PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 

Translated from the Greek

WITH

_NOTES AND A LIFE OF PLUTARCH_. 

BY

AUBREY STEWART, M. A. , _Late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge_, AND THE LATE

GEORGE LONG, M. A. , _Formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge_, IN FOUR VOLUMES. 

VOL. III. 

LONDON:

GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK ST. , COVENT GARDEN, AND NEW YORK. 

1892. 

LONDON:

REPRINTED FROM THE STEREOTYPE PLATES BY WM. CLOWES & SONS, LTD. , STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS. 

CONTENTS. 

 LIFE OF NIKIAS 1 LIFE OF CRASSUS (_By G. Long_. ) 36 COMPARISON OF NIKIAS AND CRASSUS 89 LIFE OF SERTORIUS (_By G. Long_. ) 94 LIFE OF EUMENES 130 COMPARISON OF SERTORIUS AND EUMENES 150 LIFE OF AGESILAUS 152 LIFE OF POMPEIUS (_By G. Long_. ) 195 COMPARISON OF AGESILAUS AND POMPEIUS 295 LIFE OF ALEXANDER 300 LIFE OF C. CÆSAR (_By G. Long_. ) 379 LIFE OF PHOKION 466 LIFE OF CATO (_By G. Long_. ) 500

PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 

LIFE OF NIKIAS. 

As it appears to me that the life of Nikias forms a goodparallel to that of Crassus, and that the misfortunes ofthe former in Sicily may be well compared with thoseof the latter in Parthia, I must beg of my readers tobelieve that in writing upon a subject which has beendescribed by Thucydides with inimitable grace, clearness, and pathos, I have no ambition to imitate Timæus, who, when writing his history, hoped to surpass Thucydideshimself in eloquence, and to show that Philistius was butan ignorant bungler, and so plunges into an account ofthe speeches and battles of his heroes, proving himselfnot merely one

 "Who toils on foot afar Behind the Lydian car, "

as Pindar has it, but altogether unfit for the office of historian, and, in the words of Diphilus, "Dull-witted, with Sicilian fat for brains. "

He often seeks to shelter himself behind the opinions of Xenarchus, aswhen he tells us that the Athenians thought it a bad omen that thegeneral whose name was Victory refused to command the expedition toSicily; and when he says that by the mutilation of the Hennas the godssignified that the Athenians would suffer their chief disasters at thehands of Hermokrates the son of Hermon; or, again, when he observesthat Herakles might be expected to take the side of the Syracusansbecause of Proserpine, the daughter of Demeter, who gave him the dogKerberus, and to be angry with the Athenians because they protectedthe people of Egesta, who were descended from the Trojans, whereas hehad been wronged by Laomedon, king of Troy, and had destroyed thatcity. Timæus was probably led to write this sort of nonsense by thesame critical literary spirit which led him to correct the style ofPhilistius, and to find fault with that of Aristotle and Plato. My ownopinion is that to pay too much attention to mere style and toendeavour to surpass that of other writers, is both trifling andpedantic, while any attempt to reproduce that of the unapproachablemasterpieces of antiquity springs from a want of power to appreciatetheir real value. With regard, then, to the actions of Nikiasdescribed by Thucydides and Philistius, more especially those whichillustrate his true character, having been performed under the stressof terrible disasters, I shall briefly recapitulate them, lest I bethought a careless biographer, adding to them whatever scatterednotices I have been able to collect from the writings of otherhistorians and from public documents and inscriptions; and of theselatter I shall quote only those which enable us to judge what mannerof man he was. 

II. The first thing to be noted in describing Nikias is the saying ofAristotle, that there had been in Athens three citizens of greatability and patriotism, namely, Nikias, the son of Nikeratus, Thucydides, the son of Melesias, and Theramenes, the son of Hagnon;though the latter was not equal to the two former, but was reproachedwith being a foreigner from the island of Keos; and, also, because hewas not a stable politician but always inclined to change sides, hewas nicknamed Kothornos, which means a large boot which will fiteither leg. Of these three statesmen the eldest was Thucydides, whowas the leader of the conservative opposition to Perikles; whileNikias, who was a younger man, rose to a certain eminence during thelife of Perikles, as he acted as his colleague in the command of amilitary force, and also filled the office of archon. On the death ofPerikles, Nikias at once became the foremost man in Athens, chiefly bythe favour of the rich and noble, who wished to make use of him tocheck the plebeian insolence of Kleon; yet Nikias had the good-willof the common people, and they were eager to further his interests. Kleon, indeed, became very powerful by caressing the people and givingthem opportunities for earning money from the State, but in spite ofthis, many of the lower classes whose favour he especially strove toobtain, became disgusted with, his greed and insolence, and preferredto attach themselves to Nikias. Indeed, there was nothing harsh oroverbearing in the pride of Nikias, which arose chiefly from his fearof being thought to be currying favour with the people. By nature hewas downhearted and prone to despair, but in war these qualities wereconcealed by his invariable success in whatever enterprise heundertook; while in political life his retiring manner and his dreadof the vulgar demagogues, by whom he was easily put out ofcountenance, added to his popularity; for the people fear those whotreat them with haughtiness, and favour those who respect and fearthem. The reason of this is that the greatest honour which thepopulace can receive from a great man is not to be treated withcontempt by him. 

III. Perikles, indeed, used to govern Athens by sheer force ofcharacter and eloquence, and required no tricks of manner or plausiblespeeches to gain him credit with the populace; but Nikias had nonatural gifts of this sort, and owed his position merely to hiswealth. As he could not vie with Kleon in the versatile and humorouspower of speech by which the latter swayed the Athenian masses, heendeavoured to gain the favour of the people by supplying choruses forthe public dramatic performances and instituting athletic sports on ascale of lavish expenditure which never before had been equalled byany citizen. The statue of Pallas, erected by him in the Acropolis, isstanding at this day, although it has lost the gold with which it wasformerly adorned, and also the building which supports the choragictripods in the temple of Dionysus, for he often gained a victory whenchoragus, and never was vanquished. 

It is said that once during the performance of a play at his expense, a slave of his appeared upon the stage habited as Dionysus; a tall andhandsome youth, and still beardless. The Athenians were charmed withhis appearance, and applauded for a long time, at the end of whichNikias rose and said that he did not think it right that one whosebody was thus consecrated to a god should be a slave; and consequentlyhe gave him his freedom. Tradition also tells us how magnificently anddecorously he arranged the procession at Delos. In former times thechoruses sent by the cities of Ionia to sing to the glory of the godused to sail up to the island in a disorderly fashion, and were atonce met by a rude mob, who called upon, them to sing, so that theydisembarked in a hurry, huddling on their garlands and robes withunseemly haste and confusion. Nikias disembarked with his chorus uponthe little island of Rhenea close by, with all their vestments andholy things, and then during the night bridged the strait--which isvery narrow--with a bridge of boats which he had had made at Athensexpressly, which was beautifully ornamented with gilding and richtapestry. Next morning at daybreak, he led the procession to the godover this bridge, with his chorus very richly dressed, and singing asthey passed over the strait. After the sacrifice, the public games, and the banquet, he set up the brazen palm-tree as an offering to thegod, and also set apart an estate which he had bought for ten thousanddrachmas, as sacred to the god. With the revenues of this land thepeople of Delos were to offer sacrifice and to provide themselves witha feast, and were to pray the gods to bestow blessings on Nikias. Allthese injunctions to the people of Delos were inscribed upon a pillarwhich he left there to guard his bequest. The palm-tree was afterwardsoverturned by a high wind, and in its fall destroyed the great statuewhich had been set up by the people of Naxos. 

IV. These acts of Nikias may have been prompted by ambition and desirefor display, but when viewed in connection with his superstitiouscharacter they seem more probably to have been the outcome of hisdevotional feelings; for we are told by Thucydides that he was one whostood greatly in awe of the gods, and was wholly devoted to religion. In one of the dialogues of Pasiphon, we read that he offered sacrificedaily, and that he kept a soothsayer in his house, whom he pretendedto consult upon affairs of state, but really sought his advice abouthis own private concerns, especially about his silver mines. He hadextensive mines at Laurium, the working of which afforded him verylarge profits, but yet was attended with great risks. He maintained alarge body of slaves at the works; and most of his property consistedof the silver produced by them. For this reason he was surrounded byhangers-on, and persons who endeavoured to obtain a share of hiswealth, and he gave money to all alike, both to those who might do himharm, and to those who really deserved his liberality, for he gave tobad men through fear, and to good men through good nature. We may findproof of this in the writings of the comic poets. Telekleides, speaking of some informer, says:

 "Charikles a mina gave him, fearing he might say Charikles himself was born in a suspicious way; And Nikias five minas gave. Now, what his reasons were I know full well, but will not tell, for he's a trusty fere. "

Eupolis, too, in his comedy of Marikas has a scene where an informermeets with a poor man who is no politician, and says:

 "A. Say where you last with Nikias did meet. B. Never. Save once I saw him in the street. A. He owns he saw him. Wherefore should he say He saw him, if he meant not to betray His crimes? C. My friends, you all perceive the fact, That Nikias is taken in the act. B. Think you, O fools, that such a man as he In any wicked act would taken be. "

Just so does Kleon threaten him in Aristophanes's play:

 "The orators I'll silence, and make Nikias afraid. "

Phrynichus, too, sneers at his cowardice and fear of the populardemagogues, when he says:

 "An honest citizen indeed he was, And not a coward like to Nikias. "

V. Nikias feared so much to give the mob orators grounds foraccusation against him, that he dared not so much as dine with hisfollow citizens, and pass his time in their society. Nor did he haveany leisure at all for such amusements, but when general, he used tospend the whole day in the War office, and when the Senate met hewould be the first to come to the house and the last to leave it. Whenthere was no public business to be transacted, he was hard to meetwith, as he shut himself up in his house and seldom stirred abroad. His friends used to tell those who came to his door that they mustpardon him for not receiving them, as he was not at leisure, beingengaged on public business of great importance. One Hieron, whom hehad brought up in his house and educated, assisted him greatly inthrowing this air of mystery and haughty exclusiveness over his life. This man gave out that he was the son of Dionysius, called Chalkus, whose poems are still extant, and who was the leader of the expeditionto Italy to found the city of Thurii. Hiero used to keep Nikiassupplied with prophetic responses from the soothsayers, and gave outto the Athenians that Nikias was toiling night and day on theirbehalf, saying that when he was in his bath or at his dinner he wasconstantly being interrupted by some important public business orother, so that, said he, "His night's rest is broken by his labours, and his private affairs are neglected through his devotion to those ofthe public. He has injured his health, and besides losing his fortune, has been deserted by many of his friends on account of his not beingable to entertain them and make himself agreeable to them; while othermen find in politics a means of obtaining both friends and fortune, atthe expense of the state. " In very truth the life of Nikias was suchthat he might well apply to himself the words of Agamemnon. 

 "In outward show and stately pomp all others I exceed, And yet the people's underling I am in very deed. "

VI. Perceiving that the Athenian people were willing enough to makeuse of the talents of men of ability, and yet ever viewed them withsuspicion and checked them when in full career, as we may learn fromtheir condemnation of Perikles, their banishment of Damon byostracism, and their mistrust of Antiphon the Rhamnusian, andespecially in their treatment of Paches the conqueror of Lesbos, whowhile his conduct as general was being enquired into, stabbed himselfin the open court--perceiving this, Nikias always avoided, as far ashe could, taking the command in any important military expedition. Whenever he was employed as general, he acted with extreme caution, and was usually successful. He was careful to attribute his success, not to any skill or courage of his own, but to fortune, being willingto lessen his glory to avoid the ill-will of mankind. His good fortunewas indeed shown in many remarkable instances: for example, he neverwas present at any of the great defeats sustained by the Athenians atthat time, as in Thrace they were defeated by the Greeks ofChalkidike, but on that occasion Kalliades and Xenophon were acting asgenerals, while the defeat in Ætolia took place when Demosthenes wasin command, and at Delium, where a thousand men were slain, they wereled by Hippokrates. For the pestilence Perikles was chiefly blamed, because he shut up the country people in the city, where the change ofhabits and unusual diet produced disease among them. In all thesedisasters Nikias alone escaped censure: while he achieved severalmilitary successes, such as the capture of Kythera, an islandconveniently situated off the coast of Laconia, and inhabited bysettlers from that country. He also captured several of the revoltedcities in Thrace, and induced others to return to their allegiance. Heshut up the people of Megara in their city, and thereby at once madehimself master of the island of Minoa, by means of which he shortlyafterwards captured the port of Nisæa, while he also landed his troopsin the Corinthian territory, and beat a Corinthian army which marchedagainst him, killing many of them, and amongst others Lykophron theirgeneral. On this occasion he accidentally neglected to bury thecorpses of two of his own men who had fallen. As soon as he discoveredthis omission, he at once halted his army, and sent a herald to theenemy to demand the bodies for burial, notwithstanding that by Greekcustom the party which after a battle demand a truce for the burial ofthe dead, are understood thereby to admit that they have beendefeated, and it is not thought light for them to erect a trophy incommemoration of their victory; for the victors remain in possessionof the field of battle, and of the bodies of the dead, and thevanquished ask for their dead because they are not able to come andtake them. Nevertheless, Nikias thought it right to forego all thecredit of his victory rather than leave two of his countrymenunburied. He also laid waste the seaboard of Laconia, defeated aLacedæmonian force which opposed him, and took Thyrea, which wasgarrisoned by Æginetans, whom he brought prisoners to Athens. 

VII. Now when Demosthenes threw up a fortification at Pylos, and afterthe Peloponnesians had attacked him by sea and by land, some fourhundred Spartans wore left on the island of Sphakteria, the Atheniansthought that it was a matter of great importance, as indeed it was, totake them prisoners. Yet, as it proved laborious and difficult toblockade them on the island, because the place was desert andwaterless, so that provisions had to be brought from a great distanceby sea, which was troublesome enough in summer, and would be quiteimpossible in winter, they began to be weary of the enterprise, andwere sorry that they had rejected the proposals for peace which hadshortly before been made by the Tasmanians. These proposals wererejected chiefly because Kleon opposed them. Kleon's opposition wasdue to his personal dislike to Nikias; and when he saw himenthusiastically exerting himself on behalf of the Lacedæmonians, heat once took the other side, and persuaded the people to reject theproffered peace. Now as the blockade dragged on for a long time, andthe Athenians learned to what straits their army was reduced, theybecame angry with Kleon. He threw the blame upon Nikias, assertingthat it was through his remissness and want of enterprise that theSpartans still held out, and declaring that, were he himself in chiefcommand they would soon be captured. Upon this the Athenians turnedround upon him and said, "Why, then, do not you yourself proceedthither and capture them?" Nikias at once offered to transfer hiscommand to Kleon, and bade him take what troops he thought necessary, and, instead of swaggering at home where there was no danger, go andperform some notable service to the state. At first Kleon wasconfused by this unexpected turn of the debate, and declined thecommand; but as the Athenians insisted upon it, and Nikias urged himto do so, he plucked up spirit, accepted the office of general, andeven went so far as to pledge himself within twenty days either tokill the Spartans on the island or to bring them prisoners to Athens. The Athenians were more inclined to laugh at this boast than tobelieve it; for they were well acquainted with the vaingloriouscharacter of the man, and had often amused themselves at his expense. It is said that once the public assembly met early and sat for a longtime waiting for Kleon, who came at last very late with a garland onhis head, and begged them to put off their debate till the next day. "To-day, " said he, "I am not at leisure, as I have just offered asacrifice, and am about to entertain some strangers at dinner. " TheAthenians laughed at his assurance, and broke up the assembly. 

VIII. However, on this occasion, by good fortune and good generalship, with the help of Demosthenes, he brought home prisoners all thoseSpartans who had not fallen in the battle, within the time which hehad appointed. This was a great reproach to Nikias. It seemed worseeven than losing his shield in battle that he should through sheercowardice and fear of failure give up his office of general, and givehis personal enemy such an opportunity of exalting himself at hisexpense, depriving himself voluntarily of his honourable charge. Aristophanes sneers at him in his play of the 'Birds, ' where he says:

 "We must not now, like Nikias, delay, And see the time for action pass away. "

And again in the play of the 'Farmers, ' where this dialogue occurs:

 "A. I want to till my farm. B. And wherefore no? A. 'Tis you Athenians will not let me go; A thousand drachmas I would give, to be From office in the state for ever free. B. Your offer we accept. The state will have Two thousand, with what Nikias just gave. "

Moreover, Nikias did Athens much harm by permitting Kleon to attainto such a height of power and reputation, which gave him suchexaggerated confidence in himself that he grew quite unmanageable, andcaused many terrible disasters, by which Nikias suffered as much asany man. Kleon also was the first to break through the decorumobserved by former public speakers, by shouting, throwing back hiscloak, slapping his thigh, and walking up and down while speaking, which led to the total disregard of decency and good manners amongpublic speakers, and eventually was the ruin of the state. 

IX. About this time Alkibiades began to gain credit in Athens as apublic speaker, less licentious than Kleon, and like the soil of Egyptdescribed by Homer, which bears

 "A mingled crop of good and bad alike. "

Thus Alkibiades, with immense powers both for good and evil, producedgreat changes in the affairs of Athens. Nikias, even if he had beenfreed from the opposition of Kleon, could not now have quietlyconsolidated the power of the state, for as soon as he had arrangedmatters in a fair way to produce peace and quiet, Alkibiades, tosatisfy his own furious ambition, threw them again into confusion andwar. This was brought about by the following circumstances. The twochief hindrances to peace were Kleon and Brasidas; as war concealedthe baseness of the former, and added to the glory of the latter. Kleon was able to commit many crimes undetected, and Brasidasperformed many great exploits while the war lasted; wherefore, whenboth of these men fell before the walls of Amphipolis, Nikias, perceiving that the Spartans had long been desirous of peace, and thatthe Athenians no longer hoped to gain anything by continuing the war, and that both parties were weary of it, began to consider how he mightreconcile them, and also pacify all the other states of Greece, so asto establish peace upon a durable and prosperous basis. At Athens, thericher classes, the older men, and the country farmers all wished forpeace. By constantly arguing with the others he gradually made themless eager for war, and at length was able to intimate to the Spartansthat there were good hopes of coming to terms. They willingly believedhim because of his high character for probity, and more especiallybecause he had shown great kindness to the Spartan prisoners taken atPylos. A truce for one year had already been arranged between them, and during this they conversed freely with one another, and, enjoyinga life of leisure and freedom from the restraints and alarms of war, began to long for an unbroken period of peace, and to sing:

 "My spear the spider's home shall be, "

remembering with pleasure the proverb that in time of peace men areawakened, not by trumpets, but by crowing cocks. They railed at thosewho said that it was fated that the war should last thrice nine years, and, having thus accustomed themselves to discuss the whole question, they proceeded to make peace, and thought that now they were indeedfree from all their troubles. The name of Nikias was now in everyman's mouth, and he was called the favourite of heaven, and the manchosen by the gods for his piety to confer the greatest of blessingsupon the Greeks. For they regarded the peace as the work of Nikias, just as the war had been the work of Perikles. The latter, theythought, for no adequate reasons, had involved the Greeks in thegreatest miseries, while the former had relieved them of theirtroubles by persuading them to become friends. For this reason thispeace is to this day called the peace of Nikias. 

X. The terms of the peace were that each party should restore thecities and territory which it had taken, and that it should bedetermined by lot which side should restore its conquests first. Weare told by Theophrastus that Nikias, by means of bribery, arrangedthat the lot should fall upon the Lacedæmonians to make restitutionfirst. When, however, the Corinthians and Bœotians, dissatisfied withthe whole transaction, seemed likely by their complaints and menacesto rekindle the war, Nikias induced Athens and Sparta to confirm thepeace by entering upon an alliance, which enabled them to deal withthe malcontents with more authority, and give them more confidence inone another. 

All these transactions greatly displeased Alkibiades, who wasnaturally disinclined to peace, and who hated the Lacedæmoniansbecause they paid their court to Nikias and disregarded him. For thisreason, Alkibiades from the very outset opposed the peace, butineffectually at first. When, however, he observed that theLacedæmonians were no longer regarded with favour by the Athenians, and were thought to have wronged them by forming an alliance with theBœotians, and not restoring to Athens up the cities of Panaktus andAmphipolis, he seized the opportunity of exciting the people byexaggerated accounts of the misdeeds of the Lacedæmonians. Moreover heprevailed upon the people of Argos to send ambassadors to Athens toconclude an alliance. As, however, at the same time ambassadors, withfull powers to settle all matters in dispute, came from Lacedæmon, andin a preliminary conference with the Senate were thought to have madevery reasonable and just proposals, Alkibiades, fearing that theymight create an equally favourable impression when they spoke beforethe popular assembly, deceived them by solemnly declaring with an oaththat he would assist them in every way that he could, provided thatthey would deny that they came with full powers to decide, saying thatby this means alone they would effect their purpose. The ambassadorswere deceived by his protestations, and, forsaking Nikias, reliedentirely upon him. Upon this Alkibiades brought them into the publicassembly, and there asked them if they came with full powers to treat. When they said that they did not, he unexpectedly turned round uponthem, and calling both the Senate and the people to witness theirwords, urged them to pay no attention to men who were such evidentliars, and who said one thing in one+ assembly and the opposite inanother. The ambassadors, as Alkibiades expected, were thunderstruck, and Nikias could say nothing on their behalf. The people at oncecalled for the ambassadors from Argos to be brought before them, inorder to contract an alliance with that city, but an earthquake whichwas felt at this moment greatly served Nikias's purpose by causingthe assembly to break up. With great difficulty, when the debate wasresumed on the following day, he prevailed upon the people to breakoff the negotiations with Argos, and to send him as ambassador toSparta, promising that he would bring matters to a prosperous issue. Accordingly he proceeded to Sparta, where he was treated with greatrespect as a man of eminence and a friend of the Lacedæmonians, butcould effect nothing because of the preponderance of the party whichinclined to the Bœotian alliance. He was therefore forced to returningloriously, in great fear of the anger of the Athenians, who hadbeen persuaded by him to deliver up so many and such importantprisoners to the Lacedæmonians without receiving any equivalent. Forthe prisoners taken at Pylos were men of the first families in Sparta, and related to the most powerful statesmen there. The Athenians, however, did not show their dissatisfaction with Nikias by any harshmeasures, but they elected Alkibiades general, and they entered into atreaty of alliance with the Argives, and also with the states of Elisand Mantinea, which had revolted from the Lacedæmonians, while theysent out privateers to Pylos to plunder the Lacedæmonian coasts in theneighbourhood of that fortress. These measures soon produced a renewalof the war. 

XI. As the quarrel between Nikias and Alkibiades had now reached sucha pitch, it was decided that the remedy of ostracism must be appliedto them. By this from time to time the people of Athens were wont tobanish for ten years any citizen whose renown or wealth rendered himdangerous to the state. Great excitement was caused by this measure, as one or the other must be utterly ruined by its application. TheAthenians were disgusted by the licentiousness of Alkibiades, andfeared his reckless daring, as has been explained at greater length inhis Life, while Nikias was disliked because of his great wealth andhis reserved and unpopular mode of life. Moreover he had frequentlyoffended the people by acting in direct opposition to their wishes, forcing them in spite of themselves to do what was best for them. Onthe one side were arrayed the young men and those who wished for war, and on the other the older men and the party of peace, who would besure to vote respectively, one for the banishment of Nikias, the otherfor that of Alkibiades. Now

 "In revolutions bad men rise to fame, "

and it appears that the violence of these factions at Athens gave anopportunity for the lowest and basest citizens to gain reputation. Amongst these was one Hyperbolus, of the township of Peirithois, a manof no ability or power, but who owed his elevation to sheer audacity, and whose influence was felt to be a disgrace to Athens. This man, whonever dreamed that ostracism would be applied to him, as the pillorywould have been more suitable to his deserts, openly showed hisdelight at the discord between Nikias and Alkibiades, and excited thepeople to deal severely with them, because he hoped that if one ofthem were to be banished, he might succeed to his place, and become amatch for the one who was left behind. But the parties which supportedNikias and Alkibiades respectively made a secret compact with oneanother to suppress this villain, and so arranged matters that neitherof their leaders, but Hyperbolus himself was banished by ostracism forten years. This transaction delighted and amused the people for themoment, but they were afterwards grieved that they had abused thissafeguard of their constitution by applying it to an unworthy object, as there was a kind of dignity about the punishment which they hadinflicted. Ostracism in the case of men like Thucydides andAristeides, was a punishment, but when applied to men like Hyperbolus, it became an honour and mark of distinction, as though his crimes hadput him on a par with the leading spirits of the age. Plato, the comicpoet, wrote of him

 "Full worthy to be punished though he be, Yet ostracism's not for such as he. "

The result was that no one was ever again ostracised at Athens, butHyperbolus was the last, as Hipparchus of Cholargus, who was somerelation to the despot of that name, was the first. Thus the ways offortune are inscrutable, and beyond our finding out. If Nikias hadundergone the trial of ostracism with Alkibiades, he would eitherhave driven him into banishment, and governed Athens well and wiselyduring his absence, or he would himself have left the city, andavoided the terrible disaster which ended his life, and would havecontinued to enjoy the reputation of being an excellent general. I amwell aware that Theophrastus says that Hyperbolus was ostracised inconsequence of a quarrel of Alkibiades with Phæax and not with Nikias;but my account agrees with that given by the best historians. 

XII. When ambassadors came to Athens from Egesta and Leontini, inviting the Athenians to commence a campaign in Sicily, Nikiasopposed the project, but was overruled by Alkibiades and the warparty. Before the assembly met to discuss the matter, men's heads werecompletely turned with vague hopes of conquest, so that the youths inthe gymnasia, and the older men in their places of business or ofrecreation, did nothing but sketch the outline of the island of Sicilyand of the adjacent seas and continents. They regarded Sicily not somuch as a prize to be won, but as a stepping-stone to greaterconquests, meaning from it to attack Carthage, and make themselvesmasters of the Mediterranean sea as far as the Columns of Herakles. Public opinion being thus biassed, Nikias could find few to help himin opposing the scheme. The rich feared lest they should be thought towish to avoid the burden of fitting out ships and the other expensiveduties which they would be called upon to fulfil, and disappointed himby remaining silent. Yet Nikias did not relax his exertions, but evenafter the Athenian people had given their vote for the war, and hadelected him to the chief command, with Alkibiades and Lamachus for hiscolleagues--even then, on the next meeting of the assembly, he made asolemn appeal to them to desist, and at last accused Alkibiades ofinvolving the city in a terrible war in a remote country merely toserve his own ambition and rapacity. However, he gained nothing bythis speech, for the Athenians thought that he would be the best manto command the expedition because of his experience in war, and thathis caution would serve as a salutary check upon the rashness ofAlkibiades and the easy temper of Lamachus; so that, instead ofdissuading them his words rather confirmed them in their intention. For Demostratus, who of all the popular orators was the most eagerpromoter of the expedition, rose, and said that he would put an end tothese excuses of Nikias: and he prevailed upon the people to pass adecree that the generals, both at home and in the field, should beinvested with absolute irresponsible power. 

XIII. Yet it is said that the expedition met with great oppositionfrom the priests; but Alkibiades found certain soothsayers devoted tohis own interests, and quoted an ancient oracle which foretold thatthe Athenians should one day win great glory in Sicily. Specialmessengers also came from the shrine of Ammon, [1] bringing an oracularresponse to the effect that the Athenians would take all theSyracusans. Those oracles which made against the project, people darednot mention, for fear of saying words of ill-omen. Yet even the mostobvious portents would not turn them from their purpose, such as themutilation of all the Hermæ, or statues of Hermes, in Athens, in asingle night, except only one, which is called the Hermes ofAndokides, which was erected by the tribe Ægeis, and stands before thehouse in which Andokides lived at that time. A man likewise leapedupon the altar of the Twelve Gods, sat astride upon it, and in thatposture mutilated himself with a sharp stone. At Delphi too there is agolden statue of Pallas Athene standing upon a brazen palm tree, anoffering made by the city of Athens from the spoils taken in thePersian war. This was for many days pecked at by crows, who at lastpecked off and cast upon the ground the golden fruit of the palm tree. This was said to be merely a fable invented by the people of Delphi, who were bribed by the Syracusans. Another oracle bade the Atheniansbring to Athens the priestess of Athena at Klazomenae, and accordinglythey sent for her. Her name happened to be Hesychia, signifyingRepose; and this is probably what the oracle meant that the Athenianshad better remain quiet. The astronomer, Meton, who was appointed tosome office in the army, either because of these adverse omens andprophecies, or because he was convinced that the expedition wouldmiscarry, pretended to be mad and to set fire to his house. Somehistorians relate that he did not feign madness, but that he burneddown his house one night, and next morning appeared in themarket-place in a miserable plight, and besought his countrymen that, in consideration of the misfortune which had befallen him, they wouldallow his son, who was about to sail for Sicily in command of atrireme, to remain at home. We are told that Sokrates the philosopherwas warned by one of the signs from heaven which he so often receivedthat the expedition would be the ruin of the city. And many werefilled with consternation at the time fixed for the departure of thearmament. It was during the celebration of the Adonia, or mourning forthe death of Adonis, and in all parts of the city were to be seenimages of Adonis carried along with funeral rites, and women beatingtheir breasts, so that those who were superstitious enough to noticesuch matters became alarmed for the fate of the armament, and foretoldthat it would start forth gloriously, but would wither untimely away. 

XIV. The conduct of Nikias in opposing the war when it was beingdeliberated upon, and his steadfastness of mind in not being dazzledby the hopes which were entertained of its success, or by the splendidposition which it offered himself, deserves the utmost praise; butwhen, in spite of his exertions, he could not persuade the people todesist from the war, or to remove him from the office of general, intowhich he was as it were driven by main force, his excessive cautionand slowness became very much out of place. His childish regrets, hislooking back towards Athens, and his unreasonable delays disheartenedhis colleagues, and spoiled the effect of the expedition, which oughtat once to have proceeded to act with vigour, and put its fortune tothe test. But although Lamachus begged him to sail at once to Syracuseand fight a battle as near as possible to the city walls, whileAlkibiades urged him to detach the other Sicilian states from theiralliance with Syracuse, and then attack that place, he dispirited hismen by refusing to adopt either plan, and proposed to sail quietlyalong the coast, displaying the fleet and army to the Sicilians, andthen, after affording some slight assistance to the people of Egesta, to return home to Athens. Shortly after this, the Athenians sent forAlkibiades to return home for his trial on a charge of treason, andNikias, who was nominally Lamachus's colleague, but really absolute, proceeded to waste time in idle negotiations and languid manœuvres, until his troops had quite lost the high spirits and hopes with whichthey had arrived at Sicily; while the enemy, who were at firstterrified, began to recover their spirits, and despise the Athenians. While Alkibiades was still with them they had sailed to Syracuse withsixty ships, and while the rest remained in line of battle outside, ten of these had entered the harbour to reconnoitre. These ships, approaching the city, made a proclamation by a herald that they werecome to restore the people of Leontini to their city, and they alsocaptured a Syracusan vessel, in which they found tables on which werewritten the names of all the inhabitants of Syracuse, according totheir tribes and houses. These tables were kept far away from thecity, in the temple of the Olympian Zeus, but at that time theSyracusans had sent for them in order to discover the number of menable to bear arms. These tables were now taken by the Athenians, andcarried to their general. When the soothsayers saw this roll of names, they were much alarmed, fearing that this was the fulfilment of theprophecy that the Athenians should capture all the Syracusans. However, some declare that the prophecy was really fulfilled when theAthenian Kallippus slew Dion, and captured Syracuse. 

XV. Shortly after this, Alkibiades left Sicily, and the supremecommand devolved upon Nikias. For Lamachus, though a brave and honestman, and one who always freely risked his life in battle, was but aplain simple man, and was so excessively poor, that whenever he wasappointed general he was forced to ask the Athenians to advance him asmall sum of money to provide him with clothes and shoes. Now Nikiaswas excessively haughty, both on account of his great wealth, and hismilitary renown. It is said that once when the generals were debatingsome question together, Nikias bade Sophokles the poet give hisopinion first, because he was the eldest man present, to whichSophokles answered, "I am the eldest, but you are the chief. " Thuswhen in Sicily he domineered over Lamachus, although the latter was afar abler soldier, and by sailing about the coast at the pointfurthest removed from the enemy, gave them confidence, which wasturned into contempt, when he was repulsed from Hybla, a little fortin the interior. At last he returned to Katana, without havingeffected anything, except the reduction of Hykkara, a town of theaborigines, not of the Greeks, from which it is said the celebratedcourtezan Lais, then a very young girl, was carried away captive andsent to Peloponnesus. 

XVI. As the summer advanced, and Nikias remained inactive, theSyracusans gained so much confidence that they called upon theirgenerals to lead them to the attack of the Athenian position atKatana, since the Athenians did not dare approach Syracuse; whileSyracusan horsemen even went so far as to insult the Athenians intheir camp, riding up to ask if they were come to settle as peacefulcitizens in Katana, instead of restoring the Leontines. Thisunexpected humiliation at length forced Nikias to proceed to Syracuse, and he devised a stratagem by which he was able to approach that cityand pitch his camp before it unmolested. 

He despatched to Syracuse a citizen of Katana, who informed theSyracusans that if they desired to seize the camp and arms of theAthenians, they would only have to appoint a day and to march in forceto Katana. Many of the Athenians, he said, spent all their time withinthe walls of Katana, and it would be easy for the Syracusan partythere to close the gates, assail the Athenians within, and set fire totheir ships. A numerous body of Kataneans, he added, were eager toco-operate in the plan now proposed. 

This was by far the ablest piece of strategy accomplished by Nikiasduring all the time that he remained in Sicily. The Syracusans wereinduced to march out their entire force, leaving their city withscarcely any defenders. Meanwhile, Nikias sailed round from Katana, took possession of the harbour, and encamped his forces on themainland in a position where he could not be attacked by the enemy'scavalry. When the Syracusan army returned from Katana, he marched outthe Athenians and defeated them, but with little loss on their side, as their cavalry covered their retreat. Nikias now broke down thebridges over the river Anapus, which gave occasion to Hermokrates tosay, when he was making a speech to encourage the Syracusans, that itwas a ridiculous thing for Nikias to try to avoid fighting, as thoughit were not for the express purpose of fighting that he had been sentthither. But in spite of all that Hermokrates could say, theSyracusans were very much cast down and disheartened. Instead of thefifteen generals who usually commanded their troops they chose three, upon whom they conferred absolute powers, and swore a solemn oath thatthey would leave them unfettered in the exercise of those powers. 

The Athenians were very anxious to occupy the temple of Olympian Zeus, which was near their camp, and full of offerings of gold and silver. Nikias, however, purposely delayed the attack until a force was sentfrom Syracuse to defend the temple. He thought that if the soldiersdid succeed in plundering it, the state would be none the better forit, and he himself would have to bear all the blame of sacrilege. 

Nikias made no use of his boasted victory, and after a short time drewoff his forces to Naxos, where he passed the winter, expending anenormous sum of money for the maintenance of so large a force, andeffecting little or nothing except the reduction of a few disorderlytribes in the interior. The Syracusans now took heart again, marchedinto the Katanean territory and laid it waste, and attempted to burnthe camp of the Athenians. Upon this all men blamed Nikias fordeliberating and taking precautions until the time for action was goneby. No one could find any fault with him when he was actuallyfighting; but though a bold and energetic man in action, he was slowto form plans and begin an enterprise. 

XVII. Thus when he did at length return to Syracuse, he managed theoperation so swiftly and so skilfully that he disembarked his troopsat Thapsus before the enemy were aware of his approach, took Epipolæby surprise, took prisoners three hundred of the force of picked menwho endeavoured to recapture that fort, and routed the Syracusancavalry, which had hitherto been supposed to be invincible. Moreover, what chiefly terrified the Sicilians, and seemed wonderful to allGreeks, was the speed with which he built a wall round Syracuse, acity quite as large as Athens itself, but one which is much moredifficult to invest completely, because of the sea being so near toit, and the rough ground and marshes by which it is surrounded on theland side. Yet he all but succeeded in accomplishing this feat, although he was not in a condition of body to superintend such workspersonally, for he suffered greatly from a disease of the kidneys, towhich we must attribute whatever was left undone by his army. For myown part I feel great admiration for the diligence and skill of thegeneral, and for the bravery of the soldiers, which enabled them togain such successes. The poet Euripides, after their defeat and utteroverthrow wrote this elegy upon them:

 "Eight times they beat the Syracusan host, Before the gods themselves declared them lost. "

Indeed, they beat the Syracusans far more than eight times, before thegods turned against the Athenians and dashed them to the ground whenat the height of their pride. 

XVIII. Nikias was present, in spite of his sufferings, at most ofthese actions; but when his disease grew worse, he was forced to stayin the camp with a small guard, while Lamachus took the command of thearmy, and fought a battle with the Syracusans, who were endeavouringto build a counter-wall which would obstruct the Athenians in buildingtheir wall of circumvallation. The Athenians were victorious, butfollowed up their success in such a disorderly manner that Lamachuswas left alone and exposed to the attacks of the Syracusan cavalry. Heat once challenged their leader, a brave man named Kallimachus, tosingle combat, and both received and inflicted a mortal wound. Hisdead body and arms fell into the hands of the Syracusans, who at oncecharged up to the Athenian walls, where Nikias lay helpless. Theextremity of the danger roused him, and he ordered his attendants toset fire to a quantity of timber which had been brought thither toconstruct military engines, and to some of the engines themselves. This desperate expedient checked the Syracusans, and saved Nikias andthe Athenians; for the rest of the Syracusan forces on perceiving sogreat a body of flame returned in haste to their city. 

This affair left Nikias in sole command, and he had great hopes oftaking the place; for many cities in Sicily had formed alliances withhim, ships laden with corn kept arriving to supply his camp, and allbegan to be eager to be on his side, and to share in the fruits of hissuccess. The Syracusans themselves sent to propose terms of peace, forthey despaired of being able to defend their city any longer againsthim. At this time Gylippus too, a Lacedæmonian who was sent to assistthem, heard during his voyage that they were completely enclosed andreduced to great straits, but held on his voyage notwithstanding, inorder that even if, as he imagined, all Sicily had fallen into thehands of the Athenians, he might at any rate defend the Greek citiesin Italy from sharing its fate. The air indeed was full of rumoursthat the Athenians were carrying all before them, and that the goodfortune and skill of their general rendered him invincible. EvenNikias himself was so elated by his apparent good fortune, that heforgot his wonted prudence, and imagining from the secret intelligencewhich he had from his friends within Syracuse that it was on the pointof surrender, neglected Gylippus altogether, and kept so bad a watchat the straits of Messina with his fleet, that Gylippus managed tocross there and land in Sicily. Here he at once proceeded to gather anarmy together, but in a quarter of the island far away from Syracuse, so that the people of Syracuse knew nothing of his arrival. They evenappointed a day for the public assembly to meet and discuss terms ofsurrender with Nikias, and were about to attend it, as they thoughtthat it would be best for them to come to terms before the city wasquite surrounded by the wall of the Athenians. There was now only avery small portion of this left to be finished, and all the materialsfor building it were collected on the spot. 

XIX. At this crisis there arrived at Syracuse Gongylus, a Corinthian, in one trireme. All crowded round him, to hear what news he brought. He informed them that Gylippus would soon come to their aid by land, and that other triremes besides his own were on their way by sea. Thisintelligence was scarcely believed, until it was confirmed by amessage from Gylippus himself, bidding them march out and meet him. They now took courage and prepared for battle. Gylippus marched intothe town, and at once led the Syracusans out to attack the Athenians. When Nikias had likewise brought his army out of their camp, Gylippushalted his men, and sent a herald to offer them an armistice for fivedays, on condition that they would collect their effects and withdrawfrom Sicily. Nikias disdained to answer this insulting message; butsome of his soldiers jeeringly enquired whether the presence of oneSpartan cloak and staff had all at once made the Syracusans so strongthat they could despise the Athenians, who used to keep three hundredsuch men, stronger than Gylippus and with longer hair, locked up inprison, and feared them so little that they delivered them up to theLacedæmonians again. Timæus says that the Sicilian Greeks despisedGylippus for his avaricious and contemptible character, and that whenthey first saw him, they ridiculed his long hair and Spartan cloak. Afterwards, however, he tells us that as soon as Gylippus appearedthey flocked round him as small birds flock round an owl, and wereeager to take service under him. This indeed is the more probablestory; for they rallied round him, regarding his cloak and staff to bethe symbols of the authority of Sparta. And not only Thucydides, butPhilistus, a Syracusan citizen by birth, who was an eye-witness of thewhole campaign, tells us that nothing could have been done withoutGylippus. In the first battle after his arrival, the Athenians werevictorious, and slew some few Syracusans, amongst whom was theCorinthian Gongylus, but on the following day Gylippus displayed thequalities of a true general. He used the same arms, horses, and groundas before, but he dealt with them so differently that he defeated theAthenians. Checking the Syracusans, who wished to chase them back totheir camp, he ordered them to use the stones and timber which hadbeen collected by the Athenians, to build a counter-wall, reachingbeyond the line of circumvallation, so that the Athenians could nolonger hope to surround the city. And now the Syracusans, taking freshcourage, began to man their ships of war, and to cut off thestragglers with their cavalry. Gylippus personally visited many of theGreek cities in Sicily, all of whom eagerly promised their aid, andfurnished him with troops; so that Nikias, perceiving that he waslosing ground, relapsed into his former desponding condition, andwrote a despatch to Athens, bidding the people either send out anotherarmament, or let the one now in Sicily return to Athens, andespecially beseeching them to relieve him from his command, for whichhe was incapacitated by disease. 

XX. The Athenians had long before proposed to send out a reinforcementto the army in Sicily, but as all had gone on prosperously, theenemies of Nikias had contrived to put it off. Now, however, they wereeager to send him assistance. It was arranged that Demosthenes shouldemploy himself actively in getting ready a large force, to go toreinforce Nikias in the early spring, while Eurymedon, although it waswinter, started immediately with a supply of money, and with a decreenaming Euthydemus and Menander, officers already serving in his army, to be joint commanders along with him. Meanwhile, Nikias was suddenlyattacked by the Syracusans both by sea and land. His ships were atfirst thrown into confusion, but rallied and sank many of the enemy, or forced them to run on shore; but on land Gylippus managed at thesame time to surprise the fort of Plemmyrium, where there was amagazine of naval stores and war material of all kinds. A considerablenumber of the garrison, also, were either slain or taken prisoners;but the most serious result was the stoppage of Nikias's supplies, which heretofore had been easily and quickly brought through the GreatHarbour, while it remained in the hands of the Athenians, but whichnow could not reach his camp by sea without a convoy and a battle. [2]Moreover, the Syracusan fleet had not been defeated by any superiorityof force of the Athenians, but by the disorder into which it had beenthrown by pursuing the enemy. They therefore determined to renew theconflict with better success. 

Nikias, on his part, was unwilling to fight a second time, thinking itwas folly to fight with a diminished and disheartened force when heknew that Demosthenes was hurrying to his aid with a large andunbroken armament. However, Menander and Euthydemus, the newly-electedgenerals, were eager to distinguish themselves by performing somebrilliant action before the arrival of Demosthenes, and to eclipse thefame of Nikias himself. The pretext they used was the glory of Athens, which they said would be dishonoured for ever if they should nowappear afraid to accept the Syracusans' offer of battle. The battlewas fought: and the Athenian left wing, we are told by Thucydides, wasutterly defeated by the skilful tactics of the Corinthian steersmanAristion. Many Athenians perished, and Nikias was greatlydisheartened, for he had now proved unfortunate both when solecommander and when acting with colleagues. 

XXI. Matters were in this posture when Demosthenes was descried in theoffing, approaching with a splendid armament which struck terror intothe hearts of the enemy. His fleet consisted of seventy-three ships, on board of which were five thousand heavy-armed troops, and threethousand javelin men, archers, and slingers. The glittering arms ofthe troops, the flaunting banners of the ships of war, and the musicof the flutes to which the rowers kept time with their oars, made agallant display, which delighted the Athenians as much as it depressedthe Syracusans. These latter, indeed, were struck with dismay, andthought that their last victory had been won in vain, and that theywere labouring to no purpose against a foe whose ranks werecontinually reinforced. 

Nikias was not long allowed to feast his eyes on this welcomespectacle undisturbed. Demosthenes, as soon as he landed, insisted onthe necessity of instantly attacking Syracuse, and putting an end tothe siege, either by capturing the place, or by returning at once toAthens in case of failure. Against this Nikias, who was alarmed at theidea of such vigorous action, urged that it would be unwise to runsuch a risk. Delay, he argued, favoured the besiegers more than thebesieged, as their resources must soon fail, in which case theirallies would desert them and they would again be brought to thenecessity of capitulating. Nikias adopted this view because of what heheard from his secret correspondents within the city, who urged him tocontinue the siege, telling him that already the Syracusans began tofeel the war too great a burden for them to support, and that Gylippuswas very unpopular among them, so that in a short time they wouldutterly refuse to hold out any longer, and would come to terms withthe Athenians. Nikias could only hint at these secret sources ofinformation, and so his counsels were thought by his colleagues to bemere cowardice. They declared loudly that the original mistake wasabout to be repeated, and the first terror-stricken impression of thearmament frittered away, until familiarity with the sight of it hadbred contempt in the breasts of their enemies. They therefore eagerlyseconded the proposal of Demosthenes, and forced Nikias, though sorelyagainst his will, to yield to their representations. Accordingly, Demosthenes with the land force assaulted the outlying fort on thehigh ground of Epipolæ by night, and took it by surprise, killing partof its garrison and putting the remainder to flight. He did not haltthere, but followed up his success by marching further on towards thecity, until he was met by some Bœotian heavy-armed troops, who hadbeen the first to rally, and now in a compact mass met the Athenianswith their spears levelled, and with loud shouts forced them to giveway with severe loss. The whole Athenian army was by this thrown intoconfusion and panic, as the fugitives broke the formation of thosetroops who were still marching to the front, so that in some casesthey actually fought with one another, each believing the others to beenemies. Thus the Athenians fell into sad disorder and ruin; for theywere unable to distinguish friends from foes in the uncertain light, as the moon, now nearly setting, glanced upon spear-points and armourwithout showing them clearly enough to enable men to see with whomthey had to deal. The moon was behind the backs of the Athenians: andthis circumstance was greatly against them, for it made it hard forthem to see the numbers of their own friends, but shone plainly on theglittering shields of their antagonists, making them look taller andmore terrible than they were. Finally, attacked as they were on everyside, they gave way and fled. Some were slain by the enemy, some bytheir own countrymen, and some were dashed to pieces by falling downthe precipices; while the rest, as they straggled about the country, were cut off by the Syracusan cavalry. Two thousand men perished, andof the survivors few brought back their arms. 

XXII. Nikias, who had expected this reverse, now cast the blame of itupon Demosthenes; and he, admitting his error, besought Nikias toembark his army and sail away as quickly as possible, pointing outthat no further reinforcement could be hoped for, and that they couldnot hope for success with the force now at their disposal. Even hadthey been victorious, he argued, they had intended to leave theirpresent camp, which was unhealthy at all times, and was now in the hotseason becoming pestilential. The time was the beginning of autumn, and many of the Athenians were sick, while all were disheartened. Nikias, however, opposed the idea of retreat, not because he did notfear the Syracusans, but because he feared the Athenians more, and thetreatment which as an unsuccessful general he would probably meetwith. He declared that he saw no reason for alarm, and that even ifthere was, that he would rather perish by the hands of the enemy thanthose of his countrymen. A very different sentiment to that which wasafterwards uttered by Leon the Byzantine, who said, "My countrymen, Ihad rather be put to death by you than to be put to death togetherwith you. "

With regard to the place to which it would be best for them to removetheir camp, that, Nikias said, was a question which they might taketime to discuss. 

Demosthenes, seeing that Nikias was thus obstinate, and conscious thathis own project, when adopted, had led to a frightful disaster, ceasedpressing him to raise the siege, and gave the other generals tounderstand that Nikias must have secret reasons, from hiscorrespondents within the city, which led him to persevere thusobstinately in remaining where he was. This caused them also towithdraw their objections to remaining; but when another army came toassist the Syracusans, and the Athenians began to perish from malaria, even Nikias himself agreed that it was time to retreat, and issuedorders to his men to hold themselves in readiness to embark. 

XXIII. When all was ready, and the enemy off their guard, as they didnot expect the Athenians to retreat, an eclipse of the moon tookplace, which greatly terrified Nikias and some others who, fromignorance or superstition, were in the habit of taking account of suchphenomena. That the sun should be sometimes eclipsed even the vulgarunderstood to be in some way due to the moon intercepting its light:but what body could intercept the moon's light, so that suddenly thefull moon should pale its light and alter its colour, they could notexplain, but thought that it was a sinister omen and portended somegreat calamity. 

The treatise of Anaxagoras, the first writer who has clearly andboldly explained the phases and eclipses of the moon, was then knownonly to a few, and had not the credit of antiquity, while even thosewho understood it were afraid to mention it to their most trustedfriends. Men at that time could not endure natural philosophers andthose whom they called in derision stargazers, but accused them ofdegrading the movements of the heavenly bodies by attributing them tonecessary physical causes. They drove Protagoras into exile, and castAnaxagoras into prison, from whence he was with difficulty rescued byPerikles; while Sokrates, who never took any part in thesespeculations, was nevertheless put to death because he was aphilosopher. It was not until after the period of which I am writingthat the glorious works of Plato shed their light upon mankind, proving that Nature obeys a higher and divine law, and removing thereproach of impiety which used to attach to those who study thesematters, so that all men might thereafter investigate naturalphenomena unreproved. Indeed, Plato's companion Dion, although themoon was eclipsed when he was starting from the island of Zakynthus toattack the despot Dionysius, was not in the least disturbed by theomen, but sailed to Syracuse and drove out the despot. Nikias at thistime was without a competent soothsayer, for his intimate friend, Stilbides, who used to check a great deal of his superstition, diedshortly before this. Indeed, the omen, if rightly explained, asPhilochorus points out, is not a bad one but a very good one for menwho are meditating a retreat; for what men are forced to do by fear, requires darkness to conceal it, and light is inimical to them. Moreover men were only wont to wait three days after an eclipse of themoon, or of the sun, as we learn from Autokleides in his book ondivination; but Nikias persuaded them to wait for another completecircuit of the moon, because its face would not shine upon thempropitiously before that time after its defilement with the grossearthy particles which had intercepted its rays. [3] XXIV. Nikias nowput all business aside, and kept offering sacrifices and taking omens, until the enemy attacked him. Their infantry assailed the camp andsiege works, while their fleet surrounded the harbour, not in ships ofwar; but the very boys and children embarked in what boats they couldfind and jeered at the Athenians, challenging them to come out andfight. One of these boys, named Herakleides, the son of noble parents, ventured too far, and was captured by an Athenian ship. His unclePollichus, fearing for his safety, at once advanced with ten triremeswhich were under his command; and this movement brought forward therest of the Syracusan fleet to support him. An obstinate battle nowtook place, in which the Syracusans were victorious, and many of theAthenians perished, amongst whom was their admiral Eurymedon. And nowthe Athenians refused to remain before Syracuse any longer, and calledupon their generals to lead them away by land, for the Syracusansafter their victory had at once blockaded the entrance to the harbour, so that no passage was left. Nikias and the other generals refused toagree to this proposal, as they thought it would be a pity to abandona fleet of so many transports, and nearly two hundred ships of war. They placed the flower of the land force on board the ships, with thebest of the slingers and darters, and manned one hundred and tentriremes, for they had not sufficient oars for a larger number. Nikias now abandoned the great camp and walls of investment, whichreached as far as the temple of Herakles, and drew the army up on thebeach as spectators of the battle. Thus the Syracusan priests andgenerals were able for the first time since the siege began tosacrifice to Herakles, as they were wont to do, while the people weremanning their fleet. 

XXV. The Syracusan soothsayers promised them the victory if theyawaited attack and did not begin the attack: for Herakles himselfnever struck the first blow, but always waited for his enemies toattack him. The sea-fight which now took place was the fiercest andmost obstinately contested of all those which took place throughoutthe war, and its varying fortunes were shared with agonizing interestby the Athenian army and the citizens on the walls of Syracuse, whowere able from their respective positions to overlook the whole battleand watch the manœuvres of each ship. The Athenians were placed at agreat disadvantage by having all their ships collected into one mass, where they were attacked from all sides by the lighter and moremanageable vessels of the enemy. The Syracusans also used stones asmissiles, which strike with equal effect, however they are thrown, while the Athenians replied with volleys of arrows and javelins, whoseaim was often spoiled by the motion of the vessels, and which areuseless unless they fly with the point foremost. All these details hadbeen foreseen and taught to the Syracusans by Aristion the Corinthiansteersman, who fell in the moment of victory. The Athenians werefinally routed and driven ashore with great slaughter, and theirretreat by sea completely cut off. Knowing how difficult it would beto make their way to any place of safety by land, they allowedthemselves to be so paralyzed by despair, that they let the Syracusanstow away their ships as prizes, without making an effort to save them, and actually neglected to ask for a truce for the burial of theirdead. They seemed to think that the case of the sick and wounded whomthey saw amongst them, and whom they must perforce abandon when theyleft their camp, was even more pitiable than that of the floatingcorpses, and they actually envied the lot of the slain, knowing wellthat after a few more days of suffering they themselves were alldestined to share their fate. 

XXVI. They were all eager to depart during the night which followedthis disastrous day; but Gylippus, perceiving that the people ofSyracuse were so given up to feasting and merry-making, celebratingboth their victory and the festival of their national hero Herakles, to whom the day was sacred, that they could not be either forced orpersuaded into attempting to harass the enemy's retreat, sent some ofthose men who had formerly been in correspondence with Nikias to tellhim not to attempt to retreat that night, as all the roads wereoccupied by Syracusans lying in wait to attack him. Deceived by thisintelligence, Nikias waited to find what he feared in the night turnedinto a reality on the following day. At daybreak the passes wereoccupied by the Syracusans, who also threw up entrenchments at all theplaces where rivers had to be forded, and broke all the bridges, stationing their cavalry upon the level ground, so that the Athenianscould not advance a step without fighting. The Athenians remained forall that day and the following night in their camp, and then set out, with such weeping and lamentation that it seemed rather as if theywere leaving their native country than a hostile one, so distressedwere they to see the miseries of their friends and relatives, and ofthe sick and wounded who were unable to accompany their march and hadto be left to their fate, while they themselves had a presentimentthat their present sufferings were nothing in comparison with thosewhich awaited them. Among all these piteous sights, Nikias himselfoffered a glorious example. Worn out by disease, compelled by theexigencies of the retreat to forego the medicines and treatment whichhis condition required, he nevertheless, weak as he was, did more thanmany strong men could do, while all his men knew well that he madethose efforts, not from any wish or hope to save his own life, butthat it was solely on their behalf that he did not give way todespair. The tears and lamentations of the rest were prompted by theirown private sorrows and fears, but the only grief shown by Nikias wasthat so splendid an expedition should have ended in such miserablefailure. Those who watched his noble bearing and remembered howearnestly he had opposed the whole scheme, were filled with compassionfor his undeserved sufferings. They began to despair of the favour ofHeaven being shown to themselves, when they reflected that this man, careful as he had always been to perform every religious duty, was nowno better off than the humblest or the most wicked soldier in hisarmy. 

XXVII. Nikias made heroic efforts by cheerful looks, encouragingspeeches, and personal appeals to his followers, to show himselfsuperior to fortune. Throughout the retreat, although for eight daysin succession he was constantly harassed by the attacks of the enemy, he nevertheless kept the division under his command unbroken andundefeated, until the other part of the army under Demosthenes wasforced to surrender, being completely surrounded in an enclosedolive-ground, the property of Polyzelus, brother of the despot Gelon. Demosthenes himself drew his sword and stabbed himself, but notmortally, for the Syracusans quickly interposed and forced him todesist. When the Syracusans told Nikias of this disaster, and allowedhim to send horsemen to convince him of its truth, he proposed termsto Gylippus, which were that the Athenians should be allowed to leaveSicily, on condition of the repayment of the whole expenses of thewar, for which he offered to give hostages. These terms were refused, and the enemy with insulting cries and threats proceeded to shoot withmissiles of all kinds at the Athenians, who were now completelywithout food or drink. Yet Nikias prevailed upon them to hold outduring that night, and on the following day he led them, still underfire from the enemy, across the plain leading to the river Asinarus. There some were forced into the stream by the enemy, while others castthemselves in to quench their thirst. A most dreadful slaughter nowtook place, the Athenians being wild with thirst, and the Syracusanskilling them as they drank, until Nikias surrendered himself toGylippus, saying, "I beseech you, now that you are victorious, to showsome mercy, not to me, but to the Athenian troops. Consider howchangeful is the fortune of war, and how gently the Athenians dealtwith your men in their hour of victory. "

Gylippus was visibly affected by the words, and by the sight ofNikias; for he knew how well the Spartan prisoners had been treated byhim, when the peace was made with Athens; moreover, he thought that itwould be a great honour to him if he could carry home the enemy'scommander-in-chief as a prisoner. He received Nikias with kindness, and gave orders to take the rest of the Athenians alive. It was long, however, before these orders were understood and obeyed, so that moreAthenians were slain than survived, although many were spared by theSyracusans in order that they might be sold for slaves. 

The prisoners were now assembled together, and their arms and armourhung upon the trees by the river side, as a trophy of the victory. Thevictors next crowned themselves with garlands, decorated their horses, cut off the manes and tails of the captured horses, and marched backinto their own city, having by their courage and skill won the mostcomplete victory ever gained by one Greek state over another. 

XXVIII. At a public assembly of the Syracusans and their allies whichwas shortly afterwards held, the orator Eurykles proposed that the dayon which Nikias was taken should be kept as a festival for ever, uponwhich no work should be done, and sacrifice should be offered to thegods, and that the feast should be called the Asinaria, from the nameof the river where the victory was won. The day was the twenty-sixthof the Dorian month Karneius, which the Athenians call Metageitnion(September 21st). Furthermore, he proposed that the Athenian slavesand allies should be sold, that the Athenians themselves, with whatnative Sicilians had joined them, should be confined in the stonequarries within the city of Syracuse, and that their generals shouldbe put to death. 

These propositions wore accepted by the Syracusans, who treatedHermokrates with contempt when he urged that to be merciful in victorywould be more honourable to them than the victory itself. Gylippustoo, when he begged that he might carry the Athenian generals alive toSparta, was shamefully insulted by the excited Syracusans, who hadlong disliked the irritating Spartan airs of superiority natural toGylippus, and now, flushed with victory, no longer cared to concealtheir feelings. Timæus tells us that they accused him of avarice andpeculation, a hereditary vice, it appears, in his family since hisfather Kleandrides was banished from Sparta for taking bribes, whilehe himself afterwards stole thirty of the hundred talents whichLysander sent home to Sparta, and hid them under the roof of hishouse, but was informed against, and exiled in disgrace. This will befound described at greater length in the Life of Lysander. 

In his account of the death of Nikias and Demosthenes, Timæus does notexactly follow the narrative of Thucydides and Philistus, as heinforms us that while the assembly was still sitting, Hermokrates sentto their prison to inform them that they were condemned to death, andto afford them the means of dying by their own hands, while the otherhistorians state that the Syracusans put them to death. [4] Be this asit may, their dead bodies were exposed before the gates of Syracuse asa spectacle for the citizens. I have heard also that at the presentday a shield is shown in one of the temples at Syracuse, which is saidto be that of Nikias, and which is beautifully adorned with wovencoverings of purple and gold. 

XXIX. Of the Athenians, the most part perished in the stone quarriesof disease and insufficient food, for they received only a pint ofbarley-meal and half-a-pint of water each day. Not a few, however, were sold into slavery, being stolen for that purpose by Syracusans, or having escaped disguised as slaves. The rest were at length brandedupon their foreheads with the figure of a horse, and sold intoslavery. Yet even in this extremity their well-bred and dignifiedbehaviour came to their aid; for they soon either obtained theirfreedom, or gained the confidence and respect of their masters. Somegained their freedom by their knowledge of Euripides. It appears thatthe dramas of Euripides were especially popular in Sicily, but thatonly a few fragments of his works had hitherto reached the Greekcities in that island. We are told that many of these captives ontheir return to Athens affectionately embraced Euripides, and toldhim how some of them had been sold into slavery, but had been set freeafter they had taught their masters as much of his poetry as theycould remember, while others, when wandering about the country asfugitives after the battle, had obtained food and drink by recitingpassages from his plays. We need not then wonder at the tale of thepeople of Kaunus, who, when a ship pursued by pirates was making fortheir harbour at first refused to admit it, but afterwards enquiredwhether any on board knew the plays of Euripides; and on hearing thatthey did, allowed them to enter the harbour and save themselves. 

XXX. At Athens the news of the catastrophe was at first disbelieved, because of the unsatisfactory way in which it reached the city. Astranger, it is said, disembarked at Peiræus, went into a barber'sshop, and began to converse about what had happened as upon a themewhich must be uppermost in every man's mind. The astonished barber, hearing for the first time such fearful tidings, ran up to Athens tocommunicate it to the archons, and to the public in the market-place. All were shocked and astonished at hearing this, and the archonsimmediately convoked the public assembly, and brought the barberbefore it. When he was asked to explain from whom he had heard thisintelligence, as he could give no satisfactory account, he wasregarded as a disturber of the public tranquillity by fabricating idletales, and was even put to the torture. Soon, however, men arrived whoconfirmed his tale, and described all the details of the catastropheas far as they had witnessed them. Then at last the countrymen ofNikias believed, after his death, what he had so often foretold tothem during his life. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: In North Africa, the modern oasis of Siwah. ]

[Footnote 2: Plemmyrium on one side, and the city of Syracuse on theother, command the entrance of the gulf known as the Great Harbour, inside of which lay the Athenian fleet and camp. ]

[Footnote 3: Grote. ]

[Footnote 4: Grote, Part II. Ch. Lx, points out that there is no realcontradiction between the statement cited from Timæus, and theaccounts gives of the transaction by Thucydides and Philistus. ]

LIFE OF CRASSUS. 

I. Marcus Crassus[5] was the son of a father who had been censor, andenjoyed a triumph; but he was brought up with his two brothers in asmall house. His brothers were married in the lifetime of theirparents, and all had a common table, which seems to have been thechief reason that Crassus was a temperate and moderate man in his wayof living. Upon the death of one of his brothers, Crassus married thewidow, [6] and she became the mother of his children; for in thesematters also he lived as regular a life as any Roman. However, as hegrew older, he was charged with criminal intercourse with Licinia, [7]one of the Vestal Virgins, who was brought to trial; the prosecutorwas one Plotinus. Licinia had a pleasant estate in the suburbs, whichCrassus wished to get at a small price, and with this view he wascontinually about the woman and paying his court to her, which broughton him the suspicion of a criminal intercourse; but he was acquittedby the judices, being indebted in some degree to his love of money forhis acquittal from the charge of debauching the vestal. But he neverremitted his attentions to Licinia till he got possession of theproperty. 

II. Now, the Romans say that the many good qualities of Crassus wereobscured by one vice, avarice; but the fact appears to be that onevice, which was more predominant in his character than all the resthid his other vices. They allege, as the chief proof of his avarice, the mode in which he got his money and the amount of his property. Though he did not at first possess above three hundred talents, andduring his first consulship he dedicated the tenth part of hisproperty to Hercules, [8] and feasted the people, and gave every Romanout of his own means enough to maintain him for three months; yet, before the Parthian expedition, upon making an estimate of hisproperty, he found it amount to seven thousand one hundred talents. The greatest part of this, if one must tell the truth, though it be ascandalous story, he got together out of the fire and the war, makingthe public misfortunes the source of his wealth; for, when Sulla tookthe city, and sold the property of those whom he put to death, considering it and calling it spoil, and wishing to attach the infamyof the deed to as many of the most powerful men as he could, Crassuswas never tired of receiving or buying. Besides this, observing theaccidents that were indigenous and familiar at Rome, conflagrations, and tumbling down of houses owing to their weight and crowded state, he bought slaves, who were architects and builders. Having got theseslaves to the number of more than five hundred, it was his practice tobuy up houses on fire, and the houses which were adjoining to those onfire; for the owners, owing to fear and uncertainty, would sell themat a low price; and thus the greatest part of Rome fell into the handsof Crassus: but, though he had so many artizans, he built no houseexcept his own; for he used to say that those who were fond ofbuilding were ruined by themselves, without the aid of any opponent. Though he had many silver mines, and much valuable land, and manylabourers on it, still one would suppose that all this was of littlevalue, compared with the value of his slaves: so many excellent slaveshe possessed, --readers, clerks, assayers of silver, [9] house-managers, and table-servants; and he himself superintended their education, andpaid attention to it and taught them, and, in short, he consideredthat a master was mainly concerned in looking after his slaves, whowere the living implements of domestic economy. And here Crassus wasright, if, as he used to say, it was his opinion that he ought toeffect everything by the instrumentality of slaves, and that hehimself should direct the slaves; for, we observe, that what iseconomical with respect to things lifeless is political with respectto men. But he was not right in thinking and saying that nobody wasrich who could not maintain an army out of his substance; for warfeeds not by a fixed allowance, according to Archidamus;[10] and, consequently, the wealth that is required for war is unlimited; andthis opinion of Crassus was very different from the opinion of Marius;for when Marius, after giving to each man fourteen jugera of land, found that they wanted more, he said, "May there never be a Roman whothinks that too little which is enough to maintain him. "

III. Besides this, Crassus was hospitable to strangers, for his housewas open to all, and he used to lend money to his friends withoutinterest; but he would demand it back immediately on the expiration ofthe time of the borrower, which made the gratuitous loan moreburdensome than heavy interest. In his entertainments the invitationwas usually to persons of the plebeian class, and general: and thefrugality of the banquet, which was accompanied with neatness and afriendly welcome, made it more agreeable than a sumptuous feast. Inhis literary pursuits he mainly studied oratory, [11] and that kindwhich was of practical use; and, having attained an ability inspeaking equal to the first among the Romans, he surpassed in care andlabour those who had the greatest talents; for they say, there was nocase, however mean and contemptible, which he approached withoutpreparation; and often, when Pompeius, and Cæsar, and Cicero, wereunwilling to get up to speak, he would perform all the duties of anadvocate: and for this reason he became more popular, being considereda careful man, and always ready to give his help. He pleased people, also, by his friendly and affable manner in taking them by the hand, and addressing them; for Crassus never met a Roman, however low andhumble his condition might be, without returning his salute, [12] andaddressing him by his name. He is also said to have been well versedin history, and to have paid some attention to philosophy by studyingthe writings of Aristoteles, in which he had for his teacherAlexander, a man who gave a proof of his moderation and easy temper inhis intercourse with Crassus; for it was not easy to say whether hewas poorer when he became acquainted with Crassus, or after theacquaintance was made. He was, indeed, the only friend of Crassus, whoalways accompanied him when he travelled abroad; and he used to wear acloak, [13] lent him for the purpose, which on his return he was askedto give back. Oh, the submission[14] of the man! for the poor fellowdid not consider poverty among the things that are indifferent. Butthis belongs to a later period. 

IV. When Marius and Cinna had got the upper hand, and it was soonapparent that they would reinstate themselves in Rome, not for thebenefit of their country, but plainly for the destruction and ruin ofthe nobles, those who were caught in the city were put to death: amongwhom were the father and brother of Crassus. Crassus, being veryyoung, escaped immediate danger; but, seeing that he was hemmed in onall sides, and hunted by the tyrants, he took with him three friendsand ten slaves; and, using wonderful expedition, made his escape toIberia, having been there before, when his father was Prætor, [15] andhaving made himself friends. Finding all in great alarm and tremblingat the cruelty of Marius, as if he were close at hand, he did notventure to make himself known, but sought refuge in a tract borderingon the sea, belonging to Vibius Pacianus, [16] where he hid himself ina large cave. He sent a slave to Vibius to sound his disposition; forthe provisions that Crassus brought with him were now exhausted. Onhearing the news, Vibius was pleased that Crassus had escaped; andinquiring about the number of persons with him, and where the placewas, he did not go himself to see them, but he took his villicus nearthe spot, and ordered him to have food daily prepared, and to carry itand place it near the rock, and to go away without speaking a word, and not to be curious about the matter, or make any inquiries; and hegave him notice, that if he did meddle at all he should be put todeath, but if he faithfully helped in the matter he should have hisfreedom. The cave is not far from the sea, and the precipices whichshut it in leave a small and hardly perceptible path[17] which leadsinto the cave; but when you have entered, it opens to a wonderfulheight, and spreads out wide, with recesses which open into oneanother, and are of a large circuit. It is also neither without waternor light: for a spring of the purest water oozes out at the base ofthe precipice; and there are natural clefts about that part where therock closes, by which the external light is admitted, and in thedaytime the spot is fully illuminated. The air within is free from allmoisture caused by dropping, and is quite pure, owing to thecompactness of the rock, which diverts all the wet and droppings tothe spring. 

V. While Crassus stayed in the cave, the slave came daily to bringprovisions; but he did not see the persons who were concealed, or knowwho they were; though he was seen by them, inasmuch as they knew, andwatched the times of his coming. Now, the provision that was made fortheir meals was ample enough even for luxury, and not merelysufficient for their necessities. But Vibius determined to showCrassus every kind of friendly attention; and it occurred to him toconsider the youth of Crassus, that he was a very young man, and thatprovision should be made in some degree also for the pleasuressuitable to his age, and that merely to supply his wants would arguethat he was serving Crassus as little as he could, rather than withhearty zeal; accordingly, he took with him two handsome female slaves, and went down to the sea-coast. When he came to the place, he pointedto the road that led up to it, and told them to go in boldly. Crassus, seeing them approach, was afraid that the spot was known, and had beendiscovered; and, accordingly, he asked them what they wanted, and whothey were. The women replied, as they had been instructed, that theywere looking for their master, who was concealed there; on whichCrassus perceived the joke which Vibius was playing off upon him, andhis kind attentions, and received the women; and they stayed with himfor the rest of the time, telling and reporting to Vibius what herequested them. Fenestella[18] says, that he saw one of these slaveswhen she was an old woman, and that he had often heard her mentionthis, and tell the story with pleasure. 

VI. In this way Crassus spent eight months in concealment; but assoon as he heard of Cinna's end, he showed himself, and out of thenumbers that flocked to him he selected two thousand five hundred, with whom he went round to the cities; and one city, Malaca, [19] heplundered, according to the testimony of many authors, though they saythat he denied the fact, and contradicted those who affirmed it. Afterthis he got together some vessels, and crossed over to Libya, toMetellus Pius, [20] a man of reputation who had collected a force by nomeans contemptible. But he stayed no long time there; for hequarrelled with Metellus, and then set out to join Sulla, by whom hewas treated with particular respect. When Sulla had passed over thesea to Italy, he wished all the young men who were with him to aid himactively, and he appointed them to different duties. Crassus, on beingsent into the country of the Marsi to raise troops, asked for a guard, because the road lay through a tract which was occupied by the enemy;Sulla replied to him in passion and with vehemence, "I give thee asguards thy father, thy brother, thy friends, thy kinsmen, who were cutoff illegally and wrongfully, and whose murderers I am now pursuing. "Stung by these words, and pricked on to the undertaking, Crassusimmediately set out, and, vigorously making his way through the enemy, he got together a strong force, and showed himself active in thebattles of Sulla. The events of that war, it is said, first excitedhim to rivalry and competition with Pompeius for distinction. Pompeiuswas younger than Crassus, and his father had a bad repute at Rome, andhad been bitterly hated by the citizens; but still Pompeius shoneconspicuous in the events of that period and proved himself to be agreat man, so that Sulla showed him marks of respect which he did notvery often show to others of more advanced years and of his own rank, by rising from his seat when Pompeius approached, and uncovering hishead, and addressing him by the title of Imperator. All this setCrassus in a flame, and goaded him, inasmuch as he was thus slightedin comparison with Pompeius; and with good reason; Crassus wasdeficient in experience, and the credit that he got by his militaryexploits was lost by his innate vices, --love of gain and meanness;for, upon taking Tudertia, [21] a city of the Umbri, it was suspectedthat he appropriated to himself most of the spoil, and this was made amatter of charge against him to Sulla. However, in the battle nearRome, [22] which was the greatest in all the war, and the last, Sullawas defeated, the soldiers under his command being put to flight, andsome of them trampled down in the pursuit: Crassus, who commanded theright wing, was victorious, and, after continuing the pursuit tillnightfall, he sent to Sulla to ask for something for his soldiers toeat, and to report his success. But, during the proscriptions andconfiscations, on the other hand, he got a bad name, by buying at lowprices large properties, and asking for grants. It is said that, inthe country of the Bruttii, he also proscribed a person, not pursuantto Sulla's orders, but merely to enrich himself thereby, and that, onthis account, Sulla, who disapproved of his conduct, never employedhim again in any public business. However, Crassus was most expert ingaining over everybody by flattery; and, on the other hand, he waseasily taken in by flattery from any person. It is further mentionedas a peculiarity in his character, that, though very greedy ofgain, [23] he hated and abused those most who were like himself. 

VII. But Crassus was most annoyed at the military success of Pompeius, and his enjoying a triumph before he became a senator, and beingcalled by the citizens Magnus, which means Great. On one occasion, when somebody observed that Pompeius the Great was approaching, Crassus smiled, and asked, How great he was? But, as Crassus despairedof equalling Pompeius in military reputation, he entered upon apolitical career, and, by his activity, by pleading in the courts, andlending money, and by canvassing for candidates, and subjectinghimself to all kinds of scrutiny in conjunction with those who wantedanything of the people, he acquired a power and reputation equal towhat Pompeius had got by his many and great military services. And theresult to each of them was something unusual; for, when Pompeius wasabsent from Rome, his name and his influence in the State, by reasonof his military exploits, was superior to that of Crassus; but whenPompeius was at Rome, he often fell short of Crassus in influence, forhis haughty temper and habitual pride made him avoid crowds and retirefrom the Forum, and seldom give his aid to those who sought it, andthen not readily; his object being to keep his power at a higherpitch, by exercising it only on his own behalf. But Crassus was alwaysready to make himself useful, and he did not keep himself retired, norwas he difficult of access, but he was always busy in everything thatwas going on, and by the general kindness of his behaviour he got theadvantage over the proud bearing of Pompeius. In personal dignity, inpersuasive speech, and attractive expression of countenance it is saidthey were both equally fortunate. However, this rivalry did not hurryCrassus into any personal enmity or ill-will, and though, he wasannoyed at Pompeius and Cæsar receiving greater honour than himself, he never allowed this jealous feeling to be associated with anyhostility or ill disposition. It is true that when Cæsar was taken anddetained by the pirates, he cried out, "What pleasure you will have, Crassus, when you hear of my capture!" But afterwards, at least, theywere on friendly terms, and, when Cæsar was going to Iberia, asprætor, [24] and had no money in consequence of his creditors havingcome upon him and seizing all his outfit, Crassus did not leave him inthis difficulty, but got him released, by becoming security for him tothe amount of eight hundred and thirty talents. When all Rome becamedivided into three parties, --that of Pompeius, Cæsar andCrassus, --(for Cato[25] had more reputation than power, and was moreadmired than followed), the sober and conservative part of thecitizens adhered to Pompeius; the violent and those who were lightlymoved, were led by the hopes that they had from Cæsar; Crassus, bykeeping a middle position, used both parties for his purposes, and, ashe very often changed in his political views, he was neither a firmfriend nor an irreconcilable enemy, but he would readily give upeither his friendship or his enmity on calculation of interest; sothat within a short interval, he often came forward to speak both forand against the same men and the same measures. He had also greatinfluence, both because he was liked and feared, but mainly because hewas feared. Accordingly Sicinius, [26] who was the most violent in hisattacks on the magistrates and popular leaders of the day, in reply toone who asked, "Why Crassus was the only person whom he did not worry, and why he let him alone?" said, "That he had hay on his horn:" now, the Romans were accustomed to tie some hay round the horn of an oxthat butted, as a warning to those who might meet it. 

VIII. The insurrection of the gladiators and their devastation ofItaly, which is generally called the war of Spartacus, [27] originatedas follows:--One Lentulus Batiates kept gladiators in Capua, of whomthe majority, who were Gauls and Thracians, had been closely confined, not for any misbehaviour on their part, but through the villainy oftheir purchaser, for the purpose of fighting in the games. Two hundredof these resolved to make their escape; but their design beingbetrayed, those who had notice of the discovery, and succeeded ingetting away, to the number of seventy-eight, took knives and spitsout of a cook's shop, and sallied out. Meeting on the way with somewaggons that were conveying gladiators' arms to another city, theyplundered the waggons, and armed themselves. Seizing on a strongposition, they chose three leaders, of whom the first was Spartacus, aThracian of nomadic race, a man not only of great courage andstrength, but, in judgment and mildness of character, superior to hiscondition, and more like a Greek than one would expect from hisnation. They say that when Spartacus was first taken to Rome to besold, a snake was seen folded over his face while he was sleeping, anda woman, of the same tribe with Spartacus, who was skilled indivination, and possessed by the mysterious rites of Dionysus, declared that this was a sign of a great and formidable power whichwould attend him to a happy termination. This woman was at that timecohabiting with Spartacus, and she made her escape with him. 

IX. The gladiators began by repelling those who came against them fromCapua and getting a stock of military weapons, for which they gladlyexchanged their gladiators' arms, which they threw away as a badge ofdishonour, and as barbaric. Clodius[28] the prætor was next sentagainst them from Rome, with three thousand men, and he blockaded themon a mountain which had only one ascent, and that was difficult andnarrow, and Clodius had possession of it; on all other sides therewere steep smooth-faced precipices. On the top of the hill there grewa great quantity of wild vines, and the men of Spartacus cutting offall the shoots that were adapted to their purpose, and, intertwiningthem, made strong and long ladders, so that when fastened above, theyreached along the face of the precipice to the level ground, and theyall safely descended by them except one man, who stayed to take careof the arms; and, when all the rest had descended, he let the armsdown, and, having done this, he got down safe himself. The Romans didnot know what was going on; and accordingly, when the gladiatorssurrounded them, they were put in alarm by the surprise, and fled, onwhich the enemy took their camp. Many of the herdsmen and shepherds inthose parts also joined the gladiators, men ever ready for a quarrel, and light of foot, some of whom the gladiators armed, and others theyemployed as scouts and light troops. Publius Barinus[29] the prætorwas next sent against them, whose legatus, one Furius, at the head oftwo thousand soldiers, the gladiators engaged and put to flight. Cossinus was then despatched, with a large force, to advise withBarinus, and to be associated in the command; but Spartacus, watchinghis opportunity, while Cossinus was bathing at Salenæ, [30] was verynear seizing him. Cossinus made his escape with great difficulty, andSpartacus, seizing the baggage, closely followed up the pursuit, withgreat slaughter of the Romans, and he took the camp. Cossinus alsofell. Spartacus, after defeating the prætor himself in many otherbattles, and at last seizing his lictors and his horse, now becamegreat and formidable: but still he formed a just judgment of the stateof affairs and, not expecting to get the advantage over the power ofthe Romans, he designed to lead his forces to the Alps; thinking thatit was advisable for them to cross the mountains and to go to theirseveral homes, some to Thrace and some to Gaul. But the gladiatorsbeing strong in numbers, and confident, would not listen to him, andthey went about ravaging Italy. The Senate were now no longer troubledmerely at the humiliation and disgrace that they suffered by therevolt; but, moved by fear and the danger, they sent out both theconsuls[31] as to a war of the utmost difficulty and importance. Gellius, suddenly falling on the Germans, who, by reason of theirarrogance and self-confidence, had separated from the troops ofSpartacus, destroyed the whole body; and after Lentulus had hemmed inSpartacus with large armies, Spartacus, rushing upon them and joiningbattle, defeated the legates and got all the baggage. Spartacus nowattempted to force his way towards the Alps; and Cassius[32] who "wasthe governor of Gaul upon the Padus, met him with ten thousand men, and a battle was fought, in which Cassius was defeated with greatlose, and with difficulty made his escape. 

X. The Senate, on receiving this news, angrily bade the consuls keepquiet, and they appointed Crassus to the command of the war, whosereputation and popularity induced many of the nobles to serve underhim. Crassus took his station on the frontiers of Picenum, with theview of waiting for Spartacus, who was moving in that direction; andhe sent Mummius, his legatus, at the head of two legions, to make acircuit, and with orders to follow the enemy, but not to engage withthem, nor come to close quarters. But Mummius, as soon as he got whathe thought a favourable opportunity, fought a battle, and wasdefeated; many of his men fell, and many, flying without their arms, made their escape. Crassus received Mummius himself roughly, andarming the soldiers again, he required of them security for theirarms, that they would keep them; and five hundred, who had been thefirst to run, and had shown most cowardice, he distributed into fiftydecades, [33] and out of each decade he took one man, by lot, and puthim to death; thus inflicting on the soldiers this ancient mode ofpunishment which had long fallen into disuse; for disgrace also isadded to the manner of death, and many things horrible and dreadful tosee accompany the punishment, in the presence of all the spectators. After inflicting this punishment, he made his men again face about andmarch against the enemy. Spartacus, however, avoided Crassus, and madehis way through Lucania to the sea, and, falling in with some Cilicianpiratical vessels, in the Straits, he formed a design to seize Sicily, and by throwing two thousand men into the island, to kindle again theservile war there, the flames of which had not long since beenquenched, and required only a few sparks to set it again in a blaze. The Cilicians[34] came to terms with Spartacus, and received hispresents; but they deceived him, and sailed off. Under thesecircumstances, he marched back from the coast, and fixed his army inthe peninsula of the Rhegine territory. Crassus now came up, andobserving that the nature of the ground suggested what was to be done, he resolved to build a wall across the isthmus, for the purpose ofkeeping his soldiers employed, and cutting off the supplies of theenemy. Though the undertaking was great and difficult, he accomplishedit, and completed the work, contrary to all expectation, in a shorttime, by digging a ditch[35] from sea to sea, through the neck ofland, three hundred stadia in length, fifteen feet deep, and as manywide; and above the ditch he raised a rampart of surprising height andstrength. At first Spartacus paid no attention to what was going on, and treated it with contempt; but when forage began to fail, and hewanted to advance further into the interior, he discovered the linesof Crassus; and as there was nothing to be got in the peninsula, taking advantage of a night when there was a fall of snow and a wintrystorm, he filled up a small part of the ditch with earth, and wood, and the branches of trees, and so carried over a third part of hisarmy. 

XI. Now Crassus was afraid that Spartacus might form a design to marchagainst Rome; but he was encouraged by many of the followers ofSpartacus quitting their leader, in consequence of some disputes, andencamping by themselves upon the banks of the lake Lucanis, [36] whichthey say is subject to changes, at certain intervals becoming sweet, and then again salt, and not potable. Crassus coming upon this band, drove them from the lake; but he was prevented from cutting them topieces and pursuing them, by the sudden appearance of Spartacus, whochecked the flight. Crassus had, before this, written to the Senate, to say that they ought to summon Lucullus[37] from Thrace, andPompeius from Iberia; but he now changed his mind, and made everyeffort to put an end to the war before they arrived, knowing that thesuccess would be attributed to him who came last, and brought help, and not to himself. Accordingly, he determined to attack first thosewho had separated from the main body, and were carrying on thecampaign by themselves, under the command of Caius Cannicius andCastus; and he dispatched six thousand men, with orders to occupy acertain hill, and keep themselves concealed. The men of Crassusendeavoured to escape notice by covering their helmets; but, beingseen by two women, who were sacrificing for the enemy, they would havebeen in danger, if Crassus had not quickly appeared, and fought abattle, the most severely contested of all in this war, in which hedestroyed twelve thousand three hundred men, of whom he found only twowounded in the back: all the rest died in the ranks, fighting againstthe Romans. After the defeat of this body, Spartacus retired to themountains of Petilia, [38] followed by Quintius, [39] one of thegenerals of Crassus, and Scrofas, his quæstor, who hung close on hisrear. But, upon Spartacus facing about, the Romans were thrown intodisorderly flight, and made their escape, after having with difficultyrescued their quæstor, who was wounded. This success was the ruin ofSpartacus, in consequence of the self-confidence which it infused intothe slaves: they would not now consent to avoid a battle, nor yetwould they obey their commanders, whom they surrounded, with arms intheir hands, on the march, and compelled to lead them back throughLucania against the Romans, wherein they did the very thing thatCrassus desired; for it was reported that Pompeius was nowapproaching, and there were not a few who openly said that the victoryin this war belonged to him; for he would fight as soon as he arrived, and put an end to the campaign. While Crassus, therefore, who waseager to decide the affair by a battle, and to fix his camp near theenemy, was engaged in digging his trenches, the slaves came up tothem and attacked the men who were at work. As fresh men from bothsides kept coming up to help their comrades, Spartacus, seeing that hemust fight, arranged all his army in order of battle. When his horsewas brought to him, he drew his sword and said, that if he won thebattle he should have plenty of fine horses from the enemy, and if hewas defeated he should not want one; upon which he killed his horse, and then he made his way towards Crassus himself, through many men, and inflicting many wounds; but he did not succeed in reachingCrassus, though he engaged with and killed two centurions. At last, after those about him had fled, he kept his ground, and, beingsurrounded by a great number, he fought till he was cut down. But, though Crassus had been successful, and had displayed the skill of agreat general, and had exposed his person to danger, yet the credit ofthe victory did not escape being appropriated to Pompeius; for thosewho fled from the battle were destroyed by him, and Pompeius wrote tothe Senate that Crassus had defeated the slaves in the open field, buthe had cut up the war by the roots. [40] Now Pompeius had a splendidtriumph for his victory over Sertorius and his exploits in Iberia; butCrassus did not venture to ask for the greater triumph; and even as tothe foot triumph called the ovation, which he did enjoy, it wasconsidered but a mean thing, and below his dignity that he had atriumph for a servile war. But how the ovation differs from the othertriumph, and about the name, I have spoken in the 'Life ofMarcellus. '[41] XII. After these events, Pompeius was forthwithinvited to the consulship, [42] and, though Crassus had hopes ofbecoming his colleague, still he did not hesitate to solicit theassistance of Pompeius. Pompeius gladly listened to his proposal, forhe was desirous in any way always to have Crassus his debtor for someobligation, and he actively exerted himself on behalf of Crassus; andfinally he said, in his address to the public assembly, that he shouldfeel no less grateful for the return of Crassus as his colleague thanfor his own election. They did not, however, continue in this harmonyafter entering on their office, but they differed on almost everysubject, and quarrelled about everything, and by their disputesrendered their consulship unfruitful in all political measures, andineffectual: however, Crassus made a great festival in honour ofHercules, and feasted the people at ten thousand tables, and gave theman allowance of corn for three months. It was at the close of theirconsulship, when Pompeius and Crassus happened to be addressing thepublic assembly, that a man, not of any distinction, a Roman eques, arustic in his mode of life, and one who did not meddle with publicaffairs, Onatius Aurelius, [43] got up on the rostra, and, comingforward, told a dream which he had had. "Jupiter, " he said, "appearedto me, and bade me tell the citizens not to let the consuls lay downtheir office before they have become friends. " Upon the man sayingthis, and the assembly bidding the consuls be reconciled, Pompeiusstood silent; but Crassus offering his right hand first, said, "Citizens, I do not consider that I am humbling myself or doinganything unworthy of me when I make the advance towards good-will andfriendship to Pompeius, to whom you gave the name of Magnus before hehad a beard, and voted a triumph before he was a senator. "

XIII. These were the things worthy of commemoration in the consulshipof Crassus. But his censorship[44] passed over altogether withoutresults, and without any active measures; for he neither revised thesenate, nor inspected the equites, nor made a census of the citizens, though he had for his colleague Lutatius Catulus, the mildest of theRomans. But it is said that Crassus designed a shameful and violentmeasure, to make Egypt tributary to the Romans, and that Catulusopposed him vigorously, on which a difference arising between them, they voluntarily laid down their office. In the affair ofCatiline, [45] which was a serious matter, and one that came nearoverthrowing Rome, some suspicion, it is true, attached to Crassus, and a man came forward to name him as implicated in the conspiracy, but nobody believed him. However, Cicero, in one of his orations, evidently imputed to Crassus and Cæsar participation in the plot; butthis oration was not published till after the death of both of them. But in the oration on his consulship, Cicero says that Crassus came tohim by night and brought a letter[46] which contained information onthe affair of Catiline, as if his object was to establish the truth ofthe conspiracy. Now Crassus always hated Cicero for this, but his sonstood in the way of his doing Cicero any open injury. ForPublius, [47] who was fond of oratory and of improving himself, wasmuch attached to Cicero, and went so far as to change his dress whenCicero did at the time of his trial, and he induced the other youngmen to do the same. At last he prevailed upon his father, andreconciled him to Cicero. 

XIV. When Cæsar returned from his province, [48] he made preparationsto be a candidate for the consulship; but, observing that Crassus andPompeius were again at enmity, he did not choose by applying to one ofthem for his help to have the other for his enemy, and he did notthink that he could succeed if neither of them assisted him. Accordingly, he set about reconciling them, by continually urging uponthem, and showing that by their attempts to ruin one another theywould increase the power of the Ciceros, and Catuli, and Catos, whowould lose all their influence if they would unite their friends andadherents, and so direct the administration with combined strength, and one purpose. By persuasion and effecting a reconciliation, hebrought them together, and he formed out of the union of all three anirresistible power by which he put down the Roman senate and thepeople, though he did not make Pompeius and Crassus more powerful, onethrough the other, but by means of the two he made himself mostpowerful; for immediately on being supported by Pompeius and Crassus, he was elected consul by a great majority. While Cæsar was ablydischarging the business of the consulship, Crassus and Pompeius, byprocuring for him the command of armies, and by delivering Gaul intohis hands, fixed him in a kind of acropolis, thinking that they shouldadminister the rest of the State as they mutually agreed, aftersecuring to Cæsar the authority which the lot had given him. NowPompeius did all this through unbounded love of power; but to the oldvice of Crassus, his avarice, there was now added a new passion, ambition for trophies and triumphs excited by the great exploits ofCæsar, since it was in this alone that he was Cæsar's inferior; for hehad the superiority in everything else; and his passion remitted notnor diminished till it resulted in an inglorious death and publicmisfortunes. Cæsar had come down from Gaul to the city of Luca, andmany of the Romans went to him there, and Pompeius and Crassus hadprivate conferences with him, in which they agreed to take affairs inhand more vigorously, and to hold the whole power of the State attheir disposal, to which end Cæsar was to remain in his militarycommand, and Pompeius and Crassus were to have other provinces andarmies. To this object there was only one road, which was to ask for asecond consulship, and Cæsar was to assist them in their canvass bywriting to his friends and sending many of his soldiers to supportthem at the comitia. 

XV. As soon as Crassus and Pompeius[49] returned to Rome, suspicionwas excited, and there was much talk through the whole city that theirmeeting had been held for no good. In the Senate Marcellinus andDomitius asked Pompeius if he intended to be a candidate for theconsulship, to which Pompeius replied that perhaps he should, andperhaps he should not; being asked again, he said that he was acandidate for the votes of the good citizens, but not a candidate forthe votes of the bad. It was considered that Pompeius had made ahaughty and arrogant answer; but Crassus said, in a more modest tone, that he would be a candidate, if it was for the interest of the State;if it was not, he would decline. This encouraged certain persons tobecome candidates, among whom was Domitius. However, when Pompeiusand Crassus had openly declared themselves candidates, the rest wereafraid and withdrew; but Domitius was encouraged by Cato, who was hiskinsman and friend, and stimulated and urged him to stick to hishopes, with the view of defending the common liberties; he said "itwas not the consulship that Pompeius and Crassus wanted, but atyranny; that their conduct showed they were not asking for theconsulship, but aiming to seize on the provinces and the armies. " Bysuch arguments, which were also his real opinions, Cato, all but byforce, brought Domitius to the Forum, and many sided with them. Andthose who were surprised at the canvassing of Pompeius and Crassuswere no small number. "Why then do they want a second consulship? Andwhy do they wish to be colleagues again? And why will they not havethe consulship with other colleagues? There are many men among us whoare surely not unworthy to be colleagues with Crassus and Pompeius. "This alarmed the partizans of Pompeius, who now abstained from noproceeding, however disorderly and violent; but, in addition to allthe rest, they placed a body of men to lie in wait and attack Domitiusas he was going down to the Forum, while it was still dark, with hispartizans, and they killed the man that held the light, and woundedmany, among whom was Cato. After putting the party of Domitius toflight, and driving them back to the house, [50] Pompeius and Crassuswere proclaimed consuls. Shortly after, they again surrounded theSenate-house with armed men, and, after driving Cato out of the Forum, and killing some persons who opposed them, they procured another fiveyears[51] of administration to be added to Cæsar's term, and the twoprovinces of Syria and Iberia to be given to them. When the lots werecast, Crassus got Syria, and Pompeius had Iberia. 

XVI. The result of the lot was not universally disliked; for themajority wished Pompeius not to be far from the city, and Pompeius, who was much attached to his wife, [52] intended to spend his timechiefly in Rome. Crassus showed by his joy, immediately on the fallingout of the lot, that he considered no greater good fortune had everbefallen him, and he could scarcely keep quiet before strangers and inpublic; to his friends he uttered many foolish and puerile expressionsquite inconsistent with his years and temper, for he had never beforeshown himself in the least degree a braggart or arrogant. But now, being mightily elated, and his head completely turned, he was not formaking Syria or Palestine the limit of his victories; but, designingto make the exploits of Lucullus against Tigranes, and those ofPompeius against Mithridates appear mere child's play, he extended hishopes as far as to the Bactrians, and the Indians, and the externalsea. And yet there was no mention of a Parthian war in the law[53]that was drawn up on this occasion. But everybody knew that Crassuswas passionately bent on a Parthian war, and Cæsar wrote to him fromGaul, approving of his design, and urging him to it. When it was knownthat Ateius, [54] the tribune, intended to offer some opposition to hisleaving the city, and many persons joined him who complained thatCrassus was going to make war upon a people who were doing the Romansno wrong, and had a treaty with them, Crassus in alarm prayed Pompeiusto accompany him, and escort him out of the city. Now, the reputationof Pompeius with the multitude was great, and, by showing himself infront of Crassus, with cheerful looks and countenance, hetranquillized a numerous body of people who were prepared to obstructCrassus, and to raise a shout against him, so that they made way andlet him pass through them quietly. But Ateius met Crassus, and, firstof all, endeavoured to stop him by words, and he protested against hismarching out: in the next place, he ordered his attendant to lay holdof Crassus, and to detain him; but, as the rest of the tribunes wouldnot allow this, the attendant quitted his hold of Crassus, and Ateiusrunning to the gate, placed there a burning brazier, and, as soon asCrassus arrived, he threw incense and poured libations upon it, and, at the same time, he denounced against Crassus curses, in themselvesdreadful and terrific, and, in addition thereto, he uttered the namesof certain awful and inauspicious deities. The Romans say that thesemysterious and ancient curses have great efficacy, that no man canescape upon whom they are laid, and that he who utters them also hasan unlucky end, and, accordingly, they are not denounced either onordinary occasions, or by many persons. Ateius was blamed for lettingloose such imprecations and religious fears upon a State, on behalf ofwhich he was hostile to Crassus. 

XVII. When Crassus arrived at Brundisium, though the sea was stillrough owing to the wintry weather, he would not wait, but he set sail, and so lost many of his vessels. After getting together the remnant ofhis forces, he marched through Galatia. [55] Finding King Deiotarus, who was now a very old man, founding a new city, Crassus saidsarcastically, "King, you are beginning to build at the twelfth hour. "The Galatian, with a smile, replied, "You, too, Imperator, I observe, are not very early with your Parthian expedition. " Now Crassus waspast sixty, and he looked older than he was. On his arrival, mattersat first turned out fully equal to his expectation; for he easilythrew a bridge over the Euphrates, and got his army across safely, andhe also obtained possession of many cities in Mesopotamia whichsurrendered. Before one of them, of which Apollonius was tyrant, helost a hundred men, upon which he brought his force against the place, and, having got possession of it, he made plunder of all the property, and sold the people: the Greeks called the city Zenodotia. [56] On thecapture of the city, Crassus allowed his soldiers to proclaim himImperator, wherein he greatly disgraced himself, and showed themeanness of his spirit, and that he had no good hopes of greaterthings, as he was content with so slight a success. Having putgarrisons in the cities that had surrendered, to the amount of seventhousand infantry and a thousand cavalry, he retired to winter inSyria, and there to await his son, [57] who was coming from Cæsar inGaul, with the decorations that he had gained by his valour, and witha thousand picked horsemen. This seemed to be the first blunder ofCrassus, or at least, it was the greatest blunder that he committednext to the expedition itself; for he ought to have advanced and tohave secured Babylon and Seleukeia, [58] two cities which were alwayshostile to the Parthians; instead of which, he gave his enemies timeto make preparation. The next thing the people blamed was his waste oftime in Syria, which was employed more for purposes of money profitthan for military purposes; for he did not occupy himself in reviewingthe numbers of his troops, nor establishing games to keep the soldiersin exercise, but he busied himself about estimating the revenues ofcities, and he was for many days with weights and scales in his handsamong the treasures of the goddess in Hierapolis, [59] and, afterrequiring from the towns and princes contingents of men, he wouldremit his requisitions for a sum of money; by all which he lost hisreputation, and fell into contempt. The first sign that happened tohim proceeded from this goddess herself, whom some consider to beAphrodite (Venus); and others Hera (Juno); others again believe her tobe the cause that has supplied from moisture the seeds for all things, and nature, and the power that has pointed out the source of all goodthings for men; for, as they were going out of the temple, youngCrassus first stumbled at the gate, and then his father fell upon him. 

XVIII. While Crassus was getting together his forces out of the winterquarter, there came ambassadors from Arsakes[60] with a short message. They said, if the army was sent by the Romans, there was nothing butwar without truce, and without any terms; but if Crassus, contrary tothe wish of his country, as they heard, had brought arms against theParthians and occupied territory for his private profit, Arsakes wouldact with moderation, and would take pity on the old age of Crassus, and give up to the Romans the men whom he had in his power, and whowere rather under guard themselves than keeping guard over others. Crassus haughtily replied, that he would give an answer in Seleukeia;on which Vagises, the oldest of the ambassadors, smiled, and, showingthe palm of his hand, said, "From here, Crassus, hair will grow beforeyou see Seleukeia. " The ambassadors now returned to Hyrodes, to informhim that he must be ready for war. From the cities of Mesopotamia, inwhich there were Roman garrisons, some soldiers, who made their escapeat great hazard, brought reports that caused much anxiety, having beeneye-witnesses of the numbers of the enemy, and of their mode ofattacking the cities; and, as is usual, they magnified everythingwhich they reported. "When the enemy pursued, " they said, "no mancould escape from them, and when they fled, they could not beovertaken; that strange missiles preceded the appearance of the enemy, and before one could see who sent them, they pierced througheverything that they struck; and as to the arms of the mailed[61]soldiers, some were made to push through every obstacle, and others togive way to nothing. " When the soldiers heard this their courage sank;for they had been led to believe that the Parthians did not differ atall from the Armenians and Cappadocians, whom Lucullus plundered androbbed till he was weary, and they thought that the hardest part ofthe war would be a long march, and the pursuit of men who would notcome to close quarters; but now, contrary to their hopes, they were inexpectation of a contest and great danger, so that some of theofficers thought that Crassus ought to stop, and again submit to theirdeliberation the general state of affairs. Among these was Cassius[62]the quæstor. The seers, also, in gentle terms showed that bad andunfavourable signs were always prognosticated to Crassus by thevictims. But Crassus paid no attention to them, nor to those whoadvised anything else except to move on. 

