REPORT ON THE CONDITION OF THE SOUTH

Carl Schurz

First published 1865

39TH CONGRESS, SENATE. Ex. Doc. 1st Session. No. 2. 

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, COMMUNICATING, _In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 12th instant, information in relation to the States of the Union lately in rebellion, accompanied by a report of Carl Schurz on the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana; also a report of LieutenantGeneral Grant, on the same subject_. 

DECEMBER 19, 1865. --Read and ordered to be printed, with the reports ofCarl Schurz and Lieutenant General Grant. 

_To the Senate of the United States_:

In reply to the resolution adopted by the Senate on the 12th instant, Ihave the honor to state, that the rebellion waged by a portion of thepeople against the properly constituted authorities of the governmentof the United States has been suppressed; that the United States arein possession of every State in which the insurrection existed; andthat, as far as could be done, the courts of the United States havebeen restored, post offices re-established, and steps taken to putinto effective operation the revenue laws of the country. 

As the result of the measures instituted by the Executive, with theview of inducing a resumption of the functions of the Statescomprehended in the inquiry of the Senate, the people in NorthCarolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee, have reorganized their respective Stategovernments, and "are yielding obedience to the laws and government ofthe United States, " with more willingness and greater promptitude than, under the circumstances, could reasonably have been anticipated. Theproposed amendment to the Constitution, providing for the abolition ofslavery forever within the limits of the country, has been ratified byeach one of those States, with the exception of Mississippi, from whichno official information has yet been received; and in nearly all ofthem measures have been adopted or are now pending to confer uponfreedmen rights and privileges which are essential to their comfort, protection, and security. In Florida and Texas the people are makingcommendable progress in restoring their State governments, and no doubtis entertained that they will at an early period be in a condition toresume all of their practical relations with the federal government. 

In "that portion of the Union lately in rebellion" the aspect of affairsis more promising than, in view of all the circumstances, could well havebeen expected. The people throughout the entire south evince a laudabledesire to renew their allegiance to the government, and to repair thedevastations of war by a prompt and cheerful return to peaceful pursuits. An abiding faith is entertained that their actions will conform to theirprofessions, and that, in acknowledging the supremacy of the Constitutionand the laws of the United States, their loyalty will be unreservedlygiven to the government, whose leniency they cannot fail to appreciate, and whose fostering care will soon restore them to a condition ofprosperity. It is true, that in some of the States the demoralizingeffects of war are to be seen in occasional disorders, but these are localin character, not frequent in occurrence, and are rapidly disappearing asthe authority of civil law is extended and sustained. Perplexing questionswere naturally to be expected from the great and sudden change in therelations between the two races, but systems are gradually developingthemselves under which the freedman will receive the protection to whichhe is justly entitled, and, by means of his labor, make himself a usefuland independent member of the community in which he has his home. From allthe information in my possession, and from that which I have recentlyderived from the most reliable authority, I am induced to cherish thebelief that sectional animosity is surely and rapidly merging itselfinto a spirit of nationality, and that representation, connected witha properly adjusted system of taxation, will result in a harmoniousrestoration of the relations of the States to the national Union. 

The report of Carl Schurz is herewith transmitted, as requested by theSenate. No reports from the honorable John Covode have been received bythe President. The attention of the Senate is invited to the accompanyingreport of Lieutenant General Grant, who recently made a tour of inspectionthrough several of the States whose inhabitants participated in therebellion. 

ANDREW JOHNSON

Washington, D. C. , _December_ 18, 1865. 

REPORT OF CARL SCHURZ ON THE STATES OF SOUTH CAROLINA, GEORGIA, ALABAMA, MISSISSIPPI, AND LOUISIANA. 

Sir: When you did me the honor of selecting me for a mission to the Stateslately in rebellion, for the purpose of inquiring into the existingcondition of things, of laying before you whatever information ofimportance I might gather, and of suggesting to you such measures as myobservations would lead me to believe advisable, I accepted the trust witha profound sense of the responsibility connected with the performance ofthe task. The views I entertained at the time, I had communicated to youin frequent letters and conversations. I would not have accepted themission, had I not felt that whatever preconceived opinions I might carrywith me to the south, I should be ready to abandon or modify, as myperception of facts and circumstances might command their abandonment ormodification. You informed me that your "policy of reconstruction" wasmerely experimental, and that you would change it if the experiment didnot lead to satisfactory results. To aid you in forming your conclusionsupon this point I understood to be the object of my mission, and thisunderstanding was in perfect accordance with the written instructions Ireceived through the Secretary of War. 

These instructions confined my mission to the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and the department of the Gulf. I informedyou, before leaving the north, that I could not well devote more thanthree months to the duties imposed upon me, and that space of time provedsufficient for me to visit all the States above enumerated, except Texas. I landed at Hilton Head, South Carolina, on July 15, visited Beaufort, Charleston, Orangeburg, and Columbia, returned to Charleston and HiltonHead; thence I went to Savannah, traversed the State of Georgia, visitingAugusta, Atlanta, Macon, Milledgeville, and Columbus; went throughAlabama, by way of Opelika, Montgomery, Selma, and Demopolis, and throughMississippi, by way of Meridian, Jackson, and Vicksburg; then descendedthe Mississippi to New Orleans, touching at Natchez; from New Orleans Ivisited Mobile, Alabama, and the Teche country, in Louisiana, and thenspent again some days at Natchez and Vicksburg, on my way to the north. These are the outlines of my journey. 

Before laying the results of my observations before you, it is proper thatI should state the _modus operandi_ by which I obtained information andformed my conclusions. Wherever I went I sought interviews with personswho might be presumed to represent the opinions, or to have influenceupon the conduct, of their neighbors; I had thus frequent meetings withindividuals belonging to the different classes of society from the highestto the lowest; in the cities as well as on the roads and steamboats I hadmany opportunities to converse not only with inhabitants of the adjacentcountry, but with persons coming from districts which I was not able tovisit; and finally I compared the impressions thus received with theexperience of the military and civil officers of the government stationedin that country, as well as of other reliable Union men to whom a longerresidence on the spot and a more varied intercourse with the people hadgiven better facilities of local observation than my circumstancespermitted me to enjoy. When practicable I procured statements of theirviews and experience in writing as well as copies of official or privatereports they had received from their subordinates or other persons. It wasnot expected of me that I should take formal testimony, and, indeed, suchan operation would have required more time than I was able to devote toit. 

My facilities for obtaining information were not equally extensive in thedifferent States I visited. As they naturally depended somewhat upon thetime the military had had to occupy and explore the country, as well asupon the progressive development of things generally, they improved fromday to day as I went on, and were best in the States I visited last. It isowing to this circumstance that I cannot give as detailed an account ofthe condition of things in South Carolina and Georgia as I am able to givewith regard to Louisiana and Mississippi. 

Instead of describing the experiences of my journey in chronologicalorder, which would lead to endless repetitions and a confused minglingof the different subjects under consideration, I propose to arrange myobservations under different heads according to the subject matter. Itis true, not all that can be said of the people of one State will applywith equal force to the people of another; but it will be easy to makethe necessary distinctions when in the course of this report they becomeof any importance. I beg to be understood when using, for the sake ofbrevity, the term "the southern people, " as meaning only the people ofthe States I have visited. 

CONDITION OF THINGS IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE CLOSE OF THE WAR. 

In the development of the popular spirit in the south since the close ofthe war two well-marked periods can be distinguished. The first commenceswith the sudden collapse of the confederacy and the dispersion of itsarmies, and the second with the first proclamation indicating the"reconstruction policy" of the government. Of the first period I can statethe characteristic features only from the accounts I received, partly fromUnionists who were then living in the south, partly from persons that hadparticipated in the rebellion. When the news of Lee's and Johnston'ssurrenders burst upon the southern country the general consternation wasextreme. People held their breath, indulging in the wildest apprehensionsas to what was now to come. Men who had occupied positions under theconfederate government, or were otherwise compromised in the rebellion, run before the federal columns as they advanced and spread out to occupythe country, from village to village, from plantation to plantation, hardly knowing whether they wanted to escape or not. Others remained attheir homes yielding themselves up to their fate. Prominent Unionists toldme that persons who for four years had scorned to recognize them on thestreet approached them with smiling faces and both hands extended. Men ofstanding in the political world expressed serious doubts as to whether therebel States would ever again occupy their position as States in theUnion, or be governed as conquered provinces. The public mind was sodespondent that if readmission at some future time under whateverconditions had been promised, it would then have been looked upon as afavor. The most uncompromising rebels prepared for leaving the country. The masses remained in a state of fearful expectancy. 

This applies especially to those parts of the country which were withinimmediate reach of our armies or had previously been touched by the war. Where Union soldiers had never been seen and none were near, people wereat first hardly aware of the magnitude of the catastrophe, and strove tocontinue in their old ways of living. 

Such was, according to the accounts I received, the character of thatfirst period. The worst apprehensions were gradually relieved as day afterday went by without bringing the disasters and inflictions which had beenvaguely anticipated, until at last the appearance of the North Carolinaproclamation substituted new hopes for them. The development of thissecond period I was called upon to observe on the spot, and it forms themain subject of this report. 

RETURNING LOYALTY. 

It is a well-known fact that in the States south of Tennessee and NorthCarolina the number of white Unionists who during the war actively aidedthe government, or at least openly professed their attachment to the causeof the Union, was very small. In none of those States were they strongenough to exercise any decisive influence upon the action of the people, not even in Louisiana, unless vigorously supported by the power of thegeneral government. But the white people at large being, under certainconditions, charged with taking the preliminaries of "reconstruction" intotheir hands, the success of the experiment depends upon the spirit andattitude of those who either attached themselves to the secession causefrom the beginning, or, entertaining originally opposite views, at leastfollowed its fortunes from the time that their States had declared theirseparation from the Union. 

The first southern men of this class with whom I came into contactimmediately after my arrival in South Carolina expressed theirsentiments almost literally in the following language: "We acknowledgeourselves beaten, and we are ready to submit to the results of the war. The war has practically decided that no State shall secede and that theslaves are emancipated. We cannot be expected at once to give up ourprinciples and convictions of right, but we accept facts as they are, and desire to be reinstated as soon as possible in the enjoyment andexercise of our political rights. " This declaration was repeated to mehundreds of times in every State I visited, with some variations oflanguage, according to the different ways of thinking or the franknessor reserve of the different speakers. Some said nothing of adhering totheir old principles and convictions of right; others still arguedagainst the constitutionality of coercion and of the emancipationproclamation; others expressed their determination to become goodcitizens, in strong language, and urged with equal emphasis thenecessity of their home institutions being at once left to their owncontrol; others would go so far as to say they were glad that the warwas ended, and they had never had any confidence in the confederacy;others protested that they had been opposed to secession until theirStates went out, and then yielded to the current of events; some wouldgive me to understand that they had always been good Union men at heart, and rejoiced that the war had terminated in favor of the national cause, but in most cases such a sentiment was expressed only in a whisper;others again would grumblingly insist upon the restoration of their"rights, " as if they had done no wrong, and indicated plainly that theywould submit only to what they could not resist and as long as theycould not resist it. Such were the definitions of "returning loyalty" Ireceived from the mouths of a large number of individuals intelligentenough to appreciate the meaning of the expressions they used. I found agreat many whose manner of speaking showed that they did not understandthe circumstances under which they lived, and had no settled opinions atall except on matters immediately touching their nearest interests. 

Upon the ground of these declarations, and other evidence gathered in thecourse of my observations, I may group the southern people into fourclasses, each of which exercises an influence upon the development ofthings in that section:

1. Those who, although having yielded submission to the nationalgovernment only when obliged to do so, have a clear perception of theirreversible changes produced by the war, and honestly endeavor toaccommodate themselves to the new order of things. Many of them are notfree from traditional prejudice but open to conviction, and may beexpected to act in good faith whatever they do. This class is composed, inits majority, of persons of mature age--planters, merchants, andprofessional men; some of them are active in the reconstruction movement, but boldness and energy are, with a few individual exceptions, not amongtheir distinguishing qualities. 

2. Those whose principal object is to have the States without delayrestored to their position and influence in the Union and the people ofthe States to the absolute control of their home concerns. They are ready, in order to attain that object, to make any ostensible concession thatwill not prevent them from arranging things to suit their taste as soon asthat object is attained. This class comprises a considerable number, probably a large majority, of the professional politicians who areextremely active in the reconstruction movement. They are loud in theirpraise of the President's reconstruction policy, and clamorous for thewithdrawal of the federal troops and the abolition of the Freedmen'sBureau. 

3. The incorrigibles, who still indulge in the swagger which was socustomary before and during the war, and still hope for a time when thesouthern confederacy will achieve its independence. This class consistsmostly of young men, and comprises the loiterers of the towns and theidlers of the country. They persecute Union men and negroes whenever theycan do so with impunity, insist clamorously upon their "rights, " and areextremely impatient of the presence of the federal soldiers. A good manyof them have taken the oaths of allegiance and amnesty, and associatedthemselves with the second class in their political operations. Thiselement is by no means unimportant; it is strong in numbers, deals inbrave talk, addresses itself directly and incessantly to the passions andprejudices of the masses, and commands the admiration of the women. 

4. The multitude of people who have no definite ideas about thecircumstances under which they live and about the course they have tofollow; whose intellects are weak, but whose prejudices and impulses arestrong, and who are apt to be carried along by those who know how toappeal to the latter. 

Much depends upon the relative strength and influence of these classes. In the course of this report you will find statements of facts which mayfurnish a basis for an estimate. But whatever their differences may be, on one point they are agreed: further resistance to the power of thenational government is useless, and submission to its authority a matterof necessity. It is true, the right of secession in theory is stillbelieved in by most of those who formerly believed in it; some are stillentertaining a vague hope of seeing it realized at some future time, butall give it up as a practical impossibility for the present. Allmovements in favor of separation from the Union have, therefore, beenpractically abandoned, and resistance to our military forces, on thatscore, has ceased. The demonstrations of hostility to the troops andother agents of the government, which are still occurring in somelocalities, and of which I shall speak hereafter, spring from anotherclass of motives. This kind of loyalty, however, which is produced by theirresistible pressure of force, and consists merely in the non-commissionof acts of rebellion, is of a negative character, and might, as such, hardly be considered independent of circumstances and contingencies. 

OATH-TAKING. 

A demonstration of "returning loyalty" of a more positive character is thetaking of the oaths of allegiance and amnesty prescribed by the generalgovernment. At first the number of persons who availed themselves of theopportunities offered for abjuring their adhesion to the cause of therebellion was not very large, but it increased considerably when theobtaining of a pardon and the right of voting were made dependent uponthe previous performance of that act. Persons falling under any of theexceptions of the amnesty proclamation made haste to avert the impendingdanger; and politicians used every means of persuasion to induce people toswell the number of voters by clearing themselves of all disabilities. Thegreat argument that this was necessary to the end of reconstructing theirState governments, and of regaining the control of their home affairs andtheir influence in the Union, was copiously enlarged upon in the lettersand speeches of prominent individuals, which are before the country andneed no further comment. In some cases the taking of the oath was publiclyrecommended in newspapers and addresses with sneering remarks, and I havelistened to many private conversations in which it was treated withcontempt and ridicule. While it was not generally looked upon in theState I visited as a very serious matter, except as to the benefits andprivileges it confers, I have no doubt that a great many persons took itfully conscious of the obligations it imposes, and honestly intending tofulfil them. 

The aggregate number of those who thus had qualified themselves for votingprevious to the election for the State conventions was not as large asmight have been expected. The vote obtained at these elections wasgenerally reported as very light--in some localities surprisingly so. Itwould, perhaps, be worth while for the government to order up reportsabout the number of oaths administered by the officers authorized to doso, previous to the elections for the State conventions; such reportswould serve to indicate how large a proportion of the people participatedin the reconstruction movement at that time, and to what extent the masseswere represented in the conventions. 

Of those who have not yet taken the oath of allegiance, most belong to theclass of indifferent people who "do not care one way or the other. " Thereare still some individuals who find the oath to be a confession of defeatand a declaration of submission too humiliating and too repugnant to theirfeelings. It is to be expected that the former will gradually overcometheir apathy, and the latter their sensitiveness, and that, at a notremote day, all will have qualified themselves, in point of form, toresume the right of citizenship. On the whole, it may be said that thevalue of the oaths taken in the southern States is neither above nor belowthe value of the political oaths taken in other countries. A historicalexamination of the subject of political oaths will lead to the conclusionthat they can be very serviceable in certain emergencies and for certainobjects, but that they have never insured the stability of a government, and never improved the morals of a people. 

FEELING TOWARDS THE SOLDIERS AND THE PEOPLE OF THE NORTH. 

A more substantial evidence of "returning loyalty" would be a favorablechange of feeling with regard to the government's friends and agents, andthe people of the loyal States generally. I mentioned above that allorganized attacks upon our military forces stationed in the south haveceased; but there are still localities where it is unsafe for a manwearing the federal uniform or known as an officer of the government to beabroad outside of the immediate reach of our garrisons. The shooting ofsingle soldiers and government couriers was not unfrequently reportedwhile I was in the south, and even as late as the middle of September, Major Miller, assistant adjutant general of the commissioner of theFreedmen's Bureau in Alabama, while on an inspecting tour in the southerncounties of that State, found it difficult to prevent a collision betweenthe menacing populace and his escort. His wagon-master was brutallymurdered while remaining but a short distance behind the command. Themurders of agents of the Freedmen's Bureau have been noticed in the publicpapers. These, and similar occurrences, however, may be looked upon asisolated cases, and ought to be charged, perhaps, only to the account ofthe lawless persons who committed them. 

But no instance has come to my notice in which the people of a city or arural district cordially fraternized with the army. Here and there thesoldiers were welcomed as protectors against apprehended dangers; butgeneral exhibitions of cordiality on the part of the population I have notheard of. There are, indeed, honorable individual exceptions to this rule. Many persons, mostly belonging to the first of the four classes aboveenumerated, are honestly striving to soften down the bitter feelings andtraditional antipathies of their neighbors; others, who are acting moreupon motives of policy than inclination, maintain pleasant relations withthe officers of the government. But, upon the whole, the soldier of theUnion is still looked upon as a stranger, an intruder--as the "Yankee, ""the enemy. " It would be superfluous to enumerate instances of insultoffered to our soldiers, and even to officers high in command; theexistence and intensity of this aversion is too well known to those whohave served or are now serving in the south to require proof. In thismatter the exceptions were, when I was there, not numerous enough toaffect the rule. In the documents accompanying this report you will findallusions confirming this statement. I would invite special attention tothe letter of General Kirby Smith, (accompanying document No. 9. )

This feeling of aversion and resentment with regard to our soldiers may, perhaps, be called natural. The animosities inflamed by a four years' war, and its distressing incidents, cannot be easily overcome. But they extendbeyond the limits of the army, to the people of the north. I have read insouthern papers bitter complaints about the unfriendly spirit exhibited bythe northern people--complaints not unfrequently flavored with anadmixture of vigorous vituperation. But, as far as my experience goes, the"unfriendly spirit" exhibited in the north is all mildness and affectioncompared with the popular temper which in the south vents itself in avariety of ways and on all possible occasions. No observing northern mancan come into contact with the different classes composing southernsociety without noticing it. He may be received in social circles withgreat politeness, even with apparent cordiality; but soon he will becomeaware that, although he may be esteemed as a man, he is detested as a"Yankee, " and, as the conversation becomes a little more confidential andthrows off ordinary restraint, he is not unfrequently told so; the word"Yankee" still signifies to them those traits of character which thesouthern press has been so long in the habit of attributing to thenorthern people; and whenever they look around them upon the traces of thewar, they see in them, not the consequences of their own folly, but theevidences of "Yankee wickedness. " In making these general statements, Ibeg to be understood as always excluding the individual exceptions abovementioned. 

It is by no means surprising that prejudices and resentments, which foryears were so assiduously cultivated and so violently inflamed, should nothave been turned into affection by a defeat; nor are they likely todisappear as long as the southern people continue to brood over theirlosses and misfortunes. They will gradually subside when those whoentertain them cut resolutely loose from the past and embark in a careerof new activity on a common field with those whom they have so longconsidered their enemies. Of this I shall say more in another part of thisreport. But while we are certainly inclined to put upon such things themost charitable construction, it remains nevertheless true, that as longas these feelings exist in their present strength, they will hinder thegrowth of that reliable kind of loyalty which springs from the heart andclings to the country in good and evil fortune. 

SITUATION OF UNIONISTS. 

It would have been a promising indication of returning loyalty if the old, consistent, uncompromising Unionists of the south, and those northern menwho during the war settled down there to contribute to the prosperity ofthe country with their capital and enterprise, had received that measureof consideration to which their identification with the new order ofthings entitled them. It would seem natural that the victory of thenational cause should have given those who during the struggle hadremained the firm friends of the Union, a higher standing in society andan enlarged political influence. This appears to have been the case duringthat "first period" of anxious uncertainty when known Unionists werelooked up to as men whose protection and favor might be of high value. Atleast it appears to have been so in some individual instances. But theclose of that "first period" changed the aspect of things. 

It struck me soon after my arrival in the south that the knownUnionists--I mean those who during the war had been to a certain extentidentified with the national cause--were not in communion with the leadingsocial and political circles; and the further my observations extended theclearer it became to me that their existence in the south was of a ratherprecarious nature. Already in Charleston my attention was called to thecurrent talk among the people, that, when they had the control of thingsonce more in their own hands and were no longer restrained by the presenceof "Yankee" soldiers, men of Dr. Mackey's stamp would not be permitted tolive there. At first I did not attach much importance to such reports; butas I proceeded through the country, I heard the same thing so frequentlyrepeated, at so many different places, and by so many different persons, that I could no longer look upon the apprehensions expressed to me byUnionists as entirely groundless. I found the same opinion entertained bymost of our military commanders. Even Governor Sharkey, in the course of aconversation I had with him in the presence of Major General Osterhaus, admitted that, if our troops were then withdrawn, the lives of northernmen in Mississippi would not be safe. To show that such anticipations werenot extravagant, I would refer to the letter addressed to me by GeneralOsterhaus. (Accompanying document No. 10. ) He states that he was compelledto withdraw the garrison from Attala county, Mississippi, the regiment towhich that garrison belonged being mustered out, and that when the troopshad been taken away, four murders occurred, two of white Union men, andtwo of negroes. (He informed me subsequently that the perpetrators were incustody. ) He goes on to say: "There is no doubt whatever that the state ofaffairs would be intolerable for all Union men, all recent immigrants fromthe north, and all negroes, the moment the protection of the United Statestroops were withdrawn. " General Osterhaus informed me of another murder ofa Union man by a gang of lawless persons, in Jackson, about the end ofJune. General Slocum, in his order prohibiting the organization of theState militia in Mississippi, speaks of the "outrages committed againstnorthern men, government couriers, and negroes. " (Accompanying documentNo. 12. ) He communicated to me an official report from Lieutenant ColonelYorke, commanding at Port Gibson, to General Davidson, pointing in thesame direction. General Canby stated to me that he was obliged to disbandand prohibit certain patrol organizations in Louisiana because theyindulged in the gratification of private vengeance. Lieutenant Hickney, assistant commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau, at Shreveport, Louisiana, in a report addressed to Assistant Commissioner Conway, says: "The life ofa northern man who is true to his country and the spirit and genius of itsinstitutions, and frankly enunciates his principles, is not secure wherethere is not a military force to protect him. " (Accompanying document No. 32. ) Mr. William King, a citizen of Georgia, well known in that State, stated to me in conversation: "There are a great many bad characters inthe country, who would make it for some time unsafe for known Union peopleand northerners who may settle down here to live in this country withoutthe protection of the military. " The affair of Scottsborough, in themilitary district of northern Alabama, where a sheriff arrested andattempted to bring to trial for murder Union soldiers who had servedagainst the guerillas in that part of the country, an attempt which wasfrustrated only by the prompt interference of the district commander, hasbecome generally known through the newspapers. (Accompanying document No. 19. ) It is not improbable that many cases similar to those above mentionedhave occurred in other parts of the south without coming to the notice ofthe authorities. 

It is true these are mere isolated cases, for which it would be wrong tohold anybody responsible who was not connected with them; but it is alsotrue that the apprehensions so widely spread among the Unionists andnorthern men were based upon the spirit exhibited by the people among whomthey lived. I found a good many thinking of removing themselves and theirfamilies to the northern States, and if our troops should be soonwithdrawn the exodus will probably become quite extensive unless thingsmeanwhile change for the better. 

ASPECT OF THE POLITICAL FIELD. 

The status of this class of Unionists in the political field correspondswith what I have said above. In this respect I have observed practicalresults more closely in Mississippi than in any other State. I had alreadyleft South Carolina and Georgia when the elections for the Stateconventions took place. Of Alabama, I saw only Mobile after the election. In Louisiana, a convention, a legislature, and a State government hadalready been elected, during and under the influence of the war, and Ileft before the nominating party conventions were held; but I was inMississippi immediately after the adjournment of the State convention, andwhile the canvass preparatory to the election of the legislature and ofthe State and county officers was going on. Events have since sufficientlydeveloped themselves in the other States to permit us to judge how farMississippi can be regarded as a representative of the rest. Besides, Ifound the general spirit animating the people to be essentially the samein all the States above mentioned. 

The election for the State convention in Mississippi was, according to theaccounts I have received, not preceded by a very vigorous and searchingcanvass of the views and principles of the candidates. As I stated before, the vote was very far from being full, and in most cases the members wereelected not upon strictly defined party issues, but upon their individualmerits as to character, intelligence, and standing in society. Only in afew places the contest between rival candidates was somewhat animated. Itwas probably the same in Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina. 

The Mississippi convention was, in its majority, composed of men belongingto the first two of the four classes above mentioned. There were severalUnion men in it of the inoffensive, compromising kind--men who had beenopposed to secession in the beginning, and had abstained from taking aprominent part in the rebellion unless obliged to do so, but who had, atleast, readily acquiesced in what was going on. But there was, as far as Ihave been able to ascertain, only one man there who, like the Unionists ofEast Tennessee, had offered active resistance to the rebel authorities. This was Mr. Crawford, of Jones county; he was elected by the poor peopleof that region, his old followers, as their acknowledged leader, and hismay justly be looked upon as an exceptional case. How he looked upon hissituation appears from a speech he delivered in that convention, andespecially from the amended version of it placed into my hands by atrustworthy gentleman of my acquaintance who had listened to its delivery. (Accompanying document No. 13. ) But several instances have come to myknowledge, in which Union men of a sterner cast than those described asacquiescing compromisers were defeated in the election, and, aside fromMr. Crawford's case, none in which they succeeded. 

The impulses by which voters were actuated in making their choice appearedmore clearly in the canvass for State officers, Congressmen, and membersof the legislature, when the antecedents and political views of candidateswere more closely scrutinized and a warmer contest took place. Thepopulation of those places in the south which have been longest in thepossession of our armies is generally the most accommodating as to thenew order of things; at least the better elements are there in greaterrelative strength. A Union meeting at Vicksburg may, therefore, beproduced as a not unfavorable exponent of Mississippi Unionism. Among thedocuments attached to this report you will find three speeches deliveredbefore such a meeting--one by Mr. Richard Cooper, candidate for theattorney generalship of the State; one by Hon. Sylvanus Evans, candidatefor Congress; and one by Colonel Partridge, candidate for a seat in thelegislature. (Accompanying document No. 14. ) The speakers representedthemselves as Union men, and I have learned nothing about them that wouldcast suspicion upon the sincerity of their declarations as far as they go;but all there qualified their Unionism by the same important statement. Mr. Cooper: "In 1850 I opposed an attempt to break up the United Statesgovernment, and in 1860 I did the same. I travelled in Alabama andMississippi to oppose the measure. (Applause. ) But after the State didsecede, I did all in my power to sustain it. " (Heavy applause. ) Mr. Evans:"In 1861 I was a delegate from Lauderdale county to the State convention, then and in 1860 being opposed to the act of secession, and fought againstit with all my powers. But when the State had seceded, I went with it as amatter of duty, and I sustained it until the day of the surrender with allmy body and heart and mind. " (Great applause. ) Colonel Partridge: "He wasa Union man before the war and a soldier in the war. He had performed hisduty as a private and an officer on the battle-field and on the staff. "

These speeches, fair specimens of a majority of those delivered by thebetter class of politicians before the better class of audiences, furnishan indication of the kind of Unionism which, by candidates, is consideredpalatable to the people of that region. And candidates are generally goodjudges as to what style of argument is best calculated to captivate thepopular mind. In some isolated localities there may be some chance ofsuccess for a candidate who, proclaiming himself a Union man, is not ableto add, "but after the State had seceded I did all in my power to sustainit, " although such localities are certainly scarce and difficult to find. 

It is not so difficult to find places in which a different style ofargument is considered most serviceable. Your attention is respectfullyinvited to a card addressed to the voters of the sixth judicial districtof Mississippi by Mr. John T. Hogan, candidate for the office of districtattorney. (Accompanying document No. 15. ) When, at the commencement of thewar, Kentucky resolved to remain in the Union, Mr. Hogan, so he informsthe constituency, was a citizen of Kentucky; because Kentucky refused toleave the Union Mr. Hogan left Kentucky. He went to Mississippi, joinedthe rebel army, and was wounded in battle; and because he left his nativeState to fight against the Union, "therefore, " Mr. Hogan tells hisMississippian constituency, "he cannot feel that he is an alien in theirmidst, and, with something of confidence in the result, appeals to themfor their suffrages. " Such is Mr. Hogan's estimate of the loyalty of thesixth judicial district of Mississippi. 

A candidate relying for success upon nothing but his identification withthe rebellion might be considered as an extreme case. But, in fact, Mr. Hogan only speaks out bluntly what other candidates wrap up in lengthyqualifications. It is needless to accumulate specimens. I am sure noMississippian will deny that if a candidate there based his claims uponthe ground of his having left Mississippi when the State seceded, in orderto fight for the Union, his pretensions would be treated as a piece ofimpudence. I feel warranted in saying that Unionism absolutely untincturedby any connexion with, or at least acquiescence in the rebellion, wouldhave but little chance of political preferment anywhere, unless favored byvery extraordinary circumstances; while men who, during the war, followedthe example of the Union leaders of East Tennessee, would in most placeshave to depend upon the protection of our military forces for safety, while nowhere within the range of my observation would they, under presentcircumstances, be considered eligible to any position of trust, honor, orinfluence, unless it be in the county of Jones, as long as the bayonets ofthe United States are still there. 

The tendency of which in the preceding remarks I have endeavored toindicate the character and direction, appeared to prevail in all theStates that came under my observation with equal force, some isolatedlocalities excepted. None of the provisional governments adopted thepolicy followed by the late "military government" of Tennessee: to selectin every locality the most reliable and most capable Union men for thepurpose of placing into their hands the positions of official influence. Those who had held the local offices before and during the rebellion weregenerally reappointed, and hardly any discrimination made. If suchwholesale re-appointments were the only thing that could be done in ahurry, it may be asked whether the hurry was necessary. Even in Louisiana, where a State government was organized during the war and under theinfluence of the sentiments which radiated from the camps and headquartersof the Union army, and where there is a Union element far stronger than inany other of the States I visited, even there, men who have aided therebellion by word and act are crowding into places of trust and power. Governor Wells, when he was elected lieutenant governor of Louisiana, waslooked upon and voted for as a thorough Unionist; but hardly had he thepatronage of the State government in his hands, when he was carried alongby the seemingly irresistible current. Even members of the "ConservativeUnion party, " and friends of Governor Wells, expressed theirdissatisfaction with the remarkable "liberality" with which he placed meninto official positions who had hardly returned from the rebel army, orsome other place where they had taken refuge to avoid living under theflag of the United States. The apprehension was natural that such elementswould soon obtain a power and influence which the governor would not beable to control even if he wished. Taking these things into consideration, the re-nomination of Governor Wells for the governorship can certainly notbe called a victory of that Union sentiment to which he owed his firstelection. While I was in New Orleans an occurrence took place which may bequoted as an illustration of the sweep of what I might call the_reactionary movement_. When General Shepley was military governor ofLouisiana, under General Butler's regime, a school board was appointed forthe purpose of reorganizing the public schools of New Orleans. A corps ofloyal teachers was appointed, and the education of the children wasconducted with a view to make them loyal citizens. The national airs werefrequently sung in the schools, and other exercises introduced, calculatedto impregnate the youthful minds of the pupils with affection for theircountry. It appears that this feature of the public schools wasdistasteful to that class of people with whose feelings they did notaccord. 

Mr. H. Kennedy, acting mayor of New Orleans, early in September last, disbanded the school board which so far had conducted the educationalaffairs of the city, and appointed a new one. The composition of this newschool board was such as to induce General Canby to suspend its functionsuntil he could inquire into the loyalty of its members. The report of theofficer intrusted with the investigation is among the documents annexedhereto. (Accompanying document No. 16. ) It shows that a large majority ofthe members had sympathized with the rebellion, and aided the confederategovernment in a variety of ways. But as no evidence was elicited provingthe members legally incapable of holding office, General Canby consideredhimself obliged to remove the prohibition, and the new school boardentered upon its functions. 

Without offering any comment of my own, I annex an editorial taken fromthe "New Orleans Times, " of September 12, evidently written in defence ofthe measure. (Accompanying document No. 17. ) Its real substance, strippedof all circumlocutions, can be expressed in a few words: "The schools ofNew Orleans have been institutions so intensely and demonstratively loyalas to become unpopular with those of our fellow-citizens to whom suchdemonstrations are distasteful, and they must be brought back under'popular control' so as to make them cease to be obnoxious in thatparticular. " It was generally understood, when the new school board wasappointed, that a Mr. Rodgers was to be made superintendent of publicschools. In Major Lowell's report to General Canby (Accompanying documentNo. 16) this Mr. Rodgers figures as follows: "Mr. Rodgers, the candidatefor the position of superintendent of public schools, held the same officeat the commencement of the war. His conduct at that time was imbued withextreme bitterness and hate towards the United States, and, in hiscapacity as superintendent, he introduced the 'Bonnie Blue Flag' and otherrebel songs into the exercises of the schools under his charge. Inhistories and other books where the initials 'U. S. ' occurred he had thesame erased, and 'C. S. ' substituted. He used all means in his power toimbue the minds of the youth intrusted to his care with hate and malignitytowards the Union. He has just returned from the late confederacy, wherehe has resided during the war. At the time he left the city to join thearmy he left his property in the care of one Finley, who claims to be aBritish subject, but held the position of sergeant in a confederateregiment of militia. " No sooner was the above-mentioned prohibition byGeneral Canby removed when Mr. Rodgers was actually appointed, and he nowpresides over the educational interests of New Orleans. There is somethinglike system in such proceedings. 

Similar occurrences, such as the filling with rebel officers ofprofessorships in the Military Institute of Louisiana, where formerlyGeneral Sherman held a position, have already become known to the country, and it is unnecessary to go into further details. Many cases of thisdescription are not of much importance in themselves, but serve assignificant indications of the tendency of things in the south. 

It is easily understood that, under such circumstances, Unionists of theconsistent, uncompromising kind do not play an enviable part. It is a sadfact that the victory of the national arms has, to a great extent, resulted in something like a political ostracism of the most loyal men inthat part of the country. More than once have I heard some of themcomplain of having been taunted by late rebels with their ill fortune; andit is, indeed, melancholy for them to reflect that, if they had yielded tothe current of public sentiment in the rebel States instead of resistingit, their present situation and prospects would be much more pleasing. Noris such a reflection calculated to encourage them, or others, to follow asimilar course if similar emergencies should again arise. 

WHAT HAS BEEN ACCOMPLISHED. 

While the generosity and toleration shown by the government to the peoplelately in rebellion has not met with a corresponding generosity shown bythose people to the government's friends, it has brought forth someresults which, if properly developed, will become of value. It hasfacilitated the re-establishment of the forms of civil government, and ledmany of those who had been active in the rebellion to take part in the actof bringing back the States to their constitutional relations; and ifnothing else were necessary than the mere putting in operation of the meremachinery of government in point of form, and not also the acceptance ofthe results of the war and their development in point of spirit, theseresults, although as yet incomplete, might be called a satisfactoryadvance in the right direction. There is, at present, no danger of anotherinsurrection against the authority of the United States on a large scale, and the people are willing to reconstruct their State governments, and tosend their senators and representatives to Congress. 

But as to the moral value of these results, we must not indulge in anydelusions. There are two principal points to which I beg to call yourattention. In the first place, the rapid return to power and influence ofso many of those who but recently were engaged in a bitter war against theUnion, has had one effect which was certainly not originally contemplatedby the government. Treason does, under existing circumstances, not appearodious in the south. The people are not impressed with any sense of itscriminality. And, secondly, there is, as yet, among the southern people an_utter absence of national feeling_. I made it a business, while in thesouth, to watch the symptoms of "returning loyalty" as they appeared notonly in private conversation, but in the public press and in the speechesdelivered and the resolutions passed at Union meetings. Hardly ever wasthere an expression of hearty attachment to the great republic, or anappeal to the impulses of patriotism; but whenever submission to thenational authority was declared and advocated, it was almost uniformlyplaced upon two principal grounds: That, under present circumstances, thesouthern people could "do no better;" and then that submission was theonly means by which they could rid themselves of the federal soldiers andobtain once more control of their own affairs. Some of the speakers mayhave been inspired by higher motives, but upon these two arguments theyhad principally to rely whenever they wanted to make an impression uponthe popular mind. If any exception is to be made to this rule it isLouisiana, in whose metropolis a different spirit was cultivated for sometime; but even there, the return in mass of those who followed thefortunes of the confederate flag during the war does not appear to have afavorable influence upon the growth of that sentiment. (See Gen. Canby'sletter, accompanying document No. 8. ) While admitting that, at present, wehave perhaps no right to expect anything better than thissubmission--loyalty which springs from necessity and calculation--I do notconsider it safe for the government to base expectations upon it, whichthe manner in which it manifests itself does not justify. 

The reorganization of civil government is relieving the military, to agreat extent, of its police duties and judicial functions; but at the timeI left the south it was still very far from showing a satisfactoryefficiency in the maintenance of order and security. --In many districtsrobbing and plundering was going on with perfect impunity; the roads wereinfested by bands of highwaymen; numerous assaults occurred, and severalstage lines were considered unsafe. The statements of Major General Woods, Brigadier General Kilby Smith and Colonel Gilchrist, (accompanyingdocuments Nos. 11, 9 and 18, ) give a terrible picture of the state ofthings in the localities they refer to. It is stated that civil officersare either unwilling or unable to enforce the laws; that one man does notdare to testify against another for fear of being murdered, and that thebetter elements of society are kept down by lawless characters under asystem of terrorism. From my own observation I know that these things arenot confined to the districts mentioned in the documents above referredto. Both the governors of Alabama and Mississippi complained of it inofficial proclamations. Cotton, horse and cattle stealing was going on inall the States I visited on an extensive scale. Such a state ofdemoralization would call for extraordinary measures in any country, andit is difficult to conceive how, in the face of the inefficiency of thecivil authorities, the removal of the troops can be thought of. 

In speaking above of the improbability of an insurrectionary movement on alarge scale, I did not mean to say that I considered resistance in detailto the execution of the laws of Congress and the measures of thegovernment impossible. Of all subjects connected with the negro question Ishall speak in another part of this report. But there is another matterclaiming the attention and foresight of the government. It is well knownthat the levying of taxes for the payment of the interest on our nationaldebt is, and will continue to be, very unpopular in the south. It is true, no striking demonstrations have as yet been made of any decidedunwillingness on the part of the people to contribute to the discharge ofour national obligations. But most of the conversations I had withsoutherners upon this subject led me to apprehend that they, politiciansand people, are rather inclined to ask money of the government ascompensation for their emancipated slaves, for the rebuilding of thelevees on the Mississippi, and various kinds of damage done by our armiesfor military purposes, than, as the current expression is, to "help payingthe expenses of the whipping they have received. " In fact, there areabundant indications in newspaper articles, public speeches, andelectioneering documents of candidates, which render it eminently probablethat on the claim of compensation for their emancipated slaves thesouthern States, as soon as readmitted to representation in Congress, willbe almost a unit. In the Mississippi convention the idea was broached byMr. Potter, in an elaborate speech, to have the late slave States relievedfrom taxation "for years to come, " in consideration of "debt due them" forthe emancipated slaves; and this plea I have frequently heard advocated inprivate conversations. I need not go into details as to the efforts madein some of the southern States in favor of the assumption by those Statesof their debts contracted during the rebellion. It may be assumed withcertainty that those who want to have the southern people, poor as theyare, taxed for the payment of rebel debts, do not mean to have them taxedfor the purpose of meeting our national obligations. But whatever devicesmay be resorted to, present indications justify the apprehension that theenforcement of our revenue laws will meet with a refractory spirit, andmay require sterner measures than the mere sending of revenue officersinto that part of the country. 

I have annexed to this report numerous letters addressed to me bygentlemen whose views on the loyalty of the southern people and kindredtopics, formed as they are upon an extended observation and longexperience, are entitled to consideration. (Letter of General Gillmore, accompanying document No. 1; letter of Dr. Mackey, No. 2; letter of Mr. Sawyer, No. 3; letter of General Hatch, No. 4; letter of Mr. Pilsbury, No. 5; statement of General Steedman, No. 6; letter of General Croxton, No. 7;letter of General Canby, No. 8; letter of General Kirby Smith, No. 9, &c. )In these papers a variety of opinions is expressed, some to a certainextent sanguine, others based upon a less favorable experience. I offerthem to you, without exception, as they came to me. Many of the gentlemenwho wrote them have never been in any way connected with party politics, and their utterances may be looked upon as coming from unbiassed andimpartial observers. 

THE NEGRO QUESTION--FIRST ASPECTS. 

The principal cause of that want of national spirit which has existed inthe south so long, and at last gave birth to the rebellion, was, that thesouthern people cherished, cultivated, idolized their peculiar interestsand institutions in preference to those which they had in common with therest of the American people. Hence the importance of the negro question asan integral part of the question of union in general, and the question ofreconstruction in particular. 

When the war came to a close, the labor system of the south was alreadymuch disturbed. During the progress of military operations large numbersof slaves had left their masters and followed the columns of our armies;others had taken refuge in our camps; many thousands had enlisted in theservice of the national government. Extensive settlements of negroes hadbeen formed along the seaboard and the banks of the Mississippi, under thesupervision of army officers and treasury agents, and the government wasfeeding the colored refugees, who could not be advantageously employed, inthe so-called contraband camps. Many slaves had also been removed by theirmasters, as our armies penetrated the country, either to Texas or to theinterior of Georgia and Alabama. Thus a considerable portion of thelaboring force had been withdrawn from its former employments. But amajority of the slaves remained on the plantations to which they belonged, especially in those parts of the country which were not touched by thewar, and where, consequently, the emancipation proclamation was notenforced by the military power. Although not ignorant of the stake theyhad in the result of the contest, the patient bondmen waited quietly forthe development of things. But as soon as the struggle was finallydecided, and our forces were scattered about in detachments to occupy thecountry, the so far unmoved masses began to stir. The report went amongthem that their liberation was no longer a mere contingency, but a fixedfact. Large numbers of colored people left the plantations; many flockedto our military posts and camps to obtain the certainty of their freedom, and others walked away merely for the purpose of leaving the places onwhich they had been held in slavery, and because they could now go withimpunity. Still others, and their number was by no means inconsiderable, remained with their former masters and continued their work on the field, but under new and as yet unsettled conditions, and under the agitatinginfluence of a feeling of restlessness. In some localities, however, whereour troops had not yet penetrated and where no military post was withinreach, planters endeavored and partially succeeded in maintaining betweenthemselves and the negroes the relation of master and slave, partly byconcealing from them the great changes that had taken place, and partly byterrorizing them into submission to their behests. But aside from theseexceptions, the country found itself thrown into that confusion which isnaturally inseparable from a change so great and so sudden. The whitepeople were afraid of the negroes, and the negroes did not trust the whitepeople; the military power of the national government stood there, and waslooked up to, as the protector of both. 

Upon this power devolved the task to bring order into that chaos. But theorder to be introduced was a new order, of which neither the late mastersnor the late slaves had an adequate conception. All the elements ofsociety being afloat, the difficulties were immense. The military officersand agents of the Freedmen's Bureau, to whom the negroes applied foradvice and guidance, either procured them such employment as could befound, or persuaded them to return to their plantations and to continue inthe cultivation of the crops, promising them that their liberty, rights, and interests should be protected. Upon the planters they urged thenecessity of making fair and equitable contracts with the freedmen, admonishing them to treat their laborers as free men ought to be treated. These efforts met with such success as the difficulties surrounding theproblem permitted to expect. Large numbers of negroes went back to thefields, according to the advice they had received, but considerableaccumulations still remained in and around the towns and along theseaboard, where there was no adequate amount of profitable employment forthem. The making and approving of contracts progressed as rapidly as thesmall number of officers engaged in that line of duty made it possible, but not rapidly in proportion to the vast amount of work to beaccomplished. The business experience of many of the officers was butlimited; here and there experiments were tried which had to be given up. In numerous cases contracts were made and then broken, either by theemployers or the laborers, and the officers in charge were overwhelmedwith complaints from both sides. While many planters wanted to have thelaborers who had left them back on their plantations, others drove thosethat had remained away, and thus increased the number of the unemployed. Moreover, the great change had burst upon the country in the midst of theagricultural labor season when the crops that were in the ground requiredsteady work to make them produce a satisfactory yield, and theinterruption of labor, which could not but be very extensive, causedconsiderable damage. In one word, the efforts made could not prevent orremedy, in so short a time, the serious disorders which are alwaysconnected with a period of precipitous transition, and which, althoughnatural, are exceedingly embarrassing to those who have to deal with them. 

The solution of the social problem in the south, if left to the freeaction of the southern people, will depend upon two things: 1, upon theideas entertained by the whites, the "ruling class, " of the problem, andthe manner in which they act upon their ideas; and 2, upon the capacityand conduct of the colored people. 

OPTIONS OF THE WHITES. 

That the result of the free labor experiment made under circumstances soextremely unfavorable should at once be a perfect success, no reasonableperson would expect. Nevertheless, a large majority of the southern menwith whom I came into contact announced their opinions with so positive anassurance as to produce the impression that their minds were fully madeup. In at least nineteen cases of twenty the reply I received to myinquiry about their views on the new system was uniformly this: "Youcannot make the negro work, without physical compulsion. " I heard thishundreds of times, heard it wherever I went, heard it in nearly the samewords from so many different persons, that at last I came to theconclusion that this is the prevailing sentiment among the southernpeople. There are exceptions to this rule, but, as far as my informationextends, far from enough to affect the rule. In the accompanying documentsyou will find an abundance of proof in support of this statement. There ishardly a paper relative to the negro question annexed to this report whichdoes not, in some direct or indirect way, corroborate it. 

