogether new, because they had long since given upthe custom of consulting the senate, attracted the attention of thepeople, who, full of surprise, wanted to know what had happened, andwhy, after so long an interval they were reviving a custom that hadfallen into abeyance: stating that they ought to thank the enemy andthe war, that any of the customs of a free state were complied with. They looked around for a senator through all parts of the forum, andseldom recognised one anywhere: they then directed their attention tothe senate-house, and to the solitude around the decemvirs, who boththemselves judged that their power was universally detested, while thecommons were of opinion that the senators refused to assemble becausethe decemvirs, now reduced to the rank of private citizens, had noauthority to convene them: that a nucleus was now formed of those whowould help them to recover their liberty, if the commons would butside with the senate, and if, as the patricians, when summoned, refused to attend the senate, so also the commons would refuse toenlist. Thus the commons grumbled. There was hardly one of thepatricians in the forum, and but very few in the city. In disgust atthe state of affairs, they had retired into the country, and busiedthemselves only with their private affairs, giving up all thought ofstate concerns, considering that they themselves were out of reachof ill-treatment in proportion as they removed themselves from themeeting and converse of their imperious masters. When those who hadbeen summoned did not assemble, state messengers were despatched totheir houses, both to levy the penalties, [46] and to make inquirieswhether they purposely refused to attend. They brought back wordthat the senate was in the country. This was more pleasing to thedecemvirs, than if they brought word that they were present andrefused obedience to their commands. They commanded them all to besummoned, and proclaimed a meeting of the senate for the followingday, which assembled in much greater numbers than they themselves hadexpected. By this proceeding the commons considered that their libertywas betrayed by the patricians, because the senate had obeyed thosepersons, as if they had a right to compel them, who had already goneout of office, and were mere private individuals, were it not for theviolence displayed by them. 

However, they showed more obedience in coming into the senate thanobsequiousness in the opinions expressed by them, as we have learned. It is recorded that, after Appius Claudius laid the subject of debatebefore the meeting, and before their opinions were asked in order, Lucius Valerius Potitus excited a commotion, by demanding permissionto express his sentiments concerning the state, and--when thedecemvirs prevented him with threats [47]--by declaring that he wouldpresent himself before the people. It is also recorded that MarcusHoratius Barbatus entered the lists with no less boldness, callingthem "ten Tarquins, " and reminding them that under the leadership ofthe Valerii and Horatii the kings had been expelled. Nor was it themere name that men were then disgusted with, as being that by which itwas proper that Jupiter should be styled, as also Romulus, the founderof the city, and the succeeding kings, and a name too which had beenretained also for the ceremonies of religion, [48] as a solemn one;that it was the tyranny and arrogance of a king they then detested:and if these were not to be tolerated in that same king or the son ofa king, who would tolerate it in so many private citizens? Let thembeware lest, by preventing persons from expressing their sentimentsfreely in the senate, they obliged them to raise their voice outsidethe senate-house. Nor could he see how it was less allowable for him, a private citizen, to summon the people to an assembly, than for themto convene the senate. They might try, whenever they pleased, how muchmore determined a sense of wrong would be found to be, when it was aquestion of vindicating one's own liberty, than ambition, when theobject was to preserve an unjust dominion. That they proposed thequestion concerning the war with the Sabines, as if the Roman peoplehad any more important war on hand than that against those who, havingbeen elected for the purpose of framing laws, had left no law in thestate; who had abolished elections, annual magistrates, the regularchange of rulers, which was the only means of equalizing liberty;who, though private citizens, still possessed the fasces and regaldominion. That after the expulsion of the kings, patrician magistrateshad been appointed, and subsequently, after the secession of thepeople, plebeian magistrates. What party was it, he asked, to whichthey belonged? To the popular party? What had they ever done with theconcurrence of the people? To the party of the nobles? Who for nownearly an entire year had not held a meeting of the senate, and thenheld one in such a manner that they prevented the expression ofsentiments regarding the commonwealth? Let them not place too muchhope in the fears of others; the grievances which they were nowsuffering appeared to men more oppressive than any they mightapprehend. 

While Horatius was exclaiming thus and the decemvirs could notdiscover the proper bounds either of their anger or forbearance, norsaw how the matter would end, Gaius Claudius, who was the uncleof Appius the decemvir, delivered an address more in the style ofentreaty than reproach, beseeching him by the shade of his brother andof his father, that he would hold in recollection the civil societyin which he had been born, rather than the confederacy nefariouslyentered into with his colleagues, adding that he besought this muchmore on Appius's own account, than for the sake of the commonwealth. For the commonwealth would claim its rights in spite of them, if itcould not obtain them with their consent: that however, from a greatcontest great animosities were generally aroused: it was the result ofthe latter that he dreaded. Though the decemvirs forbade them to speakon any subject save that which they had submitted to them, they felttoo much respect for Claudius to interrupt him He therefore concludedthe expression of his opinion by moving that it was their wish that nodecree of the senate should be passed. And all understood the matterthus, that they were judged by Claudius to be private citizens;[49]and many of those of consular standing expressed their assent inwords. Another measure, more severe in appearance, which ordered thepatricians to assemble to nominate an interrex, in reality had muchless force; for by this motion the mover gave expression to a decidedopinion that those persons were magistrates of some kind or other whomight hold a meeting of the senate, while he who recommended thatno decree of the senate should be passed, had thereby declared themprivate citizens. When the cause of the decemvirs was now failing, Lucius Cornelius Maluginensis, brother of Marcus Cornelius thedecemvir, having been purposely reserved from among those of consularrank to close the debate, by affecting an anxiety about the war, defended his brother and his colleagues by declaring that he wonderedby what fatality it had occurred, that those who had been candidatesfor the decemvirate, either these or their friends, had above allothers attacked the decemvirs: or why, when no one had disputed forso many months while the state was free from anxiety, whether legalmagistrates were at the head of affairs, they now at length sowedthe seeds of civil discord, when the enemy were nearly at the gates, except it were that in a state of confusion they thought that theirobject would be less clearly seen through. For the rest, it was unfairthat any one should prejudge a matter of such importance, while theirminds were occupied with a more momentous concern. It was his opinionthat, in regard to what Valerius and Horatius alleged--that thedecemvirs had gone out of office before the ides of May--the mattershould be discussed in the senate and left to them to decide, when thewars which were now impending were over, and the commonwealth restoredto tranquility, and that Appius Claudius was even now preparing totake notice that an account had to be rendered by him of the electionwhich he himself as decemvir held for electing decemvirs, whether theywere elected for one year, or until the laws, which were wanting, were ratified. It was his opinion that all other matters should bedisregarded for the present, except the war; and if they thought thatthe reports regarding it were propagated without foundation, and thatnot only the messengers but also the ambassadors of the Tusculans hadstated what was false, he thought that scouts should be dispatched tobring back more certain information; but if credit were given both tothe messengers and the ambassadors, that the levy should be held atthe very earliest opportunity; that the decemvirs should lead thearmies, whither each thought proper: and that no other matter shouldtake precedence. 

The junior patricians almost succeeded in getting this resolutionpassed on a division. Accordingly, Valerius and Horatius, rising againwith greater vehemence, loudly demanded that it should be allowed themto express their sentiments concerning the republic; that they wouldaddress a meeting of the people, if owing to party efforts they werenot allowed to do so in the senate: for that private individuals, whether in the senate or in a general assembly, could not preventthem: nor would they yield to their imaginary fasces. Appius, nowconsidering that the crisis was already nigh at hand, when theirauthority would be overpowered, unless the violence of these wereresisted with equal boldness, said, "It will be better for you not toutter a word on any subject, except the subject of discussion";and against Valerius, when he refused to be silent for a privateindividual, he commanded a lictor to proceed. When Valerius, fromthe threshold of the senate-house, now craved the protection of thecitizens, Lucius Cornelius, embracing Appius, put an end to thestruggle, not in reality consulting the interest of him whose interesthe pretended to consult;[50] and after permission to say what hepleased had been obtained for Valerius by means of Cornelius, whenthis liberty did not extend beyond words, the decemvirs attained theirobject. The men of consular rank also and senior members, from thehatred of tribunician power still rankling in their bosoms, thelonging for which they considered was much more keenly felt by thecommons than for the consular power, almost preferred that thedecemvirs themselves should voluntarily resign their office at somefuture period, than that the people should once more become prominentthrough hatred against these. If the matter, quietly conducted, shouldagain return to the consuls without popular turbulence, that thecommons might be induced to forget their tribunes, either by theintervention of wars or by the moderation of the consuls in exercisingtheir authority. 

A levy was proclaimed without objection on the part of the patricians;the young men answered to their names, as the government was withoutappeal. The legions having been enrolled, the decemvirs proceeded toarrange among themselves who should set out to the war, who shouldcommand the armies. The leading men among the decemvirs were QuintusFabius and Appius Claudius. The war at home appeared more serious thanabroad. The decemvirs considered the violence of Appius bettersuited to suppress commotions in the city; that Fabius possesseda disposition rather lacking in firmness in a good purpose thanenergetic in a bad one. For this man, formerly distinguished at homeand abroad, had been so altered by his office of decemvir and theinfluence of his colleagues that he chose rather to be like Appiusthan like himself. To him the war among the Sabines was intrusted, Manius Rabuleius and Quintus Paetilius being sent with him ascolleagues. Marcus Cornelius was sent to Algidum with Lucius Minucius, Titus Antonius, Caeso Duillius, and Marcus Sergius: they appointedSpurius Oppius to assist Appius Claudius in protecting the city, whileall the decemvirs were to enjoy equal authority. 

The republic was managed with no better success in war than at home. In this the only fault in the generals was, that they had renderedthemselves objects of hatred to their fellow-citizens: in otherrespects the entire blame lay with the soldiers, who, lest anyenterprise should be successfully conducted under the leadership andauspices of the decemvirs, suffered themselves to be beaten, to theirown disgrace and that of their generals. Their armies were routed bothby the Sabines at Eretum, and by the Æquans in Algidum. Fleeing fromEretum during the silence of the night, they fortified their campnearer the city, on an elevated position between Fidenae andCrustumeria; nowhere encountering on equal ground the enemy whopursued them, they protected themselves by the nature of the groundand a rampart, not by valour or arms. Their conduct was moredisgraceful, and greater loss also was sustained in Algidum; theircamp too was lost, and the soldiers, stripped of all their arms, munitions, and supplies, betook themselves to Tusculum, determined toprocure the means of subsistence from the good faith and compassion oftheir hosts, and in these, notwithstanding their conduct, they werenot disappointed. Such alarming accounts were brought to Rome, thatthe patricians, having now laid aside their hatred of the decemvirs, passed an order that watches should be held in the city, and commandedthat all who were not hindered by reason of their age from carryingarms, should mount guard on the walls, and form outposts before thegates; they also voted that arms should be sent to Tusculum, besidesa re-enforcement; and that the decemvirs should come down from thecitadel of Tusculum and keep their troops encamped; that the othercamp should be removed from Fidenas into Sabine territory, and theenemy, by their thus attacking them first, should be deterred fromentertaining any idea of assaulting the city. 