XIX. But Crassus was in no small degree encouraged by Artabazes[63]the king of the Armenians, who came to the camp with six thousandhorsemen. These were said to be the guards and attendants of the king;and he promised ten thousand men clothed in mail and thirty thousandinfantry, who were to be maintained at his own cost. He attempted topersuade Crassus to invade Parthia through Armenia; for, he said, thearmy would not only have abundance of provision in its march throughthe country by reason of him supplying them, but would also advancesafely, having in their front many mountains and continuous hills, andground unfavourable for cavalry, in which alone lay the strength ofthe Parthians. Crassus was well enough satisfied with the zeal of theking and the splendour of the proffered aid; but he said he wouldmarch through Mesopotamia, where he had left many brave Romans; uponthis the Armenian went away. As Crassus was taking his army over atthe Zeugma, [64] many extraordinary claps of thunder broke around, andmany flashes of lightning came right in front of the army; and a wind, mingled with cloud and hurricane, [65] falling on the raft, broke upand crushed to pieces a large part of it. The spot also, on whichCrassus intended to encamp, was struck with two thunderbolts. [66] Ahorse, belonging to the general, which was caparisoned in splendidstyle, violently dragged along the man who held the reins, andplunging into the stream, disappeared. It is said also, that the firsteagle which was raised, turned round spontaneously. Added to this, ithappened that, as they were giving out the rations to the soldiersafter crossing the river, lentils and salt were given first, which theRomans consider to be symbols of lamentation, and are accustomed toplace before the dead; and, as Crassus was haranguing the soldiers, anexpression escaped him which greatly alarmed the army. He said hewould destroy the raft over the river, that no one among them mightreturn; and though he ought, upon seeing the imprudence of his words, to have recalled what he had said and explained it to the soldiers, heneglected to do so, through his arrogant temper. Finally, when he wasoffering the usual expiatory sacrifice, and the priest had put theviscera into his hands, he threw them away, on which, observing thatthe standers-by were greatly disturbed, he said with a smile, "Such isold age; but no arms at least shall drop from its hands. "

XX. After this he advanced along the river, with seven legions andnearly four thousand horsemen, and almost as many light-armed troopsas horsemen. Some of the scouts now returned from their explorationand reported that the country was clear of men, and that they hadfallen in with the tracks of many horses, which indicated that theyhad turned about and were retreating. This gave Crassus still betterhopes, and made the soldiers completely despise the Parthians, who, asthey supposed, would not come to close quarters. However, Cassiusagain had some conversation with Crassus, and advised him at least togive his troops rest in some of the garrisoned cities, till he shouldget some certain information about the enemy; but if he would not dothis, to advance towards Seleukeia along the river. He urged that theboats which carried the provisions would furnish them with supplies bystopping at the places of encampment, and that, by having the river asa protection against being hemmed in by the enemy, they would alwaysbe able to fight them on fair terms. 

XXI. While Crassus was considering and reflecting on these matters, there comes an Arab chieftain, Ariamnes[67] by name, a cunning andfaithless man, and of all the misfortunes that were by chance combinedto ruin the Romans the chief and crowning mischief. Some of them whohad served with Pompeius knew him as one who had received favours fromPompeius, and was supposed to be a friend to the Romans; but he nowcame to Crassus with a treacherous intent, and with the privity of theroyal generals, to try if he could draw him far away from the riverand the foot of the hills, into a boundless plain, where he might besurrounded by the enemy; for nothing was further from the intentionsof the Parthians than to attack the Romans right in front. Accordingly, the barbarian coming to Crassus (and he was a plausibletalker), spake in high terms of Pompeius as his benefactor, andpraised the force of Crassus; but he blamed him for his tardiness, inasmuch as he was delaying and making preparation, as if he wouldhave occasion to employ arms instead of hands and the most activefeet, against an enemy who had long been trying to get together, asquick as they could, their most valuable property and their bestslaves, and to move off to the Scythians or Hyrkanians. "And yet, " hesaid, "if you intend to fight, you ought to press on before the kingrecovers his courage and all his forces are concentrated; for nowSurena and Sillakes have been thrown in your way to stand the attack, and the king is no where to be seen. " But all this was false. ForHyrodes had at first divided his forces into two parts, and he washimself ravaging Armenia to take vengeance on Artavasdes; but he sentSurena against the Romans, not because he despised them, as some say, for it was not consistent for him to disdain Crassus as an antagonist, the first of the Romans, and to war against Artavasdes and take thevillages of Armenia; but it seems that he really feared the danger, and that he was on the watch to await the result, and that he putSurena in the front to try the fortune of a battle, and so to divertthe enemy. For Surena was no person of mean estate: in wealth, birth, and consideration, he was next to the king; but, in courage andability, the first of the Parthians of his time; and, besides allthis, in stature and beauty of person he had no equal. He used alwaysto travel, when he was on his own business, with a thousand camels tocarry his baggage, and he had following him two hundred carriages forconcubines; and a thousand mailed horsemen, with a larger number oflight cavalry, escorted him; and he had in all, horsemen, clients, [68]and slaves, no less than ten thousand. Now by hereditary right he hadthe privilege of first placing the diadem on the head of him whobecame king of the Parthians;[69] and this very Hyrodes, who had beendriven out, he restored to the Parthian empire, and took for himSeleukeia the Great, being the first to mount the wall and to put toflight with his own hand those who opposed him. Though he was not yetthirty years of age at that time, he had the first reputation forprudent counsel and judgment, by which qualities particularly hecaused the ruin of Crassus, who through his confidence and pride inthe first place, and next through his fears and his misfortunes, became a most easy victim to fraud. 

XXII. The barbarian, after persuading Crassus, drew him away from theriver, and led him through the plains by a track at first convenientand easy, but which soon became toilsome; for it was succeeded by deepsand, and plains treeless and waterless, not bounded in any directionby any object that the eye could reach, so that, not only throughthirst and the difficulty of the march, was the army exhausted, buteven the aspect of all around caused the soldiers to despond past allcomfort, seeing neither plant, nor stream, nor top of sloping hill, nor blade of grass sprouting or rising through the earth, but a baresea-like wave of desert heaps of sand environing the army. Now this ofitself made the Romans suspect treachery. Messengers also came fromArtavasdes the Armenian, with a message that he was engaged in a heavystruggle since Hyrodes had fallen upon him, and that he could not sendCrassus aid; but he advised Crassus above all things to change hisroute immediately, and, by joining the Armenians, to bring the contestwith Hyrodes to a close: but, if he would not do this, he recommendedhim to advance, and always to avoid encamping in such places as wereadapted for the movements of cavalry, and to keep close to themountainous parts: to all which Crassus sent no written answer, but, under the influence of passion and perverse disposition, he answered, that he had no leisure at present to deal with the Armenians, but hewould come at another time to punish Artavasdes for his treachery. Cassius was again much dissatisfied: but he gave over advisingCrassus, who was out of humour with him, though Cassius himself abusedthe barbarian. "What evil dæmon, " he said, "vilest of men, brought youto us, and by what drugs and witchcraft have you persuaded Crassus toplunge his army into a boundless wilderness and an abyss, and topursue a path more fit for a nomadic chief of robbers than for a RomanImperator?" But the barbarian, who was a cunning follow, with abjectservility, prayed him to endure a little longer; and, while runningalong with the soldiers and giving them his help, he would jeer atthem in a laughing mood, and say, "I suppose you think that you aremarching through Campania, and you long for the fountains, andstreams, and shades, and baths, and taverns? Have you forgotten thatyou are crossing the confines of the Arabs and Assyrians?" Thus thebarbarian amused the Romans, and before his treachery was discoveredhe rode off, not, however, without the knowledge of Crassus, aftermaking him believe that he would serve the Roman army, and put theaffairs of the enemy in confusion. 

XXIII. It is said that on that day Crassus did not appear, as is thecustom of Roman generals, in a purple dress, but in black, which heimmediately changed on observing what he had done: and it is also saidthat the men who carried the standards had much difficulty in raisingsome of them up, for they stuck in the ground as if they were firmlyrooted there. Crassus ridiculed all these omens, and quickened hismarch, urging the infantry to follow after the cavalry, till at last afew of those who had been sent forward as scouts came up, and reportedthat the rest of them had been cut off by the enemy, and they hadescaped with difficulty, and that the Parthians were advancing with alarge force, and full of confidence. This threw all the army intoconfusion, and Crassus was completely confounded, and began to put hismen in order hastily, and with no great presence of mind: at first, asCassius recommended, he extended the line of the legionary soldiers asfar as possible in the plain, and making it of small depth, in orderto prevent the enemy from attacking them on the flank, he distributedthe cavalry on the wings; but he changed his plan and, drawing his mentogether, formed them into a deep square of four fronts, with twelvecohorts on each side. By the side of each cohort he placed a body ofhorse, in order that no part of the army might be without the aid ofthe cavalry, but might make the attack equally protected on all sides. He gave one of the wings to Cassius, and the other to young Crassus;he himself took his station in the centre. Thus advancing, they cameto a stream called Balissus, [70] which was neither large nor copious;but it was a joyful sight to the soldiers in the midst of the droughtand heat, and by comparison with the rest of their laborious marchthrough a country without water. Now most of the commanders thoughtthat they ought to encamp and spend the night there, and learn whatwas the number of the enemy, and the nature and disposition of theirforce, and so advance against them at daybreak; but Crassus, beingprevailed upon by the importunity of his son, and the cavalry withhim, to advance immediately, and engage with the enemy, gave ordersfor the men who required it to eat and drink in their ranks. Andbefore this could be well accomplished all through the ranks, he ledon his men, not slowly, nor halting at intervals, as is usual when menare marching to battle, but he kept them up to a quick, unbroken pace, until the enemy were in sight, who, contrary to expectation, did notappear to the Romans to be either numerous or formidable; for Surenadisguised his numbers by placing the mass of his force behind thefront ranks, and he prevented their bright armour from being seen byordering his men to cover themselves with cloaks and skins. But whenthey were near the Romans, and the standard was raised by the general, first of all they filled the plain with a deep sound and a terrificnoise; for the Parthians do not excite themselves to battle with hornsor trumpets, but they have hollow instruments, [71] made of skin, andfurnished with brass bells, on which they strike at the same time invarious parts; and these instruments produce a kind of deep and dismalsound, compounded of the roaring of wild beasts and the harsh crashof thunder; for the Parthians rightly judge that of all the sensesthe hearing is that which causes the greatest alarm in the mind, andthat, when this sense is affected, there is the speediest and greatestdisturbance in the judgment. 

XXIV. The Romans were startled at the noise, when all of a suddenthrowing off the covering of their armour the Parthians appeared, withtheir helmets and breastplates flashing like flame, the Margiansteel[72] glittering sharp and bright, and the horses equipped in mailof brass and iron; but Surena was most conspicuous of all, being thetallest and handsomest man among them, though his personal appearance, owing to his feminine beauty, did not correspond to his reputation forcourage, for he was dressed more in the Median fashion, with his facepainted[73] and his hair parted, while the rest of the Parthians, still keeping to the Scythian fashion, wore their hair long and bushyto make themselves more formidable. At first the Parthians intended tofall upon them with their long spears, and to drive the front ranksfrom their ground; but when they saw the depth of their close-lockedranks, and the firmness and stability of the men, they drew back; andwhile they seemed to be at the same time dispersing themselves andbreaking their ranks, they threw themselves around the square beforethe Romans were aware of it. Crassus ordered the light-armed troops tospring forward; but they had not advanced far before they were met bya shower of arrows, which galled them, and they ran back for shelteramong the legionary soldiers, and caused the beginning of disorder andalarm among the Romans, who saw the vigour with which the arrows weredischarged and their strength, for they tore the armour and made theirway through everything alike, whether hard or soft defence. TheParthians, dispersing themselves at considerable distances from oneanother, began to discharge their arrows from all points at once, nottaking any very exact aim (for the close and compact ranks of theRomans did not give a man the opportunity of missing if he wished it), but sending their arrows with vigorous and forcible effect from bowswhich were strong and large, and, owing to their great degree ofbending, discharged the missiles with violence. Now the condition ofthe Romans was pitiable from the beginning: for, if they kept theirposition, they were exposed to be wounded, and if they attempted toclose with the enemy, they were just as far from doing the enemy anyharm, and they suffered just as much; for the Parthians whileretreating[74] still discharged their arrows, and they do this mosteffectually next to the Scythians: and it is a most subtle device tomake their escape from danger while they are still fighting, and totake away the disgrace of flight. 

XXV. [75] The Romans endured so long as they had hopes that theParthians would withdraw from the contest when they had dischargedtheir arrows, or would come to close quarters; but when they perceivedthat there were many camels standing there, loaded with arrows, andthat the Parthians who had first shot all their arrows, turned roundto the camels for a fresh supply, Crassus, seeing no end to this, began to lose heart, and he sent messengers to his son with orders toforce the enemy to engage before he was surrounded, for the Parthianswere mainly attacking and surrounding with their cavalry the wingcommanded by young Crassus, with the view of getting in his rear. Accordingly, the young man taking thirteen hundred horsemen, --athousand of whom he had brought from Cæsar, --and five hundredarchers, and eight cohorts of the legionary soldiers, who were nearestto him, wheeled about to attack the Parthians. But the Parthians, whowere manœuvring about Crassus, either because they fell in with somemarshes, [76] as some say, or because it was their design to attackCrassus when they had drawn him as far as they could from his father, turned round and fled. On this Crassus, calling out that the Parthiansdid not stand their ground, advanced with Censorinus andMegabacchus, [77] of whom Megabacchus was distinguished for courage andstrength, and Censorinus[78] was a senator and a powerful speaker, both of them companions of Crassus, and about the same age. Thecavalry pursued the enemy, nor did the infantry allow themselves to beleft behind, being full of alacrity and hope of victory; for theythought that they were victorious and in pursuit: but they had notgone far before they perceived the stratagem; for the Parthians, whowere supposed to be flying, began to face about, and others, ingreater numbers, joined them. Upon this the Romans halted, thinkingthat the enemy would come to close quarters with them, as they wereonly few in number. But the Parthians placing their mailed horsemen inthe front, to oppose the Romans, rode about them with the rest of thecavalry dispersed, and, by trampling the ground, they raised from thebottom heaps of sand, which threw up such an immense cloud of dustthat the Romans could neither see clearly nor speak; and, being driveninto a narrow compass, and falling one on another, they were woundedand died no easy nor yet a speedy death, for tortured with violentconvulsions and pain, and writhing with the arrows in them, theybroke them in the wounds, and, by trying to pull out by force thebarbed points, which had pierced through their veins and nerves, theyincreased the evil by breaking the arrows, and thus injuredthemselves. Many thus fell, and the survivors also were unable tofight; for, when Publius encouraged them to attack the mailedhorsemen, they showed him that their hands were nailed to theirshields, and their feet fastened right through to the ground, so thatthey were unable either to fly or to defend themselves. However, Publius cheering the cavalry, made a vigorous attack with them, andclosed with the enemy; but the Romans were under a disadvantage, bothas to attack and defence, striking with small and feeble spearsagainst breastplates of raw hide and iron, and receiving the blows oflong spears on the lightly-equipped and bare bodies of the Gauls, forCrassus trusted most to them, and with them indeed he did wonderfulfeats; for the Gauls, laying hold of the long spears, and closing withthe Parthians, pushed them from their horses, the men, owing to theweight of their armour, being unable to stir themselves; and many ofthe Gauls, quitting their own horses, and slipping under those of theenemy, wounded them in the belly, and the horses springing up throughpain, and, at the same time, trampling on their riders and the enemy, fell dead. The Gauls were most oppressed by the heat and thirst, beingunaccustomed to both, and they had lost most of their horses bydriving them against the long spears. They were, therefore, compelledto retreat to the legionary soldiers, taking with them Publius, whowas badly wounded. Seeing a sandy eminence near, they retreated to it, and fastened their horses in the middle, and closing in their front byclose-locking their shields, they thought they could thus more easilyrepel the enemy: but it turned out just the other way; for, while theywere on the level ground, the front ranks did, in some sort, giverelief to those who were behind; but on this spot, which raised themen one above another, by reason of the inequality of the ground, andplaced every one who was in the rear above the man in front of him, there was no one who could escape, and they were all alike exposed tothe missiles, lamenting their inglorious and unresisting death. Therewere with Publius two Greeks, who belonged to the dwellers in thoseparts in Carrhæ, [79] Hieronymus and Nikomachus, both of whom attemptedto persuade Publius to retire with them, and to make his escape toIchnæ[80] a city which had taken the side of the Romans, and was notfar off. But he replied that no death was so dreadful as to makePublius, through fear of it, desert those who were losing their livesfor his sake, and bade them save themselves, and taking leave of them, he allowed them to go: himself being unable to use his handeffectually, for it was pierced by an arrow, presented his side to hisshield-bearer[81] and ordered him to despatch him with his sword. Theysay that Censorinus perished in the same way, and that Megabacchuskilled himself, and all the rest of the most distinguished men. TheParthians, ascending the hill, transfixed with their spears thesurvivors; and it is said that not more than five hundred were takenprisoners. The Parthians, cutting off the head of Publius, immediatelyrode off to attack Crassus. 

XXVI. With Crassus matters were thus. After ordering his son to makean attack on the Parthians, and receiving intelligence that they wererouted to a great distance, and were hotly pursued; seeing also thatthe enemy in front were no longer pressing on him so much as before, for most of them had crowded to the place where young Crassus was, herecovered his courage a little, and drawing his forces together, posted them on a sloping ground, being in immediate expectation thathis son would return from the pursuit. Of those who were sent byPublius to his father, when he began to be in danger, the first fellinto the hands of the enemy and were killed; and the next, afterescaping with great difficulty, reported that Publius was lost, if hedid not receive speedy and sufficient aid from his father. Now, Crassus was affected by many contending feelings at once, and he nolonger viewed anything with sober judgment. Distracted by alarm forthe whole army, and love of his son at the same time, he was urged byone motive to go to his aid, and by the other not to go: but finallyhe began to move in advance. In the mean time the enemy came up, making themselves more formidable by their shouts and pæans, and manyof the drums again bellowed around the Romans, who were in expectationof a second attack. The Parthians, carrying the head of Publius fixedon a spear, rode close up to the Romans, and, displaying itinsultingly, asked who were his parents and family, for it was notdecent to suppose that so noble and brave a youth was the son of socowardly and mean a man as Crassus. The sight of this broke andunstrung the spirit of the Romans more than all the rest of theirdangers; and it did not fill them with a spirit for revenge, as onemight have supposed, but with shuddering and trembling. Yet they saythat the courage of Crassus on that dreadful occasion shone forth morebrightly than ever before; for he went along the ranks, crying out, "Mine alone, Romans, is this misfortune: but the great fortune andglory of Rome abide in you, if your lives are saved, unbroken andunvanquishcd: and, if you have any pity on me, who have been deprivedof the noblest of sons, show this in your fury against the enemy. Takefrom them their rejoicing, avenge their cruelty: be not cast down atwhat has happened, for it is the law that those who aim at greatthings must also endure. Neither did Lucullus vanquish Tigraneswithout loss of blood, nor Scipio Antiochus; and our ancestors of oldlost a thousand ships on the coast of Sicily, and in Italy manyImperatores and generals, not one of whom, by being first vanquished, prevented them from vanquishing the victors; for it is not by goodfortune that the Roman state has advanced to such a height of power, but by the endurance and courage of those who meet danger. "

XXVII. Though Crassus used such words to encourage them, he did notsee many eager to follow his exhortations: but, by ordering them toshout the battle cry, he discovered the dispirited condition of hismen, so weak, and feeble, and irregular a shout they made; while thecries on the side of the enemy were clear and bold. When the Parthiansbegan the attack, their slaves and clients, riding about on the flanksof the Romans, galled them with their arrows: and the horsemen infront, using their long spears, kept driving the Romans into a narrowcompass, except those who, to avoid death from the arrows, made adesperate attempt to rush upon the Parthians; wherein they did theenemy little damage, but met with a speedy death by great and mortalwounds; for the Parthians drove their spears, heavy with iron, againstthe horsemen; and, from the force of the blow, they often went eventhrough two men. After thus fighting, as dark came on the Parthiansretired, saying, that they allowed Crassus a single night to lamenthis son, unless he should take better counsel for himself, and chooserather to come to King Arsakes than to be taken. The Parthiansencamped near the Romans, in high hopes. A painful night followed tothe Romans, who neither paid any attention to the interment of thedead, nor care to the wounded, and those who were in the agonies ofdeath; but every man was severally lamenting his own fate; for itappeared that they could not escape, either if they waited there tilldaybreak, or if they plunged by night into a boundless plain. And thewounded caused a great difficulty; for they would be an obstacle tothe quickness of their flight if they attempted to carry them off:and, if they should leave them, their shouts would betray the attemptto escape unobserved. Though they considered Crassus to be the causeof all their sufferings, the soldiers still wished to see him and hearhis voice. But Crassus, wrapping himself up in his cloak, layconcealed in the dark, an example to the many of fortune's reverses, and to the wise of want of judgment and of ambition, which made himdissatisfied unless he was the first and greatest among so manythousands, and think that he lacked everything because he was judgedto be inferior to two men only. However, Octavius the legate, andCassius, endeavoured to rouse and comfort him; but, finding that hehad entirely given himself up to despair, they called together thecenturions and tribunes, and, after deliberating, they resolved not tostay on the ground, and they made an attempt at first to put the armyin motion without the sound of the trumpet, and in silence. But whenthe soldiers who were disabled, perceived that they were going to bedeserted, terrible disorder and confusion, mingled with groans andshouts, filled the camp; and this was followed by disorder and panicas they began to advance, for they thought that the enemy was comingupon them. After frequently turning from their route, and frequentlyputting themselves in order of battle, and taking up the wounded whofollowed, and then laying them down again, they lost much time on themarch, with the exception of three hundred horsemen, with Ignatius[82]at their head, who reached Carrhæ about midnight. Ignatius, callingout in the Roman language to the watch upon the walls, and making themhear, told them to tell Coponius, the commander, that there had been agreat battle between Crassus and the Parthians; and, without sayingmore or who he was, he rode off to the Zeugma, and saved all his men;but he got a bad name for deserting his general. However, theinformation thus conveyed to Coponius was some advantage to Crassus;for Coponius concluded that this hasty and confused message indicatedthat he who brought it had no good news to report: and, accordingly, he immediately ordered the soldiers to arm; and, as soon as he learnedthat Crassus was on his march, he went out to meet him, and, takingcharge of him and his army, conducted them into the city. 

XXVIII. Though the Parthians during the night discovered that theRomans were making their escape, they did not pursue, but at daybreakthey came upon those who were left in the camp, to the number of fourthousand, and massacred them; and they rode about the plain andovertook many who were there rambling about. Four complete cohorts, while it was still dark, under the command of Varguntinus the legate, got separated from the rest and lost their way, and, being surroundedby the Parthians on an eminence, they fought till they were allkilled, with the exception of twenty men. The Parthians, admiring thecourage of these twenty men, who were endeavouring to push throughthem with their bare swords, made way and allowed them a passagethrough their ranks, and to march slowly to Carrhæ. A false reportreached Surena, that Crassus and all the men of rank had made theirescape, and that those who had fled to Carrhæ were a mingled rabblenot worth notice. Thinking, then, that he had lost the end of hisvictory, but being still doubtful and wishing to know the truth, inorder that he might either stay there and besiege the town, or leavethe people of Carrhæ behind and pursue Crassus, he sends one of themen with him, who could speak both languages, with instructions toapproach the walls, and in the Roman language to call out for Crassushimself or Cassius, and to say that Surena wished to have a conferencewith them. The man did as he was ordered; and when it was reported toCrassus, he accepted the invitation, and soon after there came fromthe barbarians some Arabs who well knew Crassus and Cassius by sight, having been in the camp before the battle. The Arabs, observingCassius on the wall, said that Surena proposed a truce, and offered, if they would become friends to the king, to let them go safe, if theywould leave Mesopotamia; for he considered this proposal advantageousto both sides, rather than to let matters come to extremities. Cassiusaccepted the proposal, and asked for a place and time to be fixedwhere Surena and Crassus should meet: the men replied that this shouldbe done, and rode off. 

XXIX. Now Surena was delighted at the Romans being besieged, and atdaybreak he led the Parthians against the city, who, with manyinsulting expressions, bade the Romans, if they wished to have atruce, deliver up to them Crassus and Cassius[83] in chains. TheRomans were vexed at being deceived; and, telling Crassus to give upall hopes of aid from the Armenians as too remote and groundless, theyprepared to make their escape by stealth; and none of the people ofCarrhæ were to know this before the time came. But Andromachus, thatmost faithless wretch, heard of it from Crassus, who confided to himthe secret, and also the guidance on the route. Accordingly, all wasknown to the Parthians; for Andromachus reported to them everyparticular. But as it is not the custom of the Parthians to fight inthe dark, and indeed they cannot easily do it, and Crassus had leftthe city by night, Andromachus contrived that the Parthians should notbe far behind in the pursuit, by leading the Romans first by one routeand then by another, till at last he brought them out of their courseinto deep marshes and ground full of ditches, and thus made the marchdifficult and circuitous to all who followed him; for there were somewho suspected that Andromachus had no honest object in turning andtwisting about, and therefore did not follow. Cassius, indeed, returned to Carrhæ; and when the guides, who were Arabs, advised himto wait till the moon had passed the Scorpion, he replied, "I fear theArcher more than the Scorpion, " and, saying this, he rode off toSyria, with five hundred horsemen. Others, who had faithful guides, got into a mountainous country, called Sinnaca, [84] and were in a safeposition before daybreak: they were about five thousand in number, andwere commanded by a brave man, Octavius. But daybreak found Crassusexposed to the treachery of Andromachus in the unfavourable ground andthe marshes. Crassus had with him four cohorts of the legionarysoldiers, and a very few horsemen, and five lictors, with whom he gotupon the road with great difficulty just as the enemy was falling uponhim; and now being about twelve stadia short of joining Octavius, hefled to another hill not so difficult for cavalry nor yet so strong, but one that lay below Sinnaca, and was connected with it by a longridge, which stretched through the middle of the plain. His danger wasapparent to Octavius, who ran before any one else with a few men, fromthe higher ground to aid Crassus, upon which the rest of the men, abusing themselves for cowards, rushed forward, and, falling on theenemy, and repulsing them from the hill, put Crassus in the midst ofthem, and threw their shields before him, proudly exclaiming thatthere was no Parthian missile which should strike the Imperator untilall of them had fallen in defence of him. 

XXX. Surena observing that the spirit of the Parthians was somewhatdulled towards the contest, and, if the night should come on and theRomans get among the mountains, they could not by any means beovertaken, employed the following stratagem against Crassus. Some ofthe captives were let loose, who, in the Parthian camp, had heard thebarbarians saying to one another, in pursuance of a concerted plan, that the king did not wish the war with the Romans to be carried toextremities, but desired to have their friendship again, by doing themthe favour of treating Crassus kindly. Accordingly the barbariansstopped fighting; and Surena, with his chief officers, riding gentlyup to the hill, unstrung his bow, and holding out his right hand, invited Crassus to come to terms, saying, that Crassus had put theking's courage and power to the test, though the king did not wish it, and yet the king of his own free will made the Romans an offer ofmercy and friendship by being ready to make a truce with them if theywould retire, and by giving them the opportunity of a safe retreat. Upon Surena saying this the Romans eagerly accepted his proposal, andwere overjoyed; though Crassus, having been always over-reached bytheir fraud, and considering the suddenness of the change to beinexplicable, would not listen to them and hesitated. But the soldiersbegan to call out and urge him to accept the terms, and they fell toabusing and reproaching him, for wishing to expose them to the risk offighting with those whom he did not venture to go to a conferencewith, even when they laid aside their arms. Crassus at first attemptedto prevail on them by entreaty, and he said that, if they would holdout for the rest of the day, they would be able to march by nightthrough the rough and mountain country, and he pointed out to them theroute, and entreated them not to throw away their hopes when safetywas so near; but, as the soldiers began to be exasperated and toclatter their arms and threaten him, he was alarmed, and advancedtowards Surena, after first turning round and merely saying, "Octaviusand Petronius, and you Roman officers who are here, you see that I gounder compulsion, and you are witnesses that I am treated in ashameful way and am under constraint; but, if you get safe home, tellall the world, that Crassus lost his life through the treachery of theenemy, and was not surrendered by his fellow-citizens. "

XXXI. Yet Octavius and those about him did not stay behind, butdescended the hill with Crassus. However, Crassus made the lictors whowere following him turn back. The first who met them, on the part ofthe barbarians, were two Greeks of half-breed, who, leaping down fromtheir horses, made their obeisance to Crassus, and, addressing him inthe Greek language, urged him to send forward some persons, who, asthey said, would see that Surena himself and those about him wereadvancing without armour and without their weapons. Crassus replied, that if he had the least concern about his life, he should not haveput himself into their hands; however, he sent two Roscii, brothers, to inquire upon what terms they should meet, and how many of them. Surena immediately seized and detained the two brothers, and hehimself advanced on horseback with the chief officers, and said, "Whatis this? the Roman Imperator on foot while we are riding!" and heordered them to bring a horse to Crassus. Crassus observed thatneither himself nor Surena was acting wrong in coming to theconference according to the fashion of their respective countries; onwhich Surena said that from that moment there was a truce and peacebetween king Hyrodes and the Romans; but that it was requisite toadvance to the river, [85] and there have the agreement put in writing;"for you Romans, " he said, "have not a very good memory aboutcontracts;" and he held out his right hand to Crassus. When Crassuswas going to send for a horse, Surena said there was no occasion; "forthe king gives you this. " At the same time a horse with golden bitsstood close by Crassus, and the grooms raised him up and mounted him, and then followed, quickening the horse's pace with blows. Octaviusfirst laid hold of the bridle of the horse, and, after him, Petronius, one of the tribunes, and then the rest got round the horse of Crassus, endeavouring to stop it, and dragging away those who pressed closeupon Crassus on each side. This led to a struggle and tumult, andfinally to blows; Octavius drew his sword and killed the groom of oneof the barbarians, and another struck Octavius from behind and killedhim. Petronius had no weapon, and, being struck on the breastplate, heleapt down from the horse unwounded; and a Parthian, namedPomaxathres, killed Crassus. [86] Some say that it was not Pomaxathres, but another, who killed Crassus, and that Pomaxathres cut off the headand right hand when Crassus was lying on the ground. But these arerather matters of conjecture than of certain knowledge; for of thosewho were present some fell there fighting about Crassus, and the restimmediately fled back to the hill. Upon this the Parthians came andsaid, that Crassus had been punished as he deserved, but Surenainvited the rest to come down and fear nothing: whereupon, some of theRomans came down and surrendered, and the rest dispersed themselvesunder cover of night, of whom a very few escaped; the rest the Arabshunted out, and put to death when they caught them. It is said thattwenty thousand perished in all, and ten thousand were taken alive. 

XXXII. Surena sent the head[87] and hand of Crassus to Hyrodes inArmenia; and, causing a report to be carried by messengers toSeleukeia that he was bringing Crassus alive, he got ready a kind ofridiculous procession which, in mockery, he called a triumph. One ofthe Roman prisoners who bore the greatest resemblance to Crassus, Caius Paccianus, putting on a barbarian female dress, and beinginstructed to answer as Crassus and Imperator to those who addressedhim, was conducted, seated on a horse, and in front of him trumpeters, and some lictors rode upon camels; and there were purses[88] suspendedfrom the fasces, and, by the side of the axes, heads of Romans newlycut off. Behind these followed courtesans of Seleukeia, singing girls, who chanted many obscene and ridiculous things about the effeminacyand cowardice of Crassus. All this was public. But Surena assemblingthe Senate of Seleukeia, [89] laid before them certain licentious booksof the Milesiaca of Aristeides, [90] and, in this matter, at least, there was no invention on his part; for they were found among thebaggage of Rustius, [91] and they gave Surena the opportunity ofgreatly insulting and ridiculing the Romans, because they could not, even when going to war, abstain from such things and such books. Tothe Senate of Seleukeia, however, Æsopus[92] appeared to be a wiseman, when they saw Surena with the wallet of Milesian obscenities infront of him, and dragging behind him a Parthian Sybaris in so manywaggons full of concubines, in a manner forming a counterpart to thosevipers and skytalæ[93] so much talked of, by presenting the visibleand the front parts formidable and terrific, with spears, and bows, and horses, but in the rear of the phalanx, terminating in harlots, and rattling cymbals, and lute-playing, and nocturnal revels withwomen. Rustius, indeed, merits blame, but the Parthians were shamelessin finding fault with the Milesian stories; for many of the kings whohave reigned over them, as Arsakidæ, have been the sons of Milesianand Ionian concubines. 

XXXIII. While this was going on, Hyrodes happened to have beenreconciled to Artavasdes the Armenian, and had agreed to receive thesister of Artavasdes as wife to his son Pacorus: and there werebanquets and drinking-parties between them, and representations ofmany Greek plays; for Hyrodes was not a stranger either to the Greeklanguage or the literature of the Greeks: and Artavasdes used to writetragedies, and speeches, and histories, some of which are preserved. When the head of Crassus was brought to the door, the tables weretaken away, and a tragedy actor Jason, [94] by name, a native ofTralles, chanted that part of the Bacchæ[95] of Euripides whichrelates to Agave. While he was receiving applause. Sillakes, standingby the door of the apartment, and making a reverence, threw the headof Crassus before the company. The Parthians clapped their hands withshouts of joy and the attendants, at the command of the king, seatedSillakes, while Jason handed over to one of the members of the chorusthe dress of Pentheus, and, laying hold of the head of Crassus, and, putting on the air of a bacchant, he sung these verses with greatenthusiasm:--

 We bring from a mountain A young one new killed to the house, A fortunate prey. 

This delighted all the company; and, while the following verses werebeing chanted, which are a dialogue with the chorus, _A_. Who killed him? _B_. Mine is the honour, Pomaxathres, springing up (for he happened to be at the banquet), laidhold of the head, as if it was more appropriate for him to say thisthan for Jason. The king was pleased, and made Pomaxathres a present, according to the fashion of the country, and he gave Jason a talent. In such a farce[96] as this, it is said, that the expedition ofCrassus terminated just like a tragedy. However, just punishmentovertook Hyrodes for his cruelty, and Surena for his treachery. Notlong after, Hyrodes put Surena to death, being jealous of hisreputation. Hyrodes also lost his son Pacorus, [97] who was defeatedby the Romans in a battle; and having fallen into an illness whichturned out to be dropsy, his son, Phraates, [98] who had a design onhis life, gave him aconite. [99] But the poison only operated on thedisease, which was thrown off together with it, and Hyrodes therebyrelieved; whereupon Phraates took the shortest course and strangledhis father. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 5: Crassus belonged to the Licinia Gens. His name was M. Licinius Crassus Dives. He was the son of P. Licinius Crassus Dives, who was consul B. C. 97, and afterwards governor of the nearer Spain. In B. C. 93 P. Crassus had a triumph. He was afterwards employed in theMarsic war; and in B. C. 89 he was censor with L. Julius Cæsar, who hadbeen consul in B. C. 90. 

M. Licinius Crassus, whose life Plutarch has written, was the youngestson of the Censor. The year of his birth is uncertain; but as he wasabove sixty when he left Rome for his Parthian campaign B. C. 55, hemust have been born before B. C. 115. Meyer (_Orator. Roman. Fragment_. ) places the birth of Crassus in B. C. 114. ]

[Footnote 6: Kaltwasser makes this passage mean that Crassus merelytook his brother's wife and her children to live with him; which iscontrary to the usual sense of the Greek words and readers thefollowing sentence unmeaning. 

Kaltwasser observes that we do not know that such marriages were inuse among the Romans. I know no rule by which they were forbidden. (Gaius, i. 58, &c. )]

[Footnote 7: The punishment of a Vestal Virgin for incontinence wasdeath. She was placed alive in a subterranean vault with a light andsome food. (Dionysius, ix. 40: Liv. 8. C. 15; Juvenal, Sat. Iv. 8. )The man who debauched a Vestal was also put to death. The VestalVirgins had full power of disposing of their property; they wereemancipated from the paternal power by the fact of being selected tobe Vestal Virgins (Gaius, i. 130); and they were not under the samelegal disabilities as other women (Gaius, i. 145; according to DionCassius, 49. C. 38, Octavia and Livia received privileges like thoseof the Vestals). 

Another Licinia, a Vestal, had broken her vow, and was punished B. C. 113. ]

[Footnote 8: See the Life of Crassus, c. 12; and the Life of Sulla, c. 35. ]

[Footnote 9: This may hardly be a correct translation of [Greek:argurognômonas] ἀργυρογνωμόνας: but it is something like the meaning. ]

[Footnote 10: King Archidamus of Sparta, the second of the name, whocommanded the Peloponnesian war, B. C. 431. Plutarch (Life ofDemosthenes, c. 17) puts this saying in the mouth of one Krobylus, ademagogue. ]

[Footnote 11: Cicero (_Brutus, _ c. 66) speaks of the oratory ofCrassus, and commends his care and diligence; but he speaks of hisnatural parts as not striking. Crassus spoke on the same side asCicero in the defence of Murena, of Caelius, and of Balbus (Meyer, _Orator. Roman. Fragmenta, _ p. 382). ]

[Footnote 12: A Roman who aspired to the highest offices of the State, prepared his way by the magnificence of his public entertainmentsduring his curule ædileship, and by his affable manners. An humbleindividual is always gratified when a great man addresses him by name, and a shake of the hand secures his devotion. Ovidius (_Ars Amat_. Ii. 253) alludes to this way of winning popular favour, and judiciouslyobserves that it costs nothing, which would certainly recommend it toCrassus. If a man's memory was not so good as that of Crassus, he hadonly to buy a slave, as Horatius (1 _Epist_. I. 50) recommends, whocould tell him the name of every man whom he met. Such a slave wascalled Nomenclator. If the nomenclator's memory ever failed him, hewould not let his master know it: he gave a person any name that cameinto his head. ]

[Footnote 13: The Greek is [Greek: stegastrou] στέγαστρου, 'somethingthat covers;' but whether cloak or hat, or covered couch, or sedan, the learned have not yet determined. ]

[Footnote 14: These words may not be Plutarch's, and several criticshave marked them as spurious. The Peripatetics, of whom Alexander wasone, did not consider wealth as one of the things that are indifferentto a philosopher; the Stoics did. ]

[Footnote 15: This is Plutarch's word; but the father of Crassus wasProconsul in Spain. When Cinna and Marius returned to Rome, B. C. 87, Crassus and his sons were proscribed. Crassus and one of his sons losttheir lives: the circumstances are stated somewhat differently bydifferent writers. (Florius, iii. 21; Appian, _Civil Wars_, i. 72. )

Drumann correctly remarks that Plutarch and other Greek writers oftenuse the word [Greek: stratêgos] στρατηγός simply to signify one whohas command, and that [Greek: stratêgos] is incorrectly rendered'Prætor' by those who write in Latin, when they make use of the Greekhistorians of Rome. But Plutarch's [Greek: stratêgos] στρατηγόςsometimes means prætor, and it is the word by which he denotes thatoffice; he probably does sometimes mean to say 'prætor, ' when the manof whom he speaks was not prætor. Whether [Greek: stratêgos] στρατηγόςin Plutarch is always translated prætor or always Commander, therewill be error. To translate it correctly in all cases, a man must knowwhether the person spoken of was prætor or not; and that cannot alwaysbe ascertained. But besides this, the word 'Commander' will not do, for Plutarch sometimes calls a Proconsul [Greek: stratêgos] στρατηγός, and a Proconsul had not merely a command: he had a government also. ]

[Footnote 16: So the name is written by Sintenis, who writes itPaccianus in the Life of Sertorius, c. 9. Some editions read Paciacus;but the termination in Paciacus is hardly Roman, and the terminationin Pacianus is common. But the form Paciacus is adopted by Drumann, where he is speaking of L. Junius Paciacus (_Geshichte Roms_, iv. P. 52). 

Drumann observes that the flight of Crassus to Spain must have takenplace B. C. 85, for he remained eight months in Spain and returned toRome on the news of Cinna's death, B. C. 84. ]

[Footnote 17: The MSS. Have [Greek: auran] αὖραν, 'breeze, ' whichCoræs ingeniously corrected to [Greek: laupan] λαύπαν, 'path, ' whichis undoubtedly right. ]

[Footnote 18: If Fenestella died in A. D. 19 at the age of seventy, asit is said, he would be born in B. C. 51, and he might have had thisstory from the old woman. (Clinton, _Fasti_, A. D. 14. ) See Life ofSulla, c. 28. ]

[Footnote 19: Malaca, which still retains its name Malaga, was an oldPhœnician settlement on the south coast of Spain. Much fish was saltedand cured there; but I know not on what ground Kaltwasser concludesthat the word 'Malach' means Salt. It is sometimes asserted that thename is from the Aramaic word Malek, 'King;' but W. Humboldt (_Prüfungder Untersuchungen über die Urbewohner Hispaniens)_ says that it is aBasque word. ]

[Footnote 20: The son of Metellus Numidicus. See the Lives of Mariusand Sertorius. Sulla lauded in Italy B. C. 83. See the Life of Sulla, c. 27. ]

[Footnote 21: This is the town which the Romans called Tuder. It wassituated in Umbria on a hill near the Tiber, and is represented by themodern Todi. ]

[Footnote 22: See the Life of Sulla, c. 29. ]

[Footnote 23: There is nothing peculiar in this. It is common enoughfor a man to blame in others the faults that he has himself. ]

[Footnote 24: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 1. 2. And 11. ]

[Footnote 25: M. Porcius Cato, whose Life Plutarch has written. ]

[Footnote 26: Cn. Sicinius was Tribunus Plebis B. C. 76. He ismentioned by Cicero (_Brutus, _ c. 60) as a man who had no otheroratorical qualification except that of making people laugh. The Romanproverb to which Plutarch alludes occurs in Horatius, 1 Sat. 4. 34:--

 "Foenum habet in cornu, longe fuge. "

]

[Footnote 27: The insurrection of the gladiators commenced B. C. 73, inthe consulship of M. Terentius Varo Lucullus, the brother of LuciusLucullus, and of C. Cassius Longinus Verus. The names of two otherleaders, Crixus and Oenomaus, are recorded by Floras (iii. 20) and byAppian (_Civil Wars_, i. 116). The devastation caused by thesemarauders was long remembered. The allusion of Horatius (_Carm. _ ii. 14) to their drinking all the wine that they could find, ischaracteristic. ]

[Footnote 28: This Clodius is called Appius CloDius Glaber by Florus(iii. 20). Compare the account of Appian (i. 116). Spartacus commencedthe campaign by flying to Mount Vesuvius, which was the scene of thestratagem that is told in this chapter (Frontinus, _Stratagem_, i. 5)Drumann (_Geschichte Roms_, iv. 74. M. Licinius Crassus, N. 37) hasgiven a sketch of the campaign with Spartacus. ]

[Footnote 29: P. Varinius Glaber who was prætor; and Clodius was hislegatus. He seems to be the same person whom Frontinus (_Stratagem_, i. 5) mentions under the name of L. Varinus Proconsul. ]

[Footnote 30: The place is unknown. Probably the true reading isSalinæ, and the place may be the Salinæ Herculeæ, in the neighbourhoodof Herculaneum. But this is only a guess. ]

[Footnote 31: The consuls were L. Gellius Publicola and Cn. LentulusClodianus B. C. 72. ]

[Footnote 32: This was C. Cassius Longinus Verus, proconsul of Gaulupon the Po (see c. 8). Plutarch calls him [Greek: stratêgos]στρατηγός. Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 117) says that one of the consulsdefeated Crixus, who was at the head of 30, 000 men, near Garganus, that Spartacus afterwards defeated both the consuls, and meditatedadvancing upon Rome with 120, 000 foot soldiers. Spartacus sacrificedthree hundred Roman captives to the manes of Crixus, who had fallen inthe battle in which he was defeated; 20, 000 of his men had perishedwith Crixus. 

Cassius was defeated in the neighbourhood of Mutina (Modena) as welearn from Florus (iii. 20). ]

[Footnote 33: Appian (i. 118) gives two accounts of the decimation, neither of which agrees with the account of Plutarch. This punishmentwhich the Romans called Decimatio, is occasionally mentioned by theRoman writers (Liv. Ii. 59). ]

[Footnote 34: Kaltwasser with the help of a false reading hasmistranslated this passage. He says that Spartacus sent over tenthousand men into Sicily. Drumann has understood the passage as I havetranslated it. ]

[Footnote 35: If the length is rightly given, the ditch was about 38Roman miles in length. There are no data for determining its position. The circumstance is briefly mentioned by Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 118). Frontinus (_Stratagem. _, i. 5) states that Spartacus filled upthe ditch, where he crossed it, with the dead bodies of his prisonersand of the beasts which were killed for that purpose. ]

[Footnote 36: This lake, which Plutarch spells Leukanis, is placed byKaltwasser in the vicinity of Paestum or Poseidonia, but on whatgrounds I do not know. Strabo indeed (p. 251) states that the rivermakes marshes there, but that will not enable us to identify them. Cramer (_Ancient Italy_, ii. 366) places here the Stagnum Lucanum, where Plutarch "mentions that Crassus defeated a considerable body ofrebels under the command of Spartacus (Plut. Vit. Crass. )": butnothing is given to prove the assertion. He adds, "In this district wemust also place the Mons Calamatius and Mons Cathena of whichFrontinus speaks in reference to the same event (_Stratagem_, ii. 4);they are the mountains of Capaccio. " This is founded on Cluverius, butCluverius concludes that the Calamatius of Frontinus (ii. 4, 7), orCalamarcus as the MSS. Seem to have it, is the same as the Cathena ofFrontinus (ii. 5, 34); for in fact Frontinus tells the same storytwice, as he sometimes does. It is a mistake to say that Frontinus isspeaking "of the same event, " that is, the defeat of the gladiators onthe lake. He is speaking of another event, which is described fartheron in this chapter, when Crassus attacks Cannicius and Crixus, and"sent, " as Frontinus says (ii. 4, 7), " twelve cohorts round behind amountain. "]

[Footnote 37: This was Marcus Lucullus, the brother of Lucius. ]

[Footnote 38: 'To the Peteline mountains' in the original. Strabospeaks of a Petelia in Lucania (p. 254), which some critics supposethat he has confounded with the Petilia in the country of the Bruttii. The reasons for this opinion are stated by Cramer (_Ancient Italy_, ii. 367, 390). ]

[Footnote 39: 'Quintus' in the text of Plutarch, which is a commonerror. 'L. Quintius' in Frontinus (ii. 5, 34). ]

[Footnote 40: The same thing is told in the Life of Pompeius, c. 21. ]

[Footnote 41: In the Life of Marcellus, c. 22, Plutarch describes theminor triumph, called the Ovatio, which name is from the word 'ovis' asheep; for a sheep only was sacrificed by the general who had theminor triumph; he who had the greater triumph, sacrificed an ox. In anovatio the general walked in the procession, instead of riding in achariot drawn by four horses, as in the Triumphus Curulis; and he worea crown of myrtle, instead of a crown of bay which was worn on theoccasion of the greater triumph. But Plinius (_Hist. Nat. _ xv. 29)says that Crassus wore a crown of bay on the occasion of thisovation. ]

[Footnote 42: The first consulship of M. Licinius Crassus and Cn. Pompeius Magnus belongs to B. C. 70. ]

[Footnote 43: The story is told again in the Life of Pompeius, c. 23, where Aurelius is called Caius Aurelius, which is probably the truename. ]

[Footnote 44: Crassus was censor with Lutatius Catulus in B. C. 65. Theduties of the censors are here briefly alluded to by Plutarch. One ofthe most important was the numbering of the people and theregistration of property for the purposes of taxation. This quarrel ofthe censors is mentioned by Dion Cassius (37. C. 9). ]

[Footnote 45: The conspiracy of Catiline was in B. C. 63, the year whenCicero was consul. See the Life of Cicero. 

There seems to be no evidence that Crassus was implicated in theaffair of Catiline. Dion Cassius (37. C. 31) speaks of anonymousletters about the conspiracy being brought to Crassus and othernobles; and Plutarch states on the authority of Cicero that Crassuscommunicated the letters to Cicero. Dion Cassius in another passage(37. C. 35) mentions the suspicion against Crassus, and that one ofthe prisoners informed against him, "but there were not many tobelieve it. " If Dion did not believe it, we need not; for he generallybelieves anything that is to a man's discredit. Sallustius (_BellumCatilin. _ c. 48) has given us a statement of the affair, but his ownopinion can scarcely be collected from it. He says, however, that hehad heard Crassus declare that Cicero was the instigator of thischarge. The orations of Cicero which Plutarch refers to are notextant. ]

[Footnote 46: The text is corrupt, though the general meaning isplain. See the note of Sintonis. ]

[Footnote 47: The son of Crassus, who is introduced abruptly inPlutarch's fashion. ]

[Footnote 48: After Cæsar had been prætor in Spain he was electedconsul B. C. 59, with M. Calpurnius Bibulus (see the Life of Cæsar, c. 14). After his consulship Cæsar had the Gauls as his province. Themeeting at Luca (Lucca), which was on the southern limits of Cæsar'sprovince, took place B. C. 56; and here was formed the coalition whichis sometimes, though improperly, called the first Triumvirate. ]

[Footnote 49: The second consulship of Pompeius and Crassus was B. C. 55. Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus was one of the consuls of theyear B. C. 56, during which the elections for the year 55 took place. This Domitius, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, was consul B. C. 54. In thequarrel between Pompeius and Cæsar, he joined Pompeius, and aftervarious adventures finally he lost his life in the battle of PharsalusB. C. 48. ]

[Footnote 50: The first 'house' ([Greek: oikia] οἰκία) is evidentlythe house of Domitius. The second house ([Greek: oikêma] οἴκημα), which may be more properly rendered 'chamber, ' may, as Sintenis says, mean the Senate-house, if the reading is right. Kaltwasser takes thesecond house to be the same as the first house; and he refers to theLife of Pompeius, c. 51, 52, where the same story is told. 

In place of [Greek: oikêma] οἴκημα some critics have read [Greek:bêma] βῆμα the Rostra. ]

[Footnote 51: Appian (_Civil Wars_, ii. 18) says that Pompeiusreceived Iberia and Libya. The Romans had now two provinces in theSpanish peninsula, Hispania Citerior or Tarraconensis, and Ulterior orBætica. This arrangement, by which the whole power of the state wasdistributed among Pompeius, Crassus and Cæsar, was in effect arevolution, and the immediate cause of the wars which followed. 

Appian (_Civil Wars_, ii. 18) after speaking of Crassus going on hisParthian expedition in which he lost his life, adds, "but the ParthianHistory will show forth the calamity of Crassus. " Appian wrote aParthian History; but that which is now extant under the name ismerely an extract from Plutarch's Life of Crassus, beginning with thesixteenth chapter: which extract is followed by another fromPlutarch's Life of Antonius. The compiler of this Parthian History hasput at the head of it a few words of introduction. The extract fromCrassus is sometimes useful for the various readings which it offers. ]

[Footnote 52: This wife was Cæsar's daughter Julia, whom Pompeiusmarried in Cæsar's consulship (Vell. Paterc. Ii. 44). She was nearlytwenty-three years younger than Pompeius. Julia died B. C. 54, aftergiving birth to a son, who died soon after her. She possessed beautyand a good disposition. The people, with whom she was a favourite, hadher buried in the Field of Mars. See the Lives of Pompeius and Cæsar. ]

[Footnote 53: That is the Lex which prolonged Cæsar's government forfive years and gave Iberia (Spain) and Syria to Pompeius and Crassusfor the same period. The Lex was proposed by the Tribune TitusTrebonius (Livius, _Epitome_, 105; Dion Cassius, 39. C. 33). ]

[Footnote 54: C. Ateius Capito Gallus and his brother tribune P. Aquillius Gallius were strong opponents of Pompeius and Crassus atthis critical time. Crassus left Rome for his Parthian campaign at theclose of B. C. 55, before the expiration of his consulship (Clinton, _Fasti_, B. C. 54). ]

[Footnote 55: We learn that Crassus sailed from Brundisium (Brindisi), the usual place of embarkation for Asia, but we are told nothing moreof his course till we find him in Galatia, talking to old Deiotarus. ]

[Footnote 56: Zenodotia or Zenodotium, a city of the districtOsrhoene, and near the town of Nikephorium. These were Greek citiesfounded by the Macedonians. I have mistranslated the first part ofthis passage of Plutarch from not referring at the time to DionCassius (40. C. 13) who tells the story thus:--"The inhabitants ofZenodotium sent for some of the Romans, pretending that they intendedto join them like the rest; but when the men were within the city, they cut off their retreat and killed them; and this was the reasonwhy their city was destroyed. " The literal version of Plutarch's textwill be the true one. "But in one of them, of which Apollonius wastyrant, a hundred of his soldiers were put to death, upon, " &c. ]

[Footnote 57: This was his son Publius, who is often mentioned inCæsar's Gallic War. ]

[Footnote 58: See Life of Lucullus, c. 22. ]

[Footnote 59: Hierapolis or the 'Holy City' was also called Bambykeand Edessa. Strabo places it four schoeni from the west bank of theEuphrates. The goddess who was worshipped here was called Atargatis orAstarte. Lucian speaks of the goddess and her temple and ceremonial inhis treatise 'On the Syrian Goddess' (iii. P. 451, ed. Hemsterhuis). Lucian had visited the place. Josephus adds (_Jewish Antiq. _ xiv. 7)that Crassus stripped the temple of Jerusalem of all its valuables tothe amount of ten thousand talents. The winter occupation of the Romangeneral was more profitable than his campaign the following yearturned out. ]

[Footnote 60: This was a general name of the Parthian kings, andprobably was used as a kind of title. The dynasty was called theArsakidæ. The name Arsakes occurs among the Persian names in the Persæof Aeschylus. Pott (_Etymologische Forschungen_, ii. 272) conjecturesthat the word means 'King of the Arii, ' or 'the noble King. ' Theprefix _Ar_ or _Ari_ is very common in Persian names, as Ariamnes, Ariomardus, and others. 

Plutarch in other passages of the Life of Crassus calls this Arsakes, Hyrodes, and other authorities call him Orodes. He is classed asArsakes XIV. Orodes I. Of Parthia, by those who have attempted to forma regular series of the Parthian kings. 

Crassus replied that he would give his answer in Seleukeia, the largecity on the Tigris, which was nearly pure Greek. The later Parthiancapital was Ktesiphon, in the neighbourhood of Seleukeia, on the eastbank of the Tigris and about twenty miles from Bagdad. The foundationof Ktesiphon is attributed by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiii. 6, ed. Gronov. ) to Bardanes, who was a contemporary of the Roman emperorNero, if he is the Arsakes Bardanes who appears in the list ofParthian kings. But Ktesiphon is mentioned by Polybius in his fifthbook, in the wars of Antiochus and Molon, and consequently it existedin the time of Crassus, though it is not mentioned in his Life. Ktesiphon is mentioned by Dion Cassius (40. C. 14) in his history ofthe campaign of Crassus, but this alone would not prove that Ktesiphonexisted at that time. ]

[Footnote 61: The Greek word here and at the beginning of ch. Xix. , translated 'mailed' by Mr. Long, always refers to cuirassed cavalrysoldiers. ]

[Footnote 62: C. Cassius Longinus, the friend of M. Junius Brutus, andafterwards one of the assassins of the Dictator Cæsar. ]

[Footnote 63: He is afterwards called Artavasdes. He was a son of theTigranes whom Lucullus defeated, and is called Artavasdes I. BySaint-Martin. He is mentioned again in Plutarch's Life of M. Antonius. C. 39, 50. ]

[Footnote 64: Zeugma means the Bridge. Seleukus Nikator is said tohave established a bridge of boats here, in order to connect theopposite bank with Apameia, a city which he built on the east side ofthe Euphrates (Plinius, _Hist. Nat. _ v. 24). Zeugma afterwards was ausual place for crossing the river; but a bridge of boats could hardlybe permanently kept there, and it appears that Crassus had toconstruct a raft. Zeugma is either upon or near the site of Bir, whichis in about 37° N. Lat. ]

[Footnote 65: Probably these great hurricanes are not uncommon on theEuphrates. In the year 1831 a gale sent Colonel Chesney's "littlevessel to the bottom of the river;" but a still greater calamity befelthe Tigris steamer in the Euphrates expedition which was under thecommand of Colonel Chesney, in May 1836. A little after one P. M. Astorm appeared bringing with it clouds of sand from thewest-north-west. The two steam-boats the Tigris and the Euphrates werethen passing over the rocks of Es-Geria, which were deeply coveredwith water. The Euphrates was safely secured; but the Tigris, beingdirected against the bank, struck with great violence; the windsuddenly veered round and drove her bow off; "this rendered it quiteimpossible to secure the vessel to the bank, along which she was blownrapidly by the heavy gusts; her head falling off into the stream asshe passed close to the Euphrates, which vessel had been backedopportunely to avoid the concussion. " The Tigris perished in thisviolent hurricane and twenty men were lost in her. The storm lastedabout eight minutes. Colonel Chesney escaped by swimming to the shorejust before the vessel went down: he was fortunate "to take adirection which brought him to the land, without having seen anythingwhatever to guide him through the darkness worse than that ofnight. "--"For an instant, " says Colonel Chesney after getting to land, "I saw the keel of the Tigris uppermost (near the stern); she wentdown bow foremost, and having struck the bottom in that position, sheprobably turned round on the bow as a pivot, and thus showed part ofher keel for an instant at the other extremity; but her paddle beams, floats, and parts of the sides were already broken up, and actuallyfloated ashore, so speedy and terrific had been the work ofdestruction. " (Letter from Colonel Chesney to Sir J. Hobhouse, 28thMay, 1836; Euphrates Expedition Papers printed by order of the Houseof Commons, 17th July, 1837. )

Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiv. 1) speaks of a violent storm at Anatha(Annah) on the Euphrates, during the expedition of the Emperor Julian. It blew down the tents and stretched the soldiers on the ground. ]

[Footnote 66: A place struck with lightning was considered religious(religiosus), that is, it could no longer be used for common purposes. "The deity, " says Festus (v. _Fulguritum_), "was supposed to haveappropriated it to himself. "

Dion Cassius (40. C. 17, &c. ) gives the story of the passage of theriver. The eagle, according to him, was very obstinate. It stuck fastin the ground, as if it was planted there; and when it was forced upby the soldiers, it went along very unwillingly. 

The Roman eagle was fixed at one end of a long shaft of wood, whichhad a sharp point at the other end for the purpose of fixing it in theground. The eagle was gold, or gilded metal; and, according to DionCassius, it was kept in a small moveable case or consecrated chapel. The eagle was not moved from the winter encampment, unless the wholearmy was put in motion. The Vexilla ([Greek: sêmeia] σημεῖα of theGreek writers) were what we call the colours. 

(See the note of Reimarus on Dion Cassius, 40. C. 18. )]

[Footnote 67: Dion Cassius (40. C. 20), who tells the story, names theman Augarus. See the note of Reimarus. ]

[Footnote 68: This is the translation of Plutarch's word [Greek:pelatês] πελάτης, which word [Greek: pelatês] πελάτης is used by theGreek writers on Roman history to express the Latin Cliens. It is nothere supposed that Parthian clients were the same as Roman clients;but as Plutarch uses the word to express a certain condition among theParthians, which was not that of slavery, it is proper to retain hisword in the translation. ]

[Footnote 69: This "very Hyrodes" and his brother Mithridates are saidto have murdered their father Arsakes XII. Phraates III. , who isspoken of in the Life of Lucullus. The two brothers quarrelled. Mithridates is mentioned by some authorities as the immediatesuccessor of his father under the title of Arsakes XIII. MithridatesIII. Mithridates was besieged in Babylon by Hyrodes; and Mithridates, after surrendering to his brother, was put to death. (Dion Cassius, 39. C. 56; Appian, _On the Affairs of Syria_, c. 51; Justinus, xlii. 4. )]

[Footnote 70: This river is probably the same as the Bilecha, now theBelejik, a small stream which joins the Euphrates on the left bank atRacca, the old Nikephorium. This river is mentioned by Isidorus ofCharax and by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiii. C. 3), who calls itBelias. ]

[Footnote 71: Plutarch seems to mean something like drums furnishedwith bells or rattles; but his description is not very clear, and thepassage may be rendered somewhat differently from what I have renderedit: "but they have instruments to beat upon ([Greek: rhoptra] ῥόπτρα), made of skin, and hollow, which they stretch round brass sounders"([Greek: êcheiois] ἠχείοις, whatever the word may mean here). The word[Greek: rhoptron] ῥόπτρον properly means a thing to strike with; butit seems to have another meaning here. (See Passow's _Greek Lexicon_. )The context seems to show that a drum is meant. ]

[Footnote 72: Margiana was a country east of the Caspian, the positionof which seems to be determined by the Murg-aub river, the ancientMargus. Hyrcania joined it on the west. Strabo (p. 516) describesMargiana as a fertile plain surrounded by deserts. He says nothing ofits iron. Plinius (_Hist. Nat. _ vi. 16) says that Orodes carried offthe Romans who were captured at the time of the defeat of Crassus, toAntiochia, in Margiana. ]

[Footnote 73: So Xenophon (_Cyropædia_, i. 3. 2) represents KingAstyages. The king also wore a wig or false locks. ]

[Footnote 74: The peculiarity of the Parthian warfare made a lastingimpression on the Romans; and it is often alluded to by the Latinwriters:--

 Fidentemque fuga Parthum versisque sagittis. 

 Virgil, _Georgic_ iii. 31. 

]

[Footnote 75: In reading the chapter, it must be remembered thatPublius is young Crassus. If there is any apparent confusion betweenthe father and son, it will be removed by reading carefully. I havechosen to translate Plutarch, not to mend him. ]

[Footnote 76: The reading of this passage in Appian (_Parthica_, c. 29) is [Greek: telmasin entuchontes] τέλμασιν ἐντυχόντες, whichSintenis has adopted. The common reading is [Greek: suntagmasinentuchontes] συντάγμασιν ἐντυχόντες, which various critics variouslyexplain. ]

[Footnote 77: In the old Latin translation of Guarini, the name Cn. Plancus occurs in place of Megabacchus. Kaltwasser conjectures thatMegabacchus was a Greek, but the context implies that he was a Roman. Orelli (_Onomastic. _ C. Megaboccus) takes him to be the personmentioned by Cicero (_Ad Attic. _ ii. 7), which Gronovius had alreadyobserved, and again by Cicero, _Pro Scauro_, c. 2. ]

[Footnote 78: Censorinus was a cognomen of the Marcia Gens, andseveral of the name are mentioned in the history of Rome; but thisCensorinus does not appear to be otherwise known. ]

[Footnote 79: Carrhæ was a Mesopotamian town, south of Orfa or Edessa, and about 37° N. Lat. It is supposed to be the Haran of Genesis (xi. 31). ]

[Footnote 80: Ichnæ was a town on the Bilecha, south of Carrhæ. DionCassias (40. C. 12) calls it Ichniæ, and adds that Crassus beforetaking Nikephorium had been defeated by Talymenus Eilakes. Eilakes isprobably a blunder in the copies of Dion; and it is conjectured thathe is the Sillakes mentioned by Plutarch (c. 21), Appian, and Orosius(vi. 3). ]

[Footnote 81: The death of young Crassus, and the subsequentmisfortunes of the Romans, are described by Dion Cassius, 40. C. 21, &c. ]

[Footnote 82: Or Egnatius. He is called Gnatius by Appian. ]

[Footnote 83: Cassius escaped to Syria, which he successfully defendedagainst the invading Parthians, who lost their commander, Osakes. (Dion Cassius. 40. C. 28, 29; Cicero, _Ad Attic. _ v. 20; Orosius, vi. 13. )

Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia during the Parthian invasion of SyriaB. C. 51. ]

[Footnote 84: Sinnaca is mentioned by Strabo p. 747, but he saysnothing which enables us to fix its position. If Plutarch's narrativeis correct; it was not far from Carrhæ; and Carrhæ was considered bythe Romans to be the scene of the death of Crassus, probably becauseit was the nearest known place to the spot where he fell. ]

[Footnote 85: 'The river' is the Euphrates. ]

[Footnote 86: The stories about the death of Crassus varied, as wemight suppose. Dion Cassius (40. C. 27) remarks that, according to oneversion of the story, Crassus was badly wounded, and was killed by oneof his own people to prevent him from being taken alive. He adds thatthe chief part of the army of Crassus made their escape. ]

[Footnote 87: The story of molten gold being poured into the mouth ofthe head of Crassus is given by Dion Cassius as a report. Floras (iii. 11) has the same story; and he says that it was the right hand ofCrassus which was sent to the king, as we might conjecture it wouldbe, if only one was sent. ]

[Footnote 88: Kaltwasser asks, "Was this perchance intended as anallusion to the avarice of Crassus, as the female dress was intendedto refer to his cowardice?" The probable answer is Yes. ]

[Footnote 89: As this was a Greek town, it had a Greek constitution, and was governed by a body which the Romans called a Senate. TheSenate of Seleukeia is mentioned by Tacitus (_Annal. _ vi. 42):"Trecenti opibus, aut sapientia delecti, ut Senatus: sua populo vis;et quoties concordes agunt, spernitur Parthus. "]

[Footnote 90: This Aristeides wrote lewd stories called Milesiaca, ofwhich there were several books. They were translated into Latin by thehistorian L. Cornelius Sisenna, a contemporary of Sulla. It is notsaid whether the original or the translation formed a part of the campfurniture of this unworthy Roman soldier. The work of Aristeides wasknown to Ovidius (_Tristia, _ ii. 413, 443), who attempts to defend hisown amatory poetry by the example of Sisenna, who translated anobscene book. ]

[Footnote 91: Probably there is an error in the name: Roscius has beenproposed as the probable reading. ]

[Footnote 92: Plutarch is alluding to the fable of the two wallets, which every man carries, one in front with his neighbours' faults init, and the other behind containing his own. Phædrus (iv. 10, ed. Orelli) has pithily told the apologue:--

 Peras imposuit Iuppiter nobis duas: Propriis repletam vitiis post tergum dedit, Alienis ante pectus suspendit gravem. Hac re videre nostra mala non possumus: Alii simul delinquunt, censores sumus. 

 Two wallets Juppiter has placed upon us: Our own faults fill the bag we bear behind, Our neighbour's heavy wallet hangs in front. And so we cannot see our own ill deeds; But if another trips, forthwith we censure. 

]

[Footnote 93: This word means a thick stick; and a snake of likeform. ]

[Footnote 94: Greek adventurers were always making their way to thecourts of these barbarous Asiatic kings to serve in the capacity ofphysicians, mountebanks, or impostors of some kind. Several instancesare mentioned by Herodotus. Tralles was a considerable town near thewest coast of Asia Minor, from which this actor came. ]

[Footnote 95: Pentheus, king of Thebes, son of Agave; would notrecognise the divinity of Bacchus, whereupon Bacchus infuriated thewomen, and among them Agave, who killed her own son. She is introducedin the Bacchæ with his head in her hand, exulting over the slaughterof the supposed wild beast. 

The passage which is cited is from the Bacchæ of Euripides, v. 1168, ed. Elmsley. The exact meaning of the word [Greek: helika] ἕλικα inthe passage is uncertain. See Elmsley's note. ]

[Footnote 96: The word is Exodium ([Greek: exodion] ἐξόδιον), a kindof entertainment common among the Romans, though it is a Greek word. Plutarch means that this exhibition before the kings was like thefarce which is acted after a tragedy. It seems as if Jason was firstplaying the part of Agave, and was then going to play that ofPentheus; but on seeing the head he put aside the mask and dress ofPentheus, and recited the words of the frantic mother. Plutarchsometimes leaves things in a kind of mist: he gives his readeropportunity for conjecture. ]

[Footnote 97: Pacorus was completely defeated B. C. 38 near theEuphrates by P. Ventidius Bassus, who was the legatus of M. Antonius. Pacorus lost his life in the battle (Dion Cassius, 49. C. 20;Plutarch, _Life of Antonius_, c. 34). It is said that Pacorus fell onthe same day on which Crassus lost his life fifteen years before, the9th of June (Dion Cassius, 49. C. 21, and the note of Reimarus). ]

[Footnote 98: He began his reign under the name of Arsakes XV. Phraates IV. , according to some authorities, B. C. 37. He was notsatisfied with murdering his father: he murdered his brothers, andmany distinguished Parthians. His name occurs again in Plutarch's Lifeof Antonius. Phraates delivered up to Augustus, B. C. 20, the Romansoldiers, eagles, and standards which had been taken by Crassus; anevent which is commemorated by extant medals, and was recorded byAugustus among his other exploits in the Monumentum Ancyranum. ]

[Footnote 99: This is the Greek word ([Greek: akoniton] ὰκόνιτον): thesame name is now given to Monkshood or Wolfsbane, a genus ofRanunculaceae. Aconite is now used as a medicine; "The best forms areeither an alcoholic extract of the leaves, or an alcoholic tincture ofthe root made by displacement. " It is a poisonous plant, and death hasfollowed from the careless use of it ("Aconite, " _Penny Cyclopædia_and _Supplement_ to the _P. Cyc. _). 

With this farce, as Plutarch remarks, the history of Crassusterminates. If Plutarch designed to make Crassus contemptible, he hascertainly succeeded. And there is nothing in other authorities toinduce us to think that he has done Crassus injustice. With some goodqualities and his moderate abilities, he might have been a respectableman in a private station. But insatiable avarice, and that curse ofmany men, ambition without the ability that can ensure success andcommand respect, made Crassus a fool in his old age, and brought himto an ignominious end. ]

COMPARISON OF NIKIAS AND CRASSUS. 

I. In the first place, the wealth of Nikias was much more honestly andcreditably obtained than that of Crassus. Generally speaking, onecannot approve of men who make their money from mines, which are as arule worked by criminals, or savages, labouring in chains in unhealthysubterranean dungeons; but yet this method of amassing a fortune seemsmuch the more honourable, when compared with Crassus's purchase ofconfiscated lands and his habit of bidding for houses that were onfire. Crassus too used to practise these openly, like a trade: whilehe was also accused of taking bribes for his speeches in the Senate, of defrauding the allies of Rome, of currying favour with great ladiesand assisting them to shield offenders from justice. Nothing of thissort was ever laid to the charge of Nikias, who, however, wasridiculed for giving money to common informers because he feared theirtongues. Yet this action of his, though it would have been a disgraceto Perikles, or Aristeides, was a necessity for Nikias, who wasnaturally of a timid disposition. Thus Lykurgus the orator excusedhimself when accused of having bought off some informers whothreatened him. "I am glad, " said he, "that after so long a publiclife as mine I should have been at last convicted of giving bribesrather than of receiving them. "

The expenditure of Nikias was all calculated to increase hispopularity in the state, being devoted to offerings to the gods, gymnastic contests and public dramatic performances. But all the moneyhe spent that way, and all that he possessed was but a small part ofwhat Crassus bestowed upon a public feast at Rome for some tens ofthousands of guests, whom he even maintained at his own cost for sometime after. So true it is that wickedness and vice argue a want ofdue balance and proportion in a man's mind, which leads him to acquirewealth dishonestly, and then to squander it uselessly. 

II. So much for their riches. Now in their political life, Nikiasnever did anything bold, daring or unjust, for he was outwitted byAlkibiades, and always stood in fear of the popular assembly. Crassus, on the other hand, is accused of great inconsistency, in lightlychanging from one party to another, and he himself never denied thathe once obtained the consulship by hiring men to assassinate Cato andDomitius. And in the assembly held for the dividing for the provinces, many were wounded and four men slain in the Forum, while Crassushimself (which I have forgotten to mention in his Life) struck oneLucius Annalius, a speaker on the other side, so violent a blow withhis fist that his face was covered with blood. But though Crassus wasoverbearing and tyrannical in his public life, yet we cannot deny thatthe shrinking timidity and cowardice of Nikias deserve equally severecensure; and it must be remembered that when Crassus was carryingmatters with so high a hand, it was no Kleon or Hyperbolus that he hadfor an antagonist, but the great Julius Cæsar himself, and Pompeiuswho had triumphed three several times, and that he gave way to neitherof them, but became their equal in power, and even excelled Pompeiusin dignity by obtaining the office of censor. A great politicianshould not try to avoid unpopularity, but to gain such power andreputation as will enable him to rise above it. 

Yet if it were true that Nikias preferred quiet and security toanything else, and that he stood in fear of Alkibiades in theassembly, of the Spartans at Pylus, and of Perdikkas in Thrace, he hadevery opportunity to repose himself in Athens and to "weave thegarland of a peaceful life, " as some philosopher calls it. He hadindeed a true and divine love of peace, and his attempt to bring thePeloponnesian war to an end, was an act of real Hellenic patriotism. In this respect Crassus cannot be compared with Nikias, not though hehad carried the frontier of the Roman empire as far as the Caspian andthe Indian seas. 

III. Yet a statesman, in a country which appreciates his merits, ought not when at the height of his power to make way for worthlessmen, and place in office those who have no claim to it, as Nikias didwhen he laid down his own office of commander-in-chief and gave it toKleon, a man who possessed no qualification whatever for the postexcept his brazen effrontery. Neither can I praise Crassus for havingso rashly and hurriedly brought the war with Spartacus to a crisis, although he was actuated by an honourable ambition in fearing thatPompeius would arrive and take from him the glory of having completedthe war, as Mummius took from Marcellus the glory of winning Corinth. But on the other hand the conduct of Nikias was altogether monstrousand inexcusable. He did not give up his honourable post to his enemyat a time when there was hope of success and little peril. He saw thatgreat danger was likely to be incurred by the general in command atPylus, and yet he was content to place himself in safety, and let thestate run the risk of ruin, by entrusting an incompetent person withthe sole management of affairs. Yet Themistokles, rather than allow anignorant commander to mismanage the war against Persia, bribed him tolay down his office. So also Cato at a most dangerous crisis became acandidate for the office of tribune of the people in order to servehis country. But Nikias, reserving himself to play the general at theexpense of the village of Minoa, the island of Kythera, and themiserable inhabitants of Melos, [100] when it came to fighting theLacedæmonians eagerly stripped off his general's cloak, and entrustedto an inexperienced and reckless man like Kleon, the conduct of anenterprise involving the safety of a large Athenian fleet and army, showing himself no less neglectful of his own honour than he was ofthe interests of his country. After this he was forced against hiswill into the war with Syracuse, in which he seems to have imaginedthat his army would capture the city by remaining before it doingnothing, and not by vigorous attacks. No doubt it is a great testimonyto the esteem in which he was held by his countrymen, that he wasalways opposed to war and unwilling to act as general, and wasnevertheless always forced by them to undertake that office: whereasCrassus, who always wished for an independent command, never obtainedone except in the servile war, and then only because all the othergenerals, Pompeius, Metellus, and Lucullus, were absent. Yet at thattime Crassus was at the height of his power and reputation: but hisfriends seem to have thought him, as the comic poet has it, "Most excellent, save in the battle-field. "

And in his case also, the Romans gained no advantage from hisambitious desire of command. The Athenians sent Nikias to Sicilyagainst his will, and Crassus led the Romans to Parthia against theirwill. Nikias suffered by the actions of the Athenians, while Romesuffered by the actions of Crassus. 

IV. However, in their last moments we incline rather to praise Nikiasthan to blame Crassus. Nikias, a skilful and experienced commander, did not share the rash hopes of his countrymen, but never thought thatSicily could be conquered, and dissuaded them from making the attempt. Crassus, on the other hand, urged the Romans to undertake the war withParthia, representing the conquest of that country as an easyoperation, which he nevertheless failed to effect. His ambition wasvast. Cæsar had conquered the Gauls, Germans, Britons, and all thewest of Europe, and Crassus wished in his turn to march eastward asfar as the Indian Ocean, and to conquer all those regions of Asiawhich Pompeius and Lucullus, two great men and actuated by a likedesire for conquest, had previously aspired to subdue. Yet they alsomet with a like opposition. When Pompeius was given an unlimitedcommand in the East, the appointment was opposed by the Senate, andwhen Cæsar routed thirty thousand Germans, Cato proposed that heshould be delivered up to the vanquished, and that thus the anger ofthe gods should be turned away from the city upon the author of sogreat a crime as he had committed by breaking his word. Yet the Romansslighted Cato's proposals and held a solemn thanksgiving for fifteendays to show their joy at the news. How many days then must we imaginethey would have spent in rejoicing if Crassus had sent despatchesannouncing the capture of Babylon, and then had reduced Media, Persia, Hyrkania, Susa, and Bactria to the condition of Roman provinces. "If aman must do wrong, " as Euripides says of those who cannot live inpeace, and be contented when they are well off, they should do it on agrand scale like this, not capture contemptible places like Skandeiaor Mende, or chase the people of Ægina, like birds who have beenturned out of their nests. If we are to do an injustice, let us not doit in a miserable pettifogging way, but imitate such great examples asCrassus and Alexander the Great. Those who praise the one of thesegreat men, and blame the other, do so only because they are unable tosee any other distinction between them except that the one failed andthe other succeeded. 

V. When acting as general, Nikias did many great exploits, for he wasmany times victorious, all but took Syracuse, and ought not justly tobear the blame of the whole Sicilian disaster, because of his disease, and the ill will which some bore him at Athens. Crassus on the otherhand committed so many mistakes as to put it out of the power offortune to aid him, so that one wonders not so much that his folly wasovercome by the Parthians as that it could overcome the good fortuneof the Romans. Now as the one never disregarded religious observancesand omens, the other despised them all, and yet both alike perished, it is hard to say what inference we ought to draw, as to which actedmost wisely, yet we must incline rather to the side of him whofollowed the established rule in such matters rather than that of himwho insolently discarded all such observances. In his death Crassus ismore to be commended, because he yielded himself against his will inconsequence of the entreaties of his friends, and was mosttreacherously deceived by the enemy, while Nikias delivered himself upto his enemies through a base and cowardly desire to save his life, and thus made his end more infamous. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 100: I cannot find that Nikias took any part in the massacreof the people of Melos in 416 B. C. ]

LIFE OF SERTORIUS. 

I. It is perhaps not a matter of surprise, if in the lapse of time, which is unlimited, while fortune[101] is continually changing hercourse, spontaneity should often result in the same incidents; for, ifthe number of elemental things is not limited, fortune has in theabundance of material a bountiful supply of sameness of results; and, if things are implicated in a dependence upon definite numbers, it isof necessity that the same things must often happen, being effected bythe same means. Now, as some are pleased to collect, by inquiry andhearsay, from among the things which accidentally happen, such asbear some likeness to the works of calculation and forethought: such, for instance, as that there were two celebrated Atteis, [102] the one aSyrian and the other an Arcadian, and that both were killed by a wildboar; that there were two Actæons, one of whom was torn in pieces byhis dogs and the other by his lovers; that there were twoScipios, [103] by one of whom the Carthaginians were first conquered, and by the other were cut up root and branch; that Troy was taken byHercules, on account of the horses of Laomedon, and by Agamemnon bymeans of the wooden horse, as it is called, and was taken a third timeby Charidemus, by reason of the Ilians not being able to close thegates quick enough, owing to a horse having got between them; thatthere are two cities which have the same name with the most fragrantof plants, Ios[104] and Smyrna, and that Homer was born in one of themand died in the other: I may be allowed to add to these instances, that the most warlike of commanders and those who have accomplishedmost by a union of daring and cunning, have been one-eyed men, Philippus, [105] Antigonus, Annibal, and the subject of thisLife--Sertorius; he whom one may affirm to have been more continent asto women than Philip, more true to his friends than Antigonus, moremerciful to his enemies than Annibal, [106] inferior in understandingto none of them, but in fortune inferior to all; and, though he alwaysfound Fortune more hard to deal with than his open enemies, yet heproved himself her equal by opposing the experience of Metellus, thedaring of Pompeius, the fortune of Sulla, and the power of the wholeRoman state; a fugitive and a stranger putting himself at the head ofbarbarians. Of all the Greeks, Eumenes[107] of Kardia presents thenearest resemblance to him. Both of them were men qualified tocommand; both were warlike, and yet full of stratagem; both becameexiles from their native land and the commanders of foreign troops;and both had the same violent and unjust fortune in their end, forboth of them were the objects of conspiracy, and were cut off by thehands of those with whom they were victorious over their enemies. 

II. Quintus Sertorius belonged to a family not among the meanest inNussa, [108] a Sabine city. He was carefully brought up by a widowedmother, for he had lost his father, and he appears to have beenexceedingly attached to her. His mother's name, they say, was Rhea. Hehad a competent practical education in the courts of justice, and, asa young man, he attained some influence in the city by his eloquence. But his reputation and success in war diverted all his ambition inthat direction. 

III. Now, first of all, after the Cimbri and Teutones had invadedGaul, he was serving under Cæpio[109] at the time when the Romans weredefeated and put to flight; and, though he lost his horse and waswounded in the body, he crossed the Rhone swimming in his cuirass andwith his shield against the powerful stream--so strong was his bodyand disciplined by exercise. On a second occasion, when the samebarbarians were advancing with many thousand men and dreadful threats, so that for a Roman to stand to his ranks at such a time, and to obeyhis general, was a great matter, Marius had the command, and Sertoriusundertook to be a spy upon the enemy. Putting on a Celtic dress, andmaking himself master of the most ordinary expressions of thelanguage, for the purpose of conversation when occasion might offer, he mingled with the barbarians, and, either by his own eyes or byinquiry, learning all that was important to know, he returned toMarius. For this he obtained the prize of merit; and in the rest ofthe campaign, having given many proofs of his judgment and daring, hewas honoured and trusted by his general. After the close of the warwith the Cimbri and Teutones, he was sent as tribune by Didius[110]the prætor to Iberia, and he wintered in Castlo, [111] a city of theCeltiberi. The soldiers, being in the midst of abundance, lost alldiscipline, and were generally drunk, which brought them into contemptwith the barbarians, who, by night, sent for aid from their neighboursthe Gyrisœni, and, coming on the soldiers in their lodgings, began toslaughter them. Sertorius with a few others stole out, and, collectingthe soldiers who made their escape, surrounded the city. Finding thegates open through which the barbarians had secretly entered, he didnot make the same mistake that they did, but he set a watch there, and, hemming in the city on all sides, he massacred every man who wasof age to bear arms. When the massacre was over, he ordered all hissoldiers to lay down their own armour and dress, and, putting on thoseof the barbarians, to follow him to the city from which the men camewho had fallen on them in the night. The barbarians were deceived bythe armour, and he found the gates open, and a number of men expectingto meet friends and fellow-citizens, returning from a successfulexpedition. Accordingly, most of them were killed by the Romans nearthe gates, and the rest surrendered and were sold as slaves. 

IV. This made the name of Sertorius known in Iberia; and as soon as hereturned to Rome he was appointed quæstor in Gaul upon the Padus at acritical time; for the Marsic[112] war was threatening. Beingcommissioned to levy troops and procure arms, he applied so much zealand expedition to the work, compared with the tardiness and indolenceof the other young men, that he got the reputation of being a manlikely to run an active career. Yet he remitted nothing of the daringof a soldier after he was promoted to the rank of commander; but heexhibited wonderful feats of courage, and exposed himself without anyreserve to danger, whereby he lost one of his eyes through a wound. But he always prided himself on this. He used to say that others didnot always carry about with them the proofs of their valour, but putthem aside, at times, as chains and spears, and crowns, while theproofs of his valour always abided with him, and those who saw what hehad lost saw at the same time the evidences of his courage. The peoplealso showed him appropriate marks of respect; for, on his entering thetheatre, they received him with clapping of hands and expressions oftheir good wishes--testimonials which even those who were far advancedin age, and high in rank, could with difficulty obtain. However, whenhe was a candidate for the tribuneship, Sulla raised a party againsthim, and he failed; and this was, apparently, the reason why he hatedSulla. But when Marius was overpowered by Sulla and fled from Rome, and Sulla had set out to fight with Mithridates, and the consulOctavius adhered to the party of Sulla, while his colleague Cinna, whoaimed at a revolution, revived the drooping faction of Marius, Sertorius attached himself to Cinna, especially as he saw thatOctavius was deficient in activity, and he distrusted the friends ofMarius. A great battle was fought in the Forum between the consuls, inwhich Octavius got the victory, and Cinna and Sertorius took toflight, having lost nearly ten thousand men. However, they persuadedmost of the troops, which were still scattered about Italy, to comeover to their side, and they were soon a match for Octavius. 

V. When Marius had returned from Libya, and was proposing to joinCinna, himself in a mere private capacity and Cinna as consul, all therest thought it politic to receive him; but Sertorius was against it:whether it was because he thought that Cinna would pay less respect tohim when a general of higher reputation was present, or because hefeared the ferocious temper of Marius, and that he would put all inconfusion in his passion, which knew no bounds, transgressing thelimits of justice in the midst of victory. However this may be, Sertorius observed that there remained little for them to do, as theywere now triumphant; but if they received the proposal of Marius, hewould appropriate to himself all the glory and all the troops, being aman who could endure no partner in power, and who was devoid of goodfaith. Cinna replied that what Sertorius suggested was true, but hefelt ashamed and had a difficulty about refusing to receive Marius, after having invited him to join their party; whereupon Sertoriusrejoined: "For my part, I thought that Marius had come to Italy on hisown adventure, and I was merely considering what was best; but it wasnot honourable in you to make the thing a matter of deliberation atall after the arrival of the man whom you had thought proper toinvite, but you ought to have employed him and received him; for apromise leaves no room for any further consideration. " AccordinglyCinna sent for Marius, and the forces being distributed among them, the three had the command. The war being finished, Cinna and Mariuswere filled with violence and bitterness, so that they made the evilsof war as precious gold to the Romans, compared with the new state ofaffairs. Sertorius alone is said to have put no person to death togratify his vengeance, nor to have abused his power; but he was muchannoyed at the conduct of Marius, and he moderated Cinna by privateinterviews and entreaties. At last, the slaves whom Marius had used asallies in war, and kept as guards to protect his tyranny, becomingformidable and wealthy, partly from the grants of Marius and hisdirect permission; partly from their violent and outrageous treatmentof their masters, whom they butchered, and then lay with theirmasters' wives, and violated their children, Sertorius unable toendure any longer, speared the whole of them in their camp, to thenumber of four thousand. [113] VI. But when Marius[114] had died, andCinna shortly after was cut off, and the younger Marius, contrary tothe wish of Sertorius, and by illegal means, obtained the consulship, and the Carbos and the Norbani and Scipios were unsuccessfullycontending against Sulla on his march to Rome, and affairs were beingruined, partly through the cowardice and laziness of the commanders, and partly through treachery; and there was no use in his staying tosee things still go on badly, owing to the want of judgment in thosewho had more power than himself; and finally, when Sulla, afterencamping near Scipio, and holding out friendly proposals, as if peacewas going to be made, had corrupted the army, though Sertorius hadwarned Scipio of this, and given his advice, but withouteffect--altogether despairing about the city, Sertorius set out forIberia, in order that if he should anticipate his enemies instrengthening his power there, he might offer protection to such ofhis friends as were unfortunate at Rome. Sertorius, having fallen inwith bad weather in the mountainous parts, was required by thebarbarians to pay them a tribute, and to purchase a free passage. Hiscompanions were much incensed at this, and declared it to be a greatdegradation for a Roman proconsul[115] to pay a tribute to wretchedbarbarians; but Sertorius cared little for what they considereddisgrace, and he said that he was buying time, the rarest of thingsfor a man who was aiming at great objects: and so he pacified thebarbarians with money, and hurrying into Iberia, got possession of thecountry. He there found nations strong in numbers and fighting men, but owing to the greediness and tyranny of the governors who had fromtime to time been sent among them, ill-disposed to the Romanadministration in general; however, he regained the good will of thechiefs by his personal intercourse with them, and the favour of themass by remission of taxes. But he got most popularity by relievingthe people from having soldiers quartered on them; for he compelledthe soldiers to fix their winter tents in the suburbs of the towns, and he was the first to set the example. However, Sertorius did notdepend altogether on the attachment of the barbarians, but he armedall the Roman settlers in Iberia who were able to bear arms, and bycommencing the construction of all kinds of military engines andbuilding ships he kept the cities in check; showing himself mild inall the affairs of civil administration, but formidable by hispreparations against the enemy. 

VII. Hearing that Sulla was master of Rome, [116] and that the party ofMarius and Carbo was on the wane, and being in immediate expectationof an army coming to fight against him under some commander, he sentJulius Salinator to occupy the passes of the Pyrenees, with sixthousand heavy armed soldiers. Shortly after this, Caius Annius[117]was sent from Rome by Sulla; but, seeing that the position of Juliuscould not be attacked, he was perplexed, and seated himself at thebase of the mountains. But one Calpurnius, named Lanarius, assassinated Julius, on which the soldiers left the summits of thePyrenees, and Annius, crossing the mountains, advanced with a largeforce and drove all before him. Sertorius, being unable to oppose him, fled with three thousand men to New Carthage, [118] and there embarkingand crossing the sea, landed in Mauritania, in Libya. His soldiers, while getting water without due precautions, were fallen upon by thebarbarians, and many of them were killed, upon which Sertorius sailedagain for Iberia. He was, however, driven off the coast, and, beingjoined by some Cilician piratical vessels, [119] he attacked theisland of Pityussa, [120] and landing there drove out the garrison ofAnnius. Annius soon arrived with a large fleet and five thousand heavyarmed men, and Sertorius ventured on a naval battle with him, thoughhis vessels were light and built for quick sailing and not forfighting; but the sea was disturbed by a strong west wind, which drovemost of the vessels of Sertorius upon the reefs, owing to theirlightness, and Sertorius, with a few ships, could not get out to seaby reason of the wind, nor land on account of the enemy, and beingtossed about for ten days, with the wind and a violent sea againsthim, he held out with great difficulty. 

VIII. As the wind abated he set sail, and put in at some scatteredislands, which had no water. Leaving them, and passing through theStraits of Gades, [121] he touched at those parts of Iberia on theright which lie out of the strait, a little beyond the mouths of theBætis, [122] which flows into the Atlantic Sea, [123] and has given nameto those parts of Iberia which lie about it. There he fell in withsome sailors, who had returned from a voyage to the Atlantic[124]Islands, which are two in number, separated by a very narrow channel, and ten thousand stadia from the coast of Libya, and are called theislands of the Happy. These islands have only moderate rains, butgenerally they enjoy gentle breezes, which bring dews; they have arich and fertile soil, adapted for arable cultivation and planting;they also produce fruit spontaneously, sufficient in quantity andquality to maintain, without labour and trouble, a population at theirease. The air of the island is agreeable, owing to the temperature ofthe seasons, and the slightness of the changes; for the winds whichblow from our part of the world from the north and east, owing to thegreat distance, fall upon a boundless space, and are dispersed andfail before they reach these islands; but the winds which blow roundthem from the ocean, the south and west, bring soft rains atintervals, from the sea, but in general they gently cool the islandwith moist clear weather, and nourish the plants; so that a firmpersuasion has reached the barbarians that here are the Elysian Plainsand the abode of the Happy which Homer[125] has celebrated in song. 

IX. Sertorius, hearing this description, was seized with a strongdesire to dwell in the islands, and to live in quiet, free fromtyranny and never-ending wars. The Cilicians, who did not want peaceand leisure, but wealth and spoil, observing this inclination, sailedoff to Africa, to restore Ascalis, the son of Iphtha, to the Moorishkingdom. [126] Sertorius, however, did not despond, but he determinedto help those who were fighting against Ascalis, in order that hiscompanions, by getting some renewal of hope and opportunity for otherdeeds, might not disperse through their difficulties. The Moors werewell pleased at his arrival, and Sertorius setting himself to workdefeated Ascalis, and besieged him. Sulla sent Paccianus to helpAscalis, but Sertorius engaging him with his forces killed Paccianus, and after his victory brought over the army and took Tigennis, towhich Ascalis and his brother had fled. It is here that the Libyanssay Antæus[127] is buried. Sertorius dug into the mound, as he did notbelieve what the barbarians said, so enormous was the size. But, finding the body there, sixty cubits in length, as they say, he wasconfounded, and, after making a sacrifice, he piled up the earth, andadded to the repute and fame of the monument. The people of Tigennishave a mythus, that, on the death of Antæus his wife Tinge cohabitedwith Hercules, that Sophax was the issue of their connexion, andbecame king of the country, and named a city after his mother; theyfurther say that Sophax had a son, Diodorus, whom many of the Libyannations submitted to, as he had a Greek army of Olbiani and Mycenæi, who were settled in those parts by Hercules. But this may beconsidered as so much flattery to Juba, [128] of all kings the mostdevoted to historical inquiry; for they say that Juba's ancestors werethe descendants of Diodorus and Sophax. Sertorius, now completelyvictorious, did no wrong to those who were his suppliants and trustedto him, but he restored to them both property and cities and theadministration, receiving only what was fair and just for them tooffer. 

X. While Sertorius was considering where he should betake himself to, the Lusitani sent ambassadors to invite him to be their leader; forthey were much in want of a commander of great reputation andexperience, to oppose the formidable power of the Romans, andSertorius was the only man whom they would trust, as they knew hischaracter from those who had been about him. Now it is said thatSertorius was a man who never yielded either to pleasure or to fear, and while he was naturally unmoved by danger, he could bear prosperitywith moderation; in the open field he was equal to any general of histime in enterprise, and as to all military matters that requiredstealthy manœuvres, the taking advantage of strong positions and rapidmovements, and also craft and deception, he was in the moment of needmost cunning in device. In rewarding courage he was bountiful, and inpunishing for offences he was merciful. And yet, in the last part ofhis life, his cruel and vindictive treatment of the hostages may bealleged as a proof that his temper was not naturally humane, but thathe put on the appearance of mildness through calculation and as amatter of necessity, But it is my opinion that no fortune can everchange to the opposite character a virtue which is genuine and foundedon principle; still it is not impossible that good intentions and goodnatural dispositions, when impaired by great misfortunes[129] contraryto desert, may together with the dæmon change their habit; and this Ithink was the case with Sertorius when fortune began to fail him; foras his circumstances became unfavourable, he became harsh to those whohad done him wrong. 

XI. However, he then set sail from Libya, at the invitation of theLusitanians, [130] and got them into fighting condition, beingimmediately made commander with full powers, and he subjected theneighbouring parts of Iberia, most of which, indeed, voluntarilyjoined him, chiefly by reason of his mild treatment and his activity;but in some cases he availed himself of cunning to beguile and winover the people, the chief of which was in the affair of the deer, which was after this fashion:

Spanos, a native, and one of those who lived on their lands, fell inwith a deer[131] which had just brought forth a young one and wasflying from the hunters; he missed taking the deer, but he followedthe fawn, being struck with its unusual colour (it was completelywhite), and caught it. It happened that Sertorius was staying in thoseparts, and when people brought him as presents anything that they hadgot in hunting, or from their farms, he would readily receive it andmake a liberal return to those who showed him such attentions. Accordingly the man brought the fawn and gave it to Sertorius, whoaccepted the present. At first he took no particular pleasure in theanimal, but in course of time, when he had made it so tame andfamiliar that it would come to him when he called it, accompany him inhis walks, and cared not for a crowd and all the noise of the army, bydegrees he began to give the thing a supernatural character, sayingthat the fawn was a gift from Artemis (Diana), and he gave out as atoken of this that the fawn showed him many hidden things; for he knewthat it is the nature of barbarians to be easily accessible tosuperstition. He also resorted to such tricks as these: whenever hehad got secret information that the enemy had invaded any part of thecountry, or were attempting to draw any city away from him, he wouldpretend that the deer had spoken to him in his sleep, and bid him keephis troops in readiness; and, on the other hand, when he heard thathis generals had got a victory, he would keep the messenger concealed, and bring forward the deer crowned with chaplets, as is usual on theoccasion of good news, and tell his men to rejoice and sacrifice tothe gods, as they would hear of some good luck. 

XII. By these means he tamed the people, and had them more manageablefor all purposes, as they believed they were led, not by the counselsof a foreigner, but by a deity, and facts also confirmed them in thisopinion, inasmuch as the power of Sertorius increased beyond allexpectation; for with the two thousand six hundred men whom he calledRomans, and four thousand Lusitanian targetiers, and seven hundredhorsemen, whom he joined to a motley band of seven hundred Libyans, who crossed over with him to Lusitania, he fought with four Romangenerals, who had under them one hundred and twenty thousand footsoldiers, six thousand horsemen, two thousand bowmen and slingers, andcities innumerable, while he had only twenty cities in all under him. But though so feeble and insignificant at first, he not only subduedgreat nations, and took many cities, but of the generals who wereopposed to him he defeated Cotta[132] in a naval engagement in thechannel near Mellaria;[133] he put to flight Fufidius, [134] thegovernor of Bætica, on the banks of the Bætis, with the slaughter oftwo thousand of his Roman soldiers; Lucius Domitius, [135] proconsul ofthe other Iberia, [136] was defeated by his quæstor; Thoranius, another of the commanders of Metellus, who was sent with a force, hedestroyed; and on Metellus[137] himself, the greatest man among theRomans in his day, and of the highest repute, he inflicted severaldiscomfitures, and brought him to such straits, that LuciusManlius[138] came from Narbo, [139] in Gaul, to his relief, andPompeius Magnus[140] was hastily despatched from Rome with an army;for Metellus was perplexed at having to deal with a daring man, whoevaded all fighting in the open field, and could adapt himself to anycircumstances by reason of the light and easy equipment and activityof his Iberian army; he who had been disciplined in regular battlesfought by men in full armour and commanded a heavy immovable mass ofmen, who were excellently trained to thrust against their enemies, when they came to close quarters, and to strike them down, but unableto traverse mountains, to be kept always on the alert by the continualpursuing and retreating of light active men, and to endure hunger likethem, and to live under the open sky without fire or tent. 

XIII. Besides this, Metellus was now growing old, and after so manygreat battles was somewhat inclined to an easy and luxurious mode oflife; and he was opposed to Sertorius, a man full of the vigour ofmature age, whose body was wonderfully furnished with strength, activity, and power of endurance. He was never intoxicated with drink, even in his seasons of relaxation, and he was accustomed to bear greattoil, long marches, and continued watchfulness, content with a littlefood of the meanest quality; and, inasmuch as he was always ramblingabout and hunting, when he had leisure, he became intimatelyacquainted with all the spots, both impracticable and practicable, which gave chance of escape if he had to fly, or opportunity ofhemming in an enemy if he was in pursuit. Consequently, it happenedthat Metellus, being prevented from fighting, was damaged as much asmen who are beaten in battle, and Sertorius by flying had all theadvantage of the pursuer. He used to cut off the supplies of water, and check the foraging; and when Metellus was advancing Sertoriuswould get out of his way, and when he was encamped he would not lethim rest; when Metellus was occupied with a siege, Sertorius would allat once show himself, and put Metellus in his turn in a state ofblockade, owing to the want of the necessary supplies, so that thesoldiers were quite wearied; and when Sertorius challenged Metellus toa single combat, the men cried out and bid him fight, as it would be amatch between a general and a general, and a Roman and a Roman; andwhen Metellus declined, they jeered him. But he laughed at them, andhe did right; for a general, as Theophrastus[141] said, should die thedeath of a general, not that of a common targetier. Metellusperceiving that the Langobritæ[142] assisted Sertorius in no smalldegree, and that their town could easily be taken, as it was illsupplied with water, for they had only one well in the city, and anyone who blockaded the place would be master of the streams in thesuburbs and near the walls, he advanced against the city, expecting tofinish the siege in two days, as there was no water; and accordinglyhis soldiers received orders to take provisions with them for fivedays only. But Sertorius quickly coming to their aid, gave orders tofill two thousand skins with water, and he offered for each skin aconsiderable sum of money. Many Iberians and Moors volunteered for theservice, and, selecting the men who were strong and light-footed, hesent them through the mountain parts, with orders, when they haddelivered the skins to the people in the city, to bring out of thetown all the useless people, that the water might last the longer forthose who defended the place. When the news reached Metellus he wasmuch annoyed, for his soldiers had already consumed their provisions;but he sent Aquinius, [143] at the head of six thousand men, to forage. Sertorius got notice of this, and laid an ambush on the road of threethousand men who starting up out of a bushy ravine, fell on Aquiniusas he was returning. Sertorius attacked in front and put the Romans toflight, killing some and taking others prisoners. Aquinius returnedwith the loss of both his armour and horse, and Metellus made adisgraceful retreat amidst the jeers of the Iberians. 

XIV. By such acts as these Sertorius gained the admiration and love ofthe barbarians; and, by introducing among them the Roman armour, anddiscipline, and signals, he took away the frantic and brutal part oftheir courage, and transformed them from a huge band of robbers intoan efficient regular army. Besides, he employed gold and silverunsparingly for the decoration of their helmets, and he ornamentedtheir shields, and accustomed them to the use of flowered cloaks andtunics, and, by supplying them with money for such purposes, andentering into a kind of honourable rivalry with them, he made himselfpopular. But they were most gained by what he did for their children. The youths of noblest birth he collected from the several nations atOsca, [144] a large city, and set over them teachers of Greek andRoman learning; and thus he really had them as hostages under the showof educating them, as if he intended to give them a share in thegovernment and the administration when they attained to man's estate. The fathers were wonderfully pleased at seeing their children dressedin robes with purple borders, and going so orderly to the schools ofSertorius, who paid for their education, and often had examinationsinto their proficiency, and gave rewards to the deserving, andpresented them with golden ornaments for the neck, which the Romanscall "bullæ. "[145] It was an Iberian usage for those whose station wasabout the commander to die with him when he fell in battle, which thebarbarians in those parts express by a term equivalent to the Greek"devotion. "[146] Now only a few shield-bearers and companions followedthe rest of the commanders; but many thousands followed Sertorius, andwere devoted to die with him. It is said that, when the army ofSertorius was routed near a certain city and the enemy was pressing onthem, the Iberians, careless about themselves, saved Sertorius, and, raising him on their shoulders, every one vying with the rest helpedhim to the walls; and when their general was secure they then betookthemselves to flight, each as well as he could. 