Unfortunately the disorders necessarily growing out of the transitionstate continually furnished food for argument. I found but few people whowere willing to make due allowance for the adverse influence ofexceptional circumstances. By a large majority of those I came in contactwith, and they mostly belonged to the more intelligent class, everyirregularity that occurred was directly charged against the system of freelabor. If negroes walked away from the plantations, it was conclusiveproof of the incorrigible instability of the negro, and theimpracticability of free negro labor. If some individual negroes violatedthe terms of their contract, it proved unanswerably that no negro had, orever would have, a just conception of the binding force of a contract, andthat this system of free negro labor was bound to be a failure. If somenegroes shirked, or did not perform their task with sufficient alacrity, it was produced as irrefutable evidence to show that physical compulsionwas actually indispensable to make the negro work. If negroes, idlers orrefugees crawling about the towns, applied to the authorities forsubsistence, it was quoted as incontestably establishing the point thatthe negro was too improvident to take care of himself, and mustnecessarily be consigned to the care of a master. I heard a Georgiaplanter argue most seriously that one of his negroes had shown himselfcertainly unfit for freedom because he impudently refused to submit to awhipping. I frequently went into an argument with those putting forth suchgeneral assertions, quoting instances in which negro laborers were workingfaithfully, and to the entire satisfaction of their employers, as theemployers themselves had informed me. In a majority of cases the reply wasthat we northern people did not understand the negro, but that they (thesoutherners) did; that as to the particular instances I quoted I wasprobably mistaken; that I had not closely investigated the cases, or hadbeen deceived by my informants; that they _knew_ the negro would not workwithout compulsion, and that nobody could make them believe he would. Arguments like these naturally finished such discussions. It frequentlystruck me that persons who conversed about every other subject calmly andsensibly would lose their temper as soon as the negro question wastouched. 

EFFECTS OF SUCH OPINIONS, AND GENERAL TREATMENT OF THE NEGRO. 

A belief, conviction, or prejudice, or whatever you may call it, so widelyspread and apparently so deeply rooted as this, that the negro will notwork without physical compulsion, is certainly calculated to have a veryserious influence upon the conduct of the people entertaining it. Itnaturally produced a desire to preserve slavery in its original form asmuch and as long as possible--and you may, perhaps, remember the admissionmade by one of the provisional governors, over two months after the closeof the war, that the people of his State still indulged in a lingeringhope slavery might yet be preserved--or to introduce into the new systemthat element of physical compulsion which would make the negro work. Efforts were, indeed, made to hold the negro in his old state ofsubjection, especially in such localities where our military forces hadnot yet penetrated, or where the country was not garrisoned in detail. Here and there planters succeeded for a limited period to keep theirformer slaves in ignorance, or at least doubt, about their new rights; butthe main agency employed for that purpose was force and intimidation. Inmany instances negroes who walked away from the plantations, or were foundupon the roads, were shot or otherwise severely punished, which wascalculated to produce the impression among those remaining with theirmasters that an attempt to escape from slavery would result in certaindestruction. A large proportion of the many acts of violence committed isundoubtedly attributable to this motive. The documents attached to thisreport abound in testimony to this effect. For the sake of illustration Iwill give some instances:

Brigadier General Fessenden reported to Major General Gillmore fromWinnsboro, South Carolina, July 19, as follows: "The spirit of the people, especially in those districts not subject to the salutary influence ofGeneral Sherman's army, is that of concealed and, in some instances, ofopen hostility, though there are some who strive with honorable good faithto promote a thorough reconciliation between the government and theirpeople. A spirit of bitterness and persecution manifests itself towardsthe negroes. They are shot and abused outside the immediate protection ofour forces _by men who announce their determination to take the law intotheir own hands, in defiance of our authority_. To protect the negro andpunish these still rebellious individuals it will be necessary to havethis country pretty thickly settled with soldiers. " I received similarverbal reports from other parts of South Carolina. To show the hopes stillindulged in by some, I may mention that one of the sub-districtcommanders, as he himself informed me, knew planters within the limits ofhis command who had made contracts with their former slaves _avowedly_ forthe object of keeping them together on their plantations, so that theymight have them near at hand, and thus more easily reduce them to theirformer condition, when, after the restoration of the civil power, the"unconstitutional emancipation proclamation" would be set aside. 

Cases in which negroes were kept on the plantations, either by ruse orviolence, were frequent enough in South Carolina and Georgia to call forthfrom General Saxton a circular threatening planters who persisted in thispractice with loss of their property, and from Major General Steedman, commander of the department of Georgia, an order bearing upon the samesubject. At Atlanta, Georgia, I had an opportunity to examine some casesof the nature above described myself. While I was there, 9th and 10th ofAugust, several negroes came into town with bullet and buckshot wounds intheir bodies. From their statements, which, however, were onlycorroborating information previously received, it appeared that thereckless and restless characters of that region had combined to keep thenegroes where they belonged. Several freedmen were shot in the attempt toescape, others succeeded in eluding the vigilance of their persecutors;large numbers, terrified by what they saw and heard, quietly remainedunder the restraint imposed upon them, waiting for better opportunities. The commander of the sub-district and post informed me that bands ofguerillas were prowling about within a few miles of the city, making itdangerous for soldiers and freedmen to show themselves outside of theimmediate reach of the garrison, and that but a few days previous to myarrival a small squad of men he had sent out to serve an order upon aplanter, concerning the treatment of freedmen, had been driven back by anarmed band of over twenty men, headed by an individual in the uniform of arebel officer. 

As our troops in Georgia were at that time mostly concentrated at a numberof central points, and not scattered over the State in small detachments, but little information was obtained of what was going on in the interiorof the country. A similar system was followed in Alabama, but enough hasbecome known to indicate the condition of things in localities notimmediately under the eye of the military. In that State the efforts madeto hold the negro in a state of subjection appear to have been of aparticularly atrocious nature. Rumors to that effect which reached me atMontgomery induced me to make inquiries at the post hospital. The recordsof that institution showed a number of rather startling cases which hadoccurred immediately after the close of the war, and some of a more recentdate; all of which proved that negroes leaving the plantations, and foundon the roads, were exposed to the savagest treatment. An extract from therecords of the hospital is appended, (accompanying document No. 20;) alsoa statement signed by the provost marshal at Selma, Alabama, Major J. P. Houston, (accompanying document No. 21. ) He says: "There have come to mynotice officially twelve cases, in which I am morally certain the trialshave not been had yet, that negroes were killed by whites. In a majorityof cases the provocation consisted in the negroes' trying to come to townor to return to the plantation after having been sent away. The casesabove enumerated, I am convinced, are but a small part of those that haveactually been perpetrated. " In a report to General Swayne, assistantcommissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau, in Alabama, communicated to me bythe general, Captain Poillon, agent of the bureau at Mobile, says of thecondition of things in the southwestern part of the State, July 29: "Thereare regular patrols posted on the rivers, who board some of the boats;after the boats leave they hang, shoot, or drown the victims they may findon them, and all those found on the roads or coming down the rivers arealmost invariably murdered. The bewildered and terrified freedmen know notwhat to do--to leave is death; to remain is to suffer the increased burdenimposed upon them by the cruel taskmaster, whose only interest is theirlabor, wrung from them by every device an inhuman ingenuity can devise;hence the lash and murder is resorted to to intimidate those whom fear ofan awful death alone cause to remain, while patrols, negro dogs and spies, disguised as Yankees, keep constant guard over these unfortunate people. "In a letter addressed to myself, September 9, Captain Poillon says:"Organized patrols, with negro hounds, keep guard over the thoroughfares;bands of lawless robbers traverse the country, and the unfortunate whoattempts to escape, or he who returns for his wife or child, is waylaid orpursued with hounds, and shot or hung. " (Accompanying document No. 22. )

In Mississippi I received information of a similar character. I wouldrespectfully invite your attention to two letters--one by Colonel Hayne, 1st Texas cavalry, and one by Colonel Brinkerhoff--giving interestingdescriptions of the condition of the freedmen, and the spirit of thewhites shortly after the close of the war. (Accompanying documents Nos. 23and 24. ) Lieutenant Colonel P. J. Yorke, post commander at port Gibson, Mississippi, reported to General Davidson, on August 26, that a "countypatrol" had been organized by citizens of his sub-district, which, forreasons given, he had been obliged to disband; one of these reasons was, in his own language, that: "The company was formed out of what they calledpicked men, _i. E. _, those only who had been actually engaged in the war, and were known as strong disunionists. The negroes in the sections ofcountry these men controlled were kept in the most abject slavery, andtreated in every way contrary to the requirements of General Orders No. 129, from the War Department. " (Accompanying document No. 25. ) As late asSeptember 29, Captain J. H. Weber, agent of the Freedmen's Bureau, reportedto Colonel Thomas, assistant commissioner of the bureau, in the State ofMississippi, as follows: "In many cases negroes who left their homesduring the war, and have been within our military lines, and havingprovided homes here for their families, going back to get their wives andchildren, have been driven off, and told that they could not have them. Inseveral cases guards have been sent to aid people in getting theirfamilies; in many others it has been impracticable, as the distance wastoo great. In portions of the northern part of this district the coloredpeople are kept in slavery still. The white people tell them that theywere free during the war, but the war is now over, and they must go towork again as before. The reports from sub-commissioners nearest thatlocality show that the blacks are in a much worse state than ever before, the able-bodied being kept at work under the lash, and the young andinfirm driven off to care for themselves. As to protection from the civilauthorities, there is no such thing outside of this city. " (Accompanyingdocument No. 26. )

The conviction, however, that slavery in the old form cannot be maintainedhas forced itself upon the minds of many of those who ardently desired itspreservation. But while the necessity of a new system was recognized asfar as the right of property in the individual negro is concerned, manyattempts were made to introduce into that new system the element ofphysical compulsion, which, as above stated, is so generally consideredindispensable. This was done by simply adhering, as to the treatment ofthe laborers, as much as possible to the traditions of the old system, even where the relations between employers and laborers had been fixed bycontract. The practice of corporal punishment was still continued to agreat extent, although, perhaps, not in so regular a manner as it waspracticed in times gone by. It is hardly necessary to quote anydocumentary evidence on this point; the papers appended to this report arefull of testimony corroborating the statement. The habit is so inveteratewith a great many persons as to render, on the least provocation, theimpulse to whip a negro almost irresistible. It will continue to be sountil the southern people will have learned, so as never to forget it, that a black man has rights which a white man is bound to respect. 

Here I will insert some remarks on the general treatment of the blacks asa class, from the whites as a class. It is not on the plantations and atthe hands of the planters themselves that the negroes have to suffer thegreatest hardships. Not only the former slaveholders, but thenon-slaveholding whites, who, even previous to the war, seemed to be moreardent in their pro-slavery feelings than the planters themselves, arepossessed by a singularly bitter and vindictive feeling against thecolored race since the negro has ceased to be property. The pecuniaryvalue which the individual negro formerly represented having disappeared, the maiming and killing of colored men seems to be looked upon by many asone of those venial offences which must be forgiven to the outragedfeelings of a wronged and robbed people. Besides, the services rendered bythe negro to the national cause during the war, which make him an objectof special interest to the loyal people, make him an object of particularvindictiveness to those whose hearts were set upon the success of therebellion. The number of murders and assaults perpetrated upon negroes isvery great; we can form only an approximative estimate of what is going onin those parts of the south which are not closely garrisoned, and fromwhich no regular reports are received, by what occurs under the very eyesof our military authorities. As to my personal experience, I will onlymention that during my two days sojourn at Atlanta, one negro was stabbedwith fatal effect on the street, and three were poisoned, one of whomdied. While I was at Montgomery, one negro was cut across the throatevidently with intent to kill, and another was shot, but both escaped withtheir lives. Several papers attached to this report give an account of thenumber of capital cases that occurred at certain places during a certainperiod of time. It is a sad fact that the perpetration of those acts isnot confined to that class of people which might be called the rabble. Several "gentlemen of standing" have been tried before militarycommissions for such offences. 

These statements are naturally not intended to apply to all theindividuals composing the southern people. There are certainly manyplanters who, before the rebellion, treated their slaves with kindness, and who now continue to treat them as free laborers in the same manner. There are now undoubtedly many plantations in the south on which therelations between employers and employees are based upon mutual good will. There are certainly many people there who entertain the best wishes forthe welfare of the negro race, and who not only never participated in anyacts of violence, but who heartily disapprove them. I have no doubt, alarge majority can, _as to actual participation_--not, however, as to thebitter spirit--I offer a good plea of not guilty. But however large orsmall a number of people may be guilty of complicity in such acts ofpersecution, those who are opposed to them have certainly not shownthemselves strong enough to restrain those who perpetrate or favor them. So far, the _spirit of persecution_ has shown itself so strong as to makethe protection of the freedman by the military arm of the government inmany localities necessary--in almost all, desirable. It must not beforgotten that in a community a majority of whose members is peaceablydisposed, but not willing or not able to enforce peace and order, acomparatively small number of bold and lawless men can determine thecharacter of the whole. The rebellion itself, in some of the southernStates, furnished a striking illustration of this truth. 

GENERAL IDEAS AND SCHEMES OF WHITES CONCERNING THE FREEDMEN. 

Some of the planters with whom I had occasion to converse expressed theirdetermination to adopt the course which best accords with the spirit offree labor, to make the negro work by offering him fair inducements, tostimulate his ambition, and to extend to him those means of intellectualand moral improvement which are best calculated to make him anintelligent, reliable and efficient free laborer and a good and usefulcitizen. Those who expressed such ideas were almost invariably professedUnion men, and far above the average in point of mental ability andculture. I found a very few instances of original secessionists alsomanifesting a willingness to give the free-labor experiment a fair trial. I can represent the sentiments of this small class in no better way thanby quoting the language used by an Alabama judge in a conversation withme. "I am one of the most thoroughly whipped men in the south, " said he;"I am a genuine old secessionist, and I believe now, as I always did, wehad the constitutional right to secede. But the war has settled thatmatter, and it is all over now. As to this thing of free negro labor, I donot believe in it, but I will give it a fair trial. I have a plantationand am going to make contracts with my hands, and then I want a realYankee to run the machine for me; not one of your New Yorkers orPennsylvanians, but the genuine article from Massachusetts or Vermont--onewho can not only farm, but sing psalms and pray, and teach school--a realabolitionist, who believes in the thing just as I don't believe in it. Ifhe does not succeed, I shall consider it proof conclusive that you arewrong and I am right. "

I regret to say that views and intentions so reasonable I found confinedto a small minority. Aside from the assumption that the negro will notwork without physical compulsion, there appears to be another popularnotion prevalent in the south, which stands as no less serious an obstaclein the way of a successful solution of the problem. It is that the negroexists for the special object of raising cotton, rice and sugar _for thewhites_, and that it is illegitimate for him to indulge, like otherpeople, in the pursuit of his own happiness in his own way. Although it isadmitted that he has ceased to be the property of a master, it is notadmitted that he has a right to become his own master. As Colonel Thomas, assistant commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau in Mississippi, in aletter addressed to me, very pungently expresses it: "The whites esteemthe blacks their property by natural right, and, however much they mayadmit that the relations of masters and slaves have been destroyed by thewar and by the President's emancipation proclamation, they still have aningrained feeling that the blacks at large belong to the whites at large, and whenever opportunity serves, they treat the colored people just astheir profit, caprice or passion may dictate. " (Accompanying document No. 27. ) An ingrained feeling like this is apt to bring forth that sort ofclass legislation which produces laws to govern one class with no otherview than to benefit another. This tendency can be distinctly traced inthe various schemes for regulating labor which here and there see thelight. 

Immediately after the emancipation of the slaves, when the generalconfusion was most perplexing, the prevalent desire among the whitesseemed to be, if they could not retain their negroes as slaves, to get ridof them entirely. Wild speculations were indulged in, how to remove thecolored population at once and to import white laborers to fill its place;how to obtain a sufficient supply of coolies, &c. , &c. Even at the presentmoment the removal of the freedmen is strongly advocated by those who havethe traditional horror of a free negro, and in some sections, especiallywhere the soil is more adapted to the cultivation of cereals than theraising of the staples, planters appear to be inclined to drive thenegroes away, at least from their plantations. I was informed by aprominent South Carolinian in July, that the planters in certainlocalities in the northwestern part of his State had been on the point ofdoing so, but better counsel had been made to prevail upon them; andColonel Robinson, 97th United States Colored Infantry, who had been sentout to several counties in southern Alabama to administer the amnestyoath, reported a general disposition among the planters of that region to"set the colored people who had cultivated their crops during the summer, adrift as soon as the crops would be secured, and not to permit the negroto remain upon any footing of equality with the white man in thatcountry. " (Accompanying document No. 28. ) The disposition to drive awayall the negroes from the plantations was undoubtedly confined to a fewdistricts; and as far as the scheme of wholesale deportation is concerned, practical men became aware, that if they wanted to have any labor done, itwould have been bad policy to move away the laborers they now have beforeothers were there to fill their places. All these devices promising atbest only distant relief, and free negro labor being the only thing inimmediate prospect, many ingenious heads set about to solve the problem, how to make free labor compulsory by permanent regulations. 

Shortly after the close of the war some South Carolina planters tried tosolve this problem by introducing into the contracts provisions leavingonly a small share of the crops to the freedmen, subject to all sorts ofconstructive charges, and then binding them to work off the indebtednessthey might incur. It being to a great extent in the power of the employerto keep the laborer in debt to him, the employer might thus obtain apermanent hold upon the person of the laborer. It was something like thesystem of peonage existing in Mexico. When these contracts were submittedto the military authorities for ratification, General Hatch, commanding atCharleston, at once issued an order prohibiting such arrangements. I hadan opportunity to examine one of these contracts, and found it drawn upwith much care, and evidently with a knowledge of the full bearings of theprovisions so inserted. 

Appended to this report is a memorandum of a conversation I had with Mr. W. King, of Georgia, a gentleman of good political sentiments andundoubtedly benevolent intentions. He recommends a kind of guardianship tobe exercised by the employer over the freedman. He is a fairrepresentative, not of the completely unprejudiced, but of the moreliberal-minded class of planters, and his sayings show in what directioneven those who are not actuated by any spirit of bitterness against thenegro, seek a way out of their perplexities. (Accompanying document No. 29. )

I annex also two documents submitted to Mr. Benjamin F. Flanders, specialtreasury agent at New Orleans, who then had the management of freedmen'saffairs in Louisiana, in November and December, 1864. They are not of arecent date, but may be taken as true representations of the ideas andsentiments entertained by large numbers to-day. The first (accompanyingdocument No. 30) contains "suggestions on the wants of planters beforeembarking their capital in the cultivation of staple crops, " and wassubmitted by a committee to a meeting of planters at New Orleans, November21, 1864. It speaks for itself. The others (accompanying document No. 31)is a letter addressed to Mr. Flanders by Mr. T. Gibson, a Louisianaplanter, who is well known in New Orleans as professing much affection forthe negro. It commences with the assertion that he "has no prejudices toovercome, and would do the black all the good in his power, " and winds upwith a postscript strongly insisting upon the necessity of corporalpunishment, the "great desideratum in obtaining labor from free blacksbeing _its enforcement_. "

MUNICIPAL REGULATIONS. 

The motives and spirit bringing forth such ideas found a still clearerexpression in some attempted municipal regulations. In no State within therange of my observation had, at the time of my visit, so much progressbeen made in the reorganization of local government as in Louisiana. Inmost of the parishes the parish authorities had exercised their functionsfor some time; in others the organization was less complete. GovernorWells informed me that he had filled the parish offices with menrecommended to him by the people of the parishes, and it is fair to assumethat in most cases the appointees represented the views and sentiments ofthe ruling class. Some of the local authorities so appointed furnished usan indication of the principles upon which they thought it best toregulate free labor within their jurisdiction. 

Mr. W. B. Stickney, agent of the Freedmen's Bureau at Shreveport, Louisiana, reported to the assistant commissioner of the bureau inLouisiana as follows: "August 1. --The following is a literal copy of adocument brought to this office by a colored man, which is conclusiveevidence that there are those who still claim the negro as their property:

"'This boy Calvin has permit to hire to whom he pleases, but I shall holdhim as my property until set free by Congress. July 7, 1865. (Signed. )E. V. TULLY. '"

The spirit of the above also made its appearance in another form, in theaction of the police board of the parish of Bossier, which was an attemptto revive at once the old slave laws, and to prevent the freedmen fromobtaining employment (away) from their former masters. The gist of theenactment alluded to is contained in the paragraph directing the officerson patrol duty "to arrest and take up all idle and vagrant persons runningat large without employment and carry them before the proper authorities, to be dealt with as the law directs. " A regulation like this certainlywould make it difficult for freedmen to leave their former masters for thepurpose of seeking employment elsewhere. The matter was submitted toBrevet Major General Hawkins, commanding western district of Louisiana, who issued an order prohibiting the parish police forces from arrestingfreedmen unless for positive offence against the law. 

Clearer and more significant was the ordnance passed by the police boardof the town of Opelousas, Louisiana. (Accompanying document No. 34. ) Itdeserves careful perusal. Among a number of regulations applyingexclusively to the negro, and depriving him of all liberty of locomotion, the following striking provisions are found:

Section 3. No negro or freedman shall be permitted to rent or keep a housewithin the limits of the town _under any circumstances_, and any one thusoffending shall be ejected and _compelled to find an employer_ or leavethe town within twenty-four hours. The lessor or furnisher of the houseleased or kept as above shall pay a fine of ten dollars for each offence. 

Section 4. No negro or freedman shall reside within the limits of the townof Opelousas _who is not in the regular service of some white person orformer owner_. 

Section 8. No freedman shall sell, barter or exchange, any articles ofmerchandise or traffic within the limits of Opelousas without permissionin writing from his employer, or the mayor, or president of the board. 

This ordinance was at first approved by a lieutenant colonel of the UnitedStates forces having local command there, and it is worthy of note thatthereupon the infection spread at once, and similar ordinances wereentertained by the police boards of the town of Franklin and of the parishof St. Landry. (Accompanying document No. 35). The parish ordinance of St. Landry differs from the town ordinances of Opelousas and Franklin inseveral points, and wherever there is any difference, it is in thedirection of greater severity. It imposes heavier fines and penaltiesthroughout, and provides, in addition, for a system of corporalpunishment. It is also ordained "that the aforesaid penalties shall be_summarily enforced_, and that it shall be the duty of the _captain orchief of patrol_ to see that the aforesaid ordinances are promptlyexecuted. " While the town ordinances provide that a negro who does notfind an employer shall be compelled to leave the town, the parish orcounty ordinance knows nothing of letting the negro go, but simply_compels_ him to find an employer. Finally, it is ordained "that it shallbe the duty of every _citizen_ to act as a police officer for thedetection of offences and the apprehension of offenders, who shall beimmediately handed over to the proper captain or chief of patrol. "

It is true, an "organization of free labor" upon this plan would not beexactly the re-establishment of slavery in its old form, but as for thepractical working of the system with regard to the welfare of thefreedman, the difference would only be for the worse. The negro is notonly not permitted to be idle, but he is positively prohibited fromworking or carrying on a business for himself; he is _compelled_ to be inthe "regular service" of a white man, and if he has no employer he is_compelled_ to find one. It requires only a simple understanding among theemployers, and the negro is just as much bound to his employer "for betterand for worse" as he was when slavery existed in the old form. If heshould attempt to leave his employer on account of non-payment of wages orbad treatment he is _compelled_ to find another one; and if no other willtake him he will be _compelled_ to return to him from whom he wanted toescape. The employers, under such circumstances, are naturally at libertyto arrange the matter of compensation according to their tastes, for thenegro will be compelled to be in the regular service of an employer, whether he receives wages or not. The negro may be permitted by hisemployer "to hire his own time, " for in the spirit and intent of theordinance his time never properly belongs to him. But even the old systemof slavery was more liberal in this respect, for such "permission to hirehis own time" "shall never extend over seven days at any one time. " (Sec. 4. ) The sections providing for the "_summary_" enforcement of thepenalties and placing their infliction into the hands of the "chief ofpatrol"--which, by the way, throws some light upon the objects for whichthe militia is to be reorganized--place the freedmen under a sort ofpermanent martial law, while the provision investing every white man withthe power and authority of a police officer as against every black mansubjects them to the control even of those individuals who in othercommunities are thought hardly fit to control themselves. On the whole, this piece of legislation is a striking embodiment of the idea thatalthough the former owner has lost his individual right of property in theformer slave, "the blacks at large belong to the whites at large. "

Such was the "organization of free labor" ordained by officials appointedby Governor Wells, and these ordinances were passed while both theemancipation proclamation and a provision in the new constitution ofLouisiana abolishing slavery in that State forever were recognized asbeing in full force. It is needless to say that as soon as theseproceedings came to the knowledge of the Freedmen's Bureau and thedepartment commander they were promptly overruled. But Governor Wells didnot remove the police boards that had thus attempted to revive slavery ina new form. 

The opposition to the negro's controlling his own labor, carrying onbusiness independently on his own account--in one word, working for hisown benefit--showed itself in a variety of ways. Here and there municipalregulations were gotten up heavily taxing or otherwise impeding thosetrades and employments in which colored people are most likely to engage. As an illustration, I annex an ordinance passed by the common council ofVicksburg, (accompanying document No. 36, ) together with a letter fromColonel Thomas, in which he says: "You will see by the city ordinance thata drayman, or hackman, must file a bond of five hundred dollars, inaddition to paying for his license. The mayor requires that the bondsmenmust be freeholders. The laws of this State do not, and never did, allow anegro to own land or hold property; the white citizens refuse to sign anybonds for the freedmen. The white citizens and authorities say that it isfor their interest to drive out all independent negro labor; that thefreedmen must hire to white men if they want to do this kind of work. " Ifound several instances of a similar character in the course of myobservations, of which I neglected to procure the documentary evidence. 

It may be said that these are mere isolated cases; and so they are. Butthey are the local outcroppings of a spirit which I found to prevaileverywhere. If there is any difference, it is in the degree of itsintensity and the impatience or boldness with which it manifests itself. Of the agencies which so far restrained it from venturing more generaldemonstrations I shall speak in another part of this report. 

EDUCATION OF THE FREEDMEN. 

It would seem that all those who sincerely desire to make the freedman afreeman in the true sense of the word, must also be in favor of soeducating him as to make him clearly understand and appreciate theposition he is to occupy in life, with all its rights and correspondingduties, and to impart to him all the knowledge necessary for enabling himto become an intelligent co-operator in the general movements of society. As popular education is the true ground upon which the efficiency and thesuccesses of free-labor society grow, no man who rejects the former can beaccounted a consistent friend of the latter. It is also evident that theeducation of the negro, to become general and effective after the fullrestoration of local government in the south, must be protected andpromoted as an integral part of the educational systems of the States. 

I made it a special point in most of the conversations I had with southernmen to inquire into their views with regard to this subject. I found, indeed, some gentlemen of thought and liberal ideas who readilyacknowledged the necessity of providing for the education of the coloredpeople, and who declared themselves willing to co-operate to that end tothe extent of their influence. Some planters thought of establishingschools on their estates, and others would have been glad to see measurestaken to that effect by the people of the neighborhoods in which theylived. But whenever I asked the question whether it might be hoped thatthe legislatures of their States or their county authorities would makeprovisions for negro education, I never received an affirmative, and onlyin two or three instances feebly encouraging answers. At last I was forcedto the conclusion that, aside from a small number of honorable exceptions, the popular prejudice is almost as bitterly set against the negro's havingthe advantage of education as it was when the negro was a slave. There maybe an improvement in that respect, but it would prove only how universalthe prejudice was in former days. Hundreds of times I heard the oldassertion repeated, that "learning will spoil the nigger for work, " andthat "negro education will be the ruin of the south. " Another mostsingular notion still holds a potent sway over the minds of the masses--itis, that the elevation of the blacks will be the degradation of thewhites. They do not understand yet that the continual contact with anignorant and degraded population must necessarily lower the mental andmoral tone of the other classes of society. This they might have learnedfrom actual experience, as we in the north have been taught, also byactual experience, that the education of the lower orders is the onlyreliable basis of the civilization as well as of the prosperity of apeople. 

The consequence of the prejudice prevailing in the southern States is thatcolored schools can be established and carried on with safety only underthe protection of our military forces, and that where the latter arewithdrawn the former have to go with them. There may be a few localitiesforming exceptions, but their number is certainly very small. I annex afew papers bearing upon this subject. One is a letter addressed to me byChaplain Joseph Warren, superintendent of education under the Freedmen'sBureau in Mississippi. (Accompanying document No. 37. ) The long andextensive experience of the writer gives the views he expresses more thanordinary weight. After describing the general spirit of opposition to theeducation of the negroes exhibited in Mississippi, and enumerating thereasons assigned for it, he says: "In view of these things I have no doubtbut that, if our protection be withdrawn, negro education will be hinderedin every possible way, including obstructions by fraud and violence. Ihave not the smallest expectation that, with the State authorities in fullpower, a northern citizen would be protected in the exercise of hisconstitutional right to teach and preach to the colored people, and shalllook for a renewal of the fearful scenes in which northerners werewhipped, tarred and feathered, warned off, and murdered, before the war. "The letter gives many details in support of this conclusion, and is inevery respect worth perusing. 

In the letter of General Kirby Smith (Accompanying document No. 9) occursthe following statement referring to the condition of things in Mobile, Alabama: "Threats were made to destroy all school-houses in which coloredchildren were taught, and in two instances they were fired. The samethreats were made against all churches in which colored people assembledto worship, and one of them burned. Continued threats of assassinationwere made against the colored preachers, and one of them is now underspecial guard by order of Major General Woods. "

While I was in Louisiana General Canby received a petition, signed by anumber of prominent citizens of New Orleans, praying him "to annul OrderNo. 38, which authorizes a board of officers to levy a tax on thetaxpayers of the parish of Orleans to defray the expense of educating thefreedmen. " The reasons given for making this request are as follows: "Mostof those who have lost their slaves by the rebellion, and whose lands arein the course of confiscation, being thus deprived of the means of raisingcorn for their hungry children, have not anything left wherewith to paysuch a tax. The order in question, they consider, violates that sacredprinciple which requires taxation to be equal throughout the UnitedStates. _If the freedmen are to be educated at public expense, let it bedone from the treasury of the United States_. " (Accompanying document No. 38. ) Many of the signers of this petition, who wanted to be relieved ofthe school tax on the ground of poverty, were counted among the wealthymen of New Orleans, and they forgot to state that the free colored elementof Louisiana, which represents a capital of at least thirteen millions andpays a not inconsiderable proportion of the taxes, contributes at the sametime for the support of the schools for whites, from which their childrenare excluded. I would also invite attention to some statements concerningthis matter contained in the memorandum of my conversation with Mr. King, of Georgia. (Accompanying document No. 29. )

While travelling in the south I found in the newspapers an account of aninterview between General Howard and some gentlemen from Mississippi, inwhich a Dr. Murdoch, from Columbus, Mississippi, figured somewhatconspicuously. He was reported to have described public sentiment inMississippi as quite loyal, and especially in favor of giving the coloredrace a good education. I inquired at the Freedmen's Bureau whetheranything was known there of a feeling so favorable to negro educationamong Dr. Murdoch's neighbors. The information I received is contained ina letter from the assistant commissioner, Colonel Thomas. (Accompanyingdocument No. 39. ) It appears that the feeling of Dr. Murdoch's neighborsat Columbus was not only not in favor of negro education, but that, according to the report of the agent of the Freedmen's Bureau at thatplace, "the citizens of the town are so prejudiced against the negroesthat they are opposed to all efforts being made for their education orelevation;" that "the people will not give rooms or allow the children oftheir hired freedmen to attend the schools, " and that the citizens of theplace have written a letter to the officers, saying "that they wouldrespectfully ask that no freedmen's schools be established under theauspices of the bureau, as it would tend to disturb the present laborsystem, and take from the fields labor that is so necessary to restore thewealth of the State. " It seems Dr. Murdoch's neighbors do not form anexception to the general rule. In this connexion I may add that severalinstances have come to my notice of statements about the condition ofthings in the late rebel States, being set afloat by southerners visitingthe north, which would not bear close investigation. The reason, probably, is that gentlemen are attributing their own good intentions to the rest oftheir people with too great a liberality. 

Having thus given my experience and impressions with regard to the spiritactuating the southern people concerning the freedman and the free-laborproblem, and before inquiring into their prospective action, I beg leaveto submit a few remarks on the conduct of the negro. 

THE FREEDMAN. 

The first southern men with whom I came into contact after my arrival atCharleston designated the general conduct of the emancipated slaves assurprisingly good. Some went even so far as to call it admirable. Theconnexion in which they used these laudatory terms was this: A great manycolored people while in slavery had undoubtedly suffered much hardshipand submitted to great wrongs, partly inseparably connected withthe condition of servitude, and partly aggravated by the individualwilfulness and cruelty of their masters and overseers. They were suddenlyset free; and not only that: their masters but a short time ago almostomnipotent on their domains, found themselves, after their defeat in thewar, all at once face to face with their former slaves as a conquered andpowerless class. Never was the temptation to indulge in acts of vengeancefor wrongs suffered more strongly presented than to the colored people ofthe south; but no instance of such individual revenge was then on record, nor have I since heard of any case of violence that could be tracedto such motives. The transition of the southern negro from slavery tofreedom was untarnished by any deeds of blood, and the apprehension soextensively entertained and so pathetically declaimed upon by many, thatthe sudden and general emancipation of the slaves would at once result in"all the horrors of St. Domingo, " proved utterly groundless. This was thefirst impression I received after my arrival in the south, and I receivedit from the mouths of late slaveholders. Nor do I think the praise wasunjustly bestowed. In this respect the emancipated slaves of the southcan challenge comparison with any race long held in servitude andsuddenly set free. As to the dangers of the future, I shall speak of themin another connexion. 

But at that point the unqualified praise stopped and the complaints began:the negroes would not work; they left their plantations and went wanderingfrom place to place, stealing by the way; they preferred a life ofidleness and vagrancy to that of honest and industrious labor; they eitherdid not show any willingness to enter into contracts, or, if they did, showed a stronger disposition to break them than to keep them; they werebecoming insubordinate and insolent to their former owners; they indulgedin extravagant ideas about their rights and relied upon the government tosupport them without work; in one word, they had no conception of therights freedom gave, and of the obligations freedom imposed upon them. These complaints I heard repeated with endless variations wherever I went. Nor were they made without some show of reason. I will review them oneafter another. 

_Unwillingness to work_. --That there are among the negroes a good manyconstitutionally lazy individuals is certainly true. The propensity toidleness seems to be rather strongly developed in the south generally, without being confined to any particular race. It is also true that thealacrity negroes put into their work depends in a majority of cases uponcertain combinations of circumstances. It is asserted that the negroeshave a prejudice against working in the cultivation of cotton, rice, andsugar. Although this prejudice, probably arising from the fact that thecotton, rice, and sugar fields remind the former slave of the worstexperiences of his past life, exists to some extent, it has not made thefreedmen now on the plantations unwilling to cultivate such crops as theplanters may have seen fit to raise. A few cases of refusal may haveoccurred. But there is another fact of which I have become satisfied inthe course of my observations, and which is of great significance: whilemost of the old slaveholders complain of the laziness and instability oftheir negro laborers, the northern men engaged in planting, with whom Ihave come into contact, almost uniformly speak of their negro laborerswith satisfaction, and these northern men almost exclusively devotethemselves to the cultivation of cotton. A good many southern planters, inview of the fact, expressed to me their intention to engage northern menfor the management of their plantations. This circumstance would seem toprove that under certain conditions the negro may be expected to workwell. There are two reasons by which it may be explained: first, that anorthern man knows from actual experience what free labor is, andunderstands its management, which the late slaveholder, still clinging tothe traditions of the old system, does not; and then, that the negro hasmore confidence in a northern man than in his former master. When anorthern man discovers among his laboring force an individual that doesnot do his duty, his first impulse is to discharge him, and he actsaccordingly. When a late slaveholder discovers such an individual amonghis laborers, his first impulse is to whip him, and he is very apt to suitthe act to the impulse. Ill treatment is a doubtful encouragement for freelaborers, and it proves more apt to drive those that are still at workaway than to make the plantation attractive to others. But if the reasonsabove stated are sufficient to explain why the negroes work better fornorthern than for southern men, it will follow that a general improvementwill take place as soon as the latter fulfil the same conditions--that is, as soon as southern men learn what free labor is and how to manage it inaccordance with its principles, and as soon as they succeed in gaining theconfidence of the colored people. 

In the reports of officers of the Freedmen's Bureau, among the documentsannexed to this, you will find frequent repetitions of the statement thatthe negro generally works well where he is decently treated and wellcompensated. Nor do the officers of the Freedmen's Bureau alone think andsay so. Southern men, who were experimenting in the right direction, expressed to me their opinion to the same effect. Some of them told methat the negroes on their plantations worked "as well as ever, " or even"far better than they had expected. " It is true the number of planters whomade that admission was small, but it nearly corresponded with the numberof those who, according to their own statements, gave free negro labor aperfectly fair trial, while all those who prefaced everything they saidwith the assertion that "the negro will not work without physicalcompulsion, " could find no end to their complaints. There are undoubtedlynegroes who will not do well under the best circumstances, just as thereare others who will do well under the worst. 

In another part of this report I have already set forth the exceptionaldifficulties weighing upon the free-labor experiment in the south duringthis period of transition. The sudden leap from slavery to freedom is anexciting event in a man's life, and somewhat calculated to disturb hisequanimity for a moment. People are on such occasions disposed to indulgethemselves a little. It would have shown much more wisdom in the negroesif all of them had quietly gone to work again the next day. But it is notreasonable to expect the negroes to possess more wisdom than other raceswould exhibit under the same circumstances. Besides, the willingness towork depends, with whites as well as blacks, somewhat upon the nature ofthe inducements held out, and the unsatisfactory regulation of the matterof wages has certainly something to do with the instability of negro laborwhich is complained of. Northern men engaged in planting almost uniformlypay wages in money, while southern planters, almost uniformly, havecontracted with their laborers for a share in the crop. In many instancesthe shares are allotted between employers and laborers with greatfairness; but in others the share promised to the laborers is so small asto leave them in the end very little or nothing. Moreover, the crops inthe south looked generally very unpromising from the beginning, whichnaturally reduced the value falling to the lot of the laborer. I haveheard a good many freedmen complain that, taking all things intoconsideration, they really did not know what they were working for exceptfood, which in many instances was bad and scanty; and such complaints werefrequently well founded. In a large number of cases the planters were notto blame for this; they had no available pecuniary means, and in manylocalities found it difficult to procure provisions. But these unfavorablecircumstances, combined with the want of confidence in northern men, werewell calculated to have an influence upon the conduct of the negro as alaborer. 

I have heard it said that money is no inducement which will make a negrowork. It is certain that many of them, immediately after emancipation, hadbut a crude conception of the value of money and the uses it can be putto. It may, however, be stated as the general rule, that whenever they areat liberty to choose between wages in money and a share in the crop, theywill choose the former and work better. Many cases of negroes engaged inlittle industrial pursuits came to my notice, in which they showedconsiderable aptness not only for gaining money, but also for saving andjudiciously employing it. Some were even surprisingly successful. Ivisited some of the plantations divided up among freedmen and cultivatedby them independently without the supervision of white men. In someinstances I found very good crops and indications of general thrift andgood management; in others the corn and cotton crops were in a neglectedand unpromising state. The excuse made was in most cases that they hadobtained possession of the ground too late in the season, and that, untilthe regular crops could be harvested, they were obliged to devote much oftheir time to the raising and sale of vegetables, watermelons, &c. , forthe purpose of making a living in the meantime. 

On the whole I feel warranted in making the following statement: Manyfreedmen--not single individuals, but whole "plantation gangs"--areworking well; others do not. The difference in their efficiency coincidesin a great measure with a certain difference in the conditions under whichthey live. The conclusion lies near, that if the conditions under whichthey work well become general, their efficiency as free laborers willbecome general also, aside from individual exceptions. Certain it is, thatby far the larger portion of the work done in the south is done byfreedmen. 

_Vagrancy_. --Large numbers of colored people left the plantations as soonas they became aware that they could do so with impunity. That they couldso leave their former masters was for them the first test of the realityof their freedom. A great many flocked to the military posts and towns toobtain from the "Yankees" reliable information as to their new rights. Others were afraid lest by staying on the plantations where they had beenheld as slaves they might again endanger their freedom. Still others wentto the cities, thinking that there the sweets of liberty could best beenjoyed. In some places they crowded together in large numbers, causingserious inconvenience. But a great many, probably a very large majority, remained on the plantations and made contracts with their former masters. The military authorities, and especially the agents of the Freedmen'sBureau, succeeded by continued exertions in returning most of those whowere adrift to the plantations, or in finding other employment for them. After the first rush was over the number of vagrants grew visibly less. 

It may be said that where the Freedmen's Bureau is best organizedthere is least vagrancy among the negroes. Here and there they showconsiderable restlessness, partly owing to local, partly to generalcauses. Among the former, bad treatment is probably the mostprominent; among the latter, a feeling of distrust, uneasiness, anxiety about their future, which arises from their present unsettledcondition. It is true, some are going from place to place because theyare fond of it. The statistics of the Freedmen's Bureau show that thewhole number of colored people supported by the government since theclose of the war was remarkably small and continually decreasing. This seems to show that the southern negro, when thrown out of hisaccustomed employment, possesses considerable ability to supporthimself. It is possible, however, that in consequence of short crops, the destitution of the country, and other disturbing influences, theremay be more restlessness among the negroes next winter than thereis at present. Where the results of this year's labor were veryunsatisfactory, there will be a floating about of the population whenthe contracts of this year expire. It is to be expected, however, thatthe Freedmen's Bureau will be able to remedy evils of that kind. Otheremancipatory movements, for instance the abolition of serfdom inRussia, have resulted in little or no vagrancy; but it must not beforgotten that the emancipated serfs were speedily endowed with theownership of land, which gave them a permanent moral and materialinterest in the soil upon which they lived. A similar measure would domore to stop negro vagrancy in the south than the severest penal laws. In every country the number of vagrants stands in proportion to thenumber of people who have no permanent local interests, unlessaugmented by exceptional cases, such as war or famine. 

_Contracts_. --Freedmen frequently show great disinclination to makecontracts with their former masters. They are afraid lest in signing apaper they sign away their freedom, and in this respect they aredistrustful of most southern men. It generally requires personalassurances from a United States officer to make them feel safe. But theadvice of such an officer is almost uniformly followed. In this manner animmense number of contracts has been made, and it is daily increasing. Anorthern man has no difficulty in making contracts, and but little inenforcing them. The complaints of southern men that the contracts are notwell observed by the freedmen are in many instances well founded. The samecan be said of the complaints of freedmen with regard to the planters. Thenegro, fresh from slavery, has naturally but a crude idea of the bindingforce of a written agreement, and it is galling to many of the planters tostand in such relations as a contract establishes to those who formerlywere their slaves. I was, however, informed by officers of the Freedmen'sBureau, and by planters also, that things were improving in that respect. Contracts will be more readily entered into and more strictly kept as soonas the intimate relations between labor and compensation are betterunderstood and appreciated on both sides. 

_Insolence and insubordination_. --The new spirit which emancipation hasawakened in the colored people has undoubtedly developed itself in someindividuals, especially young men, to an offensive degree. Hence cases ofinsolence on the part of freedmen occur. But such occurrences arecomparatively rare. On the whole, the conduct of the colored people is farmore submissive than anybody had a right to expect. The acts of violenceperpetrated by freedmen against white persons do not stand in anyproportion to those committed by whites against negroes. Every suchoccurrence is sure to be noticed in the southern papers and we have heardof but very few. 

When Southern people speak of the insolence of the negro, they generallymean something which persons who never lived under the system of slaveryare not apt to appreciate. It is but very rarely what would be calledinsolence among equals. But, as an old planter said to me, "our peoplecannot realize yet that the negro is free. " A negro is called insolentwhenever his conduct varies in any manner from what a southern man wasaccustomed to when slavery existed. 

The complaints made about the insubordination of the negro laborers onplantations have to be taken with the same allowance. There have been, nodoubt, many cases in which freedmen showed a refractory spirit, whereorders were disobeyed, and instructions disregarded. There have been someinstances of positive resistance. But when inquiring into particulars, Ifound not unfrequently that the employer had adhered too strictly to hisold way of doing things. I hardly heard any such complaints from Northernmen. I have heard planters complain very earnestly of the insubordinatespirit of their colored laborers because they remonstrated against thepractice of corporeal punishment. This was looked upon as a symptom of animpending insurrection. A great many things are regarded in the old slaveStates as acts of insubordination on the part of the laborer which, in thefree States, would be taken as perfectly natural and harmless. The factis, a good many planters are at present more nervously jealous of theirauthority than before, while the freedmen are not always inclined toforget that they are free men. 

_Extravagant notions_. --In many localities I found an impressionprevailing among the negroes that some great change was going to takeplace about Christmas. Feeling uneasy in their present condition, theyindulged in the expectation that government intended to make some furtherprovision for their future welfare, especially by ordering distributionsof land among them. To counteract this expectation, which had a tendencyto interfere seriously with the making of contracts for the next season, it was considered necessary to send military officers, and especiallyagents of the Freedmen's Bureau, among them, who, by administering soundadvice and spreading correct information, would induce them to suit theirconduct to their actual circumstances. While in the south I heard of manyinstances in which this measure had the desired effect, and it is to beexpected that the effect was uniformly good wherever judicious officerswere so employed. 

Impressions like the above are very apt to spread among the negroes, forthe reason that they ardently desire to become freeholders. In theindependent possession of landed property they see the consummation oftheir deliverance. However mistaken their notions may be in otherrespects, it must be admitted that this instinct is correct. 