In addition to the reverses sustained at the hands of the enemy, thedecemvirs were guilty of two monstrous deeds, one abroad, and theother in the city. They sent Lucius Siccius, who was quartered amongthe Sabines, to take observations for the purpose of selecting a sitefor a camp: he, availing himself of the unpopularity of the decemvirs, was introducing, in his secret conversations with the common soldiers, suggestions of a secession and the election of tribunes: the soldiers, whom they had sent to accompany him in that expedition, werecommissioned to attack him in a convenient place and slay him. Theydid not kill him with impunity; several of the assassins fell aroundhim, as he offered resistance, since, possessing great personalstrength and displaying courage equal to that strength, he defendedhimself against them, although surrounded. The rest brought news intothe camp that Siccius, while fighting bravely, had fallen into anambush, and that some soldiers had been lost with him. At first theaccount was believed; afterward a party of men, who went by permissionof the decemvirs to bury those who had fallen, when they observed thatnone of the bodies there were stripped, and that Siccius lay in themidst fully armed, and that all the bodies were turned toward him, while there was neither the body of any of the enemy, nor any tracesof their departure, brought back his body, saying that he hadassuredly been slain by his own men. The camp was now filled withindignation, and it was resolved that Siccius should be forthwithbrought to Rome, had not the decemvirs hastened to bury him withmilitary honours at the public expense. He was buried amid the greatgrief of the soldiery, and with the worst possible infamy of thedecemvirs among the common people. 

Another monstrous deed followed in the city, originating in lust, andattended by results not less tragical than that deed which had broughtabout the expulsion of the Tarquins from the city and the thronethrough the violation and death of Lucretia: so that the decemvirs notonly came to the same end as the kings, but the reason also of theirlosing their power was the same. Appius Claudius was seized with acriminal passion for violating the person of a young woman of plebeianrank. Lucius Verginius, the girl's father, held an honourablerank among the centurions at Algidum, a man who was a pattern ofuprightness both at home and in the service. His wife and childrenwere brought up in the same manner. He had betrothed his daughter toLucius Icilius, who had been tribune, a man of spirit and of approvedzeal in the interest of the people. Appius, burning with desire, attempted to seduce by bribes and promises this young woman, now grownup, and of distinguished beauty; and when he perceived that all theavenues of his lust were barred by modesty, he turned his thoughts tocruel and tyrannical violence. Considering that, as the girl's fatherwas absent, there was an opportunity for committing the wrong; heinstructed a dependent of his, Marcus Claudius, to claim the girl ashis slave, and not to yield to those who demanded her enjoyment ofliberty pending judgment. The tool of the decemvir's lust laid handson the girl as she was coming into the forum--for there the elementaryschools were held in booths--calling her the daughter of his slave anda slave herself, and commanded her to follow him, declaring that hewould drag her off by force if she demurred. The girl being struckdumb with terror, a crowd collected at the cries of her nurse, whobesought the protection of the citizens. The popular names of herfather, Verginius, and of her betrothed, Icilius, were in every one'smouth. Esteem for them gained the good-will of their acquaintances, the heinousness of the proceeding, that of the crowd. She was nowsafe from violence, forasmuch as the claimant said that there was nooccasion for rousing the mob; that he was proceeding by law, not byforce. He summoned the girl into court. Her supporters advising herto follow him, they reached the tribunal of Appius. The claimantrehearsed the farce well known to the judge, as being in presence ofthe actual author of the plot, that the girl, born in his house, andclandestinely transferred from thence to the house of Verginius, hadbeen fathered on the latter: that what he stated was establishedby certain evidence, and that he would prove it, even if Verginiushimself, who would be the principal sufferer, were judge: thatmeanwhile it was only fair the servant should accompany her master. The supporters of Verginia, after they had urged that Verginius wasabsent on business of the state, that he would be present in two daysif word were sent to him, and that it was unfair that in his absencehe should run any risk regarding his children, demanded that Appiusshould adjourn the whole matter till the arrival of the father; thathe should allow the claim for her liberty pending judgment accordingto the law passed by himself, and not allow a maiden of ripe age toencounter the risk of her reputation before that of her liberty. 

Appius prefaced his decision by observing that the very same law, which the friends of Verginius put forward as the plea of theirdemand, showed how strongly he himself was in favour of liberty: thatliberty, however, would find secure protection in the law on thiscondition only, that it varied neither with respect to cases orpersons. For with respect to those individuals who were claimed asfree, that point of law was good, because any citizen could proceed bylaw in such a matter: but in the case of her who was in the hands ofher father, there was no other person in whose favour her master needrelinquish his right of possession. [51] That it was his decision, therefore, that her father should be sent for: that, in the meantime, the claimant should not be deprived of the right, which allowed himto carry off the girl with him, at the same time promising that sheshould be produced on the arrival of him who was called her father. When there were many who murmured against the injustice of thisdecision rather than any one individual who ventured to protestagainst it, the girl's great-uncle, Publius Numitorius, and herbetrothed, Icilius, appeared on the scene: and, way being made forthem through the crowd, the multitude thinking that Appius could bemost effectually resisted by the intervention of Icilius, the lictordeclared that he had decided the matter, and attempted to removeIcilius, when he began to raise his voice. Such a monstrous injusticewould have fired even a cool temper. "By the sword, Appius, " said he, "must I be removed hence, that you may secure silence about that whichyou wish to be concealed. This young woman I am about to marry, tohave and to hold as my lawful wife. Wherefore call together all thelictors of your colleagues also; order the rods and axes to be gotready: the betrothed wife of Icilius shall not pass the night outsideher father's house. No: though you have taken from us the aid of ourtribunes, and the power of appeal to the commons of Rome, the twobulwarks for the maintenance of our liberty, absolute authority hasnot therefore been given to your lust over our wives and children. Vent your fury on our backs and necks; let chastity at least besecure. If violence shall be offered to her, I shall implore theprotection of the citizens here present on behalf of my betrothed, Verginius that of the soldiers on behalf of his only daughter, all ofus the protection of gods and men, nor shall you carry that sentenceinto effect without our blood. I demand of you, Appius, consider againand again to what lengths you are proceeding. Verginius, when hecomes, will see to it, what conduct he is to pursue with respect tohis daughter: only let him be assured of this, that if he yields tothe claims of this man, he will have to look out for another match forhis daughter. As for my part, in vindicating the liberty of my spouse, life shall leave me sooner than honour. "

The multitude was now roused, and a contest seemed threatening. Thelictors had taken their stand around Icilius; they did not, however, proceed beyond threats, while Appius said that it was not Verginia whowas being defended by Icilius, but that, being a restless man, andeven now breathing the spirit of the tribuneship, he was seeking anopportunity for creating a disturbance. That he would not afford himthe chance of doing so on that day; but in order that he might nowknow that the concession had been made not to his petulance, but tothe absent Verginius, to the name of father and to liberty, that hewould not decide the case on that day, nor introduce a decree: that hewould request Marcus Claudius to forego somewhat of his right, and tosuffer the girl to be bailed till the next day. However, unless thefather attended on the following day, he gave notice to Icilius and tomen like Icilius, that, as the framer of it, he would maintain his ownlaw, as a decemvir, his firmness: that he would certainly not assemblethe lictors of his colleagues to put down the promoters of sedition;that he would be content with his own. When the time of this actof injustice had been deferred, and the friends of the maiden hadretired, it was first of all determined that the brother of Icilius, and the son of Numitorius, both active young men, should proceedthence straight to the city gate, and that Verginius should besummoned from the camp with all possible haste: that the safety of thegirl depended on his being present next day at the proper time, toprotect her from wrong. They proceeded according to directions, andgalloping at full speed, carried the news to her father. When theclaimant of the maiden was pressing Icilius to lay claim to her, andgive bail for her appearance, and Icilius said that that was the verything that was being done, purposely wasting the time, until themessengers sent to the camp should finish their journey, the multituderaised their hands on all sides, and every one showed himself readyto go surety for Icilius. And he, with his eyes full of tears, said:"This is a great favour; to-morrow I will avail myself of yourassistance: at present I have sufficient sureties. " Thus Verginia wasbailed on the security of her relations. Appius, having delayed ashort time, that he might not appear to have sat on account of thatcase alone, when no one made application to him, all other concernsbeing set aside owing to the interest displayed in this one case, betook himself home, and wrote to his colleague in the camp, notto grant leave of absence to Verginius, and even to keep him inconfinement. This wicked scheme was too late, as it deserved: forVerginius, having already obtained his leave had set out at the firstwatch, while the letter regarding his detention was delivered on thefollowing morning without effect. 

But in the city, at daybreak, when the citizens were standing in theforum on the tiptoe of expectation, Verginius, clad in mourning, conducted his daughter, also shabbily attired, attended by somematrons, into the forum, with a considerable body of supporters. Hethere began to go around and solicit people: and not only entreatedtheir aid given out of kindness, but demanded it as a right: sayingthat he stood daily in the field of battle in defence of their wivesand children, nor was there any other man, whose brave and intrepiddeeds in war could be recorded in greater numbers. What availed it, if, while the city was secure from dangers, their children had toendure these calamities, which were the worst that could be dreaded ifit were taken? Uttering these words just like one delivering a publicharangue, he solicited the people individually. Similar arguments wereput forward by Icilius: the attendant throng of women produced moreeffect by their silent tears than any words. With a mind stubbornlyproof against all this--such an attack of frenzy, rather than of love, had perverted his mind--Appius ascended the tribunal, and when theclaimant went on to complain briefly, that justice had not beenadministered to him on the preceding day through party influence, before either he could go through with his claim, or an opportunity ofreply was afforded to Verginius, Appius interrupted him. The preamblewith which he prefaced his decision, ancient authors may have handeddown perhaps with some degree of truth; but since I nowhere find anythat is probable in the case of so scandalous a decision, I think itbest to state the bare fact, which is generally admitted, that hepassed a sentence consigning her to slavery. At first a feeling ofbewilderment astounded all, caused by amazement at so heinous aproceeding: then for some time silence prevailed. Then, when MarcusClaudius proceeded to seize the maiden, while the matrons stoodaround, and was met by the piteous lamentations of the women, Verginius, menacingly stretching forth his hands toward Appius, said:"To Icilius, and not to you, Appius, have I betrothed my daughter, andfor matrimony, not for prostitution, have I brought her up. Wouldyou have men gratify their lust promiscuously, like cattle and wildbeasts? Whether these persons will endure such things, I know not; Ido not think that those will do so who have arms in their hands. "When the claimant of the girl was repulsed by the crowd of women andsupporters who were standing around her, silence was proclaimed by thecrier. 