XV. Sertorius was not beloved by the Iberians only, but also by thesoldiers of Italy, who served with him. When Perpenna Vento, [147] whobelonged to the same party as Sertorius, had arrived in Iberia withmuch money and a large force, and had determined to carry on waragainst Metellus on his own account, his soldiers were dissatisfied, and there was much talk in the camp about Sertorius, to the greatannoyance of Perpenna, who was proud of his noble family and hiswealth. However, when the soldiers heard that Pompeius was crossingthe Pyrenees, taking their arms and pulling up the standards, theyassailed Perpenna with loud cries, and bade him lead them toSertorius; if he did not, they threatened to leave him, and go ofthemselves to a man who was able to take care of himself and otherstoo. Perpenna yielded, and led them to join the troops of Sertorius, to the number of fifty-three cohorts. 

XVI. All the nations within the Iber river[148] were now joiningSertorius at once, and he was powerful in numbers; for they werecontinually flocking and crowding to him from all quarters. But he wastroubled by the loose discipline and self-confidence of thebarbarians, who called on him to attack the enemy, and were impatientof delay, and he attempted to pacify them with reasons. Seeing, however, that they were discontented, and were unwisely pressing himwith their demands, he let them have their way, and winked at theirengaging with the enemy, in so far as not to be completely crushed, but to get some hard knocks, which he hoped would render them moretractable for the future. Things turning out as he expected, Sertoriuscame to their aid when they were flying, and brought them back safe tothe camp. However, as he wished also to cheer their spirits, a fewdays after this adventure he had all the army assembled, andintroduced before them two horses, [149] one very weak and rather old, the other of a large size and strong, with a tail remarkable for thethickness and beauty of the hair. There stood by the side of the weakhorse a tall strong man, and by the side of the strong horse a littleman of mean appearance. On a signal given to them, the strong manbegan to pull the tail of the horse with all his might towards him, asif he would tear it off; the weak man began to pluck out the hairsfrom the tail of the strong horse one by one. Now the strong man, after no small labour to himself to no purpose, and causing much mirthto the spectators, at last gave up; but the weak man in a trice, andwith no trouble, bared the tail of all its hairs. On which Sertoriusgetting up, said, "You see, fellow allies, that perseverance will domore than strength, and that many things which cannot be compassed allat once, yield to continued efforts; for endurance is invincible, andit is thus that time in its course assails and vanquishes every power, being a favourable helper to those who with consideration watch theopportunities that it offers, but the greatest of enemies to those whohurry out of season. " By contriving from time to time such means asthese for pacifying the barbarians, he managed his opportunities as hechose. 

XVII. His adventure with the people called Charicatani[150] was notless admired than any of his military exploits. The Charicatani are apeople who live beyond the river Tagonius: they do not dwell in citiesor villages; but there is a large lofty hill, which contains caves andhollows in the rocks, looking to the north. The whole of the countryat the foot of the hill consists of a clayey mud and of light earth, easily broken in pieces, which is not strong enough to bear a man'stread; and if it is only slightly touched will spread all about, likeunslaked lime or ashes. Whenever the barbarians through fear of warhid themselves in their caves, and, collecting all their plunder therekept quiet, they could not be taken by any force; and now, seeingthat Sertorius had retired before Metellus, and had encamped near thehill, they despised him as being beaten, on which Sertorius, whetherin passion or not wishing to appear to be flying from the enemy, atdaybreak rode up to the place and examined it. But he found themountain unassailable on all sides; and while he was perplexinghimself to no purpose and uttering idle threats, he saw a greatquantity of dust from this light earth carried by the wind against thebarbarians; for the caves are turned, as I have said, to the north, and the wind which blows from that quarter (some call it "caecias")prevails most, and is the strongest of all the winds in those parts, being generated in wet plains and snow-covered mountains; and at thattime particularly, it being the height of summer, it was strong, andmaintained by the melting of the ice in the sub-arctic regions, and itblew most pleasantly both on the barbarians and their flocks, andrefreshed them. Now, Sertorius, thinking on all these things, and alsogetting information from the country people, ordered his soldiers totake up some of the light ashy earth, and bringing it right oppositeto the hill to make a heap of it there; which the barbarians thoughtto be intended as a mound for the purpose of getting at them, and theymocked him. Sertorius kept his soldiers thus employed till nightfall, when he led them away. At daybreak a gentle breeze at first began toblow, which stirred up the lightest part of the earth that had beenheaped together, and scattered it about like chaff; but when thecaecias began to blow strong, as the sun got higher, and the hillswere all covered with dust, the soldiers got on the heap of earth andstirred it up to the bottom, and broke the clods; and some also rodetheir horses up and down through the earth, kicking up the lightparticles and raising them so as to be caught by the wind, whichreceiving all the earth that was broken and stirred up, drove itagainst the dwellings of the barbarians, whose doors were open to thecaecias. The barbarians, having only the single opening to breathethrough, upon which the wind fell, had their vision quickly obscured, and they were speedily overpowered by a suffocating difficulty ofbreathing, by reason of respiring a thick atmosphere filled with dust. Accordingly, after holding out with difficulty for two days, theysurrendered on the third, and thus added not so much to the power asto the reputation of Sertorius, who had taken by stratagem a placethat was impregnable to arms. 

XVIII. Now, as long as Sertorius had to oppose Metellus, he wasgenerally considered to owe his success to the old age and naturaltardiness of Metellus, who was no match for a daring man, at the headof a force more like a band of robbers than a regular army. But whenPompeius had crossed the Pyrenees, and Sertorius had met him in thefield, and he and Pompeius had mutually offered one another everyopportunity for a display of generalship, and Sertorius had theadvantage in stratagem and caution, his fame was noised abroad as faras Rome, and he was considered the most able general of his age in theconduct of a war: for the reputation of Pompeius was no small one; butat that time particularly he was enjoying the highest repute by reasonof his distinguished exploits in the cause of Sulla, for which Sullagave him the name of Magnus, which means Great, and Pompeius obtainedtriumphal honours before he had a beard. All this made many of thecities which were subject to Sertorius turn their eyes towardsPompeius, and feel inclined to pass over to him; but their intentionswere checked by the loss at Lauron, [151] which happened contrary toall expectation. Sertorius was besieging this town, when Pompeius camewith all his force to relieve it. There was a hill, well situated forenabling an enemy to act against the place, which Sertorius made aneffort to seize, and Pompeius to prevent its being occupied. Sertoriussucceeded in getting possession of the hill, on which Pompeius madehis troops stop, and was well pleased at what had happened, thinkingthat Sertorius was hemmed in between the city and his own army; andhe sent a message to the people in Lauron, bidding them be of goodcheer, and to keep to their walls and look on while Sertorius wasblockaded. Sertorius smiled when he heard of this, and said he wouldteach Sulla's pupil (for so he contemptuously called Pompeius) that ageneral should look behind him rather than before. As he said this hepointed out to his men, who were thus blockaded, that there were sixthousand heavy armed soldiers, whom he had left in the encampment, which he had quitted before he seized the hill, in order that ifPompeius should turn against them, the soldiers in camp might attackhim in the rear. And Pompeius too saw this when it was too late, andhe did not venture to attack Sertorius for fear of being surrounded;and though he could not for shame leave the citizens in their danger, he was obliged to sit there and see them ruined before his eyes; forthe barbarians in despair surrendered. Sertorius spared their lives, and let them all go; but he burnt the city, not for revenge or becausehe was cruel, for of all commanders Sertorius appears to have leastgiven way to passion; but he did it to shame and humble the admirersof Pompeius, and that the barbarians might say that Pompeius did nothelp his allies, though he was close at hand, and all but warmed withthe flames of their city. 

XIX. However, Sertorius was now sustaining several defeats, though healways saved himself and those with him from defeat; but his losseswere occasioned by the other generals. Yet he gained more credit fromthe means by which he repaired his defeats than the generals on theother side who won the victories; an instance of which occurred in thebattle against Pompeius, on the Sucro, and another in the battle nearTuttia, [152] against Pompeius[153] and Metellus together. Now thebattle on the Sucro is said to have been brought about by theeagerness of Pompeius, who wished Metellus to have no share in thevictory. Sertorius, on his part, also wished to engage Pompeius beforeMetellus arrived; and, drawing out his forces when the evening wascoming on, he commenced the battle, thinking that, as the enemy werestrangers and unacquainted with the ground, the darkness would be adisadvantage to them, whether they were the pursued or the pursuers. When the battle began, it happened that Sertorius was not engaged withPompeius, but with Afranius at first, who commanded the left wing ofthe enemy, while Sertorius commanded his own right. But, hearing thatthose who were opposed to Pompeius were giving way before his attackand being defeated, Sertorius left the right wing to the care of othergenerals, and hastened to the support of the wing that was giving way. Bringing together the soldiers who were already flying, and those whowere still keeping their ranks, he encouraged them and made a freshcharge upon Pompeius, who was pursuing, and put his men to the rout;on which occasion Pompeius himself nearly lost his life, and had awonderful escape after being wounded. The Libyans of Sertorius seizedthe horse of Pompeius, which was decked with golden ornaments andloaded with trappings; but while they were dividing the booty andquarrelling about it, they neglected the pursuit. As soon as Sertoriusquitted the right wing to relieve the other part of the army, Afranius[154] put to flight his opponents and drove them to theircamp, which, he entered with the captives, it being now dark, andbegan to plunder, knowing nothing of the defeat of Pompeius, and beingunable to stop his soldiers from seizing the booty. In the mean timeSertorius returned, after defeating the enemy who were opposed to him, and falling on the soldiers of Afranius, who were all in disorder andconsequently panic-stricken, he slaughtered many of them. In themorning he again armed his troops and came out to fight; but observingthat Metellus was near, he broke up his order of battle, and marchedoff saying, "If that old woman had not come up, I would have giventhis boy a good drubbing by way of lesson, and have sent him back toRome. "

XX. About this time Sertorius was much dispirited, because thatdeer[155] of his could nowhere be found; for he was thus deprived of agreat means of cheering the barbarians, who then particularly requiredconsolation. It happened that some men, who were rambling about atnight for other purposes, fell in with the deer and caught it, forthey knew it by the colour. Sertorius hearing of this, promised togive them a large sum of money if they would mention it to nobody;and, concealing the deer for several days, he came forward with ajoyful countenance to the tribunal, and told the barbarian chiefs thatthe deity prognosticated to him in his sleep some great good fortune. He then ascended the tribunal, and transacted business with those whoapplied to him. The deer being let loose by those who had charge of itclose by, and, seeing Sertorius, bounded joyfully up to the tribunal, and, standing by him, placed its head on his knees, and touched hisright hand with its mouth, having been accustomed to do this before. Sertorius cordially returned the caresses of the animal, and evenshed tears. The spectators were at first surprised; then clappingtheir hands and shouting, they conducted Sertorius to his residence, considering him to be a man superior to other mortals and beloved bythe gods; and they were full of good hopes. 

XXI. Sertorius, who had reduced the enemy to the greatest straits inthe plains about Seguntum[156] was compelled to fight a battle withthem when they came down to plunder and forage. The battle was wellcontested on both sides. Memmius, one of the most skillful of thecommanders under Pompeius, fell in the thick of the fight, andSertorius, who was victorious, and making a great slaughter of thosewho opposed him, attempted to get at Metellus, who stood his groundwith a resolution above his years, and, while fighting bravely, wasstruck by a spear. This made the Romans who were on the spot, as wellas those who heard of it, ashamed to desert their leader, and inspiredthem with courage against their enemies. After covering Metellus withtheir shields and rescuing him from danger, by making a vigorous onsetthey drove the Iberians from their ground; and, as the victory nowchanged sides, Sertorius, with a view of securing a safe retreat forhis men, and contriving the means of getting together another armywithout any interruption, retired to a strong city in the mountains, and began to repair the walls and strengthen the gates, though hisobject was anything rather than to stand a siege: but his design wasto deceive the enemy, in which he succeeded; for they sat down beforethe place, thinking they should take it without difficulty, and in themean time they let the defeated barbarians escape, and allowedSertorius to collect a fresh army. It was got together by Sertoriussending officers to the cities, and giving orders that when they hadcollected a good body of men, they should dispatch a messenger to him. When the messenger came, he broke through the besiegers without anydifficulty and joined his troops; and now he again advanced againstthe enemy in great force, and began to cut off their land supplies byambuscades, and hemming them in, and showing himself at every point, inasmuch as his attacks were made with great expedition; and he cutoff all their maritime supplies by occupying the coast with hispiratical vessels, so that the generals opposed to him were obliged toseparate, one to march off into Gaul, and Pompeius to winter among theVaccæi[157] in great distress for want of supplies, and to write tothe Senate, that he would lead his army out of Iberia, if they did notsend him money, for he had spent all his own in defence of Italy. There was great talk in Rome that Sertorius would come to Italy beforePompeius[158] to such difficulties did Sertorius, by his militaryabilities, reduce the first and ablest of the generals of that age. 

XXII. Metellus also showed, that he feared the man and thought he waspowerful; for he made proclamation, that if any Roman killed Sertoriushe would give him a hundred talents of silver and twenty thousandjugera of land; and, if he was an exile, permission to return, toRome: thus declaring that he despaired of being able to defeatSertorius in the field, and therefore would purchase his life bytreachery. Besides this, Metellus was so elated by a victory which onone occasion he gained over Sertorius, and so well pleased with hissuccess, that he was proclaimed Imperator[159] and the cities receivedhim in his visits to them with sacrifices and altars. It is also said, that he allowed chaplets to be placed on his head, and acceptedinvitations to sumptuous feasts, at which he wore a triumphal vest;and Victories[160] which were contrived to move by machinery, descended and distributed golden trophies and crowns, and companies ofyouths and women sang epinician hymns in honour of him. For this hewas with good reason ridiculed, for that after calling Sertorius arunaway slave of Sulla, and a remnant of the routed party of Carbo, hewas so puffed up and transported with delight because he had gained anadvantage over Sertorius, who had been compelled to retire. But it wasa proof of the magnanimous character of Sertorius, first, that he gavethe name of Senate to the Senators who fled from Rome and joined him, and that he appointed quæstors and generals from among them, andarranged everything of this kind according to Roman usage; and next, that though he availed himself of the arms, the money and the citiesof the Iberians, he never yielded to them one *tittle of the Romansupremacy, but he appointed Romans to be their generals andcommanders, considering that he was recovering freedom for the Romans, and was not strengthening the Iberians against the Romans; forSertorius loved his country and had a great desire to return home. Notwithstanding this, in his reverses he behaved like a brave man, andnever humbled himself before his enemies; and after his victories hewould send to Metellus and to Pompeius, and declare that he was readyto lay down his arms and to live in a private station, if he might beallowed to return home; for, he said, he would rather be the obscurestcitizen in Rome than an exile from his country, though he wereproclaimed supreme ruler of all other countries in the world. It issaid, that he longed to return home chiefly on account of his mother, who brought him up after his father's death, and to whom he wascompletely devoted. At the time when his friends in Iberia invited himto take the command, he heard of the death of his mother, and he wasnear dying of grief. He lay in his tent for seven days without givingthe watchword, or being seen by any of his friends; and it was withdifficulty that his fellow-generals and those of like rank withhimself, who had assembled about his tent, prevailed on him to comeout to the soldiers, and take a share in the administration ofaffairs, which were going on well. This made many people think thatSertorius was naturally a man of mild temper, and well disposed to aquiet life; but that, owing to uncontrollable causes, and contrary tohis wishes, he entered on the career of a commander, and then, when hecould not ensure his safety, and was driven to arms by his enemies, hehad recourse to war as the only means by which he could protect hislife. 

XXIII. His negociations with Mithridates also were a proof of hismagnanimity; for now that Mithridates, rising from the fall that hehad from Sulla, as it were, to a second contest, had again attackedAsia, and the fame of Sertorius was great, and had gone abroad to allparts, and those who sailed from the West had filled the Pontus withthe reports about him, as if with so many foreign wares, Mithridateswas moved to send an embassy to him, being urged thereto mainly by thefulsome exaggerations of his flatterers, who compared Sertorius toHannibal and Mithridates to Pyrrhus, and said that if the Romans wereattacked on both sides, they could not hold out against such greatabilities and powers combined, when the most expert of commanders hadjoined the greatest of kings. Accordingly, Mithridates sentambassadors to Iberia, with letters to Sertorius and proposals. On hispart he offered to supply money and ships for the war, and he askedfrom Sertorius a confirmation of his title to the whole of Asia, whichhe had given up to the Romans pursuant to the treaty made with Sulla. Sertorius assembled a council, which he called a senate, and all themembers advised to accept the king's proposal, and to be well contentwith it; they said the king only asked of them a name and an emptyanswer touching things that were not in their power, in return forwhich they were to receive what they happened to stand most in needof. But Sertorius would not listen to this; he said he did not grudgeMithridates having Bithynia and Cappadocia; these were nations thatwere accustomed to a king, and the Romans had nothing to do with them;but the province which belonged to the Romans by the justest oftitles, which Mithridates took from them and kept, from which, after acontest, he was driven out by Fimbria, and which he gave up by treatywith Sulla, [161] -that province he would never allow to fall againinto the power of Mithridates; for it was fit that the Roman stateshould be extended by his success, not that his success should beowing to her humiliation. To a generous mind, victory by honest meanswas a thing to desire, but life itself was not worth having withdishonour. 

XXIV. When this was reported to Mithridates he was amazed, and it issaid that he remarked to his friends--what terms, then, will Sertoriusimpose when he is seated on the Palatium, [162] if now, when he isdriven to the shores of the Atlantic, he fixes limits to our kingdom, and threatens us with war if we make any attempt upon Asia? However, atreaty was made, and ratified by oath, on the following terms:Mithridates[163] was to have Cappadocia and Bithynia, and Sertoriuswas to send him a general and soldiers; and Sertorius was to receivefrom Mithridates three thousand talents, and forty ships. Sertoriussent as general to Asia Marcus Marius, one of the Senators who hadfled to him; and Mithridates, after assisting him to take some of theAsiatic cities, [164] followed Marius as he entered them with thefasces and axes, voluntarily taking the second place and the characterof an inferior. Marius restored some of the cities to liberty, and hewrote to others to announce to them their freedom from taxationthrough the power of Sertorius; so that Asia, which was much troubledby the Publicani, [165] and oppressed by the rapacity and insolence ofthe soldiers quartered there, was again raised on the wings of hope, and longed for the expected change of masters. 

XXV. In Iberia, the senators and nobles about Sertorius, as soon asthey were put into a condition to hope that they were a match for theopposite party, and their fears were over, began to feel envious, andhad a foolish jealousy of the power of Sertorius. Perpenna encouragedthis feeling, being urged by the empty pride of high birth to aspireto the supreme command, and he secretly held treasonable language tothose who were favourable to his designs. "What evil dæmon, " he wouldsay, "has got hold of us, and carried us from bad to worse--us who didnot brook to stay at home and do the bidding of Sulla, though in amanner he was lord of all the earth and sea at once, but coming herewith ill luck, in order to live free, have voluntarily become slavesby making ourselves the guards of Sertorius in his exile, and while weare called a senate, a name jeered at by all who hear it, we submit toinsults, and orders, and sufferings as great as the Iberians andLusitanians endure. " Their minds filled with such suggestions asthese, the majority did not, indeed, openly desert Sertorius, for theyfeared his power, but they secretly damaged all his measures, and theyoppressed the barbarians by severe treatment and exactions, on thepretext that it was by the order of Sertorius. This caused revolts anddisturbances in the cities; and those who were sent to settle andpacify these outbreaks returned after causing more wars, andincreasing the existing insubordination; so that Sertorius, contraryto his former moderation and mildness, did a grievous wrong to thesons of the Iberians, who were educating at Osca, [166] by putting someto death, and selling others as slaves. 

XXVI. Now Perpenna, having got several to join him in his conspiracy, gained over Manlius, one of those who were in command. This Manliuswas much attached to a beautiful boy, and to give the youth a proof ofhis attachment he told him of the design, and urged him not to carefor his other lovers; but to give his affections to him alone, as hewould be a great man in a few days. The youth reported what Manliussaid to Aufidius, another of his lovers, to whom he was more attached. On hearing this, Aufidius was startled, for he was engaged in theconspiracy against Sertorius, but he did not know that Manlius was aparty to it. But when the youth named Perpenna and Graecinus, [167] andsome others whom Aufidius knew to be in the conspiracy, he wasconfounded, yet he made light of the story to the youth, and told himto despise Manlius for a lying braggart; but he went to Perpenna, and, showing him the critical state of affairs, and the danger, urged himto the deed. The conspirators followed his advice, and having engageda man to bring letters they introduced him to Sertorius. The lettersgave information of a victory gained by one of the generals, and agreat slaughter of the enemy. Upon this Sertorius was overjoyed, andoffered a sacrifice for the happy tidings; and Perpenna proposed tofeast him and his friends (and they were of the number of theconspirators), and after much entreaty he prevailed on Sertorius tocome. Now whenever Sertorius was present, an entertainment wasconducted with great propriety and decorum; for he would not tolerateany indecent act or expression, but accustomed his companions toenjoy mirth and merriment with orderly behaviour, and without anyexcess; but, on this occasion, in the midst of the feast, seeking tobegin a quarrel, they openly used obscene language, and, pretending tobe drunk, behaved indecently, for the purpose of irritating Sertorius. Whether it was that he was vexed at this disorderly conduct, or hadnow suspected their design by the flagging of the conversation[168]and their unusual contemptuous manner towards him, he changed hisposture on the couch by throwing himself on his back, as if he waspaying no attention to them, and not listening. On Perpenna taking acup of wine, and in the middle of the draught throwing it from him andso making a noise, which was the signal agreed on, Antonius, who laynext to Sertorius, struck him with his sword. On receiving the blow, Sertorius turned himself, and at the same time attempted to rise, butAntonius, throwing himself upon his chest, held his hands, and he wasdespatched by blows from many of the conspirators, without even makingany resistance. 

XXVII. [169] Now most of the Iberians immediately sent ambassadors toPompeius and Metellus, to make their submission; those who remainedPerpenna took under his command, and attempted to do something. Afteremploying the means that Sertorius had got together, just so far as todisgrace himself, and show that he was not suited either to command orto obey, he engaged with Pompeius. Being quickly crushed by him andtaken prisoner, he did not behave himself even in this extremity as acommander should do; but having got possession of the papers ofSertorius, he offered to Pompeius to show him autograph letters fromconsular men and persons of the highest influence at Rome, in whichSertorius was invited to Italy, and was assured that there were manywho were desirous to change the present settlement of affairs, and toalter the constitution. Now Pompeius, by behaving on this occasion, not like a young man, but one whose understanding was well formed anddisciplined, relieved Rome from great dangers and revolutions. He gottogether all those letters, and all the papers of Sertorius, and burntthem, without either reading them himself or letting any one else readthem; and he immediately put Perpenna to death, through fear thatthere might be defection and disturbance if the names werecommunicated to others. Of the fellow-conspirators of Perpenna, somewere brought to Pompeius, and put to death; and others, who fled toLibya, were pierced by the Moorish spears. Not one escaped, exceptAufidius, the rival of Manlius, and this happened, either because heescaped notice, or nobody took any trouble about him, and he lived toold age, in some barbarian village, in poverty and contempt. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 101: If this is obscure, the fault is Plutarch's. His wordfor Fortune is [Greek: tuchê] τύχη which he has often used in the Lifeof Sulla. The word for Spontaneity is [Greek: to automaton] τὸαὐτόματον, the Self-moved. The word for Elemental things is [Greek: tahupokeimena] τὰ ὑποκειμένα. The word [Greek: hupokeimenon] ὑποκειμένονis used by Aristotle to signify both the thing of which something ispredicated, the Subject of grammarians, and for the Substance, whichis as it were the substratum on which actions operate. Aristotle(_Metaphys. _ vi. Vii. 3) says "Essence ([Greek: ousia] οὐσία) or Beingis predicated, if not in many ways, in four at least; for the formalcause ([Greek: to ti ên einai] τὸ τὶ ἦν εἶναι), and the universal, andgenus appear to be the essence of everything; and the fourth of theseis the Substance ([Greek: to hupokeimenon] τὸ ὑποκειμένον). And theSubstance is that of which the rest are predicated, but it is notpredicated of any other thing. And Essence seems to be especially thefirst Substance; and such, in a manner, matter ([Greek: hulê] ὕλη) issaid to be; and in another manner, form; and in a third, that which isfrom these. And I mean by matter ([Greek: hulê] ὕλη), copper, forinstance; and by form, the figure of the idea; and by that which isfrom them, the statue in the whole, " &c. I have translated [Greek: toti ên einai] τὸ τὶ ἦν εἶναι by "formal cause, " as Thomas Taylor hasdone, and according to the explanation of Trendelenburg, in hisedition of Aristotle _On the Soul_, i. 1, § 2. It is not my businessto explain Aristotle, but to give some clue to the meaning ofPlutarch. 

The word "accidentally" ([Greek: kata tuchên] κατὰ τύχην) is opposedto "forethought" ([Greek: pronoia] προνοία), "design, " "providence. "How Plutarch conceived Fortune, I do not know; nor do I know whatFortune and Chance mean in any language. But the nature of thecontrast which he intends is sufficiently clear for his purpose. ]

[Footnote 102: As to Attes, as Pausanias (vii. 17) names him, hishistory is given by Pausanias. There appears to be some confusion inhis story. Herodotus (i. 36) has a story of an Atys, a son of Crœsus, who was killed while hunting a wild boar; and Adonis, the favourite ofVenus, was killed by a wild boar. It is not known who this ArcadianAtteus was. 

Actæon saw Diana naked while she was bathing, and was turned by herinto a deer and devoured by his dogs. (Apollodorus, _Biblioth_. Iii. 4; Ovidius, _Metamorph_. Iii. 155. ) The story of the other Actæon istold by Plutarch (_Amator. Narrationes_, c. 2). ]

[Footnote 103: The elder Africanus, P. Cornelius Scipio, who defeatedHannibal B. C. 202, and the younger Africanus, the adopted son of theson of the elder Africanus, who took Carthage B. C. 146. See Life ofTib. Gracchus, c. 1, Notes. ]

[Footnote 104: Ios, a small island of the Grecian Archipelago, nowNio, is mentioned among the places where Homer was buried. The nameIos resembles that of the Greek word for violet, ([Greek: ion] ίον). Smyrna, one of the members of the Ionian confederation, is mentionedamong the birth places of Homer. It was an accident that the name ofthe town Smyrna was the same as the name for myrrh, _Smyrna_ ([Greek:smurnê] σμύρνη), x which was not a Greek word. Herodotus (iii. 112)says that it was the Arabians who procured myrrh. ]

[Footnote 105: This Philippus was the father of Alexander the Great. He is said to have lost an eye from a wound by an arrow at the siegeof Pydna Antigonus, one of the generals of Alexander, was namedCyclops, or the one-eyed. He accompanied Alexander in his Asiaticexpedition, and in the division of the empire after Alexander's deathhe obtained a share and by his vigour and abilities he made himselfthe most powerful of the successors of Alexander. It is said thatApelles, who painted the portrait of Antigonus, placed him in profilein order to hide the defect of the one eye. Antigonus closed his longcareer at the battle of Ipsus B. C. 301, where he was defeated andkilled. He was then eighty-one years of age. ]

[Footnote 106: Plutarch's form is Annibas. I may have sometimeswritten it Hannibal. Thus we have Anno and Hanno. I don't know whichis the true form. [I prefer to write it Hannibal. --A. S. ]]

[Footnote 107: Plutarch has written the Life of Eumenes, whom hecontrasts with Sertorius. Eumenes was one of the generals of Alexanderwho accompanied him to Asia. After Alexander's death, he obtained forhis government a part of Asia Minor bordering on the Euxine, andextending as far east as Trapezus. The rest of his life is full ofadventure. He fell into the hands of Antigonus B. C. 315, who put himto death. ]

[Footnote 108: Nursia was in the country of the Sabini among theApennines, and near the source of the Nar. It is now Norcia. The MSS. Of Plutarch have Nussa. ]

[Footnote 109: The date is B. C. 105. See the Life of Marius, c. 10, and Notes. ]

[Footnote 110: Titus Didius and Q. Cæcilius Metellus Nepos wereconsuls B. C. 98. In B. C. 97 Didius was in Spain as Proconsul, andfought against the Celtiberi. Gellius (ii. 27) quotes a passage fromthe Historiæ of Sallustius, in which mention is made of Sertoriusserving under Didius in Spain, and the character of Sertorius is givenpretty nearly in the terms of Plutarch, who may have used Sallustiusas one of his authorities. Didius is mentioned by Cicero, _Pro Cn. Plancio_, c. 25; and by Frontinus, i. 8. 5; ii. 10. 1; and by Appian(_Iberica_, c. 99). The passage in the text should be translated, "hewas sent out under Didius as commander, and wintered in Iberia, inCastlo, " &c. Plutarch has used the word [Greek: stratêgos] στρατηγός, which means prætor; but to make the statement correct, we musttranslate it Proconsul, or commander. See Life of Crassus, c. 4, Notes. ]

[Footnote 111: Castlo, Castalo, or Castulo, is placed on the northbank of the Bætis, the Guadalquivir. ]

[Footnote 112: See the Life of Marius, c. 32, Notes. The events thatare briefly alluded to at the end of this chapter are described in theLives of Marius and Sulla. The battle in the Forum is spoken of in theLife of Marius, c. 41. ]

[Footnote 113: The same story is told in the Life of Marius, c. 44, where it is stated that Cinna and Sertorius combined to put thesescoundrels out of the way; but the number that were massacred is notstated there. ]

[Footnote 114: Compare the Life of Marius, c. 45, and of Sulla, c. 28, &c. Cinna was murdered by his soldiers two years after the death ofMarius, and in his fourth consulship, B. C. 84. The younger Marius wasConsul in B. C. 82, with Cn. Papirius Carbo for his colleague. This wasCarbo's third consulship. According to Plutarch, Sertorius left Italyafter the younger Marius was consul, and therefore not earlier thanB. C. 82, unless we understand the passage in Plutarch as referring tothe election of Marius, and not to the commencement of his consulship. Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 86) places the departure of Sertorius in theyear B. C. 83. ]

[Footnote 115: Sertorius had not been Consul, and therefore he was notnow Proconsul. It is true that a man, who had not been Consul, mightreceive the government of a Province with the title of Proconsul. (Seec. 7. ) Sertorius may have assumed the title. ]

[Footnote 116: If Sertorius stayed at Rome till the younger Marius waselected Consul, as Plutarch states in the sixth chapter, he probablysaw what he is here represented as hearing. ]

[Footnote 117: This Annius, surnamed Luscus, served under Q. Metellusin the Jugurthine War B. C. 107. (Sallust, _Jug. War_, c. 77. ) Sullagave him the command in Spain with the title of Proconsul B. C. 81. Anextant medal seems to have been struck in honour of his Proconsulship. (Eckhel, _Doct. Num. Vet. _ v. 134. )]

[Footnote 118: This town, which the Romans called Nova Carthago, wasbuilt by the Carthaginians at the close of the first Punic War B. C. 235, and so long as they kept possession of Spain it was their chiefcity. Livius (26. C. 42), describes the situation of New Carthage, nowCartagena, and one of the best harbours in Spain. Its position on theS. E. Coast is favourable for communication with Africa. ]

[Footnote 119: The maritime towns of Cilicia were for a long time theresort of a bold set of seamen and adventurers who scoured theMediterranean and were as formidable to the people of Italy as theBarbary Corsairs were in the middle ages. It was one of the greatmerits of Cn. Pompeius Magnus that he cleared the seas of thesescoundrels. See Lucullus, c. 37. ]

[Footnote 120: The two islands of Yviça or Ibiça and Formentera, whichbelong to the Balearic group, were sometimes comprehended under thename of the Pityussæ or the Pine Islands (Strabo, 167, ed. Casaub. ). The Greeks and Romans called Yviça, Ebusus. Iviça is hilly, and thehigh tracts are well covered with pine and fir. ]

[Footnote 121: This is the old name of the Straits of Gibraltar, whichis still retained in the modern form Cadiz. Gadeira, which the Romanscalled Gades, was an old Phœnician town, on the island of Leon, whereCadiz now stands. Strabo (p. 168, ed. Casaub. ) says that Gades in histime (the beginning of the reign of Tiberius) was not inferior inpopulation to any city except Rome, and was a place of great trade, asit is now. ]

[Footnote 122: This river, now the Guadalquivir, gave the name ofBætica to one of the three provinces into which the Spanish Peninsulawas ultimately divided by the Romans for the purposes ofadministration. ]

[Footnote 123: This was the name for so much of the ocean that washesthe west coast of Europe and Africa as the Greeks and Romans wereacquainted with. The Greeks and Romans had no name for theMediterranean. ]

[Footnote 124: The only islands in the Atlantic that correspond tothis description are Madeira and Porto Santo, but Porto Santo is fortymiles north-east of Madeira. The distance of Madeira from the coast ofAfrica is about 400 miles or about 4000 stadia. The climate of Madeirais very temperate: the thermometer seldom sinks below 60°, though itsometimes rises as high as 90° of Fahrenheit. On the high andmountainous parts there are heavy dews, and rain falls at all seasons. Owing to the variety of surface and elevation the island produces bothtropical products and those of temperate countries. The fame of thishappy region had spread to all parts of the ancient world, though wecannot safely conclude that the islands were known by report to Homer. Horace in his 16th _Epode_ is probably alluding to these islands whenhe is speaking of the Civil Wars and of flying from their horrors inthose beautiful lines:

 Nos manet Oceanus circumvagus; arva beata Petamus arva divites et insulas, &c. 

]

[Footnote 125: The passage is in the fourth book of the 'Odyssey, ' v. 563, and is quoted by Strabo (p. 31):

 And there in sooth man's life is easiest; Nor snow, nor raging storm, nor rain is there, But ever gently breathing gales of zephyr Oceanus sends up. 

Strabo in another passage expresses an opinion that the Elysian fieldswere in the southern parts of Spain. That would at least be a goodplace for them. ]

[Footnote 126: This region is the Mauritania of the Roman Geographers, the modern Marocco, and the town of Tigennis is the Roman Tingis, themodern Tangier, which is on the Atlantic coast of Africa, south-south-east of Gades. The circumstance of Tingis being attackedshows that the African campaign of Sertorius was in the north-westernpart of Marocco. Strabo mentions Tinga (p. 825). See also Plin. _H. N. _v. 1. ]

[Footnote 127: The story of this giant is in the mythographers. Tumuliare found in many parts of the old and new world, and it seemsprobable that they were all memorials to the dead. The only surprisingthing in this story is the size of the body; which each man mayexplain in his own way. There are various records in antient writersof enormous bones being found. Those found at Tegea under a smithy, which were supposed to be the bones of Orestes, were seven cubits long(Herodotus, i. 68), little more than the ninth part of the dimensionsof Antæus: but Antæus was a giant and Orestes was not. See Strabo'sremarks on this story (p. 829). ]

[Footnote 128: See Life of Sulla, c. 17. I am not sure that I havegiven the right meaning of this passage. Plutarch may mean to say thathe has said so much on this matter in honour of Juba. ]

[Footnote 129: I have translated this passage literally and kept theword dæmon, which is the best way of enabling the reader to judge ofthe meaning; of the text. If the word "dæmon" is here translated"fortune, " it may mislead. A like construction to the words [Greek: tôdaimoni summetabalein to êthos] τῶ δαιμόνι συμμεταβαλεῖν τὸ ἧθοςoccurs in the Life of Lucullus, c. 39. The meaning of the wholepassage must be considered with reference to the sense of dæmon, whichis explained in the notes of the Life of Sulla, c. 6. ]

[Footnote 130: The Lusitani occupied a part of the modern kingdom ofPortugal. ]

[Footnote 131: This story of the deer is told by Frontinus(_Stratagem, _ i. 11, 13), and by Gellius (xv. 22). ]

[Footnote 132: He was of the Aurelia Gens. ]

[Footnote 133: Is a small town on the coast, east of the mouth of theBætis (Guadalquivir) and near the Straits of Gibraltar. The channelmust be the Straits of Gibraltar. ]

[Footnote 134: This is undoubtedly the right name, though it iscorrupted in the MSS. See the various readings in Sintenis, and_Sulla_ (c. 31), to which he refers. However, the corrupt readings ofsome MSS. Clearly show what the true reading is. ]

[Footnote 135: Sintenis reads Domitius Calvisius. But it should beCalvinus: Calvinus was a cognomen of the Domitii. (See Livius, _Epitome_, lib. 90. ) The person who is meant is L. DomitiusAhenobarbus. He fell in this battle on the Guadiana, where he wasdefeated by Hirtuleius. (Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Ahenobarbi, 19. )]

[Footnote 136: That is the province which the Romans calledTarraconensis, from the town of Tarraco, Tarragona. The Tarraconensiswas the north-eastern part of the Spanish peninsula. The true name ofThoranius is Thorius. ]

[Footnote 137: This was Q. Metellus Pius, the son of Numidicus, whowas banished through the artifices of C. Marius. (Life of Marius, c. 7, &c. ) He was Proconsul in Spain from B. C. 78 to 72, and was sentthere in consequence of the success of Sertorius against Cotta andFufidius. ]

[Footnote 138: Some critics read Lucius Lollius. See the variousreadings in Sintenis: his name was L. Manilius. ]

[Footnote 139: I should rather have translated it "Gaul about Narbo. "Plutarch means the Roman Province in Gaul, which was calledNarbonensis, from the town of Narbo Martius. ]

[Footnote 140: Commonly called Pompey the Great, whose name occurs inthe Lives of Sulla, Lucullus, and Crassus. Plutarch has written hisLife at length. ]

[Footnote 141: Probably the philosopher and pupil of Aristotle. ]

[Footnote 142: Some writers would connect this name of a people withLangobriga, the name of a place. There were two places of the name, itis said, and one is placed near the mouth of the Douro. It is uselessto attempt to fix the position of the Langobritæ from what Plutarchhas said. ]

[Footnote 143: Or Aquinus or Aquilius. Cornelius Aquinus was hisname. ]

[Footnote 144: Osca was a town in the north-east of Spain, probablyHuesca in Aragon. Mannert observes that this school must have greatlycontributed to fix the Latin language in Spain. Spain however alreadycontained Roman settlers, and at a later period it contained numerousRoman colonies: in fact the Peninsula was completely Romanized, ofwhich the Spanish language and the establishment of the Roman Law inSpain are the still existing evidence. The short-lived school ofSertorius could not have done much towards fixing the Latin languagein Spain. ]

[Footnote 145: The Bulla was of a round form. See the copy of one fromthe British Museum in Smith's 'Dict. Of Greek and Roman Antiquities. 'Kaltwasser refers to Plutarch's Life of Romulus, c. 20, and his 'RomanQuestions, ' Part 3, in which he explains what the Bulla is. ]

[Footnote 146: The Greek word [Greek: kataspeisis] κατάσπεισιςsignifies a "pouring out. " Kaltwasser refers to a passage in Cæsar's'Gallic War, ' iii. 22, in which he speaks of the "devoted" (devoti), whom the Aquitani called Soldurii. As the Aquitani bordered on thePyrenees, it is not surprising that the like usage prevailed amongthem and the Iberians. ]

[Footnote 147: The orthography is Perperna, as is proved byinscriptions. M. Perperna, the grandfather of this Perperna, wasconsul B. C. 130. (see Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 20, Notes. ) The son ofM. Perperna also was consul B. C. 92: he did not die till B. C. 49, andconsequently survived his son, this Perperna of Plutarch. PerpernaVento had been prætor. He associated himself with Lepidus after thedeath of Sulla, and was like M. Lepidus driven from Rome (Life ofSulla, c. 34, Notes). ]

[Footnote 148: This is the Ebro, which the Romans called Iberus, thelarge river which flows in a south-east direction and enters theMediterranean. 

It seems that Plutarch here means the nations between the Ebro and thePyrenees, or the modern Aragon, Navarre, and Catalonia. ]

[Footnote 149: The story is told by Frontinus, _Stratagemata_, i. 10, as Kaltwasser observes, and again, in iv. 7, in the very same words. It has been often remarked that Horatius probably alludes to thisstory (ii. _Epist. _ I, 45). ]

[Footnote 150: The Tagonius is either the Tagus (Tajo), or a branch ofthat large river, on the banks of which the Carpetani are placed bygeographers, who also mark Caraca, a position on the Henares, a branchof the Tagus. If Caraca represents the country of the Charicatani, theTagonius is the Nares or Henares, on which stood Complutum, the modernAlcalá de Henarea. But all this is merely conjecture. ]

[Footnote 151: Lauron is placed near the coast, and near the outlet ofthe Sucro river, the modern Xucar. There was also a town Sucro nearthe mouth of the Sucro. Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 109) says that whenthe city was captured, a soldier attempted violence on a woman([Greek: para phusin] παρὰ φύσιν), who tore out his eyes with herfingers. Sertorius, who knew that the whole cohort was addicted toinfamous practices, put them all to death though they were Romans. Frontinus (_Stratagem. _ ii. 5) has a long account of this affair atLauron, for which he quotes Livius, who says that Pompeius lost tenthousand men and all his baggage. 

Pompeius began his Spanish campaign B. C. 76. ]

[Footnote 152: These names are very uncertain in Plutarch. Tuttia maybe the Turia, now the Guadalaviar, the river of Valencia, the outletof which is about twenty-five miles north of the outlet of the Sucro. Other readings are Duria and Dusia (see the notes of Sintenis). Ifthese rivers are properly identified, this campaign was carried on inthe plains of the kingdom of Valencia. Tutia is mentioned by Florus(iii. 22) as one of the Spanish towns which surrendered to Pompeiusafter the death of Sertorius and Perperna. 

Kaltwasser refers to Frontinus, who speaks of one Hirtuleius, orHerculeius in some editions, as a general of Sertorius who wasdefeated by Metellus (_Stratagem_, ii. 1). In another passage (ii. 7)Frontinus states that Sertorius during a battle being informed by anative that Hirtuleius hod fallen, stabbed the man that he might notcarry the news to others, and so dispirit his soldiers. Plutarch (Lifeof Pompeius c. 18) states that Pompeius defeated Herennius andPerperna near Valentia, and killed above ten thousand of their men. This is apparently the same battle that Plutarch is here speaking of. ]

[Footnote 153: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 19; and Appian (_CivilWars_, i. 110), who states that the battle took place near the town ofSuero (which would be the more correct translation of the text ofPlutarch), and that the wing which Perperna commanded was defeated byMetellus. ]

[Footnote 154: This L. Afranius is the man whom Cicero calls "Aulifilius" (_Ad Attic, _ i. 16), by which he meant that he was of obscureorigin. He was consul with Q. Metellus Celer B. C. 60. Afranius andPetreius commanded for Pompeius in Spain B. C. 49, but C. Julius Cæsarcompelled them to surrender, and pardoned them on the condition thatthey should not again serve against him. Afranius broke his promiseand again joined Pompeius. He was in the battle of Thapsus in AfricaB. C. 46, and after the defeat he attempted to escape into Mauritania, but was caught and given up to Cæsar, and shortly afterwards put todeath by the soldiers. ]

[Footnote 155: Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 110) has the same story aboutthe dear being found. ]

[Footnote 156: Seguntum, or Saguntia, as it is written in Appian (i. 110). It is not certain what place is meant. Some critics would read"in the plains of the Saguntini, " by which might be meant theneighbourhood of Saguntum, a town on the east coast between the mouthsof the Ebro and the Xucar, which was taken by Hannibal in the secondPunic War (Liv. 21, c. 15). The maps place a Segontia on the Tagonius, another on the Salo (Xalon), a branch of the Ebro, and a Saguntia inthe country of the Vaccæi on the northern branch of the Douro. Pompeius in his letter to the Senate speaks of the capture of the campof Sertorius near Sucro, his defeat on the Durius, and the capture ofValentia. If the Durius be the Douro, this Segontia may be one of thetowns called Segontia in the north-west of Spain. But the Durius maybe the Turia, the river of Valentia, and Segontia may be Saguntum. Thefact of Pompeius wintering among the Vaccæi is perhaps in favour of anorth-west Segontia; but still I think that Saguntum was thebattle-field. This battle is mentioned by Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 110), who says that Pompeius lost six thousand men, but that Metellusdefeated Perperua, who lost about five thousand men. ]

[Footnote 157: The Vaccæi occupied part of the country immediatelynorth of the Durius (Douro); but the limits cannot be accuratelydefined. ]

[Footnote 158: Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 5, and the Life ofCrassus, c. 11. The letter of Pompeius to the Senate is in the thirdbook of the Fragments of the Roman History of Sallustius. The letterconcludes with the following words, which Plutarch had apparentlyread: "Ego non rem familiarem modo, verum etiam fidem consumpsi. Reliqui vos estis, qui nisi subvenitis, invito et praedicente me, exercitus hinc et cum eo omne bellum Hispaniae in Italiamtransgredientur. "]

[Footnote 159: This appears to be the event which is described in thefragment of the Second Book of the History of Sallustius, which ispreserved by Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, ii. 9, in the chapter "DeLuxu. "]

[Footnote 160: Compare the Life of Sulla, c. 11. ]

[Footnote 161: See the Life of Sulla, c. 24. ]

[Footnote 162: Kaltwasser quotes Reiske, who observes that Plutarch, who wrote under the Empire, expresses himself after the fashion of hisage, when the Roman Cæsars lived on the Palatine. ]

[Footnote 163: The treaty with Mithridates was made B. C. 75. ThisMarius is mentioned in the Life of Lucullus, c. 8. Appian(_Mithridatic War_, c. 68) calls him Marcus Varius, and also statesthat Sertorius agreed to give Mithridates, Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, and Galatia. In the matter of Asia thenarratives of Plutarch and Appian are directly opposed to oneanother. ]

[Footnote 164: This may be literally rendered "Marcus Marius togetherwith whom Mithridates having captured some of the Asiatic cities;"Kaltwasser renders it, "in connection with him (Marcus Marius)Mithrdates conquered some towns in Asia. " But the context shows thatMarcus Marius was to be considered the principal, and that the townswere not conquered in order to be given to Mithridates. ]

[Footnote 165: Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 20. ]

[Footnote 166: Appian (_Civil Wars_, i. 112) does not mention thismassacre of the Iberian boys; but he states that Sertorius had becomeodious to the Romans whom he now distrusted, and that he employedIberians instead of the Romans as his body-guard. He also adds thatthe character of Sertorius was changed, that he gave himself up towine and women, and was continually sustaining defeats. Thesecircumstances and fear for his own life, according to Appian, ledPerperna to conspire against Sertorius (i. 113). ]

[Footnote 167: Perhaps Octavius Gracimus, as the name appears inFrontinus (_Stratagem. _ ii. 5, 31). ]

[Footnote 168: [Greek: tê bradutêti tês lalias. ] τῆ βραδυτῆτι τῆςλαλιᾶς The meaning of these words may be doubtful; but what I havegiven is perhaps consistent with the Greek and with the circumstances. There was some hesitation about beginning the attack, and the flaggingof the conversation was a natural consequence. 

Sertorius was murdered B. C. 72, in the consulship of L. GelliusPublicola and Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus, in the eighth year ofhis command in Spain. (Livius, _Epitom. _ 96. ) Accordingly this placesthe commencement of his command in B. C. 80; but he went to Spain inB. C. 82, or at the end of B. C. 83. See Notes on c. 6. Appian (_CivilWars_, i. 114) states that when the will of Sertorius was opened itwas discovered that he had placed Perperna among his heredes, acircumstance which throws doubt on the assertion of Appian thatPerperna was afraid that Sertorius intended to take his life. Appianadds that when this was known, it created great enmity againstPerperna among his followers. 

Plutarch's estimate of Sertorius may be a favourable one; yet he doesnot omit to mention that act of his life which was most blamable, themassacre of the youths at Osca. From the slight indications inFrontinus, who found some material for his work on Military Stratagemsin the campaigns of Sertorius, and from other passages, we may collectthat, however mild the temper of Sertorius was, circumstances mustoften have compelled him to acts of severity and even cruelty. Thedifficulties of his position can only be estimated when we reflect onthe nature of a campaign in many parts of Spain and the kind ofsoldiers he had under him. Promptitude and decision were among hischaracteristics; and in such a warfare promptitude and decision cannotbe exercised at the time when alone they are of any use, if a man isswayed by any other considerations than those of prudence andnecessity in the hour of danger. A general who could stab one of hisown men in the heat of battle, to prevent him dispiriting the army bynews of a loss, proved that his judgment was as clear as hisdetermination was resolved. 

Plutarch's narrative is of no value as a campaign, and his apologymust be that he was not writing a campaign, but delineating a man'scharacter. Drumann _Geschichte Roms_, Pompeius, p. 350, &c. ) hasattempted to give a connected history of this campaign againstSertorius, and he has probably done it as well as it can be done withsuch materials as we possess. The map of Antient Spain and Portugalpublished by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, willbe useful for reading the sketch in Drumann. Plutarch had no good map, and, as already observed, he was not writing a campaign. Some modernhistorical writers, who have maps, seem to have made very little useof them; and their narrative of military transactions is often usconfused as Plutarch's. 

The nature of Guerilla warfare in Spain may be learned from thehistory of the Peninsular War. The difficulties of a campaign inNavarre and the Basque provinces are well shown in the campaigns ofZumalacarregui, the Carlist chief, a modern Sertorius, whoseextraordinary career was cut short by a chance ball before the wallsof Bilbao, in 1835. (Henningsen, _The most striking Events of aTwelve-month's Campaign with Zumalacarregui_, London, 1836. )]

[Footnote 169: Metellus marched to another part of Spain, and leftPompeius to deal with Perperna. According to Appian's narrative thedecisive action between Pompeius and Perperna took place "on the tenthday, " probably the tenth from the death of Sertorius. Pompeius wouldnot see Perperna after he was taken, and prudently put him to death. "The death of Sertorius, " says Appian, "was the end of the Spanishwar, and it is probable that if Sertorius had lived, it would not havebeen terminated so soon, or so easily. "]

LIFE OF EUMENES. 

I. The historian Douris tells us that the father of Eumenes of Kardiawas so poor that he was obliged to act as a waggoner; yet he gave hisson a liberal education both in mental and bodily exercises. WhileEumenes was yet a lad, Philip, King of Macedon, happened to come tothe city of Kardia, where he amused his leisure time by witnessing thegymnastic exercises of the young men. Perceiving that Eumenes was oneof the most athletic, and that he was a manly and clever boy, Philiptook him away and attached him to his own person. A more probablestory is that Philip gave the boy this advancement out of regard forhis father, whose friend and guest he was. After the death of Philip, Eumenes continued in the service of his son Alexander, and was thoughtto be as wise and as faithful as any of that prince's servants. Hisposition was nominally that of chief secretary, but he was treatedwith as much honour and respect as the king's most intimate friends, and was entrusted with an independent command during the Indiancampaign. On the death of Hephæstion, Perdikkas was appointed tosucceed him, and Eumenes was given the post of commander of thecavalry, vacated by Perdikkas. Upon this Neoptolemus, the chief of themen-at-arms, sneered at Eumenes, saying that he himself bore a spearand shield in Alexander's service, but that Eumenes bore a pen andwriting-tablets. However the Macedonian chiefs laughed him to scorn, as they well knew the worth of Eumenes, and that he was so highlyesteemed that Alexander himself had done him the honour to make himhis kinsman by marriage. He bestowed upon him Barsine, the sister ofthat daughter of Artabazus by whom he himself had a son namedHerakles, and gave her other sister Apame to Ptolemæus at the timewhen he distributed the other Persian ladies among his followers. 

II. Eumenes however was often in danger of incurring the displeasureof Alexander, because of his favourite Hephæstion. On one occasion ahouse was assigned to Evion, Hephæstion's flute-player, which theservants of Eumenes had previously claimed for their master's lodging. Hearing this, Eumenes went to Alexander in a rage, and complained thatit was better to be a flute-player than a soldier. At first Alexanderagreed with him, and blamed Hephæstion for his conduct. But afterwardshe changed his mind, and attributed what Eumenes had done to a desireto insult himself, rather than to vindicate his rights againstHephæstion. At another time, when Alexander was about to despatchNearchus with a fleet to explore the Atlantic, he asked his friends tosubscribe some money, as he had none in his treasury. The sum forwhich Eumenes was asked was three hundred talents, of which he onlypaid one hundred, and said that he had had great difficulty incollecting even that amount. Alexander did not reproach him, nor takethe money from him; but he ordered his slaves secretly to set the tentof Eumenes on fire, hoping when his property was brought out of it toprove him to have lied in saying that he possessed so little money. However the tent burned quicker than was expected, and Alexander wassorry that he had destroyed all the papers and writings which itcontained. There was found in the ruins more than a thousand talents'worth of gold and silver, melted by the heat of the fire. Of thisAlexander refused to take any, but sent orders to all the officers ofhis kingdom to replace the accounts and writings which had beendestroyed. Once again too he quarrelled with Hephæstion about somepresent to which each laid claim. They each abused the other roundly, but Eumenes came off the victor. Shortly afterwards, however, Hephæstion died, to the great grief of Alexander, who was enraged withall those who had disliked Hephæstion when alive, and were pleased athis death. He regarded Eumenes with especial hatred, and frequentlyreferred to his quarrels with Hephæstion. Eumenes, however, being ashrewd man, determined that what seemed likely to become his ruinshould prove his salvation. He won Alexander's favour by inventing newand extravagant modes of showing honour to his friend, and spent moneyprofusely in providing him with a splendid funeral. 

III. When Alexander himself died, and the Macedonian army quarrelledwith its chiefs, he in reality espoused the cause of the latter, although he declared that he belonged to neither party, modestlyobserving that it was not for him, a stranger, to interfere in thequarrels of Macedonians with one another. In the general division ofAlexander's conquests which then took place, Eumenes obtainedCappadocia, Paphlagonia, and the coast of the Euxine sea as far asTrapezus. [170] This country was not yet conquered by the Macedonians, but was ruled by Ariarathes, and Leonnatus and Antigonus wererequested by Perdikkas to come with a large army to put Eumenes inpossession of his principality. Antigonus took no heed of thiscommand, as he was already revolving immense schemes of conquest, andbeginning to despise his colleagues. Leonnatus, however, did begin tomarch an army towards Phrygia, intending to help Eumenes, but on theway he was met by Hekatæus the despot of Kardia, who besought him toassist the Macedonians under Antipater, who were being besieged in thecity of Lamia. Leonnatus on hearing this became eager to cross hisarmy over the straits into Europe; and consequently he sent forEumenes and reconciled him with Hekatæus. These two men had alwaysbeen at enmity with one another on political grounds. Eumenes hadoften endeavoured to use his influence with Alexander to crushHekatæus, and restore liberty to the oppressed citizens of Kardia, andnever ceased accusing him of tyranny and injustice. On this occasionEumenes refused to take part in the expedition into Europe, statingthat he feared Antipater, who had always been his enemy, and who wouldbe very likely to assassinate him to please Hekatæus. In answer tothese objections Leonnatus unfolded to him his secret plans. His marchto relieve Antipater was merely intended as a pretence to cover hisreal object, which was to attempt to make himself master ofMacedonia. He also showed Eumenes several letters which he hadreceived from Pella, in which Kleopatra offered to marry him if hewould march thither. However Eumenes, either because he fearedAntipater, or because he thought Leonnatus to be embarked upon a rashand crazy enterprise, left him by night, taking with him all hisproperty. He was attended by three hundred horsemen, and two hundredarmed slaves, and had with him treasure to the amount of five thousandtalents. He fled at once to Perdikkas, and betrayed all Leonnatus'splans to him, by which treachery he gained great favour withPerdikkas, and soon afterwards was established in his government ofCappadocia by an army led by Perdikkas himself. Ariarathes was takenprisoner, the country subdued and Eumenes proclaimed satrap over it. He distributed the government of the various cities amongst hisfriends, established garrisons, courts of justice, and receivers ofrevenue, as an absolute ruler, without any interference fromPerdikkas. But when Perdikkas left the country Eumenes followed him, as he did not wish to be away from the court of that prince. 

IV. However, Perdikkas considered that he was well able to carry outhis own designs abroad, but required an active and faithful lieutenantto guard what he already possessed at home. Consequently when hereached Cilicia he sent Eumenes back, nominally to his own government, but really to observe Armenia where Neoptolemus was endeavouring toraise a revolt. Eumenes had frequent interviews with this man, who wasof a flighty and vainglorious character, and tried to restrain himfrom any act of open rebellion. Perceiving also that the Macedonianphalanx was grown very strong, and gave itself most insolent airs, hedetermined to raise up some counterpoise to it, in the shape of aforce of cavalry. 

He set free from all taxes and state payments whatever those men ofhis province who were able to serve as horse soldiers, and bestowedfine horses, purchased by himself, upon their officers and those whomhe especially trusted. He divided them into regiments, frequentlybestowed upon them honours and rewards, and constantly exercised themin the performance of military manœuvres. Some of the Macedonianswere alarmed, but others were delighted to see in how short a time hehad raised a force of no less than six thousand three hundred cavalrysoldiers. 

V. When Kraterus and Antipater, having made themselves masters ofGreece, crossed over into Asia to destroy the kingdom of Perdikkas, and were about to invade Cappadocia, Eumenes was appointed byPerdikkas, who was absent on a campaign against Ptolemy, to becommander-in-chief of the forces in Cappadocia and Armenia. He alsosent letters, ordering Neoptolemus and Alketas to place themselvesunder the orders of Eumenes. Alketas at once refused to serve underhim, alleging that the Macedonian troops which he commanded would beashamed to fight against Antipater, and were willing to receiveKraterus as their king. Neoptolemus also no longer concealed thetreachery which he had so long meditated, and when summoned by Eumenesto join him, answered by drawing up his men in order of battle. Nowdid Eumenes reap the fruits of his prudence and foresight; for thoughhis infantry was vanquished, yet his cavalry completely overthrewNeoptolemus, and captured all his baggage. He also caught the phalanxof the enemy when disordered by its victory, and forced it tosurrender at discretion, and swear allegiance to himself. Neoptolemusfled with a few followers and joined Kraterus and Antipater, by whoman embassy had been sent to Eumenes to offer him the peacefulenjoyment of his government if he would join them, and likewise alarge accession of territory and force, on condition that he wouldcease to regard Antipater with dislike and would not become an enemyto his friend Kraterus. To these overtures Eumenes answered that hehad long hated Antipater, and was not likely to begin to love him now, when he saw him making war against his own friends, but that he waswilling to act as mediator between Kraterus and Perdikkas, if theywished to arrange a fair and honourable peace. He declared that aslong as he had breath in his body he would resist all unjust schemesof spoliation, and would rather lose his life than betray theconfidence bestowed upon him by Perdikkas. 

VI. When Eumenes returned this answer to Antipater, he wasdeliberating what was the next step to take, when suddenly Neoptolemusarrived bringing the news of his defeat, and begging for immediateassistance. He wished one of the chiefs to accompany him, butespecially Kraterus, declaring that he was so popular with theMacedonians that if they so much as caught sight of his broad-brimmedMacedonian hat, and heard his voice, they would go over to him in abody. Indeed the name of Kraterus had great influence with theMacedonians, and he was their favourite general now that Alexander wasdead, for they remembered how steadfast a friend Kraterus had provedto them, and how he had often incurred the anger of Alexander byopposing his adoption of Persian habits, and standing by hiscountrymen when they were in danger of being neglected and despised bya corrupt and effeminate court. Kraterus accordingly sent Antipaterinto Cilicia, and himself with the greater part of the army marchedwith Neoptolemus to fight Eumenes, whom he imagined he should catchunawares, engaged in feasting and celebrating his late victory. It didnot argue any very great skill in Eumenes, that he soon became awareof the march of Kraterus to attack him; but to conceal his own weakpoints, not only from the enemy, but also from his own troops, andactually to force them to attack Kraterus without knowing against whomthey fought, appears to me to have been the act of a consummategeneral. He gave out that Neoptolemus and Pigres were about to attackhim a second time, with some Cappadocian and Paphlagonian cavalry. Onthe night when he intended to start he fell asleep and dreamed astrange dream. He seemed to see two Alexanders, each at the head of aphalanx, preparing to fight one another. Then Athena came to help theone, and Demeter the other. After a hard fight, that championed byAthena was overcome, and then Demeter gathered ears of corn, andcrowned the victorious phalanx with them. He at once conceived thatthis dream referred to himself because he was about to fight for amost fertile land and one that abounded in corn; for at that time thewhole country was sown with wheat, as if it were time of peace, andthe fields promised an abundant harvest. He was confirmed in his ideaof the meaning of his dream when he heard that the watchword of theenemy was 'Athena, ' with the countersign 'Alexander. ' Hearing this, hehimself gave the word 'Demeter, ' with the countersign 'Alexander, ' andordered all his soldiers to crown themselves and adorn their arms withears of wheat. He was often tempted to explain to his officers who itwas against whom they were about to fight; but in spite of theinconvenience of such a secret, he decided finally to keep it tohimself. 

VII. He was careful not to send any Macedonians to attack Kraterus, but entrusted this duty to two divisions of cavalry, which he placedunder the command respectively of Pharnabazus the son of Artabazus andPhœnix of Tenedos. These he ordered, as soon as they saw the enemy, tocharge at full speed, and not to give them time for any parley, or tosend a herald; for he was grievously afraid that if the Macedoniansrecognized Kraterus they would desert to him. He himself formed threehundred of the best of his cavalry into a compact mass with which heproceeded towards the right, to engage the detachment underNeoptolemus. The main body, as soon as it had passed a small hill, came in sight of the enemy and at once charged at full gallop. Kraterus at this broke out into violent abuse of Neoptolemus, sayingthat he had been deceived by him about the Macedonians who were tohave deserted. However, he called upon those about him to quit themlike men, and advanced to meet the horsemen. 

The shock was terrible. Their spears were soon broken, and the fightwas continued with swords. Kraterus proved no unworthy successor ofAlexander, for he slew many and often rallied his troops, until aThracian rode at him sideways and struck him from his horse. No onerecognized him as he lay on the ground except Gorgias, one of thegenerals of Eumenes, who at once dismounted and kept guard over him, although he was grievously hurt and almost in the death-agony. 

Meanwhile Eumenes encountered Neoptolemus. Each had a long-standinggrudge against the other; but it chanced that in the first two chargeswhich took place they did not see one another. The third time theyrecognized one another, and at once drew their daggers and rodetogether with loud shouts of defiance. With their reins flowing loosethey drove their horses against one another like two triremes, andeach clutched at the other as he passed, so that each tore the helmetfrom the other's head, and burst the fastenings of the corslet uponhis shoulder. Both fell from their horses, and wrestled together indeadly strife on the ground. As Neoptolemus strove to rise, Eumenesstruck him behind the knee, and leaped upon his own feet, butNeoptolemus rested upon his other knee, and continued the fight untilhe received a mortal stab in the neck. Eumenes through the mortal hatewhich he bore him at once fell to stripping him of his armour andabusing him, forgetting that he was still alive. He received a slightstab in the groin, but the wound frightened Eumenes more than it hurthim, as the hand that dealt it was almost powerless. Yet when Eumeneshad finished despoiling the corpse he found that he was severely cutabout the arms and thighs, in spite of which he remounted his horse, and rode to the other side of the battle-field, where he thought theenemy might still be offering resistance. Here he heard of the deathof Kraterus, and rode up to where he lay. Finding that he was stillalive and conscious, Eumenes dismounted, and with tears andprotestations of friendship cursed Neoptolemus and lamented his hardfate, which had forced him either to kill his old friend and comradeor to perish at his hands. 

VIII. This victory was won by Eumenes about ten days after his formerone. He gained great glory from this double achievement, as heappeared to have won one battle by courage and the other bygeneralship. Yet he was bitterly disliked and hated both by his ownmen and by the enemy, because he, a stranger and a foreigner, hadvanquished the most renowned of the Macedonians in fair fight. Now ifPerdikkas had lived to hear of the death of Kraterus, he would havebeen the chief Macedonian of the age; but the news of his deathreached the camp of Perdikkas two days after that prince had fallen ina skirmish with the Egyptians, and the enraged Macedonian soldieryvowed vengeance against Eumenes. Antigonus and Antipater at oncedeclared war against him: and when they heard that Eumenes, passing byMount Ida where the king[171] used to keep a breed of horses, took asmany as he required and sent an account of his doing so to the Mastersof the Horse, Antipater is said to have laughed and declared that headmired the wariness of Eumenes, who seemed to expect that he would becalled upon to give an account of what he had done with the king'sproperty. Eumenes had intended to fight a battle on the plains ofLydia near Sardis, because his chief strength lay in his cavalry, andalso to let Kleopatra[172] see how powerful he was; but at herparticular request, for she was afraid to give umbrage to Antipater, he marched into Upper Phrygia, and passed the winter in the city ofKelainæ. While here, Alketas, Polemon, and Dokimus caballed againsthim, claiming the supreme command for themselves. Hereupon Eumenesquoted the proverb, "No one reflects that he who rules must die. "

He now promised his soldiers that in three days he would give themtheir pay, and accomplished this by selling the various fortifiedvillages and castles in the neighbourhood to them, all of which werefull of human beings to sell for slaves, and of cattle. The officerswho bought these places from Eumenes were supplied by him withsiege-artillery to take them, and the proceeds of the plunder were setoff against the arrears of pay due to the soldiers. This proceedingmade Eumenes very popular with his army, indeed, when a proclamationwas distributed in his camp by contrivance of the enemy, in which areward of a hundred talents and special honours were offered to theman who would kill Eumenes, the Macedonians were greatly enraged, anddetermined that a body-guard of one thousand men, of the best familiesin Macedonia, should watch over his safety day and night. The soldiersobeyed him with alacrity and were proud to receive from his hands thesame marks of favour which kings are wont to bestow upon theirfavourites. Eumenes even took upon himself to give away purple hatsand cloaks, which is accounted the most royal present of all by theMacedonians. 

IX. Success exalts even mean minds, and men always appear to have acertain dignity when in high station and power; but the truly greatman proves his greatness more by the way in which he bears up againstmisfortunes and endures evil days, as did Eumenes. He was defeated byAntigonus in Southern Cappadocia by treachery, but when forced toretreat he did not allow the traitor who had betrayed him to make goodhis escape to Antigonus, but took him and hanged him on the spot. Hemanaged to retreat by a different road to that on which the enemy werepursuing, and then suddenly turning about, encamped on thebattle-field of the day before. Here he collected the dead bodies, burned them with the timber of the houses in the neighbouringvillages, and raised separate barrows over the remains of the officersand the men--monuments of his hardihood and presence of mind whichexcited the admiration of Antigonus himself when he again passed thatway. The two armies were still sometimes so near each other, thatEumenes once had an opportunity of making himself master of the wholeof the enemy's baggage, which would have enriched his troops with animmense booty. He feared that the possession of such wealth wouldrender them eager to quit his toilsome and perilous service, and sentsecret warning under the pretext of private friendship to Menander, the general who had been left in charge of the baggage, and enabledhim to withdraw into an unassailable position. This seemingly generousaction excited the gratitude of the Macedonians, whose wives andchildren it had saved from slavery and dishonour, till Antigonuspointed out to them that Eumenes had spared them only that he mightnot encumber himself. [173] X. After this, Eumenes, who was beingconstantly pursued by a superior force, recommended the greater partof his men to return to their homes. This he did either because he wasanxious for their safety, or because he did not wish to drag aboutwith him a force which was too small to fight, and too large to movewith swiftness and secrecy. He himself took refuge in the impregnablefortress of Nora, on the borders of Cappadocia and Lycaonia, with fivehundred horse and two hundred foot soldiers, and dismissed from thencewith kind speeches and embraces, all of his friends who wished toleave the fortress, dismayed by the prospect of the drearyimprisonment which awaited them during a long siege in such a place. Antigonus when he arrived summoned Eumenes to a conference beforebeginning the siege, to which he answered, that Antigonus had manyfriends and officers, while he had none remaining with him, so thatunless Antigonus would give him hostages for his safety, he would nottrust himself with him. Upon this Antigonus bade him remember that hewas speaking to his superior. "While I can hold my sword, " retortedEumenes, "I acknowledge no man as my superior. " However, afterAntigonus had sent his cousin Ptolemæus into the fortress, as Eumeneshad demanded, he came down to meet Antigonus, whom he embraced in afriendly manner, as became men who had once been intimate friends andcomrades. They talked for a long time, and Eumenes astonished all theassembly by his courage and spirit; for he did not ask for his life, and for peace, as they expected, but demanded to be reinstated in hisgovernment, and to have all the grants which he had received fromPerdikkas restored to him. The Macedonians meanwhile flocked roundhim, eager to see what sort of man this Eumenes was, of whom they hadheard so much; for since the death of Kraterus no one had been talkedof so much as Eumenes in the Macedonian camp. Antigonus began to fearfor his safety; he ordered them to keep at a distance, and at lastthrowing his arms round the waist of Eumenes conducted him backthrough a passage formed by his guards to the foot of the fortress. 

XI. After this Antigonus invested the place with a double wall ofcircumvallation, left a force sufficient to guard it, and marchedaway. Eumenes was now closely besieged. There was plenty of water, corn, and salt in the fortress, but nothing else to eat or to drink. Yet he managed to render life cheerful, inviting all the garrison inturn to his own table, and entertaining his guests with agreeable andlively conversation. He himself was no sturdy warrior, worn with toiland hardships, but a figure of the most delicate symmetry, seeminglyin all the freshness of youth, with a gentle and engaging aspect. Hewas no orator, but yet was fascinating in conversation, as we maypartly learn from his letters. During this siege, as he perceived thatthe men, cooped up in such narrow limits and eating their food withoutexercise, would lose health, and also that the horses would losecondition if they never used their limbs, while it was most importantthat, if they were required for a sudden emergency, they should beable to gallop, he arranged the largest room in the fort, fourteencubits in length, as a place of exercise for the men, and ordered themto walk there, gradually quickening their pace, so as to combineexercise with amusement. For the horses, he caused their necks to behoisted by pulleys fastened in the roof of their stable, until theirfore feet barely touched the ground. In this uneasy position they wereexcited by their grooms with blows and shouts until the struggleproduced the effect of a hard ride, as they sprung about and stoodalmost erect upon their hind legs till the sweat poured off them, sothat this exercise proved no bad training either for strength orspeed. They were fed with bruised barley, as being more quickly andeasily digested. 

XII. After this siege had lasted for some time, Antigonus learned thatAntipater had died in Macedonia, and that Kassander and Polysperchonwere fighting for his inheritance. He now conceived great hopes ofgaining the supreme power for himself, and desired to have Eumenes ashis friend and assistant in effecting this great design. He sentHieronymus of Kardia, a friend of Eumenes, to make terms with him. Hieronymus proffered a written agreement to Eumenes, which Eumenesamended, and thus appealed to the Macedonians who were besieging himto decide between the two forms, as to which was the most just. Antigonus for decency's sake had mentioned the names of the royalfamily of Macedonia in the beginning of his agreement, but at the endof it demanded that Eumenes should swear fealty to himself. Eumenescorrected this by inserting the names of Queen Olympias and all theroyal family, and then took a solemn oath of fealty, not to Antigonusalone, but to Olympias and all the royal house of Macedonia. This formwas thought more reasonable by the Macedonians, who swore Eumenesaccording to it, raised the siege, and sent to Antigonus that he alsomight swear in the same form as Eumenes. After this Eumenes deliveredup all the Cappadocian hostages in Nora, soon collected a force oflittle less than a thousand men, from his old soldiers who were stillroaming about that country, and rode off with them, as he very rightlydistrusted Antigonus, who as soon as he heard of what had happened, sent orders to the Macedonians to continue the siege, and bitterlyreproached them for allowing Eumenes to amend the form of oathtendered to him. 

XIII. While Eumenes was retreating he received letters from the partyin Macedonia opposed to Antigonus, in which Olympias begged him tocome and take the son of Alexander, whose life was threatened, underhis protection; while Polysperchon and Philip, the king, bade him takethe command of the army in Cappadocia and make war against Antigonus, empowering him out of the treasure at Quinda to take five hundredtalents, as compensation for his own losses, and to make what use hepleased of the remainder for the expenses of the war. He was alsoinformed that orders had been sent to Antigenes and Teutamus thecommanders of the Argyraspides, the celebrated Macedonian regimentwith the silver shields, to put him in possession of the treasurewhich they had brought from Susa, and to place themselves with theirtroops under his command. 

Antigenes and Teutamus, on receiving these orders, received Eumeneswith all outward manifestations of friendship, but were really full ofconcealed rage at being superseded by him. He, however, judiciouslyallayed their wrath by refusing to take the money, which he said hedid not need, while as they wore both unwilling to obey and unable tocommand, he called in the aid of superstition, and declared thatAlexander himself had appeared to him in a dream, as when alive, arrayed in the ensigns of royalty, seated in his tent, and despatchingaffairs of state, and he proposed that they should erect a magnificenttent, should place a golden throne in the centre, on which should belaid a diadem, sceptre and royal apparel, and that there they shouldtransact business as in the presence of the king. Antigenes andTeutamus willingly agreed to this proposal, which flattered theirself-love by seeming to place them on an equality with Eumenes. 

As they marched up the country they were met by Peukestas, a friend ofEumenes, and by several other satraps, or provincial governors, whocame accompanied by considerable bodies of troops, whose numbers andexcellent equipment and discipline gave great encouragement to theMacedonian soldiery. 

But these satraps, since the death of Alexander, had become dissolute, licentious, and effeminate princes, with all the vices of Easterndespots. They perpetually intrigued and quarrelled with one another, while they courted the Macedonians by profuse liberality, providingthem with magnificent banquets and unlimited wine, until they entirelyruined the discipline of their camp, and led them to meditate choosingtheir leaders by a popular vote, as is done in republican cities. Eumenes, perceiving that the satraps mistrusted one another, but thatthey all agreed in hating and fearing himself, and only wanted anopportunity for having him assassinated, pretended to be in want ofmoney, and borrowed large sums from those whom he chiefly suspected ofdesigns against his person, so that he secured the safety of hisperson by taking other men's money, an object which most people areglad to attain by giving their own. 

XIV. While the peace lasted, the Macedonian soldiery willinglylistened to the flattering promises of the satraps, each of whomwished to raise a force and make war upon the others; but whenAntigonus moved to attack them with a large army, and a real generalwas imperatively demanded to meet him, then not only the soldiersimplicitly obeyed Eumenes, but even those princes who during the peacehad affected such airs of independence lowered their tone and eachwithout a murmur proceeded to his appointed duty. When Antigonus wasendeavouring to cross the river Pasitigris, none of the confederatesexcept Eumenes perceived his design, but he boldly withstood him, andin a pitched battle slew many men, filled the stream with corpses, andtook four thousand prisoners. And also, when Eumenes fell sick, theMacedonians clearly proved that they knew that the others could givethem banquets and fair promises, but that he alone could lead them tovictory. 

When the army was in Persia, Peukestas magnificently entertained allthe soldiers, giving each man a victim for sacrifice, and thought thatby this liberality he had quite won their hearts; but a few daysafterwards, when they came into the presence of the enemy, Eumeneshappened to be ill, and was being carried in a litter apart from thenoise of the march in order to obtain rest. As the army gained thecrest of some low hills they suddenly saw the enemy's troops marchingdown into the plain below. As soon as they saw the head of the column, with its gilded arms flashing in the sun, and the elephants with theirtowers and purple trappings, ready for instant attack, the Macedonianshalted, grounded their arms, and refused to proceed until Eumenesshould put himself at their head, plainly telling their officers thatthey dared not risk a battle without him for their leader. Eumenes atonce came to the front at full speed in his litter, of which he causedthe curtains on both sides to be drawn back, while he waved his handto them in delight. They, in return, greeted him in the Macedonianfashion by shouts and the clash of their arms, and at once took uptheir shields and levelled their lances with a loud cry, challengingthe enemy to come and fight them, for they now had a general to leadthem on. 

XV. Antigonus, who had learned from prisoners that Eumenes was sickand travelling in a litter, imagined that it would not be difficult toovercome the others, and therefore hastened his march, hoping to bringon a battle while Eumenes was still unable to command. When, however, as he rode along the enemy's line he observed their admirable orderand arrangement, he hesitated to attack. At last he perceived thelitter proceeding from one wing to the other. Then, with a loud laugh, as was his habit when joking with his friends, he exclaimed, "It isthat litter, it seems, that is manœuvring against us. " Saying this, he at once withdrew his forces and encamped at some little distance. The army of Eumenes, however, soon afterwards, needing refreshment andrepose, forced their generals to place them in cantonments for thewinter in the district of Gabiene. These were so scattered, that thewhole army was spread over a distance of a thousand stades (or ahundred and twenty-five English miles). Antigonus, hearing this, marched suddenly to attack them by a very difficult road, on which nowater was to be found, but which nevertheless was very short anddirect. He hoped to fall upon the enemy while scattered in theirwinter quarters, and defeat them before their generals could rallythem into a compact mass. But as he marched through a desert regionhis army met with strong winds and bitter cold, so that the men wereforced to light large fires to warm themselves, and these gave noticeof their arrival to the enemy; for the natives who inhabited themountains near the line of Antigonus's march, when they saw thenumerous fires lighted by his troops, sent messengers on swift camelsto tell Peukestas what they had observed. He was much alarmed at thenews, and, noticing that the rest of the satraps shared his fears, proposed to retreat to the opposite extremity of the province, wherethey might at least reassemble a part of their force before the enemycame up. Eumenes, however, calmed their fears by promising that hewould stop the progress of Antigonus, and prevent his coming to attackthem until three days after they expected him. His counsels prevailed, and he at once despatched messengers to call the troops together outof their winter quarters, and collect all the available force, whilehe himself with the other generals rode to the front, and selecting aspot which was plainly visible to those crossing the desert, orderedfires to be lighted at intervals, as though an army were encampedalong the frontier awaiting the attack of Antigonus. The latter, observing the heights covered with watch-fires, was filled with rageand mortification, imagining that the enemy must long ago have knownhis plans. Fearing to fight with his wearied troops against men whowere fresh and had been living in comfort, he turned aside from thedesert, and refreshed his army among some neighbouring villages. When, however, he saw no enemy, or any signs of a hostile army beingnear, and learned from the natives that no troops had been seen bythem, but only a large number of fires, he perceived that he had beenout-manœuvred by Eumenes, and marched forward in anger, determined tosettle their disputes by a pitched battle. 

XVI. Meanwhile the greater part of the army of Eumenes had assembled, and, admiring his stratagem, declared that he alone was fit to betheir leader. This so vexed the officers in command of theArgyraspids, Antigenes, and Teutamus, that they determined to makeaway with him, and they held a council with most of the satraps andofficers of the army to determine how best they might rid themselvesof him. They all agreed that it would be wisest to make use of histalents in the approaching battle, and immediately after the battle toassassinate him. This result of their deliberations was at oncebetrayed to Eumenes by Eudamus, the officer in command of theelephants, and Phædimus, not from any love they bore to him, butthrough fear of losing the money which they had lent him. Eumenesthanked them for their kindness, and afterwards observed to the fewfriends whom he could trust, that he was living amongst a herd ofsavage beasts. He withdrew to his tent, made his will, and destroyedall his private papers, not wishing after his death to involve any onein danger. After having made these arrangements, he thought ofallowing the enemy to win the victory, or of escaping through Armeniaand Media into Cappadocia. He came to no decided resolution while hisfriends were present, but merely discussed the various chances whichpresented themselves to his versatile intellect, and then proceeded toarray his troops in order of battle, uttering words of encouragementto them all, whether Greek or barbarian, while he himself was receivedwith cheerful and confident shouts by the Argyraspids, who bade him beof good cheer, as the enemy never could abide their onset. These menwere the oldest of the soldiers of Philip and Alexander, and hadremained unconquered in battle up to that time, although many of themwere seventy and none of them were less than sixty years old. Theynow called out, as they moved to attack the troops of Antigonus, "Yeare fighting against your fathers, ye unnatural children. " Chargingwith fury, they broke down all opposition, for no one could standbefore them, though most of the enemy died where they stood. On thisside Antigonus was utterly defeated, but his cavalry were victorious;and through the base and unsoldierly conduct of Peukestas the whole ofthe baggage fell into his hands, by his own great presence of mind andthe nature of the ground. This was a vast plain, not dusty, and yetnot hard, but like a sea-beach, composed of a light loose sand, covered with a salt crust. Upon this the trampling of so many horsesand men soon raised a cloud of dust through which no object could beseen, as it whitened the whole air and dazzled the eyes. Through thisAntigonus dashed unnoticed, and made himself master of the baggage, together with the wives and children of the army of Eumenes. 

XVII. When the battle was over, Teutamus at once sent to offer termsfor the recovery of the baggage. As Antigonus promised that he woulddeliver everything up to the Argyraspids, and that their wives andchildren should be kindly treated, if Eumenes were placed in hishands, the Macedonians were treacherous and wicked enough to resolveto deliver him alive into the hands of his enemies. With this intentthey drew near to him, on various pretexts, some lamenting their loss, some encouraging him because of the victory he had won, and somepreferring charges against the other generals. Suddenly they fell uponhim, snatched away his sword, and bound his hands. When Nikanor wassent to conduct him to Antigonus, he asked, while he was passingthrough the ranks of the Macedonians, to be permitted to address them, not with any intention of begging his own life, but that he mightclearly point out to them what was to their own advantage. Silence wasenforced, and Eumenes, standing on a hillock, held forth his fetteredhands, and spoke as follows:--"Basest of Macedonians, could Antigonusever have erected such a monument of your disgrace as you have set upyourselves by surrendering your general to him? Is it not shameful foryou, who have conquered in the battle, to acknowledge yourselvesdefeated because of your baggage, as though victory lay more in moneythan in arms, so that you should ransom your baggage by delivering upyour general? I indeed am now being carried off captive, anunconquered man, who has overcome his foes, but has been ruined by hisfriends; but I beseech you in the name of the Zeus that protectsarmies, and the gods who watch over the true keeping of oaths, kill mehere with your own hands; for I shall be slain by you no less when Iam put to death in the enemy's camp. Antigonus cannot complain of thisaction of yours, for he wishes to receive Eumenes dead, and not alive. If you are chary of your own hands to do the deed, one of mine willsuffice if you will loose it from its bonds. Or if you will not trustme with a sword, then cast me, bound as I am, to be trampled on by theelephants. If you will act thus I will acquit you of all blame, andwill declare that you have dealt with your general as becamehonourable men. "

XVIII. When Eumenes had spoken thus, all the army was grieved andlamented his fate, but the Argyraspids called out that he must becarried away, and no attention paid to his talk; for, they said, itmattered little what fate befel a pestilent fellow from theChersonese, who had involved the Macedonians in endless wars andtroubles, but that it was not to be borne that the bravest of thesoldiers of Philip and Alexander, after their unheard-of exploits, should in their old age be deprived of the fruits of their toils andbe forced to depend upon charity, or that their wives should pass athird night in the enemy's camp. They at once hurried him away. Whenhe reached the enemy's quarters, Antigonus, fearing that he would becrushed to death by the crowd (for not a man remained in the camp), sent ten of the strongest elephants, and many Medes and Parthians, armed with spears, to keep off the press from him. He himself couldnot bear to see Eumenes, because they had once been friends andcomrades; and when he was asked by those who had charge of his personhow they were to treat him, answered, "Like an elephant, or a lion!"After a while he felt compassion for his sufferings, and ordered hisheavy chains to be removed, appointed an attendant to anoint hisperson, and allowed his friends to have free access to him and supplyhim with provisions. A long debate took place for several days aboutthe fate of Eumenes, in which Nearchus, a Cretan, and the youngDemetrius, pleaded earnestly for him, while the other generals allopposed them and pressed for his execution. It is said that Eumeneshimself inquired of his jailer, Onomarchus, what the reason was thatAntigonus, having got his enemy into his power, did not put him todeath quickly or else set him free honourably. When Onomarchusinsultingly answered that it was not then, but in the battle-fieldthat he ought to have shown how little he feared death, Eumenesretorted, "I proved it there also; ask those whom I encountered; but Inever met a stronger man than myself. " "Since then you have now metwith a stronger man than yourself, " said Onomarchus; "why cannot youpatiently await his pleasure?"

XIX. When, therefore, Antigonus made up his mind to put Eumenes todeath, he ordered him to be kept without food. He lingered thus fortwo or three days; but as the camp was suddenly broken up, men weresent to despatch him. Antigonus restored his body to his friends, andpermitted them to burn it and collect the ashes in a silver urn to becarried to his wife and children. The death of Eumenes was quicklyavenged by Heaven, which stirred up Antigonus to regard theArgyraspids with abhorrence, as wicked and faithless villains. Heplaced them under the command of Sibystius, the governor of Arachosia, and gave him orders to employ them, by small parties at a time, uponservices which would ensure their destruction, so that not one of themshould ever return to Macedonia, or behold the Grecian sea. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 170: Trebisond. ]

[Footnote 171: Alexander. ]

[Footnote 172: Plutarch tells us nothing of how Kleopatra came toSardis. See Thirlwall's 'History of Greece, ' chap. Lvii. ]

[Footnote 173: Thirlwall's 'History, ' chap. Lvii. ]

COMPARISON OF SERTORIUS AND EUMENES. 

The above are all the particulars of the lives of Eumenes andSertorius which have come down to us, and which appear worthrecording. When we come to compare them, we find that each was anexile from his native country, and commanded a numerous army offoreign troops, although Sertorius enjoyed the great advantage of anundisputed command, while Eumenes always had to contend with manycompetitors for the first place, which nevertheless he always obtainedby his brilliant exploits. Sertorius was eagerly followed by men whowere proud to obey him, but Eumenes was only obeyed out ofself-interest, by men who were incompetent to lead. The Roman ruledthe tribes of Lusitania and Iberia, who had been long before conqueredby the Romans, while the Kardian led the Macedonians, when fresh fromthe conquest of the world. Yet Sertorius was always looked up to as awise man and a consummate captain, whereas Eumenes was despised as amere quill-driver before he fought his way to the rank of general; sothat Eumenes not only started with less advantages, but met with muchgreater difficulties, before he attained to distinction. Moreover, Eumenes throughout his whole career was constantly opposed by openenemies, and constantly had to make head against secret plots andintrigues; whereas Sertorius was at first opposed by none of theofficers under his command, and at the very last only by a few. Theone had for his object merely to conquer his enemies, while the other, after winning a victory, was obliged to defend himself against thejealousy of his friends. 

II. Their military achievements are pretty equally balanced; althoughEumenes was naturally fond of war and tumults, while Sertorius was ofa quiet and peaceful disposition. Thus it happened that Eumenes, rather than dwell in comfortable and honourable retirement, passed hiswhole life in war, because he could not be satisfied with anythingshort of a throne; while Sertorius, who hated war, was forced to fightfor his own safety against foes who would not allow him to live inpeace. Antigonus would have made use of Eumenes as an officer withpleasure, if the latter would have laid aside his designs upon thethrone of Macedonia; but Pompeius and his party would not so much asallow Sertorius to live, although his only wish was to be at rest. 

From this it resulted that the one of his own free will went to war toobtain power, while the other was forced against his will to obtainpower in order to repel attacks. 

The one died by an unexpected stroke, while the other long looked fordeath, and at last even wished for it. In the first this shows a nobleand generous spirit, not to distrust his friends; while the latterseems rather to argue weakness of purpose, for though Eumenes had longintended to fly, yet he did not, and was taken. The death of Sertoriusdid not disgrace his life, for he met at the hands of his friends withthat fate which none of his enemies could inflict upon him; butEumenes, who could not escape before he was taken prisoner, and yetwas willing to live after his capture, made a discreditable end; forby his entreaties to be spared, he proved that his enemy had conquerednot merely his body but also his spirit. 

LIFE OF AGESILAUS. 

Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus, king of Lacedæmon, after a gloriousreign, left one son, Agis, by a noble lady named Lampito, and a muchyounger one, named Agesilaus, by Eupolia, the daughter ofMelesippides. As by the Spartan law Agis was the next heir, andsucceeded to the throne, Agesilaus was prepared for the life of aprivate man, in that severe Spartan school by which obedience isinstilled into the youth of that country. For that reason it is saidthat the epithet of 'man-subduing' is applied to Sparta by the poetSimonides, because the Spartan customs render the citizens wellbehaved, and amenable to discipline, like horses who are broken toharness early in life. The direct heirs to the throne are notsubjected to this training; but in the case of Agesilaus it happenedthat when he began to rule he had previously been taught to obey. Thisrendered him by far the most popular of the kings of Sparta, because, in addition to the haughty spirit that became a king, he had learnedto sympathize with the people over whom he ruled. 

II. Agesilaus was an early and intimate friend of Lysander, as theywere both placed as boys in the same herd or troop for the purposes ofdiscipline. It was then that Lysander learned to admire the moderationand self-restraint of Agesilaus, who, although he was ambitious andhigh-spirited, with a most vehement and passionate desire to be firstin every kind of competition, was yet of a manageable and easily ruleddisposition, very sensitive to reproach, and far more afraid of blamethan of toils or dangers. The misfortune of his lame leg was almostunnoticed, partly from the robust vigour of his frame, and also fromhis own cheerful acknowledgment of this defect, being always the firstto joke about it. He sought by these means to remedy his lameness, while his daring spirit never allowed it to prevent his undertakingthe most dangerous and laborious adventures. We have no record of hisappearance, for he himself never would consent to have his portraittaken, and even when dying begged that no statue or painting of himshould be taken. We are, however, told that he was of small and meanstature, but that his lively and cheerful temper, even in the mosttrying situations, and the absence of anything harsh and overbearingin his manners, made him more popular than many younger and handsomermen even in extreme old age. The historian Theophrastus informs usthat the mother of Agesilaus was a very small woman, and that theEphors had fined Archidamus, on that special ground, for marrying her. "She will not bring forth kings to rule us, " said they, "butkinglets. "

III. During the reign of Agis, Alkibiades arrived in Lacedæmon as anexile, having made his escape from the army in Sicily, and, after ashort sojourn, was universally believed to be carrying on an intriguewith the king's wife, Timaea, insomuch that Agis refused to recognizeher child as his own, but declared that Alkibiades was its father. Thehistorian Douris tells us that Timaea was not altogether displeased atthis imputation, and that when nursing the child among her attendantsshe was wont to call it Alkibiades instead of Leotychides. The sameauthority states that Alkibiades himself declared that he seducedTimaea, not out of wantonness, but with the ambitious design ofplacing his own family upon the throne of Sparta. In consequence ofthis, Alkibiades, fearing the wrath of Agis, left Sparta, and thechild was always viewed with suspicion by Agis, and never treated ashis own son, until in his last illness the boy by tears and entreatiesprevailed upon him to bear public witness to his legitimacy. But afterthe death of Agis, Lysander, the conqueror of Athens, who was the mostimportant man in Sparta, began to urge the claims of Agesilaus to thethrone, on the ground that Leotychides was a bastard, and thereforeexcluded from the succession. Many of the other citizens eagerlyespoused the cause of Agesilaus, because they had been brought up inhis company, and had become his intimate friends. There was, however, one Diopeithes, a soothsayer, who was learned in prophetic lore, andenjoyed a great reputation for wisdom and sanctity. This man declaredthat it was wrong for a lame man to become king of Lacedæmon, andquoted the following oracle:--

 "Proud Sparta, resting on two equal feet, Beware lest lameness on thy kings alight; Lest wars unnumbered toss thee to and fro, And thou thyself be ruined in the fight. "

In answer to this, Lysander argued that the oracle really warned theSpartans against making Leotychides king; for the god was not likelyto allude to actual lameness, which might not even be congenital, butmight arise from some accidental hurt, as disqualifying any one forthe office of king, but rather meant by a "lame reign, " the reign ofone who was not legitimate, and not truly descended from Herakles. Agesilaus also said that Poseidon bore witness to the illegitimacy ofLeotychides; for Agis was said to have been cast out of hisbed-chamber by an earthquake, after which he abstained fromapproaching his wife, on religious grounds, for a period of more thanten months, at the end of which Leotychides was born. 

IV. Having been raised to the throne on those grounds, Agesilaus atthe same time acquired the large property left by the late king Agis, as Leotychides was declared illegitimate and driven into exile. As hisown mother's family were respectable, but very poor, he distributedhalf this property among them, thus making sure of their good will andfavour, and removing any jealousy which they might feel at hiselevation. Moreover, as Xenophon tells us, he gained the greatestinfluence by always deferring to the wishes of his country, and thuswas really enabled to act exactly as he pleased. The whole power ofthe state was at that time vested in the Ephors and the Senate ofElders, of whom the Ephors are elected every year, while the Elderssit for life. These two bodies were intended as a check upon the powerof the kings, who would otherwise have been absolute, as has beenexplained in the Life of Lykurgus. Between these magistrates and thekings there was generally a bad understanding; but Agesilaus adoptedan opposite line of conduct. He never attempted to oppose or thwartthe Ephors or the Senate, and even showed a marked deference to them, referring the initiative of all state affairs to them, hurrying intotheir presence when summoned, and rising from his royal thronewhenever they appeared, while he presented each senator, on hiselection, with a cloak and an ox, to congratulate him on joining theSenate. Thus he appeared to exalt the power of the Ephors and to courttheir favour, but he himself was by far the greatest gainer, as hisown personal influence was greatly increased, and the power of thecrown much strengthened by the general good will which he inspired. 

V. In his dealings with his fellow-citizens he is more to be praisedas an enemy than as a friend; for he would not act unjustly to injurehis enemies, but he sometimes disregarded justice in the interests ofhis friends. He was of too generous a nature to refrain fromapplauding even his enemies when they deserved it, but could not bearto reproach his friends for their faults, which he delighted to sharewith them, and to extricate them from the consequences, for he thoughtnothing disgraceful if done to serve a friend. [174] He was also everready to forgive and assist those with whom he had been at variance, and thus won all hearts, and attained to a true popularity. The Ephorsindeed, perceiving this, imposed a fine upon him, alleging as a reasonfor it that he was attaching the Spartans to his own person instead ofto the State. For just as physical philosophers tell us that if theprinciple of strife and opposition were removed, the heavenly bodieswould stand still, and all the productive power of nature would be atan end, so did the Laconian lawgiver endeavour to quicken the virtueof his citizens by constructing a constitution out of opposingelements, deeming that success is barren when there is none to resist, and that the harmonious working of a political system is valueless ifpurchased by the suppression of any important element. Some havethought that the germ of this idea can be traced in Homer, [175] for hewould not have represented Agamemnon as rejoicing when Achilles andOdysseus quarrel 'with savage words, ' had he not thought that somegreat public benefit would arise from this opposition and rivalry ofthe bravest. But to this one cannot altogether agree; for partystrife, if carried to excess, proves most dangerous and ruinous to allcommunities. 

VI. Shortly after Agesilaus had been raised to the throne he receivednews from Asia that the Persian king was preparing a large army withwhich he intended to drive the Lacedæmonians into the sea. Uponhearing this, Lysander was very eager to be sent out again to conductaffairs in Asia, in order that he might be able to assist his ownfriends and partizans, whom he had appointed as governors to many ofthe cities in that country, but who had mostly been forcibly expelledby the citizens for their insolent and tyrannical conduct. Hetherefore urged Agesilaus to undertake a campaign in Asia as thechampion of Greece, and advised him to land upon some distant part ofthe coast, so as to establish himself securely before the arrival ofthe Persian army. At the same time he despatched instructions to hisfriends in Asia, to send to Lacedæmon, and demand Agesilaus as theirgeneral. In a public debate upon the subject, Agesilaus agreed toconduct the war if he were furnished with thirty Spartans to act asgenerals, and to form a council of war. He also demanded a force often thousand picked men of the Neodamodes, or enfranchised Helots, andsix thousand hoplites, or heavy armed troops, from the allied citiesin Greece. By the active co-operation of Lysander all this was quicklyagreed upon, and Agesilaus was sent out with a council of thirtySpartans, in which Lysander at once took the lead, not merely by hisown great name and influence, but by reason of his intimacy withAgesilaus, through which it was supposed that this campaign wouldraise him to more than kingly power. While the army was beingassembled at Geræstus, Agesilaus himself proceeded to Aulis with hisfriends, and while sleeping there, he appeared in a dream to hear avoice saying: "O king of the Lacedæmonians, since no one has ever beencommander-in-chief of all the Greeks, save you and Agamemnon alone, itis fitting that you, since you command the same troops, start from thesame place, and are about to attack the same enemy, should offersacrifice to the same goddess to whom he sacrificed here beforesetting out. " Upon this there, at once, occurred to the mind ofAgesilaus the legend of the maiden who was put to death on thatoccasion by her own father, in obedience to the soothsayers; but hedid not allow himself to be disturbed by this omen, but arose and toldthe whole dream to his friends, observing that it was his intention topay all due honour to the goddess Artemis, but not to imitate thebarbarous conduct of Agamemnon. He now proceeded to hang garlands upona hind, and ordered his own soothsayer to offer it as a sacrifice, disregarding the claims of the local Bœotian priest to do so. TheBœotarchs, however, heard of this, and were greatly incensed at whatthey considered an insult. They at once despatched a body of armed mento the spot, who forbade Agesilaus to offer sacrifice there, contraryto the ancestral customs of the Bœotians, and cast off the victim fromthe altar where it lay. After this Agesilaus sailed away in greattrouble of mind, both from the anger he felt towards the Thebans, andfrom the evil omen which had befallen him, as he feared that itportended the failure of his Asiatic campaign. 

VII. On his arrival at Ephesus, he was much offended by the greatpower and influence possessed by Lysander, whose ante-chamber wasalways crowded, and who was always surrounded by persons desirous ofpaying their court to him. They evidently thought that althoughAgesilaus might be nominally in command of the expedition, yet thatall real power and direction of affairs was enjoyed by Lysander, whohad made himself feared and respected throughout Asia, beyond anyother Greek commander, and had been able to benefit his friends andcrush his enemies more effectually than any one had previously done. As all this was still fresh in the memory of all men, and especiallyas they perceived the extreme simplicity and courteousness ofAgesilaus's manners and conversation, and observed, too, that Lysanderwas still as harsh, rude, and imperious as before, they all looked upto him alone as the virtual commander. 

The other Spartan members of the council were deeply dissatisfied atfinding that Lysander treated them rather as though he were king andthey were merely there to ratify his decrees, than as their colleaguewith powers no more extensive than their own; while Agesilaus himself, who though he was above feeling any jealousy of the honours paid toLysander, yet was ambitious and covetous of honour, began to fear thatif any brilliant success should be achieved, the credit of it would begiven to Lysander alone. He therefore proceeded to oppose allLysander's plans, and if he knew that Lysander was interested in anyenterprise, he took care to put it off and neglect it, while hesuccessively rejected the petitions of every person in whom he knewLysander to take an interest. In judicial decisions also he invariablyacquitted those whom Lysander wished to punish, and condemned to payheavy fines those whom he endeavoured to serve. As this took place sofrequently that it could not be attributed to chance, but to asystematic purpose, Lysander was forced to warn his partizans that hisintervention was an injury and not a benefit to them, and that theymust desist from their obsequious attentions to him, and addressthemselves directly to the king. 

VIII. As these remarks seemed intended to place the king's policy inan invidious light, Agesilaus determined to humble him still further, and appointed him his carver. He then said aloud in the hearing ofmany persons, "Let them now go and pay their court to my carver. "Vexed at this insult, Lysander remonstrated with him, saying, "Truly, Agesilaus, you know how to degrade your friends. " "Ay, to be sure, "answered he, "those among them who want to appear greater than Iam. "[176] "Perhaps, " replied Lysander, "you have spoken the truth, andI have not acted rightly. Bestow on me, however, some post in which Imay be usefully employed without wounding your feelings. "

Upon this, Lysander was despatched on a mission to the Hellespont, where he found means to gain over a Persian noble named Spithridates, who had received some offence from Pharnabazus, the satrap of thatprovince. Lysander induced this man to join Agesilaus with all hisproperty, and with a regiment of two hundred horse; yet he himself didnot forget his quarrel, and for the rest of his life assiduouslyplotted to remove the succession to the throne of Sparta from the tworoyal families, and to throw it open to all Spartans alike. It isindeed probable that he would have raised an important commotion inSparta, had he not been slain in an expedition in Bœotia. Thus doambitious men do more harm than good in a state, unless they have anunusual power of self-restraint. Lysander no doubt acted veryoffensively, and made a very unreasonable display of his pride; yetAgesilaus might have discovered some better method of correcting thefaults of so great a man. Indeed, in my opinion they were both equallyblinded by the same passion for personal aggrandizement, so that theone forgot the power of his prince, and the other could not bear withthe shortcomings of his friend. 