_Relations between the two races_. --There are whites in the south whoprofess great kindness for the negro. Many of them are, no doubt, sincerein what they say. But as to the feelings of the masses, it is hardlynecessary to add anything to what I have already stated. I have heard itasserted that the negroes also cherish feelings of hostility to thewhites. Taking this as a general assertion, I am satisfied that it isincorrect. The negroes do not trust their late masters because they do notfeel their freedom sufficiently assured. Many of them may harbor feelingsof resentment towards those who now ill-treat and persecute them, but asthey practiced no revenge after their emancipation for wrongs sufferedwhile in slavery, so their present resentments are likely to cease as soonas the persecution ceases. If the persecution and the denial of theirrights as freemen continue, the resentments growing out of them willcontinue and spread. The negro is constitutionally docile and eminentlygood-natured. Instances of the most touching attachment of freedmen totheir old masters and mistresses have come to my notice. To a white manwhom they believe to be sincerely their friend they cling with greateraffection even than to one of their own race. By some northern speculatorstheir confidence has been sadly abused. Nevertheless, the trust they placein persons coming from the north, or in any way connected with thegovernment, is most childlike and unbounded. There may be individualexceptions, but I am sure they are not numerous. Those who enjoy theirconfidence enjoy also their affection. Centuries of slavery have not beensufficient to make them the enemies of the white race. If in the future afeeling of mutual hostility should develop itself between the races, itwill probably not be the fault of those who have shown such aninexhaustible patience under the most adverse and trying circumstances. 

In some places that I visited I found apprehensions entertained by whitesof impending negro insurrections. Whenever our military commanders foundit expedient to subject the statements made to that effect by whites toclose investigation, they uniformly found them unwarranted by fact. Inmany instances there were just reasons for supposing that suchapprehensions were industriously spread for the purpose of serving as anexcuse for further persecution. In the papers annexed to this report youwill find testimony supporting this statement. The negro is easily led; heis always inclined to follow the advice of those he trusts. I do, therefore, not consider a negro insurrection probable as long as thefreedmen are under the direct protection of the government, and may hopeto see their grievances redressed without resorting to the extreme meansof self-protection. There would, perhaps, be danger of insurrections ifthe government should withdraw its protection from them, and if, againstan attempt on the part of the whites to reduce them to something liketheir former condition, they should find themselves thrown back upon theirown resources. Of this contingency I shall speak below. 

_Education_. --That the negroes should have come out of slavery as anignorant class is not surprising when we consider that it was a penaloffence to teach them while they were in slavery; but their eager desireto learn, and the alacrity and success with which they avail themselves ofevery facility offered to them in that respect, has become a matter ofnotoriety. The statistics of the Freedmen's Bureau show to what extentsuch facilities have been offered and what results have been attained. Asfar as my information goes, these results are most encouraging for thefuture. 

PROSPECTIVE--THE REACTIONARY TENDENCY. 

I stated above that, in my opinion, the solution of the social problem inthe south did not depend upon the capacity and conduct of the negro alone, but in the same measure upon the ideas and feelings entertained and actedupon by the whites. What their ideas and feelings were while under myobservation, and how they affected the contact of the two races, I havealready set forth. The question arises, what policy will be adopted by the"ruling class" when all restraint imposed upon them by the military powerof the national government is withdrawn, and they are left free toregulate matters according to their own tastes? It would be presumptuousto speak of the future with absolute certainty; but it may safely beassumed that the same causes will always tend to produce the same effects. As long as a majority of the southern people believe that "the negro willnot work without physical compulsion, " and that "the blacks at largebelong to the whites at large, " that belief will tend to produce a systemof coercion, the enforcement of which will be aided by the hostile feelingagainst the negro now prevailing among the whites, and by the generalspirit of violence which in the south was fostered by the influenceslavery exercised upon the popular character. It is, indeed, not probablethat a general attempt will be made to restore slavery in its old form, onaccount of the barriers which such an attempt would find in its way; butthere are systems intermediate between slavery as it formerly existed inthe south, and free labor as it exists in the north, but more nearlyrelated to the former than to the latter, _the introduction of which willbe attempted_. I have already noticed some movements in that direction, which were made under the very eyes of our military authorities, and ofwhich the Opelousas and St. Landry ordinances were the most significant. Other things of more recent date, such as the new negro code submitted bya committee to the legislature of South Carolina, are before the country. They have all the same tendency, because they all spring from the samecause. 

It may be objected that evidence has been given of a contrary spirit bythe State conventions which passed ordinances abolishing slavery in theirStates, and making it obligatory upon the legislatures to enact laws forthe protection of the freedmen. While acknowledging the fact, I deem itdangerous to be led by it into any delusions. As to the motives upon whichthey acted when abolishing slavery, and their understanding of thebearings of such an act, we may safely accept the standard they have setup for themselves. When speaking of popular demonstrations in the south infavor of submission to the government, I stated that the principal andalmost the only argument used was, that they found themselves in asituation in which "they could do no better. " It was the same thing withregard to the abolition of slavery; wherever abolition was publiclyadvocated, whether in popular meetings or in State conventions, it was onthe ground of necessity--not unfrequently with the significant additionthat, as soon as they had once more control of their own State affairs, they could settle the labor question to suit themselves, whatever theymight have to submit to for the present. Not only did I find this to bethe common talk among the people, but the same sentiment was openly avowedby public men in speech and print. Some declarations of that kind, made bymen of great prominence, have passed into the newspapers and areundoubtedly known to you. I append to this report a specimen, (accompanying document, No. 40, ) not as something particularly remarkable, but in order to represent the current sentiment as expressed in thelanguage of a candidate for a seat in the State convention of Mississippi. It is a card addressed to the voters of Wilkinson county, Mississippi, byGeneral W. L. Brandon. The general complains of having been called "anunconditional, immediate emancipationist--an abolitionist. " He indignantlyrepels the charge and avows himself a good pro-slavery man. "But, fellow-citizens, " says he, "what I may in common with you have to submitto, is a very different thing. Slavery has been taken from us; the powerthat has already practically abolished it threatens totally and forever toabolish it. _But does it follow that I am in favor of this thing? By nomeans_. My honest conviction is, we must accept the situation as it is, _until we can get control once more of our own State affairs. We cannot dootherwise and get our place again in the Union, and occupy a position, exert an influence that will protect us against greater evils whichthreaten us_. I must, as any other man who votes or holds an office, submit_for the time_ to evils I cannot remedy. "

General Brandon was elected on that platform, and in the convention votedfor the ordinance abolishing slavery, and imposing upon the legislaturethe duty to pass laws for the protection of the freedmen. And GeneralBrandon is certainly looked upon in Mississippi as an honorable man, andan honest politician. What he will vote for when his people have got oncemore control of their own State affairs, and his State has regained itsposition and influence in the Union, it is needless to ask. I repeat, hiscase is not an isolated one. He has only put in print what, as myobservations lead me to believe, a majority of the people say even in moreemphatic language; and the deliberations of several legislatures in thatpart of the country show what it means. I deem it unnecessary to go intofurther particulars. 

It is worthy of note that the convention of Mississippi--and theconventions of other States have followed its example--imposed uponsubsequent legislatures the obligation not only to pass laws for theprotection of the freedmen in person and property, but also _to guardagainst the dangers arising from sudden emancipation_. This language isnot without significance; not the blessings of a full development of freelabor, but only the dangers of emancipation are spoken of. It will beobserved that this clause is so vaguely worded as to authorize thelegislatures to place any restriction they may see fit upon theemancipated negro, in perfect consistency with the amended Stateconstitutions; for it rests with them to define what the dangers of suddenemancipation consist in, and what measures may be required to guardagainst them. It is true, the clause does not authorize the legislaturesto re-establish slavery in the old form; but they may pass whatever lawsthey see fit, stopping short only one step of what may strictly be definedas "slavery. " Peonage of the Mexican pattern, or serfdom of some Europeanpattern, may under that clause be considered admissible; and looking atthe legislative attempts already made, especially the labor code now underconsideration in the legislature of South Carolina, it appears not onlypossible, but eminently probable, that the laws which will be passed toguard against the dangers arising from emancipation will be directedagainst the spirit of emancipation itself. 

A more tangible evidence of good intentions would seem to have beenfurnished by the admission of negro testimony in the courts of justice, which has been conceded in some of the southern States, at least in pointof form. This being a matter of vital interest to the colored man, Iinquired into the feelings of people concerning it with particular care. At first I found hardly any southern man that favored it. Even persons ofsome liberality of mind saw seemingly insurmountable objections. Theappearance of a general order issued by General Swayne in Alabama, whichmade it optional for the civil authorities either to admit negro testimonyin the State courts or to have all cases in which colored people wereconcerned tried by officers of the bureau or military commissions, seemedto be the signal for a change of position on the part of the politicians. A great many of them, seeing a chance for getting rid of the jurisdictionof the Freedmen's Bureau, dropped their opposition somewhat suddenly andendeavored to make the admission of negro testimony in the State courtspalatable to the masses by assuring them that at all events it would restwith the judges and juries to determine in each case before them whetherthe testimony of negro witnesses was worth anything or not. One of thespeeches delivered at Vicksburg, already referred to in another connexion, and a card published by a candidate for office, (accompanying document No. 14, ) furnish specimens of that line of argument. 

In my despatch from Montgomery, Alabama, I suggested to you thatinstructions be issued making it part of the duty of agents of theFreedmen's Bureau to appear in the State courts as the freedmen's nextfriend, and to forward reports of the proceedings had in the principalcases to the headquarters of the bureau. In this manner it would have beenpossible to ascertain to what extent the admission of negro testimonysecured to the colored man justice in the State courts. As the plan doesnot seem to have been adopted, we must form our conclusions from evidenceless complete. Among the annexed documents there are several statementsconcerning its results, made by gentlemen whose business it was toobserve. I would invite your attention to the letters of Captain Paillon, agent of the Freedmen's Bureau at Mobile; Major Reynolds, assistantcommissioner of the bureau at Natchez; and Colonel Thomas, assistantcommissioner for the State of Mississippi. (Accompanying documents Nos. 41and 27. ) The opinions expressed in these papers are uniformly unfavorable. It is to be hoped that at other places better results have been attained. But I may state that even by prominent southern men, who were anxious tohave the jurisdiction of the State courts extended over the freedmen, theadmission was made to me that the testimony of a negro would have butlittle weight with a southern jury. I frequently asked the question, "Doyou think a jury of your people would be apt to find a planter who haswhipped one of his negro laborers guilty of assault and battery?" Theanswer almost invariably was, "You must make some allowance for theprejudices of our people. "

It is probable that the laws excluding negro testimony from the courtswill be repealed in all the States lately in rebellion if it is believedthat a satisfactory arrangement of this matter may in any way facilitatethe "readmission" of the States, but I apprehend such arrangements willhardly be sufficient to secure to the colored man impartial justice aslong as the feelings of the whites are against him and they think that hisrights are less entitled to respect than their own. More potent certainlythan the laws of a country are the opinions of right and wrong entertainedby its people. When the spirit of a law is in conflict with such opinions, there is but little prospect of its being faithfully put in execution, especially where those who hold such opinions are the same who have toadminister the laws. 

The facility with which southern politicians acquiesce in the admission ofnegro testimony is not surprising when we consider that the practicalmanagement of the matter will rest with their own people. I found themless accommodating with regard to "constitutional amendment. " Nine-tenthsof the intelligent men with whom I had any conversation upon that subjectexpressed their willingness to ratify the first section, abolishingslavery throughout the United States, but not the second section, empowering Congress "to enforce the foregoing by appropriate legislation. "I feel warranted in saying that, while I was in the south, this wasthe prevailing sentiment. Nevertheless, I deem it probable that the"constitutional amendment" will be ratified by every State legislature, provided the government insists upon such ratification as a _conditio sinequa non_ of readmission. It is instructive to observe how powerful andimmediate an effect the announcement of such a condition by the governmentproduces in southern conventions and legislatures. It would be idle toassume, however, that a telegraphic despatch, while it may beat down allparliamentary opposition to this or that measure, will at the same timeobliterate the prejudices of the people; nor will it prevent thoseprejudices from making themselves seriously felt in the future. It willrequire measures of a more practical character to prevent the dangerswhich, as everybody that reads the signs of the times must see, are nowimpending. 

THE MILITIA. 

I do not mean to say that the southern people intend to retrace the stepsthey have made as soon as they have resumed control of their Stateaffairs. Although they regret the abolition of slavery, they certainly donot intend to re-establish it in its old form. Although they are at heartopposed to the admission of negro testimony in the courts of justice, theyprobably will not re-enact the laws excluding it. But while accepting the"abolition of slavery, " they think that some species of serfdom, peonage, or some other form of compulsory labor is not slavery, and may beintroduced without a violation of their pledge. Although formallyadmitting negro testimony, they think that negro testimony will be takenpractically for what they themselves consider it "worth. " What particularshape the reactionary movement will assume it is at present unnecessary toinquire. There are a hundred ways of framing apprenticeship, vagrancy, orcontract laws, which will serve the purpose. Even the mere reorganizationof the militia upon the old footing will go far towards accomplishing theobject. To this point I beg leave to invite your special attention. 

The people of the southern States show great anxiety to have their militiareorganized, and in some instances permission has been given. In the caseof Mississippi I gave you my reasons for opposing the measure underexisting circumstances. They were, first, that county patrols had alreadybeen in existence, and had to be disbanded on account of their openhostility to Union people and freedmen. (See Colonel Yorke's report, accompanying document No. 25. ) Second, that the governor proposed to armthe people upon the ground that the inhabitants refused to assist themilitary authorities in the suppression of crime, and that the call wasaddressed, not to the loyal citizens of the United States, but expresslyto the "young men who had so distinguished themselves for gallantry" inthe rebel service. (See correspondence between Governor Sharkey andGeneral Osterhaus, accompanying document No. 42. ) And third, because theState was still under martial law, and the existence of organized andarmed bodies not under the control of the military commander wasinconsistent with that state of things. 

But there are other more general points of view from which this questionmust be looked at in order to be appreciated in its most importantbearings. I may state, without fear of contradiction, that, in every case, where permission was asked for reorganizing the militia, the privilege orduty of serving in that armed organization was intended to be confined tothe whites. In the conversations I had with southern men about thismatter, the idea of admitting colored people to the privilege of bearingarms as a part of the militia was uniformly treated by them as a thing notto be thought of. The militia, whenever organized, will thus be composedof men belonging to one class, to the total exclusion of another. Thisconcentration of organized physical power in the hands of one class willnecessarily tend, and is undoubtedly designed, to give that class absolutephysical control of the other. The specific purpose for which the militiais to be reorganized appears clearly from the uses it was put to whenevera local organization was effected. It is the restoration of the old patrolsystem which was one of the characteristic features of the regime ofslavery. The services which such patrols are expected to perform consistin maintaining what southern people understand to be the order of society. Indications are given in several of the accompanying documents. Amongothers, the St. Landry and Bossier ordinances define with some precisionwhat the authority and duties of the "chief patrols" are to be. Themilitia, organized for the distinct purpose of enforcing the authority ofthe whites over the blacks, is in itself practically sufficient toestablish and enforce a system of compulsory labor without there being anyexplicit laws for it; and, being sustained and encouraged by publicopinion, the chief and members of "county patrols" are not likely to beover-nice in the construction of their orders. This is not a meresupposition, but an opinion based upon experience already gathered. As Istated above, the reorganization of the county patrol system upon thebasis here described will result in the establishment of a sort ofpermanent martial law over the negro. 

It is, therefore, not even necessary that the reaction against that resultof the war, which consists in emancipation, should manifest itself by veryobnoxious legislative enactments, just as in some of the slave Statesslavery did not exist by virtue of the State constitution. It may bepractically accomplished, and is, in fact, practically accomplishedwhenever the freed man is not protected by the federal authorities, without displaying its character and aims upon the statute book. 

NEGRO INSURRECTIONS AND ANARCHY. 

That in times like ours, and in a country like this, a reaction in favorof compulsory labor cannot be ultimately successful, is as certain as itwas that slavery could not last forever. But a movement in that directioncan prevent much good that might be accomplished, and produce much evilthat might be avoided. Not only will such a movement seriously interferewith all efforts to organize an efficient system of free labor, and thusvery materially retard the return of prosperity in the south, but it maybring on a crisis as dangerous and destructive as the war of the rebellionitself. 

I stated above that I did not deem a negro insurrection probable as longas the freedmen were assured of the direct protection of the nationalgovernment. Whenever they are in trouble, they raise their eyes up to thatpower, and although they may suffer, yet, as long as that power is visiblypresent, they continue to hope. But when State authority in the south isfully restored, the federal forces withdrawn, and the Freedmen's Bureauabolished, the colored man will find himself turned over to the mercies ofthose whom he does not trust. If then an attempt, is made to strip himagain of those rights which he justly thought he possessed, he will be aptto feel that he can hope for no redress unless he procure it himself. Ifever the negro is capable of rising, he will rise then. Men who neverstruck a blow for the purpose of gaining their liberty, when they wereslaves, are apt to strike when, their liberty once gained, they see itagain in danger. However great the patience and submissiveness of thecolored race may be, it cannot be presumed that its active participationin a war against the very men with whom it again stands face to face, hasremained entirely without influence upon its spirit. 

What a general insurrection of the negroes would result in, whether itwould be easy or difficult to suppress it, whether the struggle would belong or short, what race would suffer most, are questions which will notbe asked by those who understand the problem to be, not how to suppress anegro insurrection, but how to prevent it. Certain it is, it would inflictterrible calamities upon both whites and blacks, and present to the worldthe spectacle of atrocities which ought to be foreign to civilizednations. The negro, in his ordinary state, is docile and good-natured; butwhen once engaged in a bloody business, it is difficult to say how far hishot impulses would carry him; and as to the southern whites, the barbarousscenes the country has witnessed since the close of the rebellion, indicate the temper with which they would fight the negro as an insurgent. It would be a war of extermination, revolting in its incidents, and withruin and desolation in its train. There may be different means by which itcan be prevented, but there is only one certain of effect: it is, that theprovocations be avoided which may call it forth. 

But even if it be prevented by other means, it is not the only dangerwhich a reactionary movement will bring upon the south. Nothing renderssociety more restless than a social revolution but half accomplished. Itnaturally tends to develop its logical consequences, but is hindered byadverse agencies which work in another direction; nor can it return to thepoint from which it started. There are, then, continual vibrations andfluctuations between two opposites which keep society in the nervousuneasiness and excitement growing from the lingering strife between theantagonistic tendencies. All classes of society are intensely dissatisfiedwith things as they are. General explosions may be prevented, but they arealways imminent. This state of uncertainty impedes all successful workingof the social forces; people, instead of devoting themselves withconfidence and steadiness to solid pursuits, are apt to live from hand tomouth, or to indulge in fitful experiments; capital ventures out but withgreat timity; the lawless elements of the community take advantage of thegeneral confusion and dissatisfaction, and society drifts into anarchy. There is probably at the present moment no country in the civilized worldwhich contains such an accumulation of anarchical elements as the south. The strife of the antagonistic tendencies here described is aggravated bythe passions inflamed and the general impoverishment brought about by along and exhaustive war, and the south will have to suffer the evils ofanarchical disorder until means are found to effect a final settlement ofthe labor question in accordance with the logic of the great revolution. 

THE TRUE PROBLEM. --DIFFICULTIES AND REMEDIES. 

In seeking remedies for such disorders, we ought to keep in view, aboveall, the nature of the problem which is to be solved. As to what iscommonly termed "reconstruction, " it is not only the political machineryof the States and their constitutional relations to the generalgovernment, but the whole organism of southern society that must bereconstructed, or rather constructed anew, so as to bring it in harmonywith the rest of American society. The difficulties of this task are notto be considered overcome when the people of the south take the oath ofallegiance and elect governors and legislatures and members of Congress, and militia captains. That this would be done had become Certain as soonas the surrenders of the southern armies had made further resistanceimpossible, and nothing in the world was left, even to the mostuncompromising rebel, but to submit or to emigrate. It was also naturalthat they should avail themselves of every chance offered them to resumecontrol of their home affairs and to regain their influence in the Union. But this can hardly be called the first step towards the solution of thetrue problem, and it is a fair question to ask, whether the hastygratification of their desire to resume such control would not create newembarrassments. 

The true nature of the difficulties of the situation is this: The generalgovernment of the republic has, by proclaiming the emancipation of theslaves, commenced a great social revolution in the south, but has, as yet, not completed it. Only the negative part of it is accomplished. The slavesare emancipated in point of form, but free labor has not yet been put inthe place of slavery in point of fact. And now, in the midst of thiscritical period of transition, the power which originated the revolutionis expected to turn over its whole future development to another powerwhich from the beginning was hostile to it and has never yet entered intoits spirit, leaving the class in whose favor it was made completelywithout power to protect itself and to take an influential part in thatdevelopment. The history of the world will be searched in vain for aproceeding similar to this which did not lead either to a rapid andviolent reaction, or to the most serious trouble and civil disorder. Itcannot be said that the conduct of the southern people since the close ofthe war has exhibited such extraordinary wisdom and self-abnegation as tomake them an exception to the rule. 

In my despatches from the south I repeatedly expressed the opinion thatthe people were not yet in a frame of mind to legislate calmly andunderstandingly upon the subject of free negro labor. And this I reportedto be the opinion of some of our most prominent military commanders andother observing men. It is, indeed, difficult to imagine circumstancesmore unfavorable for the development of a calm and unprejudiced publicopinion than those under which the southern people are at presentlaboring. The war has not only defeated their political aspirations, butit has broken up their whole social organization. When the rebellion wasput down they found themselves not only conquered in a political andmilitary sense, but economically ruined. The planters, who represented thewealth of the southern country, are partly laboring under the severestembarrassments, partly reduced to absolute poverty. Many who are strippedof all available means, and have nothing but their land, cross their armsin gloomy despondency, incapable of rising to a manly resolution. Others, who still possess means, are at a loss how to use them, as their old wayof doing things is, by the abolition of slavery, rendered impracticable, at least where the military arm of the government has enforcedemancipation. Others are still trying to go on in the old way, and thatold way is in fact the only one they understand, and in which they haveany confidence. Only a minority is trying to adopt the new order ofthings. A large number of the plantations, probably a considerablemajority of the more valuable estates, is under heavy mortgages, and theowners know that, unless they retrieve their fortunes in a comparativelyshort space of time, their property will pass out of their hands. Almostall are, to some extent, embarrassed. The nervous anxiety which such astate of things produces extends also to those classes of society which, although not composed of planters, were always in close business connexionwith the planting interest, and there was hardly a branch of commerce orindustry in the south which was not directly or indirectly so connected. Besides, the southern soldiers, when returning from the war, did not, likethe northern soldiers, find a prosperous community which merely waited fortheir arrival to give them remunerative employment. They found, many ofthem, their homesteads destroyed, their farms devastated, their familiesin distress; and those that were less unfortunate found, at all events, animpoverished and exhausted community which had but little to offer them. Thus a great many have been thrown upon the world to shift as best theycan. They must do something honest or dishonest, and must do it soon, tomake a living, and their prospects are, at present, not very bright. Thusthat nervous anxiety to hastily repair broken fortunes, and to preventstill greater ruin and distress, embraces nearly all classes, and imprintsupon all the movements of the social body a morbid character. 

In which direction will these people be most apt to turn their eyes?Leaving the prejudice of race out of the question, from early youth theyhave been acquainted with but one system of labor, and with that onesystem they have been in the habit of identifying all their interests. They know of no way to help themselves but the one they are accustomed to. Another system of labor is presented to them, which, however, owing tocircumstances which they do not appreciate, appears at first in anunpromising light. To try it they consider an experiment which they cannotafford to make while their wants are urgent. They have not reasoned calmlyenough to convince themselves that the trial must be made. It is, indeed, not wonderful that, under such circumstances, they should study, not howto introduce and develop free labor, but how to avoid its introduction, and how to return as much and as quickly as possible to something like theold order of things. Nor is it wonderful that such studies should find anexpression in their attempts at legislation. But the circumstance thatthis tendency is natural does not render it less dangerous andobjectionable. The practical question presents itself: Is the immediaterestoration of the late rebel States to absolute self-control so necessarythat it must be done even at the risk of endangering one of the greatresults of the war, and of bringing on in those States insurrection oranarchy, or would it not be better to postpone that restoration until suchdangers are passed? If, as long as the change from slavery to free laboris known to the southern people only by its destructive results, thesepeople must be expected to throw obstacles in its way, would it not seemnecessary that the movement of social "reconstruction" be kept in theright channel by the hand of the power which originated the change, untilthat change can have disclosed some of its beneficial effects?

It is certain that every success of free negro labor will augment thenumber of its friends, and disarm some of the prejudices and assumptionsof its opponents. I am convinced one good harvest made by unadulteratedfree labor in the south would have a far better effect than all the oathsthat have been taken, and all the ordinances that have as yet been passedby southern conventions. But how can such a result be attained? The factsenumerated in this report, as well as the news we receive from the southfrom day to day, must make it evident to every unbiased observer thatunadulterated free labor cannot be had at present, unless the nationalgovernment holds its protective and controlling hand over it. It appears, also, that the more efficient this protection of free labor against alldisturbing and reactionary influences, the sooner may such a satisfactoryresult be looked for. One reason why the southern people are so slow inaccommodating themselves to the new order of things is, that theyconfidently expect soon to be permitted to regulate matters according totheir own notions. Every concession made to them by the government hasbeen taken as an encouragement to persevere in this hope, and, unfortunately for them, this hope is nourished by influences from otherparts of the country. Hence their anxiety to have their State governmentsrestored _at once_, to have the troops withdrawn, and the Freedmen'sBureau abolished, although a good many discerning men know well that, inview of the lawless spirit still prevailing, it would be far better forthem to have the general order of society firmly maintained by the federalpower until things have arrived at a final settlement. Had, from thebeginning, the conviction been forced upon them that the adulteration ofthe new order of things by the admixture of elements belonging to thesystem of slavery would under no circumstances be permitted, a much largernumber would have launched their energies into the new channel, and, seeing that they could do "no better, " faithfully co-operated with thegovernment. It is hope which fixes them in their perverse notions. Thathope nourished or fully gratified, they will persevere in the samedirection. That hope destroyed, a great many will, by the force ofnecessity, at once accommodate themselves to the logic of the change. If, therefore, the national government firmly and unequivocally announces itspolicy not to give up the control of the free-labor reform until it isfinally accomplished, the progress of that reform will undoubtedly be farmore rapid and far less difficult than it will be if the attitude of thegovernment is such as to permit contrary hopes to be indulged in. 

The machinery by which the government has so far exercised its protectionof the negro and of free labor in the south--the Freedmen's Bureau--isvery unpopular in that part of the country, as every institution placedthere as a barrier to reactionary aspirations would be. That abuses werecommitted with the management of freedmen's affairs; that some of theofficers of the bureau were men of more enthusiasm than discretion, and inmany cases went beyond their authority: all this is certainly true. But, while the southern people are always ready to expatiate upon theshortcomings of the Freedmen's Bureau, they are not so ready to recognizethe services it has rendered. I feel warranted in saying that not half ofthe labor that has been done in the south this year, or will be done therenext year, would have been or would be done but for the exertions of theFreedmen's Bureau. The confusion and disorder of the transition periodwould have been infinitely greater had not an agency interfered whichpossessed the confidence of the emancipated slaves; which could disabusethem of any extravagant notions and expectations and be trusted; whichcould administer to them good advice and be voluntarily obeyed. No otheragency, except one placed there by the national government, could havewielded that moral power whose interposition was so necessary to preventsouthern society from falling at once into the chaos of a generalcollision between its different elements. That the success achieved by theFreedmen's Bureau is as yet very incomplete cannot be disputed. A moreperfect organization and a more carefully selected personnel may bedesirable; but it is doubtful whether a more suitable machinery can bedevised to secure to free labor in the south that protection againstdisturbing influences which the nature of the situation still imperativelydemands. 

IMMIGRATION. 

A temporary continuation of national control in the southern States wouldalso have a most beneficial effect as regards the immigration of northernpeople and Europeans into that country; and such immigration would, in itsturn, contribute much to the solution of the labor problem. Nothing ismore desirable for the south than the importation of new men and newideas. One of the greatest drawbacks under which the southern people arelaboring is, that for fifty years they have been in no sympatheticcommunion with the progressive ideas of the times. While professing to bein favor of free trade, they adopted and enforced a system of prohibition, as far as those ideas were concerned, which was in conflict with theircherished institution of slavery; and, as almost all the progressive ideasof our days were in conflict with slavery, the prohibition was sweeping. It had one peculiar effect, which we also notice with some Asiatic nationswhich follow a similar course. The southern people honestly maintained andbelieved, not only that as a people they were highly civilized, but thattheir civilization was the highest that could be attained, and ought toserve as a model to other nations the world over. The more enlightenedindividuals among them felt sometimes a vague impression of the barrennessof their mental life, and the barbarous peculiarities of their socialorganization; but very few ever dared to investigate and to expose thetrue cause of these evils. Thus the people were so wrapt up inself-admiration as to be inaccessible to the voice even of thebest-intentioned criticism. Hence the delusion they indulged in as to theabsolute superiority of their race--a delusion which, in spite of thesevere test it has lately undergone, is not yet given up; and will, asevery traveller in the south can testify from experience, sometimesexpress itself in singular manifestations. This spirit, which for so longa time has kept the southern people back while the world besides wasmoving, is even at this moment still standing as a serious obstacle in theway of progress. 

Nothing can, therefore, be more desirable than that the contact betweenthe southern people and the outside world should be as strong and intimateas possible; and in no better way can this end be subserved than byimmigration in mass. Of the economical benefits which such immigrationwould confer upon the owners of the soil it is hardly necessary to speak. 

Immigration wants encouragement. As far as this encouragement consists inthe promise of material advantage, it is already given. There are largedistricts in the south in which an industrious and enterprising man, withsome capital, and acting upon correct principles, cannot fail toaccumulate large gains in a comparatively short time, as long as theprices of the staples do not fall below what they may reasonably beexpected to be for some time to come. A northern man has, besides, theadvantage of being served by the laboring population of that region withgreater willingness. 

But among the principal requisites for the success of the immigrant arepersonal security and a settled condition of things. Personal security ishonestly promised by the thinking men of the south; but another questionis, whether the promise and good intentions of the thinking men will besufficient to restrain and control the populace, whose animosity against"Yankee interlopers" is only second to their hostile feeling against thenegro. If the military forces of the government should be soon andcompletely withdrawn, I see reasons to fear that in many localitiesimmigrants would enjoy the necessary security only when settling downtogether in numbers strong enough to provide for their own protection. Onthe whole, no better encouragement can be given to immigration, as far asindividual security is concerned, than the assurance that the nationalgovernment will be near to protect them until such protection is no longerneeded. 

The south needs capital. But capital is notoriously timid and averse torisk itself, not only where there actually is trouble, but where there isserious and continual danger of trouble. Capitalists will be apt toconsider--and they are by no means wrong in doing so--that no safeinvestments can be made in the south as long as southern society is liableto be convulsed by anarchical disorders. No greater encouragement can, therefore, be given to capital to transfer itself to the south than theassurance that the government will continue to control the development ofthe new social system in the late rebel States until such dangers areaverted by a final settlement of things upon a thorough free-labor basis. 

How long the national government should continue that control depends uponcontingencies. It ought to cease as soon as its objects are attained; andits objects will be attained sooner and with less difficulty if nobody ispermitted to indulge in the delusion that it will cease _before_ they areattained. This is one of the cases in which a determined policy canaccomplish much, while a half-way policy is liable to spoil things alreadyaccomplished. The continuance of the national control in the south, although it may be for a short period only, will cause some inconvenienceand expense; but if thereby destructive collisions and anarchicaldisorders can be prevented, justice secured to all men, and the return ofpeace and prosperity to all parts of this country hastened, it will be apaying investment. For the future of the republic, it is far lessimportant that this business of reconstruction be done quickly than thatit be well done. The matter well taken in hand, there is reason for hopethat it will be well done, and quickly too. In days like these greatchanges are apt to operate themselves rapidly. At present the southernpeople assume that free negro labor will not work, and therefore they arenot inclined to give it a fair trial. As soon as they find out that theymust give it a fair trial, and that their whole future power andprosperity depend upon its success, they will also find out that it willwork, at least far better than they have anticipated. Then their hostilityto it will gradually disappear. This great result accomplished, posteritywill not find fault with this administration for having delayed complete"reconstruction" one, two, or more years. 

Although I am not called upon to discuss in this report the constitutionalaspects of this question, I may be pardoned for one remark. Theinterference of the national government in the local concerns of theStates lately in rebellion is argued against by many as inconsistent withthe spirit of our federal institutions. Nothing is more foreign to my waysof thinking in political matters than a fondness for centralization ormilitary government. Nobody can value the blessings of localself-government more highly than I do. But we are living under exceptionalcircumstances which require us, above all, to look at things from apractical point of view; and I believe it will prove far more dangerousfor the integrity of local self-government if the national control in thesouth be discontinued--while by discontinuing it too soon, it may berendered necessary again in the future--than if it be continued, when bycontinuing it but a limited time all such future necessity may beobviated. At present these acts of interference are but a part of thatexceptional policy brought forth by the necessities into which therebellion has plunged us. Although there will be some modifications in therelations between the States and the national government, yet these actsof direct interference in the details of State concerns will pass awaywith the exceptional circumstances which called them forth. But if thesocial revolution in the south be now abandoned in an unfinished state, and at some future period produce events provoking new and repeated actsof direct practical interference--and the contingency would by no means beunlikely to arise--such new and repeated acts would not pass over withoutmost seriously affecting the political organism of the republic. 

NEGRO SUFFRAGE. 

It would seem that the interference of the national authority in the homeconcerns of the southern States would be rendered less necessary, and thewhole problem of political and social reconstruction be much simplified, if, while the masses lately arrayed against the government are permittedto vote, the large majority of those who were always loyal, and arenaturally anxious to see the free labor problem successfully solved, werenot excluded from all influence upon legislation. In all questionsconcerning the Union, the national debt, and the future socialorganization of the south, the feelings of the colored man are naturallyin sympathy with the views and aims of the national government. While thesouthern white fought against the Union, the negro did all he could to aidit; while the southern white sees in the national government hisconqueror, the negro sees in it his protector; while the white owes to thenational debt his defeat, the negro owes to it his deliverance; while thewhite considers himself robbed and ruined by the emancipation of theslaves, the negro finds in it the assurance of future prosperity andhappiness. In all the important issues the negro would be led by naturalimpulse to forward the ends of the government, and by making hisinfluence, as part of the voting body, tell upon the legislation of theStates, render the interference of the national authority less necessary. 

As the most difficult of the pending questions are intimately connectedwith the status of the negro in southern society, it is obvious that acorrect solution can be more easily obtained if he has a voice in thematter. In the right to vote he would find the best permanent protectionagainst oppressive class-legislation, as well as against individualpersecution. The relations between the white and black races, even ifimproved by the gradual wearing off of the present animosities, are likelyto remain long under the troubling influence of prejudice. It is anotorious fact that the rights of a man of some political power are farless exposed to violation than those of one who is, in matters of publicinterest, completely subject to the will of others. A voter is a man ofinfluence; small as that influence may be in the single individual, itbecomes larger when that individual belongs to a numerous class of voterswho are ready to make common cause with him for the protection of hisrights. Such an individual is an object of interest to the politicalparties that desire to have the benefit of his ballot. It is true, thebringing face to face at the ballot-box of the white and black races mayhere and there lead to an outbreak of feeling, and the first trials oughtcertainly to be made while the national power is still there to prevent orrepress disturbances; but the practice once successfully inaugurated underthe protection of that power, it would probably be more apt than anythingelse to obliterate old antagonisms, especially if the coloredpeople--which is probable, as soon as their own rights are sufficientlysecured--divide their votes between the different political parties. 

The effect of the extension of the franchise to the colored people uponthe development of free labor and upon the security of human rights in thesouth being the principal object in view, the objections raised on theground of the ignorance of the freedmen become unimportant. Practicalliberty is a good school, and, besides, if any qualification can be found, applicable to both races, which does not interfere with the attainment ofthe main object, such qualification would in that respect beunobjectionable. But it is idle to say that it will be time to speak ofnegro suffrage when the whole colored race will be educated, for theballot may be necessary to him to secure his education. It is also idle tosay that ignorance is the principal ground upon which southern men objectto negro suffrage, for if it were, that numerous class of colored peoplein Louisiana who are as highly educated, as intelligent, and as wealthy asany corresponding class of whites, would have been enfranchised long ago. 

It has been asserted that the negro would be but a voting machine in thehand of his employer. On this point opinions seem to differ. I have heardit said in the south that the freedmen are more likely to be influenced bytheir schoolmasters and preachers. But even if we suppose the employer tocontrol to a certain extent the negro laborer's vote, two things are to betaken into consideration: 1. The class of employers, of landedproprietors, will in a few years be very different from what it washeretofore in consequence of the general breaking up, a great many of theold slaveholders will be obliged to give up their lands and new men willstep into their places; and 2. The employer will hardly control the voteof the negro laborer so far as to make him vote against his own liberty. The beneficial effect of an extension of suffrage does not always dependupon the intelligence with which the newly admitted voters exercise theirright, but sometimes upon the circumstances in which they are placed; andthe circumstances in which the freedmen of the south are placed are suchthat, when they only vote for their own liberty and rights, they vote forthe rights of free labor, for the success of an immediate importantreform, for the prosperity of the country, and for the general interestsof mankind. If, therefore, in order to control the colored vote, theemployer, or whoever he may be, is first obliged to concede to thefreedman the great point of his own rights as a man and a free laborer, the great social reform is completed, the most difficult problem issolved, and all other questions it will be comparatively easy to settle. 

In discussing the matter of negro suffrage I deemed it my duty to confinemyself strictly to the practical aspects of the subject. I have, therefore, not touched its moral merits nor discussed the question whetherthe national government is competent to enlarge the elective franchise inthe States lately in rebellion by its own act; I deem it proper, however, to offer a few remarks on the assertion frequently put forth, that thefranchise is likely to be extended to the colored man by the voluntaryaction of the southern whites themselves. My observation leads me to acontrary opinion. Aside from a very few enlightened men, I found but oneclass of people in favor of the enfranchisement of the blacks: it was theclass of Unionists who found themselves politically ostracised and lookedupon the enfranchisement of the loyal negroes as the salvation of thewhole loyal element. But their numbers and influence are sadlyinsufficient to secure such a result. The masses are strongly opposed tocolored suffrage; anybody that dares to advocate it is stigmatized as adangerous fanatic; nor do I deem it probable that in the ordinary courseof things prejudices will wear off to such an extent as to make it apopular measure. Outside of Louisiana only one gentleman who occupied aprominent political position in the south expressed to me an opinionfavorable to it. He declared himself ready to vote for an amendment to theconstitution of his State bestowing the right of suffrage upon all malecitizens without distinction of color who could furnish evidence of theirability to read and write, without, however, disfranchising those who arenow voters and are not able to fulfil that condition. This gentleman isnow a member of one of the State conventions, but I presume he will notrisk his political standing in the south by moving such an amendment inthat body. 

The only manner in which, in my opinion, the southern people can beinduced to grant to the freedman some measure of self-protecting power inthe form of suffrage, is to make it a condition precedent to"readmission. "

DEPORTATION OF THE FREEDMEN. 

I have to notice one pretended remedy for the disorders now agitating thesouth, which seems to have become the favorite plan of some prominentpublic men. It is that the whole colored population of the south should betransported to some place where they could live completely separated fromthe whites. It is hardly necessary to discuss, not only the question ofright and justice, but the difficulties and expense necessarily attendingthe deportation of nearly four millions of people. But it may be asked, what would become of the industry of the south for many years, if the bulkof its laboring population were taken away? The south stands in need of anincrease and not of a diminution of its laboring force to repair thelosses and disasters of the last four years. Much is said of importingEuropean laborers and northern men; this is the favorite idea of manyplanters who want such immigrants to work on their plantations. But theyforget that European and northern men will not come to the south to serveas hired hands on the plantations, but to acquire property for themselves, and that even if the whole European immigration at the rate of 200, 000 ayear were turned into the south, leaving not a single man for the northand west, it would require between fifteen and twenty years to fill thevacuum caused by the deportation of the freedmen. Aside from this, theinflux of northern men or Europeans will not diminish the demand for hirednegro labor; it will, on the contrary, increase it. As Europeans andnorthern people come in, not only vast quantities of land will pass fromthe hands of their former owners into those of the immigrants, but a largearea of new land will be brought under cultivation; and as the area ofcultivation expands, hired labor, such as furnished by the colored people, will be demanded in large quantities. The deportation of the labor sodemanded would, therefore, be a very serious injury to the economicalinterests of the south, and if an attempt were made, this effect wouldsoon be felt. 

It is, however, a question worthy of consideration whether it would not bewise to offer attractive inducements and facilities for the voluntarymigration of freedmen to some suitable district on the line of the Pacificrailroad. It would answer a double object: 1. It would aid in theconstruction of that road, and 2. If this migration be effected on a largescale it would cause a drain upon the laboring force of the south; itwould make the people affected by that drain feel the value of thefreedmen's labor, and show them the necessity of keeping that labor athome by treating the laborer well, and by offering him inducements as fairas can be offered elsewhere. 

But whatever the efficiency of such expedients may be, the true problemremains, not how to remove the colored man from his present field oflabor, but how to make him, where he is, a true freeman and an intelligentand useful citizen. The means are simple: protection by the governmentuntil his political and social status enables him to protect himself, offering to his legitimate ambition the stimulant of a perfectly fairchance in life, and granting to him the rights which in every justorganization of society are coupled with corresponding duties. 

CONCLUSION. 

I may sum up all I have said in a few words. If nothing were necessary butto restore the machinery of government in the States lately in rebellionin point of form, the movements made to that end by the people of thesouth might be considered satisfactory. But if it is required that thesouthern people should also accommodate themselves to the results of thewar in point of spirit, those movements fall far short of what must beinsisted upon. 

The loyalty of the masses and most of the leaders of the southern people, consists in submission to necessity. There is, except in individualinstances, an entire absence of that national spirit which forms the basisof true loyalty and patriotism. 

The emancipation of the slaves is submitted to only in so far as chattelslavery in the old form could not be kept up. But although the freedman isno longer considered the property of the individual master, he isconsidered the slave of society, and all independent State legislationwill share the tendency to make him such. The ordinances abolishingslavery passed by the conventions under the pressure of circumstances, will not be looked upon as barring the establishment of a new form ofservitude. 

Practical attempts on the part of the southern people to deprive the negroof his rights as a freeman may result in bloody collisions, and willcertainly plunge southern society into restless fluctuations andanarchical confusion. Such evils can be prevented only by continuing thecontrol of the national government in the States lately in rebellion untilfree labor is fully developed and firmly established, and the advantagesand blessings of the new order of things have disclosed themselves. Thisdesirable result will be hastened by a firm declaration on the part of thegovernment, that national control in the south will not cease until suchresults are secured. Only in this way can that security be established inthe south which will render numerous immigration possible, and suchimmigration would materially aid a favorable development of things. 

The solution of the problem would be very much facilitated by enabling allthe loyal and free-labor elements in the south to exercise a healthyinfluence upon legislation. It will hardly be possible to secure thefreedman against oppressive class legislation and private persecution, unless he be endowed with a certain measure of political power. 

As to the future peace and harmony of the Union, it is of the highestimportance that the people lately in rebellion be not permitted to buildup another "peculiar institution" whose spirit is in conflict with thefundamental principles of our political system; for as long as theycherish interests peculiar to them in preference to those they have incommon with the rest of the American people, their loyalty to the Unionwill always be uncertain. 

I desire not to be understood as saying that there are no well-meaning menamong those who were compromised in the rebellion. There are many, butneither their number nor their influence is strong enough to control themanifest tendency of the popular spirit. There are great reasons for hopethat a determined policy on the part of the national government willproduce innumerable and valuable conversions. This consideration counselslenity as to persons, such as is demanded by the humane and enlightenedspirit of our times, and vigor and firmness in the carrying out ofprinciples, such as is demanded by the national sense of justice and theexigencies of our situation. 

In submitting this report I desire to say that I have conscientiouslyendeavored to see things as they were, and to represent them as I sawthem: I have been careful not to use stronger language than was warrantedby the thoughts I intended to express. A comparison of the tenor of theannexed documents with that of my report, will convince you that I havestudiously avoided overstatements. Certain legislative attempts at presentmade in the south, and especially in South Carolina, seem to be more thanjustifying the apprehensions I have expressed. 

Conscious though I am of having used my best endeavors to draw, from whatI saw and learned, correct general conclusions, yet I am far from placingtoo great a trust in my own judgment, when interests of such magnitude areat stake. I know that this report is incomplete, although as complete asan observation of a few months could enable me to make it. Additionalfacts might be elicited, calculated to throw new light upon the subject. Although I see no reason for believing that things have changed for thebetter since I left for the south, yet such may be the case. Admitting allthese possibilities, I would entreat you to take no irretraceable steptowards relieving the States lately in rebellion from all nationalcontrol, until such favorable changes are clearly and unmistakablyascertained. 

To that end, and by virtue of the permission you honored me with whensending me out to communicate to you freely and unreservedly my views asto measures of policy proper to be adopted, I would now respectfullysuggest that you advise Congress to send one or more "investigatingcommittees" into the southern States, to inquire for themselves into theactual condition of things, before final action is taken upon thereadmission of such States to their representation in the legislativebranch of the government, and the withdrawal of the national control fromthat section of the country. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, CARL SCHURZ. 

His Excellency ANDREW JOHNSON, _President of the United States_. 

DOCUMENTS ACCOMPANYING THE REPORT OF MAJOR GENERAL CARL SCHURZ. 

No. 1. 

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF SOUTH CAROLINA, _Hilton Head, S. C. , July_ 27, 1865. 

Dear Sir: I have received your letter of the 17th instant, fromCharleston, propounding to me three questions, as follows:

1st. Do you think that there are a number of _bona fide_ loyal personsin this State large enough to warrant the early establishment of civilgovernment?

2d. Do you think that the white population of South Carolina, if restoredto the possession of political power in this State, would carry out thespirit of the emancipation proclamation, and go to work in a _bona fide_manner to organize free labor?

3d. What measures do you think necessary to insure such a result in thisState?

The first of these questions I am forced to answer in the negative, provided that white persons only are referred to in the expression "_bonafide loyal persons_, " and provided that "the early establishment of civilgovernment" means the early withdrawal of the general control of affairsfrom the United States authorities. 

To the second question, I answer that I do not think that the whiteinhabitants of South Carolina, if left to themselves, are yet preparedto carry out the spirit of the emancipation proclamation; neither do Ithink that they would organize free labor upon any plan that would beof advantage to both whites and blacks until the mutual distrust andprejudice now existing between the races are in a measure removed. 