The decemvir, as if he had lost his reason owing to his passion, stated that not only from Icilius's abusive harangue of the daybefore, and the violence of Verginius, of which he could produce theentire Roman people as witnesses, but from authentic informationalso he had ascertained that secret meetings were held in the citythroughout the night with the object of stirring up sedition: thathe, accordingly, being aware of that danger, had come down with armedsoldiers, not to molest any peaceable person, but in order to punish, as the majesty of the government demanded, those who disturbed thetranquility of the state. "It will, therefore, " said he, "be better toremain quiet: go, lictor, disperse the crowd, and clear the way forthe master to lay hold of his slave. " After he had thundered out thesewords, full of wrath, the multitude of their own accord dispersed, andthe girl stood deserted, a sacrifice to injustice. Then Verginius, when he saw no aid anywhere, said: "I beg you, Appius, first pardon afather's grief, if I have attacked you too harshly: in the next place, suffer me to ask the nurse here in presence of the maiden, what allthis means, that, if I have been falsely called her father, I maydepart hence with mind more tranquil. " Permission having been granted, he drew the girl and the nurse aside to the booths near the chapelof Cloacina, [52] which now go by the name of the New Booths:[53] andthere, snatching a knife from a butcher, "In this, the only one way Ican, my daughter, " said he, "do I secure to you your liberty. " Hethen plunged it into the girl's breast, and looking back toward thetribunal, said "With this blood I devote thee, [54] Appius, and thyhead!" Appius, aroused by the cry raised at so dreadful a deed, ordered Verginius to be seized. He, armed with the knife, cleared theway whithersoever he went, until, protected by the crowd of personsattending him, he reached the gate. Icilius and Numitorius took up thelifeless body and showed it to the people; they deplored the villainyof Appius, the fatal beauty of the maiden, and the cruel lot of thefather. [55] The matrons, following, cried out: Was this the conditionof rearing children? Were these the rewards of chastity? And otherthings which female grief on such occasions suggests, when theircomplaints are so much the more affecting, in proportion as theirgrief is more intense from their want of self-control. The men, andmore especially Icilius, spoke of nothing but the tribunician power, and the right of appeal to the people which had been taken from them, and gave vent to their indignation in regard to the condition ofpublic affairs. 

The multitude was excited partly by the heinousness of the misdeed, partly by the hope of recovering their liberty on a favourableopportunity. Appius first ordered Icilius to be summoned beforehim, then, when he refused to come, to be seized: finally, when theofficers were not allowed an opportunity of approaching him, hehimself, proceeding through the crowd with a body of young patricians, ordered him to be led away to prison. Now not only the multitude, butLucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, the leaders of the multitude, stood around Icilius and, having repulsed the lictor, declared, that, if Appius should proceed according to law, they would protect Iciliusfrom one who was but a private citizen; if he should attempt to employforce, that even in that case they would be no unequal match for him. Hence arose a violent quarrel. The decemvir's lictor attacked Valeriusand Horatius: the fasces were broken by the people. Appius ascendedthe tribunal; Horatius and Valerius followed him. They wereattentively listened to by the assembly: the voice of the decemvir wasdrowned with clamour. Now Valerius, as if he possessed the authorityto do so, was ordering the lictors to depart from one who was but aprivate citizen, when Appius, whose spirits were now broken, alarmedfor his life, betook himself into a house in the vicinity of theforum, unobserved by his enemies, with his head covered up. SpuriusOppius, in order to assist his colleague, rushed into the forum by theopposite side: he saw their authority overpowered by force. Distractedthen by various counsels and by listening to several advisers fromevery side, he had become hopelessly confused: eventually he orderedthe senate to be convened. Because the official acts of the decemvirsseemed displeasing to the greater portion of the patricians, thisstep quieted the people with the hope that the government would beabolished through the senate. The senate was of opinion that thecommons should not be stirred up, and that much more effectualmeasures should be taken lest the arrival of Verginius should causeany commotion in the army. 

Accordingly, some of the junior patricians, being sent to the campwhich was at that time on Mount Vecilius, announced to the decemvirsthat they should do their utmost to keep the soldiers from mutinying. There Verginius occasioned greater commotion than he had left behindhim in the city. For besides that he was seen coming with a bodyof nearly four hundred men, who, enraged in consequence of thedisgraceful nature of the occurrence, had accompanied him from thecity, the unsheathed knife, and his being himself besmeared withblood, attracted to him the attention of the entire camp; and thegowns, [56] seen in many parts of the camp had caused the number ofpeople from the city to appear much greater than it really was. Whenthey asked him what was the matter, in consequence of his weeping, fora long time he did not utter a word. At length, as soon as the crowdof those running together became quiet after the disturbance, andsilence ensued, he related everything in order as it had occurred. 

Then extending his hands toward heaven, addressing hisfellow-soldiers, he begged of them, not to impute to him that whichwas the crime of Appius Claudius, nor to abhor him as the murderer ofhis child. To him the life of his daughter was dearer than his own, ifshe had been allowed to live in freedom and chastity. When he beheldher dragged to prostitution as if she were a slave, thinking it betterthat his child should be lost by death rather than by dishonour, through compassion for her he had apparently fallen into cruelty. Norwould he have survived his daughter had he not entertained the hope ofavenging her death by the aid of his fellow-soldiers. For they too haddaughters, sisters, and wives; nor was the lust of Appius Claudiusextinguished with his daughter; but in proportion as it escaped withgreater impunity, so much the more unbridled would it be. That by thecalamity of another a warning was given to them to guard against asimilar injury. As far as he was concerned, his wife had been takenfrom him by destiny; his daughter, because she could no longer havelived as a chaste woman, had met with an unfortunate but honourabledeath; that there was now no longer in his family an opportunity forthe lust of Appius; that from any other violence of his he woulddefend his person with the same spirit with which he had vindicatedthat of his daughter: that others should take care for themselves andtheir children. While he uttered these words in a loud voice, themultitude responded with a shout that they would not be backward, either to avenge his wrongs or to defend their own liberty. And thecivilians mixing with the crowd of soldiers, by uttering the samecomplaints, and by showing how much more shocking these things musthave appeared when seen than when merely heard of, and also by tellingthem that the disturbance at Rome was now almost over--and othershaving subsequently arrived who asserted that Appius, having withdifficulty escaped with life, had gone into exile--all theseindividuals so far influenced them that there was a general cry toarms, and having pulled up the standards, they set out for Rome. Thedecemvirs, being alarmed at the same time both by what they now saw, as well as by what they had heard had taken place at Rome, ran aboutto different parts of the camp to quell the commotion. While theyproceeded with mildness no answer was returned to them: if any of themattempted to exert authority, the soldiers replied that they were menand were armed. They proceeded in a body to the city and occupied theAventine, encouraging the commons, as each person met them, recovertheir liberty, and elect tribunes of the people; no other expressionof violence was heard. Spurius Oppius held a meeting of the senate;it was resolved that no harsh measures should be adopted, inasmuch asoccasion for sedition had been given by themselves. [57] Three men ofconsular rank, Spurius Tarpeius, Gaius Julius, Publius Sulpicius, weresent as ambassadors, to inquire, in the name of the senate, by whoseorder they had deserted the camp? Or what they meant by havingoccupied the Aventine in arms, and, turning away their arms from theenemy, having seized their own country? They were at no loss for ananswer: but they wanted some one to give the answer, there being asyet no certain leader, and individuals were not bold enough to exposethemselves to the invidious office. The multitude only cried out withone accord, that they should send Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatiusto them, saying that they would give their answer to them. 

The ambassadors being dismissed, Verginius reminded the soldiers thata little while before they had been embarrassed in a matter of no verygreat difficulty, because the multitude was without a head; and thatthe answer given, though not inexpedient, was the result rather of anaccidental agreement than of a concerted plan. His opinion was, thatten persons should be elected to preside over the management of stateaffairs, and that they should be called tribunes of the soldiers, atitle suited to their military dignity. When that honour was offeredto himself in the first instance, he replied, "Reserve for an occasionmore favourable to both of us your kind recognition of me. The fact ofmy daughter being unavenged, does not allow any office to be agreeableto me, nor, in the present disturbed condition of the state, is itadvantageous that those should be at your head who are most exposed toparty animosity. If I am of any use, the benefit to be gained from myservices will be just as great while I am a private individual. " Theyaccordingly elected military tribunes ten in number. 

Meanwhile the army among the Sabines was not inactive. There also, atthe instance of Icilius and Numitorius, a secession from the decemvirstook place, men's minds being no less moved when they recalled to mindthe murder of Siccius, than when they were fired with rage at therecent account of the disgraceful attempt made on the maiden togratify lust. When Icilius heard that tribunes of the soldiers hadbeen elected on the Aventine, lest the election assembly in the cityshould follow the precedent of the military assembly, by electing thesame persons tribunes of the commons, being well versed in popularintrigues and having an eye to that office himself, he also took care, before they proceeded to the city, that the same number should beelected by his own party with equal power. They entered the city bythe Colline gate under their standards, and proceeded in a body to theAventine through the midst of the city. There, joining the other army, they commissioned the twenty tribunes of the soldiers to select twoout of their number to preside over state affairs. They elected MarcusOppius and Sextus Manilius. The patricians, alarmed for the generalsafety, though there was a meeting of the senate every day, wasted thetime in wrangling more frequently than in deliberation. The murder ofSiccius, the lust of Appius, and the disgraces incurred in war wereurged as charges against the decemvirs. It was resolved that Valeriusand Horatius should proceed to the Aventine. They refused to go on anyother condition than that the decemvirs should lay down the badges ofthat office, which they had resigned at the end of the previous year. The decemvirs, complaining that they were now being degraded, declaredthat they would not resign their office until those laws, for the sakeof which they had been appointed, were passed. 

The people being informed by Marcus Duillius, who had been tribune ofthe people, that by reason of their continual contentions no businesswas transacted, passed from the Aventine to the Sacred Mount, asDuillius asserted that no concern for business would enter the mindsof the patricians, until they saw the city deserted: that the SacredMount would remind them of the people's firmness: that they would thenknow that matters could not be brought back to harmony without therestoration of the tribunician power. Having set out along theNomentan way, which was then called the Ficulean, [58] they pitchedtheir camp on the Sacred Mount, imitating the moderation of theirfathers by committing no violence. The commons followed the army, no one whose age would permit him declining to go. Their wives andchildren attended them, piteously asking to whom they were leavingthem, in a city where neither chastity nor liberty were respected. When the unusual solitude had created everywhere at Rome a feelingof desolation; when there was no one in the forum but a few old men:when, after the patricians had been summoned into the senate, theforum appeared deserted, by this time more besides Horatius andValerius began to exclaim, "What will you now wait for, conscriptfathers? If the decemvirs do not put an end to their obstinacy, willyou suffer all things to go to wreck and ruin? What power is that ofyours, decemvirs, which you embrace and hold so firmly? Do you mean toadminister justice to walls and houses? Are you not ashamed that analmost greater number of your lictors is to be seen in the forum thanof the other citizens? What are you going to do, in case the enemyshould approach the city? What, if the commons should come presentlyin arms, in case we show ourselves little affected by their secession?Do you mean to end your power by the fall of the city? Well, then, either we must not have the commons, or they must have their tribunes. We shall sooner be able to dispense with our patrician magistrates, than they with their plebeian. That power, when new and untried, they wrested from our fathers; much less will they now, when oncecaptivated by its charm, endure the loss of: more especially since wedo not behave with such moderation in the exercise of our power thatthey are in no need of the aid of the tribunes. " When these argumentswere thrown out from every quarter, the decemvirs, overpowered by theunited opinions of all, declared that, since such seemed to be thefeeling, they would submit to the authority of the patricians. Allthey asked for themselves was that they might be protected frompopular odium; they warned the senate, that they should not, byshedding their blood, habituate the people to inflict punishment onthe patricians. 