IX. Tissaphernes was at first afraid of Agesilaus, and began to treatwith him about setting free the Greek cities on the Ionian coast fromthe power of the king of Persia. Afterwards, however, he imagined thatthe force at his disposal justified him in breaking off thesenegotiations, and he declared war, to the great delight of Agesilaus. Great expectations had indeed been formed in Greece of the army ofAgesilaus, and it was thought a strange thing that ten thousand Greeksunder Xenophon should march through Persia to the sea, and defeat theking of Persia's troops as often as they pleased, while Agesilaus, thecommander of the Lacedæmonians, the leading people in Greece, who wereall-powerful both by sea and land, should accomplish nothing. He nowrevenged himself on the faithless Tissaphernes for his perjury by anequal piece of deceit, and gave out that he was about to march intoKaria. When, however, the Persian army was assembled there, heproceeded north-wards to Phrygia, where he took many cities, andgained much plunder, pointing out to his friends that although tosolemnly plight one's word and then to break it is wrong, yet that toout-manœuvre one's enemies is not only lawful, but profitable andglorious. Being, however, deficient in cavalry, and warned by the omenof a victim being found with an imperfect liver, he retired toEphesus, and there collected a cavalry force, giving rich men thealternative of either serving themselves in his army, or of furnishinga horse soldier instead. Many preferred to do so, and Agesilaus soonpossessed a force of warlike cavalry in the place of worthless footsoldiers; for those who did not wish to serve personally hired men whowere willing to fight, and those who could not ride hired those whocould. Just so did Agamemnon act very wisely in receiving a valuablemare, and thereby allowing a rich man to purchase his discharge frommilitary service. Agesilaus now gave orders that the heralds whoconducted the sale of captives by auction, should strip them of theirclothes, and put them up for sale in a state of perfect nudity. Theirclothes were sold separately, and the Greek soldiers laughed heartilyat the white and soft skins, which never had felt the sun or wind, displayed by these Asiatics, and began to feel contempt for sucheffeminate adversaries. Agesilaus himself, pointing first to thecaptives themselves, and then to their clothes and other property, observed, "These are the men with whom you have to fight, and theseare the things you fight for. "

X. When the season for active operations returned he announced hisintention of marching into Lydia, not meaning thereby to deceiveTissaphernes; but Tissaphernes deceived himself, for he distrustedAgesilaus on account of his former stratagem. He therefore concludedthat it was Agesilaus's real intention to invade Karia, especially ashe was weak in cavalry, which could not act in that province. When, however, Agesilaus, as he had announced, marched into the levelcountry near Sardis, Tissaphernes was obliged to hurry thither withall speed; and by means of his cavalry he cut off many stragglers fromthe Greek army. Agesilaus now perceived that the enemy's infantry hadnot come up, while he had all his troops in hand. He at oncedetermined to fight, and having formed his cavalry and light-armedtroops into one mixed body he ordered them to advance at once andattack the enemy, while he led on the heavy infantry in person. ThePersians were routed, and the Greeks, following up their victory, tookthe enemy's camp with great slaughter. This victory not only enabledthem to plunder the king's territories undisturbed, but also gave themthe satisfaction of hearing that Tissaphernes, a bad man, and one forwhom all the Greeks felt an especial hatred, had at length met withhis deserts. Immediately after the battle the king of Persia sentTithraustes to him, who caused him to be beheaded. Tithraustes nowbegged Agesilaus to make peace and leave the country, and offered himmoney if he would do so. Agesilaus answered that he had no power tomake peace or war, but that such propositions must be referred to theauthorities at home; while as to money he said that he preferredenriching his soldiers to enriching himself, and that among the Greeksit was not considered honourable to receive bribes, but rather to takeplunder from their enemies. Nevertheless, wishing to obligeTithraustes, because he had avenged Greece upon that common enemy ofall, Tissaphernes, he removed his army into Phrygia, receiving a sumof thirty talents from Tithraustes for the maintenance of hissoldiery. 

During his march he received a despatch from the government of Sparta, appointing him to the command of the naval as well as of the militaryforces in Asia. He was now at the zenith of his fame and the greatestman of his age, as Theopompus truly observes; yet he had more reasonto be proud of his virtue than of his power. He was thought, however, to have committed an error in placing Peisander in command of thefleet, disregarding the claims of older and more experienced men, andpreferring the advancement of his wife's brother to the interests ofhis country. 

XI. Having established his army in the province ruled by Pharnabazus, he not only found abundance of provisions, but also was able to amassmuch booty. He marched as far as the borders of Paphlagonia, andgained the alliance of Kotys, [177] the king of that country. 

Spithridatos, ever since he had revolted from Pharnabazus, hadconstantly accompanied Agesilaus, together with his very handsome son, named Megabates, of whom Agesilaus was greatly enamoured, and a fairdaughter. Agesilaus persuaded King Kotys to marry this girl, andreceived from him a force of one thousand horsemen, and two thousandlight troops, called peltasts. With these he returned into Phrygia, and laid waste the country of Pharnabazus, who dared not meet him inthe field, and feared to trust himself in any of his fortresses, buthovered about the country, taking his valuable property with him, andkeeping his place of encampment as secret as he could. The watchfulSpithridates, however, at last found an opportunity to attack him, and, with Herippidas the Spartan, took his camp and all his property. On this occasion Herippidas acted with great harshness in ordering allthe plunder to be given up to be sold by auction, according to Greekusage. He forced the barbarian allies to disgorge their booty, andsearched for all that had been captured in so offensive a manner thatSpithridates, in disgust at his conduct, at once went off to Sardis, taking with him the entire Paphlagonian force. 

We are told that Agesilaus was terribly chagrined at this. He feltvexed at losing a good friend in Spithridates, and losing, too, alarge force with him, while he was ashamed of the character formeanness and avarice which this miserable squabble would gain forSparta, especially as he had always prided himself on showing acontempt for money both in politics and in private life. 

XII. After this, Pharnabazus was desirous of conferring with him, anda meeting was arranged between them by a friend of both, Apollophanesof Kyzikus. Agesilaus arrived first, and sitting down upon some thickgrass under the shade of a tree, awaited the coming of Pharnabazus. Presently Pharnabazus arrived, with soft rugs and curiously-wroughtcarpets, but on seeing Agesilaus simply seated on the ground, he feltashamed to use them, and sat down on the ground beside him, althoughhe was dressed in a magnificent robe of many colours. They now greetedone another, and Pharnabazus stated his case very fairly, pointing outthat he had done much good service to the Lacedæmonians during theirwar with Athens, and yet that his province was now being laid waste bythem. Seeing all the Spartans round him hanging down their heads withshame, and not knowing what to answer because they knew that whatPharnabazus said was true, Agesilaus said: "We Spartans, Pharnabazus, were formerly at peace with your king, and then we respected histerritory as that of a friend. Now we are at war with him, and regardall his property as that of an enemy. Now as we see that you stillwish to belong to the king, we very naturally endeavour by injuringyou to injure him. But from the day on which you shall declare thatyou will be a friend and ally of the Greeks rather than a slave of theking of Persia, you may regard this fleet and army and all of us, asthe guardians of your property, of your liberty, and of all that makeslife honourable and enjoyable. " In answer to this, Pharnabazus said:"If the king shall send any other general, and put me under him, Iwill join you. But if he places me in command, I will cheerfully obeyhim, and will fight you and do you all the mischief in my power. "

Agesilaus was struck by the high-minded tone of this reply, and atonce rose and took him by the hand, saying, "Would to God, Pharnabazus, that such a man as you might become our friend ratherthan our enemy. "

XIII. As Pharnabazus was retiring with his friends, his son stayedbehind, and running up to Agesilaus said with a smile, "Agesilaus, Imake you my guest, "[178] and gave him a fine javelin which he carriedin his hand. 

Agesilaus gladly accepted this offer, and, delighted with the engagingmanners and evident friendship of the young man, looked round for somesuitable present, and seeing that the horse of his secretary Idæus wasadorned with fine trappings, took them off and gave them to the boy. Agesilaus never forgot the connection thus formed between them, but inafter days, when the son of Pharnabazus was impoverished and driveninto exile by his brother, he welcomed him to the Peloponnese, andprovided him with protection and a home. He even went so far as toemploy his influence in favour of an Athenian youth to whom the son ofPharnabazus was attached. This boy had outgrown the age and size ofthe boy-runners in the Olympic stadium, and was consequently refusedleave to compete in that race. Upon this the Persian made a specialapplication to Agesilaus on his behalf; and Agesilaus, willing to doanything to please his protégé, with great difficulty and managementinduced the judges to admit the boy as a competitor. This, indeed, wasthe character of Agesilaus, disinterested and just in all mattersexcept in furthering the interests of his friends, in which case heseems to have hesitated at nothing. A letter of his to Idrilus, theKarian, runs as follows: "If Nikias be innocent, acquit him; if he beguilty, acquit him for my sake; but in any case acquit him. " Such wasAgesilaus in most cases where his friends were concerned; although insome few instances he allowed expediency to prevail over affection, and sacrificed his personal friend to the general advantage, as, forexample, once, when owing to a sudden alarm the camp was beinghurriedly broken up, he left a sick friend behind in spite of hispassionate entreaties, observing as he did so, that it is hard to bewise and compassionate at the same time. This anecdote has beenpreserved by the philosopher Hieronymus. 

XIV. Agesilaus was now in the second year of his command in Asia, andhad become one of the foremost men of his time, being greatly admiredand esteemed for his remarkable sobriety and frugality of life. Whenaway from his headquarters he used to pitch his tent within theprecincts of the most sacred temples, thus making the gods witnessesof the most private details of his life. Among thousands of soldiers, moreover, there was scarcely one that used a worse mattress thanAgesilaus. With regard to extremes of heat and cold, he seemed soconstituted as to be able to enjoy whatever weather the gods mightsend. It was a pleasant and enjoyable spectacle for the Greekinhabitants of Asia to see their former tyrants, the deputy governorsof cities and generals of provinces, who used to be so offensivelyproud, insolent, and profusely luxurious, now trembling before a manwho walked about in a plain cloak, and altering their whole conduct inobedience to his curt Laconian sayings. Many used to quote the proverbof Timotheus, that "Ares alone is king, and Hellas fears not the powerof gold. "

XV. The whole of Asia Minor was now excited, and ripe for revolt. Agesilaus established order[179] in the cities on the coast by mildmeasures, without either banishing or putting to death any of thecitizens, and next determined to advance farther, and transfer thetheatre of war from the Ionic coast to the interior. He hoped thus toforce the Persian king to fight for his very existence, and for hispleasant palaces at Susa and Ecbatana, and at any rate to keep himfully employed, so that from henceforth he might have no leisure ormeans to act as arbitrator between the Greek states in their disputes, and to corrupt their statesmen by bribes. At this crisis, however, there arrived the Spartan Epikydides. He announced that Sparta wasinvolved in an important war with Thebes and other Greek states, andbrought an imperative summons from the ephors to Agesilaus to returnat once and assist his countrymen at home. 

 "O Greeks, that will upon yourselves impose Such miserable, more than Persian woes. "

It is pitiable to think of the malevolence and ill-will which producedthis war, and arrayed the states of Greece against one another, putting a stop to such a glorious career of conquest at its veryoutset, exchanging a foreign for a civil war, and recalling the armswhich were being used against the Persians to point them at Grecianbreasts. I cannot agree with the Corinthian, Demaratus, when he saysthat those Greeks who did not see Alexander seated upon the throne ofDarius lost one of the most delightful spectacles in the world. Ithink they would have been more likely to weep when they reflectedthat this conquest was left for Alexander and the Macedonians toeffect, by those Greek generals who wasted the resources of theircountry in the battles of Leuktra and Koronea, Corinth and Mantinea. Still, nothing is more honourable to Agesilaus than the promptitudewith which he withdrew from Asia, nor can we easily find anotherexample of straightforward obedience and self-sacrifice in a general. Hannibal was in great difficulties and straits in Italy, and yetyielded a very unwilling obedience when summoned home to protectCarthage, while Alexander merely sneered at the news of the battlebetween Agis and Antipater, observing, "It appears, my friends, thatwhile we have been conquering Darius here, there has been a battle ofmice in Arcadia. "

Well then does Sparta deserve to be congratulated on the love for herand the respect for her laws which Agesilaus showed on this occasion, when, as soon as the despatch reached him, he at once stopped hisprosperous and victorious career, gave up his soaring hopes ofconquest, and marched home, leaving his work unfinished, regrettedgreatly by all his allies, and having signally confuted the saying ofPhæax the son of Erasistratus, that the Lacedæmonians act best as astate, and the Athenians as individuals. He proved himself indeed tobe a good king and a good general, but those who know him mostintimately prized him more as a friend and companion than as either aking or a soldier. 

The Persian gold coins bore the device of an archer: and Agesilaus ashe broke up his camp observed that he was being driven out of Asia byten thousand archers, meaning that so many of these coins had beendistributed among the statesmen of Athens and Thebes, to bribe theminto forcing those countries to go to war with Sparta. 

XVI. He now crossed the Hellespont and proceeded through Thrace. Herehe did not ask leave of any of the barbarian tribes to traverse theircountry, but merely inquired whether they would prefer him to treatthem as friends or as enemies during his passage. All the tribesreceived him in a friendly manner and escorted him through their land, except the Trallians, [180] to whom it is said that Xerxes himself gavepresents, who demanded from Agesilaus a hundred talents of silver anda hundred female slaves for his passage. He answered, "Why did theynot come at once and take them;" and immediately marched into theircountry, where he found them strongly posted, and routed them withgreat slaughter. 

He made the same enquiry, about peace or war, of the King ofMacedonia, and on receiving the answer that he would consider thequestion, "Let him consider, " said he, "but let us march in themeanwhile. " Struck with admiration and fear at his daring, the kingbade him pass through as a friend. On reaching the country ofThessaly, he found the Thessalians in alliance with the enemies ofSparta, and laid waste their lands. He sent however Xenokles andSkythes to Larissa, the chief town in Thessaly, to arrange terms ofpeace. These men were seized upon by the Thessalians and cast intoprison, at which the army was greatly excited, thinking that Agesilauscould do no less than besiege and take Larissa. He, on the other hand, said that he valued the lives of either of these two men more than allThessaly, and obtained their release by negotiation. This ought not tosurprise us in Agesilaus, for when he heard of the great battle atCorinth where so many distinguished men fell, and where though many ofthe enemy perished the Spartan loss was very small, he showed no signsof exultation, but sighed heavily, and said, "Alas for Greece, thatshe should by her own fault have lost so many men, who if they werealive could conquer all the barbarians in the world. "

The Thessalian tribe of the Pharsalians[181] now attacked his army, upon which he charged them with five hundred horse, and having routedthem erected a trophy near Mount Narthakius. Agesilaus took greatpride in this victory, because in it he had defeated the Thessalianhorsemen, supposed to be the best in Greece, with cavalry disciplinedby himself in Asia. 

XVII. He was here met by Diphridas the Ephor, who brought him ordersto invade Bœotia immediately. Although he had intended to make moreextensive preparations, he thought it right at once to obey, andinformed his friends that the day for which they had marched all theway from Asia would soon be at hand. He also sent for a reinforcementof two moras[182] from the army at Corinth. The Lacedæmoniumgovernment at home, also, wishing to do him honour, made proclamationthat whosoever would might enrol himself to serve the King. Alleagerly gave in their names, and from them the ephors selected fiftyof the strongest, whom they sent to Agesilaus as a body-guard. He nowmarched through Thermopylæ, crossed the friendly country of Phokis, and entered Bœotia near Chæronea. While encamped there, he observedthat the sun was eclipsed and became crescent-shaped, and at the sametime came the news of the defeat and death of Peisander in a greatsea-fight off Knidus, against Pharnabazus and Konon the Athenian. Agesilaus was naturally grieved both at his brother-in-law's death andat the disaster which had befallen Sparta, but as he feared to dampthe courage of his soldiers on the eve of battle, he ordered themessengers to spread the contrary intelligence, that the Spartans hadbeen victorious in the sea-fight, and he himself appeared with agarland on his head, offered sacrifice as though he had heard goodnews, and distributed portions of the meat to his friends, as presentsof congratulation. 

XVIII. Proceeding on his march through Bœotia he reached Koroneia, where he came into the presence of the enemy, and arrayed his forcesfor battle, placing the men of Orchomenos[183] on the left wing, whilehe led the right in person. In the army of the allies the Thebansformed the right, and the Argives the left wing. Xenophon informs usthat this battle was the most furiously contested one that ever wasknown. He himself was an eye-witness of it, as he had served withAgesilaus during his Asiatic campaign, and had accompanied him on hisreturn to Europe. The first shock was not very severe, as the Thebanseasily overthrew the Orchomenians, while Agesilaus with equal easerouted the Argives. When, however, each of these victorious bodiesheard that their left was hard pressed and retiring, they at onceceased from following up their success and halted where they stood. Agesilaus might now easily have won a partial victory, by allowing theThebans to pass back again through his own lines and attacking them asthey did so. Instead of this, his fierce spirit led him to form histroops in close order and attack them front to front. The Thebansfought with no less courage, and a terrible battle raged all along theline, but most fiercely at the point where the chosen body-guard offifty men fought round the Spartan king. The courage of these mensaved the life of Agesilaus, for they recklessly exposed themselves inhis defence, and by their exertions, although they could not preventhis being severely wounded, yet by receiving on their bodies throughtheir shields and armour many blows which were intended for him, theysucceeded in dragging him from where he had fallen among the enemy, and formed a bulwark around him, slaying many of the enemy, but withgreat loss to themselves. 

The Lacedæmonians, unable to force back the Thebans, were at lengthcompelled to open their ranks, and let them pass through, which atfirst they had scorned to do. They then assailed them on the flanksand rear as they passed. Yet they could not boast of having conqueredthe Thebans, who drew off and rejoined their comrades on MountHelikon, with the proud conviction that in the battle they at any ratehad not been defeated. 

XIX. Agesilaus, although suffering from many wounds, refused to go tohis tent before he had been carried on men's shoulders round the army, and had seen all the dead brought off the field of battle. He gaveorders that some Thebans who had taken refuge in a neighbouring templeshould be dismissed unharmed. This was the temple of Athena Itonia, and before it stands a trophy, erected by the Bœotians under Sparton, many years before, in memory of a victory which they had won over theAthenians under Tolmides, who fell in that battle. 

Next morning Agesilaus, wishing to discover whether the Thebans wouldrenew the contest, ordered his soldiers to crown themselves withgarlands, and the flute-players to play martial music while a trophywas erected in honour of the victory. When the enemy sent to ask for atruce for the burial of their dead, he granted it, and having thusconfirmed his victory, caused himself to be carried to Delphi. Herethe Pythian games were being celebrated, and Agesilaus not only tookpart in the procession in honour of the god, but also dedicated to himthe tithe of the spoils of his Asiatic campaign, which amounted to onehundred talents. 

On his return home, he was loved and admired by all hisfellow-countrymen for his simple habits of life; for he did not, likeso many generals, return quite a different man, corrupted by foreignmanners, and dissatisfied with those of his own country, but, justlike those who had never crossed the Eurotas, he loved and respectedthe old Spartan fashions, and would not alter his dining at the publictable, his bath, his domestic life with his wife, his care of hisarms, or the furniture of his house, the doors of which we are told byXenophon, were so old that it was thought that they must be theoriginal ones put up by Aristodemus. Xenophon also tells us that the_kanathrum_ of his daughter was not at all finer than that of otherchildren. 

A _kanathrum_ is a fantastic wooden car, shaped like a griffin or anantelope, in which children are carried in sacred processions. Xenophon does not mention the name of Agesilaus's daughter, andDikæarchus is much grieved at this, observing that we do not know thename either of the daughter of Agesilaus or of the mother ofEpameinondas; I, however, have discovered, by consulting Lacedæmoniumrecords, that the wife of Agesilaus was named Kleora, and that she hadtwo daughters, named Eupolia and Prolyta. His spear also may be seenat the present day in Sparta, and differs in no respect from that ofany other Lacedæmonium. 

XX. Perceiving that many of his countrymen bred horses, and gavethemselves great airs in consequence, he induced his sister Kyniske toenter a four-horse chariot for the race at Olympia, to prove to themthat the winning of this prize depends not upon a man's courage, butupon his wealth, and the amount of money which he spends upon it. AsXenophon the philosopher was still with him, he advised him to sendfor his sons and educate them in Lacedæmon, that they might learn themost important of all lessons, to command and to obey. 

Lysander was now dead, but Agesilaus found still existing an importantconspiracy against himself, which Lysander had set on foot when hereturned from Asia. Agesilaus now eagerly undertook to prove whatLysander's true character had been; and having read amongst the papersof the deceased that speech which Kleon of Halikarnassus wrote forhim, treating of reforms and alterations of the constitution, whichLysander meant some day to address to the people of Sparta, he wishedto make it public. However, one of the senators, after reading thespeech, was alarmed at the plausible nature of the argument which itcontained, and advised Agesilaus not to dig Lysander out of his grave, but rather to bury the speech with him. This advice caused Agesilausto desist from his project. He never openly attacked his politicalenemies, but contrived to get them appointed generals and governors ofcities. When they displayed their bad qualities in these posts andwere recalled to take their trial he used to come forward as theirfriend and by his exertions on their behalf make them his activepartisans instead of his enemies, so that before long he succeeded inbreaking up the party which was opposed to him, and reigned alonewithout any rival; for the other king, Agesipolis, whose father hadbeen an exile, and who was himself very young, and of a mild andunassuming temper, counted for nothing in the state. Agesilaus wonover this man also, and made a friend of him; for the two kings dineat the same _phiditium_, or public table, when they are at Sparta. Knowing Agesipolis, like himself, to be prone to form attachments toyoung men, he always led the conversation to this subject, andencouraged the young king in doing so; for these love affairs amongLacedæmonians have in them nothing disgraceful, but produce muchmodest emulation and desire for glory, as has been explained in theLife of Lykurgus. 

XXI. Being now the most powerful man in Sparta, Agesilaus obtained theappointment of admiral of the fleet for Teleutias, his half-brother;and thereupon making an expedition against Corinth, he made himselfmaster of the long walls by land, through the assistance of hisbrother at sea. Coming thus upon the Argives, who then held Corinth, in the midst of their Isthmian festival, he made them fly just as theyhad finished the customary sacrifice, and leave all their festiveprovision behind them. Upon this the Corinthian exiles[184] who werewith him begged him to preside over the games, but this he refused todo, ordering them to celebrate the festival, while he took care thatthey did so without interruption. After he was gone the Argivesreturned, and celebrated the Isthmian games over again. Some of thewinners on the former occasion now won the prize again, while otherswere defeated. Agesilaus observed that the Argives by this actconfessed themselves to be cowards, if they set so high a value onpresiding at the games, and yet did not dare to fight for it. Withregard to such matters he used to think that a middle course was best, and he always was present at the choruses and games at Sparta, takinggreat interest in their management, and not even neglecting the racesfor boys and for girls; but of some other matters in which most menwere interested he seemed to be entirely ignorant. For instanceKallipides, who was esteemed the finest tragic actor in Greece, oncemet him and spoke to him, after which he swaggered along amongst histrain, but finding that no notice was taken of him, he at lengthasked, "Do you not know me, O king?" Agesilaus at this lookedcarefully at him, and enquired, "Are you not Kallipides the player?"for so the Lacedæmonians name actors. Again, when he was invited tohear some one imitate the nightingale he answered, "I have heard theoriginal. "

Menekrates the physician, after having succeeded in curing some casesof sickness which were thought to be desperate, was given the title ofZeus, and used to use this appellation on all occasions in a foolishmanner. He even went so far as to write to Agesilaus in the followingterms, "Menekrates Zeus wishes King Agesilaus health. " To this heanswered, "King Agesilaus wishes Menekrates more sense. "

XXII. While he was encamped in the temple of Hera, near Corinth, watching the soldiers disposing of the captives which they had taken, ambassadors came from Thebes to treat for peace with him. He alwayshad borne a grudge against that city, and thinking that this would bea good opportunity to indulge his hatred, he pretended neither to seenor to hear them when they addressed him. But he soon paid thepenalty of his insolence; for before the Thebans left him news wasbrought that an entire mora had been cut to pieces by Iphikrates. Thiswas the greatest disaster which had befallen the Spartans for manyyears; for they lost a large number of brave and well-equippedcitizens, all heavy-armed hoplites, and that too at the hands of meremercenary light troops and peltasts. On hearing this Agesilaus atfirst leaped up to go to their assistance; but when he heard that theywere completely destroyed, he returned to the temple of Hera, andrecalling the Bœotian ambassadors, bade them deliver their message. But they now in their turn assumed a haughty demeanour, and made nomention of peace, but merely demanded leave to proceed to Corinth. Atthis, Agesilaus in a rage answered, "If you wish to go there to seeyour friends rejoicing over their success, you will be able to do soin safety to-morrow. " On the next day he took the ambassadors withhim, and marched, laying waste the country as he went, up to the gatesof Corinth, where, having thus proved that the Corinthians dared notcome out and resent his conduct, he sent the ambassadors into thecity. As for himself, he collected the survivors of the mora, andmarched back to Lacedæmon, always starting before daybreak, andencamping after sunset, that he might not be insulted by theArcadians, who bitterly hated the Lacedæmonians and enjoyed theirdiscomfiture. After this at the instance of the Achæans he crossedover into Akarnania with them, where he obtained much plunder, anddefeated the Akarnanians in battle. The Achæans now begged him toremain, and so prevent the enemy from sowing their fields in thewinter; but he answered that he should do exactly the reverse, because, if the enemy next year had a good prospect of a harvest, theywould be much more inclined to keep the peace than if their fields layfallow. And this opinion of his was justified by the result; for assoon as the Akarnanians heard that another campaign was threatened, they made peace with the Achæans. 

XXIII. Konon and Pharnabazus, after their victory in the sea-fight atKnidus, had obtained command of the seas and began to plunder thecoast of Laconia, while the Athenian walls likewise were restored, with money supplied by Pharnabazus for that purpose. 

These circumstances disposed the Lacedæmonians to make peace with theking of Persia. They consequently sent Antalkidas to Tiribazus toarrange terms, and most basely and wickedly gave up to the king thoseGreek cities in Asia on behalf of which Agesilaus had fought. Antalkidas, indeed, was his enemy, and his great reason for concludinga peace on any terms was, that war was certain to increase thereputation and glory of Agesilaus. Yet when some one reproachedAgesilaus, saying that the Lacedæmonians were Medising, [185] heanswered, "Nay, say, rather, the Medes (Persians) are Laconising. "

By threats of war he compelled those Greek states who were unwillingto do so to accept the terms of the peace, especially the Thebans; forone of the articles of the peace was, that the Thebans should leavethe rest of Bœotia independent, by which of course they were greatlyweakened. This was proved by subsequent events. When Phœbidas, indefiance of law and decency, seized the Kadmeia, or citadel of Thebes, in time of peace, all Greeks cried shame on him, and the Spartans feltespecial annoyance at it. The enemies of Agesilaus now angrilyenquired of Phœbidas who ordered him to do so, and as his answershinted at Agesilaus as having suggested the deed, Agesilaus openlydeclared himself to be on Phœbidas's side, and said that the onlything to be considered was, whether it was advantageous to Sparta ornot; for it was always lawful to render good service to the state, even impromptu and without previous orders. Yet in his talk Agesilausalways set a high value upon justice, calling it the first of allvirtues; for he argued that courage would be useless without justice;while if all men were just, there would be no need of courage. When hewas informed, "The pleasure of the great king is so-and-so, " he waswont to answer, "How can he be greater than I, unless he bejuster?"--thus truly pointing out that justice is the real measure ofthe greatness of kings. When the king of Persia sent him a letterduring the peace, offering to become his guest[186] and friend, herefused to open it, saying that he was satisfied with the friendshipexisting between the two states, and that while that lasted herequired no private bond of union with the king of Persia. However, inhis actions he was far from carrying out these professions, but wasfrequently led into unjust acts by his ambition. In this instance henot only shielded Phœbidas from punishment for what he had done atThebes, but persuaded Sparta to adopt his crime as its own, andcontinue to hold the Kadmeia, appointing as the chiefs of the garrisonArchias and Leontidas, [187] by whose means Phœbidas made his way intothe citadel. 

XXIV. This at once gave rise to a suspicion that Phœbidas was merelyan agent, and that the whole plot originated with Agesilaus himself, and subsequent events confirmed this view; for as soon as the Thebansdrove out the garrison and set free their city, Agesilaus made warupon them to avenge the murder of Archias and Leontidas, who had beennominally polemarchs, but in reality despots of Thebes. At this periodAgesipolis was dead, and his successor Kleombrotus was despatched intoBœotia with an army; for Agesilaus excused himself from serving inthat campaign on the ground of age, as it was forty years since he hadfirst borne arms, and he was consequently exempt by law. The realreason was that he was ashamed, having so lately been engaged in a warto restore the exiled popular party at Phlius, to be seen nowattacking the Thebans in the cause of despotism. 

There was a Lacedæmonium named Sphodrias, one of the faction opposedto Agesilaus, who was established as Spartan governor of the town ofThespiæ, a daring and ambitious man, but hot-headed, and prone to actwithout due calculation. This man, who longed to achieve distinction, and who perceived that Phœbidas had made a name throughout Greece byhis exploit at Thebes, persuaded himself that it would be a much moreglorious deed if he were to make himself master of the Peiræus, and soby a sudden attack cut off the Athenians from the sea. It is said thatthis attempt originated with the Bœotarchs, Pelopidas and Mellon, whosent emissaries to Sphodrias to praise and flatter him, and point outthat he alone was capable of conducting so bold an adventure. By thislanguage, and an affectation of sympathy with Lacedæmon, these men atlength prevailed on him to attempt a most unrighteous deed, and onewhich required considerable boldness and good fortune to ensure itssuccess. Daylight, however, overtook Sphodrias before he had crossedthe Thriasian plain, near Eleusis. All hope of surprising Peiræus by anight attack was now gone, and it is said, also, that the soldierswere alarmed and terror-stricken by certain lights which gleamed fromthe temples at Eleusis. Sphodrias himself, now that his enterprise hadso manifestly failed, lost heart, and after hurriedly seizing someunimportant plunder, led his men back to Thespiæ. Upon this an embassywas sent from Athens to Sparta to complain of the acts of Sphodrias;but on the arrival of the ambassadors at Sparta they found that thegovernment there were in no need of encouragement from without toproceed against Sphodrias, for they had already summoned him home tobe tried for his life. Sphodrias durst not venture to return toSparta, for he saw that his fellow-countrymen were angry with him andashamed of his conduct towards the Athenians, and that they wishedrather to be thought fellow-sufferers by his crime than accomplices init. 

XXV. Sphodrias had a son, named Kleonymus, who was still quite ayouth, and who was beloved by Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus. He nowassisted this youth, who was pleading his father's cause as best hemight, but he could not do so openly, because Sphodrias belonged tothe party which was opposed to Agesilaus. When, however, Kleonymuscame to him, and besought him with tears and piteous entreaties toappease Agesilaus, because the party of Sphodrias dreaded him morethan any one else, the young man, after two or three days' hesitation, at length, as the day fixed for the trial approached, mustered upcourage to speak to his father on the subject, telling him thatKleonymus had begged him to intercede for his father. 

Agesilaus was well aware of his son's intimacy with Kleonymus, whichhe had never discouraged; for Kleonymus promised to become asdistinguished a man as any in Sparta. He did not on this occasion, however, hold out to his son any hopes of a satisfactory terminationof the affair, but said that he would consider what would be the mostfitting and honourable course to pursue. After this reply, Archidamushad not the heart to meet Kleonymus, although he had before beenaccustomed to see him several times daily. This conduct of his plungedthe friends of Sphodrias into yet deeper despair of his cause, untilEtymokles, one of the friends of Agesilaus, in a conference with them, explained that what Agesilaus really thought about the matter was, that the action itself deserved the greatest censure; but yet thatSphodrias was a brave energetic man, whom Sparta could not afford tolose. 

Agesilaus used this language out of a desire to gratify his son, andfrom it Kleonymus soon perceived that Archidamus had been true to himin using his interest with his father; while the friends of Sphodriasbecame much more forward in his defence. Indeed Agesilaus wasremarkably fond of children, and an anecdote is related of him, thatwhen his children were very little he was fond of playing with them, and would bestride a reed as if it were a horse for their amusement. When one of his friends found him at this sport, he bade him mentionit to no one before he himself became the father of a family. 

XXVI. Sphodrias was acquitted by the court; and the Athenians, as soonas they learned this, prepared for war. Agesilaus was now greatlyblamed, and was charged with having obstructed the course of justice, and having made Sparta responsible for an outrage upon a friendlyGreek state, merely in order to gratify the childish caprice of hisson. As he perceived that Kleombrotus was unwilling to attack theThebans, he himself invaded Bœotia, disregarding the law under whichon a former occasion he had pleaded exemption from military service onaccount of his age. Here he fought the Thebans with varying success;for once, when he was being borne out of action wounded, Antalkidasobserved to him, "A fine return you are getting from the Thebans forhaving taught them how to fight against their will. " Indeed, themilitary power of the Thebans at that time was at its height, havingas it were been exercised and practised by the many campaignsundertaken against them by the Lacedæmonians. This was why Lykurgus ofold, in his three celebrated _rhetras_, forbade the Lacedæmonians tofight often with the same people, lest by constant practice theyshould teach them how to fight. Agesilaus was also disliked by theallies of the Lacedæmonians, because of his hatred of Thebes and hisdesire to destroy that state, not on any public grounds, but merely onaccount of his own bitter personal dislike to the Thebans. The alliescomplained grievously that they, who composed the greater part of theLacedæmonium force, should every year be led hither and thither, andexposed to great risks and dangers, merely to satisfy one man'spersonal pique. Hereupon we are told that Agesilaus, desiring to provethat this argument about their composing so large a part of the armywas not founded on fact, made use of the following device:--He orderedall the allies to sit down in one body, and made the Lacedæmonians sitdown separately. Next he gave orders, first that all the pottersshould stand up; and when they had risen, he ordered the smiths, carpenters, masons, and all the other tradesmen successively to do so. When then nearly all the allies had risen to their feet, the Spartansall remained seated, for they were forbidden to learn or to practiseany mechanical art. At this Agesilaus smiled, and said, "You see, mymen, how many more soldiers we send out than you do. "

XXVII. On his return from his campaign against the Thebans, Agesilaus, while passing through Megara, was seized with violent pain in hissound leg, just as he was entering the town-hall in the Acropolis ofthat city. After this it became greatly swelled and full of blood, andseemed to be dangerously inflamed. A Syracusan physician opened a veinnear the ankle, which relieved the pain, but the flow of blood wasexcessive, and could not be checked, so that he fainted away fromweakness, and was in a very dangerous condition. At length thebleeding stopped, and he was conveyed home to Lacedæmon, but heremained ill, and unable to serve in the wars for a long time. 

During his illness many disasters befel the Spartans both by land andby sea. Of these, the most important was the defeat at Tegyra, wherefor the first time they wore beaten in a fair fight by the Thebans. The Lacedæmonians were now eager to make peace with all the Greekcities, and ambassadors from all parts of Greece met at Sparta toarrange terms. Among them was Epameinondas, a man who was renowned forhis culture and learning, but who had not hitherto given any proof ofhis great military genius. This man, perceiving that all the otherambassadors were sedulously paying their court to Agesilaus, assumedan independent attitude, and in a speech delivered before the congressdeclared that nothing kept the war alive except the unjust pretensionsof Sparta, who gained strength from the sufferings of the otherstates, and that no peace could be durable unless such pretensionswere laid aside, and Sparta reduced to the equality with the rest ofthe cities of Greece. 

XXVIII. Agesilaus, observing that all the representatives of the Greekstates were filled with admiration at this language, and manifestedstrong sympathy with the speaker, enquired whether he thought it rightand just that the cities of Bœotia[188] should be left independent. 

Epameinondas quickly and boldly enquired in answer, whether hethought it right to leave each of the towns in Laconia independent. Atthis Agesilaus leaped to his feet in a rage, and asked him to stateclearly whether he meant to leave Bœotia independent. As Epameinondasin reply merely repeated his question, as to whether Agesilaus meantto leave Laconia independent, Agesilaus became furious, eagerly seizedthe opportunity to strike the name of Thebes out of the roll of citieswith whom peace was being made, and declared war against it. Heratified a treaty of peace with the other Greek cities, and bade theirrepresentatives begone, with the remark, that such of their disputesas admitted of settlement must be arranged by peaceful negotiation, and such as could not must be decided by war; but that it was too muchtrouble for him to act as arbitrator between them in their manifoldquarrels and disagreements. 

Kleombrotus, the other Spartan king, was at this time in the Phokianterritory at the head of an army. The Ephors now at once sent ordersto him to cross the Theban frontier, while they assembled a force fromall the allied cities, who were most reluctant to serve, and objectedstrongly to the war, yet dared not express their discontent or disobeythe Lacedæmonians. Many sinister omens were observed, which we havespoken of in the life of Epameinondas, and Prothous the Laconianopenly opposed the whole campaign; yet Agesilaus would not desist, buturged on the war against Thebes, imagining that now, when all theother states were standing aloof, and Thebes was entirely isolated, hehad a more favourable opportunity than might ever occur again fordestroying that city. The dates of this war seem to prove that it wasbegun more out of ill-temper than as a consequent of any definiteplan; for the peace was ratified in Lacedæmon with the other cities onthe fourteenth of the month Skirophorion; and on the fifth of the nextmonth, Hekatombæon, only twenty days afterwards, the Spartans weredefeated at Leuktra. A thousand Lacedæmonians perished, among themKleombrotus the king, and with him the flower of the best families inSparta. There fell also the handsome son of Sphodrias, Kleonymus, whofought before the king, and was thrice struck to the ground and roseagain before he was slain by the Thebans. 

XXIX. In spite of the unparalleled disaster which had befallen theLacedæmonians, for the Theban victory was the most complete ever wonby one Greek state over another, the courage of the vanquished isnevertheless as much to be admired as that of the victors. Xenophonremarks that the conversation of good and brave men, even when jestingor sitting at table, is always worth remembering, and it is much morevaluable to observe how nobly all really brave and worthy men bearthemselves when in sorrow and misfortune. When the news of the defeatat Leuktra arrived at Sparta, the city was celebrating the festival ofthe Gymnopædia, and the chorus of grown men was going through itsusual solemnity in the theatre. The Ephors, although the news clearlyproved that all was lost and the state utterly ruined, yet would notpermit the chorus to abridge its performance, and forbade the city tothrow off its festal appearance. They privately communicated the namesof the slain to their relatives, but they themselves calmly continuedto preside over the contest of the choruses in the theatre, andbrought the festival to a close as though nothing unusual hadoccurred. Next morning, when all men knew who had fallen and who hadsurvived, one might see those whose relations had been slain, walkingabout in public with bright and cheerful countenances: but of thosewhose relatives survived, scarce one showed himself in public, butthey sat at home with the women, as if mourning for the dead; or ifany one of them was forced to come forth, he looked mournful andhumbled, and walked with cast-down eyes. Yet more admirable was theconduct of the women, for one might see mothers receiving their sonswho had survived the battle with silence and sorrow, while those whosechildren had fallen proceeded to the temples to return thanks to thegods, and walked about the city with a proud and cheerful demeanour. 

XXX. Yet, when their allies deserted them, and when the victoriousEpameinondas, excited by his success, was expected to invadePeloponnesus, many Spartans remembered the oracle about the lamenessof Agesilaus, and were greatly disheartened and cast down, fearingthat they had incurred the anger of Heaven, and that the misfortunesof the city were due to their own conduct in having excluded the soundman from the throne, and chosen the lame one; the very thing which theoracle had bidden them beware of doing. Nevertheless, Agesilaus was sopowerful in the state, and so renowned for wisdom and courage, thatthey gladly made use of him as their leader in the war, and alsoemployed him to settle a certain constitutional difficulty which aroseabout the political rights of the survivors of the battle. They wereunwilling to disfranchise all these men, who were so numerous andpowerful, because they feared that if so they would raise a revolutionin the city. For the usual rule at Sparta about those who survive adefeat is, that they are incapable of holding any office in the state;nor will any one give them his daughter in marriage; but all who meetthem strike them, and treat them with contempt. They hang about thecity in a squalid and degraded condition, wearing a cloak patched withpieces of a different colour, and they shave one half of their beards, and let the other half grow. Now, at the present crisis it was thoughtthat to reduce so many citizens to this condition, especially when thestate sorely required soldiers, would be an absurd proceeding; andconsequently, Agesilaus was appointed lawgiver, to decide upon whatwas to be done. He neither altered the laws, nor proposed any newones, but laid down his office of lawgiver at once, with the remark, that the laws must be allowed to sleep for that one day, andafterwards resume their force. By this means he both preserved thelaws, retained the services of the citizens for the state, and savedthem from infamy. With the intention of cheering up the young men, andenabling them to shake off their excessive despondency, he led an armyinto Arcadia. He was careful to avoid a battle, but captured a smallfort belonging to the people of Mantinea, and overran their territory;thus greatly raising the spirits of the Spartans, who began to pluckup courage, and regard their city as not altogether ruined. 

XXXI. After this, Epameinondas invaded Laconia with the army of theThebans and their allies, amounting in all to no less than fortythousand heavy-armed soldiers. Many light troops and maraudersaccompanied this body, so that the whole force which entered Laconiaamounted in all to seventy thousand men. This took place not less thansix hundred years after the Dorians had settled in Lacedæmon; andthrough all that time these were the first enemies which the countryhad seen; for no one before this had dared to invade it. Now, however, the Thebans ravaged the whole district with fire and sword, and no onecame out to resist them, for Agesilaus would not allow theLacedæmonians to fight against what Theopompus calls 'such a headytorrent of war, ' but contented himself with guarding the mostimportant parts of the city itself, disregarding the boastful threatsof the Thebans, who called upon him by name to come out and fight forhis country, since he was the cause of all its misfortunes, because hehad begun the war. 

Agesilaus was also distracted by the disorderly and excited state ofthe city itself, for the old men were in an agony of grief, resentment, and wounded honour, while the women could not be keptquiet, but were wrought to frenzy, by hearing the cries of the enemy, and seeing the fires which they lighted. He also suffered much at thethought of his own dishonour; for when he had ascended the throne, Sparta was the greatest and most powerful city in Greece, and now hebeheld her shorn of all her glories, and his favourite boast, that noLaconian woman had ever seen the smoke of an enemy's fire renderedsignally untrue. We are told that when some Athenian was disputingwith Antalkidas about the bravery of their respective nations, andsaying, "We have often chased you away from the Kephissus, " Antalkidasanswered, "Yes, but we have never had to chase you away from theEurotas. " This is like the answer made by some Spartan of lessdistinction to an Argive, who said, "Many of you Spartans lie buriedin Argive soil, " to which he replied, "But none of you are buried inLaconia. "

XXXII. We are told at this time Antalkidas was one of the Ephors, andbecame so much alarmed that he sent his family away to the island ofKythera. Agesilaus, when the enemy attempted to cross the river andforce their way into the city, abandoned most part of it, and drew uphis forces on the high hills in the centre. At that time the riverEurotas was in high flood, as much snow had fallen, and the excessivecold of the water, as well as the strength of the stream, rendered ithard for the Thebans to cross. Epameinondas marched first, in thefront rank of the phalanx; and some of those who were present pointedhim out to Agesilaus, who is said to have gazed long at him, sayingmerely, "O thou man of great deeds. "

Epameinondas was eager to assault the city itself, and to place atrophy of victory in its streets; but as he could not draw Agesilausinto a battle, he drew off his forces, and again laid waste thecountry. Meanwhile, in Lacedæmon itself, a body of two hundred men, ofdoubtful fidelity, seized the Issorium, where the temple of Artemisstands, which is a strong and easily defensible post. TheLacedæmonians at once wished to attack them, but Agesilaus, fearingthat some deep-laid conspiracy might break out, ordered them to remainquiet. He himself, dressed simply in his cloak, unarmed, and attendedonly by one slave, went up to the two hundred, and, in a loud voice, told them that they had mistaken their orders; that they had not beenordered to go thither, nor yet to go all together in a body, but thatsome were to be posted _there_, pointing to some other place, and therest elsewhere in the city. They, hearing his commands, weredelighted, imagining that their treason was undiscovered, andimmediately marched to the places which he indicated. Agesilaus atonce occupied the Issorium with troops which he could trust, and inthe ensuing night seized and put to death fifteen of the leaders ofthe two hundred. Another more important conspiracy was betrayed tohim, whose members, full Spartan citizens, were met together in onehouse to arrange revolutionary schemes. At such a crisis it wasequally impossible to bring these men to a regular trial, and to allowthem to carry on their intrigues. Agesilaus therefore, after takingthe Ephors into his confidence, put them all to death untried, thoughbefore that time no Spartan had ever been executed without a trial. 

As many of the Periœki and helots who had been entrusted with armsescaped out of the city and deserted to the enemy, which greatlydisheartened the Spartans, he ordered his servants to visit thequarters of these soldiers at daybreak every morning, and wherever anyone was gone, to hide his arms, so that the number of deserters mightnot be known. 

We are told by some historians that the Thebans left Laconia becausethe weather became stormy, and their Arcadian allies began to meltaway from them. Others say that they spent three entire months in thecountry, and laid nearly all of it waste. Theopompus relates that whenthe Bœotarchs had decided to leave the country, Phrixus, a Spartan, came from Agesilaus and offered them ten talents to be gone, thuspaying them for doing what they had long before determined to do oftheir own accord. 

XXXIII. I cannot tell, however, how it was that Theopompus discoveredthis fact, and that no other historian mentions it. All writers agree, nevertheless, in declaring that at this crisis Sparta was saved byAgesilaus, who proved himself superior to party-spirit and desire ofpersonal distinction, and steadily refused to risk an engagement. Yethe never was able to restore the city to the glorious and powerfulcondition which it had previously held, for Sparta, like an athletewho has been carefully trained throughout his life, suddenly brokedown, and never recovered her former strength and prosperity. It isvery natural that this should have happened, for the Spartanconstitution was an excellent one for promoting courage, good order, and peace within the city itself; but when Sparta became the head of agreat empire to be maintained by the sword, which Lykurgus would havethought a totally useless appendage to a well-governed and prosperouscity, it utterly failed. 

Agesilaus was now too old for active service in the field, but hisson, Archidamus, with some Sicilian mercenary troops which had beensent to the aid of the Spartans by the despot Dionysius, defeated theArcadians in what was known as the 'Tearless Battle, ' where he did notlose one of his own men, but slew many of the enemy. This battlestrikingly proved the weakness of the city, for in former times theSpartans used to regard it as such a natural and commonplace event forthem to conquer their enemies, that they only sacrificed a cock to thegods, while those who had won a victory never boasted of it, and thosewho heard of it expressed no extravagant delight at the news. When theEphors heard of the battle at Mantinea, which is mentioned byThucydides in his history, they gave the messenger who brought thetidings a piece of meat from the public dining-table, as a present forhis good news, and nothing more. But now, when the news of this battlereached Sparta, and Archidamus marched triumphantly into the town, alltheir accustomed reserve broke down. His father was the first to meethim, weeping for joy. After him came the senate, and the elders andwomen flocked down to the river side, holding up their hands to heavenand giving thanks to the gods for having put away the undeservedreproach of Sparta, and having once more allowed her to raise herhead. It is said, indeed, that the Spartans before this battle were somuch ashamed of themselves, that they dared not even look their wivesin the face. 

XXXIV. The independence of Messenia had been restored by Epameinondas, and its former citizens collected together from all quarters ofGreece. The Lacedæmonians dared not openly attack these men, but theyfelt angry with Agesilaus, because during his reign they had lost sofine a country, as large as Laconia itself, and as fertile as any partof Greece, after having enjoyed the possession of it for so manyyears. For this reason Agesilaus refused to accept the terms of peaceoffered by the Thebans. He was so unwilling to give up his nominalclaim to Messenia, although he had practically lost that country, thatinstead of recovering it he very nearly lost Sparta as well, as he wasout-manœuvred by Epameinondas. This happened in the following manner. The people of Mantinea revolted from the Thebans, and solicited aidfrom the Lacedæmonians. When Epameinondas heard that Agesilaus wasmarching thither at the head of an army, he eluded the Mantineans by anight march from Tegea, invaded the Lacedæmonium territory, and verynearly succeeded in avoiding the army of Agesilaus and catching Spartadefenceless. However, Euthynus of Thespiæ, according to Kallisthenes, or, according to Xenophon, a certain Cretan warned Agesilaus of hisdanger, upon which he at once sent a mounted messenger to the citywith the news, and shortly afterwards marched thither himself. Soonthe Thebans appeared, crossed the Eurotas, and assaulted the city withgreat fury, while Agesilaus, old as he was, defended it with all thespirit and energy of youth. He did not, as on the former occasion, consider that caution would be of any service, but perceived thatreckless daring alone could save Sparta. And by incredible daring hedid then snatch the city from the grasp of Epameinondas, and set up atrophy of victory, having afforded to the women and children theglorious spectacle of the men of Lacedæmon doing their duty on behalfof the country which reared them. There, too, might Archidamus be seenin the thick of the fight, displaying the courage of a man, and theswiftness of a youth, as he ran to each point where the Spartansseemed likely to give way, and everywhere with a few followersresisted a multitude of the enemy. I think, however, that Isidas, theson of Phœbidas, must have been most admired both by his owncountrymen and even by the enemy. He was remarkably tall and handsome, and was just of the age when boyhood merges into manhood. Naked, without either clothes or armour, having just been anointing himselfat home, he rushed out of his house, with a sword in one hand and aspear in the other, ran through the front ranks, and plunged among theenemy, striking down all who opposed him. He received not a singlewound, either because the gods admired his bravery and protected him, or else because he appeared to his foes to be something more than man. After this exploit we are told that the Ephors crowned him for hisbravery, and fined him a thousand drachmas for having fought withouthis shield. 

XXXV. A few days afterwards was fought the battle of Mantinea, where, just as Epameinondas was carrying all before him and urging his troopsto pursue, Antikrates the Lacedæmonium met him and wounded him, according to Dioskorides with a spear, while the Lacedæmonians to thisday call the descendants of Antikrates Machairones, that is, childrenof the sword, as though he struck him with a sword. Indeed, theyregarded Antikrates with such a love and admiration, because of theterror which Epameinondas had struck into their hearts while he wasalive, that they decreed especial honours and presents to be bestowedupon him, and granted to his descendants an immunity from taxes andpublic burdens which is enjoyed at the present day by Kallikrates, oneof the descendants of Antikrates. 

After this battle and the death of Epameinondas the Greek states madepeace between one another. When, however, all the other states wereswearing to observe the peace, Agesilaus objected to the Messenians, men, he said, without a city, swearing any such oath. The rest, however, raised no objections to the oath of the Messenians, and theLacedæmonians upon this refused to take any part in the proceedings, so that they alone remained at war, because they hoped to recover theterritory of Messenia. Agesilaus was thought an obstinate and headlongman, and insatiable of war, because he took such pains to underminethe general peace, and to keep Sparta at war at a time when he was insuch distress for money to carry it on, that he was obliged to borrowfrom his personal friends and to get up subscriptions among thecitizens, and when he had much better have allowed the state somerepose and watched for a suitable opportunity to regain the country;instead of which, although he had lost so great an empire by sea andland, he yet insisted on continuing his frantic and fruitless effortsto reconquer the paltry territory of Messenia. 

XXXVI. He still further tarnished his glory by taking service underthe Egyptian Tachos. It was thought unworthy of a man who had provedhimself the bravest and best soldier in Greece, and who had filled allthe inhabited world with his fame, to hire himself out to a barbarianrebel, and make a profit of his great name and military reputation, just like any vulgar captain of mercenaries. If, when more than eightyyears old, and almost crippled by honourable wounds, he had againplaced himself at the head of a glorious crusade against the Persianon behalf of the liberties of Greece, all men would have admired hisspirit, but even then would not entirely have approved of theundertaking; for to make an action noble, time and place must befitting, since it is this alone that decides whether an action be goodor bad. Agesilaus, however, cared nothing for his reputation, andconsidered that no service undertaken for the good of his countrywould be dishonourable or unworthy of him, but thought it much moreunworthy and dishonourable to sit uselessly waiting for death at home. He raised a body of mercenary troops with the money furnished byTachos, and set sail, accompanied, as in his former expedition, bythirty Spartan counsellors. 

When he landed in Egypt, the chief generals and ministers of KingTachos at once came to pay their court to him. The other Egyptiansalso eagerly crowded to see Agesilaus, of whom they had heard so much. When, however, they saw only a little deformed old man, in meanattire, sitting on the grass, they began to ridicule him, andcontemptuously to allude to the proverb of the mountain in labour, which brought forth a mouse. They were even more astonished when, ofthe presents offered to him, he accepted flour, calves, and geese, butrefused to receive dried fruits, pastry, and perfumes. When greatlypressed to accept of these things, he ordered them to be given to thehelots. Yet we are told by Theophrastes that he was much pleased withthe flowering papyrus, of which garlands are made, because of its neatand clean appearance, and he begged for and received some of thisplant from the king when he left Egypt. 

XXXVII. When he joined Tachos, who was engaged in preparing his forcesfor a campaign, he was disappointed in not receiving the chiefcommand, but being merely appointed to lead the mercenary troops, while Chabrias the Athenian was in command of the fleet, Tachoshimself acting as commander-in-chief. This was the first vexatiouscircumstance which occurred to Agesilaus; and soon he began to feelgreat annoyance at the vainglorious swaggering tone of the Egyptianking, which nevertheless he was obliged to endure throughout the wholeof a naval expedition which they undertook against the Phœnicians, during which he suppressed his feelings of disgust as well as he coulduntil at last he had an opportunity of showing them. Nektanebis, thecousin of Tachos, and the commander of a large portion of his force, revolted, and caused himself to be proclaimed King of Egypt. He atonce sent to Agesilaus begging for his assistance, and he also madethe same proposals to Chabrias, offering them great rewards if theywould join him. 

Tachos, hearing of this, also began to supplicate them to stand byhim, and Chabrias besought Agesilaus to remain in the service ofTachos, and to act as his friend. To this, however, Agesilausanswered, "You, Chabrias, have come here on your own responsibility, and are able to act as you please. I was given by Sparta to theEgyptians as their general. It would not become me, therefore, to makewar against those whom I was sent to aid, unless my country orders meto do so. " After expressing himself thus, he sent messengers toSparta, with instructions to depreciate Tachos, and to praiseNektanebis. Both these princes also sent embassies to theLacedæmonians, the one begging for aid as their old friend and ally, the other making large promises of future good-will towards them. After hearing both sides, the Spartans publicly answered theEgyptians, that Agesilaus would decide between them, and they senthim a private despatch, bidding him to do what was best for Sparta. Hereupon Agesilaus and the mercenaries left Tachos, and joinedNektanebis, making the interests of his country the pretext for hisextraordinary conduct, which we can hardly call anything better thantreachery. However, the Lacedæmonians regard that course as the mosthonourable which is the most advantageous to their country, and knownothing of right or wrong, but only how to make Sparta great. 

XXXVIII. Tachos, deserted by the mercenaries, now fled for his life;but another claimant of the throne arose in the district of Mendes, and made war against Nektanebis with an army of one hundred thousandmen. Nektanebis, in his talk with Agesilaus, spoke very confidentlyabout this force, saying that they were indeed very numerous, but amere mixed multitude of rustic recruits, whom he could afford todespise. To these remarks Agesilaus answered, "It is not theirnumbers, but their ignorance which I fear, lest we should be unable todeceive them. Stratagems in war consist in unexpectedly falling uponmen who are expecting an attack from some other quarter, but a man whoexpects nothing gives his enemy no opportunity to take him unawares, just as in wrestling one cannot throw one's adversary if he standsstill. "

The Mendesian soon began to intrigue with Agesilaus, and Nektanebisfeared much that he might succeed in detaching him from himself. Consequently, when Agesilaus advised him to fight as soon as possible, and not prolong the war against men who were indeed inexperienced inbattle, but who were able, from their enormous numbers, to raise vastentrenchments and surround him on every side, he took the exactlyopposite course, and retired to a strongly fortified city, of greatextent, viewing Agesilaus with suspicion and fear. Agesilaus wasgrieved at this, but, feeling ashamed to change sides a second timeand so completely fail in his mission, he followed Nektanebis into hisfortress. 

XXXIX. When the enemy advanced and began to build a wall round thecity, Nektanebis, fearing the consequences of a siege, was eager tofight, as were also the Greeks, for they were very short ofprovisions. Agesilaus, however, opposed this design, for which he washeartily abused by the Egyptians, who called him a traitor and thebetrayer of their king. He paid but little attention to theirslanders, but watched for an opportunity to effect the project whichhe had conceived. This was as follows:--The enemy were digging atrench round the city, with the intention of completely isolating thegarrison and starving it out. When then the two ends of this trench, which was to surround the city, had nearly met, Agesilaus towardsevening ordered the Greeks to get under arms, and, proceeding toNektanebis, said, "Young man, this is our opportunity. I would not sayanything about it before, lest the secret should be divulged. But nowthe enemy themselves have secured our position by digging thisenormous trench; for the part of it which is completed will keep offtheir superior numbers from us, while upon the ground which stillremains unbroken we can fight them on equal terms. Come now, proveyourself a man of courage, charge bravely with us, and save bothyourself and your army. Those of the enemy whom we first attack willnot be able to resist our onset, and the rest will not be able toreach us because of the trench. "

Nektanebis was surprised at the ingenuity of Agesilaus, placed himselfin the midst of the Greeks, and charging with them gained an easyvictory. Having once established an ascendancy over the mind ofNektanebis, Agesilaus now proceeded to use the same trick again withthe enemy. By alternately retreating and advancing he led them onuntil he had enticed them into a place between two deep canals. Herehe at once formed his troops on a front equal to the space between thecanals, and charged the enemy, who were unable to use their numbers tooutflank and surround him. After a short resistance they fled. Manywere slain, and the rest completely dispersed. 

XL. This victory secured the throne of Egypt for Nektanebis. He nowshowed great esteem for Agesilaus, and begged him to remain in Egyptduring the winter. Agesilaus, however, was anxious to return home andassist in the war which was going on there, as he knew that Sparta wasin great want of money, and was paying a force of mercenary troops. Nektanebis escorted him out of the country with great honour, givinghim many presents, and the sum of two hundred and thirty talents ofsilver to be used in meeting the expenses of the war. As it waswinter, and stormy weather, Agesilaus did not venture to cross theopen sea, but coasted along the shores of Libya, as far as a desertspot known as the Harbour of Menelaus, where he died, in theeighty-fourth year of his age, and having been king of Sparta forforty-one years, during thirty of which he was the greatest and mostpowerful man in Greece, having been looked upon as all but the king ofthe whole country, up to the time of the battle of Leuktra. 

It was the Spartan custom, in the case of citizens who died in foreigncountries, to pay them the last rites wherever they might be, but totake home the remains of their kings. Consequently the Spartancounsellors enveloped the body in melted wax, as they could not obtainhoney, and took it home to Lacedæmon. 

Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, succeeded him on the throne, and hisposterity continued to reign until Agis, the fifth in descent fromAgesilaus, was murdered by Leonidas, because he endeavoured to restorethe ancient discipline of Sparta. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 174: This passage has been admirably paraphrased by Grote, 'History of Greece, ' Part II. Ch. Lxxiii. :--

"Combined with that ability and energy in which he was neverdeficient, this conciliatory policy ensured him more real power thanhad ever fallen to the lot of any king of Sparta--power, not merelyover the military operations abroad, which usually fell to the kings, but also over the policy of the state at home. On the increase andmaintenance of that real power, his chief thoughts were concentrated;new dispositions generated by kingship, which had never shownthemselves in him before. Despising, like Lysander, both money, luxury, and all the outward show of power, he exhibited, as a king, anultra-Spartan simplicity, carried almost to affectation in diet, clothing, and general habits. But like Lysander, also, he delighted inthe exercise of dominion through the medium of knots or factions ofdevoted partizans, whom he rarely scrupled to uphold in all theircareer of injustice and oppression. Though an amiable man, with nodisposition to tyranny and still less to plunder, for his ownbenefit--Agesilaus thus made himself the willing instrument of both, for the benefit of his various coadjutors and friends, whose power andconsequence he identified with his own. " See also infra, ch. Xiii. Etal. ]

[Footnote 175: We see here the beginning of that tendency of theNeoplatonic school to find a sanction for all their theories in someperversion of the plain meaning of Homer's words. ]

[Footnote 176: Compare Life of Lysander, ch. Xxiii. ]

[Footnote 177: In Sintenis's text of Plutarch this prince's name isspelt as above. Xenophon, however, in his Life of Agesilaus, spells itOtys; and this reading has been adopted by Grote. It must beremembered that Xenophon was probably an eye-witness of theproceedings which he records, and that Plutarch lived severalcenturies later. ]

[Footnote 178: The Greek word here translated "guest" is explained byLiddell and Scott, s. V. , to mean "any person in a foreign city withwhom one has a treaty of hospitality for self and heirs, confirmed bymutual presents and an appeal to [Greek: Zeus xenios] Ζεὺς ξένιος. "]

[Footnote 179: He sought to compose the dissensions and misrule whichhad arisen out of the Lysandrian Dekarchies, or governments of ten, inthe Greco-Asiatic cities, avoiding as much as possible the inflictionof death or exile. --Grote, part ii. Ch. Lxxiii. ]

[Footnote 180: Nothing is known of this tribe. There is a city, Tralles, in Asia Minor, which Clough conjectures may possibly havebeen connected with them. Liddell and Scott speak of "Trallians" as"Thracian barbarians employed in Asia as mercenaries, torturers, andexecutioners. "]

[Footnote 181: The people living about Pharsalia. ]

[Footnote 182: Mora, a Spartan regiment of infantry. The number of menin each varied from 400 to 900, according as the men above 45, 50, &c. , years were called out. ]

[Footnote 183: The most aristocratic city in Bœotia, now allied withthe Spartans. During the Theban supremacy it was utterly destroyed. ]

[Footnote 184: That is, the aristocratic or pro-Laconian party, whohad been driven out by the other side. ]

[Footnote 185: To Medise was a phrase originally used during the greatPersian invasion of Greece under Xerxes, B. C. 480, when those Greekcities who sided with the Persians, were said to Medise, that is, totake the side of the Medes. See Life of Artaxerxes, vol. Iv. Ch. 22, and Grote's 'History of Greece, ' part ii. Ch. Lxxvi. ]

[Footnote 186: See _ante_, ch. Xiii. , _note_. ]

[Footnote 187: This name is spelt Leontiades by most writers. ]

[Footnote 188: I extract the following note from Grote's 'History ofGreece. ' "Plutarch gives this interchange of brief questions, betweenAgesilaus and Epameinondas, which is in substance the same as thatgiven by Pausanias, and has every appearance of being true. But heintroduces it in a very bold and abrupt way, such as cannot beconformable to the reality. To raise a question about the right ofSparta to govern Laconia was a most daring novelty. A courageous andpatriotic Theban might venture upon it as a retort against thoseSpartans who questioned the right of Thebes to her presidency ofBœotia; but he would never do so without assigning his reasons tojustify an assertion so startling to a large portion of his hearers. The reasons which I here ascribe to Epameinondas are such as we knowto have formed the Theban creed, in reference to the Bœotian cities;such as were actually urged by the Theban orator in 427 B. C. , when thefate of the Platæan captives was under discussion. After Epameinondashad once laid out the reasons in support of his assertion, he mightthen, if the same brief question were angrily put to him a secondtime, meet it with another equally brief counter-question or retort. It is this final interchange of thrusts which Plutarch has given, omitting the arguments previously stated by Epameinondas, andnecessary to warrant the seeming paradox which he advances. We mustrecollect that Epameinondas does not contend that Thebes was entitledto _as much power_ in Bœotia as Sparta in Laconia. He only contendsthat Bœotia, under the presidency of Thebes, was as much an integralpolitical aggregate, as Laconia under Sparta--in reference to theGrecian world. "--Grote's 'History of Greece, ' part ii. Ch. Lxvii. ]

LIFE OF POMPEIUS. 

I. Towards Pompeius the Roman people seem to have been disposed fromthe very first, just as the Prometheus of Aeschylus[189] was towardshis deliverer Hercules, when he says:--

 "Though hateful is the sire, most dear to me the son. "

For neither did the Romans ever display hatred so violent and savagetowards any commander as towards Strabo[190] the father of Pompeius, whom they dreaded, when he was alive, for his military talent, for hewas a man most expert in arms; and when he was killed by lightning andhis body was carried out to interment they pulled it from the bier onwhich it was lying and treated it with indignity: nor, on the otherhand, did any other Roman besides Pompeius ever receive from thepeople tokens of affection so strong, or so early, or which grew sorapidly with his good fortune, or abided with him so firmly in hisreverses. The cause of their hatred to the father was his insatiableavarice: the causes of their affection to the son were many; histemperate life, his practice in arms, the persuasiveness of hisspeech, the integrity of his character, and his affability to everyman who came in his way, so that there was no man from whom anothercould ask a favour with so little pain, and no man whose requestsanother would more willingly labour to satisfy. For in addition to hisother endearing qualities, Pompeius could give without seeming toconfer a favour, and he could receive with dignity. 

II. At the beginning also his countenance contributed in no smalldegree to win the good-will of the people and to secure a favourablereception before he opened his mouth. For the sweetness of hisexpression was mingled with dignity and kindness, and while he was yetin the very bloom of youth his noble and kingly nature clearly showeditself. There was also a slight falling back of the hair and softnessin the expression of his eyes, which produced a resemblance to thelikenesses of Alexander, though indeed the resemblance was more talkedof than real. Accordingly many at first gave him the name, whichPompeius did not object to, whence some in derision called himAlexander. It was in allusion to this that Lucius Philippus, [191] aconsular man, when he was speaking in favour of Pompeius, said it wasnothing strange if he who was Philippus loved Alexander. They used toreport that Flora the courtesan, when she was now advanced in years, always spoke with pleasure of her intimacy with Pompeius, and saidthat she could never leave the embrace of Pompeius without bearingmarks[192] of the ardour of his passion. Besides this, Flora used totell that Geminius, one of the companions of Pompeius, conceived apassion for her, and plagued her much with his solicitations, and whenshe said that for the sake of Pompeius she could not consent, Geminiusapplied to Pompeius. Now Pompeius, as she told the story, gaveGeminius permission, but he never after touched Flora or had a meetingwith her, though it was believed that he was attached to her; andFlora did not take this as most courtesans do, but was ill for a longtime through grief and regret for the loss of her lover. And indeed itis said that Flora enjoyed such reputation and was so much talked of, that Cæcilius Metellus, when he was ornamenting the temple of theDioscuri with statues and paintings, had the portrait of Flora paintedand placed in the temple on account of her beauty. The wife of hisfreedman Demetrius also, who had the greatest influence with Pompeiusand left a property of four thousand talents, contrary to his habit hedid not treat kindly nor in a manner befitting her free condition: butit was through fear of her beauty, which was irresistible and muchtalked about, and that he might not appear to be captivated by her. Though he was so exceedingly cautious in such matters and so much onhis guard, yet he did not escape the imputations of his enemies on theground of amours, but he was slanderously accused of commerce withmarried women and of betraying many of the public interests to gratifythem. Of his temperance and simplicity in his way of living thefollowing anecdote is told. On one occasion when he was ill andindisposed to his ordinary food, the physician prescribed a thrush forhim. After search had been made and none found, for the season waspast, some one observed that one might be found at the house ofLucullus, for he kept them all the year round: "Well then, " saidPompeius, "I suppose if Lucullus were not luxurious, Pompeius couldnot live;" and without regarding the physician's advice he tooksomething that was ready at hand. This, however, belongs to a laterperiod. 

III. When he was still quite a youth and was serving under his father, who was opposed to Cinna, he had one Lucius Terentius[193] for hiscompanion and tent-mate. This Lucius being bribed by Cinna, designedto kill Pompeius, and others were to fire the general's tent. Information of this came to Pompeius while he was at supper, at which, nothing disturbed, he went on drinking more gaily, and showing greatsigns of affection towards Terentius; but when they were turning in torest he slipped unobserved from under the tent, and after placing aguard about his father, kept quiet. When Terentius thought the timewas come, drawing his sword he got up, and approaching the bed ofPompeius, he struck many blows upon the bed-covering, supposing thatPompeius was lying there. Upon this there was a great commotion owingto the soldiers' hatred of their general, and there was a movementmade towards mutiny by the men beginning to pull down the tents andtake their arms. The general, fearing the tumult, did not come near;but Pompeius, going about in the midst of the soldiers, implored themwith tears in his eyes, and finally throwing himself on his facebefore the gate of the camp right in their way, he lay there weeping, and told those who were going out to trample on him, so that every mandrew back for very shame, and thus the whole army, with the exceptionof eight hundred men, changed their design and were reconciled totheir commander. 

IV. Upon the death of Strabo, Pompeius had to defend a prosecution inrespect of a charge of peculation against his father. He detected oneof his freedmen in having appropriated most of the property, andproved it to the magistrates; but he was himself accused of having inhis possession hunting nets and books which were taken among theplunder at Asculum. [194] He received these things from his father whenhe took Asculum, but he lost them after his return to Rome, when theguards of Cinna broke into his house and plundered it. He had manypreliminary contests with the accuser before the trial commenced, inwhich, by showing himself to possess an acuteness and firmness abovehis years, he got great reputation and popularity, so thatAntistius, [195] who was prætor and presided at that trial, conceived agreat affection for Pompeius, and offered him his daughter to wife, and spoke about it to his friends. Pompeius accepted the proposal, andan agreement was secretly made between them; but yet the matter didnot fail to be generally known by reason of the partizanship ofAntistius. When at last Antistius declared the votes of the judices tobe for his acquittal, the people, as if a signal had been concerted, called out the name Talasius, [196] which, pursuant to an old custom, they are used to utter on the occasion of a marriage. This ancientcustom, they say, had the following origin: When the daughters of theSabines had come to Rome to see the games, and the noblest among theRomans were carrying them off to be their wives, some goatherds andherdsmen of mean condition took upon their shoulders a tall handsomemaid and were carrying her off. In order, however, that none of thebetter sort who might fall in with them should attempt to take themaid from them, they called out as they ran along that she was forTalasius (now Talasius was a man of rank and much beloved), so thatthose who heard the cry clapped their hands and shouted as beingpleased at what the men were doing and commending them for it. Fromthis time forth, as the story goes, inasmuch as the marriage ofTalasius turned out to be a happy one, it is usual to utter the sameexpression by way of merriment at the occasion of a marriage. This isthe most probable story among those which are told about the nameTalasius. However, a few days after the trial Pompeius marriedAntistia. 

V. Having gone to Cinna[197] to the camp, Pompeius became alarmed inconsequence of some charge and false accusation, and he quickly stoleout of the way. On his disappearing, a rumour went through the campand a report that Cinna had murdered the young man, whereupon thesoldiers, who had long been weary of him and hated their general, madean assault upon him. Cinna attempted to escape, but he was overtakenby a centurion, who pursued him with his naked sword. Cinna fell downat the knees of the centurion, and offered him his seal ring, whichwas of great price; but the centurion with great contempt replied: "Iam not going to seal a contract, but to punish an abominable andunjust tyrant, " and so killed him. Cinna thus perished, but he wassucceeded in the direction of affairs by Carbo, a still more furioustyrant than himself, who kept the power in his hands till Sullaadvanced against him, to the great joy of the most part, who in theirpresent sufferings thought even a change of masters no small profit. To such a condition had calamities brought the state, that mendespairing of freedom sought a more moderate slavery. 

VI. Now about this time Pompeius was tarrying in Picenum in Italy, forhe had estates[198] there, but mainly because he liked the cities, which were well disposed and friendly towards him by reason of theirancient connection with his father. Seeing that the most distinguishedand chief of the citizens were leaving their property and flockingfrom all sides to Sulla's camp as to a harbour of refuge, Pompeius didnot think it becoming in him to steal away to Sulla like a fugitive, nor without bringing some contribution, nor yet as if he wanted help, but he thought that he should begin by doing Sulla some service and soapproach with credit and a force. Accordingly he attempted to rousethe people of Picenum, who readily listened to his proposals, and paidno attention to those who came from Carbo. A certain Vindius havingremarked that Pompeius had just quitted school to start up among themas a popular leader, the people were so infuriated that theyforthwith fell on Vindius and killed him. Upon this Pompeius, who wasnow three and twenty years of age, without being appointed general byany one, but himself assuming the command in Auximum, [199] a largecity, placing a tribunal in the forum and by edict ordering twobrothers Ventidii who were among the chief persons in the place andwere opposing him on behalf of Carbo, to quit the city, began toenlist soldiers, and to appoint centurions and officers over them, andhe went to all the surrounding cities and did the same. All who wereof Carbo's party got up and quitted the cities, but the rest gladlyput themselves in the hands of Pompeius, who thus in a short timeraised three complete legions, and having supplied himself withprovisions and beasts of burden and waggons and everything else thatan army requires, advanced towards Sulla, neither hurrying nor yetcontent with passing along unobserved, but lingering by the way toharass the enemy, and endeavouring to detach from Carbo every part ofItaly that he visited. 

VII. Now there rose up against him three hostile generals at once, Carinna, [200] and Clœlius and Brutus, not all in front, nor yet allfrom the same quarter, but they surrounded him with three armies, withthe view of completely destroying him. Pompeius was not alarmed, butgetting all his force together he attacked one of the armies, that ofBrutus, placing in the front his cavalry, among whom he himself was. From the side of the enemy the Celtæ rode out to meet him, whenPompeius with spear in hand struck the first and strongest of them andbrought him down; on which the rest fled and put the infantry alsointo confusion, so that there was a general rout. Hereupon thegenerals quarrelled among themselves and retired, as each best could, and the cities took the part of Pompeius, seeing that the enemy haddispersed in alarm. Next came Scipio[201] the consul against him, butbefore the lines had come close enough to discharge their javelins, the soldiers of Scipio saluted those of Pompeius and changed sides, and Scipio made his escape. Finally, near the river Arsis, [202] Carbohimself attacked Pompeius with several troops of horse, but Pompeiusbravely stood the attack, and putting them to flight pursued and droveall of them upon difficult ground where no cavalry could act; and themen, seeing that there was no hope of saving themselves, surrenderedwith their arms and horses. 

VIII. Sulla had not yet received intelligence of these events, butupon the first news and reports about Pompeius, being alarmed at hisbeing among so many hostile generals of such reputation, he made hasteto relieve him. Pompeius being informed that Sulla was near, orderedhis officers to arm the forces and to display them in such manner thatthey might make the most gallant and splendid appearance to theImperator, for he expected to receive great honours from him; and hegot more than he expected. For when Sulla saw him approaching and hisarmy standing by, admirable for the brave appearance of the men andelated and rejoicing in their success, he leapt down from his horse, and being addressed, according to custom, by the title of Imperator, he addressed Pompeius in return by the title of Imperator, thoughnobody would have expected that Sulla would give to a young man whowas not yet a member of the Senate, the title for which he wasfighting against the Scipios and the Marii. And indeed everything elsewas in accordance with the first greeting, for Sulla used to rise fromhis seat as Pompeius approached and take his vest from his head, whichhe was not observed to do generally to any other person, though therewere many distinguished men about him. Pompeius, however, was not madevain by these marks of distinction, but on being immediately sent intoGaul by Sulla, where Metellus[203] commanded and appeared to be doingnothing correspondent to his means, Pompeius said it was not right totake the command from a man who was his senior and superior inreputation; however he said he was ready to carry on the war inconjunction with Metellus, if he had no objection, in obedience to hisorders and to give him his assistance. Metellus accepted the proposaland wrote to him to come, on which Pompeius entering Gaul, performednoble exploits, and he also fanned into a flame again and warmed thewarlike and courageous temper of Metellus, which was now near becomingextinct through old age, as the liquid, heated stream of copper byflowing about the hard, cold metal is said to soften and to liquefy itinto its own mass better than the fire. But as in the case of anathlete[204] who has obtained the first place among men and hasgloriously vanquished in every contest, his boyish victories are madeof no account and are not registered; so the deeds which Pompeius thenaccomplished, though of themselves extraordinary, yet as they wereburied under the number and magnitude of his subsequent struggles andwars, I have been afraid to disturb them, lest if we should dwell toolong on his first exploits, we should miss the acts and events whichare the most important and best show the character of the man. 

IX. [205] Now when Sulla was master of Italy and was proclaimedDictator, he rewarded the other officers and generals by making themrich and promoting them to magistracies and by granting them withoutstint and with readiness what they asked for. But as he admiredPompeius for his superior merit and thought that he would be a greatsupport to his own interests, he was anxious in some way to attach himby family relations. Metella, the wife of Sulla, had also the samewish, and they persuaded Pompeius to put away Antistia and to take towife Aemilia, the step-daughter of Sulla, the child of Metella byScaurus, who was then living with her husband and was pregnant. Thismatter of the marriage was of a tyrannical character, and more suitedto the interests of Sulla than conformable to the character ofPompeius, for Aemilia, who was pregnant, was taken from another to bemarried to him, and Antistia was put away with dishonour and underlamentable circumstances, inasmuch as she had just lost her fatheralso, and that, too, on her husband's account; for Antistius wasmurdered in the Senate-house because he was considered to be anadherent of Sulla for the sake of Pompeius; and the mother of Antistiahaving witnessed all this put an end to her life, so that thismisfortune was added to the tragedy of the marriage; and in soothanother besides, for Aemilia herself died immediately afterwards inchild-birth in the house of Pompeius. 

X. After this, news arrived that Perpenna[206] was securing Sicily forhimself, and that the island was supplying to those who remained ofthe opposite faction a point for concentrating their forces; forCarbo[207] was afloat in those parts with a navy, and Domitius hadfallen upon Libya, and many other fugitives of note were crowdingthere, who had escaped from the proscriptions. Against these Pompeiuswas sent with a large force: and Perpenna immediately evacuated Sicilyupon his arrival. Pompeius relieved the cities which had been harshlytreated, and behaved kindly to them all except to the Mamertini inMessene. For when the Mamertini protested against the tribunal and theRoman administration of justice, on the ground that there was an oldRoman enactment which forbade their introduction, "Won't you stop, "said he, "citing laws to us who have our swords by our sides?" It wasconsidered also that Pompeius triumphed over the misfortunes of Carboin an inhuman manner. For if it was necessary to put Carbo to death, as perhaps it was, he ought to have been put to death as soon as hewas taken, and then the act might have been imputed to him who gavethe order. But Pompeius produced in chains a Roman who had three timesbeen Consul, and making him stand in front of the tribunal while hewas sitting, sat in judgment on him, to the annoyance and vexation ofthose who were present; after which he ordered him to be removed andput to death. They say that when Carbo had been dragged off, seeingthe sword already bared, he begged them to allow him to retire for ashort time as his bowels were disordered. Caius Oppius, [208] thefriend of Cæsar, says that Pompeius behaved inhumanly to QuintusValerius also; for Pompeius, who knew that Valerius was a learned manand a particular lover of learning, embraced him, and after walkingabout with him and questioning him about what he wanted to know, andgetting his answer, he ordered his attendants to take Valerius awayand immediately put him to death. But when Oppius is speaking of theenemies or friends of Cæsar, it is necessary to be very cautious inbelieving what he says. Now as to those enemies of Sulla who were ofthe greatest note and were openly taken, Pompeius of necessitypunished them; but as to the rest he allowed as many as he could toescape detection, and he even aided some in getting away. Pompeius haddetermined to punish the inhabitants of Himera which had sided withthe enemy; but Sthenis the popular leader having asked for aconference with him, told Pompeius that he would not do right, if helet the guilty escape and punished the innocent. On Pompeius askingwho the guilty man was, Sthenis replied, it was himself, for he hadpersuaded those citizens who were his friends, and forced those whowere his enemies. Pompeius admiring the bold speech and spirit of theman pardoned him first and then all the rest. Hearing that hissoldiers were committing excesses on the march, he put a seal on theirswords, and he who broke the seal was punished. 

XI. While he was thus engaged in Sicily and settling the civiladministration, he received a decree of the Senate and letters fromSulla which contained an order for him to sail to Libya and vigorouslyoppose Domitius, [209] who had got together a power much larger thanthat with which Marius no long time back had passed over from Libya toItaly and put all affairs at Rome in confusion by making himself atyrant after having been a fugitive. Accordingly making hispreparations with all haste Pompeius left in command in SicilyMemmius, [210] his sister's husband, and himself set sail with ahundred and twenty large ships, and eight hundred transports whichconveyed corn, missiles, money, and engines. On his landing with partof his vessels at Utica and the rest at Carthage, seven thousand mendeserted from the enemy and came over to him; he had himself sixcomplete legions. It is said that a ludicrous thing occurred here. Some soldiers having fallen in with a treasure, as it seems, got alarge sum of money. The matter becoming known, all the rest of thesoldiers got a notion that the place was full of money, which theysupposed to have been hid during the misfortunes of the Carthaginians. The consequence was that Pompeius could do nothing with the soldiersfor many days while they were busy with looking after treasure, but hewent about laughing and looking on so many thousands all at one timedigging and turning up the ground, till at last the men were tired andtold their commander to lead them were he pleased, as they had beenpunished enough for their folly. 

XII. Domitius had posted himself to oppose Pompeius, with a ravine inhis front which was difficult to pass and rough; but a violent rainaccompanied with wind commenced in the morning and continued, so thatDomitius giving up his intention of fighting on that day ordered aretreat. Pompeius taking advantage of this opportunity advancedrapidly and began to cross the ravine. But the soldiers of Domitiuswere in disorder and confusion, and what resistance they offered wasneither made by the whole body nor yet in any regular manner: the windalso veered round and blew the storm right in their faces. However thestorm confused the Romans also, for they did not see one anotherclearly, and Pompeius himself had a narrow escape with his life, notbeing recognised by a soldier to whom he was somewhat slow in givingthe word on being asked for it. Having repulsed the enemy with greatslaughter (for it is said that out of twenty thousand only threethousand escaped) they saluted Pompeius with the title of Imperator. But Pompeius said that he would not accept the honour, so long as theenemy's encampment was standing, and if they thought him worthy ofthis title they must first destroy the camp, upon which they forthwithrushed against the rampart, and Pompeius fought without a helmet forfear of what just had happened. The camp was taken and Domitius fell. Some of the cities immediately submitted, and others were taken bystorm. Pompeius also made a prisoner of Iarbas, [211] one of the kings, who had sided with Domitius, and he gave his kingdom to Hiempsal. Availing himself of his success and the strength of his army heinvaded Numidia. After advancing many days' march and subduing allwhom he met with, and firmly establishing the dread of the Romansamong the barbarians which had now somewhat subsided, he said that heought not to leave even the wild beasts of Libya, without letting themhave some experience of the strength and courage of the Romans. Accordingly he spent a few days in hunting lions and elephants;[212]and in forty days in all, as it is said, he defeated his enemies, subdued Libya, and settled all the affairs of the kings, being then inhis four and twentieth year. 

XIII. On his return to Utica he received letters from Sulla, withorders to disband the rest of the army, and to wait there with onelegion for his successor in the command. Pompeius was annoyed at thisand took it ill, though he did not show it; but the army openlyexpressed their dissatisfaction, and when Pompeius requested them toadvance, they abused Sulla, and they said they would not let Pompeiusbe exposed to danger without them, and they advised him not to trustthe tyrant. At first Pompeius endeavoured to mollify and quiet them, but finding that he could not prevail, he descended from the tribunaland went to his tent weeping. But the soldiers laid hold of him andagain placed him on the tribunal, and a great part of the day wasspent in the soldiers urging him to stay and be their leader, and inPompeius entreating the soldiers to be obedient and not to mutiny, till at last, as they still urged him and drowned his voice with theircries, he swore he would kill himself, if they forced him; and so atlast with great difficulty they were induced to stop. Sulla at firstreceived intelligence that Pompeius had revolted, on which he said tohis friends, it was his fate now that he was old to fight with boys, alluding to the fact that Marius, who was very young, gave him mosttrouble, and brought him into the extremest danger; but on hearing thetrue state of affairs, and perceiving that everybody with right goodwill was eager to receive Pompeius and to escort him, he made haste tooutdo them. Accordingly he advanced and met Pompeius, and receivinghim with all possible expressions of good-will, he saluted him with aloud voice by the name of Magnus, [213] and he bade those who werepresent to address him in the same way. The word Magnus means Great. Others say that it was in Libya first that the whole army withacclamation pronounced the name, and that it obtained strength andcurrency by being confirmed by Sulla. But Pompeius himself, aftereverybody else, and some time later when he was sent into Iberia asproconsul against Sertorius, began to call himself in his letters andedicts Magnus Pompeius; for the name was no longer invidious whenpeople had been made familiar with it. And here one may justly admireand respect the old Romans, who requited with such appellations andtitles not success in war and battles only, but honoured therewithpolitical services and merits also. Two men accordingly the peopleproclaimed Maximi, which means the Greatest; Valerius, [214] because hereconciled the senate to the people when there was a misunderstandingbetween them; and Fabius Rullus, [215] because he ejected from thesenate certain rich persons the children of freedmen who had beenenrolled in the list of senators. 

XIV. After this Pompeius asked for a triumph, but Sulla opposed hisclaim: for the law gives a triumph to a consul or to a prætor[216]only, but to no one else. And this is the reason why the first Scipio, after defeating the Carthaginians in greater and more importantcontests in Iberia, did not ask for a triumph, for he was not consul, nor yet prætor. Sulla considered that if Pompeius, who was not yetwell bearded, should enter the city in triumph, he who, by reason ofhis age, was not yet a member of the senate, both his own office andthe honour given to Pompeius would be exposed to much obloquy. Sullamade these remarks to Pompeius, to show that he did not intend to lethim have a triumph, but would resist him and check his ambition, if hewould not listen to reason. Pompeius, however, was not cowed, but hetold Sulla to reflect, that more men worship the rising than thesetting sun, intending him to understand that his own power was on theincrease, but that the power of Sulla was diminishing and fading away. Sulla did not distinctly hear these words, but observing that thosewho did hear them, by looks and gestures expressed their astonishment, he asked what it was that Pompeius had said. When he heard what itwas, he was confounded at the boldness of Pompeius, and called outtwice, "Let him triumph!" Now many persons were annoyed, and expressedtheir dissatisfaction at the triumph, on which Pompeius, wishing toannoy them still more, it is said, made preparation for entering thecity in a car drawn by four elephants, [217] for he brought from Libyamany of the king's elephants that he had taken; but as the gate wastoo narrow, he gave up his project and contented himself with horses. The soldiers, who had not obtained as much as they expected, wereready to make a disturbance and impede the triumph, but Pompeius saidthat he cared not for it, and would rather give up the triumph thanhumour them; whereupon Servilius, [218] a man of distinction, who hadmade most opposition to the triumph of Pompeius, said, Now heperceived that Pompeius was really Great and was worthy of thetriumph. It is also certain that he might then have been easilyadmitted into the senate, if he had chosen; but he showed no eagernessfor it, seeking, as they say, reputation from what was unusual. For itwas nothing surprising if Pompeius were a senator before the age, butit was a most distinguished honour for him to triumph before he was asenator. Another thing also gained him the good-will of the many in nosmall degree, for the people were delighted at his being reviewedamong the Equites after the triumph. 

XV. Sulla[219] was annoyed to see to what a height of reputation andpower Pompeius was advancing, but as he was ashamed to attempt tocheck his career he kept quiet. However, when Pompeius had broughtabout the election of Lepidus as consul in spite of Sulla and againsthis wish, by canvassing for Lepidus, and by employing the affection ofthe people towards himself to induce them to favour Lepidus, Sullaseeing Pompeius retiring with the crowd through the Forum, said, "Isee, young man, that you are pleased with your victory: and indeed howcan it be otherwise than generous and noble, for Lepidus, the vilestof men, to be declared consul before Catulus the best, through yourmanagement of the people? However, it is time for you not to slumber, but to attend to affairs, for you have strengthened your rival againstyourself. " Sulla showed mainly by his testament that he was not welldisposed to Pompeius, for he left legacies to his other friends, andmade them his son's guardians, but he passed over Pompeiusaltogether. But Pompeius took this very quietly, and behaved on theoccasion as a citizen should do; and accordingly, when Lepidus andsome others were putting impediments in the way of the body beinginterred in the Field of Mars, and were not for allowing the funeralto be public, Pompeius brought his aid, and gave to the interment bothsplendour and security. 

XVI. As soon as Sulla's death made his prophetic warnings manifest, and Lepidus was attempting to put himself in Sulla's place, not by anycircuitous movement or contrivance, but by taking up arms forthwith, and again stirring up and gathering round him the remnants of thefactions which had long been enfeebled and had escaped from Sulla; andhis colleague Catulus, to whom the most honest and soundest part ofthe Senate and the people attached themselves, was the first of theRomans of the day for reputation of temperance and integrity, but wasconsidered to be better adapted for the conduct of civil than ofmilitary affairs, and circumstances themselves were calling forPompeius, he did not hesitate what course to take, but attachinghimself to the optimates, [220] he was appointed commander of a forceto oppose Lepidus, who had already stirred up a large part of Italyand held with an army under the command of Brutus, Gaul within theAlps. Now Pompeius easily defeated the rest whom he attacked, but atMutina[221] in Gaul he sat down for some time opposite to Brutus, while Lepidus having hurried on to Rome and posted himself before thewalls was demanding a second consulship and terrifying the citizenswith a numerous army. But the alarm was ended by a letter fromPompeius, who had brought the war to a fortunate issue without abattle. For Brutus, whether it was that he gave up his force himselfor was betrayed by his army changing sides, surrendered his person toPompeius and with some horsemen as an escort retired to one of thesmall towns near the Padus, where after the interval of a single dayhe was put to death by Geminius, whom Pompeius sent to him; andPompeius was much blamed for this. For at the very commencement of theaffair of the army changing sides, he wrote to the Senate thatBrutus[222] had voluntarily surrendered, and he then sent anotherletter in which he criminated the man after he was put to death. ThisBrutus was the father of the Brutus who together with Cassius killedCæsar, a man who neither fought nor died like his father, as is toldin his Life. As soon as Lepidus was driven from Italy, he made hisescape into Sardinia, where he fell sick and died of vexation, not atthe state of affairs, as they say, but from finding some writing bywhich he discovered that his wife had committed adultery. 

XVII. But a general, Sertorius, [223] who in no respect resembledLepidus, was in possession of Iberia and was hovering over the otherRomans, a formidable adversary; for the civil wars had concentratedthemselves as in a final disease in this one man, who had alreadydestroyed many of the inferior commanders, and was then engaged withMetellus Pius, who was indeed a distinguished soldier and of greatmilitary ability, but owing to old age was considered to be followingup the opportunities of war somewhat tardily, and was anticipated inhis plans by the quickness and rapidity of Sertorius, who attacked himat all hazards and somewhat in robber fashion, and by his ambuscadesand circuitous movements confounded a man well practised in regularbattles and used to command a force of heavy-armed soldiers trained toclose fighting. Upon this Pompeius, who had an army under his command, bestirred himself to be sent out to support Metellus; and thoughCatulus ordered him to disband his force he would not obey, but keptunder arms in the neighbourhood of the city continually inventingexcuses, until the command was given to him on the proposal of LuciusPhilippus. It was on this occasion, as it is said, that some one inthe Senate asked Philippus with some surprise, if he thought thatPompeius ought to be sent out as Proconsul, [224] and Philippusreplied, "Not as Proconsul, as I think, but in place of the Consuls, "meaning that both the consuls of that year were good for nothing. I

XVIII. When Pompeius arrived in Iberia, as it usually happens with thereputation of a new commander, he gave the people great hopes, and thenations which were not firmly attached to the party of Sertorius beganto stir themselves and change sides; whereupon Sertorius gave vent toarrogant expressions against Pompeius, and scoffingly said, he shouldonly need a cane and a whip for this youth, if he were not afraid ofthat old woman, meaning Metellus. However he conducted his militaryoperations with more caution, as in fact he kept a close watch onPompeius and was afraid of him. For contrary to what one would haveexpected, Metellus had become very luxurious in his mode of life andhad completely given himself up to pleasure, and there had been all atonce a great change in him to habits of pride and extravagance, sothat this also brought Pompeius a surpassing good-will and reputation, inasmuch as he maintained a frugal mode of living, a thing that costhim no great pains, for he was naturally temperate and well regulatedin his desires. Though there were many vicissitudes in the war, thecapture of Lauron by Sertorius gave Pompeius most annoyance; for whilehe supposed that Sertorius was surrounded, and had uttered certainboasting expressions, all at once it appeared that he himself wascompletely hemmed in, and as for this reason he was afraid to stir, hesaw the city burnt before his face. But he defeated, near Valentia, Herennius and Perpenna, who were men of military talent, and amongothers had fled to Sertorius and served under him; and he slaughteredabove ten thousand of their men. 

XIX. Elated by this success, and full of great designs, he hastenedto attack Sertorius himself, in order that Metellus might not sharethe victory. They engaged on the banks of the Sucro, though it wasnear the close of day, both parties fearing the arrival of Metellus, one wishing to fight by himself, and the other wishing to have onlyone opponent. The issue of the battle was doubtful, for one wing wasvictorious on each side; but of the two commanders-in-chief Sertoriusgot the more honour, for he put to flight the enemy who were opposedto him. A man of tall stature, an infantry soldier, attacked Pompeius, who was on horseback; and as they closed and came to a struggle, theblows of the swords fell on the hands of both, but not with the sameeffect; for Pompeius was only wounded, but he cut off the man's hand. Now, as many men rushed upon Pompeius, and the rout had already begun, he escaped, contrary to all expectation, by quitting his horse, whichhad trappings of gold and decorations of great value; for while theenemy were dividing the booty and fighting about it with one another, they were left behind in the pursuit. At daybreak both commandersagain placed their forces in order of battle, with the intention ofsecuring the victory, but when Metellus approached, Sertoriusretreated and his army dispersed. For the fashion of his men was todisperse and again to come together, so that Sertorius often wanderedabout alone, and often appeared again at the head of one hundred andfifty thousand men, like a winter-torrent suddenly swollen. Now, whenPompeius went to meet Metellus after the battle, and they were nearone another, he ordered his lictors to lower their fasces out ofrespect to Metellus as the superior in rank. But Metellus would notallow this, and in all other respects he behaved with consideration toPompeius, not assuming any superiority on the ground of being aconsular and the elder, except that when the two armies encampedtogether the watchword for both armies was given out by Metellus; butthe two armies generally encamped apart. For the enemy used to cut offtheir communications and separate them, being fertile in stratagems, and skilful in showing himself in many quarters in a short time, andin leading from one combat to another. Finally, by cutting off theirsupplies, plundering the country, and getting the command of the sea, he drove both Pompeius and Metellus from that part of Iberia which wasunder him, and they were compelled to fly to other provinces throughwant of provisions. 

XX. Pompeius having spent most of his own property and applied it tothe purposes of the war, demanded money of the senate, and said thathe would come to Italy with his army if they did not send it. Lucullus, who was then consul, being at variance with Pompeius, andintriguing to get the command in the Mithridatic war for himself, bestirred himself to get money sent for fear of letting Pompeius havea reason for leaving Sertorius, and attacking Mithridates, which hewished to do, for Mithridates was considered to be an opponent whom itwould be an honour to oppose and easy to vanquish. In the meantime, Sertorius[225] was assassinated by his friends, of whom Perpenna wasthe chief leader, and he attempted to do what Sertorius had done, having indeed the same troops and means, but not equal judgment forthe management of them. Now Pompeius immediately advanced againstPerpenna, and perceiving that he was floundering in his affairs, hesent down ten cohorts into the plain, as a bait, and gave them ordersto disperse as if they were flying. When Perpenna had attacked thecohorts, and was engaged in the pursuit, Pompeius appeared in fullforce, and joining battle, gave the enemy a complete defeat. Most ofthe officers fell in the battle; but Perpenna was brought to Pompeius, who ordered him to be put to death, in which he did not show anyingratitude, nor that he had forgotten what had happened in Sicily, assome say, but he displayed great prudence and a judgment that wasadvantageous to the commonweal. For Perpenna, who had got possessionof the writings of Sertorins, offered to produce letters from the mostpowerful men in Rome, who being desirous to disturb the presentsettlement and to change the constitution, invited Sertorius to Italy. Now Pompeius, apprehending that this might give rise to greater warsthan those which were just ended, put Perpenna to death, and burnt theletters without even reading them. 

XXI. After staying[226] long enough to extinguish the chiefdisturbances, and to quiet and settle those affairs which were in themost inflammatory state, he led his army back to Italy, and happenedto arrive at the time when the servile war[227] was at its height. This was the reason why Crassus the commander urged on the hazard of abattle, which he gained, with the slaughter of twelve thousand threehundred of the enemy. Fortune, however, in a manner adopted Pompeiusinto this success also, for five thousand men who escaped from thebattle fell in his way, all of whom he destroyed, and he took theopportunity of writing first to the senate, to say that Crassus indeedhad conquered the gladiators in a pitched battle, but he had pulled upthe war by the roots. And this was agreeable to the Romans to hear, owing to their good-will towards Pompeius, and also to speak of. As toIberia and Sertorius, no one even in jest would have said that theconquest was due to any one else than Pompeius. But though the man wasin such repute, and such expectations were entertained of him, therewas still some suspicion and fear that he would not disband his army, but would make his way by arms and sovereign power straight to thepolity of Sulla. Accordingly, those who through fear ran to greet himon the way, were as many as those who did it from good-will. But whenPompeius had removed this suspicion also by declaring that he woulddisband his army after the triumph, there still remained one subjectof reproach for those who envied him, that he attached himself moreto the people than to the senate, and that he had determined torestore the authority of the tribunate, which Sulla had destroyed, andto court the favour of the many, which was true. For there was nothingfor which the people were more madly passionate, and nothing whichthey more desired, than to see that magistracy again, so that Pompeiusconsidered the opportunity for this political measure a great goodfortune, as he could not have found any other favour by which torequite the good-will of the citizens, if another had anticipated himin this. 

XXII. Now after a second triumph[228] and the consulship were voted tohim, Pompeius was not for this reason considered an object ofadmiration and a great man; but the people considered it a proof ofhis distinction, that Crassus, though the richest of all who wereengaged in public life, and the most powerful speaker and the greatestman, and though he despised Pompeius and everybody else, did notventure to become a candidate for the consulship till he had appliedto Pompeius. Pompeius indeed was well pleased with this, as he hadlong wished to have the opportunity of doing some service and friendlyact to Crassus. According he readily accepted the advances of Crassus, and in his address to the people he declared that he should be asgrateful to them for his colleague as for the consulship. However, when they were elected consuls, they differed about everything, andcame into collision: in the senate Crassus had more weight, but amongthe people the influence of Pompeius was great. For Pompeius restoredthe tribunate[229] to the people, and he allowed the judicia to beagain transferred to the Equites by a law. But the most agreeable ofall spectacles was that which Pompeius exhibited to the people when hepersonally solicited his discharge from service. It is the customamong the Roman Equites[230] when they have served the time fixed bylaw, to lead their horse into the Forum before the two men whom theycall Censors, and after mentioning each general and Imperator underwhom they have served, and giving an account of their service, theyreceive their dismissal. Honours also and infamy are awarded accordingto each man's conduct. Now on this occasion the Censors Gellius andLentulus were sitting in all their official dignity, and the Equiteswho were to be inspected were passing by, when Pompeius was seendescending from the higher ground to the Forum, bearing the otherinsignia of his office, but leading his horse by the hand. When hecame near and was full in sight, he bade the lictors make way for him, and he led his horse to the tribunal. The people admired, and keptprofound silence; the censors were both awed and delighted at thesight. Then the elder said: "I ask you, Pompeius Magnus, if you haveperformed all the military services that the law requires?" Pompeiusreplied with a loud voice, "I have performed all, and all under my owncommand as Imperator. " On hearing this the people broke out into loudshouts, and it was impossible to repress the acclamations, so greatwas their delight; but the censors rising, conducted Pompeius home toplease the citizens, who followed with loud expressions of applause. 