To the third question I answer, that, in order to secure the carrying outof the "spirit of the emancipation proclamation, " and the organization ofreally free labor in good faith, it appears to me necessary that themilitary, or some other authority derived from the national government, should retain a supervisory control over the civil affairs in this Stateuntil the next season's crops are harvested and secured. 

The reasons which have dictated my replies I shall notice quite briefly. 

Loyalty in South Carolina--such loyalty as is secured by the taking of theamnesty oath and by the reception of Executive clemency--does not approachthe standard of loyalty in the north. It is not the golden fruit ofconviction, but the stern and unpromising result of necessity, arisingfrom unsuccessful insurrection. The white population of the State acceptthe condition which has been imposed upon them, simply because there is noalternative. 

They entered upon the war in the spring of 1861 and arrayed themselves onthe side of treason with a unanimity of purpose and a malignity of feelingnot equalled by that displayed in any other State. 

The individual exceptions to this rule were too few in numbers and werepossessed of too little power to be taken into account at all. Althoughthe overt treason then inaugurated has been overcome by superior force, few will claim that it has been transformed into loyalty toward thenational government. I am clearly of the opinion that it has not, and thattime and experience will be necessary to effect such a change. 

All intelligent whites admit that the "abolition of slavery" and the"impracticability of secession" are the plain and unmistakable verdicts ofthe war. Their convictions as yet go no further. Their preference for the"divine institution, " and their intellectual belief in the right of aState to secede, are as much articles of faith in their creed at thepresent moment as they were on the day when the ordinance of secession wasunanimously adopted. When the rebel armies ceased to exist, and there wasno longer any force that could be invoked for waging war against thenation, the insurgents accepted that fact simply as proof of theimpossibility of their establishing an independent government. Thissentiment was almost immediately followed by a general desire to save asmuch property as possible from the general wreck. To this state of thepublic mind, which succeeded the surrender of the rebel armies withnoteworthy rapidity, I am forced to attribute the prevailing willingnessand desire of the people to "return" to their allegiance, and resume theavocations of peace. 

I do not regard this condition of things as at all discouraging. It is, indeed, better than I expected to see or dared to hope for in so short atime. One good result of it is, that guerilla warfare, which was so verygenerally apprehended, has never been resorted to in this State. There wasa sudden and general change from a state of war to a state of peace, and, with the exception of frequent individual conflicts, mostly between thewhites and blacks, and often, it is true, resulting in loss of life, thatpeace has rarely been disturbed. 

It is, however, a peace resulting from a cool and dispassionate appeal toreason, and not from any convictions of right or wrong; it has its originin the head, and not in the heart. Impotency and policy gave it birth, andimpotency, policy and hope keep it alive. It is not inspired by any highermotives than these, and higher motives could hardly be expected to followimmediately in the footsteps of armed insurrection. The hopes of thepeople are fixed, as a matter of course, upon the President. The whiteshope and expect to recover the preponderating influence which they havelost by the war, and which has been temporarily replaced by the militaryauthority throughout the State, and they receive with general satisfactionthe appointment of Mr. Perry as provisional governor of the State, andregard it as a step toward their restoration to civil and political power. Even those men who have taken the lead during the war, not only in theheartiness and liberality of their support of the rebel cause, but also inthe bitterness of their denunciation of the national government and theloyal people of the northern States, express themselves as entirelysatisfied with the shape which events are taking. 

The colored population, on the contrary, or that portion of it whichmoulds the feelings and directs the passions of the mass, look withgrowing suspicion upon this state of affairs, and entertain the mostlively apprehensions with regard to their future welfare. They have nofears of being returned to slavery, having the most implicit faith in ourassurance of its abolition for all time to come, but they think they seethe power which has held the lash over them through many generations againbeing restored to their former masters, and they are impressed with agreater or less degree of alarm. 

Thus the "irrepressible conflict, " the antagonism of interest, thought, and sentiment between the races is perpetuated. The immediate resumptionby the whites of the civil and political power of the State would have atendency to augment this evil. At the present time all differences betweenthe whites and blacks, but more especially those growing out of agreementsfor compensated labor, are promptly and willingly referred to the nearestmilitary authority for adjustment; the whites well knowing that simplejustice will be administered, and the blacks inspired by the belief thatwe are their friends. This plan works smoothly and satisfactorily. Many ofthe labor contracts upon the largest plantations have been made withspecial reference to the planting and harvesting of the next year's crops;others expire with the present year. The immediate restoration of thecivil power by removing military restraint from those planters who are notentirely sincere in their allegiance, and have not made their pledges andespecially their labor contracts in good faith, and by withdrawing fromthe blacks that source of protection to which alone they look for justicewith any degree of confidence, would, by engendering new suspicions, andnew prejudices between the races, work disadvantageously to both in apecuniary sense, while the successful solution of the important questionof free black labor would be embarrassed, deferred, and possibly defeated, inasmuch as it would be placed thereby in the hands of men who areavowedly suspicious of the negro, and have no confidence in his fitnessfor freedom, or his willingness to work; who regard the abolition ofslavery as a great sectional calamity, and who, under the semblance andeven the protection of the law, and without violating the letter of theemancipation proclamation, would have it in their power to impose burdensupon the negro race scarcely less irksome than those from which it hastheoretically escaped. Indeed, the ordinary vagrancy and apprenticeshiplaws now in force in some of the New England States (slightly modifiedperhaps) could be so administered and enforced upon the blacks in SouthCarolina as to keep them in practical slavery. They could, while bearingthe name of freeman, be legally subjected to all the oppressive featuresof serfdom, peonage, and feudalism combined, without possessing the rightto claim, much less the power to exact, any of the prerogatives andamenities belonging to either of those systems of human bondage. All thiscould be done without violating the letter of the emancipationproclamation; no argument is necessary to prove that it would be a totalsubmission of its spirit. Even upon the presumption that the whites, whenagain clothed with civil authority, would be influenced by a sinceredesire to enforce the emancipation proclamation, and organize free laborupon a wise and just basis, it would seem injudicious to intrust them withunlimited power, which might be wielded to the injury of both races untilthe prejudices and animosities which generated the rebellion and gave itlife and vigor have had time to subside. Few men have any clear conceptionof what the general good at the present time requires in the way of Statelegislation. A thousand vague theories are floating upon the public mind. 

The evils which we would have to fear from an immediate re-establishmentof civil government would be not only hasty and ignorant but excessivelegislation. While there may be wide differences of opinion as to which isthe greater of these two evils _per se_, I am free to express my beliefthat one or the other of them would be very likely to follow the immediaterestoration of civil government, and that it would be not only injudiciousin itself but productive of prospective harm, to whites as well as blacks, to place the former in a position where a community of feeling, thepromptings of traditional teachings, and the instincts of self-interestand self-preservation, would so strongly tempt them to make a choice. Ibelieve that a respectable majority of the most intelligent whites wouldcordially aid any policy calculated, in their opinion, to secure thegreatest good of the greatest number, blacks included, but I do not regardthem as yet in a condition to exercise an unbiassed judgment in thismatter. Inasmuch as very few of them are yet ready to admit thepracticability of ameliorating the condition of the black race to anyconsiderable extent, they would not be likely at the present time todevise a wise system of free black labor. Neither would they be zealousand hopeful co-laborers in such a system if desired by others. 

I have spoken of the contract system which has been inaugurated by themilitary authorities throughout the State as working smoothly andsatisfactorily. This statement should, of course, be taken with somelimitation. It was inaugurated as an expedient under the pressure ofstringent necessity at a time when labor was in a greatly disorganizedstate, and there was manifest danger that the crops, already planted, would be lost for want of cultivation. Many of the negroes, but moreespecially the able-bodied ones and those possessing no strong familyties, had, under the novel impulses of freedom, left the plantation wherethey had been laboring through the planting season, and flocked to thenearest military post, becoming a useless and expensive burden upon ourhands. Very many plantations, under extensive cultivation, were entirelyabandoned. At places remote from military posts, and that had never beenvisited by our troops, this exodus did not take place so extensively or toa degree threatening a very general loss of crops. The negroes wereretained partly through ignorance or uncertainty of their rights andpartly through fear of their former masters and the severe disciplineunlawfully enforced by them. 

Under the assurance that they were free, that they would be protected inthe enjoyment of their freedom and the fruits of their labor, but wouldnot be supported in idleness by the government so long as labor could beprocured, the flow of negroes into the towns and military posts wasstopped, and most of them already accumulated there were induced to returnto the plantations and resume work under contracts to be approved andenforced by the military authorities. Both planters and negroes verygenerally, and apparently quite willingly, fell into this plan as thebest that could be improvised. Although there have been many instancesof violation of contracts, (more frequently, I think, by the black than bythe white, ) and although the plan possesses many defects, and is notcalculated to develop all the advantages and benefits of a wise free-laborsystem. I am not prepared to recommend any material modification of it, oranything to replace it, at least for several months to come. 

For reasons already suggested I believe that the restoration of civilpower that would take the control of this question out of the hands of theUnited States authorities (whether exercised through the militaryauthorities or through the Freedmen's Bureau) would, instead of removingexisting evils, be almost certain to augment them. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Q. A. GILLMORE, _Major General_. 

General CARL SCHURZ, _Charleston, S. C. _

No. 4. 

Charleston, South Carolina, _July_ 25, 1865. 

General: Since handing you my letter of yesterday I have read a speechreported to have been delivered in Greenville, South Carolina, on the 3dinstant. 

I have judged of Mr. Perry by reports of others, but as I now have anopportunity from his own lips of knowing his opinions, I must request thatyou will cross out that portion of my letter referring to him. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN P. HATCH, _Brevet Major General, Commanding_. 

Major General CARL SCHURZ. 

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DISTRICT OF CHARLESTON, _Charleston, South Carolina, July_ 24, 1865. 

General: In answer to your question as to the disposition of the peoplebeing such as to justify their speedy return to the control of politicalpower, I would say no. 

Many portions of the State have not yet been visited by our troops, and inother parts not long enough occupied to encourage the formation of a newparty, disposed to throw off the old party rulers, who, after thirty yearspreaching sedition, succeeded in carrying their point and forcing thepeople into rebellion. 

Were elections to be held now, the old leaders already organized wouldcarry everything by the force of their organization. I would say delayaction, pardon only such as the governor can recommend, and let him onlyrecommend such as he feels confident will support the views of thegovernment. Men who supported nullification in thirty-two, and have upheldthe doctrine of States' rights since, should not be pardoned; they cannotlearn new ways. I have read with care the published proceedings of everypublic meeting held in this State, and have observed that not one singleresolution has yet been passed in which the absolute freedom of thecolored man was recognized, or the doctrine of the right of secessiondisavowed. Why is this? Because the old leaders have managed the meetings, and they cannot see that a new order of things exists. They still hope toobtain control of the State, and then to pass laws with reference to thecolored people which shall virtually re-establish slavery; and althoughthey look upon secession as at present hopeless, a future war may enablethem to again raise the standard. 

You ask what signs do they show of a disposition to educate the blacks forthe new position they are to occupy? This is a question that has so farbeen but little discussed. No education, except as to their religiousduties, was formerly allowed, and this only to make them contented intheir position of servitude. Whilst thoroughly instructed in theinjunction, "servants obey your masters, " adultery was not only winked at, but, unfortunately, in too many cases practically recommended. A fewgentlemen have said to me that they were willing to have the blacks taughtto read and write, but little interest appears to be felt on the subject. 

With reference to the benefit to be derived by the general government bydelaying the formation for the present of a State government, I will bebrief. It will discourage the old leaders who are anxious to seizeimmediately the reins of power. It will, by allowing time for discussion, give the people an opportunity to become acquainted with subjects theyhave heretofore trusted to their leaders. Wherever our troops go, discussion follows, and it would be best that the people should not committhemselves to a line of policy, they have not had time to examine anddecide upon coolly. It will give the young men ambitious of risingopportunity for organizing on a new platform a party which, assisted bythe government, can quiet forever the questions which have made the Stateof South Carolina a thorn in the side of the Union. These young men, manyof whom have served in the army, take a practical view of their presentcondition that the old stay-at-homes cannot be brought to understand. Givethem time and support and they will do the work required of them. Theirlong absence has made it necessary to become acquainted with the people;but they will be listened to as men who have honestly fought in a causewhich has failed, and will be respected for as honestly coming out insupport of the now only reasonable chance of a peaceful government for thefuture. 

Where our troops have been the longest time stationed we have the mostfriends; and were the people thoroughly convinced that the government(until they have shown a disposition to unite heartily in its support) isdetermined not to give them a State government, the change would go onmuch more rapidly. 

The selection of Governor Perry was most fortunate. I know of no other manin South Carolina who could have filled the position. 

I remain, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JNO. P. HATCH, _Brevet Major General Commanding_. 

General CARL SCHURZ. 

No. 5. 

Charleston, S. C. , _July_ 24, 1865. 

General: In compliance with your verbal request, made at our interviewthis a. M. , to express to you my opinions and impressions regarding thestatus of the people of South Carolina, and of such others of theinsurrectionary States with whom I have come in contact, respecting areturn to their allegiance to the federal government, and a willingness ontheir part to sustain and support the same in its efforts to restore andaccomplish the actual union of the States, and also their probableadhesion to the several acts and proclamations which have been enacted andpromulgated by the legislative and executive branches of the government, Ibeg to reply, that, as an officer of one of the departments, I have beenenabled by constant intercourse with large numbers of this people to forman approximate estimate of the nature of their loyalty, and also to gain aknowledge of the prejudices which remain with them towards the forces, military and political, which have prevailed against them after thestruggle of the last four years, and established the integrity and powerof the republic. 

Whatever may be said upon the abstract question of voluntary or forcibleState secession, the defeat of the insurrectionary forces has been soperfect and complete, that the most defiant have already avowed theirallegiance to the national government. The first experience of theinsurgents is a complete submission, followed by a promise to abstain fromall further acts of rebellion--in fact, the nucleus of their loyalty isnecessity, while perhaps some with still a sentiment of loyalty in theirhearts for the old flag turn back, like the prodigal, with tearful eyes, wasted means, and exhausted energies. 

At the present time there can be but few loyal men in the State of SouthCarolina who, through evil and good report, have withstood the wiles ofsecession. South Carolina has been sown broadcast for the last thirtyyears with every conceivable form of literature which taught her childrenthe divine right of State sovereignty, carrying with it all itsaccompanying evils. The sovereign State of South Carolina in her imperialmajesty looked down upon the republic itself, and only through a grandcondescension, remained to supervise and balance the power which, when notcontrolling, she had sworn to destroy. The works of Calhoun were thenecessary companion of every man of culture and education. They were by nomeans confined to the libraries of the economist and politician. When thenational troops pillaged the houses and deserted buildings of Charleston, the streets were strewn with the pamphlets, sermons and essays ofpoliticians, clergymen, and belles-lettres scholars, all promulgating, according to the ability and tastes of their several authors, the rightsof the sovereign State. No public occasion passed by which did not witnessan assertion of these rights, and the gauntlet of defiance was ever uponthe ground. 

It is the loyalty of such a people that we have to consider. As a peoplethe South Carolinians are brave and generous in certain directions. Intheir cities there is great culture, and many of the citizens are personsof refinement, education and taste. The educated classes are well versedin the history of our country, and many have an intimate knowledge of thevaried story of political parties. But from the lowest to the highestclasses of the white population there is an instinctive dread of the negroand an utter abhorrence of any doctrine which argues an ultimateimprovement of his condition beyond that of the merest chattel laborer. 

The first proposition made by the southerner on all occasions ofdiscussion is, that the emancipation proclamation of the President was agrievous error from every point of view; that in the settlement of thevarious questions arising from the insurrection, the national governmentassumes a responsibility which belongs to the several States, and now thatthe supremacy of the general government is established, and the prospectof a resuscitation, rehabilitation, reconstruction, or simple assertion ofthe legislative and executive powers of the separate States, a lingeringhope yet remains with many, that although African slavery is abolished, the States may yet so legislate as to place the negro in a state of actualpeonage and submission to the will of the employer. Therefore, we havecombined with a forced and tardy loyalty a lingering hope that such Statelegislation can be resorted to as will restore the former slave to, asnearly as possible, the condition of involuntary servitude. And thequestion naturally arises, how long must we wait for a higher and purerexpression of fealty to the Union, and for a more intelligent and justappreciation of the question of free colored, labor which the results ofthe contest have forced upon us?

I am satisfied, that while no efforts must be spared to instil into theminds of the freedmen the necessity of patient labor and endeavor, and apractical knowledge of the responsibilities of their new condition, by ajudicious system of education, the white southerner is really the mostinteresting pupil, and we must all feel a solicitude for hisenlightenment. 

The principles of liberty have been working for a number of years in ourrepublic, and have secured various great political results. Latterly theyhave worked with wonderful and rapid effect, and it has ever been by aidof all the forces of education and enlightened commerce between man andman that the progress of true freedom has been hastened and made secure. When the southern planter sees it demonstrated beyond a doubt that thefree labor of the black man, properly remunerated, conduces to hispecuniary interests, at that moment he will accept the situation, and notbefore, unless it is forced upon him; therefore, it is the whitesoutherner that must be educated into a realization of his responsibilityin the settlement of these questions, and by a systematic and judiciouseducation of the freedman a citizen will gradually be developed; and thetwo classes, finding their interests mutual, will soon settle the nowvexed question of suffrage. I am firmly of opinion that the governmentcannot afford to relax its hold upon these States until a loyal press, representing the views of the government, shall disseminate its sentimentsbroadcast all over this southern land; and when all the avenues andchannels of communication shall have been opened, and the policy of thegovernment shall be more easily ascertained and promulgated, and theStates, or the citizens thereof in sufficient numbers, shall have avowedby word and act their acceptance of the new order of things, we may thensafely consider the expediency of surrendering to each State legislaturethe duty of framing its necessary constitution and code, and all otheradjuncts of civil government. If the form of our government weremonarchical, we might be more sanguine of the success of any proposedmeasure of amnesty, because of the immediate power of the government tosuppress summarily any disorder arising from too great leniency; but todelegate to the States themselves the quelling of the tumult which theyhave themselves raised, is, to say the least, a doubtful experiment. Manythinking Carolinians have said that they preferred that the governmentshould first itself demonstrate the system of free labor, to such anextent that the planter would gladly avail himself of the system and carryit on to its completion. 

The presence of a strong military force is still needed in the State ofSouth Carolina to maintain order, and to see that the national laws arerespected, as well as to enforce such municipal regulations as theoccasion demands. For such service, officers of sound, practical senseshould be chosen--men whose appreciation of strict justice both toemployer and employee would compensate even for a lack of mere skilfulmilitary knowledge; men without the mean prejudices which are the bane ofsome who wear the insignia of the national service. 

I believe that affairs in South Carolina are yet in a very crude state;that outrages are being practiced upon the negro which the military armshould prevent. Doubtless many stories are fabricated or exaggerated, buta calm and candid citizen of Charleston has said: "Is it wonderful thatthis should be so; that men whose slaves have come at their call, but nowdemur, hesitate, and perhaps refuse labor or demand certain wagestherefor--that such men, smarting under their losses and defeats, shouldvent their spite upon a race slipping from their power and asserting theirnewly acquired rights? Is abuse not a natural result?" But time, enlightenment, and the strenuous efforts of the government can preventmuch of this. 

I am, therefore, convinced that the education of the white and black mustgo hand in hand together until the system of free labor is so absolutelydemonstrated that the interest of the employer will be found in theintelligence, the well-being, and the comfort of the employed. I believethat the great sources of benevolence at the north should still flood thissouthern land with its bounty--that the national government shouldencourage each State to receive all the implements of labor, education andcomfort which a generous people can bestow, not merely for the benefit ofthe black freedman, but for the disenthralled white who has grovelled inthe darkness of a past age, and who has been, perhaps, the innocentoppressor of a people he may yet serve, and with them enter into theenjoyment of a more glorious freedom than either have ever conceived. 

With sentiments of respect and esteem, I beg to remain, general, yourobedient servant, JOHN H. PILSBURY, _Deputy Supervising and Assistant Special Agent Treasury Department_. 

Major General CARL SCHURZ, &c. , &c. , &c. 

No. 6. 

_VIEWS EXPRESSED BY MAJOR GENERAL STEEDMAN IN CONVERSATION WITH CARLSCHURZ_. 

Augusta, Georgia, _August_ 7, 1864. 

I have been in command of this department only a month, and can, therefore, not pretend to have as perfect a knowledge of the condition ofaffairs, and the sentiments of the people of Georgia, as I may have afterlonger experience. But observations so far made lead me to the followingconclusions:

The people of this State, with only a few individual exceptions, aresubmissive but not loyal. 

If intrusted with political power at this time they will in allprobability use it as much as possible to escape from the legitimateresults of the war. Their political principles, as well as their views onthe slavery question, are the same as before the war, and all that can beexpected of them is that they will submit to actual necessities from whichthere is no escape. 

The State is quiet, in so far as there is no organised guerilla warfare. Conflicts between whites and blacks are not unfrequent, and in manyinstances result in bloodshed. 

As to the labor question, I believe that the planters of this region haveabsolutely no conception of what free labor is. I consider them entirelyincapable of legislating understandingly upon the subject at the presenttime. 

The organization of labor in this State, especially in the interior, hasso far, in most cases, been left to the planters and freedmen themselves, the organization of the Freedmen's Bureau being as yet quite imperfect. Agreat many contracts have been made between planters and freedmen, some ofwhich were approved by the military authorities and some were not. 

General Wilde, the principal agent of the Freedmen's Bureau in this State, is, in my opinion, entirely unfit for the discharge of the dutiesincumbent upon him. He displays much vigor where it is not wanted, andshows but very little judgment where it is wanted. Until the Freedmen'sBureau will be sufficiently organized in this State I deem it necessary totemporarily intrust the provost marshals, now being stationed all over theState, one to every four counties, with the discharge of its functions, especially as concerns the making of contracts and the adjustment ofdifficulties between whites and blacks. 

I deem it impracticable to refer such difficulties for adjustment to suchcivil courts as can at present be organized in this State. It would belike leaving each party to decide the case for itself, and wouldundoubtedly at once result in a free fight. It will be so until the peopleof this State have a more accurate idea of the rights of the freedmen. Themilitary power is, in my opinion, the only tribunal which, under existingcircumstances, can decide difficulties between whites and blacks to thesatisfaction of both parties and can make its decisions respected. 

As for the restoration of civil power in this State, I apprehend it cannotbe done without leading to the necessity of frequent interference on thepart of the military until the sentiments of the people of Georgia haveundergone a very great change. 

This memorandum was read to General Steedman by me and he authorized meto submit it in this form to the President. 

C. SCHURZ. 

No. 7. 

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF COLUMBUS, _Macon, Georgia, August_ 14, 1885. 

General: There are no loyal people in Georgia, except the negroes; nor arethere any considerable number who would under any circumstances offerarmed resistance to the national authority. An officer, without arms orescort, could arrest any man in the State. But, while their submission isthus complete and universal, it is not a matter of choice, but a sternnecessity which they deplore. 

If allowed they will readily reorganize their State government andadminister it upon correct principles, except in matters pertaining totheir former slaves. On this subject they admit the abolition of theinstitution, and will so frame their constitution, hoping thereby toprocure their recognition as a State government, when they will at once, by legislation, reduce the freedmen to a condition worse than slavery. Yetwhile they will not recognize the rights of their former slavesthemselves, they will submit to its full recognition by the nationalgovernment, which can do just as it pleases and no resistance will beoffered. My own clear opinion is, it will have to do everything that maybe necessary to secure real practical freedom to the former slaves. 

The disturbances at present are chiefly due, I think, to the swarm ofvagrants thrown upon society by the disbanding of the rebel armies and theemancipation of the slaves at a season of the year when it is difficultfor those who seek to find employment. 

After the 1st of January I apprehend no trouble, as the culture of thenext crop will absorb all the labor of the country. In the interim a greatdeal of care and diligence will be required. Hence I recommend theimportance of sending men of energy and business capacity to manage theaffairs of the Freedmen's Bureau. 

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN T. CROXTON, _Brigadier General United States_. 

General CARL SCHURZ. 

No. 8. 

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF, _New Orleans, June_ 20, 1865. 

Sir: I have the honor to transmit for your consideration a copy of thecorrespondence between the governor of Louisiana and myself touching therelations between the State and the military authorities in thisdepartment. 

The instructions upon this subject are, and probably designedly, indefinite. They indicate, however, the acceptance by the President of theconstitution of the State, adopted in September, 1864, as the means ofre-establishing civil government in the State and the recognition of thegovernor as his agent in accomplishing this work. The same principle givesvalidity to such of the State laws as are not in conflict with thisconstitution, or repealed by congressional legislation, or abrogated bythe President's proclamation or orders issued during the rebellion. 

This leaves many questions undetermined, except so far as they are settledby the law of nations and the laws of war, so far as my authority extends. I will turn over all such questions to the State government; and in casesthat do not come within the legitimate authority of a military commander, will report them for such action as his excellency the President, or theWar Department, may think proper to adopt. 

I have had a very free conference with the governor upon this subject, andI believe that he concurs with me that the course I have indicated in thecorrespondence with him is not only the legal but the only course thatwill avoid the appeals to the local courts by interested or designing men, which are now dividing those who profess to be working for the sameobject--the re-establishment of civil authority throughout the State. 

Then, in addition, many questions, in which the interests of thegovernment are directly involved, or in which the relations of the generalgovernment to the States, as affected by the rebellion, are left unsettledby any adequate legislation. I do not think it will be wise to commit anyof these questions, either directly or indirectly, to the jurisdiction ofthe State or other local courts, and will not so commit them unlessinstructed to do so. 

It is very possible that in the varied and complicated questions that willcome up there may be differences of opinion between the governor andmyself, but there shall be no discord of action, and I will give to hisefforts the fullest support in my power. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, E. R. S. CANBY, _Major General Commanding_. 

The SECRETARY OF WAR, _Washington, D. C. _

Official copy:

R. DES ANGES, _Major, A. A. G. _

STATE OF LOUISIANA, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, _New Orleans, June_ 10, 1865. 

General: There is a class of officers holding and exercising the duties ofcivil officers in this State who claim to hold their right to the same byvirtue of deriving their appointment from military authority exercisedeither by General Shepley as military governor, or Michael Hahn, and insome cases by Major General Banks, commander of the department of theGulf. These men resist my power to remove on the ground that I am notclothed with military power, although the offices they fill are strictlycivil offices, and the power of appointing to the same to fill vacancies(which constructively exist until the office is filled according to law)is one of my prerogatives as civil governor. To dispossess these men bylegal process involves delay and trouble. Many of the persons so holdingoffice are obnoxious to the charges of official misconduct and ofobstructing my efforts to re-establish civil government. 

For the purpose, therefore, of settling the question, and relieving thecivil government of the State from the obstructions to its progress causedby the opposition of these men, I would respectfully suggest to you, general, the expediency of your issuing an order revoking all appointmentsmade by military or semi-military authority to civil offices in this Stateprior to the 4th of March, 1865, the date on which I assumed the duties ofgovernor. I fix that date because it is only since that period thegovernor has been confined to strictly civil powers, and what militarypower has been exercised since in appointments to office has been fromnecessity and was unavoidable. 

I throw out these suggestions, general, for your consideration. On myrecent visit to the capital I had full and free conversation withPresident Johnson on the subject of reorganizing civil government inLouisiana, and while deprecating the interference of military power incivil government beyond the point of actual necessity, yet he fullyappreciated the difficulties of my position, and assured me that I shouldbe sustained by him in all necessary and legal measures to organize anduphold civil government. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, &c. , J. MADISON WELLS, _Governor of Louisiana_. 

Major General E. R. S. CANBY, _Commanding Department of the Gulf_. 

Official copy:

R. DES ANGES, _Major, A. A. G. _

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF, _New Orleans, June_ 19, 1865. 

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication ofthe 10th instant, asking me to revoke all appointments made by military orsemi-military authority to civil offices in the State prior to the 4th ofMarch, 1865. 

I have given this subject the attention and serious consideration whichits importance demands, and I find it complicated not only with theprivate and public interests of the people and State of Louisiana, butalso with the direct interests of the government of the United States, orwith the obligations imposed upon the government by the condition of thecountry or by the antecedent exercise of lawful military authority. To theextent that these considerations obtain they are controllingconsiderations, and I cannot find that I have any authority to delegatethe duties devolved upon me by my official position, or to evade theresponsibilities which it imposes. I venture the suggestion, also, thatthe evils complained of, and which are so apparent and painful to all whoare interested in the restoration of civil authority, will scarcely beobtained by the course you recommend, but will, in my judgment, give riseto complications that will embarrass not only the State but the generalgovernment. 

All officers who hold their offices by the tenure of military appointmentare subject to military authority and control, and will not be permittedto interfere in any manner whatever with the exercise of functions thathave been committed to you as governor of Louisiana. If they are obnoxiousto the charge of misconduct in office, or of obstructing you in yourefforts to re-establish civil government, they will, upon yourrecommendation, be removed. If, under the constitution and laws of theState, the power of appointment resides in the governor, my duty will beended by vacating the appointment. If the office is elective, the militaryappointment will be cancelled so soon as the successor is elected andqualified. In the alternative cases the removal will be made, andsuccessors recommended by you, and against whom there are no disqualifyingcharges, will be appointed. 

This, in my judgment, is the only course which will remove all legalobjections, or even legal quibbles. 

I desire to divest myself as soon as possible of all questions of civiladministration, and will separate, as soon and as far as I can, all suchquestions from those that are purely military in their character, andcommit them to the care of the proper officers of the civil government. 

Some of these questions are complicated in their character, and involvenot only private and public interests, but the faith of the nationalgovernment; originating in the legal exercise of military authority, theycan only be determined by the same authority. 

There is another consideration, not directly but incidentally involved inthe subject of your communication, to which I have the honor to inviteyour attention. The results of the past four years have worked manychanges both as to institutions and individuals within the insurrectionaryStates, giving to some of the interests involved an absolutely nationalcharacter, and in others leaving the relations between the generalgovernment and the States undetermined. So far as Congress has legislatedupon these subjects, it has placed them under the direct control of thegeneral government, and under the laws of nations and laws of war the sameprinciple applies to the other subject. Until Congress has legislated uponthis subject, or until Executive authority sanctions it, no questions ofthis character will be committed to the jurisdiction of the local courts. 

I make these suggestions to you for the reason that I have already found astrong disposition in some sections of the country to forestall the actionof the general government by bringing these subjects more or less directlyunder the control of the local courts; and I have neither the authoritynor the disposition to establish precedents that may possibly embarrassthe future action of the government. 

I take this occasion to assure your excellency of my hearty co-operationin your efforts to re-establish civil government, and in any measures thatmay be undertaken for the benefit of the State or people of Louisiana. 

I shall be happy at all times to confer with you upon any of thesesubjects, and to give you, whenever necessary, any assistance that you mayrequire. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. R. S. CANBY, _Major General, Commanding_. 

His Excellency the GOVERNOR OF LOUISIANA, _New Orleans, La_. 

Official copy:

R. DES ANGES, _Major, A. A. G. _

STATE OF LOUISIANA, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, _New Orleans, June_ 23, 1865. 

General: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communicationof the 16th instant, in answer to mine of the 13th, relating to theexpediency of your revoking the appointment of all civil officers in theState made by military or semi-military authority. I desire to state thatyour views and suggestions, as regards your duty and proper course ofaction in the premises, are entirely satisfactory to me. For the care youhave bestowed on the subject, and the earnest disposition you evince to doall in your power to promote the interests of civil government in thisunfortunate State, by co-operating with and sustaining me in alllegitimate measures to that end, I beg to return you, not only my ownthanks, but I feel authorized to speak for the great mass of ourfellow-citizens, and to include them in the same category. 

With high respect, I subscribe myself, your obedient servant, J. MADISON WELLS, _Governor of Louisiana_. 

Major General E. R. S. CANBY, _Commanding Department of the Gulf_. 

Official copy:

R. DES ANGES, _Major, A. A. G. _

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF LOUISIANA, _New Orleans, September_ 8, 1865. 

Sir: In compliance with your request, I have the honor to submit someremarks upon the civil government of Louisiana, and its relation to themilitary administration of this department. These relations are moreanomalous and complicated, probably, than in any other insurrectionaryState, and it will be useful in considering these questions to bear inmind the changes that have occurred since the occupation of this city bythe Union forces. These are, briefly--

1. The military administration of the commander of the department of theGulf, Major General Butler. 

2. The military government, of which Brigadier General Shepley was theexecutive, by appointment of the President. 

3. The provisional government, of which the Hon. M. Hahn was the executive, by appointment of the President, upon nomination by the people at anelection held under military authority. 

4. The constitutional government, organized under the constitution adoptedby the convention in July, 1864, and ratified by the people at an electionheld in September of that year. Of this government the Hon. J. M. Wells isthe present executive. 

This government has not yet been recognized by Congress, and its relationto the military authority of the department has never been clearlydefined. Being restrained by constitutional limitations, its powers arenecessarily imperfect, and it is frequently necessary to supplant them bymilitary authority. Many of the civil officers still hold their positionsby the tenure of military appointments holding over until elections can beheld under the constitution. These appointments may be vacated by thecommander of the department, and, if under the constitution the power ofappointment reside in the governor, be filled by him: if it does not, theappointment must be filled by the military commander. Very few removalsand no appointments have been made by me during my command of thedepartment; but the governor has been advised that all persons holdingoffice by the tenure of military appointment were subject to militarysupervision and control, and would not be permitted to interfere in theduties committed to him by the President of restoring "civil authority inthe State of Louisiana;" that upon his recommendation, and for _cause_, such officers would be removed; and if the power of appointment was notunder the constitution vested in him, the appointment would be made by thedepartment commander, if, upon his recommendation, there was nodisqualifying exception. 

The instructions to the military commanders, in relation to the previousgovernments, were general, and I believe explicit; but, as theirapplication passed away with the existence of these governments, it is notnecessary to refer to them here. Those that relate to the constitutionalgovernment are very brief, so far, at least, as they have reached me. In aconfidential communication from his excellency to the late President, inwhich he deprecated, in strong terms, any military interferences, andexpressed very freely his own views and wishes, he concluded by sayingthat "the military must be judge and master so long as the necessity forthe military remains;" and, in my instructions from the War Department, ofMay 28, 1865, the Secretary of War says: "The President directs me toexpress his wish that the military authorities render all properassistance to the civil authorities in control in the State of Louisiana, and not to interfere with its action further than it may be necessary forthe peace and security of the department. "

These directions and wishes have been conclusive, and I have given to thecivil authorities whatever support and assistance they required, and haveabstained from any interference with questions of civil or local Stateadministration, except when it was necessary to protect the freedmen intheir newly acquired rights, and to prevent the local courts from assumingjurisdiction in cases where, of law and of right, the jurisdiction belongsinclusively to the United States courts or United States authorities. Withthe appointments made by the governor I have no right to interfere unlessthe appointees are disqualified by coming under some one of the exceptionsmade by the President in his proclamation of May 29, 1865, or, (as in oneor two instances that have occurred, ) in the case of double appointmentsto the same office, when a conflict might endanger the peace and securityof the department. 

My personal and official intercourse with the governor has been of themost cordial character. I have had no reason to distrust his wish andintention to carry out the views of the President. I do distrust both theloyalty and the honesty (political) of some of his advisers, and I lookwith apprehension upon many of the appointments made under theseinfluences during the past two months. The feeling and temper of that partof the population of Louisiana which was actively engaged in orsympathized with the rebellion have also materially changed within thatperiod. 

The political and commercial combinations against the north are gainingin strength and confidence every day. Political, sectional, and localquestions, that I had hoped were buried with the dead of the past fouryears, are revived. Independent sovereignty, State rights, andnullification, where the power to nullify is revoked, are openlydiscussed. It may be that these are only ordinary political discussions, and that I attach undue importance to them from the fact that I have neverbefore been so intimately in contact with them; but, to my judgment, theyindicate very clearly that it will not be wise or prudent to commit anyquestion involving the paramount supremacy of the government of the UnitedStates to the States that have been in insurrection until the wholesubject of restoration has been definitively and satisfactorily adjusted. 

Before leaving this subject I think it proper to invite your attention tothe position of a part of the colored population of this State. By thePresident's proclamation of January 1, 1863, certain parishes in thisState (thirteen in number) were excepted from its provisions--thecondition of the negroes as to slavery remaining unchanged until theywere emancipated by the constitution of 1864. If this constitution shouldbe rejected (the State of Louisiana not admitted under it) the legalcondition of these people will be that of slavery until this defect canbe cured by future action. 

The government of the city of New Orleans, although administered bycitizens, derives its authority from military orders, and its officeshave always been under the supervision and control of the commander of thedepartment, or of the military governor of the State. The present mayorwas appointed by Major General Hurlbut, removed by Major General Banks, and reinstated by myself. Under the constitution and laws of the Statethe principal city offices are elective, but the time has not yet beenreached when an election for these offices should be held. Althoughstanding in very different relations from the State government, I havethought it proper to apply the same rule, and have not interfered withits administration except so far as might be necessary to protect theinterests of the government, or to prevent the appointment to offices ofpersons excepted by the President's proclamation. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, ED. R. S. CANBY, _Major General, Commanding_. 

Major General CARL SCHURZ_United States Volunteers, New Orleans_. 

No. 9. 

_STATEMENT OF GENERAL THOMAS KILBY SMITH_. 

New Orleans, _September_ 14, 1865. 

I have been in command of the southern district of Alabama since thecommencement of General Canby's expedition against Mobile, and have beenin command of the district and post of Mobile, with headquarters atMobile, from June until the 25th of August, and relinquished command ofthe post on September 4. During my sojourn I have become familiar with thecharacter and temper of the people of all of southern Alabama. 

It is my opinion that with the exception of a small minority, the peopleof Mobile and southern Alabama are disloyal in their sentiments andhostile to what they call the United States, and that a great many of themare still inspired with a hope that at some future time the "confederacy, "as they style it, will be restored to independence. 

In corroboration of this assertion, I might state that in conversationwith me Bishop Wilmer, of the diocese of Alabama, (Episcopal), stated thatto be his belief; that when I urged upon him the propriety of restoring tothe litany of his church that prayer which includes the prayer for thePresident of the United States, the whole of which he had ordered hisrectors to expunge, he refused, first, upon the ground that he could notpray for a continuance of martial law; and secondly, that he wouldstultify himself in the event of Alabama and the southern confederacyregaining their independence. This was on the 17th of June. This manexercises a widespread influence in the State, and his sentiments arethose of a large proportion of what is called the better class of people, and particularly the women. Hence the representatives of the United Statesflag are barely tolerated. They are not welcome among the people in anyclasses of society. There is always a smothered hatred of the uniform andthe flag. Nor is this confined to the military, but extends to all classeswho, representing northern interests, seek advancement in trade, commerce, and the liberal professions, or who, coming from the North, propose tolocate in the South. 

The men who compose the convention do, in my opinion, not represent thepeople of Alabama, because the people had no voice in their election. I speak with assurance on this subject, because I have witnessed theproceedings in my district. I do not desire to reflect upon the personnelof the delegation from Mobile, which is composed of clever and honorablemen, but whatever may be their political course, they will not act as thetrue representatives of the sentiments and feelings of the people. 

I desire in this connexion to refer to the statements of Captain Poillon, which you have submitted to me, and to indorse the entire truthfulnessthereof. I have known Captain Poillon intimately, and have been intimatelyacquainted with the proceedings of the Freedmen's Bureau. Many of thefacts stated by Captain Poillon I know of my own personal knowledge, andall I have examined into and believe. 

On the 4th of July I permitted in Mobile a procession of the freedmen, the only class of people in Mobile who craved of me the privilege ofcelebrating the anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. Sixthousand well-dressed and orderly colored people, escorted by tworegiments of colored troops, paraded the streets, assembled in the publicsquares, and were addressed in patriotic speeches by orators of their ownrace and color. These orators counselled them to labor and to wait. Thisprocession and these orations were the signal for a storm of abuse uponthe military and the freedmen and their friends, fulminated from thestreet corners by the then mayor of the city and his common council and inthe daily newspapers, and was the signal for the hirelings of the formerslave power to hound down, persecute, and destroy the industrious andinoffensive negro. These men were found for the most part in the police ofthe city, acting under the direction of the mayor, R. H. Hough, sinceremoved. The enormities committed by these policemen were fearful. Withinmy own knowledge colored girls seized upon the streets had to take theirchoice between submitting to outrage on the part of the policemen orincarceration in the guard-house. These men, having mostly been negrodrivers and professional negro whippers, were fitting tools for the workin hand. Threats of and attempts at assassination were made againstmyself. Threats were made to destroy all school-houses in which coloredchildren were taught, and in two instances they were fired. The samethreats were made against all churches in which colored people assembledto worship, and one of them burned. Continued threats of assassinationwere made against the colored preachers, and one of them is now underspecial guard by order of Major General Wood. When Mayor Hough wasappealed to by this man for protection, he was heard to say that no oneconnected with the procession of the 4th of July need to come into hiscourt, and that their complaints would not be considered. Although MayorHough has been removed, a large majority of these policemen are still inoffice. Mayor Forsyth has promised to reform this matter. It is proper tostate that he was put in office by order of Governor Parsons, having twicebeen beaten at popular elections for the mayoralty by Mr. Hough. Thisgives an indication of what will result when the office will again befilled by a popular election. 

The freedmen and colored people of Mobile are, as a general thing, orderly, quiet, industrious, and well dressed, with an earnest desire tolearn and to fit themselves for their new status. My last report from theschool commissioners of the colored schools of Mobile, made on the 28th ofJuly, showed 986 pupils in daily attendance. They give no cause for thewholesale charges made against them of insurrection, lawlessness, andhostility against their former masters or the whites generally. On thecontrary, they are perfectly docile and amenable to the laws, and theirleaders and popular teachers of their own color continually counsel themto industry and effort to secure their living in an honorable way. Theyhad collected from themselves up to the 1st of August upwards of $5, 000for their own eleemosynary institutions, and I know of many nobleinstances where the former slave has devoted the proceeds of his ownindustry to the maintenance of his former master or mistress in distress. Yet, in the face of these facts, one of the most intelligent and high-bredladies of Mobile, having had silver plate stolen from her more than twoyears ago, and having, upon affidavit, secured the incarceration of twoof her former slaves whom she suspected of the theft, came to me in myofficial capacity, and asked my order to have them whipped and torturedinto a confession of the crime charged and the participants in it. Thislady was surprised when I informed her that the days of the rack and thethumbscrew were passed, and, though pious, well bred, and a member ofthe church, thought it a hardship that a negro might not be whipped ortortured till he would confess what he _might_ know about a robbery, although not even a _prima facie_ case existed against him, or that sortof evidence that would induce a grand jury to indict. I offer this as aninstance of the feeling that exists in all classes against the negro, andtheir inability to realize that he is a free man and entitled to therights of citizenship. 

With regard to municipal law in the State of Alabama, its administrationis a farce. The ministers of the law themselves are too often desperadoesand engaged in the perpetration of the very crime they are sent forth toprohibit or to punish. Without the aid of the bayonets of the UnitedStates Alabama is an anarchy. The best men of Alabama have either shedtheir blood in the late war, emigrated, or become wholly incapacitated bytheir former action from now taking part in the government of the State. The more sensible portion of the people tremble at the idea of themilitary force being eliminated, for, whatever may be their hatred ofthe United States soldier, in him they find their safety. 

It has not been my lot to command to any great extent colored troops. Ihave had ample opportunity, however, of observing them in Tennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Alabama, and, comparing them with whitetroops, I unhesitatingly say that they make as good soldiers. The twocolored regiments under my command in Mobile were noted for theirdiscipline and perfection of drill, and between those troops and thecitizens of Mobile no trouble arose until after the proclamation of theprovisional governor, when it became necessary to arm them going to andfrom their fatigue duty, because they were hustled from the sidewalk byinfuriated citizens, who, carrying out the principles enunciated by MayorHough and the common council and the newspapers heretofore alluded to, sought to incite mob. I have said that a great deal of the trouble alludedto in the government of the State has arisen since the appointment andproclamation of the provisional governor. The people of Alabama thenbelieved they were relieved from coercion of the United States andrestored to State government, and that having rid themselves of thebayonets, they might assume the reins, which they attempted to do in themanner above described. When I speak of the people I mean the masses, those that we call the populace. There are thinking, intelligent men inAlabama, as elsewhere, who understand and appreciate the true condition ofaffairs. But these men, for the most part, are timid and retiring, unwilling to take the lead, and even when subjected to outrage, robbery, and pillage by their fellow-citizens, refrain from testifying, and preferto put up with the indignity rather than incur an unpopularity that maycost their lives. Hence there is danger of the mob spirit running riot andrampant through the land, only kept under by our forces. 

That there are organized bands throughout the country who, as guerillas orbanditti, now still keep up their organization, with a view to furthertroubles in a larger arena, I have no doubt, though, of course, I have nopositive testimony. But this I know, that agents in Mobile have beenemployed to transmit ammunition in large packages to the interior. One manby the name of Dieterich is now incarcerated in the military prison atMobile charged with this offence. A detective was sent to purchase powderof him, who represented himself to be a guerilla, and that he proposed totake it out to his band. He bought $25 worth the first, and $25 worth thesecond day, and made a contract for larger quantities. Deputations ofcitizens waited upon me from time to time to advise me that these bandswere in being, and that they were in imminent peril upon their avowingtheir intentions to take the oath of allegiance, or evincing in any otherway their loyalty to the government; and yet these men, while they claimedthe protection of the military, were unwilling to reveal the names of theconspirators. I have seen General Wood's statement, which is true in allparticulars so far as my own observation goes, and I have had even farbetter opportunities than General Wood of knowing the character of thepeople he now protects, and while protecting, is ignored socially anddamned politically; for it is a noticeable fact that, after a sojourn inMobile of upwards of six weeks in command of the State, during part ofwhich time he was ill and suffering, he received but one call socially outof a community heretofore considered one of the most opulent, refined, andhospitable of all the maritime cities of the South, the favorite home ofthe officers of the army and the navy in by-gone days; and that one callfrom General Longstreet, who was simply in transitu. 

THOMAS KILBY SMITH, _Brigadier General United States Volunteers_. 

No. 10. 

HEADQUARTERS NORTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI, _Jackson, Mississippi, August_ 27, 1865. 