Then Valerius and Horatius, having been sent to bring back the peopleon such terms as might seem fit, and to adjust all differences, weredirected to make provision also to protect the decemvirs from theresentment and violence of the multitude. They set forth and werereceived into the camp amid the great joy of the people, as theirundoubted liberators, both at the beginning of the disturbance andat the termination of the matter. In consideration of these things, thanks were returned to them on their arrival. Icilius delivereda speech in the name of the people. When the terms came to beconsidered, on the ambassadors inquiring what the demands of thepeople were, he also, having already concerted the plan before thearrival of the ambassadors, made such demands, that it became evidentthat more hope was placed in the justice of their case than in arms. For they demanded the restoration of the tribunician office and theright of appeal, which, before the appointment of decemvirs, had beenthe supports of the people, and that it should be without detrimentto any one to have instigated the soldiers or the commons to seek torecover their liberty by a secession. Concerning the punishment onlyof the decemvirs was their demand immoderate: for they thought it butjust that they should be delivered up to them, and threatened to burnthem alive. The ambassadors replied: "Your demands which have beenthe result of deliberation are so reasonable, that they should bevoluntarily offered to you: for you demand therein safeguards foryour liberty, not a means of arbitrary power to assail others. Yourresentment we must rather pardon than indulge, seeing that from yourhatred of cruelty you rush into cruelty, and almost before you arefree yourselves, already wish to lord it over your opponents. Shallour state never enjoy rest from punishments, inflicted either by thepatricians on the Roman commons, or by the commons on the patricians?You need a shield rather than a sword. He is sufficiently andabundantly humbled who lives in the state on an equal footing with hisfellow-citizens, neither inflicting nor suffering injury. Should you, however, at any time wish to render yourselves formidable, when, afteryou have recovered your magistrates and laws, decisions on ourlives and fortunes shall be in your hands, then you shall determineaccording to the merits of each case: for the present it is sufficientthat your liberty be recovered. "

All assenting that they should act just as they thought proper, theambassadors assured them that they would speedily return, havingbrought everything to a satisfactory termination. When they had goneand laid before the patricians the message of the commons--while theother decemvirs, since, contrary to their own expectation, no mentionwas made of their punishment--raised no objection, Appius, being of atruculent disposition and the chief object of detestation, measuringthe rancour of others toward him by his own toward them, said: "I amnot ignorant of the fate which threatens me. I see that the contestagainst us is only deferred until our arms are delivered up to ouradversaries. Blood must be offered up to popular rage. I do not evenhesitate to resign my decemvirate. " A decree of the senate was thenpassed: that the decemvirs should as soon as possible resign theiroffice; that Quintus Furius, chief pontiff, should hold an election ofplebeian tribunes, and that the secession of the soldiers and commonsshould not be detrimental to any one. These decrees of the senatebeing completed, and the senate dismissed, the decemvirs came forthinto the assembly, and resigned their office, to the great joy of all. News of this was carried to the commons. All those who remained in thecity escorted the ambassadors. This crowd was met by another joyousbody from the camp; they congratulated each other on the restorationof liberty and concord to the state. The deputies spoke as followsbefore the assembly: "Be it advantageous, fortunate, and happy for youand the republic--return to your country, to your household gods, yourwives and children; but carry into the city the same moderation whichyou observed here, where in spite of the pressing need of so manythings necessary for so large a number of persons, no man's field hasbeen injured. Go to the Aventine, whence you set out. There, in thatauspicious place, where you laid the first beginnings of your liberty, you shall elect tribunes of the people. The chief pontiff will be athand to hold the elections. " Great was their approval and joy, asevinced in their assent to every measure. They then pulled up theirstandards, and having set out for Rome, vied in exultation with allthey met. Silently, under arms, they marched through the city andreached the Aventine. There, the chief pontiff holding the meetingfor the elections, they immediately elected as their tribunes ofthe people, first of all Lucius Verginius, then Lucius Icilius, andPublius Numitorius, the uncle of Verginius, who had recommended thesecession: then Gaius Sicinius, the offspring of him who is recordedto have been elected first tribune of the commons on the Sacred Mount;and Marcus Duillius, who had held a distinguished tribuneship beforethe appointment of the decemvirs, and never failed the commons intheir contests with the decemvirs. Marcus Titinius, Marcus Pomponius, Gaius Apronius, Appius Villius, and Gaius Oppius, were elected morefrom hope entertained of them than from any actual services. When heentered on his tribuneship, Lucius Icilius immediately brought beforethe people, and the people enacted, that the secession from thedecemvirs which had taken place should not prove detrimental to anyindividual. Immediately after Duillius carried a proposition forelecting consuls, with right of appeal[59]. All these things weretransacted in an assembly of the commons in the Flaminian meadows, which are now called the Flaminian Circus. [60]

Then, through an interrex, Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius wereelected consuls, and immediately entered on their office; theirconsulship, agreeable to the people, although it did no injury tothe patricians, was not, however, without giving them offence; forwhatever measures were taken to secure the liberty of the people, theyconsidered to be a diminution of their own power. First of all, whenit was as it were a disputed point of law, whether patricians werebound by regulations enacted in an assembly of the commons, theyproposed a law in the assembly of the centuries, that whatever thecommons ordered in the assembly of the tribes, should be binding onthe entire people; by which law a most keen-edged weapon of offencewas given to the motions introduced by tribunes. Then another law madeby a consul concerning the right of appeal, a singularly effectivesafeguard of liberty, that had been upset by the decemviral power, was not only restored but also guarded for the time to come, by thepassing of a new law, that no one should appoint any magistratewithout appeal:[61] if any person should so appoint, it should belawful and right that he be put to death; and that such killing shouldnot be deemed a capital offence. And when they had sufficientlysecured the commons by the right of appeal on the one hand bytribunician aid on the other, they revived for the tribunes themselvesthe privilege that their persons should be considered inviolable--therecollection of which was now almost forgotten--by renewing after along interval certain ceremonies which had fallen into disuse; andthey rendered them inviolable by religion, as well as by a law, enacting that whosoever should offer injury to tribunes of the people, ædiles, or judicial decemvirs, his person should be devoted toJupiter, and his property be sold at the Temple of Ceres, Liber, andLibera. Expounders of the law deny that any person is by this lawinviolable, but assert that he, who may do an injury to any of them, is deemed by law accursed: and that, accordingly, an ædile may bearrested and carried to prison by superior magistrates, which, thoughit be not expressly warranted by law (for an injury is done to aperson to whom it is not lawful to do an injury according to thislaw), is yet a proof that an ædile is not considered as sacred andinviolable; the tribunes, however, are sacred and inviolable accordingto the ancient oath of the commons, when first they created thatoffice. There have been some who supposed that by this same Horatianlaw provision was made for the consuls also and the prætors, becausethey were elected under the same auspices as the consuls; for a consulwas called a judge. This interpretation is refuted, because at thistime it had not yet been customary for the consul to be styled judge, but prætor. [62] These were the laws proposed by the consuls. It wasalso arranged by the same consuls, that decrees of the senate, whichbefore that used to be suppressed and altered at the pleasure of theconsuls, should be deposited in the Temple of Ceres, under the careof the aediles of the commons. Then Marcus Duillius, tribune of thecommons, brought before the people and the people enacted, thatwhoever left the people without tribunes, and whoever caused amagistrate to be elected without appeal, should be punished withstripes and beheaded. All these enactments, though against thefeelings of the patricians, passed off without opposition from them, because as yet no severity was aimed at any particular individual. 

Then, both the tribunician power and the liberty of the commons havingbeen firmly established, the tribunes, now deeming it both safe andseasonable to attack individuals, singled out Verginius as the firstprosecutor and Appius as defendant. When Verginius had appointed a dayfor Appius to take his trial, and Appius had come down to the forum, accompanied by a band of young patricians, the recollection of hismost profligate exercise of power was instantly revived in the mindsof all, as soon as they beheld the man himself and his satellites. Then said Verginius: "Long speeches are only meant for matters of adoubtful nature. Accordingly, I shall neither waste time in dwellingon the guilt of this man before you, from whose cruelty you haverescued yourselves by force of arms, nor will I suffer him to addimpudence to his other crimes in defending himself. Wherefore, AppiusClaudius, I pardon you for all the impious and nefarious deeds youhave had the effrontery to commit one after another for the last twoyears; with respect to one charge only, unless you shall choose ajudge who shall acquit you that you have not sentenced a free personto slavery, contrary to the laws, I shall order that you be taken intocustody. " Neither in the aid of the tribunes, nor in the judgment ofthe people, could Appius place any hope: still he both appealed to thetribunes, and, when no one heeded him, being seized by the officer, heexclaimed, "I appeal. " The hearing of this one word that safeguard ofliberty, and the fact that it was uttered from that mouth, by whicha free citizen was so recently consigned to slavery, caused silence. And, while they loudly declared, each on his own behalf, that atlength the existence of the gods was proved, and that they did notdisregard human affairs; and that punishments awaited tyranny andcruelty, which punishments, though late, were, however, by no meanslight; that that man now appealed, who had abolished all right ofappeal; and that he implored the protection of the people, who hadtrampled under foot all the rights of the people: and that he wasbeing dragged off to prison, destitute of the rights of liberty, whohad doomed a free person to slavery, the voice of Appius himself washeard, amid the murmurs of the assembly, imploring the protection ofthe Roman people. He enumerated the services of his ancestors tothe state, at home and abroad: his own unfortunate anxiety for theinterests of the Roman commons, owing to which he had resigned theconsulship, to the very great displeasure of the patricians, for thepurpose of equalizing the laws; he then went on to mention those lawsof his, the framer of which was dragged off to prison, though the lawsstill remained in force. However, in regard to what bore especially onhis own case, his personal merits and demerits, he would make trialof them, when an opportunity should be afforded him of stating hisdefence; at present, he, a Roman citizen, demanded, by the commonright of citizenship, that he be allowed to speak on the dayappointed, and to appeal to the judgment of the Roman people: hedid not dread popular odium so much as not to place any hope in thefairness and compassion of his fellow-citizens. But if he were led toprison without being heard, that he once more appealed to the tribunesof the people, and warned them not to imitate those whom they hated. But if the tribunes acknowledged themselves bound by the sameagreement for abolishing the right of appeal, which they charged thedecemvirs with having conspired to form, then he appealed to thepeople, he implored the aid of the laws passed that very year, both bythe consuls and tribunes, regarding the right of appeal. For whowould there be to appeal, if this were not allowed a person as yetuncondemned, whose case had not been heard? What plebeian or humbleindividual would find protection in the laws, if Appius Claudiuscould not? That he would be a proof whether tyranny or liberty wasestablished by the new laws, and whether the right of appeal and ofchallenge against the injustice of magistrates was only held out inidle words, or really granted. 