XXIII. Now when the term of office was near expiring for Pompeius, andthe differences with Crassus wore increasing, one CaiusAurelius, [231] who though a man of equestrian rank did not meddle withpublic affairs, on the occasion of an assembly of the people ascendedthe Rostra, and coming forward said, that Jupiter had appeared to himin his sleep and had bid him tell the consuls not to lay down theiroffice before they were reconciled. On this being said, Pompeius stoodstill, without saying a word, but Crassus making the first advance totake his hand and address him, said, "I think I am doing nothingignoble or mean, fellow citizens, in being first to give way toPompeius, whom you considered worthy of the name of Magnus before hehad a beard, and decreed to him two triumphs before he was a senator. "Upon this they were reconciled and laid down their office. Now Crassuscontinued the kind of life which he had originally adopted; butPompeius withdrew himself from his numerous engagements as advocate, and gradually quitted the forum, and seldom went into public, andalways with a large crowd of people. For it was no longer easy to meetwith him or see him without a train; but he took most pleasure inshowing himself with a numerous company close around him, and by thesemeans he threw a dignity and importance about his presence, andthought that he ought to keep his high rank from contact orfamiliarity with the many. For life in the garment of peace is ahazardous thing towards loss of reputation for those who have gaineddistinction in arms and are ill suited for civil equality; for suchmen claim the first place in peace also, as in war, while those whoget less honour in war cannot submit to have no advantage in peace atleast. Wherefore when they moot in the Forum with the man who has beendistinguished in camps and triumphs, they humble him and cast himdown; but if a man renounces all pretensions to civil distinction andwithdraws, they maintain his military honours and power untouched byenvy. Facts soon showed this. 

XXIV. Now the power of the pirates[232] had its beginning in Cilicia, and at first its adventure was attended with hazard and soughtconcealment, but it gained confidence and daring in the Mithridaticwar by lending itself to aid the king. Then, the Romans being engagedin the civil wars about the gates of Rome, the sea was left destituteof all protection, and this by degrees drew them on, and encouragedthem not to confine their attacks to those who navigated the sea, butto ravage islands and maritime cities. And now men who wore powerfulby wealth and of distinguished birth, and who claimed superioreducation, began to embark on board piratical vessels and to share intheir undertakings as if the occupation was attended with a certainreputation and was an object of ambition. There were also piraticalposts established in many places and fortified beacons, at whicharmaments put in, which were fitted out for this peculiar occupationnot only with bold vigorous crews and skilful helmsmen and the speedand lightness of the ships, but more annoying than their formidableappearance was their arrogant and pompous equipment, with their goldenstreamers[233] and purple sails and silvered oars, as if they riotedin their evil practices and prided themselves on them. And flutes andplaying on stringed instruments and drinking along the whole coast, and capture of persons high in office, and ransomings of capturedcities, were a disgrace to the Roman supremacy. Now the piraticalships had increased to above a thousand, and the cities captured bythem were four hundred. They attacked and plundered the asyla andsacred places which had hitherto been unapproached, such as those ofClaros, [234] Didyma, Samothrace, the temple of Chthonia in Hermione, the temple of Æsculapius in Epidaurus, and those of Neptune at theIsthmus and Tænaros and Kalauria, and those of Apollo at Actium andLeucas, and that of Juno in Samos, and in Argos, and Lacinium. Theyalso performed strange rites on Olympus[235] and celebrated certainmysterious ceremonies, among which were those of Mithras[236] and theyare continued to the present time, having been first introduced bythem. But they did most insult to the Romans, and going up from thesea they robbed on their roads and plundered the neighbouring villas. They once seized two prætors Sextilius and Bellinus in their purpledress, and they carried off with them their attendants and lictors. They also took the daughter of Antonius, a man who had enjoyed atriumph, as she was going into the country, and she was ransomed atgreat cost. But their most insulting behaviour was in the followingfashion. Whenever a man who was taken called out that he was a Romanand mentioned his name, they would pretend to be terror-struck and tobe alarmed, and would strike their thighs and fall down at his kneespraying him to pardon them; and their captive would believe all thisto be real, seeing that they were humble and suppliant. Then somewould put Roman shoes on his feet, and others would throw over him atoga, pretending it was done that there might be no mistake about himagain. When they had for some time mocked the man in this way and hadtheir fill of amusement, at last they would put a ladder down into thesea, and bid him step out and go away with their best wishes for agood journey; and if a man would not go, then they shoved him into thewater. 

XXV. The power of the pirates extended over the whole of our sea[237]at once in a measure, so that it could not be navigated and was closedagainst all trade. It was this which mainly induced the Romans, whowere hard pressed for provisions and were expecting great scarcity, tosend out Pompeius to clear the sea of the pirates. Gabinius, [238] oneof the friends of Pompeius, drew up a law which gave Pompeius, not anaval command, but palpably sole dominion and power over all menwithout any responsibility. For the law gave him authority over thesea within the columns of Hercules and all the main land to thedistance of four hundred stadia from the sea. There were not manyplaces within the Roman dominions which lay beyond those limits, butthe chief nations and the most powerful of the kings were comprisedwithin them. Besides this, Pompeius was empowered to choose fifteenlegati from the Senate who should command in particular parts, to takefrom the treasuries and from the Publicani as much money as hepleased, and two hundred ships, with full authority as to the numberand levying of the armed force and of the rowers for the vessels. Whenthese provisions of the law were read, the people received them withexceeding great satisfaction, but the chief of the Senate and the mostpowerful citizens considered that this unlimited and indefinite powerwas indeed too great to be an object of envy, but was a matter foralarm. Accordingly with the exception of Cæsar they opposed the law;but Cæsar spoke in favour of it, though indeed he cared very littlefor Pompeius, but from the beginning it was his plan to insinuatehimself into the popular favour and to gain over the people. But therest vehemently assailed Pompeius. One of the consuls who had observedto him that if he emulated Romulus he would not escape the end ofRomulus, was near being killed by the people. When Catulus cameforward to speak against the law, the people out of respect weresilent for some time; but after he had spoken at length withhonourable mention of Pompeius and without any invidious remark, andthen advised the people to spare him and not to expose such a man torepeated dangers and wars, "What other man, " he continued, "will youhave, if you lose him?" when with one accord all the people replied, "Yourself. " Now as Catulus could produce no effect, he retired fromthe Rostra; when Roscius[239] came forward, nobody listened, but hemade signs with his fingers that they should not appoint Pompeius tothe sole command, but should give him a colleague. At this it is saidthat the people being irritated sent forth such a shout, that acrow[240] which was flying over the Forum was stunned and fell downinto the crowd. Whence it appears, that birds which fall, do nottumble into a great vacuum in the air caused by its rending andseparation, but that they are struck by the blow of the voice, which, when it is carried along with great mass and strength, causes anagitation and a wave in the air. 

XXVI. Now for the time the assembly was dissolved. But on the day onwhich they were going to put the law to the vote, Pompeius privatelyretired to the country, but on hearing that the law had passed, heentered the city by night, considering that he should make himself anobject of jealousy if the people met him and crowded about him. Atdaybreak he came into public and sacrificed; and an assembly beingsummoned he contrived to get many other things in addition to what hadbeen voted, and nearly doubled his armament. For he manned fivehundred ships, and one hundred and twenty thousand heavy-armedsoldiers and five thousand horse were raised. He chose out of thesenate twenty-four men who had held command and served the office ofprætor; and there were two quæstors. As the prices of provisionsimmediately fell, it gave the people, who were well pleased to haveit, opportunity to say that the very name of Pompeius had put an endto the war. However, by dividing the waters and the whole space of theinternal sea into thirteen parts and appointing a certain number ofships and a commander for each, with his force, which was thusdispersed in all directions, he surrounded the piratical vessels thatfell in his way in a body, and forthwith hunted them down and broughtthem into port; but those who separated from one another before theywere taken and effected their escape, crowded from all parts and madetheir way to Cilicia as to a hive; and against them Pompeius himselfwent with sixty of the best ships. But he did not sail against themtill he had completely cleared of the piratical vessels the Tyrrheniansea, the Libyan, and the seas around Sardinia, and Corsica, andSicily, in forty days in all, by his own unwearied exertions and theactive co-operation of his commanders. 

XXVII. In Rome the consul Piso, through passion and envy, was damagingthe preparations for the war, and disbanding the seamen who were toman the ships, but Pompeius sent round his navy to Brundisium andhimself advanced through Tyrrhenia to Rome. On hearing this all thepeople poured forth out of the city upon the road, just as if they hadnot only a few days before conducted him out of the city. And therejoicing was caused by the speediness of the change, which wascontrary to expectation, for the Forum had a superabundance ofprovisions. The consequence was that Piso ran the risk of beingdeprived of the consulship, for Gabinius had already a law drawn up. But Pompeius prevented this, and having managed everything else withmoderation and got what he wanted, he went down to Brundisium and setsail. But though he was pressed by the urgency of the business andsailed past the cities in his haste, still he did not pass by Athensbut he went up to it. After sacrifices to the gods and addressing thepeople, just as he was quitting the place he read two inscriptions, each of a single verse, addressed to him, the one within the gate, "As thou own'st thyself a mortal, so thou art in truth a God. "

and that on the outside:

 "Expected, welcomed, seen, we now conduct thee forth. "

Now as he treated mercifully some of the piratical crews which stillheld together and were cruising about the seas upon their preferringentreaties to him, and after receiving a surrender of their vesselsand persons did them no harm, the rest entertaining good hopesattempted to get out of the way of the other officers, and coming toPompeius they put themselves into his hands with their children andwives. But he spared all, and it was chiefly through their assistancethat he tracked out and caught[241] those who still lurked inconcealment, as being conscious that they had committed unpardonablecrimes. 

XXVIII. The greater part and the most powerful of the pirates haddeposited their families and wealth, and their useless people, ingarrisons and strong forts among the heights of the Taurus; butmanning their ships the pirates themselves awaited the approach ofPompeius near Coracesium[242] in Cilicia, and a battle was fought inwhich they were defeated and afterwards blockaded. At last sending asuppliant message they surrendered themselves and their cities and theislands of which they had possession and in which they had built fortsthat were difficult to force and hard to approach. Accordingly the warwas ended, and all the pirates were driven from the sea in no morethan three months. Pompeius received by surrender many ships, andamong them ninety with brazen beaks. The pirates, who amounted to morethan twenty thousand, he never thought of putting to death, but heconsidered that it would not be prudent to let them go and to allowthem to be dispersed or to unite again, being poor, and warlike andmany in number. Reflecting then that by nature man neither is made noris a wild animal nor unsocial, and that he changes his character bythe practice of vice which is contrary to his nature, but that he istamed by habits and change of place and life, and that wild beasts bybeing accustomed to a gentler mode of living put off their wildnessand savageness, he determined to transfer the men to the land from thesea and to let them taste a quiet life by being accustomed to live incities and to cultivate the ground. The small and somewhat depopulatedcities of Cilicia received some of the pirates whom they associatedwith themselves, and the cities received some additional tracts ofland; and the city of Soli, [243] which had lately been deprived of itsinhabitants by Tigranes[244] the Armenian king, he restored andsettled many of them in it. To the greater part he gave as theirresidence Dyme[245] in Achæa, which was then without inhabitants andhad much good land. 

XXIX. Now those who envied Pompeius found fault with these measures;but as to his conduct towards Metellus[246] in Crete, even his bestfriends were not pleased with it. Metellus, who was a kinsman of theMetellus who had the command in Iberia jointly with Pompeius, was sentas commander to Crete before Pompeius was chosen. For Crete was a kindof second source of pirates and next to Cilicia; and Metellus havingcaught many of them in the island took them prisoners and put them todeath. Those who still survived and were blockaded, sent a suppliantmessage and invited Pompeius to the island, as being a part of hisgovernment and falling entirely within the limits reckoned from thecoast. Pompeius accepted the invitation and wrote to Metellus toforbid him continuing the war. He also wrote to the cities not to payany attention to Metellus, and he sent as commander one of his ownofficers, Lucius Octavius, who entering into the forts of the besiegedpirates and fighting on their side made Pompeius not only odious andintolerable, but ridiculous also, inasmuch as he lent his name toaccursed and godless men and threw around them his reputation as akind of amulet, through envy and jealousy of Metellus. Neither didAchilles, [247] it was argued, act like a man, but like a youth allfull of violence and passionately pursuing glory, when he made a signto the rest of the Greeks and would not let them strike Hector, "For fear another gave the blow and won The fame, and he should second only come;"

but Pompeius even protected and fought in behalf of the common enemy, that he might deprive of a triumph a general who had endured so muchtoil. Metellus however did not give in, but he took and punished thepirates, and after insulting and abusing Octavius in his camp he lethim go. 

XXX. When news reached Rome that the Pirates' war was at an end andthat Pompeius being now at leisure was visiting the cities, Manlius, [248] one of the tribunes, proposed a law, that Pompeiusshould take all the country and force which Lucullus commanded, withthe addition of Bithynia, which Glabrio[249] had, and should carry onthe war against the kings Mithridates and Tigranes, with both thenaval force and the dominion of the sea on the terms on which hereceived it originally. This was in short for the Roman dominion to beplaced at the disposal of one man. For the provinces which alone hecould not touch under the former law, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the upper Colchis, Armenia, these he now hadtogether with the armies and resources with which Lucullus defeatedMithridates and Tigranes. But though Lucullus was thus deprived of theglory of his achievements and was receiving a successor in a triumphrather than in a war, the aristocratical party thought less of this, though they considered that the man was treated unjustly andungratefully, but they were much dissatisfied with the power ofPompeius which they viewed as the setting up of a tyranny, and theyseverally exhorted and encouraged one another to oppose the law andnot to give up their freedom. But when the time came, the rest keptback through fear of the people and were silent, except Catulus, whoafter finding much fault with the law and the tribune, yet withoutpersuading any one, urged the Senate from the Rostra, repeating itmany times, to seek for a mountain, [250] like their ancestors, and arock, to which they might fly for refuge and preserve their liberty. Accordingly the law was ratified, as they say, by all the tribes[251]and Pompeius in his absence was put in possession of nearlyeverything which Sulla got after he had made himself master of thecity by arms and war. On receiving the letters and reading the decreesin the presence of his friends who were congratulating him, Pompeiusis said to have contracted his eyebrows and to have struck his thigh, and to have spoken like a man who was already tired and averse tocommand, "Oh, the endless toils, how much better it were to have beenone unknown to fame, if there shall never be an end to my militaryservice and I shall never elude this envy and live quietly in thecountry with my wife. "[252] On hearing these expressions not even hisintimate friends could endure his hypocritical pretences, as they knewthat he was the more delighted, inasmuch as his difference withLucullus gave additional fire to his innate ambition and love ofcommand. 

XXXI. And in truth his acts soon discovered his real temper: for heissued counter-edicts in all directions by which he required thepresence of the soldiers and summoned to him the subject rulers andkings. And as he traversed the country, he let nothing that Lucullushad done remain undisturbed, but he both remitted the punishments ofmany, and took away what had been given, and in short he left nothingundone in his eagerness to prove to the admirers of Lucullus[253] thathe was entirely without power. Lucullus through his friends complainedto Pompeius, and it was agreed that they should have a meeting. Theymet in Galatia: and as they were most distinguished generals and hadwon the greatest victories, their lictors met with the fasces wreathedwith bay; but Lucullus advanced from green and shady parts, andPompeius happened to have crossed an extensive tract without trees andparched. Accordingly the lictors of Lucullus seeing that the bays ofPompeius were faded and completely withered, gave them some of theirown which were fresh, and so decorated and wreathed the fasces ofPompeius with them. This was considered a sign that Pompeius wascoming to carry off the prizes of victory and the glory that was dueto Lucullus. As to the order of his consulship and in age alsoLucullus had the priority, but the reputation of Pompeius was moreexalted on account of his two triumphs. However they managed theirfirst interview with as much civility and friendliness as they could, magnifying the exploits of each other, and congratulating one anotheron their victories: in their conferences however they came to noreasonable or fair settlement, but even fell to mutual abuse, Pompeiuscharging Lucullus with avarice, and Lucullus charging Pompeius withlove of power; and they were with difficulty separated by theirfriends. Lucullus being in Galatia assigned portions of the capturedland and gave other presents to whom he chose; while Pompeius, who wasencamped at a short distance, prevented any attention being paid tothe orders of Lucullus, and took from him all his soldiers exceptsixteen hundred, whose mutinous disposition he thought would make themuseless to himself, but hostile to Lucullus. Besides this, Pompeiusdisparaged the exploits of Lucullus and openly said that Lucullus hadwarred against tragedies and mere shadows of kings, while to himselfwas reserved the contest against a genuine power and one that hadgrown wiser by losses, for Mithridates was now having recourse toshields, and swords and horses. Lucullus retorting said, that Pompeiuswas going to fight with a phantom and a shadow of war, beingaccustomed, like a lazy bird, to descend upon the bodies that othershad slaughtered and to tear the remnants of wars; for so had heappropriated to himself the victories over Sertorius, Lepidus andSpartacus, though Crassus, Metellus and Catulus had respectivelygained these victories: it was no wonder then, if Pompeius wassurreptitiously trying to get the credit of the Armenian and Ponticwars, he who had in some way or other contrived to intrude himselfinto a triumph over runaway slaves. 

XXXII. Lucullus[254] now retired, and Pompeius after distributing hiswhole naval force over the sea between Phœnicia and the Bosporus tokeep guard, himself marched against Mithridates, who had thirtythousand foot soldiers of the phalanx and two thousand horsemen, butdid not venture to fight. First of all, Mithridates left a strongmountain which was difficult to assault, whereon he happened to beencamped, because he supposed there was no water there; but Pompeius, after occupying the same mountain, conjectured from the nature of thevegetation upon it and the hollows formed by the slopes of the groundthat the place contained springs, and he ordered wells to be dug inall parts: and immediately the whole army had abundance of water, sothat it was a matter of surprise that Mithridates had all along beenignorant of this. Pompeius then surrounded Mithridates with his troopsand hemmed him in with his lines. After being blockaded forty-fivedays Mithridates succeeded in stealing away with the strongest part ofhis army, after having first massacred those who were unfit forservice and were sick. Next, Pompeius overtook him on the Euphratesand pitched his camp near him; and fearing lest Mithridates shouldfrustrate his design by crossing the river, he led his army againsthim in battle order at midnight, at which very hour it is said thatMithridates had a vision in his sleep which forewarned him of what wasgoing to happen. He dreamed that he was sailing on the Pontic sea witha fair wind, and was already in sight of the Bosporus, andcongratulating his fellow voyagers, as a man naturally would do in hisjoy at a manifest and sure deliverance; but all at once he saw himselfabandoned by everybody and drifting about upon a small piece of wreck. While he was suffering under this anguish and these visions, hisfriends came to his bed-side and roused him with the news thatPompeius was attacking them. The enemy accordingly must of necessityfight in defence of their camp, and the generals leading their forcesout put them in order of battle. Pompeius, seeing the preparations tooppose him, hesitated about running any risk in the dark, and thoughtthat he ought only to surround the enemy, to prevent their escape, andattack them when it was daylight, inasmuch as their numbers weregreater. But the oldest centurions by their entreaties andexhortations urged him on; for it was not quite dark, but the moonwhich was descending in the horizon still allowed them to see objectsclear enough. And it was this which most damaged the king's troops. For the Romans advanced with the moon on their backs, and as the lightwas much depressed towards the horizon, the shadows were projected along way in front of the soldiers and fell upon the enemy, by reasonof which they could not accurately estimate the distance between themand the Romans, but supposing that they were already at close quartersthey threw their javelins without effect and struck nobody. The Romansperceiving this rushed upon the enemy with shouts, and as they did notventure to stand their ground, but were terror-struck and took toflight, the Romans slaughtered them to the number of much more thanten thousand, and took their camp. Mithridates at the commencementwith eight hundred horsemen cut his way through the Romans, but therest were soon dispersed and he was left alone with three persons, oneof whom was his concubine Hypsikratia, [255] who on all occasionsshowed the spirit of a man and desperate courage; and accordingly theking used to call her Hypsikrates. On this occasion, armed like aPersian and mounted on horseback, she was neither exhausted by thelong journeys nor ever wearied of attending to the King's person andhis horse, till they came to a place called Inora, [256] which wasfilled with the King's property and valuables. Here Mithridates tookcostly garments and distributed among those who had flocked to himafter the battle. He also gave to each of his friends a deadly poisonto carry about with them, that none of them might fall into the handsof the Romans against his will. Thence he set out towards Armenia toTigranes, but Tigranes forbade him to come and set a price of ahundred talents upon him, on which Mithridates passed by the sourcesof the Euphrates and continued his flight through Colchis. [257]XXXIII. Pompeius invaded Armenia at the invitation of youngTigranes, [258] who had now revolted from his father, and he metPompeius near the river Araxes, [259] which rises in the same partswith the Euphrates, but turns to the east and enters the Caspian Sea. Pompeius and Tigranes received the submission of the cities as theyadvanced: but King Tigranes, who had been lately crushed by Lucullus, and heard that Pompeius was of a mild and gentle disposition, admitteda Roman garrison into his palace, [260] and taking with him his friendsand kinsmen advanced to surrender himself. As he approached the campon horseback, two lictors of Pompeius came up to him and ordered himto dismount from his horse and to enter on foot: they told him that noman on horseback had ever been seen in a Roman camp. Tigranes obeyedtheir orders, and taking off his sword presented it to them; andfinally, when Pompeius came towards him, pulling off hiscittaris, [261] he hastened to lay it before his feet, and what wasmost humiliating of all, to throw himself down at his knees. ButPompeius prevented this by laying hold of his right hand and drawingthe king towards him; he also seated Tigranes by his side, and his sonon the other side, and said that Tigranes ought so far to blameLucullus only, who had taken from him Syria, Phœnicia, Cilicia, Galatia, and Sophene, [262] but that what he had kept up to that time, he should still have, if he paid as a compensation to the Romans forhis wrongful deeds six thousand talents, and his son should be King ofSophene. Tigranes assented to these terms, and being overjoyed by theRomans saluting him as king, he promised to give every soldier half amina of silver, [263] to a centurion ten minæ, and to a tribune atalent. But his son took this ill, and on being invited to supper hesaid that he was not in want of Pompeius to show such honour as this, for he would find another Roman. [264] In consequence of this he wasput in chains and kept for the triumph. No long time after Phraatesthe Parthian sent to demand the young man, as his son-in-law, and topropose that the Euphrates should be the boundary of the two powers. Pompeius replied that Tigranes belonged to his father rather than tohis father-in-law, and that as to a boundary he should determine thaton the principles of justice. 

XXXIV. Leaving Afranius in care of Armenia, Pompeius advanced throughthe nations that dwell about the Caucasus, [265] as of necessity hemust do, in pursuit of Mithridates. The greatest of these nations areAlbani and Iberians, of whom the Iberians extend to the Moschicmountains and the Pontus, and the Albani extend to the east and theCaspian Sea. The Albani at first allowed a free passage to Pompeius athis request; but as winter overtook the Romans in the country and theywere occupied with the festival of the Saturnalia, [266] mustering tothe number of forty thousand they attacked the Romans, after crossingthe Cyrnus[267] river, which rising in the Iberian mountains andreceiving the Araxes which comes down from Armenia, empties itself bytwelve mouths into the Caspian. Others say that the Araxes does notjoin this stream, but that it has a separate outlet, though near tothe other, into the same sea. Pompeius, though he could have opposedthe enemy while they were crossing the river, let them cross quietly, and then he attacked and put them to flight and destroyed a greatnumber. As the King begged for pardon, and sent ambassadors, Pompeiusexcused him for the wrong that he had done, and making a treaty withhim, advanced against the Iberians, who were as numerous as the Albaniand more warlike, and had a strong wish to please Mithridates and torepel Pompeius. For the Iberians had never submitted either to theMedes or the Persians, [268] and they had escaped the dominion of theMacedonians also, inasmuch as Alexander soon quitted Hyrkania. HoweverPompeius routed the Iberians also in a great battle, in which ninethousand of them were killed and above ten thousand taken prisoners, and he entered Colchis; and on the Phasis[269] he was met by Serviliuswith the vessels with which he was guarding the Pontus. 

XXXV. The pursuit of Mithridates was attended with great difficulties, as he had plunged among the nations around the Bosporus and theMæotis; and intelligence reached Pompeius that the Albani had againrevolted. Moved by passion and desire of revenge, Pompeius turnedagainst the Albani. He again crossed the Cyrnus with difficulty anddanger, for the river had been fenced off with stakes to a greatextent by the barbarians; and as the passage of the river wassucceeded by a long waterless and difficult march, he had ten thousandskins filled with water and then advanced against the enemy, whom hefound posted on the river Abas[270] to the number of sixty thousandfoot and twelve thousand cavalry, but poorly armed, and for the mostpart only with the skins of beasts. They were commanded by a brotherof the king, named Kosis, who, when the two armies had come to closequarters, rushed against Pompeius and struck him with a javelin on thefold[271] of his breastplate, but Pompeius with his javelin in hishand pierced him through and killed him. In this battle it is saidthat Amazons[272] also fought on the side of the barbarians, and thatthey had come down hither from the mountains about the riverThermodon. For after the battle, when the Romans were stripping thebarbarians, they found Amazonian shields and boots, but no body of awoman was seen. The Amazons inhabit those parts of the Caucasus whichextend towards the Hyrcanian sea, but they do not border on theAlbani, for Gelæ and Leges dwell between; and they cohabit with thesepeople every year for two months, meeting them on the river Thermodon, after which they depart and live by themselves. 

XXXVI. After the battle Pompeius set out to advance to theHyrkanian[273] and Caspian sea, but he was turned from his route bythe number of deadly reptiles, when he was three days' march from it. He retired to the Less Armenia; and he returned a friendly answer tothe Kings of the Elymæi[274] and Medes who sent ambassadors, butagainst the Parthian king who had invaded Gordyene and was plunderingthe people of Tigranes, he sent Afranius with a force who drove himout and pursued him as far as the territory of Arbela. Of all theconcubines of Mithridates who were brought to him, he knew not one, but sent all back to their parents and kin; for the greater part werethe daughters and wives of generals and princes. Stratonike, [275] whowas in the greatest repute and guarded the richest of the forts, was, it is said, the daughter of a harp-player, who was not rich and was anold man; and she made so sudden a conquest of Mithridates over hiswine by her playing, that he kept the woman and went to bed with her, but sent away the old man much annoyed at not having been even civillyspoken to by the king. In the morning, however, when he got up and sawin his house tables loaded with silver and golden cups, and a greattrain of attendants, with eunuchs and boys bringing to him costlygarments, and a horse standing before the door equipped like thosethat carried the king's friends, thinking that this was all mockeryand a joke he made an attempt to escape through the door. But when theslaves laid hold of him and told him that the king had made him apresent of the large substance of a rich man who had just died, andthat this was but a small foretaste and sample of other valuables andpossessions that were to come, after this explanation hardly convincedhe took the purple dress, and leaping on the horse rode through thecity exclaiming, "All this is mine. " To those who laughed at him hesaid, this was nothing strange, but it was rather strange that he didnot pelt with stones those who came in his way, being mad withdelight. Of this stock and blood was Stratonike. But she gave up thisplace to Pompeius, and also brought him many presents, of which hetook only such as seemed suitable to decorate the temples and addsplendour to his triumph, and he told her she was welcome to keep therest. In like manner when the King of the Iberians sent him a couchand a table and a seat all of gold, and begged him to accept them, hedelivered them also to the quæstors for the treasury. 

XXXVII. In the fort Kænum[276] Pompeius found also private writingsof Mithridates, which he read through with some pleasure as they gavehim a good opportunity of learning the man's character. They werememoirs, [277] from which it was discovered that he had taken off bypoison[278] among many others his son Ariarathes and Alkæus of Sardisbecause he got the advantage over the King in riding racehorses. Therewere registered also interpretations of dreams, [279] some of which hehad seen himself, and others had been seen by some of his women; andthere were lewd letters of Monime[280] to him and his answers to her. Theophanes says that there was also found an address of Rutilius[281]in which he urged the King to the massacre of the Romans in Asia. Butmost persons with good reason suppose this to be a malicious story ofTheophanes, perhaps invented through hatred to Rutilius, who was aman totally unlike himself, or perchance to please Pompeius, whosefather Rutilius in his historical writings had shown to be athoroughly unprincipled fellow. 

XXXVIII. Thence Pompeius went to Amisus, [282] where his ambition ledhim to reprehensible measures. For though he had abused Lucullusgreatly, because while the enemy was still alive, he published edictsfor the settlement of the countries and distributed gifts and honours, things which victors are accustomed to do when a war is brought to aclose and is ended, he himself, while Mithridates was still ruling inthe Bosporus[283] and had got together a force sufficient to enablehim to take the field again, just as if everything was finished, beganto do the very things that Lucullus had done, settling the provinces, and distributing gifts, many commanders and princes, and twelvebarbarous kings having come to him. Accordingly he did not even deignwhen writing in reply to the Parthian, [284] as other persons did, toaddress him by the title of King of Kings, and he neglected to do thisto please the other kings. He was also seized with a desire and apassion to get possession of Syria and to advance through Arabia tothe Erythræan sea, [285] that in his victorious career he might reachthe ocean that encompasses the world on all sides; for in Libya he wasthe first who advanced victoriously as far as the external sea, andagain in Iberia he made the Atlantic sea the boundary of the Romandominion; and thirdly, in his recent pursuit of the Albani he camevery near to reaching the Hyrkanian sea. Accordingly he now put hisarmy in motion that he might connect the circuit of his militaryexpeditions with the Erythræan sea; and besides, he saw thatMithridates was difficult to be caught by an armed force, and was aharder enemy to deal with when flying than when fighting. 

XXXIX. Wherefore, remarking that he would leave behind him forMithridates an enemy stronger than himself, famine, he set vessels tokeep a guard on the merchants who sailed to the Bosporus; and deathwas the penalty for those who were caught. Taking the great bulk ofhis army he advanced on his march, and falling in with the bodiesstill unburied of those who with Triarius[286] had foughtunsuccessfully against Mithridates and fallen in battle, he buried allwith splendid ceremonial and due honours. It was the neglect of thiswhich is considered to have been the chief cause of the hatred toLucullus. After subduing by his legate Afranius the Arabs in theneighbourhood of the Amanus, [287] he descended into Syria, which hemade a province and a possession of the Roman people on the groundthat it had no legitimate kings; and he subdued Judæa[288] and tookKing Aristobulus prisoner. He built some cities, and he gave otherstheir liberty and punished the tyrants in them. But he spent most timein judicial business, settling the disputes of cities and kings, andin those cases for which he had no leisure, sending his friends; asfor instance to the Armenians and Parthians, who referred to him thedecision as to the country[289] in dispute between them, he sent threejudges and conciliators. For great was the fame of his power, and noless was the fame of his virtue and mildness; by reason of which hewas enabled to veil most of the faults of his friends and intimates, for he did not possess the art of checking or punishing evil doers, but he so behaved towards those who had anything to do with him, thatthey patiently endured both the extortion and oppression of theothers. 

XL. The person who had most influence with Pompeius was Demetrius, afreedman, a youth not without understanding, but who abused his goodfortune. The following story is told of him. Cato the philosopher, whowas still a young man, but had a great reputation and already showed alofty spirit, went up to Antioch, [290] when Pompeius was not there, wishing to examine the city. Now Cato, as was his custom, walked onfoot, but his friends who were journeying with him were on horseback. Observing before the gate a crowd of men in white vestments, and alongthe road, on one side the ephebi, and on the other the boys, inseparate bodies, he was out of humour, supposing that this was doneout of honour and respect to him who wanted nothing of the kind. However he bade his friends dismount and walk with him. As they camenear, the man who was arranging and settling all this ceremony, with acrown on his head and a wand in his hand, met them and asked wherethey had left Demetrius and when he would arrive. Now the friends ofCato fell a-laughing, but Cato exclaimed, "O wretched city, " andpassed by without making further answer. However Pompeius himself madeDemetrius less an object of odium to others by submitting to hiscaprices without complaint. For it is said that frequently whenPompeius at entertainments was waiting for and receiving his guests, Demetrius would already have taken his place at the table, recliningwith haughty air, and with his vest[291] over his ears hanging down. Before he had returned to Rome, Demetrius had got possession of themost agreeable places in the suburbs, and the finest pleasure-groundsand costly gardens were called Demetrian; and yet up to his thirdtriumph Pompeius was lodged in a moderate and simple manner. Butafterwards when he was erecting for the Romans that beautiful andfar-famed theatre, [292] he built, what may be compared to the smallboat that is towed after a big vessel, close by a house moremagnificent than he had before; and yet even this was so far frombeing such a building as to excite any jealousy that the person whobecame the owner of it after Pompeius, was surprised when he enteredit, and he asked where Pompeius Magnus used to sup. Such is the storyabout these matters. 

XLI. The King of the Arabians in the neighbourhood of Petra[293]hitherto had not troubled himself at all about the Romans, but nowbeing much alarmed he wrote to say that he was ready to submit and todo anything. Pompeius wishing to confirm him in this disposition madean expedition against Petra, wherein he did not altogether escapecensure from most people. For they considered that this was evadingthe pursuit of Mithridates, and they urged him to turn against him whowas his old antagonist and was fanning his flame and preparingaccording to report to lead an army through the country of theScythians and Pæonians[294] against Italy. But Pompeius thinking itwould be easier to crush the forces of Mithridates in the field thanto overtake him when he was flying, did not choose to exhaust himselfto no purpose in a pursuit, and he contrived to find other occupationsin the interval of the war and he protracted the time. Fortune, however, settled the difficulty; for when he was at no great distancefrom Petra, and had already pitched his camp for that day and wasexercising himself with his horse around the camp, letter-bearers rodeup from Pontus with good tidings. This was manifest at once by thepoints of their spears, for they were wreathed with bay. Pompeius atfirst wished to finish his exercises, but as the men called out andentreated him, he leapt from his horse and taking the letters advancedinto the camp. But as there was no tribunal[295] and there had notbeen time to make even the kind of tribunal that is used in the camp, which they are accustomed to form by digging out large lumps of earthand putting them together upon one another, in their then zeal andeagerness they piled together the loadings of the beasts of burden andraised an elevated place. Pompeius ascending this announced to thesoldiers, that Mithridates was dead, having put an end to his own lifebecause his son Pharnakes[296] rebelled against him, and Pharnakes hadtaken possession of everything in those parts, and put all under hisown dominion and that of the Romans, as he said in his letter. 

XLII. Upon this the soldiers being delighted, as was natural, occupiedthemselves with sacrifices and entertainments, considering that in theperson of Mithridates ten thousand enemies had expired. Pompeiushaving brought his own undertakings and expeditions to a termination, which he had not anticipated could be so easily done, immediatelyretired from Arabia; and quickly traversing the intermediate provinceshe arrived at Amisus, where he found that many presents had been sentby Pharnakes and many corpses of members of the royal family, and thecorpse of Mithridates also, which could not well be recognised by theface (for those who had embalmed the body had neglected to destroy thebrain); but those who wished to see the body, recognised it by thescars. Pompeius himself would not see the body, but fearing divineretribution[297] he sent it off to Sinope. [298] He was amazed at thedress and armour of Mithridates, both at the size and splendour ofwhat he saw; though the sword belt, which cost four hundred talents, Publius stole and sold to Ariarathes, and the cittaris, a piece ofwonderful workmanship, Gaius the foster-brother of Mithridates himselfgave to Faustus the son of Sulla who asked for it. Pompeius did notknow this at the time; but Pharnakes who afterwards discovered itpunished the thieves. After Pompeius had arranged and settled affairsin those parts, he continued his march with more pomp. On arriving atMitylene[299] he gave the city its freedom for the sake of Theophanes, and he witnessed the usual contest there among the poets, the solesubject being his own exploits. Being pleased with the theatre he hada sketch taken of it and a plan made, with the intention of making onelike it in Rome, but larger and more splendid. When he was in Rhodes, he heard all the sophists and made each a present of a talent. Poseidonius[300] put in writing the discourse which he read beforePompeius in opposition to the rhetorician Hermagoras on the doctrineof general invention. In Athens Pompeius behaved in like manner to thephilosophers, and after giving also to the city fifty talents towardsits restoration, he was in hopes to set foot in Italy with areputation above that of any man and to be received by his family withthe same eagerness that he had to see them. But the Dæmon[301] whotakes care always to mix some portion of ill with the great andglorious good things which come from Fortune, had long been lurking onthe watch and preparing to make his return more painful to him. Forduring the absence of Pompeius his wife Mucia[302] had beenincontinent. Indeed while Pompeius was at a distance he treated thereport with contempt, but when he had come near to Italy, and hadexamined the charge with more deliberation, as it seems, he sent hernotice of divorce, though neither then nor afterwards did he say forwhat reason he put her away: but the reason is mentioned in Cicero'sletters. 

XLIII. All kinds of reports about Pompeius preceded his arrival atRome, and there was great alarm, as it was supposed that he wouldforthwith lead his army against the city and that a monarchy[303]would be firmly established. Crassus taking his sons and his moneysecretly got away from Rome, whether it was that he really was afraid, or, what is more probable, he wished to give credibility to thecalumny and to strengthen the odium against Pompeius. As soon, however, as Pompeius landed[304] in Italy, he summoned his soldiers toan assembly, and after saying what was suitable to the occasion andexpressing his affectionate thanks to them, he bade them disperseamong their several cities and each go to his home, remembering tomeet again for his triumph. The army being thus dispersed, and thefact being generally known, a wonderful circumstance happened. For thecities seeing Pompeius Magnus unarmed and advancing with a fewfriends, as if he were returning from an ordinary journey, pouringforth through good will and forming an escort brought him into Romewith a larger force, so that if he had designed to make any change andrevolution at that time he would not have wanted the army which he haddisbanded. 

XLIV. As the law did not allow a general to enter the city before histriumph, Pompeius sent to the Senate to request they would put off theconsular elections and to grant him this favour, that he might in hisown person assist Piso in his canvass. As Cato opposed his request, hedid not attain his object. But Pompeius admiring Cato's boldness ofspeech and the vigour which he alone openly displayed in behalf of thelaw, desired in some way or other to gain the man; and as Cato had twonieces, Pompeius wished to take one of them to wife and to marry theother to his son. Cato saw his object, which he viewed as a way ofcorrupting him and in a manner bribing him by a matrimonial alliance;but his sister and wife took it ill that he should reject an alliancewith Pompeius Magnus. In the mean time Pompeius wishing to getAfranius[305] made consul, expended money on his behalf among thetribes, and the voters came down to the gardens of Pompeius where theyreceived the money, so that the thing became notorious and Pompeiushad an ill name for making that office which was the highest of alland which he obtained for his services, venal for those who wereunable to attain to it by merit. "These reproaches however, " said Catoto the women, "we must take our share of, if we become allied toPompeius. " On hearing this the women agreed that he formed a betterjudgment than themselves as to what was proper. 

XLV. Though the triumph[306] was distributed over two days, such wasits magnitude that the time was not sufficient, but much of thepreparation was excluded from the spectacle, and enough for thesplendour and ornament of another procession. The nations over whichPompeius triumphed were designated by titles placed in front. Thenations were the following, Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Media, Colchis, the Iberians, Albani, Syria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia, theparts about Phœnice and Palestine, Judæa, Arabia, and the whole bodyof pirates by sea and land who had been subdued. Among these nationsfortified places not fewer than a thousand were taken, and cities notfar short of nine hundred, and eight hundred piratical ships; andcities forty save one were founded. Besides this it was shown onwritten tablets that 5000 myriads (fifty millions) were the produce ofthe taxes, while from the additions that he had made to the state theyreceived 8500 myriads (eighty-five millions), and there were broughtinto the public treasury in coined money and vessels of gold andsilver twenty thousand talents, not including what had been given tothe soldiers, of whom he who received the least according to hisproportion received fifteen hundred drachmæ. The captives who appearedin the procession, besides the chief pirates, were the son of Tigranesthe Armenian with his wife and daughter, and Zosime a wife of KingTigranes, and Aristobulus King of the Jews, and a wife and fivechildren of Mithridates, and Scythian women, and also hostages of theAlbani and Iberians and of the King of Commagene, and numeroustrophies, equal in number to all the battles, which Pompeius had wonhimself or by his legati. But it was the chief thing towards hisglory, and what had never happened before to any Roman, that hecelebrated his third triumph over the third continent. For thoughothers before him had triumphed three times, Pompeius by having gainedhis first triumph over Libya, his second over Europe, and this thelast over Asia, seemed in a manner to have brought the whole worldinto his three triumphs. 

XLVI. At this time Pompeius was under four-and-thirty[307] years ofage, as those affirm who in all respects compare him with Alexanderand force a parallel, but in fact he was near forty. How happy wouldit have been if he had died at the time up to which he had the fortuneof Alexander; but the period that followed brought to him good fortuneaccompanied with odium, and ill fortune that was past all cure. Forthe power which he got in the city by fair means, he employed on thebehalf of others illegally; and as much strength as he gave to them, so much he took from his own reputation, and so he was overthrown bythe strength and magnitude of his own power before he was aware of it. And as the strongest parts and places in cities, when the enemies havegot possession of them, give to them their own strength, so Cæsarbeing raised up through the power of Pompeius against the State, overthrew and cast down the man by whose help he became strong againstothers. And it was brought about thus. Immediately upon Lucullusreturning from Asia, where he had been treated with great contumely byPompeius, the Senate gave him a splendid reception, and when Pompeiushad arrived they urged Lucullus still more to take a part in publicaffairs, for the purpose of limiting the credit of Pompeius. ThoughLucullus was in other matters now dull and chilled for all activelife, having given himself up to the pleasures of ease and theenjoyment of wealth, yet he forthwith sprang up against Pompeius, andby a vigorous attack got a victory over him with respect to thearrangements of Lucullus that he had annulled, and had the advantagein the Senate with the co-operation of Cato. Pompeius, defeated andpressed on all sides, was compelled to fly to tribunes and to attachhimself to young men, of whom the most scandalous and the most daring, Clodius, took up his cause, but threw him completely under the feet ofthe people; and by making him inconsistently with his stationconstantly frequent the Forum and carrying him about, he used him forthe purpose of confirming everything that was said or proposed toplease and flatter the people. Further, he asked of Pompeius for hisreward, just as if he were not degrading him but were doing him aservice, and he afterwards got what he asked, the betrayal ofCicero, [308] who was a friend of Pompeius and had served him in publicmatters more than any one else. For when Cicero was in danger andprayed for his aid, Pompeius would not even see him, but shut thefront door upon those who came on Cicero's part and went out byanother door. Cicero fearing the trial retired from Rome. 

XLVII. At this time Cæsar[309] returned from his government andundertook a political measure, which brought him the greatestpopularity for the present and power for the future, but did thegreatest damage to Pompeius and the State. For he became a candidatefor his first consulship; but seeing that while Crassus was atvariance with Pompeius, if he attached himself to one of them he wouldhave the other for his enemy, he applied himself to effect areconciliation between them, a thing which in other respects was fairand useful to the State, but was managed by him for a bad reason andwith a dexterity full of treacherous design. For the strength whichkept the State, just as in the case of a vessel, in a condition ofequilibrium and prevented it falling over to this side or that, whenbrought together and united caused it to incline to one side with anirresistible force that overpowered and beat down everything. Accordingly Cato said that they were mistaken who affirmed that theState was overturned by the quarrel which afterwards broke out betweenCæsar and Pompeius, for they laid the blame on the last events; for itwas not their disunion nor yet their enmity, but their union andconcord which was the first and greatest misfortune that befel theState. Cæsar was elected consul, and forthwith he courted the needyand poor by proposing measures for the establishment of cities, andthe division of lands, wherein he stepped beyond the proprieties ofhis office and in a manner made his consulship into a tribunate. Whenhis colleague Bibulus opposed him and Cato was prepared to supportBibulus most vigorously, Cæsar brought forward Pompeius on theRostra, and put the question to him, "If he approved of the proposedlaws;" upon Pompeius saying that he did, "Will you not then, " saidCæsar, "if any one makes resistance to the laws, come forward beforethe people to maintain them?" "Certainly, " said Pompeius, "I will comeagainst those who threaten swords, with sword and shield. " It was thegeneral opinion that Pompeius up to that day had never said or doneanything more arrogant, so that even his friends in his defence saidthat the words had escaped him at the moment. But yet it was clearfrom what followed that he had completely given himself up to Cæsar todo what he pleased with him: for contrary to all expectation Pompeiusmarried Cæsar's daughter Julia, who had been betrothed to Cæpio andwas going to be married to him within a few days; and to pacify Cæpio, Pompeius gave him his own daughter who was already promised to Faustusthe son of Sulla. Cæsar himself married Calpurnia the daughter ofPiso. 

XLVIII. After this Pompeius filled the city with soldiers and managedeverything by force. For the soldiers suddenly fell on the consulBibulus as he was going down to the Forum with Lucullus and Cato, andbroke the fasces; and some one bedaubed Bibulus by throwing a basketof ordure over his head, and two of the tribunes who were conductinghim were wounded. By these means they cleared the Forum of theiropponents and then carried the law about the distribution of lands. The people being taken with this bait were now become tame and readyto support any project of theirs, giving no trouble at all, butsilently voting for what was proposed to them. Accordingly theregulations of Pompeius as to which he was at variance with Luculluswere confirmed, and Cæsar received Gaul within and without the Alpsand the province of Illyricum for five years with four completelegions; and it was settled that the consuls for the next year shouldbe Piso[310] the father-in-law of Cæsar, and Gabinius, who was themost extravagant of the flatterers of Pompeius. While this was goingon, Bibulus shut himself up in his house and never went out for eightmonths, the remainder of the period of his consulship, but he sent outcounter-edicts full of abuse and charges against both: Cato as ifinspired and under divine influence foretold in the Senate what wouldhappen to the city and to Pompeius; and Lucullus[311] renouncingpublic life kept quiet, on the ground that his age disqualified himfor political concerns, on which Pompeius observed that for an old manluxury was more unsuitable to his age than to mingle in affairs ofstate. However Pompeius himself also was soon rendered inactivethrough passion for his young wife, with whom he passed the chief partof his time, and lived in the country and his gardens, and he paid noattention to what was going on in the Forum, so that even Clodius, whowas then tribune, despised Pompeius and engaged in the most daringmeasures. For after Clodius had ejected Cicero and sent off Cato toCyprus[312] under colour of giving him a command, and Cæsar was goneto Gaul, and Clodius saw that the people were devoted to him as he wasdoing everything and framing all his measures to please them, heimmediately attempted to repeal some of the regulations of Pompeius, and seizing the person of the captive Tigranes he kept him in his ownhouse, and he instituted prosecutions against the friends of Pompeius, and so made trial of the power of Pompeius by attacking his friends. At last when Pompeius came forward upon the occasion of a certaintrial, Clodius having with him a body of men filled with insolence andarrogance took his station in a conspicuous place and put to them thefollowing questions: "Who is Imperator unlimited? what man seeksanother man? who scratches his head[313] with one finger?" The peoplelike a Chorus trained to chant corresponding parts, while Clodius wasshaking his toga, [314] at every question with loud shouts replied, "Pompeius. "

XLIX. Now this also annoyed Pompeius, who was unaccustomed to beabused and had no practice in this kind of warfare; but he was stillmore vexed when he perceived that the Senate were pleased at theinsults offered to him and at his paying the penalty for his treacheryto Cicero. But when it happened that they came to blows in the Forumand even proceeded so far as to wound one another, and a slave ofClodius was detected in the crowd stealing through the bystanders upto Pomipeius with a dagger in his hand, Pompeius alleging theseproceedings as his excuse, and besides that, being afraid of theinsolence and abuse of Clodius, came no more into the Forum so long asClodius was in office, but kept to his house and was planning with hisfriends how he could pacify the resentment of the Senate and thenobles towards him. However he would not listen to Culleo, [315] whoadvised him to put away Julia and giving up the friendship of Cæsar topass over to the Senate, but he followed the advice of those whorecommended that Cicero[316] should be restored, who was the greatestenemy of Clodius and most beloved by the Senate. Pompeius with astrong party accompanied Cicero's brother who was going to make hisentreaty to the people, and after some wounds had been inflicted inthe Forum and some persons were killed, they got the advantage overClodius. Cicero returning to the city in pursuance of a lawimmediately reconciled Pompeius to the Senate, and, by speaking infavour of the law relating to grain, [317] in a manner again madePompeius master of all the land and sea that the Romans possessed. For under his control were placed harbours, places of trade, thedisposal of produce, in a word, all the affairs of those who navigatedthe sea and cultivated the land. But Clodius complained that the lawhad not been made on account of the scarcity of grain, but that thescarcity of grain was caused in order that the law might be passed, and that Pompeius might again fan into a flame and recover his power, which was as it were wasting away through his want of spirit. Othersexplained this to have been a device of the consul Spinther, whoseobject was to engage Pompeius in a higher official employment, thathimself might be sent out to support king Ptolemæus. [318] HoweverCanidius the tribune proposed a measure to the effect that Pompeiuswithout an army and with two lictors should go to bring about areconciliation between the Alexandrians and the king. And indeed itwas supposed that Pompeius was not displeased at the measure, but theSenate rejected it on the specious pretext that they feared for thesafety of Pompeius. There were writings to be found scattered aboutthe Forum and near the Senate-house, to the effect that Ptolemæuswished Pompeius to be given to him as general instead of Spinther. AndTimagenes[319] says that Ptolemæus without any reason and withoutnecessity had quitted Egypt and left it at the advice of Theophaneswho was planning profitable occupation for Pompeius and a subject fora fresh command. But the villainy of Theophanes does not make this soprobable, as the character of Pompeius makes it improbable, for he hadno ambition of so mean and illiberal a kind. 

L. Pompeius being appointed to look after the management and thesupply of corn, sent his deputies and friends to many places, and hehimself sailed to Sicily and Sardinia and Libya and collected grain. When he was about to set sail, there was a violent wind on the sea, and the masters of the ships were unwilling to put out, but Pompeiusembarking first and bidding them raise the anchor, cried, "It isnecessary to sail; there is no necessity to live. " By such boldnessand zeal, and the help of good fortune, Pompeius filled the marketswith grain and the sea with ships, so that the superfluity of what hegot together sufficed even for those who were without, and there wasas from a spring an abundant overflowing for all. 

LI. During this time the Celtic wars[320] raised Cæsar to greatdistinction; and though he was considered to be a very long way fromRome, and to be occupied with Belgæ and Suevi and Britanni, hecontrived, by his skilful management, without being perceived, in themidst of the popular assemblies, and in the most important matters, tofrustrate the political measures of Pompeius. For Cæsar's militaryforce was like a body that invested him, and he was training it totoil, and making it invincible and formidable, not to oppose thebarbarians, but he was disciplining his men in these contests just asif it were merely hunting wild beasts and pursuing them with dogs; andin the meantime he was sending to Rome gold and silver, and the restof the spoil and wealth which he got in abundance from so manyenemies, and by tempting people there with gifts, and assisting ædilesin their expenses, and generals and consuls and their wives, he wasgaining over many of them; so that when he had crossed the Alps andwas wintering in Luca, there was a great crowd of men and women whovied with one another in their eagerness to visit him, besides twohundred of the Senatorian class, among whom were Pompeius and Crassus;and one hundred and twenty fasces of proconsuls and prætors were seenat Cæsar's doors. Now, after filling all the rest with hopes andmoney, he sent them off; but a compact was made between him andCrassus and Pompeius, that they should be candidates for theconsulship, and that Cæsar should help them by sending many of hissoldiers to vote, and that as soon as they were elected, they shouldsecure for themselves the command of provinces and armies, and shouldconfirm Cæsar's provinces to him for another five years. Upon thisbeing publicly known, the first men in the State were displeased, andMarcellinus coming forward before the popular assembly, asked bothCrassus and Pompeius to their faces, if they would be candidates forthe consulship. The assembly bade them give him an answer, on whichPompeius spoke first, and said, that perhaps he should and perhaps heshould not. Crassus replied in a manner more befitting a citizen, [321]for he said that he would act either way, as he should think it bestfor the common weal. But when Marcellinus stuck close to Pompeius, andwas considered to be speaking in violent terms, Pompeius said thatMarcellinus, of all men, showed the least regard to fair dealing, because he was not grateful to him in that he was the means ofMarcellinus becoming eloquent, though he was formerly mute, and of nowbeing so full as to vomit, though formerly he was starving of hunger. 

LII. However, though everybody else declined to become candidates forthe consulship, Cato persuaded Lucius Domitius, [322] and encouragedhim not to give up, for he said the contest with the tyrants was notfor power, but for liberty. But Pompeius and his partisans fearing thevigour of Cato, and lest, as he had all the Senate on his side, heshould draw away and change the minds of the sounder part of thepeople, would not allow Domitius to come down into the Forum, but theysent armed men and killed the linkbearer, who was advancing in front, and put the rest to flight. Cato was the last to retreat, after beingwounded in the right arm while he was fighting in front of Domitius. By such means they attained the consulship, nor did they conductthemselves in it with more decency. First of all, while the peoplewere electing Cato prætor and giving their votes, Pompeius broke upthe assembly, alleging that the omens were not favourable; and theyhad Vatinius[323] proclaimed in place of Cato by bribing the tribes. In the next place they introduced measures by means of Trebonius, [324]which gave to Cæsar, pursuant to the agreement, a second five years, to Crassus[325] Syria and the Parthian expedition, but to Pompeius allLibya, and both the provinces of Iberia and four legions, of which helent two to Cæsar at his request for the war in Gaul. Now Crassus wentout to his province, after giving up his consular functions; andPompeius opened his theatre, [326] and gave gymnastic and musicalcontests at the dedication of it, and fights of wild beasts, in whichfive hundred lions were killed; and at the end he exhibited anelephant-fight, a most astonishing spectacle. 

LIII. For all this Pompeius got admiration and love; but on the otherhand he brought on himself no less odium by giving up the forces andthe provinces to legati who were his friends, while himself in theplaces of amusement in Italy going about from one to another spent histime with his wife, either because he loved her, or because he couldnot bear to leave his wife who was attached to him; for this also issaid. And the love of the young woman for her husband was much talkedabout, for her affection towards Pompeius was not what might have beenexpected considering his age; but the reason appears to have been thechaste conduct of her husband who knew only his married wife, and thedignity of his manners which were not austere but agreeable andparticularly attractive to women, if we must not disbelieve thetestimony even of Flora the courtezan. It happened that at theelection of ædiles some men came to blows and no small number werekilled near Pompeius, and as his garments were drenched with blood, hechanged them. There was great confusion and hurrying to the house ofthe slaves who were carrying the vests; and it happened thatJulia, [327] who was with child, saw the bloody toga, upon which shefainted and with difficulty recovered, and in consequence of thatalarm and the excitement, she miscarried. Even those who found mostfault with the alliance of Cæsar and Pompeius, could not blame thewoman for her affection. She became pregnant a second time and broughtforth a female child, but she died of the pains of labour and thechild did not survive her many days. Pompeius made preparations tobury her in his Alban villa, but the people by force took the body andcarried it down into the Field of Mars, more from pity for the youngwoman than to please Pompeius and Cæsar. But of the two, it wasconsidered that the people gave a larger portion of the honour toCæsar who was absent than to Pompeius who was present. But in the citythe waves forthwith began to move and everything was tossed to andfro, and was the subject of conversation tending to a complete split, now that the marriage connection was ended which hitherto ratherveiled than checked the ambition of the two men. After no long timenews also arrived that Crassus had lost his life among the Parthians;and that which had been a great hindrance to the civil war breakingout was now removed, for both Cæsar and Pompeius feared Crassus, andaccordingly to some extent confined themselves within limits in theirbehaviour towards one another. But when fortune had cut off the manwho was keeping a watch over the struggle, forthwith the words of thecomic poet became applicable:

 "Now each against the other smears his limbs, And strews his hands with dust. "

So small a thing is fortune in comparison with men's nature. Forfortune cannot satisfy men's desires, since so great an amount ofcommand and extent of wide-stretched territory put no check on thedesires of two men, but though they heard and read that "allthings[328] were divided into three portions for the gods and each gothis share of dominion, " they thought the Roman empire was not enoughfor them who were only two. 

LIV. Yet Pompeius once said when he was addressing the people, thathe had obtained every office sooner than he expected, and laid it downsooner than was expected. And in truth he had the disbandings of hisforces a perpetual testimony of the truth of what he said. But nowbeing convinced that Cæsar would not give up his power, he sought bymeans of the functionaries of the state to strengthen himself againsthim, but he attempted no change of any kind and did not wish to beconsidered to distrust Cæsar, but to disregard him rather and todespise him. However when he saw that the officers were not disposedof according to his judgment, the citizens being bribed, he allowedanarchy to spring up in the state; and forthwith there was much talkabout a dictator, whom Lucilius the tribune first ventured to mentionby advising the people to choose Pompeius dictator. Cato attacked himfor this, and Lucilius ran the risk of losing his tribunate, and manyof the friends of Pompeius came forward to exculpate him and said thathe did not seek that office or wish for it. Upon this Cato commendedPompeius and exhorted him to turn his attention to the establishmentof order, and Pompeius then out of shame did turn his attention to it, and Domitius[329] and Messala were made consuls; but afterwards therewas again anarchy, and a greater number of persons now began toagitate the question of a dictator more boldly, and Cato and hispartisans fearing that they should be forced to yield, determined tolet Pompeius have a certain legalized authority for the purpose ofdiverting him from that pure tyrannical office. Bibulus, who was anenemy of Pompeius, was the first to propose in the Senate to choosePompeius sole consul[330] and he said that the city would thus eitherbe relieved from the present disorder, or they would be slaves to thebest man among them. This opinion appeared strange from such a person, when Cato rising for the purpose as it was expected of speakingagainst Bibulus, as soon as there was silence, said that for his parthe would not have introduced the proposed measure, but as it wasintroduced by another he advised that it should be adopted, for hepreferred any government to no government, and he thought that nobodywould administer affairs better than Pompeius at a time of suchdisorder. The Senate accepted the proposal and passed a decree thatPompeius if elected should be solo consul, and that if he wanted acolleague, he might choose any person whom he approved of, but notbefore two months had elapsed; and Pompeius being made consul on theseterms and declared by Sulpicius the Interrex, addressed Cato in afriendly manner, admitting his great obligations to him and urging himto give him his advice as a private man in the discharge of hisoffice. But Cato would not admit that Pompeius was under anyobligations to him, for he had said nothing that he did say out ofregard to him, but out of regard to the state: he added that he wouldgive him his advice if he were privately applied to; and if Pompeiusdid not invite him, he would publicly tell him his opinion. Such wasCato in everything. 

LV. After entering the city, Pompeius married Cornelia, [331] adaughter of Metellus Scipio, who was not a virgin, but had lately beenleft a widow by Publius, the son of Crassus, who had lost his lifeamong the Parthians, and whose virgin bride she was. The young womanpossessed many charms besides her youthful beauty, for she was wellinstructed in letters, in playing on the lyre, and in geometry, andshe had been accustomed to listen to philosophical discourses withprofit. In addition to this she had a disposition free from allaffectation and pedantic display, faults which such acquirementsgenerally breed in women: her father also, both in respect to familyand reputation, was above all imputation. Still the marriage did notplease some people on account of the disparity of years; for the youthof Cornelia made her a fitter match for a son of Pompeius. But thosewho were more judicious considered that Pompeius had overlooked thestate, which was in an unfortunate condition, to cure which the statehad selected him for her physician, and put herself solely in hishands; and he was wearing chaplets and celebrating a marriage, when heought to have considered his consulship a calamity, as it would nothave been conferred on him so contrary to all constitutional practice, if his country were in a prosperous condition. However, he presided atthe trials for corruption and bribery, [332] and drew up laws, pursuantto which the trials were conducted, and with the exception presentlyto be mentioned, he conducted all the proceedings with dignity andfairness, and he secured to the courts safety, order, and quiet, bytaking his own place there with armed men; but when his father-in-lawScipio was under trial, he sent for the three hundred and sixtyjudices to his house and obtained their support for him, and theaccuser gave up the prosecution when he saw Scipio conducted from theForum by the judices. [333] This brought Pompeius again into badreport, which was still further increased when he came forward tospeak in praise of Plancus, [334] though he had by special law put anend to encomiums on persons under trial. Cato, who happened to be oneof the judices, stopped his ears with his hands, saying it was notright in him to listen to the encomiums which were contrary to law. Inconsequence of this Cato was rejected before the votes were given, butPlancus was convicted by the votes of the rest and to the shame ofPompeius. Now, a few days after, Hypsæus, [335] a consular man, who wasunder prosecution, watched for Pompeius as he was going to sup aftertaking the bath, and clasping his knees, suppliantly entreated him;but Pompeius passed by contemptuously, saying that Hypsæus wasspoiling his supper, and doing nothing more. By showing himself thuspartial he got blame. However, in every other respect he establishedgood order, and took his father-in-law as his colleague for theremaining five months. A decree also was made that he should hold theprovinces for another four years, and should receive yearly a thousandtalents, out of which he was to feed and maintain his troops. 

LVI. Cæsar's friends taking advantage of this, claimed some notice forCæsar also, who was fighting so many battles for the supremacy ofRome; they said that he deserved either another consulship, or to havea fresh period added to his command, during which no other shouldsupersede him and carry off the glory due to his labours, but that hewho had accomplished those things should hold the command and quietlyenjoy the honour. A debate arose on those subjects, on which Pompeius, affecting to deprecate the odium against Cæsar out of regard to him, said that he had letters of Cæsar, who was willing to have asuccessor and to be relieved from service, but still Cæsar thought itfair that he should be allowed to be a candidate for the consulshipthough he was not at Rome. To this Cato made opposition, and said thatCæsar ought to become a private person and lay down his arms, and thenget any favour that he could from the citizens; and when Pompeius didnot prosecute the debate, but submitted as if he were worsted, hisreal opinions about Cæsar became more suspected. He also sent to Cæsarand demanded back the troops[336] which he had lent him, pretendingthat he wanted them for the Parthian war. But Cæsar, though he knewwhy he was required to give up the troops, sent them back afterhandsomely rewarding them. 

LVII. After this Pompeius had a dangerous illness at Neapolis, fromwhich he recovered. Upon the suggestion of Praxagoras, the people ofNeapolis offered sacrifices for his restoration to health. Theneighbouring people followed their example, and the thing thus goingthe round of Italy, every city, small and great, celebrated a festivalfor several days. No place was large enough to contain the people, whoflocked together from all parts, but the roads were filled and thevillages and ports with the people rejoicing and sacrificing. Manypersons also with chaplets on their heads and lighted torches receivedPompeius, and accompanied him throwing flowers over him, so that hisjourney and progress was a most beautiful sight and very splendid. However, it is said that this circumstance contributed to bring aboutthe war as much as anything else. For an arrogant feeling entered themind of Pompeius, and, with the greatness of the rejoicing, carriedoff all reflection on the present state of affairs; and throwing awaythe caution which had always secured his good fortune and hismeasures, he fell into a state of such unmingled confidence andcontempt of Cæsar's power, as to suppose that he would require neitherarms to oppose him nor any troublesome preparation, but that he couldput him down much easier than he had raised him. Besides this, Appiuscame from Gaul with the troops which Pompeius had lent to Cæsar; andhe greatly disparaged Cæsar's exploits there, and uttered much abuseagainst Cæsar; and he said that Pompeius did not know his own powerand reputation, if he intended to strengthen himself against Cæsar byother troops, for that he could put down Cæsar with Cæsar's owntroops, as soon as he made his appearance; so great, as he said, wastheir hatred of Cæsar and their affection towards Pompeius. Accordingly Pompeius was so much elated, and through his confidencefilled with such contempt, that he even ridiculed those who wereafraid of the war; and to those who said that, if Cæsar advancedagainst the city, they saw no troops sufficient to repulse him, withsmiling countenance and tranquil mien he bade them give themselves notrouble about that, "for in whatever part of Italy, " he said, "I stampthe earth with my foot, there will spring up forces both men andhorse. "

LVIII. And now Cæsar also stuck to public affairs more vigorously, himself keeping at no great distance from Italy, and continuallysending his soldiers to the city to attend the elections, and withmoney insinuating himself into the favour of many of the magistratesand corrupting them; among whom was Paulus[337] the consul who changedsides for fifteen hundred talents, and Curio[338] the tribune who wasreleased by Cæsar from countless debts, and Marcus Antonius whothrough friendship for Curio was involved in his obligations. Now itwas said that one of the centurions who had come from Cæsar, whilestanding near the Senate-house and hearing that the Senate wererefusing to allow Cæsar a prolongation of his term of government, saidas he struck his hand on his sword, "But this will give it. " And allthat was doing and preparing had this design in view. Yet the claimsand reasons urged by Curio in favour of Cæsar were of a moreconstitutional character. For he asked one of two things, either thatthey should require Pompeius also to give up his force, or they shouldnot take Cæsar's troops from him: he said, "Whether they becomeprivate persons on fair terms or continued a match for one another byeach keeping what he had, they would remain quiet; but he who proposedto weaken one of them would double the power which he feared. " Uponthis Marcellus the consul called Cæsar a robber, and urged the Senateto vote him an enemy, if he should not lay down his arms. Yet Curiowith the assistance of Antonius and Piso, prevailed so far as to haveit put to a regular vote. Accordingly he proposed that those senatorsshould move off to one side who were in favour of Cæsar alone layingdown his arms and Pompeius remaining in command; and the majority wentover to that side. Again, upon his proposing that all should withdrawwho were of opinion that both should lay down their arms and thatneither should hold a command, only two-and-twenty were in favour ofPompeius, and all the rest were on the side of Curio. Curioconsidering that he had gained his point, rushed forth to the peopleexulting with delight, and the people received him with clapping ofhands and threw on him chaplets and flowers. Pompeius was not in theSenate, for those who are in command of an army do not enter the city. But Marcellus rose up and said that he would not sit still to listento words, but that as he spied ten legions already appearing in sightabove the Alps and on their march, he also would dispatch a man tooppose them and to defend their country. 

LIX. Upon this they changed their garments as was usual in a publiccalamity. Marcellus[339] advanced to Pompeius through the Forum withthe Senate following him, and standing in front of him said, "I bidyou, Pompeius, defend your country and employ the forces that are inreadiness and raise others. " Lentulus also said the same, who was oneof the consuls elect for the coming year. But when Pompeius began toraise recruits, some refused and a few came together tardily andwithout any readiness, but the greater part cried out that some termsshould be come to. For Antonius in spite of the Senate had read aletter of Cæsar to the people which contained proposals likely toconciliate the mass; for Cæsar proposed that both he and Pompeiusshould give up their provinces and dismiss their troops, and so putthemselves in the hande of the people and render an account of whatthey had done. Lentulus who was now consul would not assemble theSenate; but Cicero who had just returned from Cilicia[340] attemptedan amicable settlement on the terms, that Cæsar should quit Gaul andgive up all his army except two legions with which he should holdIllyricum and wait for his second consulship. As Pompeius wasdissatisfied with this, the friends of Cæsar so far yielded as toagree that Cæsar should dismiss one of these two legions; but asLentulus made opposition and Cato called out that Pompeius wasblundering again if he allowed himself to be deceived, the attempt ata settlement came to no conclusion. 

LX. In the mean time intelligence arrived that Cæsar had takenAriminum, [341] a large city of Italy, and was marching straight uponRome with all his force. But this was false; for he was advancing withonly three hundred horsemen and five thousand legionary soldiers, andhe did not wait for the rest of his force which was beyond the Alps, choosing to fall upon his enemies when they were in confusion and didnot expect him, rather than to give them time to prepare to fight withhim. Upon reaching the river Rubico, which was the boundary of hisprovince, he stood in silence and lingered, reflecting, as we maypresume, on the magnitude of the risk. Then, like those who throwthemselves into a huge abyss from a precipice, closing the eyes ofcalculation and wrapping himself up to meet the danger, he called outin Greek to those who were present these words only, "Let the die becast, " and took his army over. As soon as the report reached Rome, andtumult and fear, such as were never known before, together withconsternation filled the city, the Senate immediately hurried in abody to visit Pompeius, and the magistrates with them; but uponTullus[342] asking about an army and force, and Pompeius after somedelay saying in a tone of no great confidence, that he had the men inreadiness who had come from Cæsar, and he thought he should soon beable to get together those who had been before enrolled to the numberof thirty thousand, Tullus cried aloud, "You have deceived us, Pompeius, " and he advised to send commissioners to Cæsar. OneFavonius, [343] in other respects no bad man, but who with hisself-will and insolence often supposed that he was imitating the boldlanguage of Cato, bade Pompeius strike the ground with his foot andcall up the troops which he promised. Pompeius mildly submitted tothis ill-timed sarcasm; and when Cato reminded him of what he hadoriginally predicted to him about Cæsar, Pompeius replied that whatCato had said was in truth more prophetic, but what he had done was ofa more friendly character. 

LXI. Cato advised that Pompeius should be appointed general Imperator, adding, that it was the business of those who caused great mischief toput an end to it. Cato immediately left the city for Sicily, for hehad obtained that island as his province; and of the rest each went tothe province which had been assigned to him by lot. But as nearly allItaly was in commotion, the events that happened caused muchperplexity; for those who were out of Rome hurried from all parts andcrowded into the city, and the inhabitants of Rome hastened to leavethe city, which in such tempest and confusion was weak in availablemeans, but strong in insubordination and the difficulty that it causedto the magistrates. For it was not possible to allay the fear, nor didany one allow Pompeius to follow his own judgment, but in whatever waya man was affected, whether by fear, grief or perplexity, he carriedit to Pompeius and filled him with it; and opposite measures prevailedin the same day, and it was impossible for Pompeius to get any trueintelligence about the enemy, because there were many who reportedanything that they chanced to hear, and were vexed if he did notbelieve them. Under these circumstances after declaring by an edictthat he saw nothing but confusion, and bidding all the senators followhim, and giving notice that he should consider all who stayed behindas partisans of Cæsar, he left the city late in the evening; and theconsuls fled without even making the sacrifices which were usualbefore wars. But even in the midst of danger Pompeius was fortunate inthe general affection of the people, for though many blamed thegeneralship, there was not one who hated the general, but one mighthave found that those who were not willing to leave Pompeius were morenumerous than those who left the city for the cause of liberty. 

LXII. A few davs after, Cæsar entered and took possession ofRome. [344] He behaved with moderation to all and pacified everybody, except Metellus[345] one of the tribunes who attempted to hinder himfrom taking money out of the treasury, on which Cæsar threatened himwith death and added to his threat still harsher words, for he said, That to say this was harder for him than to do it. Having thus putMetellus to flight and taken what he wanted, Cæsar pursued Pompeius, being anxious to drive him out of Italy before his troops from Iberiaarrived. Pompeius who had got possession of Brundisium and had plentyof ships, immediately put on board the consuls and with them thirtycohorts and sent them over before him to Dyrrachium: Scipio hisfather-in-law and his own son Cneius he sent to Syria to get a fleetready. After barricading the gates and placing on the walls thesoldiers who were most lightly armed, he ordered the people ofBrundisium[346] to keep quiet in their houses, and he then broke upall the ground in the city and intersected it with ditches, and filledup all the streets with stakes except two through which he went downto the sea. On the third day he had already embarked at his leisureall the troops with the exception of those who were guarding thewalls, to whom he suddenly gave a signal, upon which they all ran downquickly and being taken on board got out to sea. When Cæsar saw thewalls deserted, he concluded that the enemy were making off, and inhis pursuit of them he narrowly escaped getting involved among thestakes and trenches; but as the people of Brundisium gave him warning, he avoided the city and, making a circuit round it, he found that allhad got under sail, except two vessels which contained only a fewsoldiers. 

LXIII. Now everybody else reckons the sailing away of Pompeius amongthe best military stratagems, but Cæsar[347] wondered that Pompeius, who was in possession of a strong city and was expecting his troopsfrom Iberia and was master of the sea, should desert and abandonItaly. Cicero[348] also blames Pompeius for imitating the generalshipof Themistokles rather than that of Perikles, the circumstances beinglike those of Perikles and not those of Themistokles. And Cæsar showedby what he did that he was greatly afraid of time:[349] for when hehad taken prisoner Numerius, a friend of Pompeius, he sent him toBrundisium with instructions to bring about a reconciliation on fairterms; but Numerius sailed off with Pompeius. Upon this Cæsar, who insixty days had become master of Italy without shedding any blood, wasdesirous of pursuing Pompeius immediately, but as he had no vessels, he turned about and marched to Iberia with the design of gaining overthe troops there. 

LXIV. During this time Pompeius got together a great force: his navalpower was completely irresistible, for the fighting ships were fivehundred, and the number of Liburnian vessels[350] and other smallcraft was immense; the cavalry, the flower of the Romans and Italians, was seven thousand, distinguished by family, and wealth and courage;his infantry, which was a mixed body and required discipline, heexercised in Berœa, [351] not sitting still lazily, but practisinghimself in gymnastic exercises[352] as if he were still in the vigourof his age. And it was a great motive to confidence, when men sawPompeius Magnus, who was now sixty years of age save two, exercisinghimself among the infantry under arms, then mounting his horse anddrawing his sword without any trouble while his horse was gallopingand easily sheathing it again; and in the throwing of his spearshowing not only an exactness of aim, but a strength of arm in thedistance to which he sent it, which many of the young men could notsurpass. Both kings of nations and governors came to him; and of themen of rank about him from Rome there were sufficient to make up acomplete Senate. [353] There came also Labeo, [354] who left Cæsarthough he had been his friend and had served with him in Gaul; andBrutus, [355] son of the Brutus who was put to death in Gaul, a man ofnoble spirit who had never yet spoken to Pompeius or saluted himbecause Pompeius had put his father to death, but now he took serviceunder him as the liberator of Rome. Cicero, [356] though he had both inhis writings and his speeches in the Senate recommended othermeasures, was ashamed not to join those who were fighting in defenceof their country. There came also to Macedonia Tidius Sextius, [357] aman of extreme old age, lame of one leg; and while others werelaughing and jeering, Pompeius on seeing him rose up and ran to meethim, for he considered it a great testimony for men of advanced ageand feeble strength to choose danger with him in preference to safety. 

LXV. A Senate being formed, upon the proposition of Cato they came toa resolution to put no Roman to death except in battle, and not toplunder any city that was subject to the Romans, which increased stillfurther the popularity of the party of Pompeius; for those who wereunconcerned about the war by reason of being far removed from it orwho were disregarded on account of their weakness, gave Pompeius thebenefit of their good wishes at least, and as far as words could gocontended on his behalf in favour of the right, considering every manan enemy to gods and to men who did not wish Pompeius to bevictorious. Cæsar also showed much moderation in his success, forafter he had captured and defeated the forces of Pompeius inIberia, [358] he let the generals go and employed the troops. Aftercrossing the Alps again and hurrying through Italy, he arrived atBrundisium about the winter solstice. He then crossed the sea andputting in at Oricum sent Jubius, [359] a friend of Pompeius, who washis prisoner, to Pompeius[360] to propose that they should both meettogether on the third day, disband all their forces, and after beingreconciled and confirming their union by oath, return to Italy. Pompeius again considered this to be an ambuscade, and hastily goingdown to the sea he took possession of the posts and places whichpresented very strong positions for an army; he also seized the navalstations and landing places which were favourable for those who cameby sea, so that every wind which blew brought to Pompeius corn ortroops or money; but Cæsar being confined in straits both on the seaand land side was of necessity glad to fight, and he attacked thelines of Pompeius and continually provoked him to battle, in whichCæsar had generally the advantage and the superiority in theskirmishing. But on one occasion he narrowly escaped being completelycrushed and losing his army, for Pompeius fought with great courageand routed all the enemy, who lost two thousand men; but he waseither unable or was afraid to force his way into Cæsar's camp and toenter with the fugitives, which made Cæsar say to his friends, "To-daythe victory would have been with the enemy, if they had had acommander who knew how to conquer. "

LXVI. The partisans of Pompeius being greatly elated at this successwere eager to have a decisive battle. Pompeius wrote to the distantkings and generals and cities to inform them that he was victorious, but he feared the risk of a battle, thinking that by delay andreducing the enemy to straits he should finally vanquish men who wereinvincible in arms and had long been accustomed to conquer together, but as to the other military duties, and marches, and change ofposition, and digging of trenches and building of walls, were notefficient by reason of age and on this account were eager to come toclose fighting and to engage hand to hand. However, previous to thelast contest Pompeius had been able in some degree to draw his menfrom their purpose by persuading them to keep quiet; but when Cæsarafter the battle was compelled by want of provisions to break up hiscamp, and began his march into Thessaly through the country of theAthamanes, [361] the confidence of the soldiers of Pompeius could nolonger be kept in check, and calling out that Cæsar was flying, somewere for following and pursuing him, and others for crossing over intoItaly, and others were sending to Rome their slaves and friends to getpossession of houses near the Forum, with the intention of forthwithbecoming candidates for office. Many of their own accord sailed toCornelia who was in Lesbos bearing the good tidings of the war beingat an end; for Pompeius had sent her there out of the way of danger. The Senate being assembled, Afranius gave his opinion that they shouldstick to Italy, for Italy was the chief prize of the war, and wouldbring to those who were masters of it the possession of Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, Iberia, and all Gaul; and as to that which was thegreatest concern to Pompeius, his native country who was stretchingout her hands only at a short distance from them, it was nothonourable to leave her to be insulted and enslaved by slaves andflatterers of tyrants. But Pompeius did not consider it to beconsistent with his reputation to run away from Cæsar a second timeand to be pursued, when fortune gave him the opportunity of being thepursuer, nor did he think it consistent with his duty to desertScipio[362] and the consular men in Hellas and Thessaly who wouldimmediately fall into Cæsar's hands with their military chests andlarge forces; he thought also that Rome was best cared for by fightingin her defence as far from her as possible, that she might wait forthe conqueror without feeling or hearing of any misfortunes. 

LXVII. Having come to this decision, Pompeius pursued Cæsar, resolvedto avoid a battle, but by following close up to hem him in and wearhim out by privation. He had other reasons for thinking this to be thebest plan, and it also reached his ears that it was a subject ofcommon conversation among the cavalry that they ought to defeat Cæsaras soon as they could and then put down Pompeius also. Some say thatthis was also the reason why Pompeius employed Cato[363] in no matterof importance, but even when he was marching against Cæsar left him onthe coast to look after the stores, through fear that if Cæsar weredestroyed, Cato might forthwith compel him also to lay down hiscommand. Accordingly as he followed the enemy leisurely he was muchcensured and there was a clamour against him, that his object was notto defeat Cæsar by his generalship, but his native country and theSenate, that he might always keep the command and never give overhaving as his attendants and guards those who considered themselvesthe masters of the world. Domitius Ahenobarbus also by always callinghim Agamemnon and King of Kings made him odious. Favonius too madehimself no less disagreeable by his scoffing manner than others by theunseasonable freedom of their language, calling out, "Men, we shallnot eat figs in Tusculum[364] even this year!" Lucius Afranius who hadlost his forces in Iberia and on that account had fallen under theimputation of treachery, now seeing that Pompeius avoided a battle, said he was surprised that those who accused him did not advance andfight against the trafficker in provinces. By these and likeexpressions often repeated they at last prevailed over Pompeius, a manwho was a slave to public fame and the opinion of his friends, anddrew him on to follow their own hopes and impetuosity and to give upthe best considered plans, a thing which would have been unbefittingeven in the master of a vessel, to say nothing of thecommander-in-chief of so many nations and forces. Pompeius approved ofthe physician who never gratifies the desires of his patients, and yethe yielded to military advisers who were in a diseased state, throughfear of offending if he adopted healing measures. And how can one saythose men were in a healthy state, some of whom were going about amongthe troops and already canvassing for consulships and prætorships, andSpinther and Domitius[365] and Scipio were disputing and quarrellingabout the priesthood of Cæsar and canvassing, just as if Tigranes theArmenian were encamped by them or the King of the Nabathæans, and notthat Cæsar and that force with which he had taken a thousand cities bystorm, and subdued above three hundred nations, and had fought withGermans and Gauls unvanquished in more battles than could be counted, and had taken a hundred times ten thousand prisoners, and hadslaughtered as many after routing them in pitched battles. 

LXVIII. However, by importunity and agitation, after the army haddescended into the plain of Pharsalus, [366] they compelled Pompeius tohold a council of war, in which Labienus, who was commander of thecavalry, got up first, and swore that he would not leave the battletill he had routed the enemy; and they all swore to the same effect. In the night Pompeius dreamed that as he was entering the theatre, thepeople clapped, and that he was decorating a temple of Venus theVictorious[367] with many spoils. And in some respects he wasencouraged, but in others rather depressed by the dream, lest fame andglory should accrue from him to the race of Cæsar, which traced itsdescent from Venus; and certain panic alarms which were rushingthrough the camp aroused him. In the morning-watch a bright light[368]shone forth above the camp of Cæsar, which was in a state of profoundtranquillity, and a flame-like torch springing from this lightdescended upon the camp of Pompeius; and Cæsar himself says that hewitnessed this as he was visiting the watches. At daybreak, as Cæsarwas going to move to Scotussa, [369] and the soldiers were engaged intaking down the tents and sending forward the beasts andcamp-followers, the scouts came with intelligence that they spied manyarms in the enemy's encampment moving backwards and forwards, and thatthere was a movement and noise as of men coming out to battle. Afterthem others came announcing that the vanguard was already puttingitself in battle order. Upon this, Cæsar observing that the expectedday had arrived on which they would have to fight against men, and notagainst hunger and poverty, quickly gave orders to hang out in frontof his tent the purple colours, [370] which is the signal for battleamong the Romans. The soldiers at the sight of it left their tentswith loud shouts and rejoicing and hurried to arms; as the centurionsled them to their several ranks, every man, just as if he belonged toa chorus, without confusion, being well trained, quietly took hisplace. 

LXIX. Pompeius commanded the right wing, intending to oppose Antonius;in the centre he placed his father-in-law Scipio against CalvinusLucius;[371] and the left was commanded by Lucius Domitius, andstrengthened with the main body of the cavalry. For nearly all thehorsemen had crowded to that point, with the design of overpoweringCæsar and cutting to pieces the tenth legion, which had a very greatreputation for courage, and Cæsar was accustomed to take his stationin this legion when he fought a battle. But Cæsar, observing that theenemy's left wing was strengthened by so large a body of cavalry, andfearing their brilliant equipment, summoned six cohorts from thereserve, and placed them in the rear of the tenth legion, with ordersto keep quiet and not let the enemy see them; but as soon as thecavalry advanced, they had orders to run forwards through the firstranks, and not to throw their javelins, as the bravest soldiers areused to do in their eagerness to get to fighting with the sword, butto push upwards and to wound the eyes and faces of the enemy, forthose handsome, blooming pyrrichists would not keep their ground forfear of their beauty being spoiled, nor would they venture to look atthe iron that was pushed right into their faces. Now Cæsar was thusemployed. But Pompeius, who was examining the order of battle from hishorse, observing that the enemy were quietly awaiting in their ranksthe moment of attack, and the greater part of his own army was notstill, but was in wavelike motion through want of experience and inconfusion, was alarmed lest his troops should be completely separatedat the beginning of the battle, and he commanded the front ranks tostand with their spears presented, and keeping their ground in compactorder to receive the enemy's attack. But Cæsar finds fault[372] withthis generalship of Pompeius; for he says that he thus weakened theforce of the blows which a rapid assault produces; and the rush tomeet the advancing ranks, which more than anything else fills the massof the soldiers with enthusiasm and impetuosity in closing with theenemy, and combined with the shouts and running increases thecourage--Pompeius, by depriving his men of this, fixed them to theground and damped them. On Cæsar's side the numbers were twenty-twothousand; on the side of Pompeius the numbers[373] were somewhat morethan double. 

LXX. [374] And now, when the signal was given on both sides, and thetrumpet was beginning to urge them on to the conflict, every man ofthis great mass was busy in looking after himself; but a few of theRomans, the best, and some Greeks who were present, and not engaged inthe battle, as the conflict drew near, began to reflect to what acondition ambition and rivalry had brought the Roman State. Forkindred arms and brotherly battalions and common standards, [375] andthe manhood and the might of a single state in such numbers, wereclosing in battle, self-matched against self, an example of theblindness of human nature and its madness, under the influence ofpassion. For if they had now been satisfied quietly to govern andenjoy what they had got, there was the largest and the best portion ofthe earth and of the sea subject to them; and if they still wished togratify their love of trophies and of triumphs, and their thirst forthem, they might have their fill of Parthian or German wars. Scythia, too, and the Indians were a labour in reserve, and ambition had areasonable pretext for such undertaking, the civilization of barbaricnations. And what Scythian horse, or Parthian arrows, or Indian wealthcould have checked seventy thousand Romans advancing in arms underPompeius and Cæsar, whose name these nations heard of long before theyheard of the name of Rome? Such unsociable, and various, and savagenations had they invaded and conquered. But now they engaged with oneanother in battle, without even feeling any compunction about theirown glory, for which they spared not their native country, up to thisday having always borne the name of invincible. For the relationshipthat had been made between them, and the charms of Julia, and thatmarriage, were from the very first only deceitful and suspectedpledges of an alliance formed from interested motives, in which therewas not a particle of true friendship. 

LXXI. Now when the plain of Pharsalus was filled with men and horsesand arms, and the signal for battle was raised on both sides, thefirst to spring forward from the line of Cæsar was CaiusCrassianus[376] a centurion who had the command of one hundred andtwenty men, and was now fulfilling a great promise to Cæsar. For asCæsar observed him to be the first that was quitting the camp, hespoke to him and asked what he thought of the battle; and Crassianusstretching out his right hand replied with a loud voice, "You shallhave a splendid victory, Cæsar; and as to me, you shall praise mewhether I survive the day or die. " Remembering what he had said, herushed forward and carrying many along with him fell on the centre ofthe enemy. The struggle was forthwith with the sword and many fell;but while Crassianus was pushing forwards and cutting down those whowere in the front ranks, a soldier made a stand against him and drovehis sword through his mouth so that the point came out at the back ofthe neck. When Crassianus had fallen, the battle was equally contestedin this part of the field. Now Pompeius did not quickly lead on theright wing, but was looking at the opposite wing and lost time inwaiting for the cavalry to get into action. The cavalry were nowextending their companies with the view of surrounding Cæsar, and theydrove Cæsar's cavalry who were few in number upon the line in front ofwhich they were stationed. But upon Cæsar giving the signal, thecavalry retired, and the cohorts which had been reserved to meet theenemy's attempt to outflank them, rushed forward, three thousand innumber, and met the enemy; then fixing themselves by the side of thehorsemen, they pushed their spears upwards, as they had beeninstructed, against the horses, aiming at the faces of the riders. Thehorsemen, who were altogether inexperienced in fighting, and had neverexpected or heard of such a mode of attack, did not venture to standor endure the blows aimed at their eyes and mouths, but turning theirbacks and holding their hands before their faces they ingloriouslytook to flight. The soldiers of Cæsar leaving these fugitives toescape advanced against the infantry, and they made their attack atthat point where the wing having lost the protection of the cavalrygave them the opportunity of outflanking and surrounding them. Thesemen falling on the enemy in the flank and the tenth legion attackingthem in front, the enemy did not stand their ground nor keep together, for they saw that while they were expecting to surround the enemy, they were themselves surrounded. 

LXXII. After the infantry were routed, and Pompeius seeing the dustconjectured what had befallen the cavalry, what reflections passed inhis mind, it is difficult to say; but like a madman more than anythingelse and one whose reason was affected, without considering that hewas Magnus Pompeius, without speaking a word to any one, he walkedslowly back to his camp, so that one may properly apply to him theverses[377]

 "But lofty father Zeus struck fear in Ajax; He stood confounded, and behind him threw His shield of seven-ox-hide, and trembling look'd Towards the crowd. "

In this state Pompeius came to his tent and sat down without speaking, until many of the pursuers rushed into the camp with the fugitives;and then merely uttering these words, "What, even to the camp!" andnothing more, he rose and taking a dress suitable to his presentcondition made his way out. The rest of the legions also fled, andthere was great slaughter in the camp of those who were left to guardthe tents and of the slaves; but Asinius Pollio[378] says that onlysix thousand soldiers fell, and Pollio fought in that battle onCæsar's side. When Cæsar's men took the camp, they saw evidence of thefolly and frivolity of the enemy. For every tent was crowned withmyrtle and furnished with flowered coverings to the couches and tablesloaded with cups; and bowls of wine were laid out, and there was thepreparation and decoration of persons who had performed a sacrificeand were celebrating a festival, [379] rather than of men who werearming for battle. So blinded by their hopes, and so full of foolishconfidence did they come out to war. 

LXXIII. Pompeius having proceeded a little way from the camp let hishorse go, and with very few persons about him, went on slowly as noone pursued him, and with such thoughts, as would naturally arise inthe mind of a man who for four-and-thirty years had been accustomed toconquer and to have the mastery in everything, and now for the firsttime in his old age experienced what defeat and flight were;reflecting also that in a single battle he had lost the reputation andthe power which were the fruit of so many struggles and wars, andwhile a little before he was protected by so many armed men andhorses, and armaments, now he was retreating and had become so weakand humbled, as easily to escape the notice of his enemies who werelooking for him. After passing Larissa[380] and arriving at Tempe, being thirsty he threw himself down on his face and drank of theriver, and then rising up he proceeded through Tempe till he reachedthe sea. There he rested for the remainder of the night in afisherman's hut, and at daybreak embarking on board of one of theriver-boats and taking with him those of his followers who werefreemen, and bidding his slaves go to Cæsar without any apprehensionfor their safety, he rowed along the coast till he saw a largemerchant-ship preparing to set sail, the master of which was a Roman, who had no intimacy with Pompeius, but knew him by sight: his name wasPeticius. It happened the night before that Peticius saw Pompeius in adream, not as he had often seen him, but humble and downcast, speakingto him. And it happened that he was telling his dream to hisshipmates, as is usual with men in such weighty matters, who havenothing to do; when all at once one of the sailors called out that hespied a river-boat rowing from the land with men in it who were makingsignals with their clothes and stretching out their hands to them. Accordingly Peticius turning his eyes in that direction recognisedPompeius just as he had seen him in the dream, and striking hisforehead he ordered the sailors to put the boat alongside, and hestretched out his right hand and called to Pompeius, alreadyconjecturing from his appearance the fortune and the reverses of theman. Upon which the master, without waiting to be entreated oraddressed, took on board with him, all whom Pompeius chose (and thesewere the two Lentuli[381] and Favonius), and set sail; and shortlyafter seeing King Deiotarus making his way from the land as fast as hecould they took him in also. When it was supper time and the masterhad made the best preparation that he could, Favonius observing thatPompeius had no domestics and was beginning to take off his shoes, ranup to him and loosed his shoes and helped him to anoint himself. Andhenceforward Favonius continued to wait on Pompeius and serve him, just as slaves do their master, even to the washing of his feet andpreparing his meals, so that a witness of the free will of thatservice and the simplicity and absence of all affectation might haveexclaimed

 "To generous minds how noble every task. "[382]

LXXIV. In such wise Pompeius coasted to Amphipolis, [383] and thencecrossed over to Mitylene, wishing to take up Cornelia and her son. Upon reaching the shore of the island he sent a message to the city, not such as Cornelia expected, for the pleasing intelligence that shehad received both by report and by letter led her to hope that the warwas terminated near Dyrrachium, and that all that remained forPompeius was to pursue Cæsar. The messenger, who found her in thisstate of expectation, did not venture to salute her, but indicating bytears more than words the chief and greatest of her misfortunes, hebade her hasten, if she wished to see Pompeius in a single vessel andthat not his own. Cornelia, on hearing these words, threw herself onthe ground, and lay there a long time without sense or speech, andwith difficulty recovering herself, and seeing that it was not a timefor tears and lamentations, she ran through the city to the sea. Pompeius met and caught her in his arms as she was just ready to sinkdown and fall upon him, when Cornelia said, "I see you, husband, notthrough your own fortune but mine, reduced to a single vessel, you whobefore your marriage with Cornelia sailed along this sea with fivehundred ships. Why have you come to see me, and why did you not leaveto her evil dæmon one who has loaded you also with so much misfortune?How happy a woman should I have been had I died before I heard thatPublius, whose virgin bride I was, had perished by the Parthians; andhow wise, if even after he died I had put an end to my own life, as Iattempted to do; but forsooth I have been kept alive to be the ruin ofPompeius Magnus also. "

LXXV. So it is said Cornelia spoke, and thus Pompeius replied: "It istrue, Cornelia, you have hitherto known only one fortune, and that thebetter; and perhaps it has deceived you too, in that it has abidedwith me longer than is wont. But as we are mortals, we must bear thischange, and still try fortune; for it is not hopeless for a man toattempt from this condition to recover his former state who has cometo this after being in that other. " Accordingly Cornelia sent for herproperty and slaves from the city; and though the Mitylenæans came topay their respects to Pompeius, and invited him to enter the city, hewould not, but he exhorted them also to yield to the conqueror and tobe of good heart, for Cæsar was merciful and of a humane disposition. But turning to Kratippus[384] the philosopher, for he had come downfrom the city to see him, Pompeius found fault with and in a fewwords expressed some doubts about Providence, Kratippus rather givingway to him and trying to lead him to better hopes, that he might notgive him pain at so unseasonable a time by arguing against him; forPompeius might have questioned him about Providence, and Kratippusmight have shown that the state of affairs at Rome required a monarchyon account of the political disorder; and he might have askedPompeius, "How, Pompeius, and by what evidence shall we be persuadedthat you would have used your fortune better than Cæsar, if you hadbeen victorious?" But these matters that concern the gods we mustleave as they are. 

LXXVI. Taking on board his wife and friends, Pompeius continued hisvoyage, only putting in at such ports as of necessity he must forwater or provisions. The first city that he came to was Attaleia[385]of Pamphylia; and there some galleys from Cilicia met him, and somesoldiers were collecting, and there were again about sixty senatorsabout him. Hearing that his navy still kept together, and that Catohad recruited many soldiers and was passing over to Libya, he lamentedto his friends and blamed himself for being forced to engage with hisarmy only, and for not making any use of the force which was beyondall dispute superior to that of the enemy; and that his navy was notso stationed that if he were defeated by land he might forthwith havehad what would have made him a match for the enemy, a strength andpower so great by sea close at hand. Indeed Pompeius committed nogreater fault, nor did Cæsar show any greater generalship, than inwithdrawing the field of battle so far beyond the reach of assistancefrom the navy. However, being compelled in the present state ofaffairs to decide and do something, he sent round to the cities, andhimself sailing about to some, asked them for money, and began to manships. But fearing the rapid movements and speed of his enemy, lest heshould come upon him and take him before he was prepared, he lookedabout for a place of refuge for the present and a retreat. Now thereappeared to them upon consideration to be no province to which theycould safely fly; and as to the kingdoms, Pompeius gave it as hisopinion that the Parthian[386] at the present was the best able toreceive and protect them in their present weakness, and to strengthenthem again and to send them forth with the largest force; of the rest, some turned their thoughts towards Libya and Juba, [387] but Theophanesof Lesbos pronounced it madness to leave Egypt, which was only threedays' sail distant, and Ptolemæus, [388] who was still a youth, andindebted to Pompeius for the friendship and favour which his fatherhad received from him, and to put himself in the hands of theParthians, a most treacherous nation; and to be the first of allpersons who did not choose to submit to a Roman who had been connectedwith him by marriage, nor to make trial of his moderation, and to puthimself in the power of Arsakes, [389] who was not able to take evenCrassus so long as he was alive; and to carry a young wife of thefamily of Scipio among barbarians, who measured their power by theirinsolence and unbridled temper; and if no harm should befall Cornelia, and it should only be apprehended that she might suffer injury, itwould be a sad thing for her to be in the power of those who were ableto do it. This alone, it is said diverted Pompeius from proceeding tothe Euphrates; if indeed any reflection still guided Pompeius, and hewas not rather directed by a dæmon to the way that he took. 

LXXVII. Accordingly when the proposal to fly to Egypt prevailed, Pompeius setting sail from Cyprus in a galley of Seleukeia[390] withhis wife (and of the rest some accompanied him also in ships of war, and others in merchant vessels), crossed the sea safely; and hearingthat Ptolemæus[391] was seated before Pelusium with his army, beingengaged in war against his sister, he came to that part of the coastand sent forward a person to announce his arrival to the king and topray for his protection. Now Ptolemæus was very young, and Potheinuswho managed everything, summoned a council of the chief persons; andthe chief persons were those whom he chose to make so, and he badeeach man give his opinion. It was indeed a sad thing that such menshould deliberate about Pompeius Magnus, as Potheinus the eunuch andTheodotus of Chios who was hired as a teacher of rhetoric and theEgyptian Achillas: for these were the chief advisers of the king amongthe eunuchs and others who had the care of his person; and such wasthe court whose decision Pompeius was waiting for at anchor somedistance from the shore and tossed by the waves, he who thought itbeneath him to be indebted to Cæsar for his life. Now opinions amongthe rest were so far divided that some advised they should drive awayPompeius, and others, that they should invite and receive him: butTheodotus displaying his power in speech and his rhetorical art provedthat neither of these courses was safe, but that if they receivedPompeius, they would have Cæsar for an enemy and Pompeius for theirmaster, and if they drove him away, they would incur the displeasureof Pompeius for ejecting him and of Cæsar for the trouble of thepursuit; it was therefore best to send for the man and kill him, forthus they would please Cæsar and have nothing to fear from Pompeius. And he concluded with a smile, as it is said, A dead man does notbite. 

LXXVIII. Having determined on this they intrust the execution toAchillas, who taking with him one Septimius who had a long time agoserved under Pompeius as a centurion and Salvius another centurion andthree or four slaves, put out towards the ship of Pompeius. Ithappened that all the most distinguished persons who accompaniedPompeius had come on board his ship to see what was going on. Accordingly when they saw a reception which was neither royal norsplendid nor corresponding to the expectations of Theophanes, but afew men in a fishing-boat sailing towards them, this want of respectmade them suspect treachery and they advised Pompeius to row back intothe open sea, while they were still out of reach of missiles. In themean time as the boat was nearing, Septimius was the first to rise andhe addressed Pompeius as Imperator in the Roman language and Achillassaluting him in Greek invited him to enter the boat, because, as hesaid, the shallows were of great extent and the sea being rather sandyhad not depth enough to float a trireme. At the same time it wasobserved that some of the king's ships were getting their men onboard, and soldiers occupied the shore, so that it appeared impossibleto escape even if they changed their minds and made the attempt; andbesides, this want of confidence would give the murderers some excusefor their crime. Accordingly, after embracing Cornelia who wasanticipating and bewailing his fate, he ordered two centurions to stepinto the boat before him, and Philippus one of his freedmen and aslave called Scythes, and while Achillas was offering him his hand outof the boat, he turned round to his wife and son and repeated theiambics of Sophocles, "Whoever to a tyrant bends his way, Is made his slave, e'en if he goes a freeman. "

LXXIX. [392] These were the last words that he spoke to his friendsbefore he entered the boat: and as it was a considerable distance tothe land from the galley, and none of those in the boat addressed anyfriendly conversation to him, looking at Septimius he said, "I am notmistaken I think in recognising you as an old comrade of mine;" andSeptimius nodded without making any reply or friendly acknowledgment. As there was again a profound silence, Pompeius who had a small rollon which he had written a speech in Greek that he intended to addressto Ptolemæus, began reading it. As they neared the land, Cornelia withher friends in great anxiety was watching the result from the galley, and she began to have good hopes when she saw some of the king'speople collecting together at the landing as if to honor Pompeius andgive him a reception. In the mean time, while Pompeius was taking thehand of Philippus that he might rise more easily, Septimius frombehind was the first to transfix him with his sword; and Salvius, andafter him Achillas drew their swords. Pompeius drawing his toga closewith both hands over his face, without saying or doing anythingunworthy of himself, but giving a groan only, submitted to the blows, being sixty years of age save one, and ending his life just one dayafter his birthday. 