General: The northern district of Mississippi embraces that portion of theState north of southern boundary lines of Clark, Jasper, Smith, Simpson, and Hinds counties, except the six counties (Warren, Yazoo, Issaquena, Washington, Sunflower, and Bolivar) constituting the western district. 

The entire railroad system of the State is within my district, andalthough these lines of communication were seriously injured during thewar, steps are being taken everywhere to repair them as fast as means canbe procured. The break of thirty-five miles on the Southern (VicksburgMendrain) railroad, between Big Black and Jackson, is, by authority of thedepartment commander, being repaired by my troops, and will be ready foroperation in a few days. 

The thirty-six counties under my military control constitute the richestportion of the State, the soil being the most available for agriculturalpurposes, cotton (Upland) being the great staple, while in the easterncounties, in the valley of the upper Tombigbee, corn was grown veryextensively, the largest proportion of the usual demand in the State forthis cereal being supplied from that section. 

The war and its consequences have laid waste nearly all the old fields, only a few acres were cultivated this year to raise sufficient corn forthe immediate use of the respective families and the small amount of stockthey succeeded in retaining after the many raids and campaigns which tookplace in the State of Mississippi. Even these attempts will only provepartially successful, for, although the final suppression of the rebellionwas evident for the past two years, the collapse which followed thesurrender of the rebel armies brought with it all the consequences of anunforeseen surprise. The people had in no way provided for thiscontingency, and of course became very restive, when all property whichthey had so long been accustomed to look upon as their own suddenlyassumed a doubtful character. Their "slaves" began to wander off and lefttheir masters, and those growing crops, which could only be matured andgathered by the labor of the former slaves. For the first time the peoplesaw and appreciated the extreme poverty into which they were thrown by theconsequences of the rebellion, and it will hardly surprise any onefamiliar with human nature, that people in good standing before the warshould resort to all kinds of schemes, even disresputable ones, to retrievetheir broken fortunes. 

Theft and every species of crime became matters of every-day occurrence. The large amount of government cotton in all parts of the State proved awelcome objective point for every description of lawlessness. Absentowners of cotton were looked upon by these people as public enemies andbecame the victims of their (mostly illegal) speculations during therebellion. This state of affairs continued for some time in all portionsof the district not occupied by United States troops, and were in mostinstances accompanied by outrages and even murder perpetrated on thepersons of the late "slaves. "

As soon as a sufficient number of troops could be brought into thedistrict, I placed garrisons at such points as would, as far as my meanspermitted, give me control of almost every county. By the adoption of thissystem I succeeded in preventing this wholesale system of thieving, and aportion of the stolen goods was recovered and returned to the owners, while the outrages on negroes and Union men sensibly diminished. 

From the beginning of the occupation until a recent period only five (5)cases of murder or attempted murder occurred in my whole district, and Ihad no apprehension but what I would be able to stop the recurrence ofsuch crimes effectually. The troops at my disposal were, however, sadlyreduced by the recent muster-out of cavalry and infantry regiments. 

Attala and Holmes counties were, on my arrival, the theatre of thegreatest outrages; the interior of these counties was garrisoned bycavalry detachments, which communicated with the infantry posts along therailroad, and they (the cavalry) were most effective in preventing crimeand arresting malefactors, thus affording the much needed protection topeaceable inhabitants. The cavalry garrisons, however, were withdrawnabout two (2) weeks ago for muster-out, and since that time four (4)murders, two of white Union men and two of negroes, have been reported tome from Attala county. The infantry garrisons along the railroad areactively endeavoring to effect the arrest of the suspected parties, butthe chances of success are exceedingly doubtful, as only mounted troopscan be successfully used for that purpose. 

There is no doubt whatever that the state of affairs would be intolerablefor all Union men, all recent immigrants from the north; and all negroes, the moment the protection of the United States troops was withdrawn. 

In support of this opinion permit me to make a few remarks about thecitizens. Although the people, as a general thing, are very anxious forpeace, and for the restoration of law and order, they hardly realize thegreat social change brought about by the war. They all know that slavery, in the form in which it existed before the war, and in which they idolizedit, is at an end; but these former slave owners are very loth to realizethe new relative positions of employer and employee, and all kinds of plansfor "new systems of labor" are under constant discussion. The principalfeature of all plans proposed is that the labor of the nominally freedmenshould be secured to their old masters without risk of interruption orchange. This desire is very natural in an agricultural community, whichhas been left for generations in the undisturbed enjoyment of all thecomforts and independent luxuries induced by a system where the laborerand not the labor was a marketable commodity. It is, however, just asnatural that those most interested should differ essentially with theslaveholder on that point. They naturally claim that they (the laborers)have by the war and its consequences gained the right to hire out theirlabor to whomsoever they please, and to change their relations so as toinsure for themselves the best possible remuneration. The defenders andprotectors of this last position are principally the agents of theFreedmen's Bureau and the co-operating military forces, and of course theyare not liked. Their decisions and rules are looked upon by formerslaveholders, and late rebels generally, as the commands of a usurper anda tyrant, and they will continue to be so regarded until a generalresumption of agricultural pursuits shall have brought about a practicalsolution o this much vexed question, which, "in abstracts, " is ratherperplexing. I think that if each party is compelled to remain within thebounds of justice and equity by the presence of a neutral force, _i. E. _United States troops, one year's experience will assign to both employersand employees their respective relative positions. 

As soon as this most desirable end is attained, and the labor of thesouthern States regenerated on a real free labor basis, and thus broughtinto harmony with the other portions of the Union, the exclusive andpeculiar notions of the southern gentlemen, so much at variance with theviews of the North, will have no longer any cause to exist, and thesouthern people will be glad to recognize the American nationality withoutreserve, and without the sectional limitation of geographical linos. 

I desire to affirm that loyalty and patriotism have not as yet gained anysolid foundation among the white population of the States, and such cannotbe expected until the relations between employers and laborers have becomea fixed and acknowledged fact; then, and not before, will a feeling ofcontentment and loyalty replace the now prevalent bitterness andrecriminations. 

The taking of the amnesty oath has not changed the late rebels (and thereare hardly any white people here who have not been rebels) into loyalcitizens. It was considered and looked upon as an act of expediency andnecessity to enable them to build their shattered and broken fortunes upagain. 

The elevating feeling of true patriotism will return with the smile ofprosperity, and it should be the duty of all men to co-operate together insecuring that end. This can only be done by securing for the black racealso a state of prosperity. This race, which at present furnishes the onlylabor in the State, must be prevented from becoming a wandering andrestless people, and they must be taught to become steady citizens. Thiswill best be accomplished by guaranteeing them the right to acquireproperty and to become freeholders, with protection in the undisturbedpossession of their property. This and a general system of education willwork a quicker and more satisfactory change than the most stringent policeregulations could ever achieve. 

At present the occupancy of the State by the United States troops is theonly safeguard for the preservation of peace between the differentclasses. 

I am, general, with great respect, your obedient servant, P. JOS. OSTERHAUS, _Major General U. S. Vols_. 

Major General CARL SCHURZ, _Present_. 

No. 11. 

_STATEMENT OF MAJOR GENERAL CHARLES R. WOODS, COMMANDING DEPARTMENT OFALABAMA_. 

Mobile, Ala. , _September_ 9, 1865. 

I do not interfere with civil affairs at all, unless called upon by thegovernor of the State to assist the civil authorities. There are troopswithin reach of every county ready to respond to the call of the civilauthorities, but there are some counties where the sheriffs and otherofficers of the law appear to be afraid to execute their warrants, evenwith the aid of my troops, because the protection the troops might givethem is liable to be withdrawn as soon as the duties for which they arecalled upon are fulfilled, although the troops are continually ready toaid them at short notice. 

In many of the counties, where there are no garrisons stationed, the civilauthorities are unable or unwilling to carry out the laws. One case hascome to my official notice where persons had been arrested on thecomplaint of citizens living in the country, for stealing, marauding, &c. , but when called upon to come down to testify, the complainants declaredthat they did not know anything about the matter. There being notestimony, the accused parties had to be released. One of those who, bythe offenders, was supposed to have made complaint, was, shortly after therelease of the accused, found with his throat cut. It appears that in thatlocality the lawless element predominates, and keeps the rest of thecommunity in fear of having their houses burnt, and of losing their lives. The case mentioned happened in Washington county, about forty miles fromthis city, up the Alabama river. There is a garrison of four companies atMount Vernon arsenal, not far from that place, which at all times areready to render aid to the civil authorities. 

I have sent a detachment of troops with an officer of the Freedmen'sBureau into Clark, Washington, Choctaw, and Marengo counties toinvestigate the reports of harsh treatment of the negroes that had comeinto the Freedmen's Bureau. 

Cotton-stealing is going on quite generally, and on a large scale, wherever there is any cotton, and the civil authorities have completelyfailed in stopping it. It has been reported to me by citizens that armedbands attack and drive away the watchmen, load the cotton upon wagons, andthus haul it away. No case has come to my knowledge in which suchoffenders have been brought to punishment. Horse, mule, and cattlestealing is likewise going on on a large scale. 

In compliance with instructions from General Thomas, I have issued ordersto arrest, and try by military commission, all citizens who are chargedwith stealing government horses, mules, or other property. No such caseshad been taken cognizance of by civil authorities within my knowledge. 

As to the treatment of negroes by whites, I would refer to the reports ofthe Freedmen's Bureau. 

I sent out officers to every point in the State designated by thegovernor, on an average at least two officers to a county, for the purposeof administering the amnesty oath, but owing to a misapprehension on thepart of the people, but few were taken before these officers until thegovernor's second proclamation came out, requiring them to do so, when theoath was administered to a great many. 

I have found myself compelled to give one of the papers appearing in thiscity (the Mobile Daily News) a warning, on account of its publishingsensational articles about impending negro insurrections, believing thatthey are gotten up without any foundation at all, for the purpose ofkeeping up an excitement. 

CHAS. R. WOODS, _Brevet Major General, Commanding Department of Alabama_. 

No. 12. 

[General Orders No. 22. ]

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF MISSISSIPPI, _Vicksburg, Miss. , August_ 24, 1865. 

The attention of district commanders is called to a proclamation of theprovisional governor of the State of Mississippi, of the 19th instant, which provides for the organization of a military force in each county ofthe State. 

While the general government deems it necessary to maintain its authorityhere by armed forces, it is important that the powers and duties of theofficers commanding should be clearly defined. 

The State of Mississippi was one of the first that engaged in the recentrebellion. For more than four years all her energies have been devoted toa war upon our government. At length, from exhaustion, she has beencompelled to lay down her arms; but no orders have as yet been received bythe military authorities on duty here, indicating that the State has beenrelieved from the hostile position which she voluntarily assumed towardsthe United States. 

The general government, earnestly desiring to restore the State to itsformer position, has appointed a provisional governor, with power to calla convention for the accomplishment of that purpose. Upon the militaryforces devolve the duties of preserving order, and of executing the lawsof Congress and the orders of the War Department. The orders defining therights and privileges to be secured to freedmen meet with opposition inmany parts of the State, and the duties devolving upon military officers, in the execution of these orders, are often of a delicate nature. It hascertainly been the desire of the department commander, and, so far as hehas observed, of all officers on duty in the State, to execute theseorders in a spirit of conciliation and forbearance, and, while obeyingimplicitly all instructions of the President and the War Department, tomake military rule as little odious as possible to the people. While themilitary authorities have acted in this spirit, and have been assuccessful as could have been anticipated, the provisional governor hasthought proper, without consultation with the department commander or withany other officer of the United States on duty here, to organize and arm aforce in every county, urging the "young men of the State who have sodistinguished themselves for gallantry" to respond promptly to his call, meaning, thereby, that class of men who have as yet scarcely laid down thearms with which they have been opposing our government. Such force, iforganized as proposed, is to be independent of the military authority nowpresent, and superior in strength to the United States forces on duty inthe State. To permit the young men, who have so distinguished themselves, to be armed and organized independently of United States military officerson duty here, and to allow them to operate in counties now garrisoned bycolored troops, filled, as many of these men are, not only with prejudiceagainst those troops and against the execution of the orders relative tofreedmen, but even against our government itself, would bring about acollision at once, and increase in a ten-fold degree the difficulties thatnow beset the people. It is to be hoped that the day will soon come whenthe young men called upon by Governor Sharkey and the colored men nowserving the United States will zealously co-operate for the preservationof order and the promotion of the interests of the State and nation. Itwill be gratifying to the friends of the colored race to have theassurance in an official proclamation from the provisional governor, thatthe day has already arrived when the experiment can be safely attempted. But as the questions on which these two classes will be called toco-operate are those with regard to which there would undoubtedly be somedifference of opinion, particularly as to the construction of certain lawsrelative to freedmen, the commanding general prefers to postpone the trialfor the present. It is the earnest desire of all military officers, as itmust be of every good citizen, to hasten the day when the troops can withsafety be withdrawn from this State, and the people be left to executetheir own laws, but this will not be hastened by arming at this time theyoung men of the State. 

The proclamation of the provisional governor is based on the supposednecessity of increasing the military forces in the State to prevent thecommission of crime by bad men. It is a remarkable fact that most of theoutrages have been committed against northern men, government couriers, and colored people. Southern citizens have been halted by these outlaws, but at once released and informed that they had been stopped by mistake;and these citizens have refused to give information as to the parties bywhom they were halted, although frankly acknowledging that they knew them. 

Governor Sharkey, in a communication written after his call for theorganization of militia forces was made, setting forth the necessity forsuch organization, states that the people are unwilling to giveinformation to the United States military authorities which will lead tothe detection of these outlaws, and suggests as a remedy for these evilsthe arming of the very people who refuse to give such information. 

A better plan will be to disarm all such citizens, and make it for theirinterest to aid those who have been sent here to restore order andpreserve peace. 

_It is therefore ordered_, that district commanders give notice at once toall persons within their respective districts that no militaryorganizations, except those under the control of the United Statesauthorities, will be permitted within their respective commands, and thatif any attempt is made to organize after such notice, those engaged in itwill be arrested. Whenever any outrages are committed upon either citizensor soldiers, the commander of the post nearest the point at which theoffence is committed will report the fact at once to the districtcommander, who will forthwith send as strong a force to the locality ascan be spared. The officer in command of such force will at once disarmevery citizen within ten miles of the place where the offence wascommitted. If any citizen, possessing information which would lead to thecapture of the outlaws, refuses to impart the same, he will be arrestedand held for trial. The troops will be quartered on his premises, and hebe compelled to provide for the support of men and animals. These villainscan be arrested, unless they receive encouragement from some portion ofthe community in which they operate; and such communities must be heldresponsible for their acts, and must be made to realize the inevitableconsequences of countenancing such outrages. 

By order of Major General SLOCUM:

J. WARREN MILLER, _Assistant Adjutant General_. 

No. 14. 

[Reported for the Vicksburg Journal. ]

_Speeches of Hon. Sylvanus Evans and Richard Cooper, candidates forCongress and attorney general, Vicksburg, September_ 19, 1865. 

Pursuant to a call published in our yesterday's issue, a large number ofcitizens assembled at Apollo Hall last evening to listen to addresses fromprominent candidates for office at the ensuing election. 

Shortly after 8 o'clock Hon. A. Burwell introduced Hon. Richard Cooper tothe meeting, who addressed them as follows:

SPEECH OF MR. COOPER. 

Fellow-citizens: I present myself before you to-night as a candidate forthe office of attorney general. I have not before spoken in public sinceannouncing myself, relying wholly upon my friends and past record. I haveresided in this State twenty-nine years, and have for twelve years been aprosecuting attorney. 

Soon after announcing myself I found I had an opponent, and I concluded toaccompany my friend, Judge Evans, to Vicksburg, merely to make myselfknown, not intending to make a speech. 

I was born in Georgia. The first vote I ever cast was with the old-lineWhig party. [Applause. ] In 1850 I opposed an attempt to break up theUnited States government, and in, 1860 I did the same thing. I travelledin Alabama and Mississippi to oppose the measure. [Applause. ] But afterthe State did secede I did all in my power to sustain it. [Heavyapplause. ] I never entered the army, having held a civil office, and wasadvised by my friends that I could do more good in that way than byentering the service. I believed in secession while it lasted, but am nowas good a Union man as exists, and am in favor of breaking down oldbarriers, and making harmony and peace prevail. 

I was a delegate to the State convention lately in session at Jackson, andhope the legislature will carry out the suggestions of the convention. Ibelieve the negro is entitled to the claims of a freeman, now that he ismade free, and I hope he will have them secured to him. I am thankful thatMississippi has the right of jurisdiction, and I hope she will always haveit. The office I am a candidate for is not a political, but strictly ajudicial office. If elected I shall use my utmost endeavors to promote theinterests of the State and country. 

Hon. Sylvanus Evans was then introduced to the audience by Mr. Cooper, whospoke substantially as follows:

SPEECH OF JUDGE EVANS. 

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF WARREN COUNTY: I am grateful to meet you here thisevening, although a stranger to most of you. Here you must judge of mystanding, and I hope you will pardon me while I attempt to explain myposition to you. I came to Mississippi in 1837, and moved to Lauderdalecounty in 1839; by profession, in early life, a blacksmith, latterly alawyer, practicing in eastern Mississippi; to some extent a politician, always believing in the policy of the old-line Whigs, and always actingwith them. In 1851 I was a delegate from Lauderdale county to the Stateconvention, then, as in 1860, being opposed to the act of secession, andfought against it with all my powers. But after the State had seceded Iwent with it as a matter of duty, and I sustained it until the day of thesurrender with all my body and heart and mind. [Great applause. ] Ibelieved that the majority of the people did not know what was to come, but, blending their interests with mine, I could not, with honor, keepfrom it. 

We are now emerging; now daylight is dawning upon us. But whether peaceand prosperity shall return in its fulness is now a question with thepeople. I am a candidate before you for the United States Congress. Let mesay to you, as wise men, that unless the people and the legislature dotheir duty, it is useless to send me or any one else to Washington, as wecannot there obtain seats in Congress. 

My opponent, Mr. West, was nominated at Jackson by a lot of unauthorizeddelegates, which nomination was, in my judgment, of no account. Were yourdelegates from this county authorized to nominate candidates for Congress?Ours were not. I am before the people at the urgent request of manyfriends; not by any nomination made at Jackson. 

I heartily approve of the action of the convention. But this action willbe useless unless the legislature you elect meet and build the structureupon the foundation laid by the convention. The convention did not abolishslavery. The result of four and a half years of struggle determinedwhether it was abolished by the bayonet or by legislation. It remains foryou to show by your action whether this was done to rid the State ofbayonets, or to obtain your representation in Washington. It is not enoughto say the negro is free. The convention requires the legislature to adoptsuch laws as will protect the negro in his rights of person and property. 

We are not willing that the negro shall testify in our courts. We allrevolt at it, and it is natural that we should do so; but we must allow itas one of the requisites of our admission to our original standing in theUnion. To-day the negro is as competent a witness in our State as thewhite man, made so by the action of the convention. The credibility of thewitness is to be determined by the jurors and justices. If you refuse histestimony, as is being done, the result will be the military courts andFreedmen's Bureau will take it up, and jurisdiction is lost, and those whobest know the negro will be denied the privilege of passing judgment uponit, and those who know him least are often more in favor of his testimonythan yours. I am opposed to negro testimony, but by the constitution it isadmitted. (The speaker was here interrupted by an inquiry by one of theaudience: "Has this constitution been ratified by the people, and has theold constitution been abolished?" To which Mr. Evans replied: The peopledid not have an opportunity to ratify it. The convention did not see fitto submit it to them, and its action in the matter is final. )

Slavery was destroyed eternally before the convention met, by the lastfour years of struggle. The convention only indorsed it, because it coulddo nothing else. I consider that convention the most important ever heldon this continent--the determination of the war pending upon its action, and its great influence upon our southern sister States. The unanimity ofthe convention was unparalleled: the result of which has met withuniversal approval. 

The only objectors to its action is the radicalism of the north, whichthinks it should have conferred universal suffrage on the freedmen. 

It is useless to send any one to Washington to gain admission to theCongress of the United States unless the legislature carries out thedictations of the convention for the protection of the freedmen's rightsand property, and let them have access to the courts of justice. 

Do you not desire to get rid of the Freedmen's Bureau and the bayonets andmeet the President half way in his policy of reconstruction? If you do, becareful and send men to the legislature who will carry out this point, andthereby enable your congressmen to obtain their seats, and not have toreturn. 

The speaker was here again interrupted by Mr. John Vallandigham, whowished to inform the gentleman and all present that there were nosecessionists now. 

(The speaker requested not to be interrupted again. ) [Great applause. ] Iam no demagogue. Supposing you fail to meet the President in his policy, what will be the result? The convention has done its duty. It remains foryou to elect men to the next legislature who will secure to the freedmanhis right. There are large republican majorities in the United StatesCongress. The northern press, denouncing the President's policy, areassuming that Congress has the right to dictate to you who shall be yourrulers. The result of the large majorities will be to give the right ofsuffrage to every man in the State, and the negroes will elect officers togovern you. 

The President and the conservative element of the north are determinedthat the negro shall be placed where nature places him, in spite of thefanatics. 

We can only make free labor profitable by giving the negro justice and aright at the courts. 

It is hard to accept the fact that our slaves stand as freedmen, and thatwe have no more right to direct them. It is hard to realize, but let uslook at it as it is, and act accordingly. 

Your country is laid desolate, your farms have been ravished andimpoverished by the war. Vicksburg, the city of hills, everywhere bearsmarks of war. The Mississippi valley is desolate. You have been deprivedof your property in the negro, your houses burned and destroyed. 

We can meet the President and the conservative element of the north by asimple act of legislation, and it becomes us as a country-loving people tolook well to the candidates for the legislature. If they fail to take thenecessary step, the result will be that the Freedmen's Bureau and bayonetswill remain with us until they do. 

Although somewhat ignorant of the proceeding of the federal Congress, ifelected I shall try to promote the especial interests of this State. Ishall urge that the United States government owe it as a duty to the Stateof Mississippi to repair her levees; her people are so impoverished by thewar that they cannot stand the taxation necessary to rebuild them. Ibelieve it to be the duty of the general government to appropriate moneyto assist the people to improve their railroads, rivers, and assist inlike new enterprises. 

Another important question, that of labor, I believe can only be settledby legislation. I believe it to be for the interests of the people of thesouth to have the vagrant freedmen removed, as they are the cause ofcontinued strife and tumult. 

I am sure we do not want the scenes of St. Domingo and Hayti repeated inour midst. I believe such will be the case if they are not removed. Ifelected, I shall urge upon the general government the duty of colonizingthe negroes; it being the duty of the government to do this, as we aredeprived of that amount of property, and the negroes should be removedwhere they can be distinct and by themselves. It is impossible for the twoclasses to exist equal together, for we would always be liable tooutbreaks and bloodshed. We must either educate them or abolish them, forthey know but little more now than to lie all day in the sun and thinksome one will look out for them. Though free, they cannot yet understandwhat freedom is, and in many cases it is an injury rather than a benefit. It would be better to have white labor than to try and retain the black. 

Another important point--a great debt has been contracted by the federalgovernment. The south cannot pay a proportion of that debt. I am opposedto repudiation, but am in favor of relieving the south of the internalrevenue tax. 

My opponent, Mr. West, contends that Mississippi must pay her taxes up to1865. I do not think so; and this is the only issue between us. I denythat the government has a right to levy such a tax, and contend that thegovernment cannot impose a tax upon a State unless that State participatesin the accumulation of that debt. At the time this debt was contracted wewere recognized as belligerents, and not liable to a share of the debtthen contracted for. That back tax can only be collected by a special actof Congress, and, if elected, I shall oppose any such act. 

Mr. West proposed an amendment in favor of secession into the Statesenate, while I was opposed to it. I always contended that slavery woulddie with secession, while Mr. West said it was the only remedy. But I donot consider this any time to talk of secession, but rather bury all suchin oblivion, and talk of the best way to restore peace. 

In many instances those who opposed secession the most were the first toenter the army and fight most valiantly. (Applause. ) I believe it to beour duty to forget all this and attend to present issues. 

It is time the war was over, and it is time that the results of the warwere settled, and those are to be settled by the actions of the peoplethemselves. 

Determine for yourselves whether or not the President does not offer termsthat should suit any of us; is he not trying to stay the tide offanaticism at the north that would overwhelm us? Has he not shown it inour own State in the appointment of our military governor? No man in theState could have been appointed to give more general satisfaction thanW. L. Sharkey, an able, straightforward, just man. 

The President, in his speech to the southern delegation, assures them thathe is determined to stay the tremendous tide of the fanatics of the north, and that suffrage to the negro shall not be forced upon the people of thesouth. 

If elected, I will heartily co-operate with the President in his policy ofreconstruction, for I am bitterly opposed to conferring the right ofsuffrage upon the negro. I believe it to be the right of the States tosettle that matter. 

The radicals of the north now contend that they have a right to confer theright of suffrage on the negro, and we must at this hour support thePresident in approving that idea; if not, he will be overpowered, and thatwill be the result. 

In conclusion, if honored with an election I pledge myself to exert everyenergy in my power in behalf of the State and district. 

At the conclusion of the remarks of Judge Evans, loud and repeated callsfor Colonel Patridge brought that gentleman to his feet. He was receivedwith much applause, which was somewhat protracted, showing the favor inwhich he was held by the audience. Upon rising and attempting to speakfrom his place on the floor, loud and urgent calls demanded that he shouldtake the stand. Colonel Patridge replied that he would not take the standuntil he met his competitor there. 

REMARKS OF COLONEL PATRIDGE. 

He said that as a public journalist he had gone in and out before thispeople for many years. His views were as well known as those of any manwho ever approached the people, asking their suffrage. He was a union manbefore the war, and a soldier in the war. He had performed his duty as aprivate and an officer, on the battle field and on the staff. At the closeof the struggle, terminating as it had in our overthrow, he had used hisentire exertions to speedily restore Mississippi to her former relationswith the federal government. The convention had done this, in entireaccordance with the views he had entertained, and if elected to thelegislature, he should finish the work in the same spirit, and carry outfully the policy of the convention. 

So far as the question of admitting the testimony of negroes into ourcourts was concerned, he expressed no opinion upon it, as a separatequestion. He had as many prejudices as other southern men. But in hispublic acts he had always endeavored to discard prejudice. He looked tothe happiness and welfare of the people. But there was one phase of thenegro testimony question which was settled. The negro was already regardedas a competent witness. He alluded to the cases which, by an act ofCongress, came under the jurisdiction of the Freedmen's Bureau. Thequestion was not whether their testimony should be received or not. It wasalready received. The question was whether, in receiving it, it shall bereceived before our own civil magistrates or juries, or before the provostmarshals of the Freedmen's Bureau. He had no hesitation in expressinghimself in favor of the former. He was opposed to all systems ofrepudiation, whether styled stay laws, bankrupt laws, or insolvent acts, and in general was in favor of placing Mississippi in the front rank ofStates. He desired to see our congressmen admitted at the next session, and to that end would do all in his power to promote the policy ofPresident Johnson for the rehabilitation which it was understood was theultimatum. His remarks, which were exceedingly well received, werecontinued for fifteen or twenty minutes, at the close of which heannounced himself ready to meet his competitor, whom he spoke of in highterms, at any time to discuss the momentous issues devolving upon the nextlegislature. 

No. 15. 

_To the voters of the sixth judicial district, composed of the counties ofLowndes, Oktibbeha, Noxubee, Neshoba, Kemper, and Winston_:

Until the spring of 1861 I was a citizen of Kentucky, but my native Statehaving elected to abide by the fortunes of the Union in the tremendousstruggle that has lately terminated, while all my sympathies and instinctsbound me to the southern people, I assumed new relations so far ascitizenship was concerned, and for the last three years have been aresident of Mississippi. I entered the army as a private soldier, anduntil the end of the conflict sustained, what I knew in the beginning tobe, a desperate and doubtful cause. I went down in battle, never to riseup again a sound man, upon the frontier of this broad abounding land ofyours. I therefore cannot feel that I am an alien in your midst, and, withsomething of confidence as to the result, appeal to you for your suffragesfor the office of district attorney. I am as fully identified with theinterests of Mississippi as it is possible for any one to be, and in myhumble way, will strive as earnestly as any one to restore her lostfranchises and lost prosperity. In former years I held in Kentucky aposition similar to the one I now seek at your hands, and I hope that Iviolate no rule of propriety in saying that I deem myself equal to itsduties and responsibilities. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, JNO. T. HOGAN. 

P. S. --Owing to the fact that I have but little acquaintance with thepeople of the sixth district, outside of the county of Lowndes, I willaddress them at different points so soon as I can prepare and publish alist of appointments. 

J. T. H. 

Columbus, _Mississippi, August_ 26, 1865. 

No. 16. 

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF LOUISIANA, OFFICE OF PROVOST MARSHAL GENERAL, _New Orleans, La. , September_ 12, 1865. 

General: In the matter of the investigation ordered to be made in relationto the loyalty of certain members of the board of public schools of thiscity, I have the honor to report as follows:

Thomas Sloo, in his capacity as president of the "Sun Mutual InsuranceCompany, " subscribed fifty thousand dollars towards the confederate loan. 

John I. Adams, a prominent and influential merchant, left this cityimmediately on the arrival of the federal forces, and did not return untilthe final overthrow of the rebellion. He presented a piece of ordnance, manufactured at his own expense, to the "Washington Artillery, " to be usedagainst the government of the United States. He also was a subscriber tothe rebel loan. 

Glendy Burke and George Ruleff, the former at one time a prominentpolitician, the latter a wealthy merchant, sent their sons into theconfederacy, while they remained at home, refusing to assist in any way inthe reorganization of the State government, and showing their contempt forthe United States government and its constituted authorities. Theirconduct was far from being loyal and patriotic; associating only with theavowed enemies of the government. 

Edwin L. Jewell, editor and proprietor of the "Star" newspaper, is not acitizen of New Orleans. Previous to the rebellion he was a resident of theparish of Point Coupee, where he edited a newspaper, noted only for itsbitter and violent opposition to the government and the strong and ardentmanner in which it enunciated the principles of secession. He has onlylately arrived here, and has not resided in the city for a sufficientlength of time to entitle him to the rights of citizenship. 

David McCoard is classed with those whose conduct throughout the war hasbeen intent only in misrepresenting the government and treating itsrepresentatives with contumely. 

Dr. Alfred Perry has served four years in the confederate army. Comment isunnecessary. 

Messrs. Keep, Viavant, Turpise, Toyes, Holliday, Bear, Walsh, Moore andDucongel, all contributed more or less in money and influence towardsestablishing a government hostile and inimical to the United States. 

Dr. Holliday was at one time acting as surgeon in a rebel camp. (Moore. )

Mr. Rodgers, the candidate for the position of superintendent of publicschools, held the same office at the commencement of the war. His conductat that time was imbued with extreme bitterness and hate towards theUnited States, and in his capacity as superintendent he introduced the"Bonnie Blue Flag" and other rebel songs into the exercises of the schoolsunder his charge. In histories and other books, where the initials "U. S. "occurred, he had the same erased and "C. S. " substituted. He used all meansin his power to imbue the minds of the youths intrusted to his care withhate and malignity towards the Union. He has just returned from the lateconfederacy, where he has resided during the war. At the time he left thecity to join the rebel army he left his property in the care of oneFinley, who claims to be a British subject, but held the position ofsergeant in a confederate regiment of militia. 

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, CHAS. W. LOWELL, _Major 80th United States Colored Infantry and Provost Marshal General_. 

Major General E. R. S. CANBY, _Commanding Department_. 

No. 17. 

[From the New Orleans Times, September 12, 1865. ]

THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS. 

To the citizens of New Orleans our public schools have long been acherished and peculiar interest. They have been regarded with pride, fostered with peculiar care, and looked up to as a source of futuregreatness. In their first organization, Samuel J. Peters, and those whoacted with him, had to contend against the popular prejudices of the day, for parental pride--sometimes stronger than common sense--was shocked atthe thought of an educational establishment in which the children of allclasses of citizens met on a common level, and the difference between freeschools and charity schools was not very readily discerned. Thoseprejudices, however, wore gradually away, and the free schools increasedin numbers and efficiency till they were regarded by rich and poor withequal interest. Pride withdrew its frown and put on a patronizing smile. The children of the cavalier sat beside those of the roundhead, andheterogeneous differences of race were extinguished by a homogeneousfellowship. 

For years previous to the war our public schools occupied a high position. No political or sectarian dogmas were taught. In politics and religionchildren naturally incline to the opinions of their parents, and it iswell that they do so; for if the reverse were the case, there would bemany divided households, which, under existing arrangements, areharmonious and happy. The teachers taught those branches only which areset down in the educational programme, and the knowledge they imparted wasnecessary, not only for the appreciation but for the preservation of ourfree form of government. It is true that schoolmasters, like other people, have their own notions of right and wrong--their own political andreligious opinions--but we speak what we know when we state that up to thetime of the rebellion no attempt was made to give the minds of the pupilsin the public schools of New Orleans either a political or religious bias. Some incline to the opinion that the duties of the educational trust wouldhave been more effectively performed had patriotic politics been made aprominent branch of study; but to such a course innumerable objectionswould have arisen. Patriotism does not always wear the same mantle, orpoint in the same direction. It accommodates itself to the peculiaritiesof different countries and forms of government. Sometimes it is a holyprinciple--sometimes a mere party catchword with no more real meaning thancan be attached to the echo of an echo. 

After the city was redeemed from rebel rule an earnest effort was made toinclude loyalty among the branches of our popular education, and testswere applied with perhaps an unnecessary degree of rigor. For this theexcited state of public opinion, arising from the civil strife which thenprevailed, was the sole excuse. Some seeds of bitterness wereunfortunately sown. The antagonism of parents were repeated andintensified in the children, and love of country proved weak when comparedwith hatred of the rebels. Such enthusiastic displays, such hoistings offlags, such singings of patriotic songs were never known before. This madethe children very loyal, but exceedingly revengeful and unchildlike. Thedivine advice, "love your enemy, " they would have pronounced the height ofmadness, if not wickedness. In short, they were introduced before theirtime into the arena of political perplexities. For all this the teacherwas perhaps not very much to blame. He was swept on by a current which hecould not resist even if he would. A "higher law, " irresponsible at thetime, and backed up by the persuasive bayonet, was an authority whichbrooked no resistance. He merely obeyed orders and earned his daily bread. Under these circumstances it is not to be wondered at that the publicschools lost a portion of their previous popularity, and, notwithstandingthe diminished financial resources of our citizens, private schoolsmultiplied among them beyond all precedent. 

An effort is now made to get the schools once more under popular control, and render them what they were originally intended to be--mere educationalinstitutions. To this end a school board has been appointed, but as soonas it undertook to act it was met, as to certain members, by a question ofloyalty, raised, in all probability, by some interested party, who, beingwithout offence himself, thought proper to fling a few stones at hisoffending neighbors. If there be any disloyalty in the board we trust thatit will be speedily purged thereof, but, knowing most of the members, wegreatly doubt that any such bill of indictment can be sustained. At anyrate, a week has elapsed since the charge was made, and we imagine it willbe disposed of before the meeting takes place, which was appointed forto-morrow evening. 

One of our contemporaries, in his edition of yesterday evening, states, onthe strength of a positive assurance, "that his excellency J. MadisonWells has been appointed provisional governor of Louisiana;" that hiscommission is here awaiting his acceptance, and that he "will probablyorder an election for members of a constitutional convention" soon afterhe returns to the city. If this proves so, it will create quite a stir inthe political world hereabout. At the bare mention of "constitutionalconvention" a shudder involuntary creeps over us, visions of bankrupttreasuries present themselves, new species of taxation to frighten ourpatient but impoverished people, and a general "brandy and cigar"saturnalia for our disinterested and immensely patriotic politicians. Butof this we suppose we need have no fear. The funds are deficient. 

No. 18. 

HEADQUARTERS SUB-DISTRICT OF JACKSON, _Jackson, Mississippi, September_ 17, 1865. 

Major: I would respectfully make the following report as to what I saw andlearned by conversing with officers and citizens during my recent visit tothe northwest part of this sub-district, particularly in Holmes county. The only garrison at present in the county is at Goodman, situated on therailroad, sixteen miles from Lexington, the county seat, which place Ivisited. Of the male population of the county I would estimate that notmore than one-tenth of the whites and one-fourth the blacks seemed to haveany employment or business of any kind; universal idleness seemed to bethe rule, and work the exception, and but few of those at work seemed tobe doing so with any spirit, as though they had any idea of accomplishinganything---just putting the time in. One-half of the male population canbe met upon the road any day, and the travelling at night is much morethan would be expected. In a common country road, probably thirty personspassed in a night on horseback. As to the character of the persons met byday or night many of them would be called suspicious, being supplied witharms, which they often take pains to display, riding United States andConfederate States horses and mules, government saddles and bridles, whichit is useless to try to take away, as they have no difficulty in provingthem to be theirs by the evidence of some comrade with whom theyreciprocate in kind. They boast of Jeff. Davis and President Johnson, tryin every way to show their contempt for the Yankee, boast of the numberthey have killed; &c. They want it understood that they are notwhipped--simply overpowered. They have no visible means of support, andthe impression is that they are living off the proceeds of governmentcotton and stock, and quite frequently of private property---generallycotton. 

The negroes complain that these same "gallant young men" make a practiceof robbing them of such trifles as knives, tobacco, combs, &c. If anyresistance is made, death is pretty sure to be the result; or if the poornegro is so unfortunate as to appear to recognize his persecutors, he canthen expect nothing less. Negroes are often shot, as it appears, just outof wanton cruelty, for no reason at all that any one can imagine. Theolder and more respected class of white men seem to deplore the conditionof things; think, however, that there is no way to stop it, except to letit have its own course; say such occurrences, though not so frequent, wereby no means uncommon before the war. In conversing with such as were theleaders in politics and society before the war, and the leaders in therebellion, one is reminded of their often-repeated assertions that thenegro cannot take care of himself; capital must own labor, &c. , &c. Theyhave preached it, talked it, spoken it so long, that free labor would be afailure in the south, (and especially negro labor, ) that it seems theyhave made themselves believe it, and very many act as though they werebound to make it so, if it was not going to be the natural result. Some, now their crops are gathered, drive off all the hands they do not want, without any compensation for their summer's work except food and clothing. 

In many cases the negroes act just like children, roving around thecountry, caring nothing for the future, not even knowing one day what theyare to eat the next. They also seem to think that in their presentcondition as freemen their former masters and present employers shouldaddress them in a more respectful manner than formerly. This the whitesrefuse to accede to, but persist in still treating them as niggers, givingthem orders in the same austere manner as of old. In one day's travel Ipassed by different places where five colored men had been murdered duringthe five days just passed, and as many wounded. In one place it appearsthat one man was taken out of bed and killed because, as the neighborssay, he was a preacher, though they none of them contend that he had evertaught any doctrine or said anything against the peace and welfare of theneighborhood; but nearly all approve the act. Three men were engaged init, and finding some colored men were witnesses to the transaction, theykilled two of them and left all three together. At another place a partyof men, women, and children were collected together at a plantation, withthe consent of the owner, and were having a dance, when a squad of abouttwelve rode up and, without any warning of any kind, commenced firing atthem, killing one and wounding several. It is of course known by the whitepersons in the vicinity who these murderers are, but no effort is made toarrest them. The negroes say they have recognized a number of them, andsay most all lived near by. I found no one that thought there was anythingobjectionable about this particular meeting, but nearly all objected tothe practice of their gathering together; think it gives them extravagantideas of liberty, has a tendency to make them insubordinate, &c. Anotherplace a colored man was killed--supposed to have been shot for a smallamount of money he happened to have with him; no clue to the murderers. Another place within one-fourth of a mile of Lexington, a colored man wasshot through the head on the public road, (was not yet dead, ) and hispockets rifled of the few cents he had; also his knife. Over in Attalacounty I learned that not long since two white men, (merchants, ) whilesitting in their store, were both instantly killed, as is supposed, because they were finding out too much about where their stolen cotton hadgone to. 

When returning, near Canton I was informed by the commanding officer ofthe post that recently, near by, a colored boy was met by a couple ofthese "honorable young men" of the south, and his hands tied, was shot, his throat cut, and his ears cut off. No one has been able to ascribe anyreason for it, as he was a very quiet, inoffensive lad. Two persons havebeen arrested for the deed. When arraigned by the civil authorities theywere acquitted, as no white witnesses were knowing to the murder, andcolored witnesses were not permitted to testify; but they were againarrested by the captain commanding the post, add forwarded for trial bymilitary commission. All, both black and white, are afraid to giveevidence against any one. They say in some instances that they would liketo see the rascals get their just deserts; but if they were instrumentalin bringing it about they would have to move to a military post forsafety, and when the troops are withdrawn they would have to go also. Aninsurrection among the colored people is quite a subject of conversationamong the whites, and they appear to fear it will develop itself in ageneral uprising and massacre about the 1st of January next. I do notconsider there are any grounds for their suspicions, and believe it arisesfrom their troubled consciences, which are accusing them of the many cruelacts perpetrated against their former slaves, and these barbarities arecontinued by some for the purpose of still keeping them under subjection. In some places there will evidently be a scarcity of food the comingwinter, and white and black, as the season for foraging has passed, willsoon have to get assistance or starve, as they seem determined not towork. I did not find among those I talked with one person who was in favorof organizing militia as contemplated in the governor's proclamation. Somethought it might be of service if it was composed of the right kind ofmen, but they know it would be composed of just a lot of roving fellows, the very ones who now most need watching. Militia finds favor only withthe politicians, who are much in want of a hobby to ride, bar-roomloafers, who think it would give their present calling a little morerespectability, and the rambling fellows who would like some show ofauthority to cover up their robberies, with probably a few men whohonestly believe it would be composed of better material. 

If it were not for the classes above described, a large majority would bein favor of the United States forces remaining in the State. I am of theopinion that a large amount of good might be done, if good speakers wouldtravel around the country and explain to the freedmen what their rightsare, what their duties are, and to the planters what the governmentexpects of them and wishes them to do. A better understanding of thismatter would be of advantage to all concerned. In conclusion I wouldrespectfully state that I find myself unable in many instances to arrestparties accused of crime, for the reason no horses or mules can beobtained to mount soldiers sent in pursuit, and on account of the scarcityof officers in the command to take charge of squads. 

I am, major, very respectfully, &c. , CHARLES H. GILCHRIST, _Colonel 50th United States Colored Infantry, commanding_. 

Major W. A. GORDON, _Assistant Adjutant General, Northern District Mississippi_. 

Official: T. WAHREN MILLER, _Assistant Adjutant General_. 

No. 19. 

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF NORTHERN ALABAMA, _Nashville, Tennessee, September_ 29, 1865. 

General: About the middle of September last while I was in command of thedistrict of Huntsville, formerly district of northern Alabama, severalcitizens of Jackson county called on me at Huntsville, complaining thatthe sheriff of the county, Colonel Snodgrass, late of the confederatearmy, had arrested fifteen citizens of that county on charges of murder, which they were accused of having committed while in the service of theUnited States, under orders from their superiors, in fights withguerrillas. The trial was to take place before the probate judge, ofJackson county, no regular courts being held at that time. I sent an orderto the sheriff to release the prisoners. I also sent an order to the judgebefore whom the trial was to take place to suspend action in their cases. At the same time I reported the case to General Thomas, commander of themilitary division of the Tennessee, and asked for instructions. I receivedanswer that my action was approved. A few days afterwards it was reportedto me that the sheriff refused to obey the order, and had used the mostdisrespectful language against the military authorities of the UnitedStates. I ordered his arrest, but about the same time I received orders tomuster out all white regiments in my district, and my own regiment beingamong them, I relinquished command of the district. I deem the lives ofsouthern men that have served in the United States army unsafe when theyreturn to their homes. As to the feeling of the people in that section ofthe country, the majority at this day are as bitter enemies of the UnitedStates government as they were during the war. 

General, I have the honor to remain your obedient servant, W. KRZYZANOWSKI, _Late Brevet Brigadier General, U. S. V. _

Major General C. SCHURZ. 

No. 20. 

_List of colored people killed or maimed by white men and treated at posthospital, Montgomery_. 

1. Nancy, colored woman, ears cut off. She had followed Wilson's columntowards Macon two or three days, and when returning camped near the road, and while asleep a white man by the name of Ferguson, or Foster, anoverseer, came upon her and cut her ears off. This happened in April, about thirty miles east of Montgomery. 

2. Mary Steel, one side of her head scalped; died. She was with Nancy. 

3. Jacob Steel, both ears cut off; was with the same party. 

4. Amanda Steel, ears cut off; was with the same party. 

5. Washington Booth, shot in the back, near Montgomery, while returningfrom his work, May 1. He was shot by William Harris, of Pine Level, thirtymiles from here, without any provocation. 

6. Sutton Jones, beard and chin cut off. He belonged to Nancy's party, andwas maimed by the same man. 

7. About six colored people were treated at this hospital who were shot bypersons in ambuscade during the months of June and July. Their namescannot be found in a hasty review of the record. 

8. Robert, servant of Colonel Hough, was stabbed while at his house by aman wearing in part the garb of a confederate soldier; died on the 26th ofJune, in this hospital, about seven days after having been stabbed. 

9. Ida, a young colored girl, was struck on the head with a club by anoverseer, about thirty miles from here; died of her wound at this hospitalJune 20. 

10. James Taylor, stabbed about half a mile from town; had seven stabsthat entered his lungs, two in his arms, two pistol-shots grazed him, andone arm cut one-third off, on the 18th of June. Offender escaped. 

11. James Monroe, cut across the throat while engaged in saddling a horse. The offender, a white man by the name of Metcalf, was arrested. Noprovocation. Case happened on August 19, in this city. 

These cases came to my notice as surgeon in charge of the post hospital atMontgomery. I treated them myself, and certify that the above statementsare correct. 

Montgomery Hall, _August_ 21, 1865. 

J. M. PHIPPS, _Acting Staff Surgeon, in charge Post Hospital_. 

_List of colored people wounded and maimed by white people, and treated inFreedmen's hospital since July 22, 1865_. 

1. William Brown, shot in the hand; brought here July 22. 

2. William Mathews, shot in the arm; brought here August 11. Shot onMathews's plantation by a neighbor of Mr. Mathews, who was told by Mr. Mathews to shoot the negro. 

3. Amos Whetstone, shot in the neck by John A. Howser, August 18, in thiscity. Howser halted the man, who was riding on a mule on the road; had analtercation with Mr. Whetstone; Howser, Whetstone's son-in-law, shot himwhile he was going to town. 