Verginius, on the other hand, affirmed that Appius Claudius was theonly person who had no part or share in the laws, or in any covenantcivil or human. Men should look to the tribunal, the fortress of allvillainies, where that perpetual decemvir, venting his fury on theproperty, person, and life of the citizens, threatening all with hisrods and axes, a despiser of gods and men, surrounded by men who wereexecutioners, not lictors, turning his thoughts from rapine and murderto lust, tore a free-born maiden, as if she had been a prisoner ofwar, from the embraces of her father, before the eyes of the Romanpeople, and gave her as a present to a dependent, the minister to hissecret pleasures: where too by a cruel decree, and a most outrageousdecision, he armed the right hand of the father against the daughter:where he ordered the betrothed and uncle, on their raising thelifeless body of the girl, to be led away to prison, affected more bythe interruption of his lust than by her death: that the prison wasbuilt for him also which he was wont to call the domicile of the Romancommons. Wherefore, though he might appeal again and again, he himselfwould again and again propose a judge, to try him on the charge ofhaving sentenced a free person to slavery; if he would not go before ajudge, he ordered him to be taken to prison as one already condemned. He was thrown into prison, though without the disapprobation of anyindividual, yet not without considerable emotion of the public mind, since, in consequence of the punishment by itself of so distinguisheda man, their own liberty began to be considered by the commonsthemselves as excessive. [63]

The tribunes adjourned the day of trial. 

Meanwhile, ambassadors from the Hernicans and Latins came to Rometo offer their congratulations on the harmony existing between thepatricians and commons, and as an offering on that account to Jupiter, best and greatest, they brought into the Capitol a golden crown, ofsmall weight, as money at that time was not plentiful, and the dutiesof religion were performed rather with piety than splendour. On thesame authority it was ascertained that the Aequans and Volscians werepreparing for war with the utmost energy. The consuls were thereforeordered to divide the provinces between them. The Sabines fell to thelot of Horatius, the Æquans to Valerius. After they had proclaimed alevy for these wars, through the good offices of the commons, not onlythe younger men, but a large number, consisting of volunteers fromamong those who had served their time, [64] attended to give in theirnames: and hence the army was stronger not only in the number but alsoin the quality of its soldiers, owing to the admixture of veterans. Before they marched out of the city, they engraved on brass, and fixedup in public view, the decemviral laws, which are named "the twelvetables. " There are some who state that the aediles discharged thatoffice by order of the tribunes. 

Gaius Claudius, who, detesting the crimes of the decemvirs and, aboveall, incensed at the arrogant conduct of his brother-in-law, hadretired to Regillum, his ancestral home. Though advanced in years, henow returned to the City, to deprecate the dangers threatening the manwhose vicious practices had driven him into retirement. Going down tothe Forum in mourning garb, accompanied by the members of his houseand by his clients, he appealed to the citizens individually, andimplored them not to stain the house of the Claudii with such anindelible disgrace as to deem them worthy of bonds and imprisonment. To think that a man whose image would be held in highest honourby posterity, the framer of their laws and the founder of Romanjurisprudence, should be lying manacled amongst nocturnal thieves androbbers! Let them turn their thoughts for a moment from feelings ofexasperation to calm examination and reflection, and forgive one manat the intercession of so many of the Claudii, rather than throughtheir hatred of one man despise the prayers of many. So far he himselfwould go for the honour of his family and his name, but he was notreconciled to the man whose distressed condition he was anxious torelieve. By courage their liberties had been recovered, by clemencythe harmony of the orders in the State could be strengthened. Somewere moved, but it was more by the affection he showed for his nephewthan by any regard for the man for whom he was pleading. But Verginiusbegged them with tears to keep their compassion for him and hisdaughter, and not to listen to the prayers of the Claudii, who hadassumed sovereign power over the plebs, but to the three tribunes, kinsmen of Verginia, who, after being elected to protect theplebeians, were now seeking their protection. This appeal was felt tohave more justice in it. All hope being now cut off, Appius put an endto his life before the day of trial came. 

Soon after Sp. Oppius was arraigned by P. Numitorius. He was onlyless detested than Appius, because he had been in the City when hiscolleague pronounced the iniquitous judgment. More indignation, however, was aroused by an atrocity which Oppius had committed thanby his not having prevented one. A witness was produced, who afterreckoning up twenty-seven years of service, and eight occasions onwhich he had been decorated for conspicuous bravery, appeared beforethe people wearing all his decorations. Tearing open his dress heexhibited his back lacerated with stripes. He asked for nothing but aproof on Oppius' part of any single charge against him; if such proofwere forthcoming, Oppius, though now only a private citizen, mightrepeat all his cruelty towards him. Oppius was taken to prison andthere, before the day of trial, he put an end to his life. Hisproperty and that of Claudius were confiscated by the tribunes. Theircolleagues changed their domicile by going into exile; their propertyalso was confiscated. M. Claudius, who had been the claimant ofVerginia, was tried and condemned; Verginius himself, however, refusedto press for the extreme penalty, so he was allowed to go into exileto Tibur. Verginia was more fortunate after her death than in herlifetime; her shade, after wandering through so many houses in questof expiatory penalties, at length found rest, not one guilty personbeing now left. 

Great alarm seized the patricians; the looks of the tribunes werenow as menacing as those of the decemvirs had been. M. Duillius thetribune imposed a salutary check upon their excessive exercise ofauthority. "We have gone, " he said, "far enough in the assertion ofour liberty and the punishment of our opponents, so for this yearI will allow no man to be brought to trial or cast into prison. Idisapprove of old crimes, long forgotten, being raked up, now that therecent ones have been atoned for by the punishment of the decemvirs. The unceasing care which both the consuls are taking to protect yourliberties is a guarantee that nothing will be done which will call forthe power of the tribunes. " This spirit of moderation shown by thetribune relieved the fears of the patricians, but it also intensifiedtheir resentment against the consuls, for they seemed to be so whollydevoted to the plebs, that the safety and liberty of the patricianswere a matter of more immediate concern to the plebeian than they wereto the patrician magistrates. It seemed as though their adversarieswould grow weary of inflicting punishment on them sooner than theconsuls would curb their insolence. It was pretty generally assertedthat they had shown weakness, since their laws had been sanctioned bythe senate, and no doubt was entertained that they had yielded to thepressure of circumstances. 

After matters had been settled in the City and the position of theplebs firmly assured, the consuls left for their respective provinces. Valerius wisely suspended operations against the armies of the Aequansand the Volscians, which had now united at Algidum: whereas, if he hadimmediately intrusted the issue to fortune, I am inclined to thinkthat, considering the feelings both of the Romans and of their enemiesat that time, after the unfavourable auspices of the decemvirs, [65]the contest would have cost him heavy loss. Having pitched his campat the distance of a mile from the enemy, he kept his men quiet. Theenemy filled the space lying between the two camps with their armyin order of battle, and not a single Roman made answer when theychallenged them to fight. At length, wearied with standing and waitingin vain for a contest, the Aequans and Volscians, considering that thevictory was almost yielded to them, went off some to Hernican, othersto Latin territory, to commit depredations. There was left in the camprather a garrison for its defence than sufficient force for a contest. When the consul perceived this, he in turn inspired the terror whichhis own men had previously felt, and having drawn up his troops inorder of battle on his side, provoked the enemy to fight. When they, conscious of their lack of forces, declined battle, the courage of theRomans immediately increased, and they considered them vanquished, as they stood panic-stricken within their rampart. Having stoodthroughout the day eager for the contest, they retired at night. Andthe Romans, now full of hope, set about refreshing themselves. Theenemy, in by no means equal spirits, being now anxious, despatchedmessengers in every direction to recall the plundering parties. 

Those in the nearest places returned: those who were farther off werenot found. When day dawned, the Romans left the camp, determined onassaulting the rampart, unless an opportunity of fighting presenteditself; and when the day was now far advanced, and no movement wasmade by the enemy, the consul ordered an advance; and the troops beingput in motion, the Aequans and Volscians were seized with indignation, at the thought that victorious armies had to be defended by a rampartrather than by valour and arms. Wherefore they also earnestly demandedthe signal for battle from their generals, and received it. And nowhalf of them had got out of the gates, and the others in successionwere marching in order, as they went down each to his own post, whenthe Roman consul, before the enemy's line, supported by their entirestrength, could get into close order, advanced upon them; and havingattacked them before they were all as yet led forth, and before those, who were, had their lines properly drawn out, he fell upon them, a crowd almost beginning to waver, as they ran from one place toanother, and gazed around upon themselves, and looked eagerly fortheir friends, the shouts and violent attack adding to the alreadypanic-stricken condition of their minds. The enemy at first gave way;then, having rallied their spirits, when their generals on every sidereproachfully asked them, whether they intended to yield to vanquishedfoes, the battle was restored. 

On the other side, the consul desired the Romans to remember that onthat day, for the first time, they fought as free men in defence ofRome, now a free city. That it was for themselves they were about toconquer, not to become, when victorious, the prize of the decemvirs. That it was not under the command of Appius that operations werebeing conducted, but under their consul Valerius, descended from theliberators of the Roman people, himself their liberator. Let them showthat in former battles it had been the fault of the generals and notof the soldiers, that they did not conquer. That it was shameful tohave exhibited more courage against their own countrymen than againsttheir enemies, and to have dreaded slavery more at home than abroad. That Verginia was the only person whose chastity had been in dangerin time of peace; that Appius had been the only citizen of dangerouslust. But if the fortune of war should turn against them, the childrenof all would be in danger from so many thousands of enemies; that hewas unwilling to forebode what neither Jupiter nor their father Marswould be likely to suffer to befall a city built under such auspices. He reminded them of the Aventine and the Sacred Mount; that theyshould bring back dominion unimpaired to that spot, where theirliberty had been won but a few months before; and that they shouldshow that the Roman soldiers retained the same disposition after theexpulsion of the decemvirs, as they had possessed before theywere appointed, and that the valour of the Roman people had notdeteriorated after the laws had been equalized. After he uttered thesewords among the battalions of the infantry, he hurried from them tothe cavalry. "Come, young men, " said he, "show yourselves superior tothe infantry in valour, as you already are their superiors in honourand in rank. The infantry at the first onset have made the enemy giveway; now that they have given way, do you give reins to your horsesand drive them from the field. They will not stand your charge; evennow they rather hesitate than resist. " They spurred on their horses, and charged at full speed against the enemy, who were already throwninto confusion by the attack of the infantry: and having brokenthrough the ranks, some dashing on to the rear of their line, otherswheeling about in the open space from the flanks, turned most of themaway from the camp as they were now flying in all directions, and byriding beyond them headed them off. The line of infantry, the consulhimself, and the whole onset of the battle was borne toward the camp, and having taken it with considerable slaughter, he got possession ofstill more considerable booty. The fame of this battle, carried notonly to the city, but to the other army also in Sabine territory, waswelcomed in the city with public rejoicing; in the camp, it inspiritedthe soldiers to emulate such glory. Horatius, by training them insallies, and making trial of them in slight skirmishes, had accustomedthem to trust in themselves rather than remember the ignominy incurredunder the command of the decemvirs, and these trifling engagements hadgreatly contributed to the successful consummation of their hopes. TheSabines, elated at their success in the preceding year, ceased notto provoke and urge them to fight, constantly asking why they wastedtime, sallying forth in small numbers and returning like marauders, and why they distributed the issue of a single war over a number ofengagements, and those of no importance. Why did they not meet them inthe field, and intrust to fortune the decision of the matter once andfor all?