LXXX. Those in the ships seeing the murder uttered a shriek whichcould be heard even to the land, and quickly raising their anchors, took to flight: and a strong breeze aided them in their escape to theopen sea, so that the Egyptians, though desirous of pursuing, turnedback. They cut off the head of Pompeius, and throwing the body nakedout of the boat, left it for those to gaze at who felt any curiosity. Philippus stayed by the body, till the people wore satisfied withlooking at it, and then washing it with sea-water he wrapped it up ina tunic of his own; and as he had no other means, he looked about tillhe found the wreck of a small fishing-boat, which was decayed indeed, but enough to make a funeral pile in case of need for a naked body, and that not an entire corpse. As he was collecting these fragmentsand putting them together, a Roman, now an old man[393] who had servedhis first campaigns in his youth under Pompeius, stood by him andsaid: "Who are you, my friend, that are preparing to perform thefuneral rites to Pompeius Magnus?" Philippus replying that he was afreedman, the man said: "But you shall not have this honour toyourself: allow me too to share in this pious piece of good fortune, that I may not altogether have to complain of being in a strange land, if in requital for many sufferings I get this honour at least, totouch and to tend with my hands the greatest of the Roman generals. "Such were the obsequies of Pompeius. On the next day Lucius Lentuluswho was on his voyage from Cyprus, not knowing what had happened, wascoasting along the shore, when he saw the pile and Philippus standingby it before he was seen himself and said, "Who is resting here afterclosing his career?" and after a slight interval, with a groan, headded, "perhaps it is you, Pompeius Magnus. " Presently he landed, andbeing seized was put to death. This was the end of Pompeius. Not longafter Cæsar arriving in Egypt, which was filled with this horrid deed, turned away from the man who brought him the head of Pompeius, as froma murderer, and when he received the seal of Pompeius, he shed tears;the device was a lion holding a sword. He put to death Achillas andPotheinus, and the king himself being defeated in battle was lostsomewhere near the river. Theodotus the sophist escaped the vengeanceof Cæsar, for he fled from Egypt and wandered about in a miserablestate, the object of detestation; but Brutus Marcus, after he hadkilled Cæsar and got the power in his hands, finding Theodotus inAsia, put him to death with every circumstance of contumely. Corneliaobtained the remains of Pompeius and had them carried to his Albanvilla and interred there. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 189: This line is from the Prometheus Loosed ([Greek:luomenos] λυόμενος) of Aeschylus which is lost. Prometheus Bound([Greek: desmôtês] δεσμώτης) is extant. Hermann is of opinion that thePrometheus Loosed did not belong to the same Tetralogy as thePrometheus Bound. ]

[Footnote 190: The Gens to which Pompeius belonged was Plebeian. Cn. Pompeius Strabo, the father of Pompeius Magnus, was consul B. C. 89. Strabo, a name derived like many other Roman names from some personalpeculiarity, signifies one who squints, and it was borne by members ofother Roman Gentes also, as the Julia, and Fannia. It is said that thefather of Pompeius Magnus had a cook Menogenes, who was called Strabo, and that the name was given to Cn. Pompeius because he resembled hiscook. However this may be, Cn. Pompeius adopted the name, and itappears on his coins and in the Fasti. He had a bad character andappears to have deserved it. (Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Pompeii, p. 306. ) Compare the Life of Sulla, c. 6. Notes. 

The latter part of this chapter is somewhat obscure in the original. See the note of Coræs. ]

[Footnote 191: L. Marcius Philippus, Consul B. C. 91 with Sextus JuliusCæsar, was a distinguished orator. ]

[Footnote 192: Some of the commentators have had strange opinionsabout the meaning of this passage, which Kaltwasser has mistranslated. It is rightly explained in Schaefer's note, and the learned Lambinushas fully expounded it in a note on Horatius (_Od. _ i. 13): but inplace of [Greek: adêktos] ἀδήκτος he has a wrong reading [Greek:adêkto] ἀδήκτο. Flora was not the only courtesan who received thedistinction mentioned in the text. The gilded statue of Phryne, thework of Praxiteles, was placed in the temple at Delphi, presented bythe lady herself. (Pausanias, x. 15). ]

[Footnote 193: Pompeius Magnus was born B. C. 106. He was younger thanMarcus Crassus, of the same age as Cicero, and six years older thanthe Dictator Cæsar. The event mentioned in the chapter belongs to theyear B. C 87, in which his father fought against L. Cinna. PompeiusStrabo died in this year. ]

[Footnote 194: This town, now Ascoli on the Tronto, in Picenum, wastaken by Pompeius Strabo B. C. 89 in the Marsic war, and burnt. Theinhabitants, who had killed the proconsul P. Servilius and otherRomans, were severely handled; and Pompeius Strabo had a triumph(December 89) for his success against the Asculani and otherinhabitants of Picenum. (Velleius, ii. 21. )]

[Footnote 195: P. Antistius was prætor B. C. 86, the year after thedeath of Pompeius Strabo. ]

[Footnote 196: Compare the Life of Romulus, c. 14. ]

[Footnote 197: Cinna was killed in his fourth consulate, B. C. 84. Appianus (_Civil Wars_, i. 78) states that he was massacred by hissoldiers, but his account may be true and that of Plutarch also, whichis more particular, (See also Livius, _Epit. _ 83. )]

[Footnote 198: The father of Pompeius had enriched himself during theSocial wars. ]

[Footnote 199: Now Osimo, was one of the cities of Picenum, south ofAncona. It was a Roman colony. ]

[Footnote 200: The three commanders were C. Albius Carinnas, C. CœliusCaldus and M. Junius Brutus. The word Clœlius in Plutarch may be amistake of the copyists. Brutus was the father of M. Brutus, one ofCæsar's assassins. ]

[Footnote 201: L. Cornelius Scipio, consul B. C. 83. Plutarch speaks ofthe same event in the Life of Sulla, c. 28, where he states that thesoldiers of Scipio came over to Sulla. The two statements arecontradictory, Appianus (_Civil Wars_, i. 85) tells the story ofScipio's army going over to Sulla. ]

[Footnote 202: A mistake for Æsis (Esino, or Finmesino), a river whichformed the boundary between Umbria and Picenum, and enters the seanorth of Ancona. Appianus (_Civil Wars_, i. 87) states that Metellusdefeated Carinnas, the legatus of Carbo, on the Æsis (B. C. 82). ]

[Footnote 203: This was Q. Metellus Pius who afterwards commanded inIberia against Sertorius. See the Life of Sertorius. ]

[Footnote 204: The Greek writers often employ similes and metaphorsderived from the athletic contests. There were contests both for boysand full-grown men. Compare the Life of Agesilaus, c. 13. ]

[Footnote 205: The marriage arrangements mentioned in this chaptertook place after the capture of Præneste, B. C. 82. See the Life ofSulla, c. 33. Sulla attempted to make Cæsar also part with his wife(Cæsar, c. 1): but Cæsar would not. Sulla, who was a cunning man, wished to gain over to his side all the young men of promise. 

Antistius had been murdered in the Senate-house, by the order of theconsul, the younger Marius, who was then blockaded in Præneste. Q. Mucius Scævola, the Pontifex, was murdered at the same time. (Appianus, _Civil Wars_, i. 88. )]

[Footnote 206: His true name is Perperna. See the Life of Sertorius. ]

[Footnote 207: Cn. Papirius Carbo was put to death, B. C. 82, in histhird consulship. Compare Appianus, _Civil Wars_, i. 96, and Life ofSulla, c. 28, Notes. Valerius Maximus, ix. C. 13, gives the story ofhis begging for a short respite, with some other particulars. ]

[Footnote 208: Caius Oppius, an intimate friend of Cæsar. Some personsbelieved that he was the author of the Books on the Alexandrine, African, and Spanish campaigns, which are printed with the Gallic Warof Cæsar. (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 56. ) Hs wrote various biographies. Oppius is often mentioned by Cicero. There is extant a letter ofCicero to him _Ad Diversos_, xi. 29); but it is entitled in someeditions of Cicero 'To Appius. ']

[Footnote 209: This was Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the father-in-law ofCinna. He had been consul B. C. 96 with C. Cassius Longinus. ]

[Footnote 210: C. Memmius, according to Drumann, the same whoafterwards fell in the war against Sertorius. (Life of Sertorius, c. 21. )]

[Footnote 211: The expedition of Pompeius to Africa was in B. C. 81. Iarbas is said to have been a descendant of Massinissa. He escapedfrom the battle. The scene of the battle and the subsequent movementsof Pompeius cannot be collected from Plutarch's narrative, which here, as in the case of military operations generally, is of no value. As tothe age of Pompeius, see the note in Clinton's Fasti B. C. 81. ]

[Footnote 212: The lion is a native of North Africa, but it isdoubtful if the elephant is. The Carthaginians employed many elephantsin their armies, which they probably got from the countries south ofthe great desert. Plutarch evidently considers the elephant as anative of North Africa, or he would not speak of hunting it; yet inchapter 14 he speaks of the elephants as the King's, or the King'selephants, as if the elephants that Pompeius took were merely somethat belonged to Iarbas or some of the African kings, and had gotloose. Plinius (_N. H. _ viii. 1) speaks of elephants in the forests ofMauritania. They are enumerated by Herodotus (iv. 191) among thebeasts of North Africa. ]

[Footnote 213: Drumann discusses at some length the question as to thetime and occasion on which Pompeius received the appellation: thosewho are curious may consult his work, _Geschichte Roms_, Pompeii, p. 335. ]

[Footnote 214: M. Valerius Maximus, a brother of Publicola. Theallusion is to the secession of the Plebs to the Mons Sacer, B. C. 494, which was followed by the institution of the Tribunitian office. Cicero (Brutus, 14) mentions this Valerius, and the secession to theMons Sacer. See Livius, ii. 30. ]

[Footnote 215: Q. Fabius Maximus Rullus, who was five times consul, and for the last time in B. C. 295. (Livius, x. 22. ) He was afterwardsDictator and Censor. It was in his capacity of Censor that he ejectedthese persons from the Senate, B. C. 304. Compare the Life of FabiusMaximus, c. 1. ]

[Footnote 216: Kaltwasser observes that it was not so much a law (lex)as a usage: but Plutarch's words by no means imply that he thoughtthere was a Lex to this effect. Livius (xxxi. C. 20) states that onlya dictator, consul, or prætor could have a triumph. The claim ofPompeius was an impudent demand: but he felt his power. The 'firstScipio' is the elder Africanus. See Life of Tiberius Gracchus, c. 1, Notes. ]

[Footnote 217: Plutarch may mean that Pompeius really attempted toenter the gate in a chariot drawn by elephants, and finding that hecould not do it, he got out and mounted a chariot drawn by horses. This is perhaps nearer the literal version of the passage, and agreesbetter with Plinius (_N. H. _ viii. 1). ]

[Footnote 218: P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, consul for B. C. 79. Pompeius triumphed B. C. 81, or in the beginning of 80 B. C. , the firstof the class of Equites who ever had this honour. The review of theEquites, which is spoken of at the end of this chapter, is explainedby c. 22. ]

[Footnote 219: Compare the Life of Sulla, c. 31, &c. Sulla died in theconsulship of M. Æmilius Lepidus and Q. Lutatius Catulus, B. C. 78. ]

[Footnote 220: This is the Roman expression, which Plutarch hasrendered by [Greek: hoi aristoi] οἱ άριστοι. Compare Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 10. ]

[Footnote 221: On the site of Modena. The events of the consulship ofLepidus are very confused. Drumann observes (Pompeii, p. 345) thatPlutarch incorrectly tells the story as if Pompeius was not present atthe attack of Lepidus on Rome (Appianus, _Civil Wars_, i. 107; Floras, iii. 23): but Plutarch's narrative does not of necessity imply thatPompeius was not there. ]

[Footnote 222: See the Life of Brutus. ]

[Footnote 223: See the Life of Sertorius, and as to the conduct ofPompeius in the war more particularly, chapter 12, &c. ]

[Footnote 224: Pro Consule was the title of a Roman general who wassent to a province with consular authority. It was not unusual toappoint a man Pro Consule who had not been 'consul. ' The point of thereply lies in the form of the expression 'Pro Consule, ' which was atitle, as contrasted with 'Pro Consulibus, ' which means 'instead ofthe consuls, to displace the consuls. ' The expression of L. Philippusis recorded by Cicero (_Pro Lege Manilia_, c. 21). Pompeius went toIberia B. C. 76. ]

[Footnote 225: The death of Sertorius took place B. C. 72. As to thedeath of Perperna, see the Life of Sertorius, c. 26. The allusion toSicily will be explained by referring to c. 10; but there is nothingthere stated for which Pompeius needed to show any gratitude toPerperna. We may assume that Perperna left the island, because hecould not safely stay. ]

[Footnote 226: The war in Spain was not quite settled by the death ofPerperna. There was still some work left to do. Several towns heldout, particularly in the country of the warlike Arevaci, who were onthe east coast of Spain. Pompeius burnt Uxama; and L. Afraniusconducted the war with unsparing severity against the Calaguritani whomade a desperate resistance. (Floras, iii. 22. ) The capture of theirtown ended the war. Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Pompeii, p. 376. ]

[Footnote 227: The history of the Servile war is in the Life ofCrassus, c. 11, &c. ]

[Footnote 228: This was in B. C. 71. In B. C. 70 Pompeius was consul forthe first time with M. Licinius Crassus. ]

[Footnote 229: Sulla had not abolished the tribunitian office, but hehad deprived the tribunes of the chief part of their power. It doesnot seem exactly certain what Sulla did. Appianus (_Civil Wars_, i. 100) says 'that he weakened it very much and carried a law by which noman after being tribune could hold any other office. ' Cicero (_DeLegibus_, iii. 9) considers the extension of the tribunitian power asunavoidable, and as effected with the least mischief by being the workof Pompeius. ]

[Footnote 230: A Cornelia Lex, passed in the time of Sulla, made theJudices in the Judicia Publica eligible only out of the body ofSenators. That the Senators had acted corruptly in the administrationof justice, we have the authority of Cicero in one of his Verrineorations (_In Verr. _ A 1, 13 and 16). The measure for restoring theEquites to a share in the judicial functions was proposed by theprætor L. Aurelius Cotta, the uncle of C. Julius Cæsar, with theapprobation of Pompeius and Cæsar, who were now acting in concert. Thecharges of corruption which Cotta made against the Senate are recordedby Cicero (_In Verr. _ iii. 96). The proposed law (rogatio), which wascarried, made the Judices eligible out of the Senators, Equites, andTribuni Ærarii, which three classes are mentioned by Cicero (_AdAtticum_, i. 16) as represented by the Judices who sat on the trial ofClodius. The purity of the administration of justice was not herebyimproved. Cicero, on the occasion of the trial of Clodius, speaks ofall these classes having their dishonest representatives among thejudices. ]

[Footnote 231: Compare the Life of Crassus, c. 12. 

The remarks at the end of the chapter may be useful to some men whowould meddle with matters political, when their only training has beenin camps. Pompeius was merely a soldier, and had no capacity for civilaffairs. ]

[Footnote 232: The history of piracy in the Mediterranean goes as farback as the history of navigation. The numerous creeks and islands ofthis inland sea offer favourable opportunities for piratical posts, and accordingly we read of pirates as early as we read of commerce bysea. (Thucydides, i. 5. ) The disturbances in the Roman State hadencouraged these freebooters in their depredations. Cæsar, when ayoung man, fell into their hands (Life of Cæsar, c. 1); and also P. Clodius. The insecure state of Italy is shown by the fact of thepirates even landing on the Italian coast, and seizing the Romanmagistrates, Sextilius and Bellienus. Cicero in his oration in favourof the Lex Manilia (c. 12, c. 17, &c. ) gives some particulars of theexcesses of the pirates. Antonia, whom they carried off, was thedaughter of the distinguished orator, Marcus Antonius (Life of Marius, c. 44), who had been sent against the Cilician pirates B. C. 102, andhad a triumph for his victory over them. If Cicero alludes (_Pro LegeManilia_) to the capture of the daughter of Antonius, that probablytook place before B. C. 87, for in that year Antonius was put to death. But Cicero speaks of the daughter of 'a prætor' being carried off fromMisenum, and it is not improbable that he alludes to M. AntoniusCreticus, prætor B. C. 75. If this explanation is correct, the Antoniawas the grand-daughter of the orator Antonius. ]

[Footnote 233: [Greek: stulides] στυλίδες. The meaning of this word isuncertain. [Greek: Stulis] Στυλίς is a diminutive of [Greek: stulos]στῦλος, and signifies a small pillar, or pole. It may be that whichcarried the colours. But I do not profess to have translated the word, for I do not know what is meant. ]

[Footnote 234: From the places enumerated it appears that the pirateshad carried their ravages from the coast of Asia Minor to the shoresof Greece and up the Ionian Sea as far as the entrance of the Gulf ofAmbracia, now the Gulf of Arta, near the entrance of which Actium wassituated on the southern coast, and even to the Italian shores. Thetemple of Juno Lacinia was on the south-eastern coast of Italy on apromontory, now called Capo delle Colonne, from the ruins of theancient temple. The noted temples of antiquity were filled with worksof art and rich offerings, the gifts of pious devotees. Cicero (_ProLege Manilia_), c. 18) speaks of the pirates as infesting even the ViaAppia. ]

[Footnote 235: Not the mountain of that name, Kaltwasser remarks, buta town of Lycia in Asia Minor, one of the headquarters of the pirates. Strabo (p. 671) places Olympus in Cilicia. There was both a city and amountain named Olympus there; and I have accordingly translated 'onOlympus. ' (Beaufort, _Karamania_, p. 46. )]

[Footnote 236: Mithras was a Persian deity, as it appears. The nameoccurs in many Persian compounds as Mithridates, Ithamitres, andothers. _Mitra_ is a Sanscrit name for the Sun. (Wilson, _SanscritDictionary_. )]

[Footnote 237: The Mediterranean. See the Life of Sertorius, c. 8, note. As to the limits of the command of Pompeius, compare VelleiusPaterculus, ii. 31. ]

[Footnote 238: Aulus Gabinius, one of the tribunes for the year B. C. 67, proposed the measure. The consuls of this year were C. CalpurniusPiso and M. Acilius Glabrio. ]

[Footnote 239: L. Roscius Otho, one of the tribunes, and the proposerof the unpopular law (B. C. 67) which gave the Equites fourteenseparate seats at the theatre. (Velleius, ii. 32; Dion Cassius, 36, c. 25. )]

[Footnote 240: Compare the Life of Flaminiaus, c. 10. ]

[Footnote 241: [Greek: ekomizen] ἐκόμιζεν in the text. The reading isperhaps wrong, and the sense is doubtful. Reiske conjectured that itshould be [Greek: ekolaze] ἐκόλαζε. ]

[Footnote 242: This place is on the coast of the Rough or MountainousCilicia, on a steep rock near the sea. (Strabo, p. 668; Beaufort's_Karamania_, p. 174. )]

[Footnote 243: Soli was an Achæan and Rhodian colony. After beingsettled by Pompeius, it received the name of Pompeiopolis, or the cityof Pompeius. It is on the coast of the Level Cilicia, twenty mileswest of the mouth of the river Cydnus, on which Tarsus stood. Soli wasthe birthplace of the Stoic Chrysippus, and of Philemon the comicwriter. (Strabo, p. 671; Beaufort's _Kar. _, p. 259. )]

[Footnote 244: Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 26. ]

[Footnote 245: One of the towns of Achæa in the Peloponnesus, near theborders of Elis. Pausanias (vii. 17). 

As to the number of the pirates who surrendered, see Appianus(_Mithridatic War_, c. 96). ]

[Footnote 246: Q. Cæcilius Metellus Creticus is stated by some modernwriters to have been a son of Metellus Dalmaticus; but it is unknownwho his father and grandfather were. (Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_. ) Hehad been consul B. C. 69. (Compare Velleius Paterculus, ii. 32. )]

[Footnote 247: The passage is in the Iliad, xxii. 207. ]

[Footnote 248: Or as Plutarch writes it Mallius. The tribune C. Manilius is meant, who carried the Lex Manilia, B. C. 66, which gavePompeius the command in the Mithridatic war. Cicero supported the lawin the speech which is extant, Pro Lege Manilia. It has been proposedto alter Mallius in Plutarch's text into Manilius, but Sintenis refersto Dion Cassius (36. C. 25, 26, 27). ]

[Footnote 249: This was Glabrio the consul of B. C. 67 (see note on c. 25), who had been appointed to supersede Lucullus. (Life of Lucullus, c. 34, notes. )]

[Footnote 250: The allusion is to the secession of the Plebs to theMons Sacer, which is recorded in Livius (2. C. 32). ]

[Footnote 251: See the Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 12, and the note. ]

[Footnote 252: Pompeius was appointed to the command in theMithridatic war B. C. 66, when he was in Cilicia. (Appianus, _Mithridatic War_, c. 97. )]

[Footnote 253: Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 35, &c. ]

[Footnote 254: As to the events in this chapter, compare Appianus, _Mithridatic War_, c. 98, &c. ]

[Footnote 255: Probably a Greek woman, as we may infer from the name. The king seems to have had a liking for Greek women. ]

[Footnote 256: This is probably a corrupted name. It is Sinorega inAppianus (_Mithridatic War_, c. 101). Coræs proposes Sinora. (Strabo, p. 555. ) The place is mentioned by Ammianus (quoted by Sintenis) underthe name of Sinhorium or Synorium. Strabo places Sinoria (as it iswritten in Casaubon's text) on the borders of the Greater Armenia. ]

[Footnote 257: Appianus (_Mithridatic War_, c. 101) describes thecourse which Mithridates took in his flight. He spent the winter inDioscuri, as Appianus calls it, or Dioscurias on the east coast of theEuxine; and afterwards entered the countries bordering on the Mæotisor sea of Azoff. (Compare Strabo, p. 555. )]

[Footnote 258: He was the third son of Tigranes by the daughter ofMithridates. The other two had been put to death by their father. Theyoung Tigranes appeared in the triumph of Pompeius at Rome and thenwas put to death. (Appianus, _Mithridatic War_, c. 104, 5. )]

[Footnote 259: See the Life of Lucullus, c. 26, notes. ]

[Footnote 260: Probably Artaxata is meant, for Appianus (c. 104) saysthat Pompeius had advanced to the neighbourhood of Artaxata. 

Appianus (_Mithridatic War_, c. 104) places these transactions withTigranes after the battle with the Iberians which Plutarch describesin c. 34. ]

[Footnote 261: Probably a Persian word, with the same meaning asTiara, the head-dress of the Persians and some other Oriental nations. The kings wore it upright to distinguish them from other people. (Herodotus, vii. 61. )]

[Footnote 262: A part of Armenia between the Antitaurus and themountain range of Masius. (Strabo, p. 527. )]

[Footnote 263: Appianus (_Mithridatic War_, c. 104) states thatPompeius received 6000 talents (of silver?) from Tigranes; and heseems to understand it as if the money was for Pompeius. In the othersums he agrees with Plutarch, except as to the tribunes, who received10, 000 drachmæ, or one talent and 4000 drachmæ, or 40 minæ. 

On the value of the drachma, see Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 2. ]

[Footnote 264: _I. E. _, to sup with. ]

[Footnote 265: This great mountain system lies between the Euxine andthe Caspian, and was now entered for the first time by the Romantroops. Colchis was on the west side of the mountains. ]

[Footnote 266: The Saturnalia were celebrated in Rome on the 19th ofDecember at this time. (Macrobius, _Sat. _ i. 10; and the Life ofSulla, c. 18. ) It was accordingly in the winter of B. C. 66 thatPompeius was in the mountains of the Caucasus. (Dion Cassius, 36. C. 36, 37. )]

[Footnote 267: I have kept the name Cyrnus, as it stands in the textof Plutarch, though it is probably, an error of the transcribers. Thereal name Cyrus could not be unknown to Plutarch. In the text ofAppianus (_Mithridatic War_, c. 103) the name is erroneously writtenCyrtus; in Dion Cassius, it is Cyrnus. The Cyrus, now the Cur, flowsfrom the higher regions of the Caucasus through Iberia and Albania, and is joined by the Araxes, Aras, above the point where the unitedstream enters the Caspian on the west coast. The twelve mouths arementioned by Appianus (c. 103). Compare Strabo, p. 491. ]

[Footnote 268: In fact the Persians never subdued any of the mountaintribes within the nominal limits of their dominions; and the Caucasuswas indeed not even within the nominal limits. 

It is true that Alexander soon quitted Hyrkania, which lies on thesouth-east coast of the Caspian; but when he was in Hyrkania he wasstill a considerable distance from the Iberians. (Arrianus, iii. 23, &c. )]

[Footnote 269: This is the Faz, or Reone, which enters the south-eastangle of the Euxine in the country of the Colchi. ]

[Footnote 270: The Abas river is conjectured by some writers to be theAlazonius, which was the boundary between Iberia and Albania, The Abasis mentioned by Dion Cassius, 37. C. 3. ]

[Footnote 271: [Greek: epi tên tou thôrakos epiptuchên] ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦθώρακος ἐπιπτυχήν Apparently some part of the coat of mail where therewas a fold to allow of the motion of the body. As to the battle seeDion Cassius, 37. C. 3, &c. ]

[Footnote 272: Appianus (_Mithridatic War_, c. 103) says "Among thehostages and the captives were found many women, who were wounded asmuch as the men; and they were supposed to be Amazons, whether it isthat some nation called Amazons borders on them, and they were theninvited to give aid, or that the barbarians in those parts call anywarlike women by the name of Amazons. " The explanation of Appianus isprobably the true explanation. Instances of women serving as soldiersare not uncommon even in modern warfare. The story of a race offighting women occurs in many ancient writers. The Amazons are firstmentioned by Herodotus (iv. 110-116). There is a story of a hundredarmed women being presented to Alexander (Arrian, vii. 13, &c. , whogives his opinion about them). Strabo (p. 503) says that Theophanes, who accompanied Pompeius in this campaign, places the Gelæ and Legæbetween the Albanians and the Amazons. It is probable that the womenof the mountain tribes of the Caucasus sometimes served in the field, and this at least may explain the story here told by Plutarch. Thechief residence of the Amazons is placed in the plains of Themiscyraon the Thermodon in Cappadocia. Plutarch in his confused notions ofgeography appears to consider the Thermodon as a Caucasian river. Healso places them near the Leges, a name which resembles that of theLesghians, one of the present warlike tribes of the Caucasus. Onantient medals the Amazons are represented with a short vest reachingto the knee, and one breast bare. Their arms were a crescent shield, the bow and arrow, and the double axe, whence the name Amazonia wasused as a distinctive appellation for that weapon (Amazonia securis, Horat. _Od. _ iv. 4). ]

[Footnote 273: The Caspian sea or lake was also called the Hyrkanian, from the province of Hyrkania which bordered on the south-east coast. The first notice of this great lake is in Herodotus (i. 203). ]

[Footnote 274: The Elymæi were mountaineers who occupied themountainous region between Susiana and Media. Gordyene was in the mostsouth-eastern part of Armenia. Tigranocerta was in Gordyene. Appianussays that in his time Sophene and Gordyene composed the Less Armenia(_Mithridatic War_, c. 105). In the territory of Arbela, where thetown of Arbil now is, Alexander had defeated Darius, the last king ofPersia. ]

[Footnote 275: Another Greek woman, as we may infer from the name. Thestory of the surrender of the fort by Stratonike is told by Appianus(_Mithridatic War_, c. 107) with some additional particulars. DionCassius (37. C. 7) names this fort Symphorium. 

The narrative of Plutarch omits many circumstances in the campaigns ofPompeius, which Appianus has described (c. 105, 106) a happeningbetween the arrangement with Tigranes and the surrender of the fort byStratonike. Among these events was the war in Judæa and the capture ofJerusalem. Pompeius entered the Holy of Holies in the Temple, intowhich only the high priest could enter, and that on certain occasions. Jerusalem was taken B. C. 63 in the consulship of Cicero. The events ofthis campaign are too confused to be reduced into chronological order. Drumann has attempted it (_Geschichte Roms_, Pompeii, p. 451, &c. )]

[Footnote 276: Plutarch means the fort which he has mentioned in thepreceding chapter without there giving it a name; the Symphorium ofDion. It was on the river Lycus, not quite 200 stadia from Cabira(Strabo, 556), and was an impregnable place. ]

[Footnote 277: [Greek: Hupomnêmata] Ὑπομνήματα: probably written inGreek, with which Mithridates was well acquainted. These valuablememoirs were used by Theophanes in his history of the campaigns ofPompeius. Theophanes was a native of Mitylene in Lesbos andaccompanied Pompeius in several of his campaigns. He is oftenmentioned by Cicero (Cicero, _Ad Attic. _, ii. 4, and the notes in theVariorum edition). ]

[Footnote 278: The character of Mithridates is only known to us fromhis enemies. But his own memoirs, if the truth is here stated, provehis cruel and vindictive character. He spared neither his friends norhis own children. Among others he put to death his son Xiphares byStratonike to revenge himself on the mother for giving up the fortKænum. ]

[Footnote 279: See the Life of Sulla, c. 6. The registration of dreamsand their interpretation, that is the events which followed and weresupposed to explain them, were usual among the Greeks. There is stillextant one of these curious collections by Artemidorus Daldianus infive books, entitled Oneirocritica, or The Interpretation of Dreams. The fifth book of 'Results' contains ninety-five dreams of individualsand the events which happened. ]

[Footnote 280: See the Life of Lucullus, c. 18. ]

[Footnote 281: Publius Rutilius Rufus was consul B. C. 105. He wasexiled in consequence of being unjustly convicted B. C. 92 at the timewhen the Judices were chosen from the body of the Equites. He wasaccused of Repetundæ and convicted and exiled. He retired to Smyrna, where he wrote the history of his own times in Greek. All theauthorities state that he was an honest man and was unjustlycondemned. (Velleius Paterculus, ii. 13; Tacitus, _Agricola_, c. 1:and the various passages in Orelli, _Onomasticon_, P. RutiliusRufus. )]

[Footnote 282: See the Life of Lucullus, c. 14. ]

[Footnote 283: The strait that unites the Euxine to the Mæotis or Seaof Azoff, was called the Bosporus, which name was also given to thecountry on the European side of the strait, which is included in thepeninsula of the Crimea. ]

[Footnote 284: See Dion Cassius, 37. C. 5. ]

[Footnote 285: This is the Indian Ocean. The name first occurs inHerodotus. It is generally translated the Red Sea, and so it istranslated by Kaltwasser. But the Red Sea was called the Arabian Gulfby Herodotus. However, the term Erythræan Sea was sometimes used withno great accuracy, and appears to have comprehended the Red Sea, whichis a translation of the term Erythræan, as the Greeks understood thatword ([Greek: erythros] ἐρυθρός, Red). ]

[Footnote 286: Triarius, the legatus of Lucullus, had been defeatedthree years before by Mithridates. See the Life of Lucullus, c. 35;and Appianus (_Mithridatic War_, c. 89). ]

[Footnote 287: This mountain range is connected with the Taurus andruns down to the coast of the Mediterranean, which it reaches at theangle formed by the Gulf of Scanderoon. ]

[Footnote 288: This campaign, as already observed in the notes to c. 36, is placed earlier by Appianus, but his chronology is confused andincorrect. The siege of Jerusalem, which was accompanied with greatdifficulty, is described by Dion Cassius (37. C. 15, &c. ), and byJosephus (_Jewish Wars_, xiv. 4). There was a great slaughter of theJews when the city was stormed. ]

[Footnote 289: This country was Gordyene. (Dion Cassius, 37. C. 5. )]

[Footnote 290: This city, the capital of Syria, was built by SeleucusNicator and called Antiocheia after his father Antiochus. It issituated in 36° 12' N. Lat. On the south bank of the Orontes, a riverwhich enters the sea south of the Gulf of Scanderoon. ]

[Footnote 291: The meaning of the original is obscure. The word is[Greek: to imation] τὸ ιμάτιον, which ought to signify his vest ortoga. Some critics take it to mean a kind of handkerchief used by sickpersons and those of effeminate habits; and they say it was also usedby persons when travelling, as a cover for the head, which the Greekscalled Theristerium. The same word is used in the passage (c. 7), where it is said that "Sulla used to rise from his seat as Pompeiusapproached and take his vest from his head. " Whatever may be themeaning of the word here, Plutarch seems to say that this impudentfellow would take his seat at the table before the guests had arrivedand leave his master to receive them. ]

[Footnote 292: Drumann (_Geschichte Roms_, Pompeii, p. 53) observesthat "Plutarch does not say that Pompeius built his house near histheatre, but that he built it in addition to his theatre and at thesame time, as Donatus had perceived, De Urbe Roma, 3, 8, in Græv. Thes. T. 3, p. 695. " But Drumann is probably mistaken. There is nogreat propriety in the word [Greek: epholkion] ἐφόλκιον unless thehouse was near the theatre, and the word [Greek: paretektênato]παρετεκτήνατο rather implies 'proximity, ' than 'in addition to. '

This was the first permanent theatre that Rome had. It was builtpartly on the model of that of Mitylene and it was opened in the yearB. C. 55. This magnificent theatre, which would accommodate 40, 000people, stood in the Campus Martius. It was built of stone with theexception of the scena, and ornamented with statues, which were placedthere under the direction of Atticus, who was a man of taste. Augustusembellished the theatre, and he removed thither the statue ofPompeius, which up to that time had stood in the Curia where Cæsar wasmurdered. The scena was burnt down in the time of Tiberius, who beganto rebuild it; but it was not finished till the reign of Claudius. Nero gilded the interior. The scena was again burnt in the beginningof the reign of Titus, who restored it again. The scena was againburnt in the reign of Philippus and a third time restored. (Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Pompeii, p. 521; Dion Cassius 39. C. 88, and thenotes of Reimarus. )]

[Footnote 293: Petra, the capital of the Nabathæi, is about half waybetween the southern extremity of the Dead Sea and the northernextremity of the Ælanitic Gulf, the more eastern of the two northernbranches of the Red Sea. The ruins of Petra exist in the Wady Musa, and have been visited by Burckhardt, Irby and Mangles, and last byLaborde, who has given the most complete description of them in his'Voyage de l'Arabie Pétrée, ' Paris, 1830. The place is in the midst ofa desert, but has abundance of water. Its position made it animportant place of commerce in the caravan trade of the East; and itwas such in the time of Strabo, who states on the authority of hisfriend Athonodorus that many Romans were settled there (p. 779). Itcontains numerous tombs and a magnificent temple cut in the rock, atheatre and the remains of houses. 

The king against whom Pompeius was marching is named Aretas by DionCassius (37. C. 15). ]

[Footnote 294: The Pæonians were a Thracian people on the Strymon. (Herodotus, v. 1. ) It appears from Dion Cassius (49. C. 36) that theGreeks often called the Pannonians by the name of Pæonians, whichSintenis considers a reason for not altering the reading here intoPannonians. Appianus (_Mithridatic War_, c. 102) uses the namePæonians, though he means Pannonians. ]

[Footnote 295: This is the Roman word. Compare Tacitus (_Annal. _ i. 18): "congerunt cespites, exstruunt tribunal. "]

[Footnote 296: The circumstances of the rebellion of Pharnakes and thedeath of Mithridates are told by Appianus (_Mithridatic War_, c. 110)and Dion Cassius (37. C. 11). Mithridates died B. C. 63, in the year inwhich Cicero was consul. 

The text of the last sentence in this chapter is corrupt; and themeaning is uncertain. ]

[Footnote 297: [Greek: to nemesêton] τὸ νεμέσητον. ]

[Footnote 298: The body of Mithridates was interred at Sinope. Appianus (_Mithridatic War_, c. 113) says that Pharnakes sent the deadbody of his father in a galley to Pompeius to Sinope, and also thosewho had killed Manius Aquilius, and many hostages Greeks andbarbarians. There might be some doubt about the meaning of the words'many corpses of members of the royal family' [Greek: polla sômata tônbasilikôn] πολλα σώματα τῶν βασιλικῶν but Plutarch appears from thecontext to mean dead bodies. Two of the daughters of Mithridates whowere with him when he died, are mentioned by Appianus (c. 111) ashaving taken poison at the same time with their father. The poisonworked on them, but had no effect on the old man, who thereforeprevailed on a Gallic officer who was in his service to kill him. (Compare Dion Cassius, 39. C. 13, 14. )]

[Footnote 299: He made it what the Romans called Libera Civitas, acity which had its own jurisdiction and was free from taxes. Comparethe Life of Cæsar, c. 48. ]

[Footnote 300: He was a native of Apamea in Syria, a Stoic, and apupil of Panætius. He was one of the masters of Cicero, who oftenspeaks of him and occasionally corresponded with him (Cicero, _AdAttic. _ ii. 1). Cicero also mentions Hermagoras in his treatise DeInventione (i. 6, and 9), and in the Brutus (c. 79). ]

[Footnote 301: See the Life of Sulla, c. 6. ]

[Footnote 302: She was the daughter of Q. Mucius Scævola, consul B. C. 95, and the third wife of Pompeius, who had three children by her. Shewas not the sister of Q. Metellus Nepos and Q. Metellus Celer, asKaltwasser says, but a kinswoman. Cn. Pompeius and Sextus Pompeiuswere the sons of Mucia. Cicero (_Ad Attic. _ i. 12) speaks of thedivorce of Mucia and says that it was approved of; but he does notassign the reason. C. Julius Cæsar (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, c. 50) isnamed as the adulterer or one of them, and Pompeius called him hisÆgisthus. After her divorce in the year B. C. 62 Mucia married M. Æmilius Scaurus, the brother of the second wife of Pompeius. Muciasurvived the battle of Actium (B. C. 31), and she was treated withrespect by Octavianus Cæsar (Dion Cassius, 51. C. 2; Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Pompeii, p. 557). ]

[Footnote 303: Here and elsewhere I have used Plutarch's word [Greek:monarchia] μοναρχία, 'The government of one man, ' by which he meansthe Dictatorship, in some passages at least. ]

[Footnote 304: He landed in Italy B. C. 62, during the consulship of D. Junius Silanus and L. Licinius Murena. The request mentioned at thebeginning of c. 44 is also noticed in Plutarch's Life of Cato (c. 30). M. Pupius Piso was one of the consuls for B. C. 61. ]

[Footnote 305: This was L. Afranius, one of the legati of Pompeius, who has often been mentioned. He was consul with Q. Metellus CelerB. C. 60 (compare Dion Cassius, 37. C. 49). Cicero, who was writing toAtticus at the time (_Ad Attic. _ i. 17), speaks of the bribery at theelection of Afranius, and accuses Pompeius of being active on theoccasion. From this consulship Horatius (_Od. _ ii. 1) dates thecommencement of the civil wars, for in this year was formed thecoalition between Cæsar, Pompeius, and Crassus. See the remark ofCato, c. 47. ]

[Footnote 306: Compare Appianus (_Mithridatic War_, c. 116) andDramann, _Geschichte Roms_, Pompeii, p. 485. When particular measuresof money are not mentioned, Plutarch, as usual with him, means Atticdrachmæ. ]

[Footnote 307: The triumph of Pompeius was in B. C. 61 on his birthday(Plinius 37. C. 2). Pompeius was born B. C. 106, and consequently hewas now entering on his forty-sixth year--Xylander (Holzmann)preferred to read 'fifty' instead of 'forty. ']

[Footnote 308: Cicero went into exile B. C. 58, and after the eventsmentioned in chapter 47. Cæsar returned from his province of Iberia inB. C. 60. ]

[Footnote 309: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 14, as to the eventsmentioned in this chapter and the following. Cæsar was consul B. C. 59. ]

[Footnote 310: L. Calpurnius Piso and A. Gabinius were consuls B. C. 58, in the year in which Clodius was tribune and Cicero was exiled. ]

[Footnote 311: As to this remark of Pompeius, compare the Life ofLucullus, c. 38. ]

[Footnote 312: Compare the Life of Cato, c. 34. ]

[Footnote 313: A mark of an effeminate person. Compare the Life ofCæsar, c. 4, which explains this passage. ]

[Footnote 314: This event is told by Dion Cassius (39. C. 19), but asKaltwasser remarks he places it in B. C. 56, when Clodius was ædile andCn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus and M. Marcius Philippus wereconsuls. The trial was that of Milo De Vi, B. C. 56. Compare Cicero (AdQuintum Fratrem, ii. 3) and Rein (_Criminalrecht der Römer_, p. 758, note). ]

[Footnote 315: Q. Terentius Culleo was a tribunus plebis B. C. 58. Heis mentioned by Cicero (_Ad Attic. _ iii. 15) and elsewhere. ]

[Footnote 316: Cicero returned to Rome B. C. 57 in the consulship of P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther and Q. Cæcilius Metellus Nepos. See theLife of Cicero, c. 33. He had returned to Rome before the trialmentioned at the end of c. 48. ]

[Footnote 317: Pompeius was made Præfectus Annonæ for five years. There was a great scarcity at Rome, which was nothing unusual, anddangerous riots (see the article CORN TRADE, ROMAN, 'PoliticalDictionary, ' by the author of this note). The appointment of Pompeiusis mentioned by Dion Cassius (39. C. 9, and the notes of Reimarus). Cicero (_Ad Atticum_, iv. 1) speaks of the appointment of Pompeius. ]

[Footnote 318: Ptolemæus Auletes had given large bribes to severalRomans to purchase their influence and to get himself declared afriend and ally of the Romans; which was in fact to put himself undertheir protection. His subjects were dissatisfied with him for variousreasons, and among others for the heavy taxes which he laid on them toraise the bribe money. He made his escape from Egypt and was now inRome. The story is told at some length in Dion Cassius (39. C. 12, &c. ), and the matter of the king's restoration is discussed by Ciceroin several letters (_Ad Diversos_, i. 1-7) to this Spinther. The kingfor the present did not get the aid which he wanted, and he retired toEphesus, where he lodged within the precincts of the temple ofArtemis, which was an ASYLUM. (See 'Political Dictionary, ' art. Asylum; and Strabo, p. 641. )]

[Footnote 319: A Greek historian of the time of Augustus. He wasoriginally a captive slave, but he was manumitted and admitted to theintimacy of Augustus Cæsar. He was very free with his tongue, which atlast caused him to be forbidden the house of Augustus. (Seneca, _DeIra_, iii. 23. ) He burnt some of his historical writings, but not allof them, for Plutarch here refers to his authority. Horatius (1 _Ep_. 19. V. 15) alludes to Timagenes. (See Suidas, [Greek: Timagenês]Τιμαγένης. )]

[Footnote 320: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 15, and as to the conferenceat Luca, c. 21. The conference took place B. C. 56, when Marcellinus(c. 48, notes) was one of the consuls. Compare also the Life ofCrassus (c. 14, 15), and Dion Cassius, 39. C. 30, as to the trouble atRome at this time, and Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 17). ]

[Footnote 321: This is the meaning of the word [Greek: politikôteron]πολιτικώτερον, which is generally mistranslated here and in otherparts of Plutarch. It is the translation of the Roman term'civiliter. ' (Tacitus, _Annal_. I 33, iii 76. )]

[Footnote 322: Life of Crassus, c. 15, notes. ]

[Footnote 323: P. Vatinius, often mentioned by Cicero. (See Orelli, _Onomasticon_, Vatinius. ) Cicero's extant oration In Vatinium wasdelivered B. C. 56. ]

[Footnote 324: C. Trebonius, a friend of Cicero, several of whoseletters to him are extant. (Cicero, _Ad Divers. _ x. 28; xii. 16; xv. 20, 21. ) He was one of the conspirators against Cæsar; and Cicerotells him (x. 28) that he was somewhat vexed with him that he savedAntonius from the same fate. Trebonius was treacherously put to deathat Smyrna by Dolabella with circumstances of great cruelty B. C. 43. (Dion Cassius, 47. C. 29. ) In the notes to the life of Crassus, c. 16, I have incorrectly called this Tribune Titus. ]

[Footnote 325: Plutarch must mean that Crassus left Rome before theexpiration of his consulship B. C. 55; but the words [Greek: apallageistês hupateias] ἀπαλλαγεὶς τῆς ὑπατείας are in themselves doubtful. (Life of Crassus, c. 16. )]

[Footnote 326: Drumann (_Geschichte Roms_, Pompeii, p. 524) hasdiligently collected all the circumstances of this magnificentexhibition. (See also Dion Cassius, 39. C. 38, and the references inthe notes of Reimarus. ) The elephant-fight ([Greek: elphantomachia]ἐλφαντομαχία) was a fight between the elephants and armed Gætulians. There were eighteen elephants. The cries of the animals when they werewounded moved the pity of the spectators. The elephants would notenter the vessels when they were leaving Africa, till they received apromise from their leaders that they should not he injured; thetreacherous treatment of them at the games was the cause of their loudlamentations, in which they appealed to the deity against theviolation of the solemn promise. (Dion Cassius. ) Cicero, who was notfond of exhibitions of the kind, speaks with disgust of the wholeaffair (_Ad Diversos_, vii. 1). The letter of Cicero, written at thetime, is valuable contemporary evidence. Various facts on theexhibition of elephants at Rome are collected in the Library ofEntertaining Knowledge, _Menageries_, Elephant. 

A rhinoceros was also exhibited at the games of Pompeius; and anactress was brought on the stage, who had made her first appearance inthe consulship of C. Marius the younger, and Cn. Carbo B. C. 82, butshe made her appearance again in the time of Augustus, A. D. 9, in theconsulship of Poppæus, when she was 103 years old, 91 years after herfirst appearance. (Plinius, _H. N_. Vii. 49. ) Drumann says, whenspeaking of the games of Pompeius, "a woman of unusually advanced agewas brought forward;" but the words of Plinius "anus pro miraculoreducta, " apply to her last appearance. A woman of one-and-forty wasno uncommon thing then, nor is it now. The pointing in the commontexts is simply the cause of the blunder. ]

[Footnote 327: See the Life of Crassus, c. 16, notes, Julia died B. C. 54, in the consulship of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus and Ap. ClaudiusPulcher (See the Life of Cæsar. C. 23. ) Crassus lost his life B. C. 53. ]

[Footnote 328: A quotation from the Iliad, xv. 189. ]

[Footnote 329: Cn. Domitius Calvinus and M. Valerius Messala, theconsuls of B. C. 53, were not elected till seven months after theproper time, so that there was during this time an anarchy [Greek:anarchia] ἀναρχία, which is Plutarch's word). This term 'anarchy' mustbe taken in its literal and primary sense of a time when there were nomagistrates, which would be accompanied with anarchy in the modernsense of the term. Dion Cassius (40. C. 45) describes this period ofconfusion. The translation in the text may lead to a misunderstandingof Plutarch's meaning; it should be, "he allowed an anarchy to takeplace. " Kaltwasser's translation: "so liess er es zu einer Anarchiekommen, " is perfectly exact. ]

[Footnote 330: In the year B. C. 52 in which year Clodius was killed. ]

[Footnote 331: She was the daughter of Q. Cæcilius Metellus PiusScipio, who was the son of P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica and of Licinia, the daughter of the orator L. Crassus. He was adopted (B. C. 64 or 63)by the testament of Q. Cæcilius Metellus Pius, who fought in Spainngainst Sertorius; but his daughter must have been born before this, as she bore the name Cornelia. Drumann (_Geschichte Roms_, Cæcilii, p. 49) thinks that the story of her attempting to destroy herself whenshe heard of the death of her husband (Life of Pompeius, c. 74) issuspicious, because she married Pompeius the year after. If Corneliawere the only woman that was ever said to have done so, we might doubtthe story; but as she is not, we need not suspect it on that account. ]

[Footnote 332: Corruption is [Greek: dorodokia] δοροδοκία in Plutarch, 'gift receiving, ' and it ought to correspond to the Roman Peculatus. But [Greek: dorodokia] δοροδοκία also means corruption by bribes. Bribery is [Greek: dekasmos] δεκασμός in Plutarch, which is expressedgenerally by the Roman Ambitus, and specially by the verb 'decuriare. '(See Cicero's Oration Pro Cn. Plancio, Ed. Wunder. ) The offence ofScipio was Ambitus. (Dion Cassius, 40. C. 51, &c. ; Appianus, _CivilWars_, ii. 24. ) As to Roman Bribery, see the article BRIBERY, 'Political Dictionary, ' by the author of this note, whose contributionbegins p. 416. ]

[Footnote 333: These 360 Judices appear to have been chosen for theoccasion of these trials. (Velleius Pater. Ii. 76; Goettling, _Roemische Staatsverfassung_, p. 482. )]

[Footnote 334: T. Munatius Plancus Bursa, a tribune of the Plebs. InB. C. 52 Milo and Clodius with their followers had an encounter inwhich Clodius was killed. Tho people, with whom he was a favourite, burnt his body in the Curia Hostilia, and the Curia with it. (DionCassius, 40, c. 48. ) Plancus was charged with encouraging thisdisorder, and he was brought to trial. Cicero was his accuser; he wascondemned and exiled. (Cicero, _Ad Diversos_, vii. 2. )]

[Footnote 335: Plautius Hypsæus was not a consular. He had been thequæstor of Pompeius. He and Scipio had been candidates for theconsulship this year, and were both charged with bribery. (DionCassius, 40, c. 53. ) Hypsæus was convicted. ]

[Footnote 336: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 29. Pompeius had lent Cæsartwo legions (c. 52). Compare Dion Cassius, 40. C. 65, and Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 29. The illness of Pompeius and the return of thelegions from Gaul took place in the year B. C. 50. Appius Claudius (c. 57) was sent by the Senate to conduct the legions from Gaul. DionCassius (40. C. 65) says that Pompeius had lent Cæsar only one legion, but that Cæsar had to give up another also, inasmuch as Pompeiusobtained an order of the Senate that both he and Cæsar should give alegion to Bibulus, who was in Syria, for the Parthian war. (Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 29; _Bell. Gall. _ viii. 54. ) Thus Pompeius in effectgave up nothing, but Cæsar parted with two legions. The legions werenot sent to Syria, but both wintered in Capua. The consul C. ClaudiusMarcellus (B. C. 50) gave both these legions to Pompeius. ]

[Footnote 337: L. Æmilius Paulus was consul B. C. 50, with C. ClaudiusMarcellus a violent opponent of Cæsar. He built the Basilica Pauli(Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 26). Basilica is a Greek word ([Greek:basilikê] βασιλική); a basilica was used as a court of law, and aplace of business for merchants. The form of a Roman basilica is knownfrom the description of Vitruvius (v. 1), the ground-plan of twoBasilicæ at Rome, and that of Pompeii which is in better preservation. Some of the great Roman churches are called Basilicæ, and in theirconstruction bear some resemblance to the antient Basilicæ. ('PennyCyclopædia, ' _Basilica_. )]

[Footnote 338: C. Scribonius Curio. Compare the Life of M. Antonius, c. 2. He was a man of ability, but extravagant in his habits (DionCassius, 40. C. 60):--

 "Momentumque fuit mutatus Curio rerum, Gallorum captus spoliis et Cæsaris auro. "--

 Lucanus, _Pharsalia_, iv. 819

As to the vote on the proposition of Curio, Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 30) agrees with Plutarch. Dion Cassius (40. C. 64: and 41. C. 2)gives a different account of this transaction. ]

[Footnote 339: C. Claudius Marcellus and L. Cornelius Lentulus Cruswere consuls for the year B. C. 49, in which the war broke out, ThisMarcellus was the cousin of the consul Marcellus of the year B. C. 50, who (Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 30) presented Pompeius with a swordwhen he commissioned him to fight against Cæsar. Plutarch appears (c. 58, 59) to mean the same Marcellus; but he has confounded them. TheMarcellus of c. 58 is the consul of B. C. 49; and the Marcellus of c. 59 is the consul of B. C. 50, according to Dion Cassius (40. C. 66 41. C. 1, &c. ) and Appianus. ]

[Footnote 340: Cicero returned from his government of Cilicia B. C. 50. ]

[Footnote 341: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 32. ]

[Footnote 342: L. Volcatius Tullus who had been consul B. C. 66('Consule Tullo'), Horatius (_Od. _ iii. 8). ]

[Footnote 343: The reply of Pompeius is given by Appianus (_CivilWars_, ii. 37). As to the confusion in Rome see Dion Cassius (42. C. 6-9); and the references in Clinton, _Fasti_, B. C. 49. ]

[Footnote 344: Plutarch here omits the capture of Corfinium, whichtook place before Cæsar entered Rome. See Dion Cassius (41. C. 10), and the Life of Cæsar, c. 34. ]

[Footnote 345: L. Metullus, of whom little is known. Kaltwasser makesCæsar say to Metellus, "It was not harder for him to say it than to doit;" which has no sense in it. What Cæsar did say appears from theLife of Cæsar, c. 35. Cæsar did not mean to say that it was as easyfor him to do it as to say it. He meant that it was hard for him to bereduced to say such a thing; as to doing it, when he had said it, thatwould be a light matter. Sintenis suspects that the text is not quiteright here. See the various readings and his proposed alteration; alsoCicero, _Ad Attic. _ x. 4. ]

[Footnote 346: Cæsar (_Civil War_, i. 25, &c. ) describes theoperations at Brundisium and the escape ot Pompeius. Compare also DionCassius (41. C. 12); Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 39). The usualpassage from Italy to Greece was from Brundisium to Dyrrachium(Durazzo), which in former times was called Epidamnus (Thucydides, i. 24; Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 39). ]

[Footnote 347: This does not appear in Cæsar's Civil War. ]

[Footnote 348: This opinion of Cicero is contained in a letter toAtticus (vii. 11). When Xerxes invaded Attica (B. C. 480), Themistoklesadvised the Athenians to quit their city and trust to their ships. Thenaval victory of Salamis justified his advice. In the PeloponnesianWar (B. C. 431) Perikles advised the Athenians to keep within theirwalls and wait for the Cæsar invaders to retire from Attica for wantof supplies; in which also the result justified the advice ofPerikles. Cicero in his letters often complains of the want ofresolution which Pompeius displayed at this crisis. ]

[Footnote 349: Plutarch means that Cæsar feared that Pompeius hadeverything to gain if the war was prolonged. 

In his Civil War (i. 24) Numerius is called Cneius Magius, 'Præfectusfabrorum, ' or head of the engineer department. Sintenis observes thatOudendorp might have used this passage for the purpose of restoringthe true prænomen in Cæsar's text, 'Numerius' in place of 'Cneius. ']

[Footnote 350: These vessels took their name from the Liburni, on thecoast of Illyricum. They were generally biremes, and well adapted forsea manœuvres. ]

[Footnote 351: A town in Macedonia west of the Thermaic Gulf or Bay ofSaloniki. It appears from this that Pompeius led his troops from thecoast of the Adriatic nearly to the opposite coast of Macedonia (DionCassius, 41. C. 43). His object apparently was to form a junction withthe forces that Scipio and his son were sent to raise in the East (c. 62). ]

[Footnote 352: The Romans were accustomed to such exercises as thesein the Campus Martius. 

 ------"cur apricum Oderit campum patiens pulveris atque solis?

 * * * * *

 ------sæpe disco Sæpe trans finem jaculo nobilis expedito. "--Horatius, _Od_. I. 8. 

Compare the Life of Marius (34). 

The Romans maintained their bodily vigour by athletic and militaryexercises to a late period of life. The bath, swimming, riding, andthe throwing of the javelin were the means by which they maintainedtheir health and strength. A Roman commander at the age of sixty was amore vigorous man than modern commanders at the like age generallyare. ]

[Footnote 353: Pompeius passed the winter at Thessalonica (Saloniki)on the Thermaic Gulf and on the Via Egnatia, which ran from Dyrrachiumto Thessalonica, and thence eastward. He had with him two hundredsenators. The consuls, prætors, and quæstors of the year B. C. 49 werecontinued by the Senate at Thessalonica for the year B. C. 48 under thenames of Proconsuls, Proprætors, Proquæstors. Cæsar and P. ServillusIsauricus were elected consuls at Rome for the year B. C. 48 (Life ofCæsar, c. 37). The party of Pompeius could not appoint new magistratesfor want of the ceremony of a Lex Curiata (Dion Cassius, 41. C. 43). ]

[Footnote 354: His name is Titus Labienus (Life of Cæsar, c. 34). 'Labeo' is a mere blunder of the copyists. Dion Cassius (41. C. 4)gives the reasons for Labienus passing over to Pompeius. Labienus hadserved Cæsar well in Gaul, and he is often mentioned in Cæsar's Bookon the Gallic War. He fell at the battle of Munda in Spain B. C. 45. (See the Life of Cæsar, c. 34, 56. )]

[Footnote 355: M. Junius Brutus. See the Life of Brutus. ]

[Footnote 356: Cicero was not in the Senate at Thessalonica, though hehad come over to Macedonia. (See the Life of Cicero, c. 38. )]

[Footnote 357: Tidius is not a Roman name. It should be Didius. ]

[Footnote 358: The defeats of Afranius and Petreius in Iberia, in thesummer of B. C. 49, are told by Cæsar in his Civil War, i. 41-81. 

Cæsar reached Brundisium at the close of the year B. C. 49. See theremarks on the time in Clinton, _Fasti_, B. C. 49. Oricum or Oricus wasa town on the coast of Epirus, south of Apollonia. ]

[Footnote 359: L. Vibillius Rufus appears to be the person intended. He is often mentioned by Cæsar (_Civil War_, i. 15, 23, &c. ); but asthe readings in Cæsar's text are very uncertain (Jubellius, Jubilius, Jubulus) Sintenis has not thought it proper to alter the text ofPlutarch here. 

'On the third day. ' Cæsar (_Civil War_, iii. 10) says 'triduoproximo, " and the correction of Moses du Soul, [Greek: hêmera rhêtê]ἡμέρα ῥητῆ, is therefore unnecessary. Pompeius had moved westward fromThessalonica at the time when Rufus was sent to him, and was inCandavia on his road to Apollonia and Dyrrachium (Cæsar, _Civil War_, iii. 11). ]

[Footnote 360: Pompeius returned to Dyrrachium, which it had been theobject of Cæsar to seize. As he had not accomplished this, Cæsarposted himself on the River Apsus between Apollonia and Dyrrachium. The fights in the neighbourhood of Dyrrachium are described by Cæsar(_Civil War_, iii. 34, &c. ). ]

[Footnote 361: The Athamanes were on the borders of Epirus andThessalia. In place of the Athamanes the MSS. Of Cæsar (_Civil War_, iii. 78) have Acarnania, which, as Drumann says, must be a mistake inthe text of Cæsar. ]

[Footnote 362: Q. Metellus Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompeius, whohad been appointed to the government of Syria by the Senate. Scipiohad now come to Thesaalia (Cæsar, _Civil War_, iii. 33, and 80). ]

[Footnote 363: Cato was left with fifteen cohorts in Dyrrachium. Seethe Life of Cato, c. 55; Dion Cassius (12. C. 10). ]

[Footnote 364: Or Tusculanum, as Plutarch calls it, now Frascati, about 12 miles S. E. Of Rome, where Cicero had a villa. ]

[Footnote 365: Lentulus Spinther, consul of B. C. 57, and L. DomitiusAhenobarbus, consul B. C. 54. This affair is mentioned by Cæsar himself(_Civil War_, iii. 83, &c. ). We have the best evidence of the bloodyuse that the party of Pompeius would have made of their victory is theletters of Cicero himself (_Ad Atticum_, xi. 6). There was to be ageneral proscription, and Rome was to see the times of Sulla revived. But the courage and wisdom of one man defeated the designs of thesesenseless nobles. Cæsar (c. 83) mentions their schemes with acontemptuous brevity. ]

[Footnote 366: The town of Pharsalus was situated near the Enipeus, inone of the great plains of Thessalia, called Pharsalia. Cæsar (iii. 88) does not mention the place where the battle was fought. SeeAppianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 75. ]

[Footnote 367: Pompeius had dedicated a temple at Rome to VenusVictrix. The Julia (Iulia) Gens, to which Cæsar belonged, traced theirdeecent from Venus through Iulus, the son of Æneas. (See the Life ofCæsar, c. 42. )]

[Footnote 368: Cæsar does not mention this meteor in his Civil War. See Life of Cæsar, c. 43, and Dion Cassius, 41. C. 61. ]

[Footnote 369: A place in Thessalia north of Pharsalus where TitusQuinctius Flaminius defeated King Philip of Macedonia, B. C. 197. ]

[Footnote 370: [Greek: ton phoinikoun chitôna] τὸν φοινικοῦν χιτῶνα. Shakspere has employed this in his Julius Cæsar, Act V. Sc. 1:

 "Their bloody sign of battle is hung out. "

Plutarch means the Vexillum. He has expressed by his word ([Greek:protheinai] προθεῖναι) the 'propono' of Cæsar (_Bell. Gall. _ ii. 20;_Bell. Hispan. _ c. 28, _Bell. Alexandr. _ c. 45). The 'hung out' is abetter translation than 'unfurled. ']

[Footnote 371: Plutarch in this as in some other instances places thePrænomen last, instead of first which he ought to do; but immediatelyafter he writes Lucius Domitius correctly. The error may be owing tothe copyists. 

The order of the battle is described by Cæsar (_Civil War_, iii. 89). Plutarch here and in the Life of Cæsar (c. 44) says that Pompeiuscommanded the right, but Cæsar says that he was on the left. Domitius, that is, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus (Consul B. C. 54), may have commandedunder him. Cn. Domitius Calvinus (Consul B. C. 53), whom Plutarch callsCalvinus Lucius, commanded Cæsar's centre. The account of Appianus(_Civil Wars_, ii. 76) does not agree with Cæsar's. ]

[Footnote 372: See Cæsar B. C. (iii. 88), and Appianus (ii. 79), whoquotes Cæsar's letters. ]

[Footnote 373: The whole number of Italian troops on both sides wasabout 70, 000, as Plutarch says in the next chapter. There were alsoother troops on both sides (Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 70). Thebattle was fought on the ninth of August, B. C. 48, according to theuncorrected calendar. ]

[Footnote 374: Dion Cassius has some like reflections (41. C. 53-58);and Appianus (ii. 77), who says that both the commanders-in-chief shedtears; which we need not believe. ]

[Footnote 375: Lucan, i. 6. ]

[Footnote 376: Crassinius, in the Life of Cæsar, c. 44. Cæsar (iii. 91, 99) names him Crastinus. Compare Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 82). Crastinus received an honourable interment after the battle. ]

[Footnote 377: The passage is from the Iliad, xi. 544. ]

[Footnote 378: C. Asinius Pollio was a soldier, a poet, and anhistorical writer. His history of the Civil Wars was comprised inseventeen books. Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 79) quotes thiscircumstance from Pollio. Horatius (_Od. _ ii. 1) addresses thisPollio, and Virgilius in his fourth Eclogue. The first part of the odeof Horatius contains an allusion to Pollio's historical work. ]

[Footnote 379: Cæsar (iii. 96) describes the appearance of the camp ofPompeius, and adds that his hungry soldiers found an entertainmentwhich their enemies had prepared for themselves. ]

[Footnote 380: Pompeius passed by Larissa, the chief town ofThessalia, on his road to the vale of Tempe, in which the riverPeneius flows between the mountain range of Olympus and Ossa. Insaying that Pompeius "let his horse go, " I have used an expressionthat may be misunderstood. Cæsar(iii. 96) will explainit--"protinusque equo citato Larissam contendit, " and he continued hisflight at the same rate. ]

[Footnote 381: These were L. Lentulus Spinther, Consul B. C. 57, andLentulus Crus, Consul B. C. 49. Deiotarus was king or tetrarch ofGalatia in Asia Minor, and had come to the assistance of Pompeius witha considerable force. Pompeius had given him Armenia the Less, and thetitle of King. Cæsar after the battle of Pharsalus took Armenia fromhim, but allowed him to retain the title of King. ]

[Footnote 382: The verse is from Euripides. It is placed among theFragmenta Incerta CXIX. Ed. Matthiæ. ]

[Footnote 383: This town was near the mouth of the Strymon, a river ofThrace, and out of the direct route to Lesbos. The reason of Pompeiusgoing there is explained by Cæsar (_Civil War_, iii. 102). Corneliawas at Mitylene in Lesbos with Sextus, the younger son of Pompeius. ]

[Footnote 384: Kratippus was a Peripatetic, and at this time the chiefof that sect. Cicero's son Marcus afterwards heard his lectures atAthens (Cicero, _De Officiis_, i. 1), B. C. 44. 

The last sentence of this chapter is somewhat obscure, and theopinions of the critics vary as to the reading. See the note ofSintenis. ]

[Footnote 385: This city was on the coast of Pamphylia. It took itsname from Attalus Philadelphus, the king of Pergamum of that name, whobuilt it. 

Lucanus (viii. 251) makes Pompeius first land at Phaselis in Lycia. ]

[Footnote 386: Dion Cassius (43. C. 2) discusses this matter. Hethinks that Pompeius could never have thought of going to Parthia. Compare Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 83). ]

[Footnote 387: This is the King Juba mentioned in the Life of Cæsar, c. 52. ]

[Footnote 388: This is Ptolemæus Dionysius, the last of his race, andthe son of the Ptolemæus Auletes mentioned in c. 49. Auletes had beenrestored to his kingdom through the influence of Pompeius by A. Gabinius B. C. 55. ]

[Footnote 389: This Arsakes is called Hyrodes or Orodes in the Life ofCrassus (c. 18). Arsakes seems to have been a name common to theParthian kings, as the representatives of Arsakes, the founder of thedynasty. Orodes had already refused his aid to Pompeius in thebeginning of the war, and put in chains Hirrus, who had been sent tohim. The Parthian demanded the cession of Syria, which Pompeius wouldnot consent to. ]

[Footnote 390: Probably Seleukeia in Syria at the mouth of theOrontes. ]

[Footnote 391: He was now thirteen years of age, and according to hisfather's testament, he and his sister Kleopatra were to be joint kingsand to intermarry after the fashion of the Greek kings of Egypt. Theadvisers of Ptolemæus had driven Kleopatra out of Egypt, and on thenews of her advancing against the eastern frontiers with an army, theywent out to meet her. Pelusium, on the eastern branch of the Nile, hadfor many centuries been the strong point on this frontier. (Cæsar, _Civil War_, iii. 103; Dion Cassius, 42. C. 3, &c. ) Pompeiusapproached the shore of Egypt with several vessels and about 2000soldiers. 

As to the circumstances in this chapter, compare Dion Cassius (42. C. 3), Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 84), and Cæsar (_Civil War_, iii. 104). Cæsar simply mentions the assassination of Pompeius. He says nomore about it. ]

[Footnote 392: The death of Pompeius is mentioned by Cicero (_AdAtticum_, xi. 6). As to his age, Drumann observes, "He was born B. C. 106, and was consequently 58 years old when he was killed, on the 29thof September, or on the day before his birthday, about the time of theautumnal equinox according to the unreformed calendar. " (Lucanus, viii467. )]

[Footnote 393: He is called Cordus by Lucanus (viii. 715), and hadformerly been a quæstor of Pompeius. ]

COMPARISON OF AGESILAUS AND POMPEIUS. 

I. As both these men's lives are now before us, let us brieflyrecapitulate them, observing as we do so the points in which theydiffer from one another. These are as follows:--First, Pompeiusobtained his power and renown by the most strictly legitimate means, chiefly by his own exertions when assisting Sulla in the liberation ofItaly; while Agesilaus obtained the throne in defiance of both humanand divine laws, for he declared Leotychides to be a bastard, althoughhis brother had publicly recognised him as his own son, and he also bya quibble evaded the oracle about a lame reign. 

Secondly, Pompeius both respected Sulla while he lived, gave his bodyan honourable burial, in spite of Lepidus, when he died, and marriedSulla's daughter to his own son Faustus; while Agesilaus, on atrifling pretext, disgraced and ruined Lysander. Yet Sulla gavePompeius nothing more than he possessed himself, whereas Lysander madeAgesilaus king of Sparta, and leader of the united armies of Greece. 

Thirdly, the political wrong-doings of Pompeius were chiefly committedto serve his relatives, Cæsar and Scipio; while Agesilaus savedSphodrias from the death which he deserved for his outrage upon theAthenians merely to please his son, and vigorously supported Phœbidaswhen he committed a similar breach of the peace against the Thebans. And generally, we may say that while Pompeius only injured the Romansthrough inability to refuse the demands of friends, or throughignorance, Agesilaus ruined the Lacedæmonians by plunging them intowar with Thebes, to gratify his own angry and quarrelsome temper. 

II. If it be right to attribute the disasters which befel either ofthose men to some special ill-luck which attended them, the Romans hadno reason whatever to suspect any such thing of Pompeius; butAgesilaus, although the Lacedæmonians well knew the words of theoracle, yet would not allow them to avoid "a lame reign. " Even ifLeotychides had been proved a thousand times to be a bastard, thefamily of Eurypon could have supplied Sparta with a legitimate andsound king, had not Lysander, for the sake of Agesilaus, deceived themas to the true meaning of the oracle. On the other hand, we have nospecimen of the political ingenuity of Pompeius which can be comparedwith that admirable device of Agesilaus, when he readmitted thesurvivors of the battle of Leuktra to the privileges of Spartancitizens, by permitting the laws to sleep for one day. Pompeius didnot even think it his duty to abide by the laws which he had himselfenacted, but broke them to prove his great power to his friends. Agesilaus, when forced either to abolish the laws or to ruin hisfriends, discovered an expedient by which the laws did his friends nohurt, and yet had not to be abolished in order to save them. I alsoplace to the credit of Agesilaus that unparalleled act of obedience, when on receiving a despatch from Sparta he abandoned the whole of hisAsian enterprise. For Agesilaus did not, like Pompeius, enrich thestate by his own exploits, but looking solely to the interests of hiscountry, he gave up a position of greater glory and power than anyGreek before or since ever held, with the single exception ofAlexander. 

III. Looking at them from another point of view, I suppose that evenXenophon himself would not think of comparing the number of thevictories won by Pompeius, the size of the armies which he commanded, and that of those which he defeated, with any of the victories ofAgesilaus; although Xenophon has written so admirably upon othersubjects, that he seems to think himself privileged to say whatever hepleases about the life of his favourite hero. I think also that thetwo men differ much in their treatment of their enemies. The Greekwished to sell the Thebans for slaves, and to drive the Messeniansfrom their country, although Thebes was the mother city of Sparta, and the Messenians sprang from the same stock as the Lacedæmonians. Inhis attempts to effect this, he all but lost Sparta herself, and didlose the Spartan empire; while Pompeius even gave cities to beinhabited by such of the Mediterranean pirates as abandoned that modeof life; and when Tigranes the king of Armenia was in his power, hedid not lead him in his triumph, but chose rather to make him an allyof Rome; observing, that he preferred an advantage which would lastfor all time to the glory which only endured for a single day. 

If, however, we place the chief glory of a general in feats of armsand strategy, the Laconian will be found greatly to excel the Roman. Agesilaus did not abandon Sparta even when it was attacked by seventythousand men, when he had but few troops with which to defend it, andthose too all disheartened by their recent defeat at Leuktra. Pompeius, on hearing that Cæsar, with only five thousand three hundredmen, had taken a town in Italy, left Rome in terror, either yieldingto this small force like a coward, or else falsely supposing it to bemore numerous than it was. He carefully carried off his own wife andchildren, but left the families of his partizans unprotected in Rome, when he ought either to have fought for the city against Cæsar, orelse to have acknowledged him as his superior and submitted to him, for Cæsar was both his fellow-countryman and his relative. Yet, afterhaving violently objected to the prorogation of Cæsar's term of officeas consul, he put it in his power to capture Rome itself, and to sayto Metellus that he regarded him and all the rest of the citizens asprisoners of war. 

IV. Agesilaus, when he was the stronger, always forced his enemy tofight, and when weaker, always avoided a battle. By always practisingthis, the highest art of a general, he passed through his life withouta single defeat; whereas Pompeius was unable to make use of hissuperiority to Cæsar by sea, and was forced by him to hazardeverything on the event of a land battle; for as soon as Cæsar haddefeated him, he at once obtained possession of all Pompeius'streasure, supplies, and command of the sea, without gaining which hemust inevitably have been defeated, even without a battle. Pompeius'sexcuse for his conduct is, in truth, his severest condemnation. It isvery natural and pardonable for a young general to be influenced byclamours and accusations of remissness and cowardice, so as to abandonthe course which he had previously decided upon as the safest; butthat the great Pompeius, of whom the Romans used to say that the campwas his home, and that he only made an occasional campaign in thesenate house, at a time when his followers called the consuls andgenerals of Rome traitors and rebels, and when they knew that he wasin possession of absolute uncontrolled power, and had alreadyconducted so many campaigns with such brilliant success ascommander-in-chief--that he should be moved by the scoffs of aFavonius or a Domitius, and hazard his army and his life lest theyshould call him Agamemnon, is a most discreditable supposition. If hewere so sensitive on the point of honour, he ought to have made astand at the very beginning, and fought a battle in defence of Rome, not first to have retreated, giving out that he was acting with asubtlety worthy of Themistokles himself, and then to have regardedevery day spent in Thessaly without fighting as a disgrace. The plainof Pharsalia was not specially appointed by heaven as the arena inwhich he was to contend with Cæsar for the empire of the world, norwas he summoned by the voice of a herald either to fight or to avowhimself vanquished. There were many plains, and innumerable cities andcountries which his command of the sea would have enabled him toreach, if he had wished to imitate Fabius Maximus, Marius, Lucullus, or Agesilaus himself, who resisted the same kind of clamour at Sparta, when his countrymen wished to fight the Thebans and protect theirnative land; while in Egypt he endured endless reproaches, abuse, andsuspicion from Nektanebis because he forbade him to fight, and byconsistently carrying out his own judicious policy saved the Egyptiansagainst their will. He not only guided Sparta safely through thatterrible crisis, but was enabled to win a victory over the Thebans inthe city itself, which he never could have done had he yielded to theentreaties of the Lacedæmonians to fight when their country was firstinvaded. Thus it happened that Agesilaus was warmly praised by thosewhose opinions he had overruled, while Pompeius made mistakes toplease his friends, and afterwards was reproached by them for what hehad done. Some historians tell us, however, that he was deceived byhis father-in-law, Scipio, who with the intention of embezzling andconverting to his own use the greater part of the treasure whichPompeius brought from Asia, urged him to fight as soon as possible, asthough there was likely to be a scarcity of money. In these respects, then, we have reviewed their respective characters. 

V. Pompeius went to Egypt of necessity, fleeing for his life; butAgesilaus went there with the dishonourable purpose of acting asgeneral for the barbarians, in order that he might employ the moneywhich he earned by that means in making war upon the Greeks. We blamethe Egyptians for their conduct to Pompeius; but the Egyptians haveequal reason to complain of the conduct of Agesilaus towardsthemselves; for though Pompeius trusted them and was betrayed, yetAgesilaus deserted the man who trusted him, and joined the enemies ofthose whom he went out to assist. 

LIFE OF ALEXANDER. 

I. In writing the Lives of Alexander the Great and of Cæsar theconqueror of Pompeius, which are contained in this book, I have beforeme such an abundance of materials, that I shall make no other prefacethan to beg the reader, if he finds any of their famous exploitsrecorded imperfectly, and with large excisions, not to regard this asa fault. I am writing biography, not history; and often a man's mostbrilliant actions prove nothing as to his true character, while sometrifling incident, some casual remark or jest, will throw more lightupon what manner of man he was than the bloodiest battle, the greatestarray of armies, or the most important siege. Therefore, just asportrait painters pay most attention to those peculiarities of theface and eyes, in which the likeness consists, and care but little forthe rest of the figure, so it is my duty to dwell especially uponthose actions which reveal the workings of my heroes' minds, and fromthese to construct the portraits of their respective lives, leavingtheir battles and their great deeds to be recorded by others. 

II. All are agreed that Alexander was descended on his father's sidefrom Herakles through Karanus, and on his mother's from Æakus throughNeoptolemus. 

We are told that Philip and Olympias first met during their initiationinto the sacred mysteries at Samothrace, and that he, while yet a boy, fell in love with the orphan girl, and persuaded her brother Arymbasto consent to their marriage. The bride, before she consorted with herhusband, dreamed that she had been struck by a thunderbolt, from whicha sheet of flame sprang out in every direction, and then suddenly diedaway. Philip himself some time after his marriage dreamed that he seta seal upon his wife's body, on which was engraved the figure of alion. When he consulted the soothsayers as to what this meant, most ofthem declared the meaning to be, that his wife required more carefulwatching; but Aristander of Telmessus declared that she must bepregnant, because men do not seal up what is empty, and that she wouldbear a son of a spirited and lion-like disposition. Once Philip foundhis wife asleep, with a large tame snake stretched beside her; andthis, it is said, quite put an end to his passion for her, and madehim avoid her society, either because he feared the magic arts of hiswife, or else from a religious scruple, because his place was moreworthily filled. Another version of this story is that the women ofMacedonia have been from very ancient times subject to the Orphic andBacchic frenzy (whence they were called Clodones and Mimallones), andperform the same rites as do the Edonians and the Thracian women aboutMount Haemus, from which the word "threskeuein" has come to mean "tobe over-superstitious. " Olympias, it is said, celebrated these riteswith exceeding fervour, and in imitation of the Orientals, and tointroduce into the festal procession large tame serpents, [394] whichstruck terror into the men as they glided through the ivy wreaths andmystic baskets which the women carried on their heads. 

III. We are told that Philip after this portent sent Chairon ofMegalopolis to Delphi, to consult the god there, and that he deliveredan oracular response bidding him sacrifice to Zeus Ammon, and to payespecial reverence to that god: warning him, moreover, that he wouldsome day lose the sight of that eye with which, through the chink ofthe half-opened door, he had seen the god consorting with his wife inthe form of a serpent. The historian Eratosthenes informs us that whenAlexander was about to set out on his great expedition, Olympias toldhim the secret of his birth, and bade him act worthily of his divineparentage. Other writers say that she scrupled to mention the subject, and was heard to say "Why does Alexander make Hera jealous of me?"

Alexander was born on the sixth day of the month Hekatombæon, [395]which the Macedonians call Lous, the same day on which the temple ofArtemis at Ephesus was burned. This coincidence inspired Hegesias ofMagnesia to construct a ponderous joke, dull enough to have put outthe fire, which was, that it was no wonder that the temple of Artemiswas burned, since she was away from, it, attending to the birth ofAlexander. [396] All the Persian magi who were in Ephesus at the timeimagined that the destruction of the temple was but the forerunner ofa greater disaster, and ran through the city beating their faces andshouting that on that day was born the destroyer of Asia. Philip, whohad just captured the city of Potidæa, received at that time threemessengers. The first announced that the Illyrians had been severelydefeated by Parmenio; the second that his racehorse had won a victoryat Olympia, and the third, that Alexander was born. As one may wellbelieve, he was delighted at such good news and was yet more overjoyedwhen the soothsayers told him that his son, whose birth coincided withthree victories, would surely prove invincible. 

IV. His personal appearance is best shown by the statues of Lysippus, the only artist whom he allowed to represent him; in whose works wecan clearly trace that slight droop of his head towards the left, andthat keen glance of his eyes which formed his chief characteristics, and which were afterwards imitated by his friends and successors. 

Apelles, in his celebrated picture of Alexander wielding athunderbolt, has not exactly copied the fresh tint of his flesh, buthas made it darker and swarthier than it was, for we are told that hisskin was remarkably fair, inclining to red about the face and breast. We learn from the memoirs of Aristoxenes, that his body diffused arich perfume, which scented his clothes, and that his breath wasremarkably sweet. This was possibly caused by the hot and fieryconstitution of his body; for sweet scents are produced, according toTheophrastus, by heat acting upon moisture. For this reason thehottest and driest regions of the earth produce the most aromaticperfumes, because the sun dries up that moisture which causes mostsubstances to decay. 

Alexander's warm temperament of body seems to have rendered him fondof drinking, and fiery in disposition. As a youth he showed greatpower of self-control, by abstaining from all sensual pleasures inspite of his vehement and passionate nature; while his intense desirefor fame rendered him serious and high-minded beyond his years. 

For many kinds of glory, however, Alexander cared little; unlike hisfather Philip, who prided himself on his oratorical powers, and usedto record his victories in the chariot races at Olympia upon hiscoins. Indeed, when Alexander's friends, to try him, asked him whetherhe would contend in the foot race at Olympia, for he was a remarkablyswift runner, he answered, "Yes, if I have kings to contend with. " Heseems to have been altogether indifferent to athletic exercises; forthough he gave more prizes than any one else to be contended for bydramatists, flute players, harp players, and even by rhapsodists, [397]and though he delighted in all manner of hunting and cudgel playing, he never seems to have taken any interest in the contests of boxing orthe pankratium. [398] When ambassadors from the King of Persia arrivedin Macedonia, Philip was absent, and Alexander entertained them. Hisengaging manners greatly charmed them, and he became their intimatefriend. He never put any childish questions to them, but made manyenquiries about the length of the journey from the sea coast to theinterior of Persia, about the roads which led thither, about the king, whether he was experienced in war or not, and about the resources andmilitary strength of the Persian empire, so that the ambassadors werefilled with admiration, and declared that the boasted subtlety ofPhilip was nothing in comparison with the intellectual vigour andenlarged views of his son. Whenever he heard of Philip's having takensome city or won some famous victory, he used to look unhappy at thenews, and would say to his friends, "Boys, my father will forestall usin everything; he will leave no great exploits for you and me toachieve. " Indeed, he cared nothing for pleasure or wealth, but onlyfor honour and glory; and he imagined that the more territory heinherited from his father, the less would be left for him to conquer. He feared that his father's conquests would be so complete, as toleave him no more battles to fight, and he wished to succeed, not to awealthy and luxurious, but to a military empire, at the head of whichhe might gratify his desire for war and adventure. 

His education was superintended by many nurses, pedagogues, andteachers, the chief of whom was Leonidas, a harsh-tempered man, whowas nearly related to Olympias. He did not object to the title ofpedagogue, [399] thinking that his duties are most valuable andhonourable, but, on account of his high character and relationship toAlexander, was generally given the title of tutor by the others. Thename and office of pedagogue was claimed by one Lysimachus, anAkarnanian by birth, and a dull man, but who gained the favour ofAlexander by addressing him as Achilles, calling himself Phœnix, andPhilip, Peleus. 

VI. When Philoneikus the Thessalian brought the horse Boukephalus[400]and offered it to Philip for the sum of thirteen talents, the king andhis friends proceeded to some level ground to try the horse's paces. They found that he was very savage and unmanageable, for he allowed noone to mount him, and paid no attention to any man's voice, butrefused to allow any one to approach him. On this Philip becameangry, and bade them take the vicious intractable brute away. Alexander, who was present, said, "What a fine horse they are ruiningbecause they are too ignorant and cowardly to manage him. " Philip atfirst was silent, but when Alexander repeated this remark severaltimes, and seemed greatly distressed, he said, "Do you blame yourelders, as if you knew more than they, or were better able to manage ahorse?" "This horse, at any rate, " answered Alexander, "I could managebetter than any one else. " "And if you cannot manage him, " retortedhis father, "what penalty will you pay for your forwardness?" "I willpay, " said Alexander, "the price of the horse. "

While the others were laughing and settling the terms of the wager, Alexander ran straight up to the horse, took him by the bridle, andturned him to the sun; as it seems he had noticed that the horse'sshadow dancing before his eyes alarmed him and made him restive. Hethen spoke gently to the horse, and patted him on the back with hishand, until he perceived that he no longer snorted so wildly, when, dropping his cloak, he lightly leaped upon his back. He now steadilyreined him in, without violence or blows, and as he saw that the horsewas no longer ill-tempered, but only eager to gallop, he let him go, boldly urging him to full speed with his voice and heel. 

Philip and his friends were at first silent with terror; but when hewheeled the horse round, and rode up to them exulting in his success, they burst into a loud shout. It is said that his father wept for joy, and, when he dismounted, kissed him, saying, "My son, seek for akingdom worthy of yourself: for Macedonia will not hold you. "

VII. Philip, seeing that his son was easily led, but could not be madeto do anything by force, used always to manage him by persuasion, andnever gave him orders. As he did not altogether care to entrust hiseducation to the teachers whom he had obtained, but thought that itwould be too difficult a task for them, since Alexander required, asSophokles says of a ship:

 "Stout ropes to check him, and stout oars to guide. "

he sent for Aristotle, the most renowned philosopher of the age, tobe his son's tutor, and paid him a handsome reward for doing so. Hehad captured and destroyed Aristotle's native city of Stageira; butnow he rebuilt it, and repeopled it, ransoming the citizens, who hadbeen, sold for slaves, and bringing back those who were living inexile. For Alexander and Aristotle he appointed the temple and groveof the nymphs, near the city of Mieza, as a school-house and dwelling;and there to this day are shown the stone seat where Aristotle sat, and the shady avenues where he used to walk. It is thought thatAlexander was taught by him not only his doctrines of Morals andPolitics, but also those more abstruse mysteries which are onlycommunicated orally and are kept concealed from the vulgar: for afterhe had invaded Asia, hearing that Aristotle had published sometreatises on these subjects, he wrote him a letter in which hedefended the practice of keeping these speculations secret in thefollowing words:--

"Alexander to Aristotle wishes health. You have not done well inpublishing abroad those sciences which should only be taught by wordof mouth. For how shall we be distinguished from other men, if theknowledge which we have acquired be made the common property of all? Imyself had rather excel others in excellency of learning than ingreatness of power. Farewell. "

To pacify him, Aristotle wrote in reply that these doctrines werepublished, and yet not published: meaning that his treatise onMetaphysics was only written for those who had been instructed inphilosophy by himself, and would be quite useless in other hands. 

VIII. I think also that Aristotle more than any one else implanted alove of medicine in Alexander, who was not only fond of discussing thetheory, but used to prescribe for his friends when they were sick, andorder them to follow special courses of treatment and diet, as wegather from his letters. He was likewise fond of literature and ofreading, and we are told by Onesikritus that he was wont to call theIliad a complete manual of the military art, and that he alwayscarried with him Aristotle's recension of Homer's poems, which iscalled 'the casket copy, ' and placed it under his pillow togetherwith his dagger. Being without books when in the interior of Asia, heordered Harpalus to send him some. Harpalus sent him the histories ofPhilistus, several plays of Euripides, Sophokles, and Æschylus, andthe dithyrambic hymns of Telestus and Philoxenus. 

Alexander when a youth used to love and admire Aristotle more eventhan his father, for he said that the latter had enabled him to live, but that the former had taught him to live well. He afterwardssuspected him somewhat; yet he never did him any injury, but only wasnot so friendly with him as he had been, whereby it was observed thathe no longer bore him the good-will he was wont to do. Notwithstandingthis, he never lost that interest in philosophical speculation whichhe had acquired in his youth, as it proved by the honours which hepaid to Anaxarchus, the fifty talents which he sent as a present toXenokrates, and the protection and encouragement which he gave toDandamris and Kalanus. 

IX. When Philip was besieging Byzantium he left to Alexander, who wasthen only sixteen years old, the sole charge of the administration ofthe kingdom of Macedonia, confirming his authority by entrusting tohim his own signet. [401] He defeated and subdued the Mædian[402]rebels, took their city, ejected its barbarian inhabitants, andreconstituted it as a Grecian colony, to which he gave the name ofAlexandropolis. 

He was present at the battle against the Greeks at Chæronea, and it issaid to have been the first to charge the Sacred Band of the Thebans. Even in my own time, an old oak tree used to be pointed out, near theriver Kephissus, [403] which was called Alexander's oak, because histent was pitched beside it. It stands not far from the place where theMacedonian corpses were buried after the battle. Philip, as we mayimagine, was overjoyed at these proofs of his son's courage andskill, and nothing pleased him more than to hear the Macedonians callAlexander their king, and himself their general. Soon, however, thedomestic dissensions produced by Philip's amours and marriages causedan estrangement between them, and the breach was widened by Olympias, a jealous and revengeful woman, who incensed Alexander against hisfather. But what especially moved Alexander was the conduct of Attalusat the marriage feast of his niece Kleopatra. Philip, who was now tooold for marriage, had become enamoured of this girl, and after thewedding, Attalus in his cups called upon the Macedonians to pray tothe gods that from the union of Philip and Kleopatra might be born alegitimate heir to the throne. 

Enraged at these words, Alexander exclaimed, "You villain, am I then abastard?" and threw a drinking cup at him. Philip, seeing this, roseand drew his sword to attack Alexander; but fortunately for both hewas so excited by drink and rage that he missed his footing and fellheadlong to the ground. Hereupon Alexander mocking him observed, "Thisis the man who was preparing to cross from Europe to Asia, and hasbeen overthrown in passing from one couch[404] to another. "

After this disgraceful scene, Alexander, with his mother Olympias, retired into Epirus, where he left her, and proceeded to the countryof the Illyrians. About the same time Demaratus of Corinth, an oldfriend of the family, and privileged to speak his mind freely, came ona visit to Philip. After the first greetings were over, Philipenquired whether the states of Greece agreed well together. "Truly, King Philip, " answered Demaratus, "it well becomes you to show aninterest in the agreement of the Greeks, after you have raised suchviolent quarrels in your own family. "

These words had such an effect upon Philip that Demaratus was able toprevail upon him to make his peace with Alexander and to induce him toreturn. 

X. Yet when Pixodarus, the satrap of Karia, hoping to connect himselfwith Philip, and so to obtain him as an ally, offered his eldestdaughter in marriage to Arrhidæus, Philip's natural son, and sentAristokrites to Macedonia to conduct the negotiations, Olympias andher friends again exasperated Alexander against his father by pointingout to him that Philip, by arranging this splendid marriage forArrhidæus, and treating him as a person of such great importance, wasendeavouring to accustom the Macedonians to regard him as the heir tothe throne. Alexander yielded to these representations so far as tosend Thessalus, the tragic actor, on a special mission to Pixodarus inKaria, to assure him that he ought to disregard Arrhidæus, who wasillegitimate, and foolish to boot, and that it was to Alexander thathe ought to offer the hand of his daughter. 

Pixodarus was much more eager to accept this proposal than the former, but Philip one day hearing that Alexander was alone in his chamber, went thither with Philotas, the son of Parmenio, an intimate friend, and bitterly reproached him, pointing out how unworthy it was of hishigh birth and glorious position to stoop to marry the daughter of amere Karian, [405] and of a barbarian who was a subject of the King ofPersia. 

Upon this he wrote to the Corinthians to send him Thessalus in chains, and also banished out of his kingdom Harpalus, Nearchus, Erigyius, andPtolemæus, all of whom Alexander afterwards brought back and promotedto great honours. 

Shortly after this, Pausanias was grossly insulted by the contrivanceof Attalus and Kleopatra, and, as he could not obtain amends for whathe suffered, assassinated Philip. We are told that most men laid theblame of this murder upon Queen Olympias, who found the young mansmarting from the outrage which had been committed upon him, and urgedhim to avenge himself, while some accused Alexander himself. It issaid that when Pausanias came to him and complained of his treatment, Alexander answered him by quoting the line from the Medea ofEuripides, in which she declares that she will be revenged upon

 "The guardian, and the bridegroom, and the bride, "

alluding to Attalus, Philip, and Kleopatra. 

However this may be, it is certain that he sought out and punished allwho were concerned in the plot, and he expressed his sorrow ondiscovering that during his own absence from the kingdom, Kleopatrahad been cruelly tortured and put to death by his mother Olympias. 

XI. At the age of twenty he succeeded to the throne of Macedonia, aperilous and unenviable inheritance: for the neighbouring barbariantribes chafed at being held in bondage, and longed for the rule oftheir own native kings; while Philip, although he had conquered Greeceby force of arms, yet had not had time to settle its government andaccustom it to its new position. He had overthrown all constitutedauthority in that country, and had left men's minds in an excitedcondition, eager for fresh changes and revolutions. The Macedonianswere very sensible of the dangerous crisis through which they werepassing, and hoped that Alexander would refrain as far as possiblefrom interfering in the affairs of Greece, deal gently with theinsurgent chiefs of his barbarian subjects, and carefully guardagainst revolutionary outbreaks. He, however, took quite a differentview of the situation, conceiving it to be best to win safety byaudacity, and carrying things with a high hand, thinking that if heshowed the least sign of weakness, his enemies would all set upon himat once. He crushed the risings of the barbarians by promptly marchingthrough their country as far as the river Danube, and by winning asignal victory over Syrmus, the King of the Triballi. After this, ashe heard that the Thebans had revolted, and that the Athenianssympathised with them, he marched his army straight throughThermopylæ, with the remark that Demosthenes, who had called him a boywhile he was fighting the Illyrians and Triballi, and a youth while hewas marching through Thessaly, should find him a man when he saw himbefore the gates of Athens. When he reached Thebes, he gave thecitizens an opportunity to repent of their conduct, only demandingPhœnix and Prothytes to be given up to him, and offering the rest afree pardon if they would join him. When, however, the Thebans inanswer to this, demanded that he should give up Philotas and Antipaterto them, and called upon all who were willing to assist in theliberation of Greece to come and join them, he bade his Macedoniansprepare for battle. 

The Thebans, although greatly outnumbered, fought with superhumanvalour; but they were taken in the rear by the Macedonian garrison, who suddenly made a sally from the Kadmeia, and the greater part ofthem were surrounded and fell fighting. The city was captured, plundered and destroyed. Alexander hoped by this terrible example tostrike terror into the other Grecian states, although he put forwardthe specious pretext that he was avenging the wrongs of his allies;for the Platæans and Phokians had made some complaints of the conductof the Thebans towards them. With the exception of the priests, thepersonal friends and guests of the Macedonians, the descendants of thepoet Pindar, and those who had opposed the revolt, he sold for slavesall the rest of the inhabitants, thirty thousand in number. More thansix thousand men perished in the battle. 

XII. Amidst the fearful scene of misery and disorder which followedthe capture of the city, certain Thracians broke into the house of oneTimoklea, a lady of noble birth and irreproachable character. Theirleader forcibly violated her, and then demanded whether she had anygold or silver concealed. She said that she had, led him alone intothe garden, and, pointing to a well, told him that when the city wastaken she threw her most valuable jewels into it. While the Thracianwas stooping over the well trying to see down to the bottom, she camebehind, pushed him in, and threw large stones upon him until he died. The Thracians seized her, and took her to Alexander, where she provedherself a woman of courage by her noble and fearless carriage, as shewalked in the midst of her savage captors. The king enquired who shewas, to which she replied she was the sister of Theagenes, who foughtagainst Philip to protect the liberty of Greece, and who fell leadingon the Thebans at Chæronea. Alexander, struck by her answer, andadmiring her exploit, gave orders that she and her children should beset at liberty. 

XIII. Alexander came to terms with the Athenians, although they hadexpressed the warmest sympathy for the Thebans, omitting theperformance of the festival of Demeter, out of respect for theirmisfortunes, and giving a kindly welcome to all the fugitives whoreached Athens. Either he had had his fill of anger, like a satedlion, or possibly he wished to perform some signal act of mercy by wayof contrast to his savage treatment of Thebes. Be this as it may, henot only informed the Athenians that he had no grounds of quarrel withthem, but even went so far as to advise them to watch the course ofevents with care, since, if anything should happen to him, they mightagain become the ruling state in Greece. In after times, Alexanderoften grieved over his harsh treatment of the Thebans, and therecollection of what he had done made him much less severe to others. Indeed, he always referred his unfortunate drunken quarrel withKleitus, and the refusal of the Macedonian soldiers to invade India, by which they rendered the glory of his great expedition incomplete, to the anger of Dionysius, [406] who desired to avenge the fate of hisfavourite city. Moreover, of the Thebans who survived the ruin oftheir city, no one ever asked any favour of Alexander without itsbeing granted. This was the manner in which Alexander dealt withThebes. 

XIV. The Greeks after this assembled at Corinth and agreed to invadePersia with Alexander for their leader. Many of their chief statesmenand philosophers paid him visits of congratulation, and he hoped thatDiogenes of Sinope, who was at that time living at Corinth, would doso. As he, however, paid no attention whatever to Alexander andremained quietly in the suburb called Kraneium, Alexander himself wentto visit him. He found him lying at full length, basking in the sun. At the approach of so many people, he sat up, and looked at Alexander. Alexander greeted him, and enquired whether he could do anything forhim. "Yes, " answered Diogenes, "you can stand a little on one side, and not keep the sun off me. " This answer is said to have so greatlysurprised Alexander, and to have filled him with such a feeling ofadmiration for the greatness of mind of a man who could treat him withsuch insolent superiority, that when he went away, while all aroundwere jeering and scoffing he said, "Say what you will; if I were notAlexander, I would be Diogenes. "

Desiring to consult the oracle of Apollo concerning his campaign, henow proceeded to Delphi. It chanced that he arrived there on one ofthe days which are called unfortunate, on which no oracular responsescan be obtained. In spite of this he at once sent for the chiefpriestess, and as she refused to officiate and urged that she wasforbidden to do so by the law, he entered the temple by force anddragged her to the prophetic tripod. She, yielding to his persistence, said, "You are irresistible, my son. " Alexander, at once, on hearingthis, declared that he did not wish for any further prophecy, but thathe had obtained from her the response which he wished for. While hewas preparing for his expedition, among many other portents, thestatue of Orpheus at Loibethra, which is made of cypress-wood, wasobserved to be covered with sweat. All were alarmed at this omen, butAristander bade them take courage, as it portended that Alexandershould perform many famous acts, which would cause poets much troubleto record. 

XV. The number of his army is variously stated by differentauthorities, some saying that it amounted to thirty thousand foot andfour thousand horse, while others put the whole amount so high asforty-three thousand foot and five thousand horse. To provide for thismultitude, Aristobulus relates that he possessed only seventy talents, while Douris informs us that he had only provisions for thirty days, and Onesikritus declares that he was in debt to the amount of twohundred talents. Yet although he started with such slender resources, before he embarked he carefully enquired into the affairs of hisfriends, and made them all ample presents, assigning to some of themlarge tracts of land, and to others villages, the rents of houses, orthe right of levying harbour dues. When he had almost expended thewhole of the revenues of the crown in this fashion, Perdikkas enquiredof him, "My king, what have you reserved for yourself?" "My hopes, "replied Alexander. "Then, " said Perdikkas, "are we who go with you notto share them?" and he at once refused to accept the present which hadbeen offered to him, as did several others. Those, however, who wouldreceive his gifts, or who asked for anything, were rewarded with alavish hand, so that he distributed among them nearly all the revenuesof Macedonia; so confident of success was he when he set out. When hehad crossed the Hellespont he proceeded to Troy, offered sacrifice toAthena, and poured libations to the heroes who fell there. He anointedthe column which marks the tomb of Achilles with fresh oil, and afterrunning round it naked with his friends, as is customary, placed agarland upon it, observing that Achilles was fortunate in having afaithful friend while he lived, and a glorious poet to sing of hisdeeds after his death. While he was walking through the city andlooking at all the notable things, he was asked whether he wished tosee the harp which had once belonged to Paris. He answered, that hecared nothing for it, but that he wished to find that upon whichAchilles used to play when he sang of the deeds of heroes. 

XVI. Meanwhile the generals of Darius had collected a large army, andposted it at the passage of the river Granikus, so that it wasnecessary for Alexander to fight a battle in order to effect so muchas an entrance into Asia. Most of the Greek generals were alarmed atthe depth and uneven bed of the river, and at the rugged and brokenground on the farther bank, which they would have to mount in the faceof the enemy. Some also raised a religious scruple, averring that theMacedonian kings never made war during the month Daisius. Alexandersaid that this could be easily remedied, and ordered that the secondmonth in the Macedonian calendar should henceforth be calledArtemisium. When Parmenio besought him not to risk a battle, as theseason was far advanced, he said that the Hellespont would blush forshame if he crossed it, and then feared to cross the Granikus, and atonce plunged into the stream with thirteen squadrons of cavalry. Itseemed the act of a desperate madman rather than of a general to ridethus through a rapid river, under a storm of missiles, towards a steepbank where every position of advantage was occupied by armed men. He, however, gained the farther shore, and made good his footing there, although with great difficulty on account of the slippery mud. As soonas he had crossed, and driven away those who had opposed his passage, he was charged by a mass of the enemy, and forced to fight, pell-mell, man to man, before he could put those who had followed him over intobattle array. The enemy came on with a shout, and rode straight up tothe horses of the Macedonians, thrusting at them with spears, andusing swords when their spears were broken. Many of them pressed roundAlexander himself, who was made a conspicuous figure by his shield andthe long white plume which hung down on each side of his helmet. Hewas struck by a javelin in the joint of his corslet, but received nohurt. Rhœsakes and Spithridates, two of the Persian generals, nowattacked him at once. He avoided the charge of the latter, but brokehis spear against the breastplate of Rhœsakes, and was forced tobetake him to his sword. No sooner had they closed together thanSpithridates rode up beside him, and, standing up in his stirrups, dealt him such a blow with a battle-axe, as cut off one side of hisplume, and pierced his helmet just so far as to reach his hair withthe edge of the axe. While Spithridates was preparing for anotherblow, he was run through by black Kleitus with a lance, and at thesame moment Alexander with his sword laid Rhœsakes dead at his feet. During this fierce and perilous cavalry battle, the Macedonianphalanx[407] crossed the river, and engaged the enemy's infantryforce, none of which offered much resistance except a body ofmercenary Greeks in the pay of Persia. These troops retired to a smallrising ground, and begged for quarter. Alexander, however, furiouslyattacked them by riding up to them by himself, in front of his men. 