The above cases came to my notice as assistant surgeon at this hospital. Similar cases may have been treated here before I entered upon my duties, of which I can give no reliable account. 

J. E. HARVEY, _Assistant Surgeon 58th Illinois. 

Freedmen's Hospital, _Montgomery, Alabama, August_ 21, 1865. 

No. 21. 

OFFICE PROVOST MARSHAL, _Post of Selma, Alabama, August_ 22, 1865. 

I have the honor to report the following facts in regard to the treatmentof colored persons by whites within the limits of my observation:

There have come under my notice, officially, twelve cases in which I ammorally certain (the trials have not been had yet) that negroes werekilled by whites. In a majority of cases the provocation consisted in thenegroes trying to come to town, or to return to the plantation afterhaving been sent away. These cases are in part as follows:

Wilson H. Gordon, convicted by military commission of having shot anddrowned a negro, May 14, 1865. 

Samuel Smiley, charged with having shot one negro and wounded another, acquitted on proof of an alibi. It is certain, however, that one negro wasshot and another wounded, as stated. Trial occurred in June. 

Three negroes were killed in the southern part of Dallas county; it issupposed by the Vaughn family. I tried twice to arrest them, but theyescaped into the woods. 

Mr. Alexander, Perry county, shot a negro for being around his quarters ata late hour. He went into his house with a gun and claimed to have shotthe negro accidentally. The fact is, the negro is dead. 

Mr. Dermott, Perry county, started with a negro to Selma, having a ropearound the negro's neck. He was seen dragging him in that way, butreturned home before he could have reached Selma. He did not report atSelma, and the negro has never since been heard of. The neighbors declaretheir belief that the negro was killed by him. This was about the 10th ofJuly. 

Mr. Higginbotham, and Threadgill, charged with killing a negro in Wilcoxcounty, whose body was found in the woods, came to my notice the firstweek of August. 

A negro was killed on Mr. Brown's place, about nine miles from Selma, onthe 20th of August. Nothing further is known of it. Mr. Brown himselfreported. 

A negro was killed in the calaboose of the city of Selma, by being beatenwith a heavy club; also, by being tied up by the thumbs, clear of thefloor, for three hours, and by further gross abuse, lasting more than aweek, until he died. 

I can further state, that within the limits of my official observationcrime is rampant; that life is insecure as well as property; that thecountry is filled with desperadoes and banditti who rob and plunder onevery side, and that the county is emphatically in a condition of anarchy. 

The cases of crime above enumerated, I am convinced, are but a small partof those that have actually been perpetrated. 

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. P. HOUSTON, _Major 5th Minnesota, and Provost Marshal U. S. Forces at Selma, Alabama_. 

Major General CARL SCHURZ. 

No. 22. 

FREEDMEN'S BUREAU, _Mobile, September_ 9, 1865. 

Sir: In compliance with your request I have the honor to report the stateof affairs as connected with the freedmen in this city and the counties ofWashington, Monroe, Clark, Choctaw and Baldwin. 

The civil authorities in this city have accepted General Swayne's orderNo. 7, (herewith enclosed, ) but the spirit of the order is not compliedwith, and complaints of injustice and criminal partiality in the mayor'scourt have been frequently made at this office, and particularly when Mr. Morton presides there is no justice rendered to the freedmen. Little or nobusiness is done before other magistrates, as the colored people areaware, from experience, that their oath is a mere farce and theirtestimony against a white man has no weight; consequently all complaintsof the colored people come before this bureau. 

I have by special order of General Swayne designated one of the justicesof the peace, Mr. T. Starr, who adjudicates cases of debt, and in matterswhere both parties are of color he has so far given satisfaction, but theprejudice so universal against colored people here is already beginning toaffect his decisions. 

The civil police department of this city is decidedly hostile to color, and the daily acts of persecution in this city are manifest in the numberof arrests and false imprisonment made where no shadow of criminalityexists, while gangs of idle rebel soldiers and other dissolute rowdiesinsult, rob, and assault the helpless freedmen with impunity. 

All hopes of equity and justice through the civil organization of thiscity is barred; prejudice and a vindictive hatred to color is universalhere; it increases intensely, and the only capacity in which the negrowill be tolerated is that of slave. 

The fever of excitement, distrust, and animosity, is kept alive byincendiary and lying reports in the papers, and false representations ofrebel detectives. The alarm is constantly abroad that the negroes aregoing to rise; this is utterly without foundation. The freedmen will notrise, though docile and submissive to every abuse that is heaped upon themin this city. If they are ragged and dirty, they are spurned as outcasts;if genteel and respectable, they are insulted as presumptive; ifintelligent, they are incendiary; and their humble worship of God isconstrued as a designing plot to rise against the citizens who oppressthem. 

It is evident that General Swayne's good intentions are nugatory from thewant of faith on the part of those to whom he intrusted his order. 

These men have been recipients of office for years. Old associations, customs and prejudices, the pressure of public opinion, and the undyinghostility to federal innovation, all conspire gainst impartiality tocolor. Such is the state of affairs in this city. 

In the counties of this district above named there is no right of thenegro which the white man respects; all is anarchy and confusion; a reignof terror exists, and the life of the freedmen is at the mercy of anyvillain whose hatred or caprice incites to murder. Organized patrols withnegro hounds keep guard over the thoroughfares, bands of lawless robberstraverse the country, and the unfortunate who attempts escape, or he whoreturns for his wife or child, is waylaid or pursued with hounds, and shotor hung. Laborers on the plantations are forced to remain and toil withouthope of remuneration. Others have made the crop and are now driven off toreach Mobile or starve; scarcely any of them have rags enough to coverthem. Many who still labor are denied any meat, and whenever they aretreated with humanity it is an isolated exception. Ragged, maimed, anddiseased, these miserable outcasts seek their only refuge, the Freedmen'sBureau, and their simple tale of suffering and woe calls loudly on themighty arm of our government for the protection promised them. 

These people are industrious. They do not refuse to work; on the contrary, they labor for the smallest pittance and plainest food, and are too oftendriven off deprived of the small compensation they labored for. 

The report of rations issued to destitute citizens on August 1, 1865, was3, 570 persons. Owing to the numerous impostures by those who had means ofsupport, I erased the names of a large number and the list now stands1, 742 persons who are recipients of government alms. Of this number, 95per cent. Are rebels who have participated in some manner in thisrebellion. Number of rations issued to destitute colored people is simplysix (6). 

The report of the freedmen's colony of this district to this date is (12)twelve men, (71) seventy-one women, and (88) eighty-eight children, andsick in hospital (105) one hundred and five; total (276) two hundred andseventy-six. Of this number many have been driven off of plantations ashelpless, while many of their grown children are forcibly retained to hardlabor for their masters. 

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, W. A. POILLON, _Captain, Assistant Superintendent freedmen, refugees, abandonedlands, &c. _

General CARL SCHURZ. 

Freedmen's Bureau, _July_ 29, 1865. 

Sir: I have the honor to report some testimony I have received of themurders and barbarities committed on the freedmen in Clark, Choctaw, Washington and Marengo counties, also the Alabama and Bigbee rivers. 

About the last of April, two freedmen were hung in Clark county. 

On the night of the eleventh of May, a freedman named Alfred was takenfrom his bed by his master and others and was hung, and his body stillhangs to the limb. 

About the middle of June, two colored soldiers (at a house in Washingtoncounty) showed their papers and were permitted to remain all night. In themorning the planter called them out and shot one dead, wounded the other, and then with the assistance of his brother (and their negro dogs) theypursued the one who had escaped. He ran about three miles and found arefuge in a white man's house, who informed the pursuers that he hadpassed. The soldier was finally got across the river, but has not beenheard of since. 

At Bladen Springs, (or rather, six miles from there, ) a freedman waschained to a pine tree and _burned to death_. 

About two weeks after, and fifteen miles from Bladen, another freedman wasburned to death. 

In the latter part of May, fifteen miles south of Bladen, a freedman wasshot _outside_ of the planter's premises and the body dragged into thestable, to make it appear he had shot him in the act of stealing. 

About the first of June, six miles west of Bladen, a freedman was hung. His body is still hanging. 

About the last of May, three freedmen were coming down the Bigbee river ina skiff, when two of them were shot; the other escaped to the other shore. 

At Magnolia Bluff (Bigbee river) a freedman (named George) was ordered outof his cabin to be whipped; he started to run, when the men (three ofthem) set their dogs (five of them) on him, and one of the men rode up toGeorge and struck him to the earth with a loaded whip. Two of them draggedhim back by the heels, while the dogs were lacerating his face and body. They then placed a stick across his neck, and while one stood on it theothers beat him until life was nearly extinct. 

About the first of May, near ---- landing, in Choctaw county, a freedmanwas hung; and about the same time, near the same neighborhood, a plantershot a freedman, (who was talking to one of his servants, ) and dragged hisbody into his garden to conceal it. 

A preacher (near Bladen Springs) states in the _pulpit_ that the roads inChoctaw county stunk with the dead bodies of servants that had fled fromtheir masters. 

The people about Bladen _declare_ that _no negro_ shall live in the countyunless he remains with his _master_ and is as obedient as heretofore. 

In Clark county, about the first of June, a freedman was shot through theheart; his body lies unburied. 

About the last of May, a planter hung his servant (a woman) in presence ofall the neighborhood. Said planter had _killed_ this woman's husband threeweeks before. This occurred at Suggsville, Clark county. 

About the last of April, two women were caught near a certain plantationin Clark county and hung; their bodies are still suspended. 

On the 19th of July, two freedmen were taken off the steamer CommodoreFerrand, tied and hung; then taken down, their heads cut off and theirbodies thrown in the river. 

July 11, two men took a woman off the same boat and threw her in theriver. This woman had a coop, with some chickens. They threw all intogether, and told her to go to the damned Yankees. The woman was drowned. 

There are regular patrols posted on the rivers, who board some of theboats; after the boats leave they hang, shoot or drown the victims theymay find on them, and all those found on the roads or coming down theriver are most invariably _murdered_. 

This is only a few of the murders that are committed on the helpless andunprotected freedmen of the above-named counties. 

All the cases I have mentioned are _authentic_, and _numerous_ witnesseswill testify to all I have reported. _Murder with his ghastly train stalksabroad at noonday and revels in undisputed carnage_, while the bewilderedand terrified freedmen know not what to do. To leave is death; to remainis to suffer the increased burden imposed on them by the cruel taskmaster, whose only interest is their labor _wrung_ from them by every device aninhuman ingenuity can devise. Hence the lash and murder are resorted to tointimidate those whom fear of an awful death _alone_ causes to remain, while patrols, negro dogs, and spies (disguised as Yankees) keep_constant_ guard over these unfortunate people. 

I was in Washington county in the latter part of June, and there learnedthere was a disposition to _coerce_ the labor of these people onplantations where they had always been abused. I was alone, andconsequently could not go where my presence was most required, but Ilearned enough then to convince me there were many grievances whichrequired military power to redress. Since my return I have been attentiveto the recital of the horrors which these people suffer, and havecarefully perused their statements, which receive corroborate testimony. 

I have been careful in authenticity, and very much that has been relatedto me I have declined accepting as testimony, although I believe itstruth. 

The history of all these cases, besides others, I have in full, with alltheir horrible particulars. 

Believing, sir, you required the earliest intelligence in this matter, Iconcluded not to await your arrival. 

With much respect, I am, sir, your obedient servant, W. A. POILLON, _Captain and Ass't. Sup't. Freedmen_. 

Brig. Gen. SWAYNE. 

A true copy of the original deposited in this office. 

CHARLES A. MILLER, _Major and A. A. A. General_. 

No. 23. 

Vicksburg, Mississippi, _July_ 8, 1865. 

Captain: I have the honor to report that, in compliance with SpecialOrders No. 5, Headquarters Sub-district Southwest Mississippi, I proceededto the counties of Madison, Holmes, and Yazoo, but that I did not reachIssaquena from the fact that the country between Yazoo City and thatcounty has been so overflowed as to render the roads impassable. 

I found a provost marshal of freedmen at Yazoo City--Lieutenant Fortu, whoseemed to understand his duties well, and to have performed themsatisfactorily. There was no officer of the bureau in either of the othercounties. The whole country is in a state of social and political anarchy, and especially upon the subject of the freedom of the negroes, but veryfew who understand their rights and duties. 

It is of the utmost importance that officers of the bureau should be sentto all the counties of the State to supervise the question of labor, andto insure the gathering of the growing crop, which, if lost, will producethe greatest suffering. In no case ought a citizen of the locality beappointed to manage the affairs of the freedmen: first, because these menwill wish to stand well with their neighbors and cannot do justice to thenegro; and secondly, because the negroes only know these men as oppressorsof their race, and will have no confidence in their acts. The officers ofthe bureau should be especially charged to impress upon the freedmen thesacredness of the family relation and the duty of parents to take care oftheir children, and of the aged and infirm of their race. Where a man andwoman have lived together as husband and wife, the relation should bedeclared legitimate, and all parties, after contracting such relations, should be compelled to legal marriage by severe laws against concubinage. Where parents have deserted their children, they should be compelled toreturn and care for them; otherwise there will be great suffering amongthe women and children, for many of the planters who have lost the malehands from their places threaten to turn off the women and children, whowill become a burden to the community. The two evils against which theofficers will have to contend are cruelty on the part of the employer, andshirking on the part of the negroes. Every planter with whom I have talkedpremised his statements with the assertion that "a nigger won't workwithout whipping. " I know that this is not true of the negroes as a bodyheretofore. A fair trial should be made of free labor by preventing aresort to the lash. It is true that there will be a large number ofnegroes who will shirk labor; and where they persistently refusecompliance with their contracts, I would respectfully suggest that suchturbulent negroes be placed upon public works, such as rebuilding thelevees and railroads of the State, where they can be compelled to labor, and where their labor will be of benefit to the community at large. 

It will be difficult for the employers to pay their laborers quarterly, asrequired by present orders. Money can only be realized yearly on a cottoncrop, because to make such a crop requires an entire year's work inplanting, picking, ginning, and sending to market. The lien upon the cropsecures the laborer his pay at the end of the year, for which he canafford to wait, as all the necessaries of life are furnished by theplanter, who could not pay quarterly except at a great sacrifice. 

The present orders recommend that the freedmen remain with their formermasters so long as they are kindly treated. This, as a temporary policy, is the best that could be adopted, but I very much doubt its propriety asa permanent policy. It will tend to rebuild the fallen fortunes of theslaveholders, and re-establish the old system of class legislation, thusthrowing the political power of the country back into the hands of thisclass, who love slavery and hate freedom and republican government. Itwould, in my opinion, be much wiser to diffuse this free labor among thelaboring people of the country, who can sympathize with the laborer, andtreat him with humanity. 

I would suggest that great care be taken in the selection of officers ofthe bureau to be sent to the various counties. The revolution of the wholesystem of labor has been so sudden and radical as to require great cautionand prudence on the part of the officers charged with the care of thefreedmen. They should be able to discuss the question of free labor as amatter of political economy, and by reason and good arguments induce theemployers to give the system a fair and honest trial. 

Nowhere that I have been do the people generally realise the fact that thenegro is free. The day I arrived at Jackson _en route_ for Canton, boththe newspapers at that place published leading editorials, taking theground that the emancipation proclamation was unconstitutional, andtherefore void; that whilst the negro who entered the army _might_ befree, yet those who availed themselves not of the proclamation were stillslaves, and that it was a question for the State whether or not to adopt asystem of gradual emancipation. These seem to be the views of the peoplegenerally, and they expressed great desire "to get rid of thesegarrisons, " when they hope "to have things their own way. " And should thecare and protection of the nation be taken away from the freedmen, thesepeople will have their own way, and will practically re-establish slavery, more grinding and despotic than of old. 

Respectfully submitted:

J. L. HAYNES, _Colonel First Texas Cavalry_. 

Captain B. F. MOREY, _Assistant Adjutant General_. 

Official:

STUART ELDRIDGE, _Lieutenant and Acting Assistant Adjutant General_. 

Colonel Haynes was born and raised near Yazoo City, Mississippi. He owns aplantation, and owned negroes before the war. He left the State in 1862, and went to New Orleans, where he received a commission to raise aregiment of Texas troops. 

SAMUEL THOMAS, _Colonel_. 

No. 24. 

RAILROAD, _Camp near Clinton, Miss. , July_ 8, 1865. 

Sir: I am induced by the suffering I daily see and hear of among coloredpeople to address you this communication. I am located with my commandfour miles west of Clinton, Hines county, on the railroad. A great manycolored people, on their way to and from Vicksburg and other distantpoints, pass by my camp. As a rule, they are hungry, naked, foot-sore, andheartless, aliens in their native land, homeless, and friendless. They arewandering up and down the country, rapidly becoming vagabonds and thievesfrom both necessity and inclination. Their late owners, I am led tobelieve, have entered into a tacit arrangement to refuse labor, food ordrink, in all cases, to those who have been soldiers, as well as to thosewho have belonged to plantations within the State; in the latter case, often ordering them back peremptorily to their "masters. "

One planter said in my hearing lately, "These niggers will all be slavesagain in twelve months. You have nothing but Lincoln proclamations to makethem free. " Another said, "No white labor shall ever reclaim my cottonfields. " Another said, "Emigration has been the curse of the country; itmust be prevented here. This soil must be held by its present owners andtheir descendants. " Another said, "The constitutional amendment, ifsuccessful, will be carried before the Supreme Court before its executioncan be certain, and we hope much from that court!"

These expressions I have listened to at different times, and only repeatthem here in order that I may make the point clear that there is already asecret rebel, anti-emigration, pro-slavery party formed or forming in thisState, whose present policy appears to be to labor assiduously for arestoration of the old system of slavery, or a system of apprenticeship, or some manner of involuntary servitude, on the plea of recompense forloss of slaves on the one hand, and, on the other, to counterbalance theinfluence of Yankee schools and the labor-hiring system as much aspossible by oppression and cruelty. I hear that negroes are frequentlydriven from plantations where they either belong, or have hired, on slightprovocation, and are as frequently offered violence on applying foremployment. Dogs are sometimes set upon them when they approach houses forwater. Others have been met, on the highway by white men they never sawbefore, and beaten with clubs and canes, without offering eitherprovocation or resistance. I see negroes almost every day, of both sexes, and almost all ages, who have subsisted for many hours on berries, oftenwandering they know not where, begging for food, drink, and employment. 

It is impossible for me or any officer I have the pleasure of anacquaintance with to afford these people relief. Neither can I advisethem, for I am not aware that any provisions have been, or are to be madeto reach such cases. The evil is not decreasing, but, on the contrary, asthe season advances, is increasing. 

I have heretofore entertained the opinion that the negroes flocked intothe cities from all parts of the country; but a few weeks' experience atthis station has changed my views on the subject, and I am now led tobelieve that those who have done so comprise comparatively a very smallpart of the whole, and are almost entirely composed of those belonging toplantations adjoining the towns. However, those who did go to the citieshave been well cared for in comparison with those who have remained in thecountry. A small proportion of the latter class are well situated, eitheras necessary house-servants, body-servants, or favorites by inclination, as mistresses, or by necessity or duty, as each master may have beeninduced to regard long and faithful service or ties of consanguinity. Throughout the entire country, from Vicksburg to the capital of the State, there is but little corn growing. The manner of cultivating is veryprimitive, and the yield will be exceedingly small. I estimate that inthis country fully one-half of the white population, and a greaterproportion of the colored people, will be necessitated either to emigrate, buy food, beg it, or starve. The negro has no means to buy, and beggingwill not avail him anything. He will then be compelled to emigrate, which, in his case, is usually equivalent to turning vagabond, or, induced by hisnecessities, resort to organized banding to steal, rob, and plunder. I amat a loss to know why the government has not adopted some system for theimmediate relief and protection of this oppressed and suffering people, whose late social changes have conduced so much to their present unhappycondition, and made every officer in the United States army an agent tocarry out its provisions. Were I employed to do so, I should seize thelargest rebel plantation in this and every other county in the State, partition it in lots of suitable size for the support of a family--say tenacres each--erect mills and cotton gins, encourage them to build housesand cultivate the soil, give them warrants for the land, issue rations tothe truly needy, loan them seed, stock, and farming utensils for a year ortwo, and trust the result to "Yankee schools" and the industry of a thentruly free and proverbially happy people. Some other system might bebetter; few could be more simple in the execution, and in my opinionbetter calculated to "save a race" now floating about in a contentious seawithout hope or haven. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant, H. R. BRINKERHOFF, _Lieutenant Colonel 52d U. S. Colored Infantry, Commanding Detachment_. 

Major General O. O. HOWARD, _Washington, D. C. _

Official:

STUART ELDRIDGE, _Lieutenant, Acting Assistant Adjutant General_. 

No. 25. 

EXECUTIVE OFFICE, _Jackson, August_ 18, 1865. 

Sir: Your order No. 16, disbanding police guard for Claiborne county, has been laid before me. I apprehend you are laboring under a mistake inregard to the character of this organization. I had express authorityfrom the President himself to organize the militia if I thought itnecessary to keep order in the country. This I did not do, but authorizedthe organization of patrol guards or county police, for the purpose ofsuppressing crime, and for arresting offenders. This organization istherefore part of the civil organization of the State, as much so assheriff, constable, and justices of the peace, and I claim the right touse this organization for these purposes, and hope you will revoke yourorder. 

Your obedient servant, W. L. SHARKEY, _Provisional Governor of Mississippi_. 

Colonel YORK. 

Official copy:

J. WARREN MILLER, _Assistant Adjutant General_. 

HEADQUARTERS POST OF PORT GIBSON, _Port Gibson, Mississippi, August_ 26, 1865. 

General: I have the honor to state that my reasons for issuing theenclosed order, (No. 16, ) was, that a party of citizens acting underauthority from Captain Jack, 9th Indiana cavalry, and having as theirchief C. B. Clark, was by their own acknowledgment in the habit ofpatrolling the roads in this section of the country, and ordering any onethey came across to halt. If this was not promptly done, they were orderedto fire upon them. In this way one negro woman was wounded, and Union menand negroes were afraid to be out of their houses after dark. The companywas formed out of what they called picked men, _i. E. _, those only whohad been actively engaged in the war, and were known to be strongdisunionists. 

The negroes in the section of the country these men controlled were keptin the most abject state of slavery, and treated in every way contrary tothe requirements of General Orders No. 129 from the War Department, a copyof which order was issued by me to C. B. Clark. 

Hoping, general, to receive instructions as to the manner in which I shallregulate my action, I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, P. JONES YORK, _Lieutenant Colonel Commanding Post_. 

Provost Major General DAVIDSON, _Commanding Southern District of Mississippi_. 

Official copy:

J. WARREN MILLER, _Assistant Adjutant General_. 

[Special Orders No. 16. ]

HEADQUARTERS POST OF PORT GIBSON, _Port Gibson, Mississippi, August_ 10, 1865. 

The permission given from these headquarters, dated July 3, 1865, byCaptain Jack, provost marshal, is hereby revoked. 

C. B. Clark, chief of police, under the permission, will notify the partiesforming the said patrol to discontinue the practice of patrolling theroads and country armed. All arrests must be made by the proper militaryor civil authorities. 

P. JONES YORK, _Lieutenant Colonel Commanding Post_. 

Official copy:

J. WARREN MILLER, _Assistant Adjutant General_. 

No. 26. 

BUREAU REFUGEES, FREEDMEN, AND ABANDONED LANDS, OFFICE ACTING ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER FOR WESTERN DIST. OF MISS. , _Vicksburg, Miss. , September_ 28, 1865. 

Colonel: I beg leave to call your attention to some of the difficulties weare still obliged to contend with, and some of the abuses still inflictedupon the freedmen, resulting from the prejudices which are still far frombeing eradicated. In the immediate vicinity of our military posts, and inlocations that can readily be reached by the officers of this bureau, thecitizens are wary of abusing the blacks; they are so because this bureauhas arrested and punished people committing such offences; and the mannerin which such cases have been dealt with has shown people that abuse andimposition will not be tolerated, and that such offences are sure to bepunished in accordance with the enormity of the crime. But in remotelocalities, those that cannot well be reached by officers of the bureau, the blacks are as badly treated as ever; colored people often reportthemselves to the sub-commissioners with bruised heads and laceratedbacks, and ask for redress, protection, to be permitted to live at theirformer homes, and some assurance that they will not be treated in a likemanner again if they return. But nothing can be done if their homes happento be twenty or thirty miles from any office that will protect them. Agreat many have thus learned that there is no protection for them, andquietly submit to anything that may be required of them, or, as is morefrequently the case, they leave such places and crowd about the placeswhere they can be protected. 

A girl about twelve years of age, certainly too young to commit anyserious offence, lies in No. 1 hospital now with her back perfectly raw, the results of a paddling administered by her former owner. Any number ofsuch cases could easily be cited. In many cases negroes who left theirhomes during the war, and have been within our military lines, and haveprovided homes here for their families, going back to get their wives orchildren, have been driven off and told they could not have them. Inseveral cases guards have been sent to aid people in getting theirfamilies, in many others it has been impracticable, as the distance wastoo great. In portions of the northern part of this district the coloredpeople are kept in SLAVERY still. The white people tell them that theywere free during the war, but the war is now over, and they must go towork again as before. The reports from sub-commissioners nearest thatlocality show that the blacks are in a much worse state than ever before, the able-bodied being kept at work under the lash, and the young andinfirm driven off to care for themselves. 

As to protection from the civil authorities, there is no such thingoutside of this city. There is not a justice of the peace or any othercivil officer in the district, eight (8) counties, of which I have charge, that will listen to a complaint from a negro; and in the city, since theadjudication of these cases has been turned over to the mayor, the abuseof and impositions upon negroes are increasing very visibly, for thereason that very little, if any, attention is paid to any complaint of anegro against a white person. Negro testimony is admitted, but, judgingfrom some of the decisions, it would seem that it carries very littleweight. In several cases black witnesses have been refused on the groundthat the testimony on the opposite side, white, could not be controverted, and it was useless to bring in black witnesses against it. I enclose anaffidavit taken on one such case. In the mayor's court, cases in which itis practicable to impose a fine and thereby replenish the city treasury, are taken up invariably, but cases where the parties have no money arevery apt to pass unnoticed. One more point, and a serious one, too, forthe colored people, is, that in the collection of debts, and a great manyof a similar class of cases that are not taken cognizance of in themayor's court, they have to go through a regular civil process, necessitating the feeing of lawyers, &c. , which is quite a burden on apeople whose means are limited. These cases have all formerly been handledby an officer of this bureau, and without any expense to the parties forfees, &c. 

The prejudices of the citizens are very strong against the negro; he isconsidered to be deserving of the same treatment a mule gets, in manycases not as kind, as it is unprofitable to kill or maim a mule, but thebreaking of the neck of the free negro is nobody's loss; and unless thereis some means for meting out justice to these people that is surer andmore impartial than these civil justice's courts, run by men whose mindsare prejudiced and bitter against the negro, I would recommend, as an actof humanity, that the negroes be made slaves again. 

I am, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. H. WEBER, _Captain and Acting Ass't. Com'r. Freedmen's Bureau for Western Dist. Miss_. 

Colonel SAMUEL THOMAS, _Ass't. Com'r. Bureau Freedmen, &c. , Vicksburg, Miss_. 

No. 27. 

OFFICE ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER BUREAU REFUGEES, FREEDMEN, AND ABANDONEDLANDS FOR STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, _Vicksburg, Mississippi, September_ 28, 1865. 

Dear Sir: In accordance with your request, I write the following letter, containing some of my views on the subject to which you called myattention--a subject worthy of great consideration, because a bad policyadopted now with reference to the administration of justice and theestablishment of courts in the south may lead to evils that will beirreparable in the future. 

You are aware that some time ago General Swayne, commissioner of theFreedmen's Bureau for Alabama, constituted the civil officers of theprovisional government of that State commissioners of the bureau forhearing and deciding all cases in which freedmen were parties, provided noinvidious distinctions in receiving testimony, punishment, &c. , were madebetween blacks and whites. Governor Parsons, of Alabama, approved of thearrangement, and urged the State officials to comply with the condition, and thus do away with the necessity for military courts in connexion withfreedmen affairs. I have no doubt I could have induced the governor ofMississippi to take the same action had I thought it the policy of thegovernment. I was under the impression that General Swayne had made amistake, and that he would defeat the very objects for which the bureauwas laboring. I thought the citizens were not to be trusted with freedmenaffairs until they had given some strong evidence that they were preparedto accept the great change in the condition of the freedmen. I had not theleast idea that such a limited control as General Swayne now has wouldaccomplish what the authorities desired. The protection he gives freedmenunder his order is so limited, and will fall so far short of what thefreedmen have a right to expect, that I did not think of bringing thematter before the government. Late orders and instructions from thePresident convince me that I was mistaken, and that the trial is to bemade. 

I have issued an order in accordance with these instructions, which Iappend:

[General Orders No. 8. ]

BUREAU REFUGEES, FREEDMEN, AND ABANDONED LANDS, _Office Ass't. Commissioner for State of Miss. , Vicksburg, Miss. , September_ 20, 1865. 

The following extracts from Circular No. 5, current series, BureauRefugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, and General Orders No. 10, current series, headquarters department of Mississippi, in reference tothe same, are hereby republished for the guidance of officers of thisbureau:

["Circular No. 5. ]

"WAR DEPARTMENT, "_Bureau Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, Washington, May_ 30, 1865. 

"RULES AND REGULATIONS FOR ASSISTANT COMMISSIONERS. 

"VII. In all places where there is an interruption of civil law, or inwhich local courts, by reason of old codes, in violation of the freedomguaranteed by the proclamation of the President and laws of Congress, disregard the negro's right to justice before the laws, in not allowinghim to give testimony, the control of all subjects relating to refugeesand freedmen being committed to this bureau, the assistant commissionerswill adjudicate, either themselves or through officers of theirappointment, all difficulties arising between negroes and whites orIndians, except those in military service, so far as recognizable bymilitary authority, and not taken cognizance of by the other tribunals, civil or military, of the United States. 

"O. O. HOWARD, _Major General_, _Commissioner Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, &c. _

"Approved June 2, 1865. 

"ANDREW JOHNSON, "President of the United States. "

["General Orders No. 10. ]

"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF MISSISSIPPI, "_Vicksburg, Mississippi, August_ 3, 1865. 

"VII. This order, (Circular No. 5, paragraph VII, Bureau Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, ) however, must not be so construed as togive the colored man immunities not accorded to other persons. If he ischarged with the violation of any law of the State, or an ordinance of anycity, for which offence the same penalty is imposed upon white persons asupon black, and if courts grant to him the same privileges as are accordedto white men, no interference on the part of the military authorities willbe permitted. Several instances have recently been reported in whichmilitary officers, claiming to act under the authority of the order abovementioned, have taken from the custody of the civil authorities negroesarrested for theft and other misdemeanors, even in cases where the courtswere willing to concede to them the same privileges as are granted towhite persons. These officers have not been governed by the spirit of theorder. The object of the government is not to screen this class from justpunishment--not to encourage in them the idea that they can be guilty ofcrime and escape its penalties, but simply to secure to them the rights offreemen, holding them, at the same time, subject to the same laws by whichother classes are governed. 

"By order of Major General Slocum:

"J. WARREN MILLER, "_Assistant Adjutant General_. "

In accordance with this order, where the judicial officers and magistratesof the provisional government of this State will take for their mode ofprocedure the laws now in force in this State, except so far as those lawsmake a distinction on account of color, and allow the negroes the samerights and privileges as are accorded to white men before their courts, officers of this bureau will not interfere with such tribunals, but givethem every assistance possible in the discharge of their duties. 

In cities or counties where mayors, judicial officers, and magistrateswill assume the duties of the administration of justice to the freedmen, in accordance with paragraph VII, Circular No. 5, issued from the Bureauof Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, and approved by the President, and will signify their willingness to comply with this request by awritten acceptance addressed to the assistant commissioner for the State, no freedmen courts will be established, and those that may now be inexistence in such localities will be closed. 

It is expected that the officers of this bureau will heartily co-operatewith the State officials in establishing law and order, end that allconflict of authority and jurisdiction will be avoided. 

By order of Colonel Samuel Thomas, assistant commissioner Freedmen'sBureau for State of Mississippi. 

STUART ELDRIDGE, _Lieutenant, Acting Assistant Adjutant General_. 

I have written to Governor Sharkey, and explained to him how this ordercan be put in force in this State, and will do all I can to secure itssuccess, and to aid the civil authorities to discharge their duties. Ipresume the legislature of this State, which is to meet in October, willtake up this matter immediately, and arrange some plan by which the Stateauthorities can take complete charge of freedmen affairs, and relieve theofficers of this bureau. There is a jealousy of United States officersexisting among the State officials that makes it disagreeable to performany duty which is liable to conflict with their authority. 

When General Howard's Circular No. 5 was issued, I thought it was theintention that military courts should be established for the purpose oftaking the administration of justice among the freedmen out of the handsof their old masters, and placing it under the control of their friendsfor a short time--until the citizens of the south were reconciled to thechange, and until their feeling of hatred for their former slaves hadabated; that a complete restoration of rights, privileges, and propertywas to come after a period of probation, in which they should give someevidence of their changed feelings. I have thought much on this subject, have watched the development of feeling among the southern people, and amsatisfied that the time for such a restoration has not yet arrived. 

The order of General Swayne and the proclamation of General Parsons areunexceptionable in form. If justice to the freedmen can be secured by themeans indicated in these documents, and if the process be not tooexpensive, and if ruinous delays be not allowed, then, it may be, all thismovement will be good. But it seems to me that so delicate a matter cannotbe smoothly managed in the present temper of Mississippi. 

I am aware that it is the policy of the government; that we must trustthese people some time; that the establishment of the Freedman's Bureau is(as soon as martial law is withdrawn) a violation of the spirit both ofthe State and federal constitutions; that the officers of the bureau haveno interest in common with the white citizens of the State, and that thebureau is an immense expense to the general government, which should beabolished as soon as compatible with the public interest. 

Yet, I feel that we are in honor bound to secure to the helpless people wehave liberated a "republican form of government, " and that we betray ourtrust when we hand these freed people over to their old masters to bepersecuted and forced to live and work according to their peculiarsouthern ideas. It seems to me that we are forgetting the helpless andpoor in our desire to assist our subjugated enemies, and that we are moredesirous of showing ourselves to be a great and magnanimous nation than ofprotecting the people who have assisted us by arms, and who turned thescale of battle in our favor. We certainly commit a wrong, if, whilerestoring these communities to all their former privileges as States, wesacrifice one jot or tittle of the rights and liberties of the freedmen. 

The mayor of this city has had complete charge of all municipal affairssince the issue of General Slocum's Order 10, (quoted in the order I havebefore given. ) He has been compelled to admit negro testimony by theprovisions of that order. In cases that come before him, when it isnecessary to admit it he goes through the form of receiving it, but I haveyet to hear of one instance where such evidence affected his decision. Thetestimony of one white man outweighs (practically) that of any dozenfreedmen. 

The admission of negro testimony will never secure the freedmen justicebefore the courts of this State as long as that testimony is consideredvalueless by the judges and juries who hear it. It is of no consequencewhat the law may be if the majority be not inclined to have it executed. Anegro might bring a suit before a magistrate and have colored witnessesexamined in his behalf, according to provisions of general orders andUnited States law, and yet the prejudices of the community render itimpossible for him to procure justice. The judge would claim the right todecide whether the testimony was credible, and among the neighbors thatwould surround him, in many places, he would be bold, indeed, if hebelieved the sworn evidence of a negro when confronted by the simpleassertion or opposed even to the interest of a white man. I recently hearda circle of Mississippians conversing on this subject. Their conclusionwas, that they would make no objection to the admission of negrotestimony, because "no southern man would believe a nigger if he had thedammed impudence to testify contrary to the statement of a white man. " Iverily believe that in many places a colored man would refuse, from fearof death, to make a complaint against a white man before a State tribunalif there were no efficient military protection at hand. 

Wherever I go--the street, the shop, the house, the hotel, or thesteamboat--I hear the people talk in such a way as to indicate that theyare yet unable to conceive of the negro as possessing any rights at all. Men who are honorable in their dealings with their white neighbors willcheat a negro without feeling a single twinge of their honor. To kill anegro they do not deem murder; to debauch a negro woman they do not thinkfornication; to take the property away from a negro they do not considerrobbery. The people boast that when they get freedmen affairs in their ownhands, to use their own classic expression, "the niggers will catch hell. "

The reason of all this is simple and manifest. The whites esteem theblacks their property by natural right, and however much they may admitthat the individual relations of masters and slaves have been destroyed bythe war and by the President's emancipation proclamation, they still havean ingrained feeling that the blacks at large belong to the whites atlarge, and whenever opportunity serves they treat the colored people justas their profit, caprice or passion may dictate. 

Justice from tribunals made up among such people is impossible. Here andthere is a fair and just man. One in a hundred, perhaps, sees the goodpolicy of justice; but these are so few that they will not, at present, guide public sentiment. Other States may, in this matter, be in advance ofMississippi; I suspect they are. If justice is possible, I feel sure theyare. 

I fear such tribunals would be very expensive for the poor freedmen. Feesare heavy in this State. Unless they can get justice inexpensively, wemight as well deny them all remedy before courts at once. Indeed, I thinkthat would be rather more merciful than the arrangement proposed, as theywould then trust nobody, and would be less defrauded. Long delays in thecourse of procedure would be ruinous to most of them. How could a freedmanappeal a suit for wages, or respond adequately to an appeal, when he isstarving for want of the very wages which are withheld from him?

It may be claimed that officers of the bureau can watch such cases and seethat justice is done the freedman. I say they cannot do it. Politicalpower is against him, and will destroy any officer who fearlessly does hisduty in this way. He will be charged with interference with the civilauthority, with violating some constitution or some code; his acts will beso twisted and contorted before they reach Washington, that he will getnothing for his pains but censure and dismissal. 

I can say without fear of contradiction, that there has not occurred oneinstance of interference with civil authorities on the part of militaryofficers in this State, unless they saw first that every law of justicewas violated to such an extent as to arouse the indignation of any manborn in a country where human beings have an equal right to justice beforethe tribunals of the land. Yet, if I am not mistaken, there is a growingimpression, supported by this same political power in the south, that theofficers in this State are tyrannical, meddlesome, and disposed to thwartthe faithful efforts of the noble white people to reorganize the State. 

Many delegations of the citizens of this State have visited Washington forthe purpose of getting their property returned, or of obtaining some otherfavor. They, in order to accomplish their desire, represent the feeling oftheir friends at home as very cordially disposed toward the United Statesgovernment, and say that they all acquiesce in the freedom of the negroes. A little examination into the condition of affairs in this State will showthat this is not the case, and that what the people do is only done inorder that they may be restored to power so as to change the direction inwhich affairs are tending. I am afraid the profuse loyalty of thedelegations to Washington is being taken as the sentiment of the masses, and is directing legislation and policy. 

It is idle to talk about these people working out this negro problem. People who will not admit that it is best, or even right, to educate thefreedmen, are not the proper persons to be intrusted with theadministration of justice to them. I have no hesitation in saying, that ifthe question of educating the colored people were to-day submitted to thewhites of this State, they would vote against it in a body. Nine-tenths ofthe educated and refined class, who are supposed to have higher and noblerfeelings, would vote against it. 

I have been called on by persons of this class, and asked to suppress thereligious meetings among the colored people because they made so muchnoise! When I remonstrate with them and talk of religious freedom, and ofthe right of all to worship God in the manner most suited to theirconvictions of right, these gentlemen hold up their hands in horror at theidea. What would magistrates selected from these people do in reference tosuch complaints? Suppress the meeting, of course. 

A similar and much stronger prejudice exists against the establishment ofschools for the negro's benefit. If federal bayonets were to-day removedfrom our midst, not a colored school would be permitted in the State. Theteachers, perhaps, would not be tarred and feathered and hung, as theywould have been in old times, but ways and means innumerable would presentthemselves by which to drive them out. 

The white citizens both of Vicksburg and Natchez have requested me not toestablish freedmen schools inside their city limits, yet over one-half thepopulation of these cities is composed of freed people--the class who aredoing the work, toiling all day in the sun, while the white employers arereaping the benefit of their labor through superior knowledge, and areoccupying their elegant leisure by talking and writing constantly aboutthe demoralization of negro labor--that the negro won't work, &c. 

It is nonsense to talk so much about plans for getting the negroes towork. They do now and always have done, all the physical labor of thesouth, and if treated as they should be by their government, (which is soanxious to be magnanimous to the white people of this country, who neverdid work and never will, ) they will continue to do so. Who are the workmenin these fields? Who are hauling the cotton to market, driving hacks anddrays in the cities, repairing streets and railroads, cutting timber, andin every place raising the hum of industry? The freedmen, not the rebelsoldiery. The southern white men, true to their instincts and training, are going to Mexico or Brazil, or talk of importing labor in the shape ofCoolies, Irishmen--anything--anything to avoid work, any way to keep fromputting their own shoulders to the wheel. 

The mass of the freedmen can and will support themselves by labor. Theyneed nothing but justice before the courts of the land, impartial judgesand juries, to encourage them in well-doing, or punish them for theviolation of just laws, a chance to own the land and property they canhonestly obtain, the free exercise of their right to worship God andeducate themselves, and--let them alone. 

The delegates to Washington think that it is their duty, peculiarly, tosee the President and arrange the affairs of the negro. Why don't theyattend to their own business, or make arrangements for the working of thedisbanded rebel army in the cotton fields and workshops of the south?There are to-day as many houseless, homeless, poor, wandering, idle whitemen here as there are negroes in the same condition, yet no arrangementsare made for their working. All the trickery, chicanery and politicalpower possible are being brought to bear on the poor negro, to make him dothe hard labor for the whites, as in days of old. 

To this end the mass of the people are instinctively working. Theysteadily refuse to sell or lease lands to black men. Colored mechanics ofthis city, who have made several thousand dollars during the last twoyears, find it impossible to buy even land enough to put up a house on, yet white men can purchase any amount of land. The whites know that ifnegroes are not allowed to acquire property or become landholders, theymust ultimately return to plantation labor, and work for wages that willbarely support themselves and families, and they feel that this kind ofslavery will be better than none at all. 

People who will do these things, after such a war, and so much misery, while federal bayonets are yet around them, are not to be intrusted withthe education and development of a, race of slaves just liberated. 

I have made this letter longer than it should have been, and may havetaxed your patience, yet I do not see how I could have said less, andexpressed my views on the subject. 

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, SAMUEL THOMAS, Colonel, Assistant Commissioner B. R. F. And A. L. For Mississippi and N. E. Louisiana. 

General CARL SCHURZ. 

No. 28. 

Mobile, Alabama, _September_ 9, 1865. 

Colonel George D. Robinson, 97th United States colored troops, states asfollows:

I was sent out to Connecuh, Covington, Coffee, Dale, and Henry counties, to administer the amnesty oath. I was at Covington myself, having officersunder my orders stationed in the other four counties. I travelled throughConnecuh and Covington; about the other counties I have reports from myofficers. A general disposition was found among the planters to set thecolored people who had cultivated their crops during the summer adrift assoon as the crops would be secured, and not to permit the negro to remainupon any footing of equality with the white man in that country. 

In none of the above-named counties I heard of a justice of the peace orother magistrate discharging the duties of an agent of the Freedmen'sBureau, nor did I hear of any of them willing to do so. I deem itnecessary that some officers be sent out there to attend to the interestsof the freedmen, in order to avoid the trouble and confusion which isalmost certain to ensue unless the matter is attended to and regulated. 

I returned from Covington yesterday, September 8. 

GEO. D. ROBINSON, _Colonel 97th United States Infantry_. 

No. 29. 

MEMORANDUM OF A CONVERSATION BETWEEN WILLIAM KING, ESQ. , OF SAVANNAH, ANDCARL SCHURZ. 

Savannah, July 31, 1865. 

Question by Mr. Schurz. What are the ideas of the people in this State asto the future organization of your labor system?

Answer. It is generally conceded that slavery is dead, but it is believedthat the negro will not work unless compelled to. Money is no inducementthat will incite him to work. He works for comfort, that is, he wants togain something and then enjoy it immediately afterwards. He has no idea ofthe binding force of a contract, and it is questionable whether he everwill have. 

Question. So you consider the contract system, as it is now introducedhere and there, a failure. 

Answer. In a number of cases that I know of it is a failure. The negroesare not doing the work they have contracted for. I know other cases inwhich they have remained with their former masters, work well, and producefair crops. 

Question. In what manner, then, can, in your opinion, the free-laborsystem be made to work here?

Answer. The negro must be kept in a state of tutelage, like a minor. Forinstance, he may be permitted to freely choose the master for whom hewants to work; he may bind himself for a year, and, for all practicalpurposes, the master must act as his guardian. 

Question. You think, then, something more is necessary than a merecontract system by which the negro is only held to fulfil his contract?

Answer. Yes. The negro ought to be held in the position of a ward. 

Question. Do you not think the negro ought to be educated, and do youbelieve the people of this State would tax themselves for the purpose ofestablishing a general system of education?

Answer. I think it would be well to have the negro educated, but I do notthink the people of this State would tax themselves for such a purpose. The people are too poor and have too many other things to take care of. Wehave to look for that to the people of the North. The North having freedthe negroes, ought to see to it that they be elevated. Besides, the poorwhites are not in favor of general education at all. They are themselvesvery ignorant, and look upon education as something dangerous. For them wemust have a system of compulsory education, or we cannot get them to sendtheir children to school. A good many of the Hardshell Baptists among themlook upon school-teachers as the emissaries of the devil. 

Question. How far do you think the people of this State would be preparedto grant the negro equality before the law? Would they, for instance, givehim the right to testify in courts of justice against white men?

Answer. I think not. It is generally believed that the negro has no ideaof the sanctity of an oath. 

Question. Do you not think such disabilities would place the negro undersuch disadvantage in the race of life as to deprive him of a fair chance?

Answer. This is the dilemma, in my opinion: either we admit the negro'stestimony in courts of justice, and then our highest interests are placedat the mercy of a class of people who cannot be relied on when testifyingunder oath; or we deny the negro that right, and then he will not be in aposition to properly defend his own interests, and will be a downtrodden, miserable creature. 

Question. Do you not think vagrancy laws and police regulations might beenacted, equally applicable to whites and blacks, which might obviate mostof the difficulties you suggest as arising from the unwillingness of thenegro to work?