Besides that they had already of themselves recovered sufficientcourage, the Romans were fired with exasperation at the thought thatthe other army would soon return victorious to the city; that theenemy were now wantonly affronting them with insolence: when, moreover, would they be a match for the enemy, if they were not sothen? When the consul ascertained that the soldiers loudly expressedthese sentiments in the camp, having summoned an assembly, he spokeas follows: "How matters have fared in Algidum, I suppose that you, soldiers, have already heard. As became the army of the free peopleto behave, so have they behaved; through the good judgment of mycolleague and the valour of the soldiers, the victory has been gained. For my part, I shall display the same judgment and determination asyou yourselves, O soldiers, display. The war may either be prolongedwith advantage, or be brought to a speedy conclusion. If it is to beprolonged, I shall take care, by employing the same method of warfarewith which I have begun, that your hopes and your valour may increaseevery day. If you have now sufficient courage, and it is your wishthat the matter be decided, come, raise here a shout such as you willraise in the field of battle, in token both of your wishes and yourvalour. " Whenthe shout was raised with great alacrity, he assured themthat he would comply with their wishes--and so might Heaven prosperit--and lead them next day into the field. The remainder of the daywas spent in getting ready their arms. On the following day, as soonas the Sabines saw the Roman army being drawn up in order of battle, they too, having long since been eager for the encounter, advanced. The battle was one such as would be fought between two armies who bothhad confidence in themselves, the one on account of its long-standingand unbroken career of glory, the other recently elated by its unusualsuccess. The Sabines aided their strength also by stratagem; for, having formed a line equal to that of the Romans, they kept twothousand men in reserve, to make an attack on the left wing of theRomans in the heat of the battle. When these, by an attack in flank, were on the point of overpowering that wing, now almost surrounded, about six hundred of the cavalry of two legions leaped down from theirhorses, and, as their men were giving way, rushed forward in front, and at the same time both opposed the advance of the enemy, and rousedthe courage of the infantry, first by sharing the danger equally withthem, and then by arousing in them a sense of shame. It was a matterof shame that the cavalry should fight in their own proper fashion andin that of others, and that the infantry should not be equal to thecavalry even when dismounted. [66]

They marched therefore to the fight, which had been suspended on theirpart, and endeavoured to regain the ground which they had lost, and ina moment not only was the battle restored, but one of the wings ofthe Sabines gave way. The cavalry, protected between the ranks of theinfantry, remounted their horses; they then galloped across to theother division to announce their success to their party; at the sametime also they charged the enemy, now disheartened by the discomfitureof their stronger wing. The valour of none shone forth moreconspicuous in that battle. The consul provided for all emergencies;he applauded the brave, rebuked wherever the battle seemed to slacken. When reproved, they displayed immediately the deeds of brave men; anda sense of shame stimulated these, as much as praises the others. Theshout being raised anew, all together making a united effort, drovethe enemy back; nor could the Roman attack be any longer resisted. 

The Sabines, driven in every direction through the country, left theircamp behind them for the enemy to plunder. There the Romans recoveredthe effects, not of the allies, as at Algidum, but their own property, which had been lost by the devastations of their lands. For thisdouble victory, gained in two battles, in two different places, thesenate in a niggardly spirit merely decreed thanksgivings in the nameof the consuls for one day only. The people went, however, on thesecond day also, in great numbers of their own accord to offerthanksgiving; and this unauthorized and popular thanksgiving, owing totheir zeal, was even better attended. The consuls by agreement cameto the city within the same two days, and summoned the senate tothe Campius Martius. [67] When they were there relating the servicesperformed by themselves, the chiefs of the patricians complained thatthe senate was designedly convened among the soldiers for the purposeof intimidation. The consuls, therefore, that there might be no roomfor such a charge, called away the senate to the Flaminian meadows, where the Temple of Apollo now is (even then it was called theApollinare). There, when a triumph was refused by a large majorityof the patricians, Lucius Icilius, tribune of the commons, brought aproposition before the people regarding the triumph of the consuls, many persons coming forward to argue against the measure, but inparticular Gaius Claudius, who exclaimed, that it was over the senate, not over the enemy, that the consuls wished to triumph; and that itwas intended as a return for a private service to a tribune, and notas an honour due to valour. That never before had the matter of atriumph been managed through the people; but that the consideration ofthat honour and the disposal of it, had always rested with the senate;that not even the kings had infringed on the majesty of this mostaugust body. The tribunes should not so occupy every department withtheir own authority, as to allow the existence of no public council;that the state would be free, and the laws equalized by these meansonly, if each order retained its own rights and its own dignity. Aftermuch had been said by the other senior patricians also to the samepurpose, all the tribes approved the proposition. Then for the firsttime a triumph was celebrated by order of the people, without theauthority of the senate. 

This victory of the tribunes and people was well-nigh terminating inan extravagance by no means salutary, a conspiracy being formed amongthe tribunes that the same tribunes might be re-elected, and, inorder that their own ambition might be the less conspicuous, thatthe consuls also might have their office prolonged. They pleaded, inexcuse, the combination of the patricians by which the privileges ofthe commons were attempted to be undermined by the affronts of theconsuls. What would be the consequence, when the laws were as yet notfirmly established, if they attacked the new tribunes through consulsof their own party? Men like Horatius and Valerius would not always beconsuls, who would regard their own interests as secondary after theliberty of the people. By some concurrence of circumstances, useful inview of the situation, it fell by lot to Marcus Duillius beforeall others to preside at the elections, a man of prudence, and whoperceived the storm of public odium that was hanging over them fromthe continuance of their office. And when he declared that he wouldtake no account of any of the former tribunes, and his colleaguesstruggled to get him to allow the tribes to vote independently, or togive up the office of presiding at the elections, which he held bylot, to his colleagues, who would hold the elections according to lawrather than according to the pleasure of the patricians; a contentionbeing now excited, when Duillius had sent for the consuls to hisseat and asked them what they contemplated doing with respect to theconsular elections, and they answered that they would appoint newconsuls; then, having secured popular supporters of a measure by nomeans popular, he proceeded with them into the assembly. There theconsuls were brought forward before the people, and asked what theywould do if the Roman people mindful of their liberty recovered athome through them, mindful also of their services in war, should againelect them consuls: and when they in no way changed their opinions, he held the election, after eulogizing the consuls, because theypersevered to the last in being unlike the decemvirs; and fivetribunes of the people having been elected, when, through the zealousexertions of the nine tribunes who openly pressed their canvass, theother candidates could not make up the required number of tribes, hedismissed the assembly; nor did he hold one afterward for the purposeof an election. He said that the law had been satisfied, which, without any number being anywhere specified, only enacted thattribunes who had been elected should be left to choose theircolleagues and confirmed those chosen by them. He then went on torecite the formula of the law, in which it was laid down: "If I shallpropose for election ten tribunes of the commons, if from any causeyou shall elect this day less than ten tribunes of the people, thenthat those whom they may have chosen as colleagues for themselves, that these, I say, be legitimate tribunes of the people on the sameconditions as those whom you shall on this day have elected tribunesof the people. " When Duillius persevered to the last, stating that therepublic could not have fifteen tribunes of the people, having baffledthe ambition of his colleagues, he resigned office, equally approvedof by patricians and commons. 

The new tribunes of the people, in electing their colleaguesendeavoured to gratify the wishes of the patricians; they even electedtwo who were patricians, [68] and men of consular rank Spurius Tarpeiusand Aulus Aternius. The consuls elected, Spurius Herminius, TitusVerginius Cælimontanus, not being specially inclined to the causeeither of the patricians or commons, had perfect tranquillity both athome and abroad. Lucius Trebonius, tribune of the commons, incensedagainst the patricians, because, as he said, he had been imposed onby them in the matter of choosing tribunes, and betrayed by hiscolleagues, brought forward a proposal, that whoever proposed heelection of tribunes of the people before the commons, should go ontaking the votes, until he elected ten tribunes of the people; and hespent his tribuneship in worrying the patricians, whence the surnameof Asper was given him. Next Marcus Geganius Macerinus, and GaiusJulius, being elected consuls, quieted some disputes that had arisenbetween the tribunes and the youth of the nobility, without displayingany harshness against that power, and at the same time preserving thedignity of the patricians. By proclaiming a levy for the war againstthe Volscians and Æquans, they kept the people from riots by keepingmatters in abeyance, affirming that everything was also quiet abroad, owing to the harmony in the city, and that it was only through civildiscord that foreign foes took courage. Their anxiety for peace abroadwas also the cause of harmony at home. But notwithstanding, the oneorder ever attacked the moderation of the other. Acts of injusticebegan to be committed by the younger patricians on the commons, although the latter kept perfectly quiet. Where the tribunes assistedthe more humble, in the first place it accomplished little: andthereafter they did not even themselves escape ill-treatment:particularly in the latter months, when injustice was committedthrough the combinations among the more powerful, and the power of theoffice became considerably weaker in the latter part of the year. Andnow the commons placed some hopes in the tribuneship, if only theycould get tribunes like Icilius: for the last two years they declaredthat they had only had mere names. On the other hand, the eldermembers of the patrician order, though they considered their young mento be too overbearing, yet preferred, if bounds were to be exceeded, that a superabundance of spirit should be exhibited by their own orderrather than by their adversaries. So difficult a thing is moderationin maintaining liberty, while every one, by pretending to desireequality, exalts himself in such a manner as to put down another, and men, by their very precautions against fear, cause themselves tobecome objects of dread: and we saddle on others injustice repudiatedon our own account, as if it were absolutely necessary either tocommit injustice or to submit to it. Titus Quinctius Capitolinus forthe fourth time and Agrippa Furius being then elected consuls, foundneither disturbance at home nor war abroad; both, however, wereimpending. The discord of the citizens could now no longer be checked, both tribunes and commons being exasperated against the patricians, while, if a day of trial was appointed for any of the nobility, italways embroiled the assemblies in new struggles. On the first reportof these the Æquans and Volscians, as if they had received a signal, took up arms; also because their leaders, eager for plunder, hadpersuaded them that the levy proclaimed two years previously could notbe proceeded with, as the commons now refused obedience to militaryauthority: that for that reason no armies had been sent against them;that military discipline was subverted by licentiousness, and thatRome was no longer considered a common country for its citizens; thatwhatever resentment and animosity they might have entertainedagainst foreigners, was now directed against themselves; that now anopportunity offered itself for destroying wolves blinded by intestinerage. Having united their forces, they first utterly laid waste theLatin territory: when none met them to avenge the wrong, then indeed, to the great exultation of the advisers of the war, they approachedthe very walls of Rome, carrying their depredations into the districtaround the Esquiline gate[69] pointing out to the city in mockinginsult the devastation of the land. When they marched back thence toCorbio unmolested and driving their booty before them, Quinctius theconsul summoned the people to an assembly. 