He lost his horse, which was killed by a sword-thrust, and it is saidthat more of the Macedonians perished in that fight, and that morewounds were given and received, than in all the rest of the battle, asthey were attacking desperate men accustomed to war. 

The Persians are said to have lost twenty thousand infantry, and twothousand five hundred cavalry. In the army of Alexander, Aristobulusstates the total loss to have been thirty-four men, nine of whom werefoot soldiers. Alexander ordered that each of these men should havehis statue made in bronze by Lysippus; and wishing to make the Greeksgenerally partakers of his victory, he sent the Athenians threehundred captured shields, and on the other spoils placed the followingvainglorious inscription:[408] "Alexander, the son of Philip, and theGreeks, all but the Lacedæmonians, won these spoils from thebarbarians of Asia. " As for the golden drinking-cups, purple hangings, and other plunder of that sort, he sent it nearly all to his mother, reserving only a few things for himself. 

XVII. This victory wrought a great change in Alexander's position. Several of the neighbouring states came and made their submission tohim, and even Sardis itself, the chief town in Lydia, and the mainstation of the Persians in Asia Minor, submitted without a blow. Theonly cities which still resisted him, Halikarnassus and Miletus, hetook by storm, and conquered all the adjacent territory, after whichhe remained in doubt as to what to attempt next; whether to attackDarius at once and risk all that he had won upon the issue of a singlebattle, or to consolidate and organise his conquests on the coast ofAsia Minor, and to gather new strength for the final struggle. It issaid that at this time a spring in the country of Lykia, near the cityof Xanthus, overflowed, and threw up from its depths a brazen tablet, upon which, in ancient characters, was inscribed a prophecy that thePersian empire should be destroyed by the Greeks. Encouraged by thisportent, he extended his conquests along the sea coast as far asPhœnicia and Kilikia. Many historians dwelt with admiration on thegood fortune of Alexander, in meeting with such fair weather and sucha smooth sea during his passage along the stormy shore of Pamphylia, and say that it was a miracle that the furious sea, which usuallydashed against the highest rocks upon the cliffs, fell calm for him. Menander alludes to this in one of his plays. 

 "Like Alexander, if I wish to meet A man, at once I find him in the street; And, were I forced to journey o'er the sea, The sea itself would calm its waves for me. "

Alexander himself, however, in his letters, speaks of no such miracle, but merely tells us that he started from Phaselis, and passed alongthe difficult road called Klimax, or the Ladder. [409] He spent sometime in Phaselis, and while he was there, observing in themarket-place a statue of Theodektes, a philosopher, who had recentlydied, he made a procession to it one day after dinner, and crowned itwith flowers, as a sportive recognition of what he owed to Theodektes, with whose philosophical writings Aristotle had made him familiar. 

XVIII. After this he put down a revolt among the Pisidians, andconquered the whole of Phrygia. On his arrival at Gordium, which issaid to have been the capital of King Midas of old, he was shown thecelebrated chariot there, tied up with a knot of cornel-tree bark. Here he was told the legend, which all the natives believed, thatwhoever untied that knot was destined to become lord of all the world. Most historians say that as the knot was tied with a strap whose endscould not be found, and was very complicated and intricate, Alexander, despairing of untying it, drew his sword and cut through the knot, thus making many ends appear. But Aristobulus tells us that he easilyundid it by pulling out of the pole the pin to which the strap wasfastened, and then drawing off the yoke itself from the pole. 

He now prevailed upon the people of Paphlagonia and Kappadokia to joinhim, and also was encouraged in his design of proceeding farther intothe interior by receiving intelligence of the death of Memnon, thegeneral to whom Darius had entrusted the defence of the sea coast, whohad already caused him much trouble, and had offered a most stubbornresistance to him. Darius, too, came from Susa, confident in thenumbers of his army, for he was at the head of six hundred thousandmen, and greatly encouraged by a dream upon which the Magi had putrather a strained interpretation in order to please him. He dreamedthat he saw the Macedonian phalanx begirt with flame, and thatAlexander, dressed in a courier's cloak like that which he himself hadworn before he became king, was acting as his servant. Afterwards, Alexander went into the temple of Belus, and disappeared. By thisvision the gods probably meant to foretell that the deeds of theMacedonians would be brilliant and glorious, and that Alexander afterconquering Asia, just as Darius had conquered it when from a merecourier he rose to be a king, would die young and famous. 

XIX. Darius was also much encouraged by the long inaction of Alexanderin Kilikia. This was caused by an illness, which some say arose fromthe hardships which he had undergone, and others tell us was theresult of bathing in the icy waters of the Kydnus. No physician daredto attend him, for they all thought that he was past the reach ofmedicine, and dreaded the anger of the Macedonians if they provedunsuccessful. At last Philip, an Akarnanian, seeing that he wasdangerously ill, determined to run the risk, as he was his truefriend, and thought it his duty to share all his dangers. Hecompounded a draught for him, and persuaded him to drink it, bytelling him that it would give him strength and enable him to take thefield. At this time Parmenio sent him a letter from the camp, biddinghim beware of Philip, who had been bribed to poison him by Darius withrich presents, and the offer of his own daughter in marriage. Alexander read the letter, and showed it to no one, but placed itunder his pillow. At the appointed hour, Philip and his friendsentered the room, bringing the medicine in a cup. Alexander took thecup from him, and gave him the letter to read, while he firmly andcheerfully drank it off. It was a strange and theatrical scene. Whenthe one had read, and the other had drunk, they stared into eachother's faces, Alexander with a cheerful expression of trust andkindly feeling towards Philip, while Philip, enraged at the calumny, first raised his hands to heaven, protesting his innocence, and then, casting himself upon his knees at the bed-side, besought Alexander tobe of good cheer and follow his advice. The effect of the drug atfirst was to produce extreme weakness, for he became speechless andalmost insensible. In a short time, however, by Philip's care, herecovered his strength, and showed himself publicly to theMacedonians, who were very anxious about him, and would not believethat he was better until they saw him. 

XX. There was in the camp of Darius a Macedonian refugee, namedAmyntas, who was well acquainted with Alexander's character. This man, when he found that Darius wished to enter the hilly country to fightAlexander amongst its narrow valleys, besought him to remain where hewas, upon the flat open plains, where the enormous numbers of histroops could be advantageously used against the small Macedonian army. When Darius answered that he feared Alexander and his men would escapeunless he attacked, Amyntas said, "O king, have no fears on thatscore; for he will come and fight you, and I warrant he is not far offnow. " However, Amyntas made no impression on Darius, who marchedforward into Kilikia, while at the same time Alexander marched intoSyria to meet him. During the night they missed one another, and eachturned back, Alexander rejoicing at this incident, and hurrying tocatch Darius in the narrow defile leading into Kilikia, while Dariuswas glad of the opportunity of recovering his former ground, and ofdisentangling his army from the narrow passes through the mountains. He already had perceived the mistake which he had committed inentering a country where the sea, the mountains, and the river Pyramuswhich ran between them, made it impossible for his army to act, whileon the other hand it afforded great advantages to his enemies, whowere mostly foot soldiers, and whose numbers were not so great as toencumber their movements. 

Fortune, no doubt, greatly favoured Alexander, but yet he owed much ofhis success to his excellent generalship; for although enormouslyoutnumbered by the enemy, he not only avoided being surrounded bythem, but was able to outflank their left with his own right wing, andby this manœuvre completely defeated the Persians. He himself foughtamong the foremost, and, according to Chares, was wounded in the thighby Darius himself. Alexander in the account of the battle which hedespatched to Antipater, does not mention the name of the man whowounded him, but states that he received a stab in the thigh with adagger, and that the wound was not a dangerous one. 

He won a most decisive victory, and slew more than a hundred thousandof the enemy, but could not come up with Darius himself, as he gaineda start of nearly a mile. He captured his chariot, however, and hisbow and arrows, and on his return found the Macedonians revelling inthe rich plunder which they had won, although the Persians had been inlight marching order, and had left most of their heavy baggage atDamascus. The royal pavilion of Darius himself, full of beautifulslaves, and rich furniture of every description, had been leftunplundered, and was reserved for Alexander himself, who as soon as hehad taken off his armour, proceeded to the bath, saying "Let me washoff the sweat of the battle in the bath of Darius. " " Nay, " answeredone of his companions, "in that of Alexander; for the goods of thevanquished become the property of the victor. " When he entered thebath and saw that all the vessels for water, the bath itself, and theboxes of unguents were of pure gold, and smelt the delicious scent ofthe rich perfumes with which the whole pavilion was filled; and whenhe passed from the bath into a magnificent and lofty saloon where asplendid banquet was prepared, he looked at his friends and said"This, then, it is to be a king indeed. "

XXI. While he was dining it was told him that the mother and wife ofDarius, and his two daughters, who were among the captives, had seenthe chariot and bow of Darius, and were mourning for him, imagininghim to be dead. Alexander when he heard this paused for a long time, being more affected by the grief of these ladies, than by the victorywhich he had won. Hie sent Leonnatus to inform them, that they needneither mourn for Darius, nor fear Alexander; for he was fighting forthe empire of Asia, not as a personal enemy of Darius, and would takecare that they were treated with the same honour and respect asbefore. This generous message to the captive princesses was followedby acts of still greater kindness; for he permitted then to burywhomsoever of the slain Persians they wished, and to use all their ownapparel and furniture, which had been seized by the soldiers asplunder. He also allowed them to retain the regal title and state, andeven increased their revenues. But the noblest and most truly royalpart of his treatment of these captive ladies was that he neverpermitted them to hear any coarse language, or imagine for a momentthat they were likely to suffer violence or outrage; so that theylived unseen and unmolested, more as though they were in some sacredretreat of holy virgins than in a camp. Yet the wife of Darius is saidto have been the most beautiful princess of her age, just as Dariushimself was the tallest and handsomest man in Asia, and theirdaughters are said to have resembled their parents in beauty. Alexander, it seems, thought it more kingly to restrain himself thanto conquer the enemy, and never touched any of them, nor did he knowany other before his marriage, except Barsine. This lady, after thedeath of her husband Memnon, remained at Damascus. She had received aGreek education, was naturally attractive, and was of royal descent, as her father was Artabazus, who married one of the king's daughters;which, added to the solicitations of Parmenio, as we are told byAristobulus, made Alexander the more willing to attach himself to sobeautiful and well-born a lady. When Alexander saw the beauty of theother captives, he said in jest, that the Persian ladies make men'seyes sore to behold them. Yet, in spite of their attractions, he wasdetermined that his self-restraint should be as much admired as theirbeauty, and passed by them as if they had been images cut out ofstone. 

XXII. Indeed, when Philoxenus, the commander of his fleet, wrote toinform him that a slave merchant of Tarentum, named Theodorus, had twobeautiful slaves for sale, and desired to know whether he would buythem, Alexander was greatly incensed, and angrily demanded of hisfriends what signs of baseness Philoxenus could have observed in himthat he should venture to make such disgraceful proposals to him. Hesent a severe reprimand to Philoxenus, and ordered him to sendTheodorus and his merchandise to the devil. He also severely rebuked ayoung man named Hagnon for a similar offence. 

On another occasion, when he heard that two Macedonians of Parmenio'sregiment, named Damon and Timotheus, had violently outraged the wivesof some of the mercenary soldiers, he wrote to Parmenio, ordering him, if the charge were proved, to put them to death like mere brute beaststhat prey upon mankind. And in that letter he wrote thus of himself. "I have never seen, or desired to see the wife of Darius, and have noteven allowed her beauty to be spoken of in my presence. "

He was wont to say that he was chiefly reminded that he was mortal bythese two weaknesses, sleep and lust; thinking weariness andsensuality alike to be bodily weaknesses. He was also most temperatein eating, as was signally proved by his answer to the princess Ada, whom he adopted as his mother, and made Queen of Karia. She, in orderto show her fondness for him, sent him every day many dainty dishesand sweetmeats, and at last presented him with her best cooks. Heanswered her that he needed them not, since he had been provided withmuch better relishes for his food by his tutor Leonidas, who hadtaught him to earn his breakfast by a night-march, and to obtain anappetite for his dinner by eating sparingly at breakfast. "My tutor, "he said, "would often look into my chests of clothes, and of bedding, to make sure that my mother had not hidden any delicacies for me inthem. "

XXIII. He was less given to wine than he was commonly supposed to be. He was thought to be a great drinker because of the length of timewhich he would pass over each cup, in talking more than in drinkingit, for he always held a long conversation while drinking, provided hewas at leisure to do so. If anything had to be done, no wine, ordesire of rest, no amusement, marriage, or spectacle could restrainhim, as they did other generals. This is clearly shown by theshortness of his life, and the wonderful number of great deeds whichhe performed during the little time that he lived. When he was atleisure, he used to sacrifice to the gods immediately after rising inthe morning, and then sit down to his breakfast. After breakfast, hewould pass the day in hunting, deciding disputes between his subjects, devising military manœuvres, or reading. When on a journey, if he wasnot in any great hurry, he used, while on the road, to practicearchery, or to dismount from a chariot which was being driven at fullspeed, and then again mount it. Frequently also he hunted foxes andshot birds for amusement, as we learn from his diaries. On arriving atthe place where he intended to pass the night, he always bathed andanointed himself, and then asked his cooks what was being prepared forhis dinner. 

He always dined late, just as it began to grow dark, and was verycareful to have his table well provided, and to give each of hisguests an equal share. He sat long over his wine, as we have said, because of his love of conversation. And although at all other timeshis society was most charming, and his manners gracious and pleasantbeyond any other prince of his age, yet when he was drinking, his talkran entirely upon military topics, and became offensively boastful, partly from his own natural disposition, and partly from theencouragement which he received from his flatterers. This oftengreatly embarrassed honest men, as they neither wished to vie with theflatterers in praising him to his face, nor yet to appear to grudgehim his due share of admiration. To bestow such excessive praiseseemed shameful, while to withhold it was dangerous. After a drinkingbout, he would take a bath, and often slept until late in thefollowing day; and sometimes he passed the whole day asleep. He caredbut little for delicate food, and often when the rarest fruits andfish were sent to him from the sea-coast, he would distribute them solavishly amongst his friends as to leave none for himself; yet histable was always magnificently served, and as his revenues becameincreased by his conquests, its expense rose to ten thousand drachmasa day. To this it was finally limited, and those who entertainedAlexander were told that they must not expend more than that sum. 

XXIV. After the battle of Issus, he sent troops to Damascus, andcaptured all the treasure, the baggage, and the women and children ofthe Persian army. Those who chiefly benefited by this were theThessalian cavalry, who had distinguished themselves in the battle, and had been purposely chosen for this service by Alexander as areward for their bravery; yet all the camp was filled with riches, sogreat was the mass of plunder. Then did the Macedonians get theirfirst taste of gold and silver, of Persian luxury and of Persianwomen; and after this, like hounds opening upon a scent, they eagerlypressed forward on the track of the wealthy Persians. Alexander, however, thought it best, before proceeding further, to complete theconquest of the sea-coast. Cyprus was at once surrendered to him byits local kings, as was all Phœnicia, except Tyre. He besieged Tyrefor seven months, with great mounds and siege artillery on the landside, while a fleet of two hundred triremes watched it by sea. Duringthe seventh month of the siege he dreamed that Herakles greeted him ina friendly manner from the walls of Tyre, and called upon him to comein. Many of the Tyrians also dreamed that Apollo appeared to them, andsaid that he was going to Alexander, since what was being done in thecity of Tyre did not please him. The Tyrians, upon this, treated thegod as though he were a man caught in the act of deserting toAlexander, for they tied cords round his statue, nailed it down to itsbase, and called him Alexandristes, or follower of Alexander. Alexander now dreamed another dream, that a satyr appeared to him at adistance, and sported with him, but when he endeavoured to catch him, ran away, and that, at length, after much trouble, he caught him. This was very plausibly explained by the prophets to mean "SaTyros"--"Tyre shall be thine, " dividing the Greek word Satyros intotwo parts. A well is shown at the present day near which Alexander sawthe satyr in his dream. 

During the siege, Alexander made an expedition against theneighbouring Arab tribes, in which he fell into great danger throughhis old tutor Lysimachus, who insisted on accompanying him, declaringthat he was no older and no less brave than Phœnix when he followedAchilles to Troy. When they reached the mountains, they were forced toleave their horses and march on foot. The rest proceeded on their way, but Lysimachus could not keep up, although night was coming on and theenemy were near. Alexander would not leave him, but encouraged him andhelped him along until he became separated from his army, and foundhimself almost alone. It was now dark, and bitterly cold. The countrywhere they were was very rugged and mountainous, and in the distanceappeared many scattered watch-fires of the enemy. 

Alexander, accustomed to rouse the disheartened Macedonians by his ownpersonal exertions, and trusting to his swiftness of foot, ran up tothe nearest fire, struck down with his sword two men who wore watchingbeside it, and brought a burning firebrand back to his own party. Theynow made up an enormous fire, which terrified some of the enemy somuch that they retreated, while others who had intended to attackthem, halted and forbore to do so, thus enabling them to pass thenight in safety. 

XXV. The siege of Tyre came to an end in the following manner. Thegreater part of Alexander's troops were resting from their labours, but in order to occupy the attention of the enemy, he led a few men upto the city walls, while Aristander, the soothsayer, offeredsacrifice. When he saw the victims, he boldly informed all who werepresent that during the current month, Tyre would be taken. All whoheard him laughed him to scorn, as that day was the last of the month, but Alexander seeing him at his wits' end, being always eager tosupport the credit of prophecies, gave orders that that day shouldnot be reckoned as the thirtieth of the month, but as thetwenty-third. After this he bade the trumpets sound, and assaulted thewalls much more vigorously than he had originally intended. The attacksucceeded, and as the rest of the army would no longer stay behind inthe camp, but rushed to take their share in the assault, the Tyrianswere overpowered, and their city taken on that very day. 

Afterwards, while Alexander was besieging Gaza, the largest city inSyria, a clod of earth was dropped upon his shoulder by a bird, whichafterwards alighted upon one of the military engines, and becameentangled in the network of ropes by which it was worked. This portentalso was truly explained by Aristander; for the place was taken, andAlexander was wounded in the shoulder. 

He sent many of the spoils to Olympias, Kleopatra, and others of hisfriends, and sent his tutor Leonidas five hundred talents weight offrankincense, and a hundred talents of myrrh, to remind him of what hehad said when a child. Leonidas once, when sacrificing, reprovedAlexander for taking incense by handfuls to throw upon the victim whenit was burning on the altar. "When, " he said, "you have conquered thecountry from which incense comes, Alexander, then you may make suchrich offerings as these; but at present you must use what we havesparingly. " Alexander now wrote to him, "We have sent you abundance offrankincense and myrrh, that you may no longer treat the gods sostingily. "

XXVI. When a certain casket was brought to him, which appeared to bethe most valuable of all the treasures taken from Darius, he asked hisfriends what they thought he ought to keep in it as his own mostprecious possession. After they had suggested various differentthings, he said that he intended to keep his copy of the Iliad in it. This fact is mentioned by many historians; and if the legend which iscurrent among the people of Alexandria; on the authority ofHerakleides, be true, the poems of Homer were far from idle or uselesscompanions to him, even when on a campaign. The story goes that afterconquering Egypt, he desired to found a great and populous Greciancity, to be called after his own name, and that after he had fixedupon an excellent site, where in the opinion of the best architects, acity surpassing anything previously existing could be built, hedreamed that a man with long hair and venerable aspect appeared tohim, and recited the following verses:

 "Hard by, an island in the stormy main Lies close to Egypt, Pharos is its name. "

As soon as he woke, he proceeded to Pharos, which then was an islandnear the Canopic mouth of the Nile, though at the present day so muchearth has been deposited by the river that it is joined to themainland. When he saw the great advantages possessed by this place, which is a long strip of land, stretching between the sea and a largeinland lake, with a large harbour at the end of it, he at once saidthat Homer, besides his other admirable qualities, was a splendidarchitect, and gave orders to his workmen to mark out a site for acity suitable to such a situation. There was no chalk or white earth, with which it is usual to mark the course of the walls, but they tookbarley-groats, and marked out a semicircular line with them upon theblack earth, dividing it into equal segments by lines radiating fromthe centre, so that it looked like a Macedonian cloak, of which thewalls formed the outer fringe. While the king was looking withsatisfaction at the plan of the new city, suddenly from the lake andthe river, innumerable aquatic birds of every kind flew like greatclouds to the spot, and devoured all the barley. This omen greatlydisturbed Alexander; however, the soothsayers bade him take courage, and interpreted it to mean that the place would become a very rich andpopulous city. Upon this he ordered the workmen at once to begin tobuild, while he himself started to visit the shrine and oracle of ZeusAmmon. This journey is tedious and difficult, and dangerous also, because the way lies over a waterless desert, where the traveller isexposed to violent storms of sand whenever the south wind blows. Itwas here that fifty thousand men of the army of Cambyses are said tohave been overwhelmed by the sand, which rolled upon them in hugebillows until they were completely ingulfed. All these perils werepresent to all men's minds, but it was hard to turn Alexander awayfrom any project upon which he had once set his heart. The invariablegood fortune which he had enjoyed confirmed his self-will, and hispride would not allow him to confess himself vanquished either byhuman enemies or natural obstacles. 

XXVII. During his journey, the signal assistance which he receivedfrom the gods in all his difficulties was more remarkable and moregenerally believed than the oracular response which he is said to havereceived, although these portents made men more inclined to believe inthe oracle. In the first place, plentiful showers were sent, whichquite dissipated any fears which the expedition had entertained aboutsuffering from thirst, while the rain cooled the sand and thustempered the hot air of the desert to a pleasant warmth. Next, whenthe guides lost their way, and all were wandering helplessly, birdsappeared who guided them on the right path, flying before them andencouraging them to march, and waiting for those of them who fellbehind wearied. "We are even assured by Kallisthones that, at night, the birds by their cries recalled stragglers, and kept all on thedirect road. 

When Alexander had crossed the desert, and arrived at the temple, thepriest of Ammon greeted him as the son of the god. He inquired whetheranyone of his father's murderers had escaped, to which the priestanswered that he must not ask such questions, for his father was morethan man. Alexander now altered the form of his inquiry and askedwhether he had punished all the murderers of Philip: and then he askedanother question, about his empire, whether he was fated to conquerall mankind. On receiving as an answer that this would be granted tohim and that Philip had been amply avenged, he made splendid presentsto the god, and amply rewarded the priests. 

This is the account which most historians give about the response ofthe oracle; but in a letter to his mother, Alexander says that hereceived certain secret prophecies, which upon his return he wouldcommunicate to her alone. Some narrate that the priest, wishing togive him a friendly greeting in the Greek language, said "My son, "but being a foreigner, mispronounced the words so as to say "Son ofZeus, " a mistake which delighted Alexander and caused men to say thatthe god himself had addressed him as "Son of Zeus. " We are told thatwhile in Egypt, he attended the lectures of the philosopher Psammon, and was especially pleased when he pointed out that God is King overall men, because that which rules and conquers must be king. Hehimself thought that he had improved upon this by saying that althoughGod is the common father of all men, yet that he makes the best menmore peculiarly his own. 

XXVIII. In his dealings with Asiatics, he always acted and spoke withthe greatest arrogance, and seemed firmly convinced of his own divineparentage, but he was careful not to make the same boast when amongGreeks. On one occasion, indeed, he wrote to the Athenians thefollowing letter about their possession of Samos. "I, " he said, "should not have presented you with that free and glorious city; butit was presented to you by its former master, my reputed fatherPhilip. "

Yet afterwards when he was wounded by an arrow and in great pain hesaid "This, my friends, is blood that runs from my wound, and not

 "Ichor, that courses through the veins of gods. "

Once when a great thunderstorm terrified every one, Anaxarchus thesophist, who was with him, said "Son of Zeus, canst thou do as much?"To this, Alexander answered with a smile, "Nay, I love not to frightenmy friends, as you would have me do, when you complained of my table, because fish was served upon it instead of princes' heads. " Indeed weare told that once, when Alexander had sent some small fish toHephæstion, Anaxarchus used this expression ironically disparagingthose who undergo great toils and run great risks to obtainmagnificent results which, after all, make them no happier or able toenjoy themselves than other men. From these anecdotes we see thatAlexander himself did not put any belief in the story of his divineparentage, but that he used it as a means of imposing upon others. 

XXIX. From Egypt he returned to Phœnicia, and there offeredmagnificent sacrifices to the gods, with grand processions, cyclicchoruses, and performances of tragic dramas. These last wereespecially remarkable, for the local kings of Cyprus acted as choragi, that is, supplied the chorus and paid all the expenses of putting thedrama upon the stage, just as is done every year at Athens by therepresentatives of the tribes, and they exhibited wonderful emulation, desiring to outdo each other in the splendour of their shows. Thecontest between Nikokreon, King of Salamis, and Pasikrates, King ofSoli, is especially memorable. These two had obtained by lot the twomost celebrated actors of the day, who were named Athenodorus andThessalus, to act in their plays. Of these, Athenodorus was assignedto Nikokreon, and Thessalus, in whose success Alexander himself waspersonally interested, to Pasikrates. Alexander, however, neverallowed any word to escape him denoting his preference for one overthe other until after the votes had been given, and Athenodorus hadbeen proclaimed the winner, when, as he was going home, he said thathe would willingly have given up a province of his kingdom to saveThessalus from being vanquished. As Athenodorus was fined by theAthenians for being absent from their Dionysian festival, in which heought to have taken part, he begged Alexander to write them a letterto excuse him. Alexander refused to do this, but paid his finehimself. And when Lykon, of Skarphia, an excellent actor who hadpleased Alexander well, inserted a verse into the comedy which he wasacting, in which he begged to be given ten talents, Alexander laughedand gave them to him. 

Darius now sent an embassy to Alexander, bearing a letter, in which heoffered to pay ten thousand talents as a ransom for his wife andchildren, and proposed that Alexander should receive all the territorywest of the Euphrates, and become his ally and son-in-law. Alexanderlaid this proposal before his friends, and when Parmenio said, "Ishould accept it, if I were Alexander. " "So would I, " repliedAlexander, "if I were Parmenio. " He wrote, however, a letter in answerto Darius, informing him that if he would come to him, and submithimself, he should be used with courtesy; but that if not, he shouldpresently march against him. 

XXX. Soon after this the wife of Darius died in child-bed, whichgreatly grieved Alexander, as he thereby lost a great opportunity ofdisplaying his magnanimity: nevertheless he granted her a magnificentfuneral. We are told that one of the eunuchs attached to the royalharem, named Teireus, who had been captured with the ladies, made hisescape shortly after the queen's death, rode straight to Darius, andinformed him of what had happened. Darius, at this, beat his face andwept aloud, saying, "Alas for the fortune of Persia! that the wife andsister of the king should not only have been taken captive while shelived, but also have been buried unworthily of her rank when shedied. " To this the eunuch answered, "You have no cause to lament theevil fortune of Persia on account of your wife's burial, or of anywant of due respect to her. Our lady Statira, your children, and yourmother, when alive wanted for nothing except the light of yourcountenance, which our lord Oromasdes will some day restore to them, nor was she treated without honour when she died, for her funeral waseven graced by the tears of her enemies. Alexander is as gracious aconqueror as he is a terrible enemy. "

These words roused other suspicions in the mind of Darius: and, leading the eunuch into an inner chamber in his tent, he said to him, "If you have not, like the good luck of Persia, gone over to Alexanderand the Macedonians, and if I am still your master Darius, tell me, Iconjure you by the name of great Mithras our lord, and by the righthand of a king, which I give thee, do I lament over the least ofStatira's misfortunes when I weep for her death, and did she not inher life make us more miserable by her dishonour, than if she hadfallen into the hands of a cruel enemy? For what honest communicationcan a young conqueror have with the wife of his enemy, and what can bethe meaning of his showing such excessive honour to her after herdeath?" While Darius was yet speaking, Teireus threw himself at hisfeet, and besought him to be silent, and not to dishonour Alexanderand his dead wife and sister by such suspicions, nor yet to take awayfrom himself that thought which ought to be his greatest consolationin his misfortunes, which was that he had been conquered by one whowas more than man. Rather ought he to admire Alexander, whosehonourable treatment of the Persian women proved him to be evengreater than did his bravery in vanquishing their men. Those words theeunuch assured him, with many protestations and oaths, were perfectlytrue. Darius, when he heard this, came out of his tent to his friends, and, raising his hands to heaven, said, "Ye parent gods, who watchover the Persian throne, grant that I may again restore the fortune ofPersia to its former state, in order that I may have an opportunity ofrepaying Alexander in person the kindness which he has shown to thosewhom I hold dearest; but if indeed the fated hour has arrived, and thePersian empire is doomed to perish, may no other conqueror thanAlexander mount the throne of Cyrus. " The above is the account givenby most historians of what took place on this occasion. 

XXXI. Alexander, after conquering all the country on the higher bankof the Euphrates, marched to attack Darius, who was advancing to meethim with an army of a million fighting men. 

During this march, one of Alexander's friends told him as a joke, thatthe camp-followers had divided themselves into two bodies in sport, each of which was led by a general, the one called Alexander, and theother Darius; and that after beginning to skirmish with one another bythrowing clods of earth, they had come to blows of the fist, and hadat length become so excited that they fought with sticks and stones, and that it was hard to part them. On hearing this, Alexander orderedthe two leaders to fight in single combat: and he himself armed theone called Alexander, while Philotas armed the representative ofDarius. The whole army looked on, thinking that the result would beominous of their own success or failure. After a severe fight, the onecalled Alexander conquered, and was rewarded with twelve villages andthe right of wearing the Persian garb. This we are told byEratosthenes the historian. 

The decisive battle with Darius was fought at Gaugamela, not atArbela, as most writers tell us. It is said that this word signifies"the house of the camel, " and that one of the ancient Kings of Persia, whose life had been saved by the swiftness with which a camel bore himaway from his enemies, lodged the animal there for the rest of itslife, and assigned to it the revenues of several villages for itsmaintenance. 

During the month Bœdromion, at the beginning of the celebration of theEleusinian mysteries, there was an eclipse, of the moon: and on theeleventh day after the eclipse the two armies came within sight of oneanother. Darius kept his troops under arms, and inspected their ranksby torch-light, while Alexander allowed the Macedonians to take theirrest, but himself with the soothsayer Aristander performed somemystical ceremonies in front of his tent, and offered sacrifice toPhœbus. 

When Parmenio and the elder officers of Alexander saw the entire plainbetween Mount Niphates and the confines of Gordyene covered with thewatch fires of the Persians, and heard the vague, confused murmur oftheir army like the distant roar of the sea, they were astonished, andsaid to one another that it would indeed be a prodigious effort tofight such a mass of enemies by daylight in a pitched battle. 

As soon as Alexander had finished his sacrifice they went to him, andtried to persuade him to fall upon the Persians by night, as thedarkness would prevent his troops from seeing the overwhelming numbersof the enemy. It was then that he made that memorable answer, "I willnot steal a victory, " which some thought to show an over-boastfulspirit, which could jest in the presence of such fearful danger; whileothers thought that it showed a steady confidence and true knowledgeof what would happen on the morrow, and meant that he did not intendto give Darius, when vanquished, the consolation of attributing hisdefeat to the confusion of a night attack; for Darius had alreadyexplained his defeat at Issus to have been owing to the confinednature of the ground, and to his forces having been penned up betweenthe mountains and the sea. It was not any want of men or of armswhich would make Darius yield, when he had so vast a country and suchgreat resources at his disposal: it was necessary to make pride andhope alike die within him, by inflicting upon him a crushing defeat ina fair field and in open daylight. 

XXXII. After his officers had retired, Alexander retired to his tentand is said to have slept more soundly than was his wont, whichsurprised the generals who came to wait upon him early in the morning. On their own responsibility they gave orders to the soldiers toprepare their breakfast; and then, as time pressed, Parmenio enteredhis tent, and standing by his bed-side, twice or thrice called himloudly by name. When he was awake, Parmenio asked him why he slept sosoundly, as if he had already won the victory instead of being justabout to fight the most important of all his battles. Alexanderanswered with a smile; "Do you not think we have already won thevictory, now that we are no longer obliged to chase Darius over anenormous tract of wasted country?"

Alexander both before the battle, and in the most dangerous crisis ofthe day proved himself truly great, always taking judicious measures, with a cheerful confidence of success. His left wing was terriblyshaken by a tumultuous charge of the Bactrian cavalry, who broke intothe ranks of the Macedonians, while Mazæus sent some horsemencompletely round the left wing, who fell upon the troops left to guardthe baggage. Parmenio, finding his men thrown into confusion by theseattacks, sent a message to Alexander, that his fortified camp andbaggage would be lost, if he did not at once despatch a strongreinforcement to the rear. At the time when Alexander received thismessage, he was in the act of giving his own troops orders to attack, and he answered that Parmenio must, in his confusion, have forgottenthat the victors win all the property of the vanquished, and that menwho are defeated must not think about treasure or prisoners, but howto fight and die with honour. After sending back this answer toParmenio, he put on his helmet; for he had left his tent fully armedat all other points, wearing a tunic of Sicilian manufacture closelygirt round his waist, and over that a double-woven linen corslet, which had been among the spoils taken at Issus. His helmet was ofsteel, polished as bright as silver, and was wrought by Theophilus, while round his neck he wore a steel gorget, inlaid with preciousstones. His sword, his favourite weapon, was a miracle of lightnessand tempering, and had been presented to him by the King of Kitium inCyprus. The cloak which hung from his shoulders was by far the mostgorgeous of all his garments, and was the work of the ancient artistHelikon, [410] presented to Alexander by the city of Rhodes, and wasworn by him in all his battles. While he was arraying his troops inorder of battle, and giving final directions to his officers, he rodeanother horse to spare Boukephalus, who was now somewhat old. As soonas he was ready to begin the attack, he mounted Boukephalus and led onhis army. 

XXXIII. Upon this occasion, after addressing the Thessalians and otherGreek troops at considerable length, as they confidently shouted tohim to lead them against the barbarians, we are told by Kallisthenesthat he shifted his lance into his left hand, and raising his righthand to heaven, prayed to the gods that, if he really were the son ofZeus, they would assist and encourage the Greeks. The prophetAristander, who rode by his side, dressed in a white robe, and with acrown of gold upon his head, now pointed out to him an eagle whichrose over his head and directed its flight straight towards the enemy. This so greatly encouraged all who beheld it, that all the cavalry ofAlexander's army at once set spurs to their horses and dashedforwards, followed by the phalanx. Before the first of them came toactual blows, the Persian line gave way, and terrible confusion tookplace, as Alexander drove the beaten troops before him, struggling tofight his way to the centre, where was Darius himself. 

Alexander had already noted the conspicuous figure of this tall, handsome prince, as he stood in his lofty chariot, surrounded by theroyal body guard, a glittering mass of well-armed horsemen, behind thedeep ranks of the Persian army. The onslaught of Alexander was soterrific that none could withstand him, and those whom he drove beforehim, in headlong flight, disordered the ranks which were yet unbroken, and caused a general rout. Yet the noblest and bravest of the Persiansfought and died manfully in defence of their king, and, even whenlying on the ground at their last gasp, seized the men and horses bythe legs to prevent their pursuing him. Darius himself, seeing allthese frightful disasters, when his first line was hurled back inruin, would fain have turned his chariot and fled, but this wasdifficult, for the wheels were encumbered by the heaps of corpses, andthe horses were so excited and restive that the charioteer was unableto manage them. Darius, we are told, left his chariot and his arms, mounted a mare which had recently foaled, and rode away. He would nothave escaped even thus, had not mounted messengers just then arrivedfrom Parmenio, begging Alexander to come to his aid, as he was engagedwith a large body of the enemy upon which he could make no impression. Indeed, throughout this battle, Parmenio is said to have displayedgreat remissness and self-will, either because his courage was dampedby age, or because, as we are told by Kallisthenes, he enviedAlexander's greatness and prosperity. Alexander was much vexed at themessage, but without explaining to the soldiers what his real reasonswere, ordered the trumpets to sound the recall, as though he weretired of slaughter, or because night was now coming on. He himself atonce rode to the scene of danger, but on his way thither heard thatthe enemy had been completely defeated and put to flight. 

XXXIV. The result of this battle was the complete destruction of thePersian empire. Alexander was at once saluted King of Asia, and aftera splendid sacrifice to the gods, distributed the treasures andprovinces of that country among his friends. In the pride of his hearthe now wrote to Greece, saying that all the despots must be drivenout, and each city left independent with a constitutional government, and gave orders for the rebuilding of the city of Platæa, because theancestors of the citizens of Platæa gave their territory to beconsecrated to the gods on behalf of the liberties of Greece. He alsosent some part of the spoils to the citizens of Kroton, in Italy, toshow his respect for the memory of Phaÿllus the athlete, who, duringthe Persian invasion, when all the other Greek cities in Italydeserted the cause of their countrymen in Greece, fitted out a ship ofwar at his own expense, and sailed to Salamis to take part in thebattle there, and share in the dangers of the Greeks. Such honour didAlexander pay to personal prowess, for he loved to reward and tocommemorate noble deeds. 

XXXV. Alexander now marched into the country of Babylonia, which atonce yielded to him. As he drew near to Ekbatana he marvelled much atan opening in the earth, out of which poured fire, as if from a well. Close by, the naphtha which was poured out formed a large lake. Thissubstance is like bitumen, and is so easy to set on fire, that withouttouching it with any flame, it will catch light from the rays whichare sent forth from a fire, burning the air which is between both. Thenatives, in order to show Alexander the qualities of naphtha, lightlysprinkled with it the street which led to his quarters, and when itbecame dark applied a match to one end of the track which had beensprinkled with it. As soon as it was alight in one place, the fire ranall along, and as quick as thought the whole street was in flames. Atthis time Alexander was in his bath, and was waited upon by Stephanus, a hard-favoured page-boy, who had, however, a fine voice. Athenophanes, an Athenian, who always anointed and bathed KingAlexander, now asked him if he would like to see the power of thenaphtha tried upon Stephanus, saying that if it burned upon his bodyand did not go out, the force of it must indeed be marvellous. The boyhimself was eager to make the trial, and was anointed with it and seton fire. He was at once enveloped in flame, and Alexander wasterrified for him, fearing that he would be burned to death. Indeed, had it not chanced that several attendants with pitchers of water intheir hands had just arrived, all help would have been too late. Theypoured water over the boy and extinguished the flames, but not beforehe had been badly burned, so that he was ill for some time after. Somewriters, who are eager to prove the truth of ancient legends, saythat this naphtha was truly the deadly drug used by Medea, with whichshe anointed the crown and robe spoken of in the tragedies: for flamecould not be produced by them, nor of its own accord, but if fire werebrought near to clothes steeped in naphtha they would at once burstinto flame. The reason of this is that the rays which fire sends forthfall harmlessly upon all other bodies, merely imparting to them lightand heat; but when they meet with such as have an oily, dry humour, and thereby have a sympathy with the nature of fire, they easily causethem to catch fire. It is a disputed question, however, how thenaphtha is produced, though most writers conceive its combustibleprinciple to be supplied by the greasy and fiery nature of the soil;for all the district of Babylonia is fiery hot, so that often barleyis cast up out of the ground in which it is sown, as if the earththrobbed and vibrated with the heat, and during the hottest part ofsummer the inhabitants are wont to sleep upon leathern bags filledwith water for the sake of coolness. Harpalus, who was appointedgovernor of the district, took an especial delight in adorning thepalace and the public walks with Greek flowers and shrubs; butalthough he found no difficulty with most of them, he was unable toinduce ivy to grow, because ivy loves a cold soil, and the earth thereis too hot for it. These digressions, provided they be not toolengthy, we hope will not be thought tedious by our readers. 

XXXVI. When Alexander made himself master of Susa, he found in thepalace forty thousand talents worth of coined money, besides animmense mass of other valuable treasure. Here we are told was foundfive thousand talents weight of cloth dyed with Hermionic[411] purplecloth, which had been stored up there for a space of two hundred yearssave ten, and which nevertheless still kept its colour as brilliantlyas ever. The reason of this is said to be that honey was originallyused in dyeing the cloth purple, and white olive oil for such of it aswas dyed-white: for cloth of these two colours will preserve itslustre without fading for an equal period of time. Demon also informsus that amongst other things the Kings of Persia had water broughtfrom the Nile and the Danube, and laid up in their treasury, as aconfirmation of the greatness of their empire, and to prove that theywere lords of all the world. 

XXXVII. As the district of Persis[412] was very hard to invade, bothbecause of its being mountainous, and because it was defended by thenoblest of the Persians (for Darius had fled thither for refuge), Alexander forced his way into it by a circuitous path, which was shownhim by a native of the country, the son of a Lykian captive, by aPersian mother, who was able to speak both the Greek and the Persianlanguage. It is said that while Alexander was yet a child, theprophetess at the temple of Apollo at Delphi foretold that a wolf[413]should some day serve him for a guide when he went to attack thePersians. When Persis was taken, a terrible slaughter was made of allthe prisoners. A letter written by Alexander himself is still extant, in which he orders that they should all be put to the sword, thinkingthis to be the safest course. He is said to have found as much coinedmoney here[414] as in Susa, and so much other treasure that itrequired ten thousand carts, each drawn by a pair of mules, and fivethousand camels, to carry it away. 

Alexander, observing a large statue of Xerxes which had been throwndown and was being carelessly trampled upon by the soldiers as theypressed into the royal palace, stopped, and addressed it as though itwere alive. "Shall we, " said he, "leave thee lying there, because ofthy invasion of Greece, or shall we set thee up again because of thymagnificence and greatness of soul?" He then stood musing for a longtime, till at length he roused himself from his reverie and went hisway. Being desirous of giving his soldiers some rest, as it was nowwinter, he remained in that country for four months. It is relatedthat when he first took his seat upon the royal throne of Persia, under the golden canopy, Demaratus, an old friend and companion ofAlexander, burst into tears, and exclaimed that the Greeks who haddied before that day had lost the greatest of pleasures, because theyhad not seen Alexander seated on the throne of Darius. 

XXXVIII. After this, while he was engaged in preparing to march inpursuit of Darius, he chanced to be present at a banquet where hisfriends had brought their mistresses. Of these ladies the chief wasthe celebrated Thais, who afterwards became the mistress of KingPtolemy of Egypt, and who was of Attic parentage. 

She at first amused Alexander by her conversation, then adroitlyflattered him, and at last, after he had been drinking for some time, began to speak in a lofty strain of patriotism which scarcely becamesuch a person. She declared, that she was fully repaid for all thehardships which she had undergone while travelling through Asia withthe army, now that she was able to revel in the palace of the haughtyKings of Persia; but that it would be yet sweeter to her to burn thehouse of Xerxes, who burned her native Athens, and to apply the torchwith her own hand in the presence of Alexander, that it might be toldamong men that a woman who followed Alexander's camp had taken a morenoble revenge upon the Persians for the wrongs of Greece, than all theadmirals and generals of former times had been able to do. This speechof hers was enthusiastically applauded, and all Alexander's friendspressed him to execute the design. Alexander leaped from his seat, andled the way, with a garland upon his head and a torch in his hand. Therest of the revellers followed, and surrounded the palace, while theremainder of the Macedonians, hearing what was going on, brought themtorches. They did so the more readily because they thought that thedestruction of the palace indicated an intention on Alexander's partto return home, and not to remain in Persia. Some historians say thatthis was how he came to burn the palace, while others say that he didit after mature deliberation: but all agree that he repented of whathe had done, and gave orders to have the fire extinguished. 

XXXIX. His liberality and love of making presents increased with hisconquests: and his gifts were always bestowed in so gracious a manneras to double their value. I will now mention a few instances of this. Ariston, the leader of the Pæonians, having slain an enemy, broughthis head and showed it to Alexander, saying, "O king, in my countrysuch a present as this is always rewarded with a gold cup. " Alexandersmiled, and said, "Yes, with an empty cup: but I pledge you in thisgold cup, full of good wine, and give you the cup besides. " One of thecommon Macedonian soldiers was driving a mule laden with goldbelonging to Alexander; but as the animal became too weary to carryit, he unloaded it, and carried the gold himself. When Alexander sawhim toiling under his burden, and learned his story, he said, "Be notweary yet, but carry it a little way farther, as far as your own tent;for I give it to you. " He seemed to be more vexed with those who didnot ask him for presents than with those who did so. He wrote a letterto Phokion, in which he declared that he would not any longer remainhis friend, if Phokion refused all his presents. Serapion, a boy whoserved the ball to the players at tennis, had been given nothing byAlexander because he had never asked for anything. One day whenSerapion was throwing the ball to the players as usual, he omitted todo so to the king, and when Alexander asked why he did not give himthe ball, answered "You do not ask me for it. " At this, Alexanderlaughed and gave him many presents. Once he appeared to be seriouslyangry with one Proteus, a professed jester. The man's friendsinterceded for him, and he himself begged for pardon with tears in hiseyes, until Alexander said that he forgave him. "My king, " said he"will you not give me something by way of earnest, to assure me that Iam in your favour. " Upon this the king at once ordered him to be givenfive talents. The amount of money which he bestowed upon his friendsand his body guard appears from a letter which his mother Olympiaswrote to him, in which she said, "It is right to benefit your friendsand to show your esteem for them; but you are making them all as greatas kings, so that they get many friends, and leave you alone withoutany. " Olympias often wrote to him to this effect, but he kept all herletters secret, except one which Hephæstion, who was accustomed toread Alexander's letters, opened and read. Alexander did not preventhim, but took his own ring from his finger, and pressed the seal uponHephæstion's mouth. The son of Mazæus, who had been the chief man inthe kingdom under Darius, was governor of a province, and Alexanderadded another larger one to it. The young nobleman refused to acceptthe gift, and said, "My king, formerly there was only one Darius, butyou now have made many Alexanders. "

He presented Parmenio with the house of Bagoas, in which it is saidthat property worth a thousand talents was found which had belonged tothe people of Susa. He also sent word to Antipater, warning him tokeep a guard always about his person, as a plot had been formedagainst his life. He sent many presents to his mother, but forbade herto interfere with the management of the kingdom. When she stormed atthis decision of his, he patiently endured her anger; and once whenAntipater wrote a long letter to him full of abuse of Olympias, heobserved, after reading it, that Antipater did not know that one tearof his mother's eye would outweigh ten thousand such letters. 

XL. Alexander now observed that his friends were living in greatluxury and extravagance; as for instance, Hagnon of Teos had his shoesfastened with silver nails; Leonnatus took about with him many camels, laden with dust, [415] from Egypt, to sprinkle his body with when hewrestled; Philotas had more than twelve miles of nets for hunting; andthat all of them used richly perfumed unguents to anoint themselveswith instead of plain oil, and were attended by a host of bathmen andchamberlains. He gently reproved them for this, saying that he wassurprised that men who had fought so often and in such great battles, did not remember that the victors always sleep more sweetly than thevanquished, and that they did not perceive, when they imitated theluxury of the Persians, that indulgence is for slaves, but labour forprinces. "How, " he asked, "can a man attend to his horse, or cleanhis own lance and helmet, if he disdains to rub his own precious bodywith his hands? And do you not know, that our career of conquest willcome to an end on the day when we learn to live like those whom wehave vanquished?" He himself, by way of setting an example, nowexposed himself to greater fatigues and hardships than ever in hiscampaigns and hunting expeditions, so that old Lakon, who was with himwhen he slew a great lion, said, "Alexander, you fought well with thelion for his kingdom. " This hunting scene was afterwards representedby Kraterus at Delphi. He had figures made in bronze of Alexander andthe hounds fighting with the lion, and of himself running to help him. Some of the figures were executed by the sculptor Lysippus, and someby Leochares. 

XLI. Thus did Alexander risk his life in the vain endeavour to teachhis friends to live with simplicity and hardihood; but they, now thatthey had become rich and important personages, desired to enjoythemselves, and no longer cared for long marches and hard campaigns, so that at last they began to murmur against him, and speak ill ofhim. He bore this with great gentleness at first, saying that it wasthe part of a king to do his subjects good and to be ill-spoken of bythem in return. Indeed, he used to take advantage of the most triflingincidents to show the esteem he had for his intimate friends, of whichI will now give a few examples. 

Peukestas once was bitten by a bear, while hunting. He wrote and toldhis friends of his mishap, but kept it secret from Alexander. He, whenhe heard of it, wrote to Peukestas, blaming him for having concealedhis hurt. "But now, " he writes, "let me know how you are, and tell meif those who were hunting the bear with you deserted you, that I maypunish them. " When Hephæstion was absent on some business, he wrote tohim to say that Kraterus had been struck in the thighs withPerdikkas's spear, while they were amusing themselves by baiting anichneumon. 

When Peukestas recovered from some illness, he wrote to the physicianAlexippus, congratulating him on the cure which he had effected. WhenKraterus was ill, Alexander had a dream about him, in consequence ofwhich he offered sacrifice to certain gods, and bade him alsosacrifice to them: and when Pausanias the physician wished to giveKraterus a draught of hellebore, Alexander wrote to him, advising himto take the drug, but expressing the greatest anxiety about theresult. 

He imprisoned Ephialtes and Kissus, who were the first to bring himthe news that Harpalus had absconded, because he thought that theywrongfully accused him. 

When he was on the point of sending home all his invalided andsuperannuated soldiers, Eurylochus of Ægæ was found to have placed hisname upon the list, although he was in perfect health. Whenquestioned, he confessed that he was in love with a lady namedTelesippa, who was returning to the sea-coast, and that he had actedthus in order to be able to follow her. Alexander on hearing this, enquired who this lady was. Being told that she was a free-born Greekcourtezan, he answered, "I sympathise with your affection, Eurylochus;but since Telesippa is a free-born woman, let us try if we cannot, either by presents or arguments, persuade her to remain with us. "

XLII. It is wonderful how many letters and about what trifling mattershe found time to write to his friends. For instance, he sent a letterto Kilikia ordering search to be made for a slave boy belonging toSeleukus, who had run away, and praising Peukestas because he hadcaptured Nikon, the runaway slave of Kraterus. He wrote also toMegabazus about a slave who had taken sanctuary in a temple, orderinghim to catch him when outside of the temple, if possible, but not tolay hands on him within its precincts. 

We are told that when he was sitting as judge to hear men tried fortheir lives, he was wont to close one ear with his hand, while theprosecutor was speaking, in order that he might keep it unbiassed andimpartial to listen to what the accused had to say in his defence. Butlater in his life, so many persons were accused before him, and somany of them truly, that his temper became soured and he inclined tobelieve them to be all alike guilty. And he was especiallytransported with rage, and made completely pitiless if any one spokeill of him, for he valued his reputation more than his life or hiscrown. 

He now set out again in pursuit of Darius, with the intention offighting another battle with him: but on hearing that Darius had beentaken by the satrap Bessus, he dismissed all his Thessalian cavalryand sent them home, giving them a largess of two thousand talents overand above the pay which was due to them. He now set out on a long andtoilsome journey in pursuit of Darius, for in eleven days he rode morethan five hundred miles, so that his men were terribly distressed, especially by want of water. One day he met some Macedonians who werecarrying water from a river in skins on the backs of mules. SeeingAlexander faint with thirst, as it was the hottest time of the day, they quickly filled a helmet with water and gave it to him to drink. He asked them to whom they were carrying the water, to which theyanswered, "To our own sons; but provided that you live, even if theyshould die, we can beget other children. " On hearing this he took thehelmet into his hands; but seeing all the horsemen around him eagerlywatching him and coveting the water, he gave it back without tastingit. He thanked the men for offering it to him, but said, "If I alonedrink it, all these soldiers will be discontented. " The soldiers, whenthey saw the noble courage and self-denial of Alexander, bade him leadthem on boldly, and urged forward their horses, saying that they feltneither hunger nor thirst, and did not think themselves to be mortalmen, so long as they had such a king as Alexander to lead them. 

XLIII. The whole of his army was equally enthusiastic; yet thefatigues of the march were so great, that when Alexander burst intothe enemy's camp, only sixty men are said to have followed him. Herethey passed over great heaps of gold and silver, and pursued a longline of waggons, full of women and children, which were proceedingalong without any drivers, until they had reached the foremost ofthem, because they imagined that Darius might be hidden in them. Atlast he was found, lying in his chariot, pierced with innumerablejavelins, and just breathing his last. He was able to ask for drink, and when given some cold water by Polystratus, he said to him, "Mygood sir, this is the worst of all my misfortunes that I am unable torecompense you for your kindness to me; but Alexander will reward you, and the gods will reward Alexander for his courteous treatment of mymother and wife and daughters. Wherefore I pray thee, embrace him, asI embrace thee. " With these words he took Polystratus by the hand anddied. When Alexander came up, he showed great grief at the sight, andcovered the body with his own cloak. He afterwards captured Bessus andtore him asunder, by bending down the tops of trees and tyingdifferent parts of his body to each, and then letting them spring upagain so that each tore off the limb to which it was attached. Alexander now had the corpse of Darius adorned as became a prince, andsent it to his mother, while he received his brother Exathres into thenumber of his intimate friends. 

XLIV. He himself, with a few picked troops, now invaded Hyrkania, where he discovered an arm of the sea, which appeared to be as largeas the Euxine, or Black Sea, but not so salt. He was unable to obtainany certain information about it, but conjectured it to be a branch ofthe Mæotic lake. [416] Yet geographers, many years before Alexander, knew well that this, which is entitled the Hyrkanian or Caspian Sea, is the northernmost of four gulfs proceeding from the exterior ocean. Here some of the natives surprised the grooms in charge of his horseBoukephalus, and captured the animal. Alexander was much distressed atthis, and sent a herald to make proclamation that unless his horsewere restored to him, he would massacre the whole tribe with theirwives and children. When, however, they brought back his horse, andoffered to place their chief cities in his hands as a pledge for theirgood behaviour, he treated them all with kindness, and paid a ransomfor the horse to those who had captured it. 

XLV. From hence he passed into Parthia, where, being at leisure, hefirst began to wear the Persian dress, either because he thought thathe should more easily win the hearts of the natives by conforming totheir fashion, or else in order to try the obedience of his Macedoniansoldiers and see whether they might not, by degrees, be brought to payhim the same respect and observance which the kings of Persia used toexact from their subjects. He did not, however, completely adopt thePersian costume, which would have been utterly repugnant to Grecianideas, and wore neither the trousers, the coat with long sleeves, northe tiara, but his dress, though less simple than the Macedonian, wasstill far from being so magnificent or so effeminate as that of thePersians. He at first only wore this dress when giving audiences tothe natives of the country, or when alone with his more intimatefriends, but afterwards he frequently both drove out publicly andtransacted business in the Persian dress. The sight greatly offendedthe Macedonians, but yet they were so filled with admiration for hiscourage, that they felt he must be indulged in his fancies aboutdress; for besides all his other honourable wounds, he had only ashort time before this been struck by an arrow in the calf of his leg, so that splinters of the bone came out, and also received such a blowupon his neck from a stone, that his eyesight was affected for aconsiderable time afterwards. Yet he did not cease to expose himselfto danger, but crossed the river Orexartes, which he himself thoughtto be the Tanais or Don, and, although suffering from an attack ofdysentery, defeated the Scythians and chased them for many miles. 

XLVI. Most historians, amongst whom are Kleitarchus, Polykleitus, Onesikritus, Antigenes, and Istrus, say that while in this country hemet an Amazon: while Aristobulus, Chares the court-usher, Ptolemy, Antikleides, Philon of Thebes, and Philippus the herald of festivals, besides Hekatæus of Eretria, Philip of Chalkis, and Douris of Samos, say that this is a mere fiction. And this opinion seems to becorroborated by Alexander himself: for he wrote to Antipater an exactaccount of his Scythian campaign, and mentioned that the King of theScythians offered him his daughter in marriage, but says nothing aboutAmazons. It is said that many years afterwards, when Lysimachus hadmade himself king, Onesikritus was reading aloud to him the fourthbook of his History of Alexander, in which mention is made of theAmazon. Lysimachus asked him with a quiet smile, "And where was I allthe time?" However, Alexander's fame is not impaired if we disbelievethis story, nor is it increased if we regard it as true. 

XLVII. As he feared that the Macedonians would refuse to follow himany farther, he allowed the great mass of his army to repose itself, and advanced through Hyrkania with a force of twenty thousand infantryand three thousand cavalry, all picked men. In a speech addressed tothese select regiments, he declared that the natives of Asia had onlyseen them hitherto as if in a dream; and that, if they merely threwthe whole country into disorder and then retired from it, the Asiaticswould attack them as boldly as if they were so many women. Yet hesaid, that he permitted those who desired it to leave his service andreturn home, merely protesting against being left, with only hispersonal friends and a few volunteers, to carry on the nobleenterprise of making Macedonia mistress of the whole world. These arealmost the exact words which he uses in a letter to Antipater, and hefurther says that when he had spoken thus, the soldiers burst into auniversal shout, bidding him lead them whithersoever he would. Afterthis experiment had succeeded with the select troops, it was nodifficult matter to induce the remainder to follow him, but they camealmost of their own accord. He now began to imitate the Asiatic habitsmore closely, and endeavoured to assimilate the Macedonian and Asiaticcustoms and manners, hoping that by this means his empire, during hisabsence, would rest upon a foundation of good will rather than offorce. To further this object he selected thirty thousand nativeyouths, whom he ordered to be taught to speak the Greek language andto use the same arms as the Macedonians; and appointed a numerous bodyof instructors for them. His marriage with Roxana was due to a genuinepassion, for he was struck by her great beauty when he saw her dancein a chorus after a feast, but nevertheless the alliance was a verypolitic one; for the natives were pleased to see him take a wife fromamong themselves, and were charmed with the courteous and honourableconduct of Alexander, who, although Roxana was the only woman whom hehad ever loved, yet would not approach her until he was lawfullymarried to her. 

As Alexander perceived that, among his most intimate friends, Hephæstion encouraged him and furthered his designs, while Kraterussteadfastly adhered to the Macedonian customs, he made use of thelatter in all transactions with Asiatics, and of the former whendealing with Greeks and Macedonians. He loved Hephæstion, andrespected Kraterus above all the rest of his friends, and was wont tosay that Hephæstion loved Alexander, but that Kraterus loved the king. His favour caused constant jealousies between them, so that once inIndia they actually drew their swords and fought with one another. Their friends began to take part in the quarrel on either side, whenAlexander rode up, and bitterly reproached Hephæstion before them all, saying that he must be a fool and a madman if he did not see, thatwithout Alexander's favour he would be nobody. Privately also hesharply rebuked Kraterus; and calling them both before him, made thembe friends again, swearing by Zeus Ammon, and all the gods, that theywere the two men whom he loved best in the world; but that if he heardof any more quarrelling between them he would put them both to death, or at least him who began the quarrel. In consequence of this, it issaid that there never again, even in sport, was any dispute betweenthem. 

XLVIII. Philotas, the son of Parmenio, was a man of much importanceamong the Macedonians; for he was courageous and hardy, and the mostliberal man, and the most devoted to his friends in all the armyexcept Alexander himself. We are told of him that once a friend of hiscame to him to borrow money, and he at once commanded one of hisservants to let him have it. His purse-bearer answered that he had nomoney, upon which Philotas exclaimed, "What! Have I no plate orfurniture upon which you can raise money for my friend?"

His lofty carriage, his immense wealth, and the splendour in which helived, caused him to appear too great for a private station, whilehis pride and vulgar ostentation made him generally disliked. His ownfather, Parmenio, once said to him: "My son, I pray you show a littlemore humility. " He had long been an object of suspicion to Alexander, who was kept constantly informed about him by the followingmeans:--After the battle of Issus, when the baggage of Darius wascaptured at Damascus, there was taken among the captives a beautifulGreek girl, named Antigone. She fell to the lot of Philotas, andbecame his mistress; and the young man, who was much enamoured of her, used to boast to her over his wine that all the conquests of theMacedonians were really due to the prowess of his father and himself, and that Alexander was merely a foolish boy, who owed his crown andhis empire to their exertions. Antigone repeated these expressions toone of her friends, who, as was natural, did not keep them secret, sothat at last they reached the ears of Kraterus. Kraterus privatelyintroduced the woman to Alexander; and he, after he had heard herrepeat what she had been told, ordered her to take secret note of theconfidential expressions of Philotas, and to report them, from time totime, to himself. 

XLIX. Philotas had no idea that he was being spied upon in thismanner, and in his conversation with Antigone frequently spokeinsolently and slightingly of his sovereign. Alexander, although hehad accumulated terrible proofs of treason against Philotas, nevertheless remained silent, either because he felt assured of theloyalty of Parmenio, or because he feared to attack a man of suchpower and importance. At length, however, a Macedonian of Chalastra, named Simnus, formed a plot against Alexander's life, and invited ayoung man, named Nikomachus, his own intimate friend, to join him. Nikomachus refused compliance, and told the whole story of the plot tohis brother, Kebalinus, who at once had an interview with Philotas, and bade him bring them at once to Alexander, as persons who had amost important communication to make to him. Philotas, however, forsome reason or other, did not bring them before Alexander, but saidthat the king was not at leisure to hear them, as he was engaged inmore important business. This he repeated on a second occasion, andas his behaviour made the two brothers suspect his loyalty, theycommunicated with another officer, and by his means obtained anaudience. They now told Alexander about the design of Limnus, and alsosaid that Philotas had acted very luke-warmly in the matter, as theyhad twice told him that there was a plot against Alexander, and yet hehad, on each occasion, disregarded their warning. 

This greatly enraged Alexander: and as when Limnus was arrested hedefended himself desperately and was killed in the scuffle, he was yetmore disturbed, as he feared he had now lost all clue to the plot. Henow openly showed his displeasure with Philotas, and encouraged allhis enemies to say boldly that it was folly of the king to imaginethat an obscure man like Limnus would have ventured to form aconspiracy against his life, but that Limnus was merely a tool in thehands of some more powerful person; and that if he wished to discoverthe real authors of the plot, he must seek for them among those whowould have been most benefited by its success. Finding that the kinglent a ready ear to suggestions of this kind, they soon furnished himwith an overwhelming mass of evidence of the treasonable designs ofPhilotas. Philotas was at once arrested, and put to the torture in thepresence of the chief officers of the Macedonian army, while Alexanderhimself sat behind a curtain to hear what he would say. It is saidthat when Alexander heard Philotas piteously beg Hephæstion for mercy, he exclaimed aloud, "Are you such a coward as this, Philotas, and yetcontrive such daring plots?" To be brief, Philotas was put to death, and immediately afterwards Alexander sent to Media and caused Parmenioto be assassinated, although he was a man who had performed the mostimportant services for Philip, had, more than any other of the olderMacedonians, encouraged Alexander to invade Asia, and had seen two ofhis three sons die in battle before he perished with the third. Thiscruelty made many of the friends of Alexander fear him, and especiallyAntipater, [417] who now formed a secret league with the Ætolians, whoalso feared Alexander because when he heard of the destruction of thepeople of Œneadæ, he said that he himself, and not the sons of thepeople of Œneadæ, would be revenged upon the Ætolians. 

L. Not long after this followed the murder of Kleitus, which, ifsimply told, seems more cruel than that of Philotas; but if weconsider the circumstances under which it took place, and theprovocation which was given, we shall treat it rather as a misfortunewhich befel Alexander during a fit of drunken passion than as adeliberate act. It happened as follows. Some men came from thesea-coast, bringing Greek grapes as a present to Alexander. He admiredtheir bloom and ripeness, and invited Kleitus to see them, meaning topresent him with some of them. Kleitus was engaged in offeringsacrifice, but on receiving this summons left his sacrifice and wentto the king: upon which, three of the sheep which he was about tooffer up as victims, followed him. When Alexander heard of this, heconsulted his soothsayers, Aristander, and Kleomantes the Laconian. Asthey reported that this was an evil omen, he bade them at once offeran expiatory sacrifice on behalf of Kleitus; for he himself, threedays before, had dreamed a strange dream about Kleitus, that he hadseen him sitting dressed in black amongst the sons of Parmenio, whowere all of them dead. Before, however, the sacrifices on behalf ofKleitus had been performed, he came to the banquet, before whichAlexander himself had offered sacrifice to the Dioskuri. 

After all had drunk heavily, a song was sung which had been composedby one Pranichus, or Pierion according to some writers, in which thegenerals who had recently been defeated by the barbarians were held upto public shame and ridicule. The elder Macedonians were vexed atthis, and blamed both the writer of the song and the man who sung it, but Alexander and his associates were much pleased with it, and badethe singer go on. Kleitus, who was now very much excited by drink andwho was naturally of a fierce and independent temper, was especiallyannoyed, and said that it was not right for Macedonians to be thusinsulted in the presence of enemies and barbarians, for that, in spiteof their misfortune, they were far braver men than those who ridiculedthem. Alexander answered that Kleitus, when he called cowardice amisfortune, was no doubt pleading his own cause: at which reproachKleitus sprang to his feet, and exclaimed, "my cowardice at any ratesaved the life of the son of the gods, when he turned his back to thesword of Spithridates; so that now, by the blood and wounds of theMacedonians, you have become so great a man that you pretend to be thechild of Ammon, and disown your father Philip. "

LI. Alexander, stung to the quick by these words, said, "Villain, doyou suppose that you will be allowed to spread these calumnies againstme, rendering the Macedonians disaffected, and yet go unpunished?""Too much are we punished, " answered Kleitus, "when we see such areward as this given us for all our hard service, but we congratulatethose of us who are dead, because they died before they sawMacedonians beaten with Median rods, and begging Persian attendants toprocure them an audience of their king. " When Kleitus spoke his mindthus boldly, Alexander's intimate friends answered with bitterreproaches, but the older men endeavoured to pacify them. Alexandernow turning to Xenodochus of Kardia and Astenius of Kolophon, asked, "Do not the Greeks seem to you to treat the Macedonians as if theywere beasts, and they themselves were more than mortal men? "Kleitus, however, would not hold his peace, but went on to say that ifAlexander could not bear to hear men speak their mind, he had betternot invite free-born people to his table, and ought to confine himselfto the society of barbarians and slaves who would pay respect to hisPersian girdle and striped[418] tunic. At this speech Alexander couldno longer restrain his passion, but seized an apple from the table, hurled it at Kleitus, and began to feel for his dagger. Aristophanes, one of his body-guard, had already secreted it, and the rest nowpressed round him imploring him to be quiet. He however leaped to hisfeet, and, as if in a great emergency, ehouted in the Macedoniantongue to the foot-guards to turn out. He bade the trumpeter sound analarm, and as the man hesitated and refused, struck him with his fist. This man afterwards gained great credit for his conduct, as it wasthought that by it he had saved the whole camp from being thrown intoan uproar. As Kleitus would not retract what he had said, his friendsseized him and forced him out of the room. But he re-entered byanother door, and in an offensive and insolent tone began to recitethe passage from the Andromache of Euripides, which begins, "Ah me! in Greece an evil custom reigns, " &c. 

Upon this Alexander snatched a lance from one of his guards, and ranKleitus through the body with it, just as he was drawing aside thecurtain and preparing to enter the room. Kleitus fell with a loudgroan, and died on the spot. Alexander, when he came to himself, andsaw his friends all standing round in mute reproach, snatched thespear out of the corpse, and would have thrust it into his own neck, but was forcibly witheld by his guards, who laid hold of him andcarried him into his bed-chamber. 

LII. Alexander spent the whole night in tears, and on the next day wasso exhausted by his agony of grief as to be speechless, and only ableto sigh heavily. At length his friends, alarmed at his silence, brokeinto the room. He took no notice of any of their attempts atconsolation, except that he seemed to make signs of assent whenAristander the soothsayer told him that all this had been preordainedto take place, and reminded him of his dream about Kleitus. Hisfriends now brought to him Kallisthenes the philosopher, who was anephew of Aristotle, and Anaxarchus of Abdera. Kallisthenesendeavoured to soothe his grief, by kind and gentle consolation, butAnaxarchus, a man who had always pursued an original method of his ownin philosophical speculations, and who was thought to be overbearingand harsh-tempered by his friends, as soon as he entered the roomexclaimed, "This is that Great Alexander, upon whom the eyes of theworld are fixed: there he lies like a slave, fearing what men will sayof him, although he ought rather to dictate to them what they shouldthink right, as becomes the master of the world, and not to beinfluenced by their foolish opinions. Know you not, " asked he "thatLaw and Justice sit beside the throne of Zeus, and make everythingwhich is done by those in power to be lawful and right?" By suchdiscourse as this Anaxarchus assuaged Alexander's sorrow, butencouraged his savage and lawless disposition. He gained great favourfor himself, and was able to influence Alexander against Kallisthenes, who was already no favourite with him on account of his upright, uncompromising spirit. It is related that once at table, when theconversation turned upon the seasons, and upon the climate of Asia, Kallisthenes argued that it was colder in the country where they werethan in Greece; and when Anaxarchus vehemently contradicted this, hesaid, "Why, you must admit that this country is the colder of the two;for in Greece you used to wear only one cloak all through the winter, whereas here you sit down to dinner wrapped in three Persian rugs. "This reply made Anaxarchus more his enemy than before. 

LIII. Kallisthenes made all the sophists and flatterers of Alexanderjealous of him because he was much sought after by the young men forhis learning, and was liked by the elder men on account of his sober, dignified, and austere life, which confirmed the common report, thathe had come to the court of Alexander with the intention of prevailingupon him to refound his native city, and collect together itsscattered citizens. His high moral character gained him many enemies, but he himself gave some colour to their accusations by his conduct inconstantly refusing all invitations, and by behaving himself withgravity and silence when in society, as if he were displeased with hiscompany. His manner had caused Alexander himself to say of him, "Ihate a philosopher who is not wise in his own interest. " It is relatedthat once at a great banquet, when sitting over their wine, Kallisthenes was asked to speak in praise of the Macedonians, and thathe at once poured forth such a fluent and splendid eulogy that all thecompany rose, vehemently applauding, and threw their garlands to him. At this Alexander remarked that, as Euripides says, "On noble subjects, all men can speak well. "

"Now, " said he, "show us your ability by blaming the Macedonians, inorder that they may be made better men by having their shortcomingspointed out. " Kallisthenes hereupon began to speak in a depreciatorystrain, and told many home-truths about the Macedonians, pointing outthat Philip had become strong only because Greece was weakened byfaction, and quoting the line, "In times of trouble, bad men rise to fame. "

This speech caused the Macedonians to hate him most bitterly, andprovoked Alexander to say that Kallisthenes had made a display, not ofhis own abilities, but of his dislike to the Macedonians. 

LIV. This is the account which Strœbus, Kallisthenes's reader, is saidby Hermippus to have given to Aristotle about the quarrel betweenKallisthenes and Alexander; and he added that Kallisthenes was wellaware that he was out of favour with the king, and twice or thricewhen setting out to wait on him would repeat the line from the Iliad, "Patroklus, too, hath died, a better man than thou. "

On hearing this Aristotle acutely remarked, that Kallisthenes hadgreat ability and power of speech, but no common sense. He, like atrue philosopher, refused to kneel and do homage to Alexander, andalone had the spirit to express in public what all the oldest and bestMacedonians privately felt. By his refusal he relieved the Greeks andAlexander from a great disgrace, but ruined himself, because he seemedto use force rather than persuasion to attain his object. We are toldby Charon of Mitylene that once when at table, Alexander, afterdrinking, passed the cup to one of his friends; and that he afterreceiving it, rose, stood by the hearth, and after drinking kneltbefore Alexander: after which he kissed him and resumed his seat. Allthe guests did this in turn until the cup came to Kallisthenes. Theking, who was conversing to Hephæstion, did not take any notice ofwhat he did, and after drinking he also came forward to kiss him, whenDemetrius, who was surnamed Pheidon, said, "My king, do not kiss him, for he alone has not done homage to you. " Upon this Alexander avoidedkissing Kallisthenes, who said in a loud voice, "Then I will go awaywith the loss of a kiss. "

LV. The breach thus formed was widened by Hephæstion, who declaredthat Kallisthenes had agreed with him to kneel before Alexander, andthen had broken his compact; and this story was believed by Alexander. After this came Lysimachus and Hagnon, and many others, who accusedKallisthenes of giving himself great airs, as though he were a quellerof despots, and said that he had a large following among the youngermen, who looked up to him as being the only free man among so manymyriads of people. These accusations were more easily believed to betrue because at this time the plot of Hermolaus was discovered; and itwas said that when Hermolaus enquired of Kallisthenes how one mightbecome the most famous man in the world, he answered, "By killing themost famous man in the world. " He was even said to have encouragedHermolaus to make the attempt, bidding him have no fear of Alexander'sgolden throne, and reminding him that he would have to deal with a manwho was both wounded and in ill-health. Yet none of those concerned inHermolaus's conspiracy mentioned the name of Kallisthenes, even underthe most exquisite tortures. Alexander himself, in the letters whichhe wrote to Kraterus, Attalus, and Alketas immediately after thediscovery of the plot, states that the royal pages, when put to thetorture, declared that they alone had conspired, and that they had noaccomplices. "The pages, " Alexander goes on to say, "were stoned todeath by the Macedonians, but I will myself punish the sophist, andthose who sent him hither, and those who receive into their cities menthat plot against me. " In these words he evidently alludes toAristotle: for Kallisthenes was brought up in his house, being the sonof Hero, Aristotle's first cousin. Some writers tell us thatKallisthenes was hanged by the orders of Alexander; others that he wasthrown into chains and died of sickness. Chares informs us that he waskept in confinement for seven months, in order that he might be triedin the presence of Aristotle himself, but that during the time whenAlexander was wounded in India, he died of excessive corpulence, covered with vermin. 

LVI. This, however, took place after the period of which we write. Atthis time Demaratus of Corinth, although an elderly man, was inducedto travel as far as the court of Alexander: and when he beheld him, said that the Greeks who had died before they saw Alexander sittingupon the throne of Darius, had lost one of the greatest pleasures inthe world. 

Demaratus by this speech gained great favour with the king, but livedbut a short time to enjoy it, as he was soon carried off by sickness. His funeral was conducted with the greatest magnificence, for thewhole army was employed to raise a mound of great extent, and eightycubits high, as a memorial of him; while his remains were placed in asplendidly equipped four-horse chariot and sent back to the sea-coast. 

LVII. As Alexander was now about to invade India, and observed thathis army had become unwieldy and difficult to move in consequence ofthe mass of plunder with which the soldiers were encumbered, hecollected all the baggage-waggons together one morning at daybreak, and first burned his own and those of his companions, after which heordered those of the Macedonians to be set on fire. This measureappears to have been more energetic than the occasion really required;and yet it proved more ruinous in the design than in the execution:for although some of the soldiers were vexed at the order, most ofthem with enthusiastic shouts distributed their most useful propertyamong those who were in want, burning and destroying all the rest witha cheerful alacrity which raised Alexander's spirits to the highestpitch. Yet Alexander was terrible and pitiless in all cases ofdereliction of duty. He put to death Menander, one of his personalfriends, because he did not remain in a fort, where he had beenappointed to command the garrison; and he shot dead with his own handOrsodates, a native chief who had revolted from him. At this time ithappened that a ewe brought forth a lamb, upon whose head was a tiarain shape and colour like that of the King of Persia, with stoneshanging on each side of it. 

Alexander, much disturbed at this portent, was purified by thepriests at Babylon, whom he was accustomed to make use of for thispurpose, but told his friends that he was alarmed for their sake, andnot for his own, as he feared that if he fell, heaven might transferhis crown to some unworthy and feeble successor. However, he was sooncheered by a better omen. The chief of Alexander's household servants, a Macedonian named Proxenus, while digging a place to pitch the royaltent near the river Oxus, discovered a well, full of a smooth, fattyliquid. When the upper layer was removed, there spouted forth a clearoil, exactly like olive oil in smell and taste, and incomparablybright and clear: and that, too, in a country where no olive treesgrew. It is said that the water of the Oxus itself is very soft andpleasant, and that it causes the skin of those who bathe in it tobecome sleek and glossy. Alexander was greatly delighted with thisdiscovery, as we learn from a letter which he wrote to Antipater, inwhich he speaks of this as being one of the most important andmanifest signs of the divine favour which had ever been vouchsafed tohim. The soothsayers held that the omen portended, that the campaignwould be glorious, but laborious and difficult: for oil has been givenby the gods to men to refresh them after labour. 

LVIII. Alexander when on this expedition ran terrible risks in battle, and was several times grievously wounded. His greatest losses werecaused, however, by the want of provisions, and by the severity of theclimate. He himself, striving to overcome fortune by valour, thoughtnothing impossible to a brave man, and believed that, while daringcould surmount all obstacles, cowardice could not be safe behind anydefences. We are told that when he was besieging the fortress ofSisymithres, which was placed upon a steep and inaccessible rock, hissoldiers despaired of being able to take it. He asked Oxyartes whatsort of a man Sisymithres himself was in respect of courage. WhenOxyartes answered that he was the greatest coward in the world, Alexander said 'You tell me, that the fortress can be taken; for itsspirit is weak. " And indeed he did take it, by playing upon the fearsof Sisymithres. Once he was attacking another fortress, also situatedupon the top of a lofty rock. While he was addressing words ofencouragement to the younger Macedonians, finding that one of them wasnamed Alexander, he said "You must this day prove yourself a braveman, if but for your name's sake. " The youth fought most bravely, butfell, to the great grief of Alexander. When he reached the city namedNysa, [419] the Macedonians were unwilling to attack it, because a verydeep river ran past its walls. "Unlucky that I am, " exclaimedAlexander, "why did I never learn to swim?" Saying thus, he preparedto cross the river just as he was, with his shield upon his left arm. After an unsuccessful assault, ambassadors were sent by the besieged, who were surprised to find Alexander dressed in his armour, coveredwith dust and blood. A cushion was now brought to him, and he bade theeldest of the ambassadors seat himself upon it. This man was namedAkouphis: and he was so much struck with the splendid courtesy ofAlexander, that he asked him what his countrymen must do, in order tomake him their friend. Alexander replied that they must make Akouphistheir chief, and send a hundred of their best men to him. Upon thisAkouphis laughed, and answered: "I shall rule them better, O King, ifI send the worst men to you and not the best. "

LIX. There was one Taxiles, [420] who was said to be king of a part ofIndia as large as Egypt, with a rich and fertile soil. He was also ashrewd man, and came and embraced Alexander, saying, "Why should wetwo fight one another, Alexander, since you have not come to take awayfrom us the water which we drink nor the food which we eat; and theseare the only things about which it is worth while for sensible men tofight? As for all other kinds of property, if I have more than you, Iam willing to bestow it upon you, or, if you are the richer, I wouldwillingly be placed in your debt by receiving some from you. "Alexander was delighted with these words, and giving him his righthand as a pledge of his friendship exclaimed, "Perhaps you supposethat by this arrangement we shall become friends without a contest;but you are mistaken, for I will contend with you in good offices, andwill take care that you do not overcome me. " Saying thus, theyexchanged presents, amongst which Alexander gave Taxiles a thousandtalents of coined money. This conduct of his greatly vexed hisfriends; but caused him to be much more favourably regarded by many ofthe natives. 

After this, Alexander, who had suffered great losses from the Indianmercenary troops who flocked to defend the cities which he attacked, made a treaty of alliance with them in a certain town, and afterwards, as they were going away set upon them while they were on the road andkilled them all. This is the greatest blot upon his fame; for in allthe rest of his wars, he always acted with good faith as became aking. He was also much troubled by the philosophers who attended him, because they reproached those native princes who joined him, andencouraged the free states to revolt and regain their independence. For this reason, he caused not a few of them to be hanged. 

LX. His campaign against king Porus is described at length in his ownletters. He tells us that the river Hydaspes[421] ran between the twocamps, and that Porus with his elephants watched the further bank, andprevented his crossing. Alexander himself every day caused a greatnoise and disturbance to be made in his camp, in order that the enemymight be led to disregard his movements: and at last upon a dark andstormy night he took a division of infantry and the best of thecavalry, marched to a considerable distance from the enemy, andcrossed over into an island of no great extent. Here he was exposed toa terrible storm of rain, with thunder and lightning; but, althoughseveral of his men were struck dead, he pressed on, crossed theisland, and gained the furthermost bank of the river. The Hydaspes wasflooded by the rain, and the stream ran fiercely down this secondbranch, while the Macedonians could with difficulty keep theirfooting upon this slippery and uneven bottom Here it was thatAlexander is said to have exclaimed, "O ye Athenians, what toils do Iundergo to obtain your praise. "

This, however, rests only on the authority of the historianOneskritus, for Alexander himself relates that they abandoned theirrafts, and waded through this second torrent under arms, with thewater up to their breasts. After crossing, he himself rode on sometwenty furlongs in advance of the infantry, thinking that if the enemymet him with their cavalry alone, he would be able to rout themeasily, and that, if they advanced their entire force, before a battlecould be begun, he would be joined by his own infantry. And indeed hesoon fell in with a thousand horse and sixty war chariots of theenemy, which he routed, capturing all the chariots, and slaying fourhundred of the horsemen. Porus now perceived that Alexander himselfhad crossed the river, and advanced to attack him with all his army, except only a detachment which he left to prevent the Macedonians fromcrossing the river at their camp. Alexander, alarmed at the greatnumbers of the enemy, and at their elephants, did not attack theircentre, but charged them on the left wing, ordering Koinus to attackthem on the right. The enemy on each wing were routed, but retiredtowards their main body, where the elephants stood. Here an obstinateand bloody contest took place, insomuch that it was the eighth hour ofthe day before the Indians were finally overcome. These particulars weare told by the chief actor in the battle himself, in his letters. Most historians are agreed that Porus stood four cubits[422] and aspan high, and was so big a man that when mounted on his elephant, although it was a very large one, he seemed as well proportioned tothe animal as an ordinary man is to a horse. This elephant showedwonderful sagacity and care for its king, as while he was stillvigorous it charged the enemy and overthrew them, but when itperceived that he was fainting from his wounds, fearing that he mightfall, it quietly knelt on the ground, and then gently drew the spearsout of his body with its trunk. When Porus was captured, Alexanderasked him how he wished to be treated. "Like a king, " answered Porus. Alexander then enquired if he had nothing else to ask about histreatment. "Everything, " answered Porus, "is comprised in these words, like a king. " Alexander now replaced Porus in his kingdom, with thetitle of satrap, and also added a large province to it, subduing theindependent inhabitants. This country was said to have containedfifteen separate tribes, five thousand considerable cities andinnumerable villages; besides another district three times as large, over which he appointed Philippus, one of his personal friends, to besatrap. 

LXI. After this battle with Porus, Alexander's horse Boukephalus died, not immediately, but some time afterwards. Most historians say that hedied of wounds received in the battle, but Onesikritus tells us thathe died of old age and overwork, for he had reached his thirtiethyear. Alexander was greatly grieved at his loss, and sorrowed for himas much as if he had lost one of his most intimate friends. He foundeda city as a memorial of him upon the banks of the Hydaspes, which henamed Boukephalia. It is also recorded that when he lost a favouritedog called Peritas, which he had brought up from a whelp, and of whichhe was very fond, he founded a city and called it by the dog's name. The historian Sotion tells us that he heard this from Potamon ofLesbos. 

LXII. The battle with King Porus made the Macedonians very unwillingto advance farther into India. They had overcome Porus with thegreatest difficulty, as he brought against them a force of twentythousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, and now offered the mostviolent opposition to Alexander, who wished to cross the river Ganges. This river, they heard, was thirty-two furlongs wide and a hundredcubits deep, while its further banks were completely covered witharmed men, horses and elephants, for it was said that the kings of theGandaritæ and Præsiæ were awaiting his attack with an army of eightythousand horsemen, two hundred thousand foot soldiers, eight thousandwar chariots, and six thousand elephants; nor was this anyexaggeration, for not long afterwards Androkottus, the king of thiscountry, presented five hundred elephants to Seleukus, and overran andsubdued the whole of India with an army of six hundred thousand men. 

Alexander at first retired to his tent in a rage, and shut himself upthere, not feeling any gratitude to those who had prevented hiscrossing the Ganges, but regarding a retreat as an acknowledgment ofdefeat. However, after his friends had argued with him, and hissoldiers had come to the door of his tent, begging him with tears intheir eyes to go no farther, he relented, and gave orders for aretreat. He now contrived many ingenious devices to impress thenatives, as, for instance, he caused arms, and bridles and mangers forhorses to be made of much more than the usual size, and left themscattered about. He also set up altars, which even to the present dayare reverenced by the kings of the Præsiæ, who cross the river tothem, and offer sacrifice upon them in the Greek fashion. Androkottushimself, who was then a lad, saw Alexander himself and afterwards usedto declare that Alexander might easily have conquered the wholecountry, as the then king was hated by his subjects on account of hismean and wicked disposition. 

LXIII. After this, Alexander wishing to see the outer ocean, [423]caused many rafts and vessels managed with oars to be built, andproceeded in a leisurely manner down the Indus. His voyage, however, was not an idle one, nor was it unaccompanied with danger, for as hepassed down the river, he disembarked, attacked the tribes on thebanks, and subdued them all. When he was among the Malli, who are saidto be the most warlike tribe in India, he very nearly lost his life. He was besieging their chief city, and after the garrison had beendriven from the walls by volleys of missiles, he was the first man toascend a scaling ladder and mount the walls. The ladder now broke, sothat no more could mount, and as the enemy began to assemble inside atthe foot of the wall and shoot up at him from below, Alexander, aloneagainst a host, leaped down amongst them, and by good luck, alightedon his feet. His armour rattled loudly as he leaped, and made thenatives think that a bright light was emitted from his body; so thatat first they gave way and fled from him. But when they saw that hewas attended by only two followers, some of them attacked him at closequarters with swords and spears, while one standing a little way offshot an arrow at him with such force and with such good aim, that itpassed through his corslet and imbedded itself in the bones of hisbreast. As he shrank back when the arrow struck him, the man who hadshot it ran up to him with a drawn sword in his hand. Peukestas andLimnæus now stood before Alexander to protect him. Both were wounded, Limnæus mortally; but Peukestas managed to stand firm, while Alexanderdespatched the Indian with his own hand. Alexander was wounded in manyplaces, and at last received a blow on the neck with a club, whichforced him to lean his back against the wall, still facing the enemy. The Macedonians now swarmed round him, snatched him up just as hefainted away, and carried him insensible to his tent. A rumour now ranthrough the camp that he was dead, and his attendants with greatdifficulty sawed through the wooden shaft of the arrow, and so got offhis corslet. They next had to pluck out the barbed head of the arrow, which was firmly fixed in one of his ribs. This arrow-head is said tohave measured four fingers-breadths[424] in length, and three inwidth. When it was pulled out, he swooned away, so that he nearlydied, but at length recovered his strength. When he was out of danger, though still very weak, as he had to keep himself under carefultreatment for a long time, he heard a disturbance without, andlearning that the Macedonians were anxious to see him, took his cloakand went out to them. After sacrificing to the gods for the recoveryof his health, he started again on his journey, and passed through agreat extent of country and past many considerable cities, all ofwhich he subdued. 

LXIV. He captured ten of the Indian philosophers calledGymnosophistæ;[425] who had been instrumental in causing Sabbas torevolt, and had done much mischief to the Macedonians. These men arerenowned for their short, pithy answers, and Alexander put difficultquestions to all of them, telling them that he would first put todeath the man who answered him worst, and so the rest in order. Thefirst was asked, whether he thought the living or the dead to be themore numerous. He answered, "The living, for the dead are not. "

The second was asked, which breeds the largest animals, the sea or theland. He answered, "The land, for the sea is only a part of it. "

The third was asked, which is the cleverest of beasts. He answered, "That which man has not yet discovered. "

The fourth was asked why he made Sabbas rebel. He answered, "Because Iwished him either to live or to die with honour. "

The fifth was asked, which he thought was first, the day or the night. He answered, "The day was first, by one day. " As he saw that the kingwas surprised at this answer, he added, "impossible questions requireimpossible answers. "

Alexander now asked the sixth how a man could make himself mostbeloved. He answered, "By being very powerful, and yet not feared byhis subjects. "

Of the remaining three, the first one was asked, how a man couldbecome a god. He answered, "By doing that which is impossible for aman to do. "

The next was asked, which was the stronger, life or death. Heanswered, "Life, because it endures such terrible suffering. "

The last, being asked how long it was honourable for a man to live, answered, "As long as he thinks it better for him to live than todie. "

Upon this Alexander turned to the judge and asked him to pronouncehis decision. He said that they had answered each one worse than theother. "Then, " said Alexander, "you shall yourself be put to death forhaving given such a verdict. " "Not so, " said he, "O king, unless youmean to belie your own words, for you said at the beginning that youwould put to death him who gave the worst answer. "

LXV. Alexander now gave them presents and dismissed them unhurt. Healso sent Onesikritus to the most renowned of them, who lived a lifeof serene contemplation, desiring that they would come to him. ThisOnesikritus was a philosopher of the school of Diogenes the cynic. Oneof the Indians, named Kalanus, is said to have received him veryrudely, and to have proudly bidden him to take off his clothes andspeak to him naked, as otherwise he would not hold any conversationwith him, even if he came from Zeus himself. Dandamis, another of theGymnosophists, was of a milder mood, and when he had been told ofSokrates, Pythagoras, and Diogenes, said that they appeared to him tohave been wise men, but to have lived in too great bondage to thelaws. Other writers say that Dandamis said nothing more than "For whatpurpose has Alexander come all the way hither?" However, Taxilespersuaded Kalanus to visit Alexander. His real name was Sphines: butas in the Indian tongue he saluted all he met with the word 'Kale, 'the Greeks named him Kalanus. This man is said to have shown toAlexander a figure representing his empire, in the following manner. He flung on the ground a dry, shrunken hide, and then trod upon theoutside of it, but when he trod it down in one place, it rose up inall the others. He walked all round the edge of it, and showed thatthis kept taking place until at length he stepped into the middle, andso made it all lie flat. This image was intended to signify thatAlexander ought to keep his strength concentrated in the middle of hisempire, and not wander about on distant journeys. 

LXVI. Alexander's voyage down the Indus and its tributaries, to thesea-coast, took seven months. On reaching the ocean he sailed to anisland which he himself called Skillustis, but which was generallyknown as Psiltukis. Here he landed and sacrificed to the gods, afterwhich he explored the sea and the coast as far as he could reach. Having done this, he turned back, after praying to the gods that noconqueror might ever transcend this, the extreme limit of hisconquests. He ordered his fleet to follow the line of the coast, keeping India on their right hand: and he gave Nearchus the supremecommand, with Onesikritus as chief pilot. He, himself, marched throughthe country of the Oreitæ, where he endured terrible sufferings fromscarcity of provisions, and lost so many men that he scarcely broughtback home from India the fourth part of his army, which originallyamounted to a hundred and twenty thousand foot, and fifteen thousandhorse. Most of the men perished from sickness, bad food, and theexcessive heat of the sun, and many from sheer hunger, as they had tomarch through an uncultivated region, inhabited only by a fewmiserable savages, with a stunted breed of cattle whose flesh hadacquired a rank and disagreeable taste through their habit of feedingon sea-fish. 

After a terrible march of sixty days, the army passed through thisdesert region, and reached Gedrosia, where the men at once receivedabundant supplies of food, which were furnished by the chiefs of theprovinces which they entered. 

LXVII. After he had refreshed his troops here for a little, Alexanderled them in a joyous revel for seven days through Karmania. [426] He, himself, feasted continually, night and day, with his companions, whosat at table with him upon a lofty stage drawn by eight horses, sothat all men could see them. After the king's equipage followednumberless other waggons, some with hangings of purple and embroideredwork, and others with canopies of green boughs, which were constantlyrenewed, containing the rest of Alexander's friends and officers, allcrowned with flowers and drinking wine. There was not a shield, ahelmet, or a pike, to be seen, but all along the road the soldierswere dipping cups, and horns, and earthenware vessels into great jarsof liquor and drinking one another's healths, some drinking as theymarched along, while others sat by the roadside. Everywhere might beheard the sound of flutes and pipes, and women singing and dancing;while with all this dissolute march the soldiers mingled rough jokes, as if the god Dionysus himself were amongst them and attended on theirmerry procession. At the capital of Gedrosia, Alexander again haltedhis army, and refreshed them with feasting and revelry. It is saidthat he himself, after having drunk hard, was watching a contestbetween several choruses, and that his favourite Bagoas won the prize, and then came across the theatre and seated himself beside him, dressed as he was and wearing his crown as victor. The Macedonians, when they saw this, applauded vehemently, and cried out to Alexanderto kiss him, until at length he threw his arms round him and kissedhim. 

LXVIII. He was now much pleased at being joined by Nearchus and hisofficers, and took so much interest in their accounts of their voyage, that he wished to sail down the Euphrates himself with a great fleet, and then to coast round Arabia and Libya, and so enter theMediterranean sea through the pillars of Herakles. [427] He even beganto build many ships at Thapsakus, and to collect sailors and pilotsfrom all parts of the world, but the severe campaigns which he hadjust completed in India, the wound which he had received among theMalli, and the great losses which his army had sustained in crossingthe desert, had made many of his subjects doubt whether he was everlikely to return alive, and had encouraged them to revolt, while hisabsence had led many of his satraps and viceroys to act in anextremely arbitrary and despotic manner, so that his whole empire wasin a most critical condition, and full of conspiracies and seditiousrisings. Olympias and Kleopatra[428] had attacked and driven outAntipater, and had divided the kingdom between themselves, Olympiastaking Epirus, and Kleopatra Macedonia. When Alexander heard this, hesaid that his mother had proved herself the wiser of the two; for theMacedonians never would endure to be ruled by a woman. He now sentNearchus back to the sea, determining to make war all along the coast, and coming down in person to punish the most guilty of his officers. He killed Oxyartes, one of the sons of Abouletes (the satrap ofSusiana) with his own hands, with a sarissa or Macedonian pike. Abouletes had made no preparations to receive Alexander, but offeredhim three thousand talents of silver. Alexander ordered the money tobe thrown down for the horses; and as they could not eat it, he said"What is the use of your having prepared this for me?" and orderedAbouletes to be cast into prison. 

LXIX. While Alexander was in Persis[429] he first renewed the oldcustom that whenever the king came there he should give every woman agold piece. On account of this custom we are told that many of thePersian kings came but seldom to Persis, and that Ochus never came atall, but exiled himself from his native country through hisniggardliness. Shortly afterwards Alexander discovered that thesepulchre of Cyrus had been broken into, and put the criminal todeath, although he was a citizen of Pella[430] of some distinction, named Polemarchus. When he had read the inscription upon the tomb, heordered it to be cut in Greek letters also. The inscription ran asfollows: "O man, whosoever thou art, and whencesoever thou comest--forI know that thou shalt come--I am Cyrus, who won the empire for thePersians. I pray thee, do not grudge me this little earth thatcovereth my body. " These words made a deep impression upon Alexander, and caused him to meditate upon the uncertainty and changefulness ofhuman affairs. About this time, Kalanus, who had for some days beensuffering from some internal disorder, begged that a funeral pilemight be erected for him. He rode up to it on horseback, said aprayer, poured a libation for himself and cut off a lock of his ownhair, as is usual at a sacrifice, and then, mounting the pile, shookhands with those Macedonians who were present, bidding them be of goodcheer that day, and drink deep at the king's table. He added, that hehimself should shortly see the king at Babylon. Having spoken thus helay down and covered himself over. He did not move when the firereached him, but remained in the same posture until he was consumed, thus sacrificing himself to the gods after the manner of the Indianphilosophers. Many years afterwards another Indian, a friend of Cæsar, did the like in the city of Athens; and at the present day hissepulchre is shown under the name of "the Indian's tomb. "

LXX. After Alexander left the funeral pyre, he invited many of hisfriends and chief officers to dinner, and offered a prize to the manwho could drink most unmixed wine. Promachus, who won it, drank asmuch as four choes. [431] He was presented with a golden crown worth atalent, and lived only three days afterwards. Of the others, Chares, the historian, tells us that forty-one died of an extreme cold thatcame upon them in their drunkenness. 

Alexander now celebrated the marriage of many of his companions atSusa. He himself married Statira, the daughter of Darius, and bestowedthe noblest of the Persian ladies upon the bravest of his men. He gavea splendid banquet on the occasion of his marriage, inviting to it notonly all the newly married couples, but all those Macedonians who werealready married to Persian wives. It is said that nine thousand guestswere present at this feast, and that each of them was presented with agolden cup to drink his wine in. Alexander entertained them in allother respects with the greatest magnificence, and even paid all thedebts of his guests, so that the whole expense amounted to ninethousand eight hundred and seventy talents. On this occasion, Antigenes the one-eyed got his name inscribed on the roll as a debtor, and produced a man who said that he was his creditor. He received theamount of his alleged debt, but his deceit was afterwards discoveredby Alexander, who was much enraged, banished him from his court, andtook away his command. This Antigenes was a very distinguishedsoldier. When Philip, was besieging Perinthus, Antigenes, who was thenvery young, was struck in the eye with a dart, and would not allow hisfriends to pull it out, nor leave the fight, before he had driven backthe enemy into the city. He now was terribly cast down at hisdisgrace, and made no secret of his intention of making away withhimself. The king, fearing that he would carry out his threat, pardoned him, and permitted him to keep the money. 

LXXI. Alexander was much pleased with the appearance of the threethousand youths whom he had left to be trained in the Greek manner, who had now grown into strong and handsome men, and showed great skilland activity in the performance of military exercises; but theMacedonians were very discontented, and feared that their king wouldnow have less need for them. When Alexander sent those of them whowere sick or maimed back to the sea coast, they said that it wasdisgraceful treatment that he should send these poor men home to theircountry and their parents in disgrace, and in worse case than whenthey set out, after he had had all the benefit of their services. Theybade him send them all home, and regard them all as unserviceable, since he had such a fine troop of young gallants at his disposal to goand conquer the world with. Alexander was much vexed at this. Hesavagely reproached the soldiers, dismissed all his guards, andreplaced them with Persians, whom he appointed as his body-guards andchamberlains. When the Macedonians saw him attended by these men, andfound themselves shut out from his presence, they were greatlyhumbled, and after discussing the matter together they became nearlymad with rage and jealousy. At last they agreed to go to his tentwithout their arms, dressed only in their tunics, and there withweeping and lamentation offered themselves to him and bade him dealwith them as with ungrateful and wicked men. Alexander, although hewas now inclined to leniency, refused to receive them, but they wouldnot go away, and remained for two days and nights at the door of histent lamenting and calling him their sovereign. On the third day hecame out, and when he saw them in such a pitiable state of abasement, he wept for some time. He then gently blamed them for their conduct, and spoke kindly to them. He gave splendid presents to all theinvalids, and dismissed them, writing at the same time to Antipaterwith orders, that in every public spectacle these men should sit inthe best places in the theatre or the circus with garlands on theirheads. The orphan children of those who had fallen he took into hisown service. 

LXXII. After Alexander was come to the city of Ekbatana in Media, andhad despatched the most weighty part of his business there, he gavehimself up entirely to devising magnificent spectacles andentertainments, with the aid of three thousand workmen, whom he hadsent for from Greece. During this time, Hephæstion fell sick of afever, and being a young man, and accustomed to a soldier's life, didnot put himself upon a strict diet and remain quiet as he ought tohave done. As soon as Glaukus, his physician, left him to go to thetheatre, he ate a boiled fowl for his breakfast, and drank a large jarof cooled wine. Upon this he was immediately taken worse, and veryshortly afterwards died. 

Alexander's grief for him exceeded all reasonable measure. He orderedthe manes of all the horses and mules to be cut off in sign ofmourning, he struck off the battlements of all the neighbouringcities, crucified the unhappy physician, and would not permit theflute or any other musical instrument to be played throughout hiscamp, until a response came from the oracle of Ammon bidding himhonour Hephæstion and offer sacrifice to him as to a hero. [432] Toassuage his grief he took to war, and found consolation in fightingand man-hunting. He conquered the tribe called Kossæi, and slew theirentire male population, which passed for an acceptable offering to themanes of Hephæstion. He now determined to spend ten thousandtalents[433] on the funeral and tomb of Hephæstion; and as he wishedto exceed the cost by the ingenuity and brilliancy of invention shownin this spectacle, he chose Stasikrates out of all his mechanicians toarrange it, as he was thought to be able both to devise with grandeurand to execute with skill. 

He on one occasion before this, when conversing with Alexander, toldhim that of all mountains in the world Mount Athos in Thrace was thatwhich could most easily be carved into the figure of a man; and that, if Alexander would give him the order, he would form Athos into themost magnificent and durable monument of him that the world had everseen, as he would represent him as holding in his left hand the cityof Myriandrus, and with his right pouring, as a libation, a copiousriver into the sea. Alexander would not, indeed, adopt thissuggestion, but was fond of discussing much more wonderful and costlydesigns than this with his engineers. 