Answer. Perhaps they might; but the whites would not agree to that. Thepoor whites hate and are jealous of the negro, and the politicians willtry and please the whites so as to get their votes. 

Question. Do you think it would be advisable to withdraw our militaryforces from the State if the civil government be restored at an earlydate?

Answer. It would not be safe. There are a great many bad characters in thecountry who would make it for some time unsafe for known Union people, andfor northerners who may settle down here, to live in this country withoutthe protection of the military. The mere presence of garrisons willprevent much mischief. The presence of the military is also necessary tomaintain the peace between the whites and blacks, and it will be necessaryuntil their relations are settled upon a permanent and satisfactory basis. 

This memorandum was read by me to Mr. King and approved by him as acorrect reproduction of the views he had expressed. 

C. SCHURZ. 

No. 30. 

_What the planter wants before he embarks his capital and time in theattempt to cultivate another crop. --Suggestions submitted by a committeeat a meeting of planters, November 24, 1864_. 

_First_. --Above all, he wants an undoubted guarantee that the labor andteams, corn and hay, with which he begins the cultivation of another cropshall be secured to him for at least twelve months. From past experience, we know that, to be reliable, this guarantee must come from the governmentat Washington. 

_Second_. --Some mode of compelling laborers to perform ten (10) hours offaithful labor in each twenty-four hours, (Sundays excepted, ) and strictobedience of all orders. This may be partially attained by a graduatedsystem of fines, deduction of time or wages, deduction of rations of allkinds in proportion to time lost, rigidly enforced. But in obstinate casesit can only be done by corporal punishments, such as are inflicted in thearmy and navy of the United States. In light cases of disobedience oforders and non-performance of duty the employer should impose fines, &c. The corporal punishment should be inflicted by officers appointed by thesuperintendent of "colored labor, " who might, from time to time, visiteach plantation in a parish, and ascertain whether the laborer wassatisfied with his treatment, and whether he performed his part of thecontract, and thus the officer would qualify himself by his owninformation to correct any abuse that might exist, and award equal justiceto each party. The plan of sending off refractory laborers to work ongovernment plantations is worse than useless. A planter always plants asmuch land as he believes he has labor to cultivate efficiently, neithermore nor less. If less, a portion of his laborers are idle a part of theirtime; if more, his crops must suffer from the want of proper cultivation. If the laborers do not work faithfully, and their work is not judiciouslydirected, either from want of skill on the part of him who directs thelabor, or from the refusal or failure of the laborers from any cause to dothe work as it ought to be done, the crops must suffer. If, then, aportion of labor necessary to cultivate a certain amount of land isabstracted by sending it to work anywhere else, the crop must fail inproportion to the amount of labor abstracted. It must therefore beapparent to all that the amount of prompt, faithful, and well-directedlabor, necessary to cultivate a given quantity of land efficiently, mustbe available at all times, when the cultivator deems it necessary, or thecrops must necessarily, to a greater or less extent, prove a failure. 

_Third_. --The rate of wages should be fixed--above which no one should beallowed to go. There should be at least four classes of hands, both maleand female. If the laborer should be furnished, as this year, 1864, withclothing, shoes, rations, houses, wood, medicine, &c. , the planter cannotafford to pay any more wages than this year, and to some hands not somuch. Wages should not be paid oftener than once a quarter. As long as anegro has a dime in his pocket he will go every Saturday to some store ortown. Besides, if the men have money once a month they are constantlycorrupting the women, who will not work because they expect to get moneyof the men. If the laborers are to pay for all their supplies, some thinkhigher wages could be paid; but it would be necessary to require the negroto supply himself with at least two suits of clothes, one pair of shoes, ahat, and four pounds of pork or bacon, one peck of corn meal a week, vegetables at least twice a week, for a first-class hand. The laborershould pay for his medicine, medical attendance, nursing, &c. ; also, houserent, $5 a month, water included; wood at $2 a cord in the tree, or $4 acord cut and delivered. Instead of money, each employer should be requiredto pay once a week in tickets issued and signed by himself or agent, nottransferable to any one off the premises of him who issues them, redeemable by the issuer quarterly in current funds, and to be received byhim in the purchase of goods, provisions, &c. , which he sold at currentprices. 

_Fourth_. --A law to punish most severely any one who endeavors, byoffering higher wages, gifts, perquisites, &c. , &c. , to induce a negro toleave his employer before the expiration of the term for which he hasengaged to labor without the consent of said employer. 

_Fifth_. --Wages to be quarterly. One-half to be retained to the end of theyear, unless it is found that more than half is required to maintain a manand his family. 

_Sixth_. --Lost time to be deducted from wages daily; fines to be chargeddaily; rations, of all kinds, to be docked in proportion to the time lostduring the week, if rations are to be supplied. 

_Seventh_. --Fines to be imposed for disobedience of any orders. 

_Eighth_. --During sugar-making the laborer should be required to work atnight as well as during the day. For night-work he might be allowed doublewages for the time he works. 

_Ninth_. --The negroes should not be allowed to go from one plantation toanother without the written permit of their employer, nor should they beallowed to go to any town or store without written permission. 

_Tenth_. --That the laborers should be required to have their meals cookedin a common kitchen by the plantation cooks, as heretofore. At presenteach family cook for themselves. If there be twenty-five houses on aplantation worked by one hundred hands, there are lighted, three timesevery day, winter and summer, for the purpose of cooking, twenty-five (25)fires, instead of one or two, which are quite as many as are necessary. Toattend these twenty-five fires there must be twenty-five cooks. Theextravagance in wood and the loss of time by this mode must be apparent toall. Making the negroes pay for the wood they burn, and for fencing lumberof any kind, would have a tendency to stop this extravagant mode of doingbusiness. They should also be fined heavily or suffer some kind ofcorporal punishment for burning staves, hoop-poles, shingles, plank, spokes, &c. , which they now constantly do. 

_Eleventh_. --None but regularly ordained ministers should be allowed topreach. At present on every plantation there are a number of preachers. Frequent meetings are held at night, continuing from 7 or 8 p. M. Until1 or 2 o'clock a. M. The day after one of these long meetings many ofthe laborers are unfit to labor; neither are the morals of the negroesimproved by these late meetings, nor the health. The night meetings shouldbreak up at 10 p. M. , and there should be but one a week on a plantation. Some of the preachers privately promulgate the most immoral doctrines. 

_Twelfth_. --A police guard or patrol should be established under thecontrol of the superintendent of free labor, whose duty it shall be, undertheir officers, to enforce the rules and regulations that thesuperintendent of free labor may think best to adopt for the government ofthe laborers and their families on plantations and in private families. 

_Thirteenth_. --The laborers are at present extremely careless of theteams, carts, wagons, gear, tools, and material of all kinds put in theirpossession, and should therefore be held accountable for the same. Parentsshould be held liable for things stolen or destroyed by their children notover twelve years of age. 

_Fourteenth_. --Foremen should be fined whenever they fail to report any ofthe laborers under them who disobey orders of any kind. The foreman at thestable should be required especially to report neglect or ill treatment ofteams by their drivers, and he should be held liable for all tools andhalters, &c. , put in the stable. 

_Fifteenth_. --The unauthorized purchase of clothing or other property bylaborers, or others domesticated on plantations, should be severelypunished, and so should the sale by laborers or others domesticated onplantations of plantation products without a written permission bepunished by fine, imprisonment, and obstinate cases by corporalpunishment. The sale or furnishing of intoxicating liquor of any kind tolaborers or others domesticated on plantations should be severelypunished. 

_Sixteenth_. --The possession of arms or other dangerous weapons withoutauthority should be punished by fine or imprisonment and the armsforfeited. 

_Seventeenth_. --No one, white or colored, with or without passes, shouldhave authority to go into a quarter without permission of the proprietorof said quarter. Should any insist upon going in, or be found in a quarterwithout permission of the proprietor, he should be arrested at once by theproprietor. 

_Eighteenth_. --Fighting and quarrelling should be prohibited under severepenalties, especially husbands whipping their wives. 

_Nineteenth_. --Laborers and all other persons domesticated on plantationsor elsewhere should be required to be respectful in tone, manner, andlanguage to their employers, and proprietors of the plantations or placeson which they reside, or be fined and imprisoned. 

_Twentieth_. --The whole study, aim, and object of the negro laborer now ishow to avoid work and yet have a claim for wages, rations, clothes, &c. 

No. 31. 

OAK FOREST, NEAR TIGERVILLE STATION, _N. O. And O. Railroad, December_ 1, 1864. 

Dear Sir: The earnest desire you have manifested to make the negro laborerunder the new order of things successful, makes me the more disposed tooffer every assistance in my power to that end. I have no prejudices toovercome; I would do the blacks all the good in my power consistently withtheir welfare and the welfare of the country; I owe them no ill will, butI am well satisfied that it will demand the highest skill and the largestexperience combined to make the new system work successfully, whenhitherto all others, including our own two years' experience, havesignally failed. No namby-pamby measures will do. We may have more psalmsinging, more night preaching, greater excesses in the outwardmanifestation of religion, but depend upon it there will be less truemorality, less order, less truthfulness, less honest industry. It is notthe experiment of a few only, or of a day, but of an _institution_, ifanything, for millions; the mixing in industrial association of separateraces hitherto distinct; of systems fundamentally changed and not of mereindividuals, and the man who does not rise to the height of the greatargument fails before he starts. It is not to listen to babblers, to_professional_ philanthropists, to quacks and demagogues: it demands amanly, masculine, vigorous exercise of executive power, adapted to thecircumstances of the case. Nobody is absolutely free, white or black. Ihave been a slave all my life; you have been the same. We were subject todiscipline from childhood, and the negro as well, and must continue to besubject to wholesome restraints all of us. 

It is well to consider that the measures of the government have renderedlabor scarce. It would be safe to say there is not _half a supply_; thatevery sort of inducement will be held out to get labor away from presentsituations; that the inclination of all who are unincumbered is, to get tothe city and its neighborhood. Every planter has some already there, living most unprofitably. I have half a dozen, some under the agreement ofthe present year. Concentration is the order of the day, and none butthose who can command the largest sum of money will be able to carry onplantations with any hope of success. I take leave to add somesuggestions, believing you will receive them with the same friendly spiritin which they are offered. I am still surrounded by my own servants, andwould like to see the system so ordered that they would still find it totheir advantage to remain in their present comfortable homes. 

Wages, rules, and regulations should be fixed and uniform: nothing left todiscretion. 

A penalty should be inflicted on every employer who deviates from theestablished rates, _maximum_ rates. 

No field crops should be raised by hired laborers. The evils attendingthis are numerous and insurmountable. 

Wages should be extremely moderate on account of the unsteadiness of laborand exceeding uncertainty of crops of all sorts, but especially of caneand cotton. 

Cooking for hands should be confined absolutely to one kitchen, and acharge made for all wood taken to their houses; a certain supply should beallowed, and no additional quantity permitted at any price: otherwise noplantation can long stand the enormous, wasteful consumption of fuel. 

All necessary expenditures for the blacks, old as well as young, should beborne by themselves. White laborers are all liable to such charges, andwhy not wasteful and improvident blacks? They should be early taught thevalue of what they consume as well as the other costs of living. 

About keeping stock the rule should be absolute. 

No travelling about, day or night, without a written sanction from theproper person. The violation of this order by a commanding officer hasbrought the small-pox on my place and already eight grown hands have diedwith it, and there are not less than twenty invalids besides: this is oneof the evils. 

Medicine and professional attendance a charge to the patient, as well asall educational arrangements. 

Every ploughman or woman, and teamster, to be obliged to feed and curryhis or her team once at least every day. 

Payments beyond proper and prescribed supplies to be small, the smallerthe better, and still better if withheld till the crop is made and saved;but settlements by tickets should be made weekly. (A share in the crop isthe best for both parties. ) I do not perceive the utility of "homecolonies;" they belong to the class of _theories_ more than anything else. Families should be kept together and at the "homes" to which they havebeen accustomed, if possible, and _made_ to support themselves, all whoare able to do so. At present there are many who will not do this becausethey are made a charge on the master or employer. Vagrants should bepunished; _work is a necessity_. But I only put down a few particulars to_impress_ upon your mind as they occur to me. 

I know the difficult task you have undertaken. You have a giant to manage, and you will have to exercise a giant's strength. You have no less than torevise the teachings of all past history. You have to accomplish what hasnever been accomplished before. Neither in the east nor in the west hasthe African been found to work voluntarily; but the experiment is to betried anew in this country, and I shall lend my assistance, whatever itis, to help on in the road to success, if that be possible. I have triedit two years under the military without success, or the prospect of it. If, however, I can in any way assist you to gain the meed of success, bothmy own interest and my kind feelings towards you combine to prompt me torenewed efforts in the cause. 

I remain, very respectfully and truly, yours, T. GIBSON. 

Hon. B. F. FLANDERS. 

P. S. --The great desideratum in obtaining labor from free blacks is its_enforcement_. How is this to be done? Formerly the known authoritypossessed by the master over the slave, prevented in a great degree theexercise of it. The knowledge now, on the part of the blacks, that themilitary authority has forbidden any authority over them, increases thevery necessity of the power which is forbidden. This is palpable to anyone who sees with an experienced eye for a day. There can necessarily beno order, day or night, no fidelity, no morality, no industry. _It is so_, speculate and theorize as we may. I wish it were different; it is a greatpity to witness these deplorable effects. 

Disease is scattered broadcast; my own stock has been for some timeconsumed, except a few milch cows. The sugar from the sugar-houses hasbeen sold in quantities in every direction. The cotton of one plantationhas been sold to the extent of half the crop to a white man, and only bythe merest accident discovered in time to be detected. My neighbor's hogshave been taken from the pen, killed and brought home for consumption; hiscattle the same. These things are within my knowledge by the merestaccident, but there is absolutely no remedy, because their testimony is asgood, if not better than mine, and this they know perfectly well. In acase of sugar-selling, I had the oath of a disinterested white man to thefact, and the black and white man identified by the witness. When thiswitness was through with his testimony, the negro man, the interestedparty, _the accused himself_, was called up by the provost marshal, and ofcourse he swore himself innocent, and so he was _cleared_. In the case ofthe cotton not a negro can be brought to confess, notwithstanding theconfession of the white man and the surrender of the cotton. How, then, can good order, good morals and honest industry be maintained whenimmunity from punishment is patent to their understandings?

I know no remedy adequate to the circumstances but an always present powerto enforce law and order, and this now requires the constant presence ofthe bayonet. Which is the best, a regular military government, or thequiet, humane exercise of just so much authority as the case demands, bythe master, who has every motive, human and divine, to exercise humanityand protect his slave from injustice and injury?

The past, or rather the present year, we had nothing but blank orders, andthese are of no avail whatever without enforcement; and this brings usback to the starting-point again, and the bayonet again, and so it is tothe end of the chapter. Moral suasion will not do for whites who have hadfreedom as an inheritance, and education within their reach. How then canit be expected that he who has been predestined by the Almighty to be aservant of servants all the days of his life, shall be capable of at oncerising to motives of human conduct higher than those possessed by thewhite man?

All that my reason teaches and the experience I have had, and the historyI have read, bring me to the same conclusion: you must utterly fail unlessyou add the stimulus of _corporal punishment_ to the admonitions of thelaw; but as this would be somewhat inconsistent with the freedom which oursolons have decreed, I must only confess my inability to prescribe theorthodox remedies according to the received dogmas from the inspiredsources of knowledge at the north above all the lessons I have learnedheretofore, and entirely above everything I expect to learn hereafter. 

No. 32. 

FREEDMEN'S BUREAU, _Shreveport, La. , August_ 1, 1865. 

Sir: At the date of my last monthly report, (July 2d, ) the free-laborsystem in western Louisiana was an experiment. No contracts between theplanters and freedmen had then been entered into, and the difficulties tobe met with and overcome by the contracting parties were new to each. Theherculean task of removing the objections which the freedmen offered tosigning a "contract, " and of eradicating the prejudice existing among theplanters against countenancing the employment upon their plantations asfree men of those whom they had so long and firmly held in bondage, devolved upon the agents of the bureau. 

The objection presented by the freedmen consisted chiefly in the fact thatthey had _no confidence whatever_ in the word of their "old masters. " Saidthey, in substance, "We cannot trust the power that has never accorded usany privileges. Our former oppressors show by their actions that theywould sooner retard than advance our prosperity. " While in nine cases outof ten the freedmen eagerly and readily acceded to fair terms for theirlabor when the matter was explained by a government agent, exactly in thesame ratio did they refuse to listen to any proposition made by theplanter alone. 

Their readiness to comprehend their situation and to enter into anagreement to work when enlightened by an agent of the bureau, or, inexceptional cases, when the planters sought in a kind and philanthropicspirit to explain to them their relations to society and the government, is conclusive proof that the disposition to be idle formed no part of thereason for their refusing to contract with their former masters. 

With these facts in view, it will be readily perceived that the onlyfeasible mode of success was to send agents into the country to visitevery plantation. This was undertaken; but with no funds to procure theservices of assistants, and with the difficulty of obtaining the rightclass of men for these positions from the army, the progress made has notbeen as rapid or the work as effectual as it would have been under morefavorable circumstances. Partial returns have been received, as follows:

From Bienville parish 248 contracts. " Bossier parish 14 " " Caddo parish 172 " " DeSoto parish 246 " " Marion county, Texas 206 " ---Total received 886 " ===

Returns are yet to be received from the parishes of Claiborne, Natchitoches, Winn and Sabine, and from Harrison county, Texas. These willall be given in by the 15th inst. , and I shall then be able to determinethe exact number employed upon each plantation and laboring under the newsystem. Regarding the average number employed upon each plantation in theparish of Caddo as a basis for an estimate, the returned rolls will footup a list of 7, 088 names, and the whole number of freedmen contracted withduring the month of July in the district under my supervision will notprobably exceed 20, 000, or fall short of 15, 000. 

During the month a sufficient length of time has elapsed to renderjudgment to a certain extent upon the workings of the new system. That ithas not satisfied a majority of the planters is a conclusion which, fromtheir disposition at first, was evident would be arrived at. That thefreedmen have accepted the arrangements devised by the government fortheir protection so readily and have worked so faithfully, is a matterfor congratulation. 

The planters at first expected that, though the power to "control" thepersons of the laborers had been torn from them by the stern requirementsof war, the agents of the bureau would, through the military, confine thenegro to their plantations and compel him to labor for them. In this wayit was thought that the same _regime_ as pursued in times of slavery couldbe kept up, and it was this idea which prompted a planter, noted for hisfrankness, to remark "that the people of the south desired the governmentto continue this supervision for a term of years. " Finding that theirideas of the policy of the government were erroneous, and that they couldnot exercise this "controlling power" either directly or indirectly, andthat the freedman was to be placed, as nearly as the circumstancessurrounding his situation would permit, upon the same grounds as the whitelaborer, it is but a logical sequence that the planters should bedisappointed and dissatisfied with the work performed by the freedmen. 

In this place it may be well to notice that the country is yet in a veryunsettled condition. After a four years' war which has sapped it of allits resources, and after a life-long servitude for a hard taskmaster, thenegro is liberated from bondage, and he finds the people of the country inno condition to offer him the most advantageous terms for his services. This, with the natural desire experienced by all mankind for a period ofrepose after that of incessant and forced labor, is one of the causeswhich have contributed to render the freedmen negligent and inconstant attheir work. 

Reports are constantly brought to this office by the negroes from theinterior that freedmen have been kidnapped and summarily disposed of. These obtain circulation and credence among all classes, and, whether trueor not, operate disadvantageously to the interests of both the plantersand the freedmen. 

Again, the threat of shooting the laborers, so frequently made by theplanters, is very unwise, and usually has the effect of causing a generalstampede from the plantation where the threat was made. The fact that thebody of a negro was seen hanging from a tree in Texas, near the Louisianaline; and of the murder in cold blood, in the northern part of the parishof Caddo, of Mary, a colored woman, by John Johnson, the son of theproprietor of the plantation where the woman worked; and that instanceshave repeatedly occurred similar to a case presented at my office, wherean old man had received a blow over his head with a shillalah one inchin diameter, which was so severe as to snap the stick asunder; and alsothe fracturing of the skull and the breaking of the arm of a helpless, inoffensive colored woman by a vindictive planter in the parish ofNatchitoches; and the statement of one of my agents, who says that "uponhalf the plantations the freedmen are not well clothed and their rationsare scanty;" and of another who has visited every plantation in wardNo. --, parish of ----, who reports at the close of the month as follows:"The freedmen in my ward are very poorly clothed and fed, although noparticular complaints have been made as yet;" should all be taken intoconsideration in arriving at conclusions in regard to the disposition ofthe freedmen to work, and before judgment is rendered upon the complaintsof the major portion of the planters; and it is also useless to disguisethe fact that among the freedmen, as among all classes of people, thereare many ill-disposed as well as idle persons, and a few of these uponeach plantation create dissatisfaction among the others. 

Notwithstanding the complaints of the planters and the above-named facts, the existence of which would cause a disturbance among any class oflaborers in the world, the majority of the planters have been eager tocontract with their former slaves, for the reason that after theirplantations had been visited by an agent of the government, and anagreement had been made upon the prescribed forms, the freedmen workedbetter than before. This is a matter of significance, and its bearing isreadily seen. Having noticed the disapprobation of the larger portion ofthe planting community, and the causes which led to their complaints, Idesire to call your attention in this connexion to the report of one ofmy most experienced agents. It is as follows:

"In all cases have the employees given satisfaction where their formermasters are at all reasonable. I would mention the case of Jacob Hoss asan example: he contracted with his former slaves in the latter part of Mayfor one-fourth of all his crops; they have been steady and industrious, and have decidedly the finest cotton and corn in the district. " Mr. Hosshas 200 acres of cotton, 400 of corn, and 8 of potatoes. Your attention isalso solicited to the testimony of the _liberal few_ who have taken theamnesty oath with the intention to keep it. One says: "The freedmen in myneighborhood are laboring well where they are well paid. " Another, a largeland proprietor, states that "he could not ask his hands to work better. "The same gentleman also states that "he would not have the freedmen uponhis plantation made slaves again if he could. "

The testimony is concurrent that, where liberal wages are paid and thefreedmen are kindly treated, no difficulty is experienced with them, andthat they labor honestly and industriously. The complaints which have beenpresented at the office for consideration are very nearly in a directratio of the two classes, but the wrongs of the freedmen are by far themost aggravated, as they suffer in almost every conceivable way. It hasbeen necessary to fine and assess damages upon several planters forbeating their laborers, and also to punish several freedmen for violatingtheir contracts and for other misdemeanors. The following is a literalcopy of a document brought to this office by a colored man, which isconclusive evidence that there _are_ those who still claim the negro astheir property:

"This boy Calvin has permit to hire to whome he please, but I shall holdhim as my propperty untill set Free by Congress. 

"July the 7, 1865. E. V. TULLY. "

The spirit of the above also made its appearance in another form in theaction of the police jury of the parish of Bossier, which was an attemptto revive at once the old slave laws, and to prevent the freedmen fromobtaining employment from the plantations of their former masters. Thegist of the enactment alluded to is contained in the paragraph directingthe officers on patrol duty "to arrest and take up all idle and vagrantpersons running at large without employment, and carry them before theproper authority, to be dealt with as the law directs. "

As soon as this matter came under the observation of the bureau, the factsin the case were represented to Brevet Major General J. P. Hawkins, commanding western district of Louisiana, and at the same time a requestwas made that the restrictions imposed upon the freedmen in this sectionby General Orders No. 24, headquarters northern division of Louisiana, berevoked; and the general issued an order, dated July 31, which removes thesaid restrictions, and prohibits the parish police juries, established bythe civil authorities, from arresting freedmen unless for positive offenceagainst the law. This breaks down the last barrier to the enjoyment ofliberty by the freedmen in western Louisiana, and I feel highly gratifiedthat it has been accomplished without referring it to higher authorities, as our mail facilities are so irregular that at least two months wouldhave been consumed by the operation. 

Upon the 10th of July the freedmen's hospital was opened for the receptionof patients, and enclosed please find a copy of the hospital report forJuly, marked 1. This is a necessary as well as a charitable institution, as the city authorities have as yet taken no measures to provide for theindigent sick. 

Since the establishment of the bureau here, it has been found necessary toissue rations to freedmen, as follows:

To citizen employees 46To helpless and infirm 236To sick and hospital attendants 1, 169 -----Total issued 1, 451 =====

The number fed by the government to-day is as follows:

Men 7Women 6Children 10 --Total number infirm and helpless rationed 23

Number sick at hospital 40Number hospital attendants 24Number citizen employees rationed 1 --Total number supplied with rations 88 ==

None but the helpless and infirm and sick have been fed at the expenseof the government, and these only in cases of absolute necessity. Manyplanters who abandoned their homes on the Mississippi and carried awaytheir slaves to Texas have returned to this city, and with a coolnessamounting to audacity have demanded transportation for their formerslaves to various points from the mouth of the Red river to LakeProvidence. Finding that the officers of the government would not obligethem in this particular, they left behind the aged and infirm to providefor themselves as best they could. This and the abuses on plantationshave caused the principal suffering among the freedmen, and have broughtmany to the city who otherwise would have remained upon the plantation, but, all things being considered, comparatively few have congregatedabout town. There has been such a demand for day labor in the city that Ihave deemed it a false philanthropy to feed those who temporarily soughtrefuge from oppression. 

The permanent residents are orderly and industrious, and desire very muchto have schools established for their children. I cannot here refrainfrom mentioning the fact that the presence of negroes in town possessingfree papers is extremely disagreeable to the citizens. 

The tax collected of planters has thus far been sufficient to defrayoffice and printing expenses. The hire of a surgeon and nurses for thehospital, amounting in July to $204. 46, is the only bill which it isnecessary to refer to you for payment. All the property and money whichhas come into my hands on account of the bureau has been accounted for tothe proper departments, according to regulations. 

By Special Orders No. 140, dated at headquarters northern division ofLouisiana, June 21, 1865, Chaplain Thomas Callahan, 48th United Statescolored infantry, was assigned to duty with me as my assistant, and hehas had charge of the department of complaints. He is a very capable andefficient officer, and his services are very valuable to the bureau. 

Again, I have occasion to return acknowledgments to Brigadier GeneralJ. C. Veatch for his cordial assistance in aiding me to carry out themeasures of the bureau, and also to Colonel Crandal and LieutenantColonel McLaughlin, post commandants, for valuable aid; and to BrevetMajor General J. P. Hawkins we are indebted for that which makes thecolored man in reality a _free_ man. 

Believing that with proper management and kind treatment the freedmen inwestern Louisiana will be found to be as industrious as laborers in othersections of the country, I have the honor to be, with much respect, your obedient servant, W. B. STICKNEY, _Lieutenant and Assistant Superintendent Freedmen_. 

THOMAS W. CONWAY, _Assistant Commissioner Bureau of Freedmen. &c. _

No. 33. 

FREEDMEN'S BUREAU, _Shreveport, Louisiana, August_ 26, 1865. 

Sir: I have the honor to report, in accordance with orders, that in thedistrict under my supervision, comprising eight parishes in Louisiana andtwo counties in Texas, and an area of about 13, 764 square miles, 3, 105contracts have been made, and 27, 830 laborers enrolled since the firstof July. The work of making contracts is now nearly completed, but thereturns for the month of August from the officers acting in the differentparishes have not as yet been received. From the data already collectedit will be safe to estimate the whole number of laborers working underthe contract system in the district at not less than 32, 000, 25, 000 ofwhom are in Louisiana. 

The experience of two months has demonstrated the fact that the negro willwork well when he is well paid and kindly treated; and another principlein the nature of the contracting parties has been equally as clearlyelucidated, _i. E_. , the planters are disposed to pay the freedmen theleast possible sum for their labor, and that for much compensation thefreedmen make an offset by making as little as possible. To acknowledgethe right of the negro to freedom, and to regard him as a free manentitled to the benefits of his labor and to all the privileges andimmunities of citizenship, is to throw aside the dogmas for which thesouth have been contending for the last thirty years, and seems to be toogreat a stride for the people to take at once, and too unpalatable a truthfor the aristocratic planter to comprehend, without the interposition ofthe stern logic of the bayonet in the hands of a colored soldier. Duty tomy government compels me to report the following well-authenticated facts:

1. Nineteen-twentieths of the planters have no disposition to pay thenegro well or treat him well. 

2. In the same proportion the planting aristocracy proffers obedience tothe government, and at the same time do all in their power to maketrouble. 

3. The planters evince a disposition to throw all the helpless and infirmfreedmen upon the hands of the government possible, in order to embarrassus and compel us to return them to slavery again. 

4. A majority of the planters desire to prevent the success of thefree-labor system, that they may force Congress to revive slavery, or, what is more, a system of peonage. 

5. The belief is general among the planters that without some means of"controlling" the persons of the laborers they cannot succeed; and forthis reason they desire to have the military force removed, and theprivilege of enacting such laws as will enable them to retain this power. 

6. To defraud, oppress, and maltreat the freedmen seems to be theprinciple governing the action of more than half of those who makecontracts with them. 

7. The lives of the freedmen are frequently threatened, and murders arenot of uncommon occurrence. 

8. The life of a northern man who is true to his country and the spiritand genius of its institutions, and frankly enunciates his principles, isnot secure where there is not a military force to protect him. 

About the 15th of July Corporal J. M. Wallace, of company B, forty-seventhIndiana Veteran volunteer infantry, was on duty with this bureau, andengaged in making contracts upon Red river, in the parish of Caddo. Hevisited Mr. Daniel's plantation, and, as it is stated, started for Mr. White's place, but never reached it. Being absent unaccountably, asergeant and a detail of four men were sent to look him up, but couldfind no trace of him. Without doubt he was murdered. He was a young manof unexceptionable habits and character, and was highly esteemed by theofficers of his regiment. The circumstances of the case are such as tolead to the belief that the planters in the vicinity connived at hisdeath. Captain Hoke, another agent of the bureau, was stopped by ahighwayman within eight miles of Shreveport. One of my assistants reportsas follows: "In the northern part of this parish (Cuddo) there are menarmed and banded to resist the law. " These facts prove that the presenceof a military force is needed in every parish. Instead of the presentsystem of districts, I would recommend that the officer for each parishreport direct to headquarters at New Orleans for instructions, and thateach officer be furnished with at least twenty men, ten of whom should bemounted. I apprehend that at the commencement of the next year theplanters will endeavor to load us down with the aged and infirm, andthose with large families. To meet this and other difficulties thatmay arise, I recommend that at least five thousand acres of land beconfiscated in every parish, and an opportunity given the freedmen torent or purchase the land, and that every facility be afforded plantersin the lower part of the State to obtain laborers from western Louisiana. Another remedy has been suggested, and as it meets with my approval Iquote the recommendations of the officer in his own words: "Let the whitetroops on duty in this department be mustered out; they are greatlydissatisfied with remaining in the service after the close of the war;let black troops be mustered in their stead. In urging this matter, Isuggest that the government has the first right to the services of thefreedmen, and he needs the discipline of the army to develop his manhoodand self-reliance. Such a course of recruiting black soldiers will actas a powerful restraint upon the abuses practiced by the planters onthe freedmen, and will also compel the payment of better wages. If theplanter wishes the services of a shrewd, enterprising freedman, hemust out-bid the government. Lastly, the country needs the soldiers. Politicians may say what they may; western Louisiana is no more loyalnow than when the State adopted the ordinance of secession. "

The statistics given at the commencement prove that we have experiencedless difficulty with the freedmen than could have been expected. At timesit has been necessary to adopt stringent measures to stem the tide offreedmen that seemed to be setting in toward Shreveport, and many of themhave such vague ideas of the moral obligations of a contract that it hasbeen necessary to strengthen them by imprisonment and hard labor; but thegreat and insuperable difficulty which meets us at every step is, _thatthe planters and the freedmen have no confidence in and respect for eachother_. The planters inform us that they are the best friends of thenegro, but the freedmen fail to see the matter in that light. I am wellassured that as a general rule the old planters and overseers can neversucceed with the freedmen; that there must be an entire change in eitherlaborers or proprietors before the country will again be prosperous. Theplan of renting lands to the freedmen, as proposed by a few planters, Iam of the opinion will prove very profitable to both parties. While, as ageneral rule, there is constant difficulty between the freedmen and theirold masters and overseers, my agents and northern men have no troublewith them; and should the planters employ practical farmers from thenorth as business managers, it seems to be well demonstrated that thefree-labor system, as it now is, with but slight modifications, would bea grand success. In this connexion I cannot refrain from noticing theassertion of a southern politician to the effect "that were the freedmenenfranchised, nine out of ten of them would vote for their old masters, "which assertion every freedman will pronounce a wilful and malignantfalsehood. 

The country is full of arms, and their use upon the freedmen is sofrequent, and the general disposition of the people such, that I wouldstrongly recommend, as a measure to secure the safety of life andproperty, that all classes of arms be taken from the citizens, not to bereturned until an entirely different disposition is evinced. 

The system to be made binding for the next year should be published asearly as the 15th of October, and the matter of contracting be commencedas soon thereafter as the parties desire to do so. I would respectfullysuggest the propriety for calling of such statistical matter upon theback of the contract as will enable the officer in charge of theeducational interests to determine the whole number of freedmen residingin the different parishes, and also the number of children of school age. 

The establishment of schools will be met by the most venomous opposition, and a military force will be required to protect the teacher and scholarsfrom insult and injury unless the tone of public sentiment improves veryrapidly. 

The civil authorities, so far as my knowledge extends, are not willing togrant the freedmen the rights to which their freedom entitles them. Infact it became necessary, as will be seen by a former report, for themilitary authorities to interfere to prevent their being virulentlyoppressed. In consequence of this I have kept an officer constantly onduty adjusting the difficulties arising between the whites and negroes, but important cases have been referred to the military authorities. 

Chaplain Thomas Callahan, the officer referred to above, in his lastreport says:

"To many of the planters the idea of a negro's testimony being as good asa white man's is very unpleasant, and occasional attempts are made tobully and browbeat a colored witness upon the stand. The attempt is nevermade twice. Once I pitted a lawyer against a negro witness, held theparties on the cross-examination, and the lawyer was badly beaten. Someof the freedmen can conduct a case with uncommon shrewdness. "

I cannot urge upon your attention too strongly the importance of keepingan officer in every parish and of providing him with a sufficient guardto command respect and enforce obedience to the laws. The presence of amilitary force, with judicious and discreet officers to command it, isthe only means of securing to the freedmen their rights and of givingproper security to life and property. 

With many thanks for that encouragement which has supported and cheeredme through every difficulty, I have the honor to be, with much respect, your most obedient servant, W. B. STICKNEY, _Lieutenant and Assistant Superintendent of Freedmen_. 

THOMAS W. CONWAY, _Assistant Commissioner, &c. _

No. 34. 

Ordinance relative to the police of recently emancipated negroes orfreedmen within the corporate limits of the town of Opelousas. 

Whereas the relations formerly subsisting between master and slave havebecome changed by the action of the controlling authorities; and whereasit is necessary to provide for the proper police and government of therecently emancipated negroes or freedmen in their new relations to themunicipal authorities:

SECTION 1. _Be it therefore ordained by the board of police of the townof Opelousas_, That no negro or freedman shall be allowed to come withinthe limits of the town of Opelousas without special permission from hisemployers, specifying the object of his visit and the time necessary forthe accomplishment of the same. Whoever shall violate this provisionshall suffer imprisonment and two days' work on the public streets, orshall pay a fine of two dollars and fifty cents. 

SECTION 2. _Be it further ordained_, That every negro freedman who shallbe found on the streets of Opelousas after 10 o'clock at night without awritten pass or permit from his employer shall be imprisoned andcompelled to work five days on the public streets, or pay a fine of fivedollars. 

SECTION 3. No negro or freedman shall be permitted to rent or keep ahouse within the limits of the town under any circumstances, and any onethus offending shall be ejected and compelled to find an employer orleave the town within twenty-four hours. The lessor or furnisher of thehouse leased or kept as above shall pay a fine of ten dollars for eachoffence. 

SECTION 4. No negro or freedman shall reside within the limits of thetown of Opelousas who is not in the regular service of some white personor former owner, who shall be held responsible for the conduct of saidfreedman; but said employer or former owner may permit said freedman tohire his time by special permission in writing, which permission shallnot extend over twenty-four hours at any one time. Any one violating theprovisions of this, section shall be imprisoned and forced to work fortwo days on the public streets. 

SECTION 5. No public meetings or congregations of negroes or freedmenshall be allowed within the limits of the town of Opelousas under anycircumstances or for any purpose without the permission of the mayor orpresident of the board. This prohibition is not intended, however, toprevent the freedmen from attending the usual church services conductedby established ministers of religion. Every freedman violating this lawshall be imprisoned and made to work five days on the public streets. 

SECTION 6. No negro, or freedman shall be permitted to preach, exhort, orotherwise declaim to congregations of colored people without a specialpermission from the mayor or president of the board of police under thepenalty of a fine of ten dollars or twenty days' work on the publicstreets. 

SECTION 7. No freedman who is not in the military service shall beallowed to carry firearms, or any kind of weapons, within the limits ofthe town of Opelousas without the special permission of his employer, inwriting, and approved by the mayor or president of the board of police. Any one thus offending shall forfeit his weapons and shall be imprisonedand made to work for five days on the public streets or pay a fine offive dollars in lieu of said work. 

SECTION 8. No freedman shall sell, barter, or exchange any articles ofmerchandise or traffic within the limits of Opelousas without permissionin writing from his employer or the mayor or president of the board, under the penalty of the forfeiture of said articles and imprisonment andone day's labor, or a fine of one dollar in lieu of said work. 

SECTION 9. Any freedman found drunk within the limits of the town shallbe imprisoned and made to labor five days on the public streets, or payfive dollars in lieu of said labor. 

SECTION 10. Any freedman not residing in Opelousas who shall be foundwithin the corporate limits after the hour of 3 p. M. On Sunday without aspecial permission from his employer or the mayor shall be arrested andimprisoned and made to work two days on the public streets, or pay twodollars in lieu of said work. 

SECTION 11. All the foregoing provisions apply to freedmen andfreedwomen, or both sexes. 

SECTION 12. It shall be the special duty of the mayor or president of theboard to see that all the provisions of this ordinance are faithfullyexecuted. 

SECTION 13. _Be it further ordained_, That this ordinance to take effectfrom and after its first publication. 

Ordained the 3d day of July, 1865. 

E. D. ESTILLETTE, _President of the Board of Police_. 

JOS. D. RICHARDS, _Clerk_. 

Official copy:

J. LOVELL, _Captain and Assistant Adjutant General_. 

No. 35. 

An ordinance relative to the police of negroes recently emancipatedwithin the parish of St. Landry. 

Whereas it was formerly made the duty of the police jury to make suitableregulations for the police of slaves within the limits of the parish; andwhereas slaves have become emancipated by the action of the rulingpowers; and whereas it is necessary for public order, as well as forthe comfort and correct deportment of said freedmen, that suitableregulations should be established for their government in their changedcondition, the following ordinances are adopted, with the approval ofthe United States military authorities commanding in said parish, viz:

SECTION 1. _Be it ordained by the police jury of the parish of St. Landry_, That no negro shall be allowed to pass within the limits of saidparish without a special permit in writing from his employer. Whoevershall violate this provision shall pay a fine of two dollars and fiftycents, or in default thereof shall be forced to work four days on thepublic road, or suffer corporeal punishment as provided hereinafter. 

SECTION 2. _Be it further ordained_, That every negro who shall be foundabsent from the residence of his employer after 10 o'clock at night, without a written permit from his employer, shall pay a fine of fivedollars, or in default thereof, shall be compelled to work five days onthe public road, or suffer corporeal punishment as hereinafter provided. 

SECTION 3. _Be it further ordained_, That no negro shall be permittedto rent or keep a house within said parish. Any negro violating thisprovision shall be immediately ejected and compelled to find an employer;and any person who shall rent, or give the use of any house to any negro, in violation of this section, shall pay a fine of five dollars for eachoffence. 

SECTION 4. _Be it further ordained_, That every negro is required to bein the regular service of some white person, or former owner, who shallbe held responsible for the conduct of said negro. But said employeror former owner may permit said negro to hire his own time by specialpermission in writing, which permission shall not extend over seven daysat any one time. Any negro violating the provisions of this section shallbe fined five dollars for each offence, or in default of the paymentthereof shall be forced to work five days on the public road, or suffercorporeal punishment as hereinafter provided. 

SECTION 5. _Be it further ordained_, That no public meetings orcongregations of negroes shall be allowed within said parish aftersunset; but such public meetings and congregations may be held betweenthe hours of sunrise and sunset, by the special permission in writing ofthe captain of patrol, within whose beat such meetings shall take place. This prohibition, however, is not intended to prevent negroes fromattending the usual church services, conducted by white ministers andpriests. Every negro violating the provisions of this section shall pay afine of five dollars, or in default thereof shall be compelled to workfive days on the public road, or suffer corporeal punishment ashereinafter provided. 

SECTION 6. _Be it further ordained_, That no negro shall be permitted topreach, exhort, or otherwise declaim to congregations of colored people, without a special permission in writing from the president of the policejury. Any negro violating the provisions of this section shall pay a fineof ten dollars, or in default thereof shall be forced to work ten days onthe public road, or suffer corporeal punishment as hereinafter provided. 

SECTION 7. _Be it further ordained_, That no negro who is not in themilitary service shall be allowed to carry fire-arms, or any kind ofweapons, within the parish, without the special written permission of hisemployers, approved and indorsed by the nearest or most convenient chiefof patrol. Anyone violating the provisions of this section shall forfeithis weapons and pay a fine of five dollars, or in default of the paymentof said fine, shall be forced to work five days on the public road, orsuffer corporeal punishment as hereinafter provided. 

SECTION 8. _Be it further ordained_, That no negro shall sell, barter, orexchange any articles of merchandise or traffic within said parishwithout the special written permission of his employer, specifying thearticles of sale, barter or traffic. Anyone thus offending shall pay afine of one dollar for each offence, and suffer the forfeiture of saidarticles, or in default of the payment of said fine shall work one day onthe public road, or suffer corporeal punishment as hereinafter provided. 

SECTION 9. _Be it further ordained_, That any negro found drunk withinthe said parish shall pay a fine of five dollars, or in default thereofshall work five days on the public road, or suffer corporeal punishmentas hereinafter provided. 

SECTION 10. _Be it further ordained_, That all the foregoing provisionsshall apply to negroes of both sexes. 

SECTION 11. _Be it further ordained_, That it shall be the duty of everycitizen to act as a police officer for the detection of offences and theapprehension of offenders, who shall be immediately handed over to theproper captain or chief of patrol. 

SECTION 12. _Be it further ordained_, That the aforesaid penalties shallbe summarily enforced, and that it shall be the duty of the captains andchiefs of patrol to see that the aforesaid ordinances are promptlyexecuted. 

SECTION 13. _Be it further ordained_, That all sums collected from theaforesaid fines shall be immediately handed over to the parish treasurer. 

SECTION 14. _Be it further ordained_, That the corporeal punishmentprovided for in the foregoing sections shall consist in confining thebody of the offender within a barrel placed over his or her shoulders, inthe manner practiced in the army, such confinement not to continue longerthan twelve hours, and for such time within the aforesaid limit as shallbe fixed by the captain or chief of patrol who inflicts the penalty. 

SECTION 15. _Be it further ordained_, That these ordinances shall notinterfere with any municipal or military regulations inconsistent withthem within the limits of said parish. 

SECTION 16. _Be it further ordained_, That these ordinances shall takeeffect five days after their publication in the Opelousas Courier. 

Official copy:

J. LOVELL, _Captain and Assistant Adjutant General_. 

At a meeting of the citizens of the parish of St. Mary, held at thecourt-house in the town of Franklin, on Saturday, the 15th instant, P. C. Bethel, Esq. , was called to the chair, when a committee was appointed toreport upon certain matters submitted to the consideration of themeeting, which committee reported by their chairman the following, whichwas unanimously adopted:

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE. 

The committee appointed for the purpose of embodying the views andobjects of the meeting of the citizens of the parish of St. Mary, assembled at the court-house of said parish on the 15th day of July, A. D. 1865, to deliberate concerning the discipline of colored persons orfreedmen, respectfully report that they recommend to the town council ofthe town of Franklin the adoption of the ordinance of the board of policeof the town of Opelousas, passed on the third day of the present month, with such alterations and modifications as may suit the wants andnecessities of this locality; also the ordinance of the same board ofpolice passed on the same day, relative to the town of Opelousas; whichordinances are herewith presented for reference. And they furthermorerecommend to the police jury of the parish of St. Mary, wheneverconvened, to make such regulations with regard to the discipline andmanagement of the freedmen or colored population for the entire parish asmay be most conducive to the quiet, tranquillity, and productiveness ofsaid parish generally. The committee further recommend to allwell-disposed citizens to co-operate with the authorities and with eachother in producing a return to civil rule and good order within theshortest delay possible, that the State of Louisiana may be restored toher proper condition as regards internal political stability andtranquillity, as well as the representation she is entitled to in thecouncils of the nation, which representation is more important to her nowthan at any previous period of her history. 

W. T. PALFREY, Chairman. 

_Proceedings of the Mayor and Council of the town of Franklin_. 

Friday, _July_ 28, 1865. 

Pursuant to call of the major commanding, the mayor and council met thisday. Present: A. S. Tucker, mayor; Wilson McKerall, Alfred Gates, John C. Gordy, and J. A. Peterman, members of the council. 

The following was unanimously adopted, viz:

ORDINANCE relative to the police of negroes or colored persons within thecorporate limits of the town of Franklin. 

SEC. 1. _Be it ordained by the mayor and council of the town ofFranklin_, That no negro or colored person shall be allowed to comewithin the limits of said town without special permission from hisemployer, specifying the object of his visit and the time necessary forthe accomplishment of the same. Whoever shall violate this provisionshall suffer imprisonment and two days work on the public streets, orshall pay a fine of two dollars and a half. 

SEC. 2. _Be it further ordained. &c_. , That every negro or colored personwho shall be found on the streets of Franklin after ten o'clock at nightwithout a written pass or permit from his or her employer, shall beimprisoned and compelled to work five days on the public streets or pay afine of five dollars. 