There I find that he spoke to this effect: "Though I am conscious tomyself of no fault, Quirites, yet it is with the greatest shame I havecome forward to your assembly. To think that you should know this, that this should be handed down on record to posterity, that theÆquans and Volscians a short time since scarcely a match for theHernicans, have with impunity come with arms in their hands to thewalls of Rome, in the fourth consulate of Titus Quinctius! Had I knownthat this disgrace was reserved for this year, above all others, though we have now long been living in such a manner, and such is thestate of affairs, that my mind can forebode nothing good, I would haveavoided this honour either by exile or by death, if there had been noother means of escaping it. Then, if men of courage had held thosearms, which were at our gates, Rome could have been taken during myconsulate. I have had sufficient honours, enough and more than enoughof life: I ought to have died in my third consulate. Whom, I pray, didthese most dastardly enemies despise? Us, consuls, or you, Quirites?If the fault lies in us, take away the command from those who areunworthy of it; and, if that is not enough, further inflict punishmenton us. If the fault is yours, may there be none of gods or men topunish your offences: do you yourselves only repent of them. It is notyour cowardice they have despised, nor their own valour that they haveput their trust in: having been so often routed and put to flight, stripped of their camp, mulcted in their land, sent under the yoke, they know both themselves and you. It is the discord among the severalorders that is the curse of this city, the contests between thepatricians and commons. While we have neither bounds in the pursuit ofpower, nor you in that of liberty, while you are wearied of patrician, we of plebeian magistrates, they have taken courage. In the name ofHeaven, what would you have? You desired tribunes of the commons; wegranted them for the sake of concord. You longed for decemvirs;we suffered them to be created. You became weary of decemvirs; wecompelled them to resign office. Your resentment against these samepersons when they became private citizens still continuing, wesuffered men of the highest family and rank to die or go into exile. You wished asecond time to create tribunes of the commons; you createdthem. You wished to elect consuls attached to your party; and, although we saw that it was unjust to the patricians, we have evenresigned ourselves to see a patrician magistracy conceded as anoffering to the people. The aid of tribunes, right of appeal to thepeople, the acts of the commons made binding on the patricians underthe pretext of equalizing the laws, the subversion of our privileges, we have endured and still endure. What end is there to be to ourdissensions? When shall it be allowed us to have a united city, onecommon country? We, when defeated, submit with greater resignationthan you when victorious. Is it enough for you, that you are objectsof terror to us? The Aventine is taken against us: against us theSacred Mount is seized. When the Esquiline was almost taken by theenemy, no one defended it, and when the Volscian foe was scaling therampart, no one drove him off: it is against us you behave like men, against us you are armed. 

"Come, when you have blockaded the senate-house here, and have madethe forum the seat of war, and filled the prison with the leading menof the state, march forth through the Esquiline gate, with that samedetermined spirit; or, if you do not even venture thus far, beholdfrom your walls your lands laid waste with fire and sword, bootydriven off, houses set on fire in every direction and smoking. But, Imay be told, it is only the public weal that is in a worse conditionthrough this: the land is burned, the city is besieged, the glory ofthe war rests with the enemy. What in the name of Heaven--what is thestate of your own private affairs? Even now to each of you his ownprivate losses from the country will be announced. What, pray, isthere at home, whence you can recruit them? Will the tribunes restoreand re-establish what you have lost? Of sound and words they will heapon you as much as you please, and of charges against the leading men, laws one after another, and public meetings. But from these meetingsnever has one of you returned home more increased in substance or infortune. Has any one ever brought back to his wife and children aughtsave hatred, quarrels, grudges public and private, from which you mayever be protected, not by your own valour and integrity, but by theaid of others? But, by Hercules! When you served under the command ofus consuls, not under tribunes, in the camp and not in the forum, andthe enemy trembled at your shout in the field of battle, not the Romanpatricians in the assembly, having gained booty and taken land fromthe enemy, loaded with wealth and glory, both public and private, youused to return home in triumph to your household gods: now you allowthe enemy to go off laden with your property. Continue fast bound toyour assemblies, live in the forum; the necessity of taking the field, which you strive to escape, still follows you. It was hard on you tomarch against the Æquans and the Volscians: the war is at your gates:if it is not driven from thence, it will soon be within your walls, and will scale the citadel and Capitol, and follow you into your veryhouses. Two years ago the senate ordered a levy to be held, and anarmy to be marched out to Algidum; yet we sit down listless at home, quarrelling with each other like women, delighting in present peace, and not seeing that after that short-lived inactivity war will returnwith interest. That there are other topics more pleasing than these, I well know; but even though my own mind did not prompt me to it, necessity obliges me to speak the truth rather than what is pleasing. I would indeed like to meet with your approval, Quirites; but I ammuch more anxious that you should be preserved, whatever sentimentsyou shall entertain toward me. It has been so ordained by nature, thathe who addresses a crowd for his own private interest, is more welcomethan the man whose mind has nothing in view but the public interestunless perhaps you suppose that those public sycophants thoseflatterers of the commons, who neither suffer you to take up arms norto live in peace, excite and work you up for your own interests. Whenexcited, you are to them sources either of position or of profit: and, because, when the orders are in accord, they see that they themselvesare of no importance in anything, they prefer to be leaders of a badcause, of tumults and sedition, rather than of no cause at all. Ifyou can at last become wearied of all this, and if you are willing toresume the habits practised by your forefathers of old, and formerlyby yourselves, in place of these new ones, I am ready to submit toany punishment, if I do not in a few days rout and put to flight, andstrip of their camp those devastators of our lands, and transfer fromour gates and walls to their cities this terror of war, by which youare now thrown into consternation. "

Scarcely ever was the speech of a popular tribune more acceptable tothe commons than this of a most austere consul on that occasion. Theyoung men also, who, during such alarms, had been accustomed to employthe refusal to enlist as the sharpest weapon against the patricians, began to turn their attention to war and arms: and the flight of therustics, and those who had been robbed and wounded in the country, byannouncing events more revolting even than what was before their eyes, filled the whole city with exasperation. When they came into thesenate, there all, turning to Quinctius, looked upon him as the onlychampion of the majesty of Rome: and the leading senators declaredthat his harangue was worthy of the consular authority, worthy of somany consulships formerly borne by him, worthy of his whole life, fullof honours frequently enjoyed, more frequently deserved. That otherconsuls had either flattered the commons by betraying the dignity ofthe patricians, or by harshly maintaining the rights of their order, had rendered the multitude more exasperated by their efforts to subduethem: that Titus Quinctius had delivered a speech mindful of thedignity of the patricians, of the concord of the different orders, and above all, of the needs of the times. They entreated him and hiscolleague to assume the management of the commonwealth; they entreatedthe tribunes, by acting in concert with the consuls, to join indriving back the war from the city and the walls, and to induce thecommons to be obedient to the senate at so perilous a conjuncture:declaring that, their lands being devastated, and their city in amanner besieged, their common country appealed to them as tribunes, and implored their aid. By universal consent the levy was decreed andheld. When the consuls gave public notice that there was no time forconsidering claims for exemption; that all the young men should attendon the following morning at dawn in the Campus Martius; that when thewar was over, they would afford time for inquiring into the excuses ofthose who had not given in their names; that the man should be heldas a deserter, whose excuse they found unsatisfactory; all the youthattended on the following day. The cohorts [70] chose each theircenturions: two senators were placed at the head of each cohort. We have read that all these measures were carried out with suchexpedition that the standards, which had been brought forth from thetreasury on that very day by the quæstors and conveyed to the Campus, started from thence at the fourth hour; and the newly-raised armyhalted at the tenth milestone, followed only by a few cohorts ofveteran soldiers as volunteers. The following day brought the enemywithin sight, and camp was joined to camp near Corbio. On the thirdday, when resentment urged on the Romans, and a consciousness of guiltfor having so often rebelled and a feeling of despair, the others, there was no delay in coming to an engagement. 

In the Roman army, though the two consuls were invested with equalauthority, the supreme command was, by the concession of Agrippa, resigned to his colleague, an arrangement most salutary in the conductof matters of great importance; and he who was preferred made a politereturn for the ready condescension of the other, who thus loweredhimself, by making him his confidant in all his plans and sharing withhim his honours, and by putting him on an equality with him althoughhe was by no means as capable. On the field of battle Quinctiuscommanded the right, Agrippa the left wing; the command of the centrewas intrusted to Spurius Postumius Albus, as lieutenant-general. Publius Sulpicius, the other lieutenant-general, was placed at thehead of the cavalry. The infantry on the right wing fought withdistinguished valour, while the Volscians offered a stout resistance. Publius Sulpicius with his cavalry broke through the centre of theenemy's line; and, though he might have returned thence in the sameway to his own party, before the enemy restored their broken ranks, it seemed more advisable to attack them in the rear, and in a moment, charging the line in the rear, he would have dispersed the enemy bythe double attack, had not the cavalry of the Volscians and Æquanskept him for some time engaged by a mode of fighting like his own. Then indeed Sulpicius declared that there was no time for delay, crying out that they were surrounded and would be cut off from theirown friends, unless they united all their efforts and despatched theengagement with the cavalry. Nor was it enough to rout the enemywithout disabling them; they must slay horses and men, that none mightreturn to the fight or renew the battle; that these could not resistthem, before whom a compact body of infantry had given way. His orderswere addressed to no deaf ears; by a single charge they routed theentire cavalry, dismounted great numbers, and killed with theirjavelins both the riders and the horses. Thus ended the cavalryengagement. Then, having attacked the enemy's infantry, they sent anaccount to the consuls of what had been done, where the enemy's linewas already giving way. The news both gave fresh courage to theRomans who were now gaining the day, and dismayed the Æquans who werebeginning to give way. They first began to be beaten in the centre, where the furious charge of the cavalry had broken their ranks. Thenthe left wing began to lose ground before the consul Quinctius; thecontest was most obstinate on the right. Then Agrippa, in the vigourof his youth and strength, seeing matters going more favourably inevery part of the battle than in his own quarter, snatched some of thestandards from the standard-bearers and carried them on himself, someeven he began to throw into the thick of the enemy. [71]

The soldiers, urged on by the fear of this disgrace, attacked theenemy; thus the victory was equalized in every quarter. News then camefrom Quinctius that he, being now victorious, was about to attackthe enemy's camp; that he was unwilling to break into it, before helearned that they were beaten in the left wing also. If he had routedthe enemy, let him now join him, that all the army together mighttake possession of the booty. Agrippa, being victorious, with mutualcongratulations advanced toward his victorious colleague and theenemy's camp. There, as there were but few to defend it, and thesewere routed in a moment they broke into the fortifications without astruggle, and marched back the army, in possession of abundant spoil, having recovered also their own effects, which had been lost by thedevastation of the lands. I have not heard that they either themselvesdemanded a triumph, or that one was offered to them by the senate; noris any cause assigned for the honour being either overlooked or nothoped for. As far as I can conjecture at so great a distance of time, since a triumph had been refused to the consuls Horatius and Valerius, who, in addition to the victory over the Æquans and Volscians, hadgained the glory of having also finished the Sabine war, the consulswere ashamed to demand a triumph for one half of the services done bythem, lest, even if they should have obtained it, regard might appearto have been paid to persons rather than to merit. 