SEC. 3. No negro or colored person shall be permitted to rent or keep ahouse within the limits of the town under any circumstances; and any onethus offending shall be ejected and compelled to find an employer, orleave the town within twenty-four hours. The lessor or furnisher of thehouse kept as above shall pay a fine of ten dollars for each offence:_Provided_, That the provisions of this section shall not apply to anyfree negro or colored person who was residing in the town of Franklinprior to the 1st January (1865) last. 

SEC. 4. No negro or colored person shall reside within the limits of thetown of Franklin who is not in the regular service of some white personor former owner, who shall be held responsible for the conduct of saidnegro or colored person; but said employer or former owner may permitsaid negro or colored person to hire his or their time by specialpermission in writing, which permission shall not extend to overtwenty-five hours at any one time. Any negro or colored person violatingthe provisions of this section shall be imprisoned and forced to work fortwo days on the public streets: _Provided_, That the provisions of thissection shall not apply to negroes or colored persons heretofore free. 

SEC. 5. No public meetings or congregations of negroes or colored personsshall be allowed within the limits of the town of Franklin, under anycircumstances or for any purpose, without the permission of the mayor. This prohibition is not intended, however, to prevent negroes or coloredpersons from attending the usual church service, conducted by establishedministers of religion. Every negro or colored person violating this lawshall be imprisoned and put to work five days on the public streets. 

SEC. 6. No negro or colored person shall be permitted to preach, exhort, or otherwise declaim to congregations of colored people without a specialpermission from the mayor, under the penalty of a fine of ten dollars ortwenty days' work on the public streets. 

SEC. 7. No negro or colored person who is not in the military serviceshall be allowed to carry fire-arms or any kind of weapons within thelimits of the town of Franklin without the special permission of hisemployer in writing, and approved by the mayor. Any one thus offendingshall forfeit his weapons and shall be imprisoned and made to work fivedays on the public streets, or pay a fine of five dollars in lieu of saidwork. 

SEC. 8. No negro or colored person shall sell, barter, or exchange anyarticles of merchandise or traffic within the limits of Franklin, withoutpermission in writing from his employer or the mayor, under the penaltyof forfeiture of the said articles and imprisonment and one day's labor, or a fine of one dollar in lieu of said work. 

SEC. 9. Any negro or colored person found drunk within the limits of thetown shall be imprisoned and made to labor five days on the publicstreets, or pay five dollars in lieu of said labor. 

SEC. 10. Any negro or colored person not residing in Franklin who shallbe found within its corporate limits after the hour of three o'clock p. M. On Sunday without a special written permission from his employer or themayor, shall be arrested and imprisoned and made to work two days on thepublic streets, or pay two dollars in lieu of said work. 

SEC. 11. All the foregoing provisions apply to negroes or colored personsof both sexes. 

SEC. 12. It shall be the special duty of the town constable, underdirection of the mayor, to see that all the provisions of this ordinanceare faithfully executed. 

SEC. 13. Whoever in Franklin shall sell or give to any negro or coloredperson any intoxicating liquors, or shall exchange or barter for the samewith any such negro or colored person, without special permission fromthe mayor or employer of said negro or colored person, shall, onconviction thereof before the mayor or justice of the peace in and forthe seventh ward of the parish of St. Mary, pay a fine of twenty-fivedollars and costs of prosecution, and in default of the payment of saidfine and costs the person thus offending shall suffer imprisonment in theparish jail for ten days. 

A. S. TUCKER, _Mayor_. 

R. W. McMILLAN, _Clerk_. 

Approved: GEO. R. DAVIS, _Major Third Rhode Island Cavalry, Commanding Post_. 

[Telegram. ]

New Orleans, _August_ 10, 1865. 

The ordinance relative to the "Police of negroes or colored personswithin the corporate limits of the town of Franklin, " dated Friday, July28, 1865, and signed by A. L. Tucker, mayor, being in violation of theemancipation proclamation, the orders of the War Department, and theorders of these headquarters, you will prevent their enforcement andarrest any person attempting to carry them out. The negroes are as freeas other people. This ordinance, if enforced, would be slavery insubstance, which can never be. Attend to this matter with all the vigorat your command. I have consulted General Canby, who concurs with me inthe matter. 

THOMAS W. CONWAY, Ass't. Comm. Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, &c. , State of Louisiana_. 

Lieutenant S. E. SHEPARD, _Provost Marshal, Parish of St. Mary, Brashear City, or Franklin, La_. 

Official copy:

D. V. FENNO, _First Lieutenant and A. A. A. General_. 

No. 36. 

BUREAU REFUGEES, FREEDMEN AND ABANDONED LANDS, OFFICE ASSISTANTCOMMISSIONER FOR STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, _Vicksburg, Miss. , September_ 28, 1865. 

General: I enclose a copy of the city ordinances. You will see thatnegroes who sell vegetables, cakes, &c. , on the street are required topay ten dollars ($10) per month for the privilege of doing so. 

To illustrate the workings of this ordinance I will give you an actualoccurrence in this city. 

About a year ago an old negro man named Henderson, crippled withover-work, about seventy years of age, was sent to me for support by themilitary authorities. I issued him rations for himself and wife, an oldnegro woman, incapable of doing anything but care for herself. Icontinued this till about January 1, 1865, when the old man came to meand informed me that if I would allow him to sell apples and cakes to thesoldiers on a corner of the street near my office, under a large treethat grew there, he thought he could care for himself and make enough tosupport himself and wife. I immediately gave him permission and an orderto protect him. I had but little faith in his being able to do it, as hewas compelled to go on crutches and was bent nearly double, owing to asevere whipping his old master had given him some years ago. 

He commenced his work, and, much to my surprise, made enough to supporthimself, and asked for no more assistance from me. 

When the city authorities took charge of the city matters the marshal ofthe city ordered him to pay the ten dollars per month for the privilegeof supporting himself or desist from such trade. 

The old man told him that all his profits would not amount to ten dollarsper month, and that in some months he did not make that amount of sales, but, as Colonel Thomas provided him with a place to live, he could barelysupport himself by such trade. The marshal of the city informed him thatthe tax must be paid by all, and that Colonel Thomas could take care ofhim, as it was his duty to do so. 

The old man came to my office and told me the whole affair. I wrote aletter to the mayor setting forth the whole case, and that the collectionof this tax on such old cripples would compel me to support them, as theycould not pay the city ten dollars per month and make their support. Infact, ten dollars per month is the common wages for negro labor. Themayor refused to allow the negro to continue his sales, and I wascompelled to take charge of him. I would have refused to allow the cityauthorities to interrupt him had it not been for General Orders No. 10, from headquarters department of Mississippi, allowing the mayor to takecharge of such matters. 

You will see by the city ordinance that a drayman or hackman must file abond of five hundred dollars in addition to paying for his license. Themayor requires that the bondsmen shall be freeholders. The laws of thisState do not, and never did, allow a negro to own land or hold property. The white citizens refuse to sign any bonds for the freedmen. 

The white citizens and authorities say that it is for their interest todrive out all independent negro labor; that the freedmen must hire towhite men if they wish to do this kind of work. 

I am, general, very respectfully, SAMUEL THOMAS, _Colonel, Assistant Commissioner Freedmen's Bureau, State of Mississippi_. 

Major General C. SCHURZ. 

_Proceedings of the City Council_. 

At a regular meeting of the board of mayor and council of the city ofVicksburg, held at the City Hall, on Monday, August 7, 1865: Present--T. J. Randolph, mayor; Messrs. Stites, Royall, Johnson, Bender, Spengler, Manlove, and Porterfield, councilmen. 

Mr. Stites introduced the following ordinance, which was read; and, onmotion of Mr. Bender, the rules were suspended, the ordinance read asecond time; and, on motion of Mr. Manlove, the rules were againsuspended, the ordinance read a third time by its title, and passed. 

Mr. Johnson called for the ayes and noes on the passage of the ordinance, which were taken:

Ayes--Stites, Royall, Bender, Spengler, Manlove, and Porterfield--6. 

Nay--Johnson--1. 

AN ORDINANCE to raise revenue for the city of Vicksburg. 

SEC. 1. That there shall be assessed, levied, and collected upon thelandholders, freeholders, and householders of the city of Vicksburg, forthe year commencing July 9, 1865, upon the _ad valorem_ worth of allhouses, lots and parts of lots, and lands, and on all goods, wares, andmerchandise, on all moneys loaned at interest in said city, whether by aresident or nonresident or a corporation, a general tax of fifty cents onevery one hundred dollars' value thereof; that said valuation orassessment shall be assessed from the 9th day of July, A. D. 1865, andshall be for one year, but the tax so assessed shall be payable inadvance. 

SEC. 2. That on all goods, wares, and merchandise, produce, &c. , contained or sold on board any flatboat, or other water craft, thereshall be assessed, levied, and collected upon the _ad valorem_ worth ageneral tax of fifty cents on every one hundred dollars' value thereof. 

SEC. 3. That there shall be assessed, levied, and collected a poll tax oftwo dollars upon every male inhabitant of said city over the age oftwenty-one years. 

SEC. 4. That the rate for license for the houses, business, &c. , beassessed as follows, payable as set forth in section 1: On all familygroceries, porter-houses, eating-houses, oyster houses, and restaurants, per year $40; on all auction stores, per year, $200; on all publicauctioneers, $50; on all banks, brokers, and exchange offices, $500; onall insurance companies having agents in this city, $100; on all expresscompanies, $200; on all wholesale and retail stores and commissionhouses, $50; on all drays and carts, $20; on all hacks, $25; on allprivate boarding-houses having ten or more boarders, $20; on all hotels, $100; on all rooms where billiard tables are kept for playing, $200; onall rooms where bagatelle or pigeonhole tables are kept for playing, $25;on all alleys known as ten-pin or nine-pin alleys, $200; on all liverystables, $50; on all wagon yards, $40; on all barber shops, for eachchair, $40; on all manufactories of ale, porter, or soda-water per year, $75; on all bakeries, $25; on all theatres, circuses, animal shows, orany public performance or exhibition where compensation is paid in money, each day, $25; on all bar-rooms, or other places where vinous orspirituous liquors are sold in less quantities than one gallon, per year, $500; on all confectionary, fruit or ice cream, soda water or vegetablestores, $50; on all cigar stores, $50; on all shops where fresh meat issold, $50; on all street peddlers of goods, wares, or merchandise, fruit&c. , except from market carts from the country, per month, $10; on alllive stock sold in this city, one-half of one per cent, _ad valorem_. 

SEC. 5. That all ordinances in any way conflicting with the provisions ofthis ordinance be, and the same are hereby, repealed. 

SEC. 6. That this ordinance take effect from and after its passage. 

Vicksburg, Mississippi, _August_ 7, 1865. 

Mr. Stites introduced the following ordinance, which was read; and, onmotion of Mr. Bender, the rules were suspended and the ordinance read asecond time; and, on motion of Mr. Manlove, the rules were againsuspended, the ordinance read a third time by its title, and passed. 

AN ORDINANCE to regulate the mode of obtaining licenses within the cityof Vicksburg. 

SEC. 1. That, before license shall be granted to any one to keep a familygrocery, porter-house, oyster-house, eating-house, or restaurant in thiscity, the person or persons so applying shall execute a bond in the penalsum of $500, with one or more securities, payable to the mayor of thecity of Vicksburg and his successors in office, conditioned that he, she, or they will keep an orderly and well-conducted house, and will notpermit any riotous or disorderly conduct, or any gaming in or about thesame, and will not sell any vinous or spirituous liquors to any one inless quantity than one gallon during the continuance of his or herlicense. 

SEC. 2. That before any person or persons shall be licensed to retailvinous or spirituous liquors within this city, he, she, or they shallproduce before the board of mayor and council of said city the writtenrecommendation of five freeholders of his or her neighborhood, settingforth that he or she is of good reputation and a suitable person toreceive such license. 

SEC. 3. That no license to sell vinous or spirituous liquors as aforesaidshall be delivered to any person until he or she shall have firstproduced the receipt of the treasurer of the city for the amount of taxassessed for such license, and shall also have executed a bond in thepenal sum of $1, 000, with one or more good and sufficient sureties, payable to the mayor of the city of Vicksburg and his successor inoffice, conditioned that he, she, or they will keep an orderly andwell-conducted house, and will not permit any riotous or disorderlyconduct, or any gaming, in or about the same. 

SEC. 4. That the bonds provided for in this ordinance shall be submittedto, and approved by, the board of mayor and council before said licenseshall be issued. 

SEC. 5. That if any person shall retail any vinous or spirituous liquorswithin this city in less quantity than one gallon without first havingprocured license to do so, pursuant to the provisions of this ordinance, or in any way violate the provisions of this ordinance, he shall, uponconviction before the mayor of the city, be fined in a sum not less thanone hundred nor more than five hundred dollars. 

SEC. 6. That before issuing license to any person or persons for theprivilege of running a public dray, cart, or hack in this city, the partyso applying shall first file with the mayor of the city a bond, with goodand sufficient security, to be approved by the mayor, in the penal sum of$500, conditioned for the faithful performance of their duties as publiccarriers. 

SEC. 7. That all ordinances in any way conflicting with the provisions ofthis ordinance be, and the same are hereby, repealed. 

SEC. 8. That this ordinance take effect from and after its passage. 

Vicksburg, Mississippi, _August_ 7, 1865

Mr. Johnson introduced the following ordinance, which was read; and onmotion of Mr. Manlove, the rules were suspended and the ordinance read asecond time; and on motion of Mr. Bender, the rules were again suspended, the ordinance read a third time by its title, and passed:

AN ORDINANCE to amend the market ordinance. 

SEC. 1. That from and after the passage of this ordinance it shall not belawful for any person or persons to sell or expose for sale in themarket-house of Vicksburg, after the hour of 9 o'clock a. M. , anylemonade, ice-cream, cakes, pies, fruit, or vegetables, or otherarticles usually sold in market, under the penalty of $10 for each andevery offence. 

SEC. 2. That it shall not be lawful for any person or persons trading inthe market to buy or bargain for, during market hours, or receive fromany person or persons not renting a stall in the market, any meat, fish, poultry, butter, eggs, vegetables, or fruits, and offer the same for salein the market again within ten days, under a penalty of $10 for each andevery offence. 

SEC. 3. That it shall not be lawful for any person or persons to buy fromany person on their way to market, within the city, during market hours, any of the articles named in the second section, or prevent such personfrom going to market with aforesaid articles, under a penalty of $10 foreach and every offence. 

SEC. 4. That it shall be the duty of the day police of each ward toarrest and bring before the mayor all persons found violating any sectionof the above ordinance. 

SEC. 5. That all ordinances or parts of ordinances conflicting with thisordinance be, and the same are hereby, repealed. 

Mr. Porterfield introduced the following ordinance, which was read; andon motion of Mr. Manlove, the rules were suspended and the ordinance reada second time; and on further motion of Mr. Manlove, the rules were againsuspended, the ordinance read a third time by its title, and passed:

AN ORDINANCE regulating ferry-boats, &c. 

SEC. 1. That all ferry-boats crossing the Mississippi river and landingin the city limits shall pay the sum of $25 per week. 

SEC. 2. That this ordinance shall be in force from and after its passage. 

On motion of Mr. Manlove, the following resolution was adopted:_Resolved_, That hereafter it shall be lawful for the city marshal tocharge for prisoners committed to workhouse for board, per day, sixtycents. 

On motion of Mr. Spangler, the following resolution was adopted:_Resolved_, That the city marshal notify the owners of property to havetheir side-walks and gutters repaired on Washington street, betweensecond corner of East to Depot street, in thirty days; and if not done, the city marshal have it done, at the expense of the property. 

On motion of Mr. Manlove, the following resolution was adopted:_Resolved_, That the mayor be authorized to pay the policemen the amountsdue them respectively to date, according to the report by the citymarshal. 

On motion of Mr. Spangler, the following resolution was adopted:_Resolved_, That the overseers of street hands' pay shall be $100 permonth. 

On motion of Mr. Manlove, the following resolution was adopted:_Resolved_, That the salary of the city marshal shall be $1, 200 perannum, the salary of the deputy marshal be $900 per annum, and the salaryof the policemen $60 per month, all of which shall be paid monthly. 

On motion of Mr. Manlove, the following resolution was adopted:_Resolved_, That a committee of two be appointed to receive proposals topublish the proceedings of the city council to the third Monday in Marchnext, and also inquire on what terms the city printing can be done, andreport to next meeting of this council. 

The mayor appointed Messrs. Manlove and Bender on said committee. 

On motion of Mr. Bender, the board adjourned till Thursday evening, August 10, at six o'clock. 

T. J. RANDOLPH, _Mayor_. 

No. 37. 

FREEDMEN'S BUREAU, STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, _Office State Superintendent of Education, Vicksburg, Miss. , September_ 28, 1865. 

General: At the request of Colonel Thomas, I beg your attention to a fewconsiderations touching the turning over of the care of the freedmen inMississippi to the State authorities, so far as the transfer bears uponthe religious and educational privileges of the colored people. Perhapsno one who has been less engaged in caring for the education and themoral interests of these people can fully appreciate the facts that Iintend to lay before you, or understand them as having the intensity ofmeaning that I see in them. 

I have seen a good deal of the people of Mississippi, and have purposelysounded them as to their feelings with regard to the effort to educatethe blacks. The general feeling is that of strong opposition to it. Onlyone person resident in Mississippi before the rebellion has expressedhimself to me as in favor of it, and he did not propose to do anything toaid it; and, to show how much his favor was worth, he said he regrettedthat he was not able to prevent the negroes from having shoutingmeetings, and that he would keep them from going off the plantation tomeeting now if he could, as he formerly did. Aside from this gentleman, every native Mississippian and Irishman with whom I have conversedopposes the instruction of freedmen. Some disguise their opposition byaffected contemptuous disbelief of the negro's capacity. All the factsthat we can give them, however rich and suggestive, are received withsneering incredulity and the assurance that they know the negroes betterthan we do. A little persistence in giving this class of men factsdisproving their assertions usually makes them angry, and leads them todeclare that if the negroes can learn, the greater the damage that willbe done them, for the education will do them no good, and will spoilthem. Others take this last-mentioned ground at first, and say that alearned negro is a nuisance; for, while he is ignorant, stupid, andloutish, he may be compelled to labor; but as soon as he comes to knowsomething the white people cannot make so profitable use of him. 

Some manifest great spite when this subject is mentioned. They say we aretrying to make the negro equal with them. Many do not hesitate to saythat he ought to be kept uneducated in order that he may not be superiorto ignorant white men. 

I have discovered that many object to the negro women's being educatedlest they should be led to respect themselves, and not so easily be madethe instruments of the white man's lust. 

The people of Vicksburg have asked Colonel Thomas to prevent theestablishment of colored schools within the city--they would probablysay, to preserve the peace of the city; but I feel sure it is because thesight of them gives pain. And if their removal ever becomes necessary tothe peace of a place, the fact will illustrate public feelingsufficiently. 

I have heard more than one person say that he would kill a coloredteacher if he ever saw one. 

The children of a community generally express the public feeling, and wemay usually learn from them what the feeling is, even when the parents, from prudence, seek to conceal it. Children often exaggerate, but theyget their bias at home. The children of Mississippi throw stones atcolored scholars, and are only restrained by fear from mobbing coloredschools. 

My memorandum book contains such information as to points in the interiorof the State as I can gather from officers, and from any reliable source, to guide me in locating teachers. Some of these memoranda are: "Garrisonwithdrawn; school impossible. " "No resident federal officer; a teachercould not be protected. " "People much prejudiced; protection cannot beguaranteed. " Such things are said in regard to every place not undernorthern protection. I think I do not overstate in saying that I do notknow a single northern man in Mississippi who supposes a colored schoolpossible where there is no federal sword or bayonet. Some northern men donot regret this fact, perhaps; and this makes their testimony on thispoint more valuable. 

White churches recover their houses of worship which the blacks helped tobuild, and which they have repaired extensively during the last twoyears, and remorselessly turn the blacks out without any regard to theirrights in equity, their feelings, or their religious interests. 

I may state here that there is such a general expression of contempt fornegro religion, and such a desire to suppress it, if possible, that itseems as if the whites thought it a piece of terrible impertinence forthe blacks to worship the same God that we do. The white people alsofear, or affect to fear, that opposition to their plans, and eveninsurrection, will be hatched at the meetings of colored people. TheNemesis of slavery still holds her whip over them. From this source arisethe occasional reports of intended insurrections; and these reports areintended, often, to cause the prevention of meetings, at which thecolored people may consult together, and convey information important tothem. 

In view of all these things, I have no doubt but that, if our protectionbe withdrawn, negro education will be hindered in every possible way, including obstruction by fraud and violence. I have not the smallestexpectation that, with the State authorities in full power, a northerncitizen would be protected in the exercise of his constitutional right toteach and preach to the colored people; and shall look for a renewal ofthe fearful scenes, in which northerners were whipped, tarred andfeathered, warned off, and murdered, before the war. 

I meant to make this letter shorter, but could not. I hope I need notassure you, general, that I am not conscious that any part of the abovecomes of enmity to the south. I certainly should rejoice to see myopinion of the state of feeling in Mississippi falsified by patent facts. 

I have the honer to be, general, your obedient servant, JOSEPH WARREN, _Chaplain, State Superintendent of Education_. 

Major General CARL SCHURZ. 

No. 39. 

OFFICE ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER BUREAU REFUGEES, FREEDMEN AND ABANDONEDLANDS FOR STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, _Vicksburg, Mississippi, September 30, 1865_. 

General: I see by the papers of a late date that Dr. Murdoch, ofColumbus, Mississippi, has made a speech at General Howard's office, inwhich he makes strong promises of the hearty co-operation of hisfellow-citizens in the education of the freedmen in the State. 

The officer of this bureau at that place, Captain Hubbard, writes that"the citizens of the place are so prejudiced against the negroes thatthey are opposed to all efforts being made for their education orelevation; that the people will not give rooms, or allow the children oftheir hired freedmen to attend the schools; that the citizens of theplace have written a letter to the officer saying that they wouldrespectfully ask that no freedmen schools be established under theauspices of the bureau, as it would tend to disturb the present laborsystem, and take from the field labor that is so necessary to restore thewealth of the State. " This is signed by half a dozen citizens purportingto represent the people, and certainly gives us a different idea of thecase from that stated by Dr. Murdoch. 

I am, general, very respectfully, SAMUEL THOMAS, _Colonel, Assistant Commissioner for Mississippi_. 

Major General CARL SCHURZ. 

No. 40. 

_To the Voters of Wilkinson county_:

Fellow-Citizens: When I consented, some days ago, to be a candidate forthe State convention, I confess that, with some of my personal friends, Iwas vain enough to believe that I was sufficiently well known to thepeople of Wilkinson county to make it unnecessary for me to publish mypolitical creed. But, to my surprise, it is rumored, to the prejudice ofmy humble claim upon your suffrage, that I am an "_unconditional, immediate emancipationist--an abolitionist_. "

In the freedom of casual, friendly conversation, it is certainly notunreasonable that I may, as any other man, be misunderstood. I cannotthink any of my fellow-citizens capable of misrepresenting me purposely. But certain it is I am misunderstood if any man believes me to favor thepolicy that wrongs and impoverishes my country. It does occur to me, fellow-citizens, that the _charity_, at least, if not the good sense ofthose who know me, would contradict any such insinuation. True, I onlyclaim to have done my duty, but my record for the last four years, Itrust, is sufficient proof of my fidelity to the interests of the southand all her institutions. Can any man believe me now in favor of, andready to advocate, the abolition of an institution for which I havecontended so long, and which I am as fully persuaded to-day, as ever, wasthe true status of the negro? Surely not. 

But, fellow-citizens, --what I may, in common with you all, have to submitto, is a very different thing. Slavery has been taken from us. The powerthat has already practically abolished the institution threatens totallyand forever to abolish it. But does it follow that I am in favor of thisthing? By no means. And, certainly, you who know me will not demand of meany further assurance than my antecedents afford that I will, as yourrepresentative, should you elect me, "do all and secure all" I could forthe best interest of the State, and the rights and interests of a freepeople. 

I have thought, and have said, and do now repeat, that my honestconviction is, we must accept the situation as it is until we can getcontrol once more of our own State affairs. We cannot do otherwise andget our place again in the Union, and occupy a position, exert aninfluence, that will protect us against further and greater evils whichthreaten us. I must, as any other man who votes or holds an office, submit, for the time, to evils I cannot remedy. 

I want it distinctly understood that _I do not run on "Mr. Burruss'splatform, " or any other man's, save my own_. 

Should you send me to the convention I will go committed, as I think anhonest man can only commit himself, i. E. , according to my best judgment, and with an intention to guard all the blessings we now enjoy, to theextent of my ability, exert myself, as I have said, to secure all I canfor the interest of our State. If I cannot be trusted, then choose someother man, who may have shown himself hitherto, and is now, more trulyyour friend, and who is, in your judgment, more capable of representingyou. 

W. L. BRANDON. 

Wilkinson County, _August_ 6. 

No. 41. 

OFFICE ACTING ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER BUREAU FREEDMEN, &c. , FOR SOUTHERNDISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI, _Natchez, Miss. , September_ 25, 1865. 

General: In obedience to your request, I have the honor to submit thefollowing as the result of my observations during the past year amongfreedmen:

The opinion and feeling among the negroes throughout this district, comprising the counties of Claiborne, Copiah, Lawrence, Covington, Jones, Wayne, Jefferson, Franklin, Pike, Marion, Perry, Greene, Adams, Wilkinson, Amite, Hancock, Harrison, and Jackson, and Concordia andTeusas parishes, Louisiana, are almost unanimous on one point, viz: theywill remain this year on their old places for a support, and suchremuneration as the crop raised can give them, but next year they willleave and make other arrangements. They say that they have tried theirold masters, know what they require, and how they will be treated, andthat, as they are now free, they will try some other place and some otherway of working. They take this view not because they are tired of work, or because they want to be idle, but because they are free, and want tofind out in what their freedom consists. 

To contend with the results of this opinion will be the great work flungupon the hands of some one next year. And not only will they have to seethat the laborers are properly settled, but they must provide for thecrippled, the helpless and the children. The planters cannot be made tosupport those who are too feeble to give any return, and who only remainbecause they are too old or too young to get away. What, then, is tobecome of them?

As to those who can labor, there will be no difficulty--the demand forlaborers will far exceed the supply. The great trouble will be to keepthe negro in the State, and to provide assistance for those who areunable to take care of themselves. Another want to be provided for isthat of education. If we are to have good, industrious, and law-abidingpeople, we must provide some means for their education. It is intended toplace a teacher in every town in which schools can be established andprotected. From conversations with intelligent citizens, whom I feelassured, represent the feelings of a large class of people, I think thatfor some time the equality of negroes and whites before the law, asregards testimony, will be merely an equality in name. 

Citizens say that their legislature may, and probably will, make lawsreceiving the testimony of negroes in all cases, as a means of inducingthe government to re-admit them to a full exercise of their Statejurisdiction and representation, but that no southern jury can ever befound that, when it comes to a case where twenty negroes testify one way, and two white men testify the other, will not decide in favor of thewhite, and virtually throw out the negro testimony. Of course this matterof testimony will settle itself with time, and a negro's word obtain thesame credit from his individual character as among whites, for thewhites, having cases that they are dependent upon negro testimony for, will in the course of time be brought by their own interests to take anddemand the full benefit of the law; but for some time, although legallyadmitted, it will in fact be excluded. 

The report of Captain Warren Peck, a copy of which I have the honor toenclose, gives a very fair view of what the result would be, were theofficers of this bureau removed. 

When I took charge here I found a perfect state of terror among whitesand blacks; but now that officers are thickly distributed over thedistrict, complaints are few, and the laborers are well, and, so far aspossible, comfortably fixed for this year. Out of a negro population ofover 75, 000, only 649 receive rations from the government as destitutes. 

I feel no hesitation in saying that it is imperatively necessary to givethe system of free labor a fair trial, and to secure to the freedmen allthe benefits contemplated by the emancipation proclamation; that officersor agents should be retained whose duty it is to look after the interestsof this large class of people, and see that they are gradually accustomedto manage their own business and protect their own interests. 

I have the honor to be, general, very respectfully, your obedientservant, GEORGE D. REYNOLDS, _Major 6th United States Colored Heavy Artillery, and Acting AssistantComm. Bureau of Freedmen, &c. , Southern Dist. Of Mississippi_. 

Major General CARL SCHURZ. 

No. 42. 

HEADQUARTERS NORTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI, _Jackson, Miss. , August_ 21, 1865. 

Captain: I have the honor to enclose copies of a notice to form companiesin this and a neighboring county, and of my letter to Governor Sharkey inreference to this matter. In a discussion which I had with the governorhe told me that it was his intention to raise a company of militia inevery county of the State, in accordance with the militia law ofMississippi, mainly for the purpose of suppressing any acts of violencewhich the negroes may attempt to commit during next winter. I called theattention of the governor to the fact that the docket, until this day, exhibits only the name of white criminals, and that all informationproves that almost all the cases of robbery, murder, &c. , were brought inconnexion with young men in the country lately returned from militaryservice--just the very same men who, in all probability, would join theintended meetings to form companies of militia. 

The result of the organization of such companies, while the State isoccupied by United States troops, mostly colored, cannot be doubted--theheterogeneous element must clash and bring about a state of affairs whichcertainly would prove detrimental to the peace and best interests of theState. 

Governor Sharkey tells me that he has applied to President Johnson forauthority to raise the militia, and that he would inform me of anydecision he may receive from Washington; in the mean time I consider itmy duty to take action as communicated in my letter, and respectfullyrequest the approval of the major general commanding department. Veryrespectfully, your obedient servant, P. JOS. OSTERHAUS, _Major General Volunteers_. 

Captain J. WARREN MILLER, _A. A. General, Department of Mississippi_. 

Official copy:

W. A. GORDON, _A. A. General_. 

EXECUTIVE OFFICE, _Jackson, Miss. , August_ 19, 1865. 

Information having reached me that parties of bad men have bandedtogether in different parts of the State for the purpose of robbing andplundering, and for violating the law in various ways, and that outragesof various kinds are being perpetrated, and the military authorities ofthe United States being insufficient to protect the people throughout theentire State, I do therefore call upon the people, and especially on suchas are liable to perform military duty, and are familiar with militarydiscipline, to organize volunteer companies in each county in the State, if practicable, at least one company of cavalry and one of infantry, asspeedily as possible, for the detection of criminals, the prevention ofcrime, and the preservation of good order. And I urge upon thesecompanies, when formed, that they will be vigilant in the discharge ofthese duties. These companies will be organized under the law in relationto volunteer companies as contained in the Revised Code, and theamendment thereto, passed on the 10th of February, 1860, except that assoon as the proper number shall volunteer, the election for officers maytake place immediately and without further order, and commissions will beissued as soon as returns are received, and the election may be held byany justice of the peace. I most earnestly call upon the young men of theState, who have so distinguished themselves for gallantry, to respondpromptly to this call, which is made in behalf of a suffering people. 

It will be the duty, as I hope it will be the pleasure, of thesecompanies to pursue and apprehend all offenders against law, and byvigilance to prevent crime, to aid the civil authorities, and tocontribute all in their power to the restoration of good order in thecommunity. Arms will be procured, if possible, for such as may not havethem, but I would advise an immediate organization with such arms as canbe procured. 

Given under my hand and the great seal of State affixed. 

W. L. SHARKEY, _Provisional Governor of Mississippi_. 

By the Governor:

JOHN H. ECHOLS, _Secretary of State_. 

HEADQUARTERS NORTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI, _Jackson, Miss. , August_ 22, 1865. 

Captain: I have the honor to enclose copy of a letter received fromGovernor Sharkey in reply to my communication of yesterday, copy of whichwas sent you by last courier. The governor's proclamation, raising troopsin the whole State, changes the status of things, as it no longer belongsto the limits of my district, but to the department; and, consequently, Idesist from all further action in the matter until your instructions havecome to hand. 

In regard to the robberies, I will state that not a single _regular_stage, between Big Black and Jackson, has been earnestly interfered with;they were permitted to run, without molestation, while the "robbers"operated against a Massachusetts schoolmaster, some darkies, and thegovernment messengers; not a house was entered in the vicinity of thefield of operations, not an inhabitant robbed. All "home institutions"are apparently safe. The inference is natural that these highway men areguerillas in the true sense of the word, and are waging a war against the"invaders. " The governor admits, very candidly, that he knows that thepeople are reluctant to give aid to me by imparting information. Severalpersons who were halted by the "robbers, " but released with the excusethat they were stopped by mistake, refused flatly to give any name, ofthe party they were stopped by, but declared to know them. 

You know, captain, that certain parties have importuned the governor, from the beginning, to raise the militia; and, as there was no cause forsuch a measure before, it probably was thought expedient to get up somecause for the desired purpose. Now we have the "robberies"--they are veryone-sided and extraordinary--but they furnished the cause so badlywanted. The governor is confident that a few squads of young men, armedwith fowling-pieces and the omnipresent revolvers, can suppress allirregularities, which the utmost vigilance and constant exertion of alarge number of United States troops failed to suppress!

I must state yet that the parties arrested under suspicion ofparticipating in the described robberies are young men lately connectedwith the rebel army. There is no doubt on my mind that the young men "whosteal the despatches from our messengers" will become good members of theintended militia. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, P. JOS. OSTERHAUS, _Major General Volunteers_. 

Captain J. WARREN MILLER, _A. A. General, Department of Mississippi_. 

Official copy:

W. A. GORDON, _A. A. General_. 

HEADQUARTERS NORTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI, _Jackson, Miss. , August_ 21, 1865. 

Sir: A notice appears in yesterday's paper, over the signature of LamarFontaine, calling on the young men of Hinds and Madison counties to meetat Cooper Wells and at Livingstone, respectively, on the 22d and 24thinstant, for the purpose of organizing companies and electing officers. 

The notice creates the impression that some kind of military organizationis intended, and in that event I would beg leave to call your attentionto the fact that the State of Mississippi is under occupation, and thatmartial law is still in force, and that no military organizations can betolerated which are not under the control of the United States officers. I am, therefore, in duty bound and compelled to prevent and prohibit allmilitary organization not recognized as a portion of the United Statesforces, unless they are formed under special authority of the WarDepartment, or the major general commanding the department ofMississippi. 

I can assure your excellency that the number of troops in the counties ofHinds and Madison is amply sufficient to give the civil authorities allthe assistance they may possibly need, and the means at my disposal areamply sufficient to stop all crime, provided the civil authorities willco-operate sincerely with the military commanders, and furnishinformation promptly and voluntarily, as the public peace and safetyrequire them to do. 

I respectfully request that you will communicate the tenor of thiscommunication to Mr. Fontaine. 

Believe me, with great esteem, your excellency's obedient servant, P. JOS. O'STERHAUS, _Major General Volunteers_. 

His Excellency Hon. W. L. SHARKEY, _Provisional Governor of Mississippi_. 

Official copy:

W. A. GORDON, A. A. G. 

EXECUTIVE OFFICE, _Jackson, Miss. , August_ 22, 1865. 

General: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of yourcommunication of yesterday, in which you call my attention to the factthat the State of Mississippi is still under military occupation, andthat martial law is still in force, and that no military organizationscan be tolerated which are not under the control of United Statesofficers; and you add that you will feel bound to prevent suchorganizations, and you also assure me that you have sufficient troops inthe counties of Hinds and Madison to aid the civil authorities. This lastremark was made by you with reference to a particular organization whichhas been proposed in those counties. I have, however, issued a generalorder on this subject, a copy of which I hand you, regretting that youhave felt yourself compelled to take this view of the subject, and I knowyou are prompted by a sense of duty. I beg to remind you that for twelveor fifteen consecutive nights passengers travelling in the stage betweenhere and Vicksburg have been robbed, and these things have occurredwithin twelve or fifteen miles of your own headquarters. I would not beunderstood as reflecting in the slightest degree on you. I know you haveevery desire to prevent such occurrences, and will use every means inyour power to do so, and to arrest the culprits. I know, too, that thepeople are reluctant to give you aid by imparting information to you, but, in addition to these robberies, information daily reaches me of theperpetration of outrages, committed in various ways in distant parts ofthe--State where you have no military force. The people are calling on mefor protection, which I cannot give them under existing circumstances, and it was to give them relief that the military organizations have beenordered. If further justification be necessary, I may add in the lastinterview I had with the President, in speaking of anticipated troubles, he distinctly stated to me that I could organize the militia if it shouldbecome necessary. I think the necessity is now manifest, and thereforeclaim the authority of the President of the United States for my action. It was precisely under this authority that in my proclamation of the 1stof July I called upon the people in unprotected counties to organize fortheir security. I will also state that the President has been apprised ofwhat I am doing in this respect, and when he shall change hisinstructions I will, of course, yield obedience; but until he shall doso, I shall feel it to be my duty to carry out the line of policy I haveadopted. I need scarcely assure you, general, that this is not in anysense a hostile demonstration, and feel quite sure no evil can resultfrom it. Mississippi has spoken too plainly in her convention to leaveany doubt about her future purposes. 

Believe me, with great respect, your most obedient servant, W. L. SHARKEY, _Provisional Governor of Mississippi_. 

Major General P. Jos. OSTERHAUS. 

Official copy:

W. A. GORDON, A. A. G. 

No. 43. 

OFFICE ACTING ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER FREEDMEN'S BUREAU

FOR NORTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI, _Jackson, Miss. , September_ 28, 1865. 

Major: In compliance with your request desiring me to furnish you a listof crimes and assaults against freedmen, I have the honor to report thaton or about the 18th day of August, 1865, Matilda, a colored woman, wasmurdered by one J. H. Kiley and son, in Newton county, in this State, forsimply remonstrating against whipping her son. Lucinda, a colored woman, in Yalobusha county, was stripped naked, tied to a tree, and severelywhipped by three men, names unknown. In the county of Holmes, between the5th and 15th days of September, 1865, five negroes were murdered; namesof the perpetrators unknown. In Simpson county, about the 1st of August, a father and his two sons cruelly whipped and abused a colored woman intheir employ. Near Lauderdale Springs, Castwell Eads, a citizen, by hisown statement, shot and wounded a colored man for simply refusing to obeyhis command, _halt_! while he was running from him after being cruellywhipped. In Smith county, S. S. Catchings, a citizen, followed a coloredman, who had left his plantation, overtook him, knocked him down, andbeat him brutally. 

These are all the cases of which I have detailed accounts, none butgeneral reports having yet been received from the agents. These indicatethat cruelty is frequently practiced. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, E. S. DONALDSON, _Lieutenant Colonel, Acting Assistant Commissioner_. 

Major W. A. GORDON, _Assistant Adjutant General_. 

No. 44. 

Savannah, Ga. , _August_ 1, 1865. 

General: In answer to your question with regard to free labor at theSouth, and particularly the way in which the contract system is viewed bypersons who were formerly slaveholders, I would state that these personsaccept the present condition of affairs as an alternative forced uponthem, believing still that the emancipation of their slaves was a greatblunder, and that slavery is the only system by which the colored laborercan be made profitable to his employer. 

Within this district the plantation contracts now in force were enteredinto just subsequent to the arrival of the army, and when it wasimpossible for planters to undertake the care of their plantations. Thenegroes, therefore, planted for themselves, promising the owner a fairproportion of the crop as rent for the use of the land. 

Now, however, the matter comes up in a different shape. Owners havereturned, and it is necessary to make arrangements for the next season. Most of them complain and find fault with the government, and remaininactive. So long as the military form prevails they seem to submit andto conform to present requirements, but at heart they are unfriendly. Some few, however, ask of us what we are going to do with the negro, andwhat provision will be made with regard to labor. There is nothing intheir conduct that betokens sympathy with our movements, or a desire toco-operate with us earnestly in our work. The rebel spirit is as bitteras ever in the minds of the southern people. To return to the old customsis now their effort, and step by step they would take us back to where wewere when the war broke out. They will contract with the freedmen, notbecause they prefer to, but because they are obliged to, and so long asthe authority of the United States is present for the protection of allparties, and to compel a faithful performance, the agreement will becarried out; but should the army be withdrawn, the freedmen wouldvirtually be reduced to slavery, and freedom-loving men would find asouthern residence unsafe. 

I think the negro is disposed to fulfil his contract, and in cases whereit has seemed otherwise, the other party has often been at fault. 

While I have met a few planters who seem to realize that emancipation isa fixed fact, and that they must make the most of present circumstances, by resorting to the only means by which labor can now be obtained, (thecontract system, ) I have found scarcely one who will enter into thematter with any kind of sympathy, or with either the belief or the hopethat our plans will eventually succeed, for they feel keenly that thesuccess of those plans will prove the foolishness of slavery. 

The coming year will produce a change of opinion at the South, I think, if by thorough supervision we secure protection to free labor. 

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant, A. P. KETCHUM. Major General CARL SCHURZ. 

LETTER OF GENERAL GRANT CONCERNING AFFAIRS AT THE SOUTH. 

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES, _Washington, D. C. , December_ 18, 1865. 

Sir: In reply to your note of the 16th instant, requesting a report fromme giving such information as I may be possessed of coming within thescope of the inquiries made by the Senate of the United States in theirresolution of the 12th instant, I have the honor to submit the following:

With your approval, and also that of the honorable Secretary of War, Ileft Washington city on the 27th of last month for the purpose of makinga tour of inspection through some of the southern States, or Stateslately in rebellion, and to see what changes were necessary to be made inthe disposition of the military forces of the country; how these forcescould be reduced and expenses curtailed, &c. ; and to learn, as far aspossible, the feelings and intentions of the citizens of those Statestowards the general government. 

The State of Virginia being so accessible to Washington city, andinformation from this quarter, therefore, being readily obtained, Ihastened through the State without conversing or meeting with any of itscitizens. In Raleigh, North Carolina, I spent one day; in Charleston, South Carolina, two days; Savannah and Augusta, Georgia, each one day. Both in travelling and whilst stopping I saw much and conversed freelywith the citizens of those States as well as with officers of the armywho have been stationed among them. The following are the conclusionscome to by me. 

I am satisfied that the mass of thinking men of the south accept thepresent situation of affairs in good faith. The questions which haveheretofore divided the sentiment of the people of the twosections--slavery and State rights, or the right of a State to secedefrom the Union--they regard as having been settled forever by the highesttribunal--arms--that man can resort to. I was pleased to learn from theleading men whom I met that they not only accepted the decision arrivedat as final, but, now that the smoke of battle has cleared away and timehas been given for reflection, that this decision has been a fortunateone for the whole country, they receiving like benefits from it withthose who opposed them in the field and in council. 

Four years of war, during which law was executed only at the point of thebayonet throughout the States in rebellion, have left the people possiblyin a condition not to yield that ready obedience to civil authority theAmerican people have generally been in the habit of yielding. This wouldrender the presence of small garrisons throughout those States necessaryuntil such time as labor returns to its proper channel, and civilauthority is fully established. I did not meet any one, either thoseholding places under the government or citizens of the southern States, who think it practicable to withdraw the military from the south atpresent. The white and the black mutually require the protection of thegeneral government. 

There is stick universal acquiescence in the authority of the generalgovernment throughout the portions of country visited by me, that themere presence of a military force, without regard to numbers, issufficient to maintain order. The good of the country, and economy, require that the force kept in the interior, where there are manyfreedmen, (elsewhere in the southern States than at forts upon theseacoast no force is necessary, ) should all be white troops. The reasonsfor this are obvious without mentioning many of them. The presence ofblack troops, lately slaves, demoralizes labor, both by their advice andby furnishing in their camps a resort for the freedmen for long distancesaround. White troops generally excite no opposition, and therefore asmall number of them can maintain order in a given district. Coloredtroops must be kept in bodies sufficient to defend themselves. It is notthe thinking men who would use violence towards any class of troops sentamong them by the general government, but the ignorant in some placesmight; and the late slave seems to be imbued with the idea that theproperty of his late master should, by right, belong to him, or at leastshould have no protection from the colored soldier. There is danger ofcollisions being brought on by such causes. 

My observations lead me to the conclusion that the citizens of thesouthern States are anxious to return to self-government, within theUnion, as soon as possible; that whilst reconstructing they want andrequire protection from the government; that they are in earnest inwishing to do what they think is required by the government, nothumiliating to them as citizens, and that if such a course were pointedout they would pursue it in good faith. It is to be regretted that therecannot be a greater commingling, at this time, between the citizens ofthe two sections, and particularly of those intrusted with the law-makingpower. 

I did not give the operations of the Freedmen's Bureau that attention Iwould have done if more time had been at my disposal. Conversations onthe subject, however, with officers connected with the bureau, lead me tothink that, in some of the States, its affairs have not been conductedwith good judgment or economy, and that the belief, widely spread amongthe freedmen of the southern States, that the lands of their formerowners will, at least in part, be divided among them, has come from theagents of this bureau. This belief is seriously interfering with thewillingness of the freedmen to make contracts for the coming year. Insome form the Freedmen's Bureau is an absolute necessity until civil lawis established and enforced, securing to the freedmen their rights andfull protection. At present, however, it is independent of the militaryestablishment of the country, and seems to be operated by the differentagents of the bureau according to their individual notions. EverywhereGeneral Howard, the able head of the bureau, made friends by the just andfair instructions and advice he gave; but the complaint in South Carolinawas that when he left, things went on as before. Many, perhaps themajority, of the agents of the Freedmen's Bureau advise the freedmen thatby their own industry they must expect to live. To this end they endeavorto secure employment for them, and to see that both contracting partiescomply with their engagements. In some instances, I am sorry to say, thefreedman's mind does not seem to be disabused of the idea that a freedmanhas the right to live without care or provision for the future. Theeffect of the belief in division of lands is idleness and accumulation incamps, towns, and cities. In such cases I think it will be found thatvice and disease will tend to the extermination or great reduction of thecolored race. It cannot be expected that the opinions held by men at thesouth for years can be changed in a day, and therefore the freedmenrequire, for a few years, not only laws to protect them, but thefostering care of those who will give them good counsel, and on whomthey rely. 

The Freedmen's Bureau being separated from the military establishment ofthe country, requires all the expense of a separate organization. Onedoes not necessarily know what the other is doing, or what orders theyare acting under. It seems to me this could be corrected by regardingevery officer on duty with troops in the southern States as an agentof the Freedmen's Bureau, and then have all orders from the head ofthe bureau sent through department commanders. This would create aresponsibility that would secure uniformity of action throughout all thesouth; would insure the orders and instructions from the head of thebureau being carried out, and would relieve from duty and pay a largenumber of employees of the government. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. GRANT, _Lieutenant General_. 

His Excellency ANDREW JOHNSON, _President of the United States_.