A disgraceful decision of the people regarding the boundaries of theirallies marred the honourable victory obtained over their enemies. Thepeople of Aricia [72] and of Ardea, who had frequently contended inarms concerning a disputed piece of land, wearied out by many losseson either side, appointed the Roman people as arbitrators. When theyarrived to support their claims, an assembly of the people beinggranted them by the magistrates, the matter was debated with greatwarmth. The witnesses being now produced, when it was time for thetribes to be called, and for the people to give their votes, PubliusScaptius, a plebeian advanced in years, rose up and said, "Consuls, ifit is permitted me to speak on the public interest, I will not sufferthe people to be led into a mistake in this matter. " When the consulssaid that he, as unworthy of attention, ought not to be heard, and, onhis shouting that the public interest was being betrayed, ordered himto be put aside, he appealed to the tribunes. The tribunes, as theyare nearly always directed by the multitude rather than direct it, granted Scaptius leave to say what he pleased in deference to thepeople, who were anxious to hear him. He then began: That he was nowin his eighty-third year, and that he had served in that districtwhich was now in dispute, not even then a young man, as he was alreadyserving in his twentieth campaign, when operations were going on atCorioli. He therefore brought forward a fact forgotten by length oftime--one, however, deeply fixed in his memory, namely, that thedistrict now in dispute had belonged to the territory of Corioli, and, after the taking of Corioli, it had become come by right of war thepublic property of the Roman people. That he was surprised how thestates of Ardea and Aricia could have the face to hope to deprive theRoman people, whom instead of lawful owners they had made arbitrators;of a district the right of which they had never claimed while thestate of Corioli existed. That he for his part had but a short timeto live; he could not, however, bring himself, old as he now was, todesist claiming by his voice, the only means he now had, a districtwhich, as a soldier, he had contributed to acquire, as far as a mancould. That he strenuously advised the people not to ruin their owninterest by an idle feeling of delicacy. 

The consuls, when they perceived that Scaptius was listened to notonly in silence, but even with approbation, calling gods and men towitness, that a disgraceful enormity was being committed, summonedthe principal senators: with them they went round to the tribes, entreated, that, as judges, they would not be guilty of a most heinouscrime, with a still worse precedent, by converting the subject ofdispute to their own interest, more especially when, even though itmay be lawful for a judge to look after his own interest, so muchwould by no means be acquired by keeping the land, as would be lost byalienating the affections of their allies by injustice; for that theloss of reputation and confidence was of greater importance than couldbe estimated. Was this the answer the ambassadors were to carry home;was this to go out to the world; were their allies to hear this; weretheir enemies to hear it--with what sorrow the one--with what joy theother? Could they suppose that the neighbouring states would ascribethis proceeding to Scaptius, an old babbler at assemblies? ThatScaptius would be rendered distinguished by this statue: but that theRoman people would assume the character of a corrupt informer [73]and appropriator of the claims of others. For what judge in a privatecause ever acted in such a way as to adjudge to himself the propertyin dispute? That even Scaptius himself would not act so, though he hadnow outlived all sense of shame. Thus the consuls, thus the senatorsexclaimed; but covetousness, and Scaptius, the adviser of thatcovetousness, had more influence. The tribes, when convened, decidedthat the district was the public property of the Roman people. Nor canit be denied that it might have been so, if they had gone to otherjudges; but, as it is, the infamy of the decision is not in anyway diminished by the justice of the cause: nor did it appear moredisgraceful or more repulsive to the people of Aricia and of Ardea, than it did to the Roman senate. The remainder of the year continuedfree from disturbances both at home and abroad. [74]

Footnotes:

[Footnote 1: The ager publicus or public land consisted of the landedestates which had belonged to the kings, and were increased by landtaken from enemies who had been captured in war. The patricians hadgained exclusive occupation of this, for which they paid a nominalrent in the shape of produce and tithes: the state, however, stillretained the right of disposal of it. By degrees the ager publicusfell into the hands of a few rich individuals, who were continuallybuying up smaller estates, which were cultivated by slaves, thusreducing the number of free agricultural labourers. ]

[Footnote 2: Directly, rather than by lot as was usual. ]

[Footnote 4: In later times the censor performed this office. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 5: This decree was practically a bestowal of absolutepower. --D. O. ]

[Footnote: In later times the proconsul was the consul of the previousyear, appointed to act as such over one of the provinces. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 7: This gate was on the west side, in the rear, farthestfrom the enemy: it was so called from the decumanus, a line drawn fromeast to west, which divided the camp into two halves: see note inrevised edition of Prendeville's Livy. ]

[Footnote 8: August 1st]

[Footnote 9: The consular year, not the civil one, which began inJanuary: the time at which the consuls entered upon office varied verymuch until B. C. 153, when it was finally settled that the date oftheir doing so should be January 1st. ]

[Footnote 10: Called "Via Praenestina" beyond Gabii. ]

[Footnote 11: That is, broke up camp. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 12: The people of Rome had been divided in early times intothirty curies: each of these had an officiating priest, called curio, and the whole body was under the presidency of the curio maximus. ]

[Footnote 13: The ten leading senators held the office in rotation forfive days each, until the consular comitia were held. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 14: August 11th]

[Footnote 15: A lesser form of triumph. ]

[Footnote 16: The Sibylline books, supposed to have been sold toTarquinius Superbus by the Sibyl of Cumæ: they were written in Greekhexameter verses. In times of emergency and distress they wereconsulted and interpreted by special priests (the duumviri herementioned). ]

[Footnote 17: It will be frequently observed that the patriciansutilized their monopoly of religious offices to effect their ownends. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 18: Curule chairs of office. ]

[Footnote 19: That is, recruits. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 20: The worst quarter of the city--its White chapel as itwere. It lay, roughly speaking, from the Forum eastward along thevalley between Esquiline and Viminial Hills. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 21: That is, to insure punishment and practically abnegatethe right an accused person had of escaping sentence by voluntaryexile. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 22: Perhaps the first bail-bond historically noted. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 23: That is, refused to accept the plea. ]

[Footnote 24: That is, defended them in court. ]

[Footnote 25: The Temple of Jupiter in the Capitol was divided intothree parts: the middle was sacred to Jupiter, the right to Minerva, the left to Juno. By "other gods" are meant Terminus, Fides, Juventas. ]

[Footnote 26: Publicola, the father of Brutus. ]

[Footnote 27: That is, personal violence from the youngpatricians. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 28: Their control over the auspices was a favourite weaponof the patricians, and one which could naturally be better used ata distance from Rome. The frequency of its use would seem to argueadaptability in the devotional feelings of the nobles at least, whichmight modify our reliance upon the statement made above as to therespect for the gods then prevalent in Rome. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 29: This was the limit of the tribunes' authority. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 30: This gate, from which at a later date the Via Appia andthe Via Latina started, stood near what is now the junction of the ViaS. Gregorio with the Vi di Porta S. Sebastiano. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 31: By drawing part of the Roman army to the defence of theallied city. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 32: Two spears were set upright and a third lashed across. To pass through and under this "yoke" was, among the Italian states, the greatest indignity that could be visited upon a captured army. Itsymbolized servititude in arms. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 33: This would seem to augur some treachery, unless we areto believe that only the young men taken in the citadel weresent under the yoke, the slaughter took place among the flyingbesiegers. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 34: "Quæstors, " these officers are first mentioned in BookII, ch. Xii. In early times it appears to have been part of their dutyto prosecute those guilty of treason, and to carry the punishment intoexecution. ]

[Footnote 35: Evidently a new pretext for delay. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 36: A little beyond Crustumerium, on the Via Salaria. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 37: Possibly to one assigned to him officially. Freese regards the expression as inconsistent with his allegedpoverty. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 38: A curious feature of a triumph were the disrespectfuland often scurrilous verses chanted by the soldiers at the expense oftheir general--D. O. ]

[Footnote 39: The meaning of this passage is obscure. Manyexplanations have been attempted, none of which, to my mind, is quitesatisfactory. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 40: Priest of Quirinus. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 41: The law forbade burial within the limits of the cityexcept in certain cases. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 42: That is, relinquished his right of acting as judge infavour of the people and of popular trial. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 43: A new law was hung up in the Forum for publicperusal. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 44: As in the case of a dictator. At first half, and finallyall, of the consular lictors carried only the fasces. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 45: That is, the incumbents of the past year, now of rightprivate persons, their term of office having expired. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 46: The fine for non-attendance. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 47: As being out of order, the senate having been convenedto consider the war. ]

[Footnote 48: Rex Sacrificulus (see note, page 73). --D. O. ]

[Footnote 49: As having been improperly convened. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 50: That is, of Valerius, but rather of Appius himself inrestraining him from precipitating matters. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 51: Appius's argument is that, if Verginia was living in astate of slavery under Claudius, as any one might institute an actionto establish her liberty, she would be entitled to her liberty untilthe matter was settled: but as she was now living under her father'sprotection, and was his property by the right of the patria potestas, and he was absent, and as other person had a right to keep or defendher, she ought to be given up to the man who claimed to be her master, pending her father's return. ]

[Footnote 52: Venus Cloacina (she who cleanses). --D. O. ]

[Footnote 53: On two sides of the forum were colonnades, between thepillars of which were tradesmen's booths known as "the Old Booths" and"the New Booths. "]

[Footnote 54: That is, to the infernal gods. ]

[Footnote 55: See Macaulay's "Lays of Ancient Rome: Verginia. "]

[Footnote 56: The civilian togas. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 57: Appius Claudius, a member of their order. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 58: From the Colline gate. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 59: From whose decision an appeal would lie. ]

[Footnote 60: The church of S. Caterina de' Fernari now stands withinits lines. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 61: Evidently this could not apply to a dictator. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 62: The name consul, although used by Livy (Bk. I, ch. Ix), was not really employed until after the period of the decemvirs. Thetitle in early use was prætor: it is not definitely known when thename judex was attached to the office. ]

[Footnote 63: I question the rendering of this sentence. To readplebis for plebi would very much improve the sense. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 64: Twenty years. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 65: The misfortunes of the previous campaign were supposedto exert an influence on the present one. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 66: The cavalry at this period wore no defensive armour, andcarried only an ox-hide buckler and a light lance. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 67: A victorious general who had entered the city could notafterward triumph. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 68: It was first necessary for these to be adopted intoplebeian families, as none but plebeians were eligible. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 69: It stood about where the Arch of Gallienus nowstands. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 70: Each legion was divided into ten cohorts. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 71: A not unusual method of forcing the charge, as notonly military honour but religious sentiment forbade the loss of thestandards. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 72: About twenty miles from Rome in the Alban Mountains. Thevillage of Ariccia occupies the site of the ancient citadel. --D. O. ]

[Footnote 73: Quadruplatores were public informers, so called becausethey received a fourth part of the fine imposed: also used in ageneral sense of those who tried to promote their interests byunderhand means. ]

[Footnote 74: This is one of the best of Livy's books. The story ofVerginia and of the deposition and punishment of the decemvirs isunexcelled in historical narrative. --D. O. ]