LXXIII. Just as Alexander was on the point of starting for Babylon, Nearchus, who had returned with his fleet up the Euphrates, met him, and informed him that some Chaldæans had warned Alexander to avoidBabylon. He took no heed of this warning, but went his way. When hedrew near the walls he saw many crows flying about and pecking at oneanother, some of whom fell to the ground close beside him. After this, as he heard that Apollodorus, the governor of Babylon, had sacrificedto the gods to know what would happen to Alexander, he sent forPythagoras, the soothsayer, who had conducted the sacrifice, to knowif this were true. The soothsayer admitted that it was, on whichAlexander inquired what signs he had observed in the sacrifice. Pythagoras answered that the victim's liver wanted one lobe. "Indeed!"exclaimed Alexander, "that is a terrible omen. " He did Pythagoras nohurt, but regretted that he had not listened to the warning ofNearchus, and spent most of his time in his camp outside the walls ofBabylon, or in boats on the river Euphrates. Many unfavourable omensnow depressed his spirit. A tame ass attacked and kicked to death thefinest and largest lion that he kept; and one day, as he stripped toplay at tennis, the young man with whom he played, when it was time todress again, saw a man sitting on the king's throne, wearing hisdiadem and royal robe. For a long time this man refused to speak, butat length said that he was a citizen of Messene, named Dionysius, whohad been brought to Babylon and imprisoned on some charge or other, and that now the god Serapis had appeared to him, loosed his chains, and had brought him thither, where he had bidden him to put on theking's diadem and robe, seat himself on his throne, and remain silent. 

LXXIV. When Alexander heard this, he caused the man to be put todeath, according to the advice of his soothsayers; but he himself wasmuch cast down, and feared that the gods had forsaken him: he alsogrew suspicious of his friends. Above all he feared Antipater and hissons, one of whom, Iolas, was his chief cup-bearer, while the other, Kassander, had but recently arrived from Greece, and as he had beentrained in the Greek fashion, and had never seen any Oriental customsbefore, he burst into a loud, insolent laugh, when he saw some of thenatives doing homage to Alexander. Alexander was very angry, andseizing him by the hair with both hands, beat his head against thewall. Another time he stopped Kassander, when he was about to saysomething to some men who were accusing his father, Antipater. "Do youimagine" said he, "that these men would have journeyed so far merelyin order to accuse a man falsely, if they had not been wronged byhim?" When Kassander answered, that it looked very like a falseaccusation for a man to journey far from the place where his proofslay, Alexander said with a laugh, "This is how Aristotle teaches hisdisciples to argue on either side of the question; but if any of yoube proved to have wronged these men ever so little, you shall smartfor it. " It is related that after this, terror of Alexander became sorooted in the mind of Kassander, that many years afterwards, whenKassander was king of Macedonia, and lord of all Greece, he waswalking about in Delphi looking at the statues, and that when he sawthat of Alexander he was seized with a violent shuddering; his hairstood upright on his head, and his body quaked with fear, so that itwas long before he regained his composure. 

LXXV. After Alexander had once lost his confidence and becomesuspicious and easily alarmed, there was no circumstance so trivialthat he did not make an omen of it, and the palace was full ofsacrifices, lustrations, and soothsayers. So terrible a thing isdisbelief in the gods and contempt for them on the one hand, whilesuperstition and excessive reverence for them presses on men's guiltyconsciences like a torrent of water[434] poured upon them. Thus wasAlexander's mind filled with base and cowardly alarms. However whenthe oracular responses of the gods about Hephæstion were reported tohim, he laid aside his grief somewhat, and again indulged in feastsand drinking bouts. He entertained Nearchus and his friendsmagnificently, after which he took a bath, and then, just as he wasgoing to sleep, Medius invited him to a revel at his house. He drankthere the whole of the following day, when he began to feel feverish:though he did not drink up the cup of Herakles at a draught, orsuddenly feel a pain as of a spear piercing his body, as somehistorians have thought it necessary to write, in order to give adramatic fitness and dignity to the end of so important a personage. Aristobulus tells us that he became delirious through fever, and drankwine to quench his thirst, after which he became raving mad, and diedon the thirtieth day of the month Daisius. 

LXXVI. In his own diary his last illness is described thus: "On theeighteenth day of Daisius he slept in the bath-room, because he wasfeverish. On the following day after bathing he came into his chamberand spent the day playing at dice with Medius. After this he bathedlate in the evening, offered sacrifice to the gods, dined, andsuffered from fever during the night. On the twentieth he bathed andsacrificed as usual, and while reclining in his bath-room he conversedwith Nearchus and his friends, listening to their account of theirvoyage, and of the Great Ocean. On the twenty-first he did the same, but his fever grew much worse, so that he suffered much during thenight, and next day was very ill. On rising from his bed he lay besidethe great plunge-bath, and conversed with his generals about certainposts which were vacant in his army, bidding them choose suitablepersons to fill them. On the twenty-fourth, although very ill, he roseand offered sacrifice; and he ordered his chief officers to remainnear him, and the commanders of brigades and regiments to pass thenight at his gate. On the twenty-fifth he was carried over the riverto the other palace, and slept a little, but the fever did not leavehim. When his generals came to see him he was speechless, and remainedso during the twenty-fifth, so that the Macedonians thought that hewas dead. They clamoured at his palace gates, and threatened theattendants until they forced their way in. When the gates were thrownopen they all filed past his bed one by one, dressed only in theirtunics. On this day Python and Seleukus, who had been to the temple ofSerapis, enquired whether they should bring Alexander thither. The godanswered that they must leave him alone. The eight and twentieth dayof the month, towards evening, Alexander died. "

LXXVII. Most of the above is copied, word for word, from Alexander'shousehold diary. No one had any suspicion of poison at the time; butit is said that six years after there appeared clear proof that he waspoisoned, and that Olympias put many men to death, and caused theashes of Iolas, who had died in the mean time, to be cast to thewinds, as though he had administered the poison to Alexander. 

Some writers say that Antipater was advised by Aristotle to poisonAlexander, and inform us that one Hagnothemis declared that he hadbeen told as much by Antipater; and that the poison was as cold asice, and was gathered like dew, from a certain rock near the city ofNonakris, and preserved in the hoof of an ass: for no other vesselcould contain it, because it is so exceedingly cold and piercing. Mosthistorians, however, think that the whole story of Alexander's beingpoisoned was a fiction; and this view is strongly supported by thefact, that as Alexander's generals began to fight one anotherimmediately after his death, his body lay for many days unheeded, inhot and close rooms, and yet showed no signs of decay, but remainedsweet and fresh. Roxana, who was pregnant, was regarded with greatrespect by the Macedonians, and being jealous of Statira, she sent hera forged letter, purporting to come from Alexander and asking her tocome to him. When Statira came, Roxana killed both her and her sister, cast their bodies down a well, and filled up the well with earth. Heraccomplice in this crime was Perdikkas, who on the death of Alexanderat once became a very powerful man. He sheltered his authority underthe name of Arrhidæus, who became the nominal, while Perdikkas was thevirtual king of Macedonia. This Arrhidæus was the son of Philip by alow and disreputable woman named Philinna, and was half-witted inconsequence of some bodily disorder with which he was afflicted. Thisdisease was not congenital nor produced by natural causes, for he hadbeen a fine boy and showed considerable ability, but Olympiasendeavoured to poison him, and destroyed his intellect by her drugs. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 394: On the subject of serpent worship, see in Smith's'Dictionary of the Bible, ' art. : 'Serpent, ' and 'Brazen Serpent. ']

[Footnote 395: The Greek month Hekatombæon answers to the last half ofour July and the first half of August. ]

[Footnote 396: Cf. Horace, _Carm. _ iii. 22. ]

[Footnote 397: Reciters of epic poems, the cantos of which were called'rhapsodies. ']

[Footnote 398: The same indifference to athletic sports, as practisedin Greece, is mentioned in the Life of Philopœmen. The pankratium issometimes called the pentathlum, and consisted of five contests, thefoot-race, leaping, throwing the quoit, hurling the javelin, andwrestling. No one received the prize unless he was winner in all. Inearlier times boxing was part of the pentathlum, but hurling thejavelin was afterwards substituted for it. ]

[Footnote 399: In Greek, this word is properly applied to the slavewhose duty it was to attend a boy to and from school, and generally tokeep him out of mischief. He was not supposed to teach him. ]

[Footnote 400: The literal meaning of this word is "bull's head. " Itis conjectured that this refers to the mark with which the horse wasbranded, not to his appearance. ]

[Footnote 401: I believe that the seal here mentioned was Philip'sown, and in no sense the "great seal of the kingdom, " although Strabospeaks of the public seal of a state. ]

[Footnote 402: A tribe in the eastern part of Macedonia. ]

[Footnote 403: Near Chæronea. ]

[Footnote 404: It must be remembered that the ancients, although theypossessed chairs, always ate and drank reclining upon couches. ]

[Footnote 405: The Karians, ever since the siege of Troy, wereregarded by the Greeks with the greatest contempt Cf. Il. Ix. 378. ]

[Footnote 406: Bacchus. Compare the Bacchæ of Euripides, passim. ]

[Footnote 407: For a description of the Macedonian phalanx, see lifeof Titus Flaminius, ch. Viii. , note. ]

[Footnote 408: This inscription was no doubt written over such spoilsas were placed in the Greek temples. Compare Virgil's "Æneas hæc deDanais victoribus arma. "]

[Footnote 409: When the wind blew from the south, this road wascovered by such a depth of water as to be impracticable: for some timebefore he reached the spot the wind had blown strong from thesouth--but as he came near, the special providence of the gods (so heand his friends conceived it) brought on a change of wind to thenorth, so that the sea receded and left an available passage, thoughhis soldiers had the water up to their waists. Grote's History ofGreece, Part II. Ch. Xcii. ]

[Footnote 410: See Smith's 'Biographical Dictionary' s. V. ]

[Footnote 411: This dye was probably made from the murex or purplefish, caught in the Hermionic gulf, in Argolis, which produced a dyeonly second to that of Tyre. ]

[Footnote 412: "No certainty is attainable about the ancient geographyof these regions. Mr. Long's Map of Ancient Persia shows how littlecan be made out. " (Grote's 'History of Greece, ' part ii. Chap. Cxiii. , note. )]

[Footnote 413: Lykus in Greek signifies a wolf. ]

[Footnote 414: In Persepolis, the capital of the district calledPersis. ]

[Footnote 415: The ancients, whose bodies were anointed with oil orunguents, used dust when wrestling, to enable them to hold oneanother. ]

[Footnote 416: The Sea of Azof. ]

[Footnote 417: Antipater had been left by Alexander as his viceroy inMacedonia. ]

[Footnote 418: The word which I have translated 'striped' is mentionedby Xenophon in the _Cyropædia_ as one of the ensigns of royaltyassumed by Cyrus. ]

[Footnote 419: Probably Cabul or Ghuznee. The whole geography ofAlexander's Asiatic campaigns will be found most exhaustivelydiscussed in Grote's 'History of Greece, ' part ii. Ch. Xcii. , s. 99. ]

[Footnote 420: The same name occurs in the Life of Sulla, c. 15, andLife of Lucullus, c. 26. ]

[Footnote 421: The river Jhelum in the Punjaub. ]

[Footnote 422: A cubit is the space from the point of the elbow tothat of the little finger: a span is the space one can stretch overwith the thumb and the little finger. ]

[Footnote 423: As distinguished from the Mediterranean. The ancientsgave the name of ocean to the sea by which they believed that theirworld was surrounded. ]

[Footnote 424: [Greek: daktylos] δάκτυλος, the shortest Greek measure, a finger's breadth, about 7/20 of an inch. The modern Greek seamenmeasure the distance of the sun from the horizon by fingers' breadths. Newton's 'Halicarnassus. ' (Liddell & Scott, s. V. )]

[Footnote 425: So called from their habit of going entirely naked. Oneof them is said by Arrian to have said to Alexander. "You are a manlike all of us, Alexander--except that you abandon your home like ameddlesome destroyer, to invade the most distant regions; enduringhardships yourself, and inflicting hardships on others. " (Arrian, vii, 1, 8. )]

[Footnote 426: To recompense his soldiers for their recent distress, the king conducted them for seven days in drunken bacchanalianprocession through Karmania, himself and all his friends taking partin the revelry; an imitation of the jovial festivity and triumph withwhich the god Dionysus had marched back from the conquest of India. (Grote's 'History of Greece, ' part ii. Ch. Xciv. )]

[Footnote 427: The straits of Gibraltar. ]

[Footnote 428: Her daughter, Alexander's sister. ]

[Footnote 429: The district known to the ancients as Persis or Persiaproper, corresponds roughly to the modern province of Fars. Itscapital city was Persepolis, near the modern city of Schiraz. ]

[Footnote 430: The capital of Macedonia, Alexander's native city. ]

[Footnote 431: [Greek: chous] χοῦς a liquid measure containing 12[Greek: kotulai] κοτύλαι of 5. 46 pints apiece. ]

[Footnote 432: The Greek word hero means a semi-divine personage, whowas worshipped, though with less elaborate ritual than a god. ]

[Footnote 433: £2, 300, 000. Grote, following Diodorus, raises the totaleven higher, to twelve thousand talents, or £2, 760, 000. "History ofGreece, " part ii. Ch. Xciv. ]

[Footnote 434: The Greek text here is corrupt. I have endeavoured togive what appears to have been Plutarch's meaning. ]

LIFE OF C. CÆSAR. 

I. [435] When Sulla got possession of the supreme power, he confiscatedthe marriage portion of Cornelia[436] the daughter of Cinna[437] whohad once enjoyed the supremacy in Rome, because he could not either bypromises or threats induce Cæsar to part with her. The cause of theenmity between Cæsar and Sulla was Cæsar's relationship to Marius; forthe elder Marius was the husband of Julia the sister of Cæsar'sfather, and Julia was the mother of the younger Marius, who wasconsequently Cæsar's cousin. Cæsar was not content with being letalone by Sulla, who was at first fully occupied with theproscriptions and other matters, but he presented himself to thepeople as a candidate for a priesthood, [438] though he had hardlyarrived at man's estate. But Sulla by his opposition contrived toexclude him from this office, and even thought of putting him todeath; and when some observed that there was no reason in putting todeath such a youth, Sulla observed, that they had no sense if they didnot see many Marii in this boy. These words were conveyed to Cæsar, who thereupon concealed himself by wandering about for some time inthe Sabine country. On one occasion when he was changing his place ofabode on account of sickness, he fell in by night with the soldiers ofSulla who were scouring those parts and seizing on those who wereconcealed. But Cæsar got away by giving Cornelius, [439] who was incommand of the soldiers, two talents, and going straightway down tothe coast he took ship and sailed to Bithynia to King Nicomedes, [440]with whom he stayed no long time. On his voyage from Bithynia, he wascaptured near the island Pharmacusa[441] by pirates, [442] who at thattime were in possession of the seas with a powerful force and numerousships. 

II. The pirates asked Cæsar twenty talents for his ransom, on which helaughed at them for not knowing who their prize was, and he promisedto give them fifty talents. While he dispatched those about him tovarious cities to raise the money, he was left with one friend andtwo attendants among these Cilician pirates, who were notorious fortheir cruelty, yet he treated them with such contempt that whenever hewas lying down to rest, he would send to them and order them to bequiet. He spent eight and thirty days among them, not so much like aprisoner as a prince surrounded by his guards, and he joined in theirsports and exercises with perfect unconcern. He also wrote poems andsome speeches which he read to them, and those who did not approve ofhis compositions he would call to their faces illiterate fellows andbarbarians, and he would often tell them with a laugh that he wouldhang them all. The pirates were pleased with his manners, andattributed this freedom of speech to simplicity and a mirthfuldisposition. As soon as the ransom came from Miletus and Cæsar hadpaid it and was set at liberty, he manned some vessels in the port ofMiletus and went after the pirates, whom he found still on the island, and he secured most of them. All their property he made his booty; butthe pirates, he lodged in prison at Pergamum, and then went toJunius, [443] who, as governor of the provinces of Asia, was the properperson to punish the captives. But as the governor was casting alonging eye on the booty, which was valuable, and said he would taketime to consider about the captives, Cæsar without more ado, left himand going straight to Pergamum took all the pirates out of prison andcrucified them, as he had often told them he would do in the islandwhen they thought he was merely jesting. 

III. Sulla's power was now declining, and Cæsar's friends in Romerecommended him to return. However, he first made a voyage to Rhodusin order to have the instruction of Apollonius the son of Molon, [444]of whom Cicero also was a hearer. This Apollonius was a distinguishedrhetorician, and had the reputation of being a man of a gooddisposition. Cæsar is said to have had a great talent for thecomposition of discourses on political matters, and to have cultivatedit most diligently, so as to obtain beyond dispute the second rank;his ambition to be first in power and arms, made him from want ofleisure give up the first rank, to which his natural talents invitedhim, and consequently his attention to military matters and politicalaffairs by which he got the supreme power, did not allow him to attainperfection in oratory. Accordingly at a later period, in his reply toCicero about Cato, [445] he deprecates all comparison between thecomposition of a soldier and the eloquence of an accomplished oratorwho had plenty of leisure to prosecute his studies. 

IV. On his return to Rome he impeached[446] Dolabella[447] formaladministration in his province, and many of the cities of Greecegave evidence in support of the charge. Dolabella, indeed, wasacquitted; but to make some return to the Greeks for their zeal in hisbehalf, Cæsar assisted them in their prosecution of PubliusAntonius[448] for corruption before Marcus Lucullus, the governor ofMacedonia; and his aid was so effectual that Antonius appealed to thetribunes, alleging that he had not a fair trial in Greece with theGreeks for his accusers. At Rome Cæsar got a brilliant popularity byaiding at trials with his eloquence; and he gained also much good willby his agreeable mode of saluting people and his pleasant manners, forhe was more attentive to please than persons usually are at that age. He was also gradually acquiring political influence by the splendourof his entertainments and his table and of his general mode of living. At first those who envied him, thinking that when his resourcesfailed his influence would soon go, did not concern themselves abouthis flourishing popularity: but at last when his political power hadacquired strength and had become difficult to overthrow and wasmanifestly tending to bring about a complete revolution, theyperceived that no beginnings should be considered too small to becapable of quickly becoming great by uninterrupted endurance andhaving no obstacle to their growth by reason of being despised. Cicero, who is considered to have been the first to suspect and tofear the smiling surface[449] of Cæsar's policy, as a man would thesmiling smoothness of a sea, and who observed the bold and determinedcharacter which was concealed under a friendly and joyous exterior, said that in all his designs and public measures he perceived atyrannical purpose; "but on the other hand, " said he, "when I look athis hair, which is arranged with so much care, and see him scratchinghis head with one finger, [450] I cannot think that such a wickedpurpose will ever enter into this man's mind as the overthrow of theRoman State. " This, however, belongs to a later period. 

V. He received the first proof of the good will of the people towardshim when he was a competitor against Caius Popilius for a militarytribuneship, [451] and was proclaimed before him. He received a secondand more conspicuous evidence of popular favour on the occasion of thedeath of Julia[452] the wife of Marius, when Cæsar, who was hernephew, pronounced over her a splendid funeral oration in the Forum, and at the funeral ventured to exhibit the images[453] of Marius, which were then seen for the first time since the administration ofSulla, for Marius and his son had been adjudged enemies. Some voiceswere raised against Cæsar on account of this display, but the peopleresponded by loud shouts, and received him with clapping of hands, andadmiration, that he was bringing back as from the regions of Hades, after so long an interval, the glories of Marius to the city. Now itwas an ancient Roman usage to pronounce funeral orations[454] overelderly women, but it was not customary to do it in the case of youngwomen, and Cæsar set the first example by pronouncing a funeraloration over his deceased wife, which brought him some popularity andwon the many by sympathy to consider him a man of a kind dispositionand full of feeling. After the funeral of his wife he went to Iberiaas quæstor to the Prætor Vetus, [455] for whom he always showed greatrespect, and whose son he made his own quæstor when he filled theoffice of Prætor. After his quæstorship he married for his third wifePompeia[456] he had by his wife Cornelia a daughter, who afterwardsmarried Pompeius Magnus. Owing to his profuse expenditure (and indeedmen generally supposed that he was buying at a great cost ashort-lived popularity, though in fact he was purchasing things of thehighest value at a low price) it is said that before he attained anypublic office he was in debt to the amount of thirteen hundredtalents. Upon being appointed curator of the Appian Road, [457] he laidout upon it a large sum of his own; and during his ædileship[458] heexhibited three hundred and twenty pair of gladiators, and by hisliberality and expenditure on the theatrical exhibitions, theprocessions, and the public entertainments, he completely drowned allprevious displays, and put the people in such a humour, that every manwas seeking for new offices and new honours to requite him with. 

VI. There were at this time two parties in the State, that of Sulla, which was all-powerful, and that of Marius, which was cowed anddivided and very feeble. It was Cæsar's object to strengthen and gainover the party of Marius, and accordingly, when the ambitioussplendour of his ædileship was at its height, he had images of Mariussecretly made, and triumphal Victories, which he took by night and setup on the Capitol. At daybreak the people seeing the images glitteringwith gold, and exquisitely laboured by art (and there wereinscriptions also which declared the Cimbrian victories of Marius), were in admiration at the boldness of him who had placed them there, for it was no secret who it was, and the report quickly circulatingthrough the city, brought everybody to the spot to see. Some exclaimedthat Cæsar had a design to make himself tyrant, which appeared by hisreviving those testimonials of honour which had been buried in theearth by laws and decrees of the senate, and that it was done to tryif the people, who were already tampered with, were tamed to hispurpose by his splendid exhibitions, and would allow him to venture onsuch tricks and innovations. But the partisans of Marius, encouragingone another, soon collected in surprising numbers, and filled theCapitol with their noise. Many also shed tears of joy at seeing thelikeness of Marius, and Cæsar was highly extolled as the only manworthy to be a kinsman of Marius. The senate being assembled aboutthese matters, Catulus Lutatius, who had at that time the greatestname of any man in Rome, got up, and charging Cæsar, uttered thatmemorable expression: "Cæsar, no longer are you taking the state byunderground approaches, but by storming engines. " Cæsar spoke in replyto this charge, and satisfied the senate, on which his admirers werestill more elated, and urged him not to abate of his pretensions forany one: with the favour of the people, they said, he would soon getthe better of all, and be the first man in the State. 

VII. About this time Metellus, [459] the Pontifex Maximus, died, andthough Isauricus and Catulus were candidates for the priesthood, whichwas a great object of ambition, and were men of the highest rank andgreatest influence in the senate, Cæsar would not give way to them, but he presented himself to the people as a competitor. The favour ofthe people appearing equally divided, Catulus, as the moredistinguished candidate, being more afraid of the uncertainty of theevent, sent and offered Cæsar a large sum of money if he would retirefrom his canvass; but Cæsar replied that he would stand it out even ifhe had to borrow still more. On the day of the election, his mother, with tears, accompanied him to the door, when Cæsar embracing her, said, "Mother, to-day you shall see your son either Pontifex Maximus, or an exile. " After the voting was over, which was conducted withgreat spirit, Cæsar prevailed, a circumstance which alarmed the senateand the nobles, who feared that he would lead on the people to theboldest measures. Accordingly, Piso and Catulus blamed Cicero forhaving spared Cæsar, who, in the matter of Catiline's[460] conspiracy, had given him a handle. Now Catiline designed not only to alter theform of government, but to subvert the whole Commonwealth, and throwall into confusion, but he was ejected from the city on beingconvicted of some minor charges, and before the extent of his designswas discovered. He left behind him in the city Lentulus and Cethegus, to carry his plans into execution. It is uncertain if Cæsar secretlylent them any countenance and aid, but when they were completelyconvicted in the senate, and Cicero the consul put it to each senatorto give his opinion on their punishment, all who spoke declared fordeath till it came to Cæsar's turn to speak. Cæsar rose and delivereda studied oration, to the effect that it was not consistent with theconstitution, nor was it just to put to death without a trial mendistinguished for their high character and their family, unless therewas the most urgent necessity; and he added that, if they wereimprisoned in the Italian cities which Cicero himself might choose, until the war against Catiline was brought to an end, the senate mighthave time to deliberate on the case of each prisoner when peace wasrestored. 

VIII. This proposal appeared so humane, and was supported by sopowerful a speech, that not only those who rose after Cæsar sidedwith, him, but many of those who had already spoken changed theiropinions and went over to that of Cæsar, till it came to the turn ofCato and Catulus to speak. After they had made a vigorous opposition, and Cato in his speech had also urged suspicious matter against Cæsarand strongly argued against him, the conspirators were handed over tothe executioner, and as Cæsar was leaving the Senate many of the youngmen who then acted as a guard to Cicero, crowded together andthreatened Cæsar with their naked swords. [461] But Curio[462] is saidto have thrown his toga round Cæsar, and to have carried him off; andCicero also, when the young men looked to him, is said to have checkedthem by a motion, either through fear of the people or because hethought that the death of Cæsar would be most unjust and a violationof law. If this is true, I cannot conceive why Cicero said nothingabout it in the book on his Consulship;[463] but Cicero was blamedafterwards for not having taken advantage of so favourable anopportunity to get rid of Cæsar, and for having feared the people, whowere extravagantly attached to Cæsar. And indeed a few days after, when Cæsar had gone to the Senate and defended himself in a speechagainst the imputations that had been cast on him, and his speech wasreceived with loud marks of disapprobation and the sitting of theSenate was lasting longer than usual, the people came with loud criesand surrounded the Senate-house calling for Cæsar and bidding theSenate let him go. Accordingly, Cato apprehending danger mainly fromsome movement of the needy part of the people, who were like afirebrand among the rest of the citizens, as they had all their hopesin Cæsar, prevailed on the Senate to give them a monthly allowance ofcorn, which produced an addition to the rest of the expenditure ofseven millions[464] five hundred thousands. However, the immediatealarm was manifestly quenched by this measure, which snapped off thebest part of Cæsar's influence and scattered it, at a time when he wasgoing to enter on his office of Prætor which made him moreformidable. 

IX. No tumults occurred in Cæsar's Prætorship, [465] but a disagreeableincident happened in his family. Publius Clodius, [466] a man ofPatrician rank, was distinguished both by wealth and eloquence, but inarrogance and impudence he was not inferior to the most notoriousscoundrels in Rome. Clodius was in love with Pompeia, Cæsar's wife, and Pompeia was in no way averse to him. But a strict watch was keptover the woman's apartment, and Aurelia, Cæsar's mother, who was aprudent woman, by always observing Pompeia, made it difficult andhazardous for the lovers to have an interview. Now the Romans have agoddess whom they call Bona, as the Greeks have a Gynæceia. ThePhrygians, who claim this goddess, say she was the mother of KingMidas; the Romans say she was a Dryad and the wife of Faunus; but theGreeks say she is one of the mothers of Dionysus, whose name must notbe uttered; and this is the reason why they cover the tents withvine-leaves during the celebration of her festival, and a sacredserpent sits by the goddess according to the mythus. No man is allowedto approach the festival, nor to be in the house during thecelebration of the rites; but the women by themselves are said toperform many rites similar to the Orphic in the celebration. Accordingly when the season of the festival is come, the husband, ifhe be consul or prætor, leaves the house and every male also quits it;and the wife taking possession of the house makes all arrangements, and the chief ceremonies are celebrated by night, the evening festivalbeing accompanied with mirth and much music. 

X. While Pompeia[467] was now celebrating this festival, Clodius, whowas not yet bearded, and for this reason thought that he should not bediscovered, assumed the dress and equipment of a female lute-playerand went to the house looking just like a young woman. Finding thedoor open, he was safely let in by a female slave who was in thesecret, and who forthwith ran off to tell Pompeia. As there was somedelay and Clodius was too impatient to wait where the woman had lefthim, but was rambling about the house, which was large, and trying toavoid the lights, Aurelia's waiting-woman, as was natural for onewoman with another, challenged him to a little mirthful sport, and ashe declined the invitations, she pulled him forward and asked who hewas and where he came from. Clodius replied that he was waiting forAbra the maid of Pompeia, for that was the woman's name, but his voicebetrayed him, and the waiting-woman ran with a loud cry to the lightsand the rest of the company, calling out that she had discovered aman. All the women were in the greatest alarm, and Aurelia stopped thecelebration of the rites and covered up the sacred things: she alsoordered the doors to be closed and went about the house with thelights to look for Clodius. He was discovered lurking in the chamberof the girl who had let him in, and on being recognised by the womenwas turned out of doors. The women went straightway, though it wasnight, to their husbands to tell them what had happened; and as soonas it was day, the talk went through Rome of the desecration of thesacred rites by Clodius, and how he ought to be punished for hisbehaviour, not only to the persons whom he had insulted, but to thecity and the gods. Accordingly one of the tribunes instituted aprosecution against Clodius for an offence against religion, and themost powerful of the senators combined against him, charging him, among other abominations, with adultery with his sister, who was thewife of Lucullus. The people set themselves in opposition to theirexertions and supported Clodius, and were of great service to himwith the judices, who were terror-struck and afraid of the people. Cæsar immediately divorced Pompeia, and when he was summoned as awitness on the trial, he said he knew nothing about the matters thatClodius was charged with. This answer appearing strange, the accuserasked him, "Why have you put away your wife?" to which Cæsar replied, "Because I considered that my wife ought not even to be suspected. "Some say that this was the real expression of Cæsar's opinion, butothers affirm that it was done to please the people who were bent onsaving Clodius. However this may be, Clodius was acquitted, for themajority of the judices gave in their votes[468] written confusedly, that they might run no risk from the populace by convicting Clodiusnor lose the good opinion of the better sort by acquitting him. 

XI. On the expiration of his Prætorship, Cæsar received Iberia[469]for his province, but as he had a difficulty about arranging matterswith his creditors, who put obstructions in the way of his leavingRome, and were clamorous, he applied to Crassus, then the richest manin Rome, who stood in need of the vigour and impetuosity of Cæsar tosupport him in his political hostility to Pompeius. Crassus undertookto satisfy the most importunate and unrelenting of the creditors, andhaving become security for Cæsar to the amount of eight hundred andthirty talents, thus enabled him to set out for his province. There isa story that as Cæsar was crossing the Alps, he passed by a smallbarbarian town which had very few inhabitants and was a miserableplace, on which his companions jocosely observed, "They did notsuppose there were any contests for honors in such a place as that, and struggles for the first rank and mutual jealousy of the chiefpersons:" on which Cæsar earnestly remarked, "I would rather be thefirst man here than the second at Rome. " Again in Spain, when he hadsome leisure and was reading the history of Alexander, [470] he was fora long time in deep thought, and at last burst into tears; and on hisfriends asking the reason of this, he said, "Don't you think it is amatter for sorrow, that Alexander was king of so many nations at suchan early age, and I have as yet done nothing of note?"

XII. However, as soon as he entered Iberia, he commenced activeoperations and in a few days raised ten cohorts in addition to thetwenty which were already there, and with this force marching againstthe Calaici[471] and Lusitani he defeated them, and advanced to theshores of the external sea, subduing the nations which hitherto hadpaid no obedience to Rome. After his military success, he was equallyfortunate in settling the civil administration by establishingfriendly relations among the different states, and particularly byhealing the differences between debtors and creditors;[472] for whichpurpose he determined that the creditor should annually taketwo-thirds of the debtor's income, and that the owner should take theother third, which arrangement was to continue till the debt was paid. By these measures he gained a good reputation, and he retired from theprovince with the acquisition of a large fortune, having enriched hissoldiers also by his campaigns and been saluted by them Imperator. 

XIII. As it was the law at Rome that those who were soliciting atriumph should stay outside the city, and that those who werecandidates for the consulship should be present in the city, Cæsarfinding himself in this difficulty, and having reached Rome just atthe time of the consular elections, sent to the senate to requestpermission to offer himself to the consulship in his absence throughthe intervention of his friends. Cato at first urged the law inopposition to Cæsar's request, but seeing that many of the senatorshad been gained over by Cæsar, he attempted to elude the question bytaking advantage of time and wasting the day in talking, till at lastCæsar determined to give up the triumph and to secure the consulship. As soon as he entered the city, he adopted a policy which deceivedeverybody except Cato; and this was the bringing about of areconciliation between Pompeius and Crassus, the two most powerful menin Rone, whom Cæsar reconciled from their differences, and centeringin himself the united strength of the two by an act that had afriendly appearance, changed the form of government without its beingobserved. For it was not, as most people suppose, the enmity of Cæsarand Pompeius which produced the civil wars, but their friendshiprather, inasmuch as they first combined to depress the nobility andthen quarrelled with one another. Cato, who often predicted what wouldhappen, at the time only got by it the character of being a morose, meddling fellow, though afterwards he was considered to be a wise, butnot a fortunate adviser. 

XIV. Cæsar, [473] however, supported on both sides by the friendship ofCrassus and Pompeius, was raised to the consulship and proclaimedtriumphantly with Calpurnius Bibulus for his colleague. Immediatelyupon entering on his office he proposed enactments more suitable tothe most turbulent tribune than a consul, for in order to please thepopulace he introduced measures for certain allotments and divisionsof land. [474] But he met with opposition in the Senate from the goodand honourable among them, and as he had long been looking for apretext, he exclaimed with solemn adjurations, that he was drivenagainst his will to court the favour of the people by the arroganceand obstinacy of the Senate, and accordingly he hurried to the popularassembly and placing Crassus on one side of him and Pompeius on theother, he asked them if they approved of his legislative measures. Upon their expressing their approbation, he entreated them to give himtheir aid against those who threatened to oppose him with theirswords. Pompeius and Crassus promised their assistance, and Pompeiusadded, that he would oppose swords with sword and shield. The nobilitywere annoyed at hearing such mad, inconsiderate words drop fromPompeius, which were unbecoming his own character and the respect thathe owed to the Senate; but the people were delighted. Cæsar, whosesecret design it was to secure the influence of Pompeius still more, gave him to wife his daughter Julia, [475] who was already betrothed toServilius Cæpio; and he promised Cæpio that he should have thedaughter of Pompeius, though she also was not disengaged, beingbetrothed to Faustus, the son of Sulla. Shortly after Cæsar marriedCalpurnia, the daughter of Piso, and got Piso named consul for thenext year, though Cato in this matter also strongly protested andexclaimed that it was an intolerable thing for the chief power to beprostituted by marriage bargains and that they should help one anotherby means of women, to provinces and armies and political power. Bibulus, Cæsar's colleague, found it useless to oppose Cæsar'smeasures, and he and Cato several times narrowly escaped with theirlives in the Forum, whereupon Bibulus shut himself up at home for theremainder of his consulship. Immediately after his marriage Pompeiusfilled the Forum with armed men, and supported the people in passingCæsar's laws and in giving him for five years Gaul on both sides ofthe Alps with the addition of Illyricum and four legions. Upon Cato'sventuring to speak against these measures, Cæsar ordered him to becarried off to prison, thinking that he would appeal to the tribunes. But Cato went off without speaking a word; and Cæsar observing thatthe nobles were much annoyed at this, and the people also throughrespect for Cato's virtue were following him in silence and withdowncast eyes, secretly asked one of the tribunes to release Cato. Very few of the senators used to accompany Cæsar to the Senate, butthe majority not liking his measures stayed away. Considius, [476] whowas a very old man, observed that the senators did not come becausethey were afraid of the arms and the soldiers. "Why don't you thenstay at home for the same reason?" replied Cæsar, to which Considiusrejoined, "My age makes me fearless, for the little of life thatremains for me is not worth much thought. " The most scandalous publicmeasure in Cæsar's consulship was the election as tribune of that[477]Clodius who had dishonoured Cæsar's wife and violated the mysteriousnocturnal rites. But he was elected in order to ruin Cicero, and Cæsardid not set out for his province till with the aid of Clodius he hadput down Cicero by his cabals and driven him out of Italy. 

XV. Such is said to have been the course of Cæsar's life before hisGallic campaigns. [478] But the period of his wars which he afterwardsfought and his expedition by which he subdued Gaul, is just like a newbeginning in his career and the commencement of a new course of lifeand action, in which he showed himself as a soldier and a generalinferior to none who have gained admiration as leaders and been thegreatest men: for whether we compare Cæsar's exploits with those ofthe Fabii, Scipios, and Metelli, or with those of his contemporariesor immediate predecessors, Sulla and Marius and both the Luculli oreven Pompeius himself, whose fame, high as the heavens, was blossomingat that time in every kind of military virtue, Cæsar will be found tosurpass them all--his superiority over one appearing in thedifficulties of the country in which he carried on his campaigns, overanother in the extent of country subdued, over a third in the numberand courage of the enemy whom he defeated, over another again in thesavage manners and treacherous character of the nations that hebrought to civility, over a fourth in his clemency and mildness to theconquered, over another again in his donations and liberality to hissoldiers; and in fine his superiority over all other generals appearsby the numbers of battles that he fought and of enemies that he slew. For in somewhat less than ten years during which he carried on hiscampaign in Gaul he took by storm above eight hundred cities, andsubdued three hundred nations, and fought with three millions of menat different times, of whom he destroyed one million in battle andtook as many prisoners. 

XVI. [479] So great were the good-will and devotion of Cæsar'ssoldiers to him, that those who under other generals were in no waysuperior to ordinary soldiers, were invincible and irresistible andready to meet any danger for Cæsar's glory. An instance of this isAcilius, who in the sea-fight of Massalia[480] boarded one of theenemy's ships and had his right hand cut off with a sword, but hestill kept hold of his shield with the left hand and striking at thefaces of the enemy drove all to flight and got possession of thevessel. Another instance was Cassius Scæva, [481] who in the fight atDyrrachium had one eye destroyed by an arrow, his shoulder transfixedwith one javelin and his thigh with another, and on his shield he hadreceived the blows of one hundred and thirty missiles. In this plighthe called to the enemy as if he designed to surrender himself, and twoof them accordingly approached him, but with his sword he lopped offone man's shoulder and wounding the other in the face, put him toflight, and finally he escaped himself with the aid of his friends. InBritannia on one occasion the natives had attacked the foremostcenturions who had got into a marshy spot full of water, upon which, in the presence of Cæsar who was viewing the contest, a soldier rushedinto the midst of the enemy, and after performing many conspicuousacts of valour, rescued the centurions from the barbarians, who tookto flight. The soldier, with difficulty attempting to cross after allthe rest, plunged into the muddy stream, and with great trouble andthe loss of his shield, sometimes swimming, sometimes walking, he gotsafe over. While those who were about Cæsar were admiring his conductand coming to receive him with congratulations and shouts, thesoldier, with the greatest marks of dejection and tears in his eyes, fell down at Cæsar's feet and begged pardon for the loss of hisshield. Again, in Libya, Scipio's party having taken one of Cæsar'sships in which was Granius Petro, who had been appointed quæstor, madebooty of all the rest, but offered to give the quæstor his life; buthe replying that it was the fashion with Cæsar's soldiers to give andnot to accept mercy, killed himself with his own sword. 

XVII. This courage and emulation Cæsar cherished and created, in thefirst place by distributing rewards and honours without stint, andthus showing that he did not get wealth from the enemy for his ownenjoyment and pleasure, but that it was treasured up with him as thecommon reward of courage, and that he was rich only in proportion ashe rewarded deserving soldiers; and in the next place by readilyundergoing every danger and never shrinking from any toil. Now theydid not so much admire Cæsar's courage, knowing his love of glory; buthis endurance of labour beyond his body's apparent power of sustainingit, was a matter of astonishment, for he was of a spare habit, and hada white and soft skin, and was subject to complaints in the head andto epileptic fits, which, as it is said, first attacked him atCorduba;[482] notwithstanding all this, he did not make his feeblehealth an excuse for indulgence, but he made military service themeans of his cure, by unwearied journeying, frugal diet, and byconstantly keeping in the open air and enduring fatigue, strugglingwith his malady and keeping his body proof against its attacks. Hegenerally slept in chariots or in litters, making even his repose akind of action; and in the daytime he used to ride in a vehicle to thegarrisons, cities and camps, with a slave by his side, one of thosewho were expert at taking down what was dictated on a journey, and asingle soldier behind him armed with a sword. He used to travel soquick that on his first journey from Rome he reached the Rhodanus[483]in eight days. From his boyhood he was a good horseman, for he hadbeen accustomed to place his hands behind him and, holding them closetogether on his back, to put the horse to his full speed. In thatcampaign he also practised himself in dictating letters as he wasriding and thus giving employment to two scribes, and as Oppius[484]says, to more. He is said also to have introduced the practice ofcommunicating with his friends by letters, as there was no time forpersonal interviews on urgent affairs, owing to the amount of businessand the size of the city. This anecdote also is cited as a proof ofhis indifference as to diet. On one occasion when he was entertainedat supper by his host Valerius Leo[485] in Mediolanum, asparagus wasserved up with myrum poured on it instead of oil, which Cæsar atewithout taking any notice of it, and reproved his friends who were outof humour on the occasion. "You should be content, " he said, "not toeat what you don't like; but to find fault with your host'sill-breeding is to be as ill-bred as himself. " Once upon a journey hewas compelled by a storm to take shelter in a poor man's hut, whichcontained only a single chamber and that hardly large enough for oneperson, on which he observed to his friends that the post of honourmust be given to the worthiest and the place of safety to the weakest;and he bade Oppius lie down while he and the rest slept in the porch. 

XVIII. Cæsar's first Gallic campaign was against the Helvetii[486] andTigurini, who had burnt their cities, twelve in number, and theirvillages, of which there were four hundred, and were advancing throughthat part of Gaul which was subject to the Romans, like the Cimbri andTeutones of old, to whom they were considered to be not inferior incourage and in numbers equal, being in all three hundred thousand, ofwhom one hundred and ninety thousand were fighting men. The Tiguriniwere not opposed by Cæsar in person, but by Labienus, who was sentagainst them by Cæsar and totally defeated them near the Arar. TheHelvetii fell on Cæsar unexpectedly as he was leading his forces to afriendly city, but he succeeded in making his way to a strongposition, where he rallied his army and prepared for battle. A horsebeing brought to him, he said, "I shall want this for the pursuitafter I have defeated the enemy; but let us now move on against them;"and accordingly he made the charge on foot. After a long and difficultcontest, the Helvetian warriors were driven back, but the hardeststruggle was about the chariots and the camp, for the Helvetians madea stand there and a desperate resistance, and also their wives andchildren, who fought till they were cut to pieces, and the battle washardly over at midnight. This glorious deed of victory Cæsar followedup by one still better, for he brought together those who had escapedfrom the battle and compelled them to re-occupy the tract which theyhad left and to rebuild the cities which they had destroyed; and thenumber of these was above one hundred thousand. His object in thismeasure was to prevent the Germans from crossing the Rhenus andoccupying the vacant country. 

XIX. His next contest was with the Germans and for the immediatedefence of the Gauls, although he had before this made an alliancewith their king Ariovistus[487] in Rome. But the Germans wereintolerable neighbours to Cæsar's subjects, and if opportunityoffered, it was supposed that they would not remain satisfied withwhat they had, but would invade and occupy Gaul. Cæsar observing hisofficers afraid of the approaching contest, and particularly the menof rank and the youths who had joined him in the expectation offinding a campaign with Cæsar a matter of pleasure and profit, calledthem to a public assembly and bade them leave him and not fightagainst their inclination since they were so cowardly and effeminate:as for himself he said he would take the tenth legion by itself andlead it against the enemy, knowing that he should not have to dealwith a braver enemy than the Cimbri, and that he was not a worsegeneral than Marius. Upon this the tenth legion sent a deputation oftheir body to thank him, but the rest of the legions abused their ownofficers, and the whole army, full of impetuosity and eagerness, allfollowed Cæsar, marching for many days, till they encamped within twohundred stadia of the enemy. The courage of Ariovistus was somewhatbroken by the bare approach of the Romans; for as he had supposed thatthe Romans would not stand the attack of the Germans, and he neverexpected that they would turn assailants, he was amazed at Cæsar'sdaring and he also saw that his own army was disturbed. The spirit ofthe Germans was still more blunted by the predictions of their wisewomen, who observing the eddies in the rivers and drawing signs fromthe whirlings and noise of the waters, foreboded the future anddeclared that the army ought not to fight before it was new moon. Cæsar hearing of this and perceiving that the Germans were inactive, thought it a good opportunity for engaging with them, while they wereout of spirits instead of sitting still and waiting for their time. Byattacking their fortifications and the hills on which they wereencamped, he irritated the Germans and provoked them to come down inpassion and fight. The Germans were completely routed and pursued tothe Rhenus a distance of four hundred stadia, and the whole of thisspace was strewed with dead bodies and arms. Ariovistus with a fewescaped across the river. The dead are said to have been eightythousand in number. 

XX. After these exploits he left his forces among the Sequani[488] towinter, and with the view of attending to what was going on at Rome, came down to Gaul about the Padus, which was a part of his province;for the river Rubico separates the rest of Italy from Gaul beneath theAlps. Fixing his residence there, he carried on his politicalintrigues, and many persons came to visit him to whom he gave whatthey asked for; and he dismissed all either with their wishessatisfied, or with hopes. During the whole period of his government inGaul, he conducted his operations without attracting any attentionfrom Pompeius, though at one time he was subduing the enemy by thearms of the citizens, and at another capturing and subjecting thecitizens by the money which he got from the enemy. Hearing that theBelgæ[489] had risen in arms, who were the most powerful nation of theGauls and in possession of a third part of all Gaul, and that they hadassembled many ten thousands of armed men, he immediately turned aboutand went against them with all possible expedition; and falling uponthe enemy while they were plundering the Gauls who were in alliancewith the Romans, he put to flight and destroyed those who werecollected in greatest numbers and the chief part of them after anunsuccessful resistance, and such was the slaughter that the Romanscrossed the lakes and deep rivers over the dead bodies. Of the rebelsall who dwelt near the ocean surrendered without resistance; butagainst the fiercest and most warlike of those in these parts, theNervii, [490] Cæsar led his forces. The Nervii, who inhabited the densethickets and had placed their families and property in a deep recessof the forest as far as possible from the enemy, suddenly, to thenumber of sixty thousand, attacked Cæsar while he was fortifying hiscamp and not expecting a battle, and they put the Roman cavalry toflight, and surrounding the twelfth and seventh legions, killed allthe centurions. If Cæsar had not seized a shield and, making his waythrough the first ranks, charged the barbarians, and if the tenthlegion had not run down from the heights to support him when he was indanger of being overpowered, and broken the ranks of the enemy, it issupposed that not a single Roman would have escaped. Encouraged byCæsar's intrepidity, the Romans fought, as the saying is, beyond theirstrength, but yet they could not put the Nervii to flight, whodefended themselves till they were cut to pieces. Out of sixtythousand only five hundred are said to have escaped; and threesenators out of four hundred. 

XXI. The Senate on receiving intelligence of this victory, decreedthat for fifteen days[491] there should be sacrifices to the gods andcessation from all business, with feasting, which had never been donebefore, for so long a time. For the danger was considered to have beengreat, so many nations having broken out at once; and because Cæsarwas the conqueror, the good will of the many towards him made thevictory more splendid. And accordingly, having settled affairs inGaul, he again spent the winter in the plain of the Padus, andemployed himself in intriguing at Rome. Not only the candidates forthe offices of the State carried their election by Cæsar supplyingthem with money which they spent in bribing the people, and directedall their measures to the increase of Cæsar's power, but the greaterpart of the Romans most distinguished for rank and political power, came to see him at Luca, [492] Pompeius and Crassus, and Appius, thegovernor of Sardinia, and Nepos, proconsul of Iberia, so that therewere a hundred and twenty lictors there, and more than two hundredsenators. Their deliberations resulted in this: it was agreed thatPompeius and Crassus should be made consuls, and that Cæsar shouldhave an allowance of money and five additional years in his province, which to all reflecting people seemed the most extravagant thing ofall. For those who were receiving so much from Cæsar, urged the Senateto grant him money as if he had none, or rather compelled the Senateto do it, groaning as it were over its own decrees. Cato, indeed, wasnot present, for he had been purposely sent out of the way on amission to Cyprus; and Favonius, who affected to imitate Cato, findinghe could do nothing by his opposition, hastily left the Senate andbegan to clamour to the people. But nobody attended to him, some fromfear of displeasing Pompeius and Crassus, but the greater part keptquiet to please Cæsar, living on hopes from him. 

XXII. Cæsar again returned to his troops in Gaul where he found muchwar in the country, for two great German nations had just crossed theRhenus for the purpose of getting land; the one nation was calledUsipes, [493] and the other Tenteritæ. Respecting the battle with them, Cæsar says in his Commentaries, [494] that the barbarians, while theywere treating with him during a truce, attacked on their march and soput to flight his own cavalry to the number of five thousand witheight hundred of their own, for his men were not expecting an attack;that they then sent other ambassadors to him intending to deceive himagain, whom he detained, and then led his army against the barbarians, considering all faith towards such faithless men and violators oftruces to be folly. But Tanusius[495] says that while the senate weredecreeing festivals and sacrifices for the victory, Cato delivered itas his opinion, that they ought to give up Cæsar to the barbarians, and so purge themselves of the violation of the truce on behalf of thecity, and turn the curse on the guilty man. Of those who had crossedthe river there were slaughtered to the number of four hundredthousand, and the few who recrossed the river were received by theSugambri[496] a German tribe. Cæsar laying hold of this ground ofcomplaint against the Germans, and being also greedy of glory anddesirous to be the first man to cross the Rhenus with an army, beganto build a bridge over the river, which was very broad, and in thispart of the bed spread out widest, and was rough, and ran with astrong current so as to drive the trunks of trees that were carrieddown and logs of wood against the supports of the bridge, [497] andtear them asunder. But Cæsar planted large timbers across the bed ofthe river above the bridge to receive the trees that floated down, andthus bridling the descending current, beyond all expectation heaccomplished the completion of the bridge in ten days. 

XXIII. Cæsar now led his troops over the river, no one venturing tooppose him, and even the Suevi, the most valiant of the Germans, retired with their property into deep woody valleys. After devastatingwith fire the enemy's country and encouraging all those who favouredthe Romans, he returned into Gaul after spending eighteen days inGermany. His expedition against the Britanni[498] was notorious forits daring: for he was the first who entered the western Ocean withan armament and sailed through the Atlantic sea, leading an army towar; and by attempting to occupy an island of incredible magnitude, which furnished matter for much dispute to numerous writers, whoaffirmed that the name and the accounts about it were pure inventions, for it never had existed and did not then exist, he extended the Romansupremacy beyond the inhabited world. After twice crossing over to theisland from the opposite coast of Gaul, and worsting the enemy in manybattles rather than advantaging his own men, for there was nothingworth taking from men who lived so wretched a life and were so poor, he brought the war to a close not such as he wished, but takinghostages from the king and imposing a tribute, he retired from theisland. On his return he found letters which were just going to crossover to him from his friends in Rome, informing him of his daughter'sdeath, who died in child-birth in the house of her husband Pompeius. Great was the grief of Pompeius, and great was the grief of Cæsar; andtheir friends were also troubled, as the relationship was nowdissolved which maintained peace and concord in the State, which butfor this alliance was threatened with disturbance. The child also diedafter surviving the mother only a few days. Now the people, in spiteof the tribunes, carried Julia[499] to the Field of Mars, where herobsequies were celebrated; and there she lies. 

XXIV. As the force of Cæsar was now large, he was obliged todistribute it in many winter encampments. But while he was on his roadto Italy, according to his custom, there was another general rising ofthe Gauls, and powerful armies scouring the country attempted todestroy the winter camps, and attacked the Roman entrenchments. Themost numerous and bravest of the revolted Gauls under Abriorixdestroyed Cotta[500] and Titurius with their army; and the legionunder Cicero[501] they surrounded with sixty thousand men andblockaded, and they came very near taking the camp by storm, for allthe Romans had been wounded and were courageously defending themselvesabove their strength. When this intelligence reached Cæsar, who was ata distance, he quickly turned about, and getting together seventhousand men in all, he hurried to release Cicero from the blockade. The besiegers were aware of his approach and met him with theintention of cutting him off at once, for they despised the fewness ofhis numbers. But Cæsar, deceiving the enemy, avoided them continually, and having occupied a position which was advantageous to one who hadto contend against many with a small force, he fortified his camp, andkept his men altogether from fighting; and he made them increase theheight of the ramparts and build up the gates as if they were afraid, his manœuvre being to make the enemy despise him, till at last whenthey made their assault in scattered bodies, urged by self-confidence, sallying out he put them to flight and killed many of them. 

XXV. [502] The frequent defections of the Gauls in those parts werethus quieted, and also by Cæsar during the winter moving about in alldirections and carefully watching disturbances. For there had come tohim from Italy three legions to replace those that had perished, Pompeius having lent him two of those which were under his command, and one legion having been newly raised in Gaul upon the Padus. But inthe course of time there showed themselves, what had long in secretbeen planted and spread abroad by the most powerful men among the mostwarlike tribes, the elements of the greatest and the most dangerous ofall the wars in Gaul, strengthened by a numerous body of young menarmed and collected from all quarters, and by great stores broughttogether, and fortified cities, and countries difficult of access. Andat that time, during the winter, frozen rivers and forests buried insnow, and plains overflowed by winter torrents, and in some partspaths that could not be discovered for the depth of the snow, and inother parts the great uncertainty of a march through marshes andstreams diverted from their course, seemed to place the proceedings ofthe insurgents altogether beyond any attempt on the part of Cæsar. Accordingly many tribes had revolted, but the leaders of the revoltwere the Arvenni and the Carnuntini; Vergentorix was elected to thesupreme direction of the war, he whose father the Gauls had put todeath on the ground of aiming at a tyranny. 

XXVI. Vergentorix, [503] dividing his force into many parts, andplacing over them many commanders, began to gain over all thesurrounding country as far as those who bordered on the Arar, it beinghis design, as Cæsar's enemies in Rome were combining against him, torouse all Gaul to war. If he had attempted this a little later, whenCæsar was engaged in the civil war, alarms no less than those from theinvasion of the Cimbri would have seized on Italy. But now Cæsar, whoappears to have had the talent for making the best use of allopportunities in war, and particularly critical seasons, as soon as heheard of the rising, set out on his march, by the very roads[504] thathe traversed, and the impetuosity and rapidity of his march in sosevere a winter letting the barbarians see that an invincible andunvanquished army was coming against them. For where no one believedthat a messenger or a letter-carrier from him could make his way in along time, there was Cæsar seen with all his army, at once ravagingtheir lands, and destroying the forts, taking cities, and receivingthose who changed sides and came over to him, till at last even thenation of the Edui[505] declared against him, who up to this time hadcalled themselves brothers of the Romans, and had received signaldistinction, but now by joining the insurgents they greatlydispirited Cæsar's troops. In consequence of this, Cæsar moved fromthose parts, and passed over the territory of the Lingones, [506]wishing to join the Sequani, who were friends, and formed a bulwark infront of Italy against the rest of Gaul. There the enemy fell upon himand hemmed him in with many ten thousands, upon which Cæsar resolvedto fight a decisive battle against the combined forces, and after agreat contest, he gained a victory at last, and with great slaughter, routed the barbarians; but at first it appears that he sustained someloss, and the Aruveni show a dagger[507] suspended in a temple, whichthey say was taken from Cæsar. Cæsar himself afterwards saw it, andsmiled; and when his friends urged him to take it down, he would not, because he considered it consecrated. 

XXVII. However, the chief part of those who then escaped, fled withthe king to the city of Alesia. [508] And while Cæsar was besiegingthis city, which was considered to be impregnable by reason of thestrength of the walls and the number of the defenders, there fell uponhim from without a danger great beyond all expectation. For thestrength of all the nations in Gaul assembling in arms came againstAlesia, to the number of three hundred thousand; and the fighting menin the city were not fewer than one hundred and seventy thousand; sothat Cæsar being caught between two such forces and blockaded, wascompelled to form two walls for his protection, the one towards thecity, and the other opposite those who had come upon him, since, ifthese forces should unite, his affairs would be entirely ruined. Onmany accounts then, and with good reason, the hazard before the wallsof Alesia was famed abroad, as having produced deeds of daring andskill such as no other struggle had done; but it is most worthy ofadmiration that Cæsar engaged with so many thousands outside of thetown and defeated them without it being known to those in the city;and still more admirable, that this was also unknown to the Romans whowere guarding the wall towards the city. For they knew nothing of thevictory till they heard the weeping of the men in Alesia and thewailing of the women, when they saw on the other side many shieldsadorned with silver and gold, and many breastplates smeared withblood, and also cups and Gallic tents conveyed by the Romans to theircamp. So quickly did so mighty a force, like a phantom or a dream, vanish out of sight and disperse, the greater part of the men havingfallen in battle. But those who held Alesia, after giving no smalltrouble to themselves and to Cæsar, at last surrendered; and theleader of the whole war, Vergentorix, putting on his best armour, andequipping his horse, came out through the gates, and riding roundCæsar who was seated, and then leaping down from his horse, he threwoff his complete armour, and seating himself at Cæsar's feet, heremained there till he was delivered up to be kept for the triumph. 

XXVIII. [509] Cæsar had long ago resolved to put down Pompeius, asPompeius also had fully resolved to do towards him. For now thatCrassus had lost his life among the Parthians, who kept a watch overboth of them, it remained for one of them, in order to be the chief, to put down him who was, and to him who was the chief, to take off theman whom he feared, in order that this might not befall him. But ithad only recently occurred to Pompeius to take alarm, and hitherto hehad despised Cæsar, thinking it would be no difficult thing for theman whom he had elevated to be again depressed by him; but Cæsar, whohad formed his design from the beginning, like an athlete, removedhimself to a distance from his antagonists, and exercised himself inthe Celtic wars, and thus disciplined his troops and increased hisreputation, being elevated by his exploits to an equality with thevictories of Pompeius; also laying hold of pretexts, some furnished bythe conduct of Pompeius himself, and others by the times and thedisordered state of the administration at Rome, owing to which, thosewho were candidates for magistracies placed tables in public andshamelessly bribed the masses, and the people being hired went down toshow their partisanship not with votes on behalf of their briber, butwith bows and swords and slings. And after polluting the Rostra withblood and dead bodies, they separated, leaving the city to anarchy, like a ship carried along without a pilot, so that sensible men werewell content if matters should result in nothing worse than a monarchyafter such madness and such tempest. And there were many who evenventured to say publicly that the state of affairs could only beremedied by a monarchy, and that they ought to submit to this remedywhen applied by the mildest of physicians, hinting at Pompeius. Butwhen Pompeius in what he said affected to decline the honour, thoughin fact he was more than anything else labouring to bring about hisappointment as dictator, Cato, who saw through his intention, persuaded the Senate to appoint him sole consul, that he might not byviolent means get himself made dictator, and might be contented with amere constitutional monarchy. They also decreed an additional periodfor his provinces: and he had two, Iberia[510] and all Libya, which headministered by sending Legati and maintaining armies, for which hereceived out of the public treasury a thousand talents every year. 

XXIX. Upon this, Cæsar began to canvass for a consulship by sendingpersons to Rome, and also for a prorogation of the government of hisprovinces. At first Pompeius kept silent, but Marcellus[511] andLentulus opposed his claim, for they hated Cæsar on other grounds, andthey added to what was necessary what was not necessary, to dishonourand insult him. For they deprived of the citizenship the inhabitantsof Novum Comum[512] a colony lately settled by Cæsar in Gaul; andMarcellus, who was consul, punished with stripes one of the Senatorsof Novum Comum who had come to Rome, and added too this insult, "Thathe put these marks upon him to show that he was not a Roman, " and hetold him to go and show them to Cæsar. After the consulship ofMarcellus, when Cæsar had now profusely poured forth his Gallic wealthfor all those engaged in public life to draw from, and had releasedCurio[513] the tribune from many debts, and given to Paulus the consulfifteen hundred talents, out of which he decorated the Forum with theBasilica, a famous monument which he built in place of the old onecalled Fulvia;--under these circumstances, Pompeius, fearing cabal, both openly himself and by means of his friends exerted himself tohave a successor[514] appointed to Cæsar in his government, and hesent and demanded back of him the soldiers[515] which he had lent toCæsar for the Gallic wars. Cæsar sent the men back after giving eachof them a present of two hundred and fifty drachmæ. The officers wholed these troops to Pompeius, spread abroad among the people reportsabout Cæsar which were neither decent nor honest; and they misledPompeius by ill-founded hopes, telling him that the army of Cæsarlonged to see him, and that while he with difficulty directed affairsat Rome owing to the odium produced by secret intrigues, the forcewith Cæsar was all ready for him, and that if Cæsar's soldiers shouldonly cross over to Italy, they would forthwith be on his side: sohateful, they said, had Cæsar become to them on account of hisnumerous campaigns, and so suspected owing to their fear of monarchy. With all this Pompeius was inflated, and he neglected to get soldiersin readiness, as if he were under no apprehension; but by words andresolution he was overpowering Cæsar, as he supposed, by carryingdecrees against him, which Cæsar cared not for at all. It is even saidthat one of the centurions who had been sent by him to Rome, whilestanding in front of the Senate-house, on hearing that the Senatewould not give Cæsar a longer term in his government. "But this, " hesaid, "shall give it, " striking the hilt of his sword with his hand. 

XXX. However, the claim of Cæsar at least had a striking show ofequity. For he proposed that he should lay down his arms and that whenPompeius had done the same and both had become private persons, theyshould get what favours they could from the citizens; and he arguedthat if they took from him his power and confirmed to Pompeius what hehad, they would be stigmatizing one as a tyrant and making the other atyrant in fact. When Curio made this proposal before the people onbehalf of Cæsar, he was loudly applauded; and some even threw chapletsof flowers upon him as on a victorious athlete. Antonius, who wastribune, produced to the people a letter[516] of Cæsar's on thissubject which he had received, and he read it in spite of theconsuls. But in the Senate, Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompeius, made a motion, that if Cæsar did not lay down his arms on a certainday, he should be declared an enemy. Upon the consuls putting thequestion, whether they were of opinion that Pompeius should dismisshis troops, and again, whether Cæsar should, very few voted in favourof the former question, and all but a few voted in favour of thelatter; but when Antonius[517] on his side moved that both shoulddismiss their troops, all unanimously were in favour of that opinion. Scipio made a violent opposition, and Lentulus, the consul, called outthat they needed arms to oppose a robber, and not votes, on which theSenate broke up and the Senators changed their dress as a sign oflamentation on account of the dissension. 

XXXI. But when letters had come from Cæsar by which he appeared tomoderate his demands, for he proposed to surrender everything elseexcept Gaul within the Alps and Illyricum with two legions, whichshould be given to him to hold till he was a candidate for a secondconsulship, and Cicero the orator, who had just returned from Ciliciaand was labouring at a reconciliation, was inducing Pompeius torelent, and Pompeius was ready to yield in everything else except asto the soldiers, whom he still insisted on taking from Cæsar, Cicerourged the friends of Cæsar to give in and to come to a settlement onthe terms of the above-mentioned provinces and the allowance of sixthousand soldiers, only to Cæsar. Pompeius was ready to yield and togive way; but the consul Lentulus would not let him, and he went sofar as to insult and drive with dishonour from the Senate both Curioand Antonius, thus himself contriving for Cæsar the most specious ofall pretexts, by the aid of which indeed Cæsar mainly excited thepassions of his men, pointing out to them that men of distinction andmagistrates had made their escape in hired vehicles in the dress ofslaves. For, putting on this guise through fear, they had stolen outof Rome. 

XXXII. Now Cæsar had about him no more than three hundred horse andfive thousand legionary soldiers; for the rest of his army, which hadbeen left beyond the Alps, was to be conducted by those whom he sentfor that purpose. Seeing that the commencement of his undertaking andthe onset did not so much require a large force at the present, butwere to be effected by the alarm which a bold stroke would create andby quickly seizing his opportunity, for he concluded that he shouldstrike terror by his unexpected movement more easily than he couldoverpower his enemies by attacking them with all his force, he orderedhis superior officers and centurions with their swords alone andwithout any other weapons to take Ariminum, a large city of Gaul, avoiding all bloodshed and confusion as much as possible; and heintrusted the force to Hortensius. [518] Cæsar himself passed the dayin public, standing by some gladiators who were exercising, andlooking on; and a little before evening after attending to his personand going into the mess-room and staying awhile with those who wereinvited to supper, just as it was growing dark he rose, andcourteously addressing the guests, told them to wait for his return, but he had previously given notice to a few of his friends to followhim, not all by the same route, but by different directions. Mountingone of the hired vehicles, he drove at first along another road, andthen turning towards Ariminium, when he came to the stream whichdivides Gaul within the Alps from the rest of Italy (it is calledRubico[519], and he began to calculate as he approached nearer tothe danger, and was agitated by the magnitude of the hazard, hechecked his speed; and halting he considered about many things withhimself in silence, his mind moving from one side to the other, andhis will then underwent many changes; and he also discussed at lengthwith his friends who were present, of whom Pollio Asinius[520] wasone, all the difficulties, and enumerated the evils which would ensueto all mankind from his passage of the river, and how great a reportof it they would leave to posterity. At last, with a kind of passion, as if he were throwing himself out of reflection into the future, anduttering what is the usual expression with which men preface theirentry upon desperate enterprises and daring, "Let the die be cast, " hehurried to cross the river; and thence advancing at full speed, heattacked Ariminum before daybreak and took it. It is said that on thenight before the passage of the river, he had an impure dream, [521]for he dreamed that he was in unlawful commerce with his mother. 

XXXIII. But when Ariminum was taken, as if the war had been let loosethrough wide gates over all the earth and sea at once, and the laws ofthe state were confounded together with the limits of the province, one would not have supposed that men and women only, as on otheroccasions, in alarm were hurrying through Italy, but that the citiesthemselves, rising from their foundations, were rushing in flight onethrough another; and Rome herself, as if she were deluged by torrents, owing to the crowding of the people from the neighbouring towns andtheir removal, could neither easily be pacified by magistrate nor keptin order by words, and in the midst of the mighty swell and thetossing of the tempest, narrowly escaped being overturned by her ownagitation. For contending emotions and violent movements occupiedevery place. Neither did those who rejoiced keep quiet, but in manyplaces, as one might expect in a large city, coming into collisionwith those who were alarmed and sorrowing, and being full ofconfidence as to the future, they fell to wrangling with them; andpeople from various quarters assailed Pompeius, who was terror-struckand had to endure the censure of one party for strengthening Cæsaragainst himself and the supremacy of Rome, while others charged himwith inciting Lentulus to insult Cæsar who was ready to give way andwas proposing fair terms of accommodation. Favonius bade him stamp onthe ground with his foot; for Pompeius on one occasion in an arrogantaddress to the Senate, told them not to be concerned or troublethemselves about preparations for war; when Cæsar advanced, he wouldstamp upon the earth with his foot and fill Italy with armies. However, even then Pompeius had the advantage over Cæsar in amount offorces: but nobody would let the man follow his own judgment: andgiving way to the many false reports and alarms, that the war was nowclose at hand and the enemy in possession of everything, and carriedaway by the general movement, he declared by an edict that he sawthere was tumult, and he left the city after giving his commands tothe Senate to follow, and that no one should stay who preferred hiscountry and freedom to tyranny. 

XXXIV. [522] Accordingly the consuls fled without even making thesacrifices which it was usual to make before quitting the city; andmost of the senators also took to flight, in a manner as if they wererobbing, each snatching of his own what first came to hand as if itbelonged to another. There were some also who, though they hadhitherto vehemently supported the party of Cæsar, through alarm atthat time lost their presence of mind, and without any necessity forit were carried along with the current of that great movement. A mostpiteous sight was the city, when so great a storm was coming on, leftlike a ship whose helmsman had given her up, to be carried along anddashed against anything that lay in her way. But though this desertionof the city was so piteous a thing, men for the sake of Pompeiusconsidered the flight to be their country, and they were quitting Romeas if it were the camp of Cæsar; for even Labienus, [523] one ofCæsar's greatest friends, who had been his legatus and had fought withhim most gallantly in all the Gallic wars, then fled away from Cæsarand came to Pompeius. But Cæsar sent to Labienus both his property andhis baggage; and advancing he pitched his camp close by Domitius, whowith thirty cohorts held Corfinium. [524] Domitius despairing ofhimself asked his physician, who was a slave, for poison, and takingwhat was given, he drank it, intending to die. Shortly after, hearingthat Cæsar showed wonderful clemency towards his prisoners, hebewailed his fate and blamed the rashness of his resolution. But onthe physician assuring him that what he had taken was only a sleepingpotion and not deadly, he sprung up overjoyed, and going to Cæsar, received his right hand, and yet he afterwards went over again toPompeius. This intelligence being carried to Rome made people moretranquil, and some who had fled, returned. 

XXXV. Cæsar took the troops of Domitius into his service, as wellas the soldiers that were raising for Pompeius whom he surprised inthe cities; and having now got a numerous and formidable army, headvanced against Pompeius. Pompeius did not await his approach, butfled to Brundisium, and sending the consuls over before him with aforce to Dyrrachium, [525] himself shortly after sailed from Brundisiumupon the approach of Cæsar, as will be told more particularly in theLife of Pompeius. [526] Though Cæsar wished to pursue immediately, hewas prevented by want of ships, and he turned back to Rome, having insixty days without bloodshed become master of Italy. Finding the citymore tranquil than he expected and many of the Senators in it, headdressed them in moderate and constitutional language, [527] urgingthem to send persons to Pompeius with suitable terms of accommodation;but no one listened to his proposal, either because they fearedPompeius, whom they had deserted, or supposed that Cæsar did notreally mean what he said, and merely used specious words. When thetribune Metellus[528] attempted to prevent him from taking money fromthe reserved treasure[529] and alleged certain laws, Cæsar replied, "That the same circumstances did not suit arms and laws: but do you, if you don't like what is doing, get out of the way, for war needs notbold words; when we have laid down our arms after coming to terms, then you may come forward and make your speeches to the people. " "Andin saying this, " he continued, "I waive part of my rights, for you aremine, and all are mine, who have combined against me, now that I havecaught them. " Having thus spoken to Metellus he walked to the doors ofthe treasury; but as the keys were not found, he sent for smiths andordered them to break the locks. Metellus again opposed him, and somecommended him for it, but Cæsar, raising his voice, threatened to killhim, if he did not stop his opposition, "And this, " said he, "youngman, you well know, is more painful for me to have said than to do. "These words alarmed Metellus and made him retire, and also causedeverything else to be supplied to Cæsar for the war without furthertrouble, and with speed. 

XXXVI. He marched against Iberia, [530] having first determined todrive out Afranius and Varro, the legati of Pompeius, and having gotinto his power the forces and the provinces in those parts, then toadvance against Pompeius without leaving any enemy in his rear. Afterhaving often been exposed to risk in his own person from ambuscades, and with his army chiefly from want of provisions, he never gave uppursuing, challenging to battle and hemming in the enemy with hislines, till he had made himself master of their camps and forces. Thegenerals escaped to Pompeius. 

XXXVII. On his return to Rome, Piso, the father-in-law of Cæsar, advised that they should send commissioners to Pompeius to treat ofterms, but Isauricus opposed the measure to please Cæsar. Being chosenDictator by the Senate, he restored the exiles, and the children ofthose who had suffered in the times of Sulla, [531] he reinstated intheir civil rights, and he relieved the debtors by a certain abatementof the interest, and took in hand other measures of the like kind, notmany in number; but in eleven days, he abdicated the monarchy, anddeclaring himself and Servilius Isauricus consuls[532] set out on hisexpedition. The rest of his forces he passed by on his hurried march, and with six hundred picked horsemen and five legions, the time beingthe winter solstice and the commencement of January (and this prettynearly corresponds to the Poseideon of the Athenians), he put to sea, and crossing the Ionian gulf he took Oricum and Apollonia; but he sentback his ships to Brundisium for the soldiers whom he had left behindon his march. But while the men were still on the road, as they werealready passed the vigour of their age and worn out by the number oftheir campaigns, they murmured against Cæsar, "Whither now will helead us and where will this man at last carry us to, hurrying usabout and treating us as if we could never be worn out and as if wewere inanimate things? even the sword is at last exhausted by blows, and shield and breastplate need to be spared a little after so longuse. Even our wounds do not make Cæsar consider that he commandsperishable bodies, and that we are but mortal towards endurance andpain; and the winter season and the storms of the sea even a godcannot command; but this man runs all risks, as if he were notpursuing his enemies, but flying from them. " With such words as thesethey marched slowly towards Brundisium. But when they found that Cæsarhad embarked, then quickly changing their temper, they reproachedthemselves as traitors to their Imperator; and they abused theirofficers also for not hastening the march. Sitting on the heights, they looked towards the sea and towards Epirus for the ships whichwere to carry them over to their commander. 

XXXVIII. At Apollonia, as Cæsar had not a force sufficient to opposethe enemy, and the delay of the troops from Italy put him inperplexity and much uneasiness, he formed a desperate design, withoutcommunicating it to any one, to embark in a twelve-oared boat and goover to Brundisium, though the sea was commanded by so many ships ofthe enemy. [533] Accordingly, disguising himself in a slave's dress, hewent on board by night, and throwing himself down as a person of noimportance, he lay quiet. While the river Anius[534] was carrying downthe boat towards the sea, the morning breeze, which at that timegenerally made the water smooth at the outlet of the river by drivingthe waves before it, was beaten down by a strong wind which blew allnight over the sea; and the river, chafing at the swell of the sea andthe opposition of the waves, was becoming rough, being driven back bythe huge blows and violent eddies, so that it was impossible for themaster of the boat to make head against it; on which he ordered themen to change about, intending to turn the boat round. Cæsarperceiving this, discovered himself, and taking the master by thehand, who was alarmed at the sight of him, said, "Come, my good man, have courage and fear nothing; you carry Cæsar and the fortune ofCæsar in your boat. " The sailors now forgot the storm, and sticking totheir oars, worked with all their force to get out of the river. Butas it was impossible to get on, after taking in much water and runninggreat risk at the mouth of the river, Cæsar very unwillingly consentedthat the master should put back. On his return, the soldiers met himin crowds, and blamed him much and complained that he did not feelconfident of victory even with them alone, but was vexed and exposedhimself to risk on account of the absent, as if he distrusted thosewho were present. 

XXXIX. Shortly after Antonius arrived from Brundisium with the troops;and Cæsar, being now confident, offered battle to Pompeius, who waswell posted and had sufficient supplies both from land and sea, whileCæsar at first had no abundance, and afterwards was hard pressed forwant of provisions: but the soldiers cut up a certain root[535] andmixing it with milk, ate it. And once, having made loaves of it, theyran up to the enemies' outposts, threw the bread into the camp, andpitched it about, adding, that so long as the earth produces suchroots, they will never stop besieging Pompeius. Pompeius, however, would not let either the matter of the loaves or these words be madeknown to the mass of the army; for his soldiers were dispirited anddreaded the savage temper and endurance of the enemy as if they werewild beasts. There were continually skirmishes about thefortifications of Pompeius, and Cæsar had the advantage in all exceptone, in which there was a great rout of his troops and he was indanger of losing his camp. For when Pompeius made an onset, no onestood the attack, but the trenches were filled with the dying, andCæsar's men were falling about their own ramparts and bulwarks, beingdriven in disorderly flight. Though Cæsar met the fugitives andendeavoured to turn them, he had no success, and when he laid hold ofthe colours, those who were carrying them threw them down, so that theenemy took two and thirty, and Cæsar himself had a narrow escape withhis life. A tall, strong man was running away past by Cæsar, whoputting his hand upon him, ordered him to stand and face the enemy;but the man, who was completely confounded by the danger, raised hissword to strike him, on which Cæsar's shield-bearer struck the manfirst and cut off his shoulder. Cæsar had so completely given up hiscause as lost, that when Pompeius either through caution or from someaccident did not put the finishing stroke to his great success, butretreated after shutting up the fugitives within their ramparts, Cæsarsaid to his friends as he was retiring, To-day the victory would bewith the enemy, if they had a commander who knew how to conquer. Goinginto his tent and lying down, Cæsar spent that night of all nights inthe greatest agony and perplexity, considering that his generalshiphad been bad, in that while a fertile country lay near him and therich cities of Macedonia and Thessaly, he had neglected to carry thewar thither, and was now stationed on the sea which the enemycommanded with his ships, and that he was rather held in siege by wantof supplies than holding the enemy in siege by his arms. Accordingly, after passing a restless night, full of uneasiness at the difficultyand danger of his present position, he broke up his camp with thedetermination of leading his troops into Macedonia to oppose Scipio, for he concluded that either he should draw Pompeius after him to acountry where he would fight without the advantage of having the samesupplies from the sea, or that he would defeat Scipio if he were leftto himself. 

XL. This encouraged the army of Pompeius and the officers about himto stick close to Cæsar, whom they considered to have been defeatedand to be making his escape; though Pompeius himself was cautiousabout hazarding a battle for so great a stake, and, as he wasexcellently furnished with everything for prolonging the war, hethought it best to wear out and weaken the vigour of the enemy, whichcould not be long sustained. For the best fighting men in Cæsar's armypossessed experience and irresistible courage in battle; but inmarchings and making encampments and assaulting fortifications andwatching by night, they gave way by reason of their age, and theirbodies were unwieldy for labour, and owing to weakness, had lost theiralacrity. It was also reported that a pestilential disease wasprevalent in Cæsar's army, which had originated in the want of properfood; and, what was chief of all, as Cæsar was neither well suppliedwith money nor provisions, it might be expected that in a short timehis army would be broken up of itself. 

XLI. For these reasons Pompeius did not wish to fight, and Cato alonecommended his design, because he wished to spare the citizens; forafter seeing those who had fallen in the battle to the number of athousand, he wrapped up his face and went away with tears in his eyes. But all the rest abused Pompeius for avoiding a battle, and tried tourge him on by calling him Agamemnon and King of Kings, by which theyimplied that he was unwilling to lay down the sole command, and wasproud at having so many officers under his orders and coming to histent, Favonius, who aped Cato's freedom of speech, raved because theyshould not be able even that year to enjoy the figs of Tusculum owingto Pompeius being so fond of command; and Afranius (for he had justarrived from Iberia, where he had shown himself a bad general), beingcharged with betraying his army for a bribe, asked why they did notfight with the merchant who had bought the provinces of him. Pressedby all this importunity, Pompeius pursued Cæsar with the intention offighting, though contrary to his wish. Cæsar accomplished his marchwith difficulty, as no one would supply him with provisions and he wasuniversally despised on account of his recent defeat; however, aftertaking Gomphi, [536] a Thessalian city, he had not only provisions forhis army, but his men were unexpectedly relieved from their disease. For they fell in with abundance of wine, of which they drankplentifully, and revelling and rioting on their march, by means oftheir drunkenness, they threw off and got rid of their complaint inconsequence of their bodies being brought into a different habit. 

XLII. When the two armies had entered the plain of Pharsalus andpitched their camps, Pompeius again fell back into his former opinion, and there were also unlucky appearances and a vision in hissleep. [537] He dreamed that he saw himself in the theatre, applaudedby the Romans. But those about him were so confident, and so fullyanticipated a victory, that Domitius and Scipio and Spinther weredisputing and bestirring themselves against one another about thepriesthood of Cæsar, and many persons sent to Rome to hire and getpossession of houses that were suitable for consuls and prætors, expecting to be elected to magistracies immediately after the war. Butthe cavalry showed most impatience for the battle, being sumptuouslyequipped with splendid armour, and priding themselves on theirwell-fed horses and fine persons, and on their numbers also, for theywere seven thousand against Cæsar's thousand. The number of theinfantry also was unequal, there being forty-five thousand matchedagainst twenty-two thousand. 

XLIII. Cæsar, calling his soldiers together and telling them thatCorfinius[538] was close at hand with two legions, and that othercohorts to the number of fifteen under Calenus were encamped nearMegara and Athens, asked if they would wait for them or hazard abattle by themselves. The soldiers cried out aloud that they did notwish him to wait, but rather to contrive and so manage his operationsthat they might soonest come to a battle with their enemies. While hewas performing a lustration of the army, as soon as he had sacrificedthe first victim, the soothsayer said that within three days therewould be a decisive battle with the enemy. Upon Cæsar asking him, ifhe saw any favourable sign in the victims as to the result of thebattle also, he replied, "You can answer this better for yourself: thegods indicate a great change and revolution of the actual state ofthings to a contrary state, so that if you think yourself prosperousin your present condition, expect the worst fortune; but if you donot, expect the better. " As Cæsar was taking his round to inspect thewatches the night before the battle about midnight, there was seen inthe heavens a fiery torch, which seemed to pass over Cæsar's camp andassuming a bright and flame-like appearance to fall down upon the campof Pompeius. In the morning watch they perceived that there was also apanic confusion among the enemy. However, as Cæsar did not expect thatthe enemy would fight on that day, he began to break up his camp withthe intention of marching to Scotussa. 

XLIV. The tents were already taken down when the scouts rode up to himwith intelligence that the enemy were coming down to battle, whereuponCæsar was overjoyed, and after praying to the gods he arranged hisbattle in three divisions. He placed Domitius Calvinus in command ofthe centre, Antonius had the left wing, and he commanded the right, intending to fight in the tenth legion. Observing that the cavalry ofthe enemy were posting themselves opposite to this wing and fearingtheir splendid appearance and their numbers, he ordered six cohorts tocome round to him from the last line without being observed and heplaced them in the rear of the right wing with orders what to do whenthe enemy's cavalry made their attack. Pompeius commanded his ownright, and Domitius the left, and the centre was under Scipio, hisfather-in-law. But all the cavalry crowded to the left, intending tosurround the right wing of the enemy and to make a complete rout ofthe men who were stationed about the general; for they believed thatno legionary phalanx, however deep, could resist, but that theiropponents would be completely crushed and broken to pieces by anattack of so many cavalry at once. When the signal for attack wasgoing to be given on both sides, Pompeius ordered the legionarysoldiers to stand with their spears presented and in close order towait the attack of the enemy till they were within a spear's throw. But Cæsar says that here also Pompeius made a mistake, not knowingthat the first onset, accompanied with running and impetuosity, givesforce to the blows, and at the same time fires the courage, which isthus fanned in every way. As Cæsar was about to move his phalanx andwas going into action, the first centurion that he spied was a man whowas faithful to him and experienced in war, and was encouraging thoseunder his command and urging them to vigorous exertion. Cæsaraddressing him by name said, "What hopes have we CaiusCrassinius, [539] and how are our men as to courage?" Crassiniusstretching out his right hand and calling out aloud, said, "We shallhave a splendid victory, Cæsar; and you shall praise me whether Isurvive the day or die. " Saying this, he was the first to fall on theenemy at his full speed and carrying with him the hundred and twentysoldiers who were under his command. Having cut through the firstrank, he was advancing with great slaughter of the enemy and wasdriving them from their ground, when he was stopped by a blow from asword through the mouth, and the point came out at the back of hisneck. 

XLV. The infantry having thus rushed together in the centre and beingengaged in the struggle, the cavalry of Pompeius proudly advanced fromthe wing, extending their companies to enclose Cæsar's right; butbefore they fell upon the enemy, the cohorts sprang forward fromamong Cæsar's troops, not, according to the usual fashion of war, throwing their spears nor yet holding them in their hands and aimingat the thighs and legs of the enemy, but pushing them against theireyes and wounding them in the face; and they had been instructed to dothis by Cæsar, who was confident that men who had no great familiaritywith battles or wounds, and were young and very proud of their beautyand youth, would dread such wounds and would not keep their groundboth through fear of the present danger and the future disfigurement. And it turned out so; for they could not stand the spears being pushedup at them nor did they venture to look at the iron that was presentedagainst their eyes, but they turned away and covered their faces tosave them; and at last, having thus thrown themselves into confusion, they turned to flight most disgracefully and ruined the whole cause. For those who had defeated the cavalry, immediately surrounded theinfantry and falling on them in the rear began to cut them down. Butwhen Pompeius saw from the other wing the cavalry dispersed in flight, he was no longer the same, nor did he recollect that he was PompeiusMagnus, but more like a man who was deprived of his understanding bythe god than anything else, [540] he retired without speaking a word tohis tent, and sitting down awaited the result, until the rout becominggeneral the enemy were assailing the ramparts, and fighting with thosewho defended them. Then, as if he had recovered his senses anduttering only these words, as it is reported, "What even to theramparts!" he put off his military and general's dress, and taking onesuited for a fugitive, stole away. But what fortunes he afterwardshad, and how he gave himself up to the Egyptians and was murdered, Ishall tell in the Life of Pompeius. 

XLVI. When Cæsar entered the camp of Pompeius and saw the bodies ofthose who were already killed, and the slaughter still going on amongthe living, he said with a groan: They would have it so; they broughtme into such a critical position that I, Caius Cæsar, who have beensuccessful in the greatest wars, should have been condemned, if I haddisbanded my troops. Asinius Pollio[541] says that Cæsar uttered thesewords on that occasion in Latin, and that he wrote them down in Greek. He also says that the chief part of those who were killed were slaves, and they were killed when the camp was taken; and that not more thansix thousand soldiers fell. Of those who were taken prisoners, Cæsardrafted most into his legions; and he pardoned many men ofdistinction, among whom was Brutus, who afterwards murdered him. Cæsaris said to have been very much troubled at his not being found, butwhen Brutus, who had escaped unhurt, presented himself to Cæsar, hewas greatly pleased. 

XLVII. There were many prognostics of the victory, but the mostremarkable is that which is reported as having appeared atTralles. [542] In the temple of Victory there stood a statue of Cæsar, and the ground about it was naturally firm and the surface was alsopaved with hard stone; from this, they say, there sprung up apalm-tree by the pedestal of the statue. In Patavium, Caius Cornelius, a man who had reputation for his skill in divination, a fellow-citizenand acquaintance of Livius the historian, happened to be sitting thatday to watch the birds. And first of all, as Livius says, hediscovered the time of the battle, and he said to those who werepresent that the affair was now deciding and the men were going intoaction. Looking again and observing the signs, he sprang up withenthusiasm and called out, "You conquer, Cæsar. " The bystanders beingsurprised, he took the chaplet from his head and said with an oath, that he would not put it on again till facts had confirmed his art. Livius affirms that these things were so. 

XLVIII. Cæsar after giving the Thessalians their liberty[543] inconsideration of his victory, pursued Pompeius. On reaching Asia[544]he made the Cnidians free to please Theopompus, [545] the collector ofmythi, and he remitted to all the inhabitants of Asia the third oftheir taxes. Arriving at Alexandria[546] after the death of Pompeius, he turned away from Theodotus who brought him the head of Pompeius, but he received his seal ring[547] and shed tears over it. All thecompanions and intimate friends of Pompeius who were rambling aboutthe country and had been taken by the King, he treated well and gainedover to himself. He wrote to his friends in Rome, that the chief andthe sweetest pleasure that he derived from his victory, was to be ableto pardon any of those citizens who had fought against him. As to thewar[548] there, some say that it might have been avoided and that itbroke out in consequence of his passion for Kleopatra and wasdiscreditable to him and hazardous; but others blame the King's partyand chiefly the eunuch Potheinus, who possessed the chief power, andhaving lately cut off Pompeius and driven out Kleopatra, was nowsecretly plotting against Cæsar; and on this account they say thatCæsar from that time passed the nights in drinking in order to protecthimself. But in his public conduct Pothinus was unbearable, for heboth said and did many things to bring odium on Cæsar and to insulthim. While measuring out to the soldiers the worst and oldest corn hetold them they must be satisfied with it and be thankful, as they wereeating what belonged to others; and at the meals he used only woodenand earthen vessels, alleging that Cæsar had got all the gold andsilver vessels in payment for a debt. [549] For the father of the thenKing owed Cæsar one thousand seven hundred and fifty times tenthousand, of which Cæsar had remitted the seven hundred and fifty tothe King's sons before, but he now claimed the one thousand tomaintain his army with. Upon Pothinus now bidding him take hisdeparture and attend to his important affairs and that he shouldafterwards receive his money back with thanks, Cæsar said, that leastof all people did he want the Egyptians as advisers, and he secretlysent for Kleopatra from the country. 

XLIX. Kleopatra, [550] taking Apollodorus the Sicilian alone of all herfriends with her, and getting into a small boat, approached thepalace as it was growing dark; and as it was impossible for her toescape notice in any other way, she got into a bed sack and laidherself out at full length, and Apollodorus, tying the sack togetherwith a cord, carried her through the doors to Cæsar. Cæsar is said tohave been first captivated by this device of Kleopatra, which showed adaring temper, and being completely enslaved by his intercourse withher and her attractions, he brought about an accommodation betweenKleopatra and her brother on the terms of her being associated withhim in the kingdom. A feast was held to celebrate the reconciliation, during which a slave of Cæsar, his barber, owing to his timidity inwhich he had no equal, leaving nothing unscrutinized, and listeningand making himself very busy, found out that a plot against Cæsar wasforming by Achillas the general and Potheinus the eunuch. Cæsar beingmade acquainted with their design, placed a guard around theapartment, and put Potheinus to death. Achillas escaped to the camp, and raised about Cæsar a dangerous and difficult war for one who withso few troops had to resist so large a city and force. In this contestthe first danger that he had to encounter was being excluded fromwater, for the canals[551] were dammed up by the enemy; and, in thesecond place, an attempt being made to cut off his fleet, he wascompelled to repel the danger with fire, which spreading from thearsenals to the large library[552] destroyed it; and, in the thirdplace, in the battle near the Pharos[553] he leaped down from themound into a small boat and went to aid the combatants; but as theEgyptians were coming against him from all quarters, he threw himselfinto the sea and swam away with great difficulty. On this occasion itis said that he had many papers in his hands, and that he did not letthem go, though the enemy were throwing missiles at him and he had todive under the water, but holding the papers above the water with onehand, he swam with the other; but the boat was sunk immediately. Atlast, when the King had gone over to the enemy, Cæsar attacked anddefeated them in a battle in which many fell and the King[554] himselfdisappeared. Leaving Kleopatra[555] Queen of Egypt, who shortly aftergave birth to a child that she had by Cæsar, which the Alexandrinesnamed Cæsarion, he marched to Syria. 

L. From Syria continuing his march through Asia he heard that Domitiushad been defeated by Pharnakes[556] son of Mithridates, and had fledfrom Pontus with a few men; and that Pharnakes, who used his victorywithout any moderation, and was in possession of Bithynia andCappadocia, also coveted Armenia, called the Little, and was stirringup all the kings and tetrarchs in this part. Accordingly Cæsarforthwith advanced against the man with three legions and fighting agreat battle near Zela drove Pharnakes in flight from Pontus, andcompletely destroyed his army. In reporting to one of his friends atRome, Amantius, [557] the celerity and rapidity of this battle, hewrote only three words: "I came, I saw, I conquered. " In the Romanlanguage the three words ending in the like form of verb, have abrevity which is not without its effect. 

LI. After this, passing over to Italy he went up to Rome at the closeof the year for which he had been chosen Dictator[558] the secondtime, though that office had never before been for a whole year; andhe was elected consul for the following year. He was much blamed abouta mutiny[559] that broke out among the soldiers in which they killedtwo men of prætorian rank, Cosconius and Galba, because he reprovedhis men no further than by calling them citizens instead of soldiers, and he gave to each of them a thousand drachmæ, and allotted to themmuch land in Italy. He also bore the blame of the madness ofDolabella, [560] the covetousness of Amantius, and the drunkenness ofAntonius, and the greedy tricks of Corfinius in getting the house ofPompeius, and his building it over again as if it were not fit forhim; for the Romans were annoyed at these things. But Cæsar, in thepresent state of affairs, though he was not ignorant of these things, and did not approve of them, was compelled to employ such men in hisservice. 

LII. As Cato[561] and Scipio, after the battle near Pharsalus, hadfled to Libya, and there, with the assistance of King Juba, gottogether a considerable force, Cæsar determined to go against them;and about the winter solstice passing over to Sicily and wishing tocut off from the officers about him all hopes of delay and tarryingthere, he placed his own tent on the margin of the waves, [562] and assoon as there was a wind he went on board and set sail with threethousand foot-soldiers and a few horsemen. Having landed themunobserved he embarked again, for he was under some apprehension aboutthe larger part of his force; and having fallen in with it on the sea, he conducted all to the camp. Now there was with him in the army a manin other respects contemptible enough and of no note, but of thefamily of the Africani, and his name was Scipio Sallutio;[563] and asCæsar heard that the enemy relied on a certain old oracular answer, that it was always the privilege of the family of the Scipios toconquer in Libya, either to show his contempt of Scipio as a generalby a kind of joke, or because he really wished to have the benefit ofthe omen himself (it is difficult to say which), he used to place thisSallutio in the front of the battles as if he were the leader of thearmy; for Cæsar was often compelled to engage with the enemy and toseek a battle, there being neither sufficient supply of corn for themen nor fodder for the animals, but they were compelled to take thesea-weed after washing off the salt and mixing a little grass with itby way of sweetening it, and so to feed their horses. For theNumidians, by continually showing themselves in great numbers andsuddenly appearing, kept possession of the country; and on oneoccasion while the horsemen of Cæsar were amusing themselves with aLibyan, who was exhibiting to them his skill in dancing and playing ona flute at the same time in a surprising manner, and the men, pleasedwith the sight, were sitting on the ground and the boys holding theirhorses, the enemy suddenly coming round and falling upon them killedsome, and entered the camp together with the rest, who fled indisorderly haste. And if Cæsar himself and Asinius Pollio had not comeout of the camp to help the men, and checked the pursuit, the warwould have been at an end. In another battle, also, the enemy had theadvantage in the encounter, on which occasion it is said that Cæsar, seizing by the neck the man who bore the eagle and was running away, turned him round, and said, "There is the enemy!"

LIII. However Scipio[564] was encouraged by these advantages to hazarda decisive battle; and leaving Afranius and Juba[565] encamped eachseparately at a short distance, he commenced making a fortified campabove a lake near the city Thapsus, intending it as a place for thewhole army to sally forth from to battle and a place of refuge also. While he was thus employed, Cæsar with incredible speed making his waythrough woody grounds which contained certain approaches that had notbeen observed, surrounded part of the enemy and attacked others infront. Having put these to flight he availed himself of the criticalmoment and the career of fortune, by means of which he captured thecamp of Afranius on the first assault, and at the first assault alsohe broke into the camp of the Numidians from which Juba fled; and in asmall part of a single day he made himself master of three camps anddestroyed fifty thousand of the enemy without losing as many as fiftyof his own men. This is the account that some writers give of thatbattle; but others say that Cæsar was not in the action himself, butthat as he was marshalling and arranging his forces, he was attackedby his usual complaint, and that perceiving it as soon as it came on, and before his senses were completely confounded and overpowered bythe malady, just as he was beginning to be convulsed, he was carriedto one of the neighbouring towers and stayed there quietly. Of the menof consular and prætorian rank who escaped from the battle, somekilled themselves when they were being taken, and Cæsar put many todeath who were captured. 

LIV. Being ambitious to take Cato[566] alive, Cæsar hastened to Utica, for Cato was guarding that city and was not in the battle. Hearingthat Cato had put an end to himself, Cæsar was evidently annoyed, butfor what reason is uncertain. However, he said, "Cato, I grudge youyour death, for you also have grudged me the preservation of yourlife. " But the work which be wrote against Cato after his death cannotbe considered an indication that he was mercifully disposed towardshim or in a mood to be easily reconciled. For how can we suppose thathe would have spared Cato living, when he poured out against him afterhe was dead so much indignation? However, some persons infer from hismild treatment of Cicero and Brutus and ten thousand others of hisenemies that this discourse also was composed not from any enmity, butfrom political ambition, for the following reason. Cicero wrote apanegyric on Cato and gave the composition the title "Cato"; and thediscourse was eagerly read by many, as one may suppose, being writtenby the most accomplished of orators on the noblest subject. Thisannoyed Cæsar, who considered the panegyric on a man whose death hehad caused to be an attack upon himself. Accordingly in his treatisehe got together many charges against Cato; and the work is entitled"Anticato. "[567] Both compositions have many admirers, as well onaccount of Cæsar as of Cato. 

LV. However, on his return[568] to Rome from Libya, in the first placeCæsar made a pompous harangue to the people about his victory, inwhich he said that he had conquered a country large enough to supplyannually to the treasury two hundred thousand Attic medimni of corn, and three million litræ of oil. In the next place he celebratedtriumphs, [569] the Egyptian, the Pontic, and the Libyan, not ofcourse for his victory over Scipio, but over Juba. [570] On thatoccasion Juba also, the son of King Juba, who was still an infant, wasled in the triumphal procession, most fortunate in his capture, forfrom being a barbarian and a Numidian he became numbered among themost learned of the Greek writers. After the triumphs Cæsar made largepresents to the soldiers, and entertained the people with banquets andspectacles, feasting the whole population at once at twenty-twothousand triclina, [571] and exhibiting also shows of gladiators andnaval combats in honour of his daughter Julia who had been dead forsome time. After the shows a census[572] was taken, in which insteadof the three hundred and twenty thousand of former enumerations, therewere enrolled only one hundred and fifty thousand. So much desolationhad the civil wars produced and so large a proportion of the peoplehad been destroyed in them, not to reckon the miseries that hadbefallen the rest of Italy and the provinces. 

LVI. All this being completed, Cæsar was made consul[573] for thefourth time, and set out to Iberia to attack the sons of Pompeius, whowere still young, but had got together a force of amazing amount anddisplayed a boldness that showed they were worthy to command, so thatthey put Cæsar in the greatest danger. The great battle was foughtnear the city of Munda, [574] in which Cæsar, seeing that his men werebeing driven from their ground and making a feeble resistance, ranthrough the arms and the ranks calling out, "If they had no sense ofshame, to take and deliver him up to the boys. " With difficulty andafter great exertion he put the enemy to flight and slaughtered abovethirty thousand of them, but he lost a thousand of his own bestsoldiers. On retiring after the battle he said to his friends, that hehad often fought for victory, but now for the first time he had foughtfor existence. He gained this victory on the day of the festival ofBacchus, on which day it is said that Pompeius Magnus also went out tobattle; the interval was four years. The younger of the sons[575] ofPompeius escaped, but after a few days Didius[576] brought the head ofthe elder. This was the last war that Cæsar was engaged in; but thetriumph[577] that was celebrated for this victory vexed the Romansmore than anything else. For this was no victory over foreign leadersnor yet over barbarian kings, but Cæsar had destroyed the children ofthe bravest of the Romans, who had been unfortunate, and hadcompletely ruined his family, and it was not seemly to celebrate atriumph over the calamities of his country, exulting in these things, for which the only apology both before gods and men was that they hadbeen done of necessity; and that too when he had never before senteither messenger or public letters to announce a victory gained in thecivil wars, but had from motives of delicacy rejected all glory onthat account. 

LVII. However, the Romans, gave way before the fortune of the man andreceived the bit, and considering the monarchy to be a respite fromthe civil wars and miseries they appointed him dictator[578] for life. This was confessedly a tyranny, for the monarchy received in additionto its irresponsibility the character of permanency; and whenCicero[579] in the Senate had proposed the highest honours[580] tohim, which though great were still such as were befitting a humanbeing, others by adding still further honours and vying with oneanother made Cæsar odious and an object of dislike even to those whowere of the most moderate temper, by reason of the extravagant andunusual character of what was decreed; and it is supposed that thosewho hated Cæsar cooperated in these measures no less than those whowere his flatterers, that they might have as many pretexts as possibleagainst him and might be considered to make their attempt upon himwith the best ground of complaint. For in all other respects, afterthe close of the civil wars, he showed himself blameless; and it wasnot without good reason that the Romans voted a temple to Clemency tocommemorate his moderate measures. For he pardoned many of those whohad fought against him, and to some he even gave offices and honours, as to Brutus and Cassius, both of whom were Prætors. He also did notallow the statues of Pompeius to remain thrown down, but he set themup again, on which Cicero said that by erecting the statues ofPompeius, Cæsar had firmly fixed his own. When his friends urged himto have guards and many offered their services for this purpose, hewould not consent, and he said, that it was better to die at once thanto be always expecting death. But for the purpose of surroundinghimself with the affection of the Romans as the noblest and also thesecurest protection, he again courted the people with banquets anddistribution of corn, and the soldiers with the foundation ofcolonies, of which the most conspicuous were Carthage[581] andCorinth, to both of which it happened that their former capture andtheir present restoration occurred at once and at the same time. 

LVIII. To some of the nobles he promised consulships and prætorshipsfor the future, and others he pacified with certain other offices andhonours, and he gave hopes to all, seeking to make it appear that heruled over them with their own consent, so that when Maximus[582] theconsul died, he appointed Caninius Revilius consul for the one daythat still remained of the term of office. When many persons weregoing, as was usual, to salute the new consul and to form part of histrain Cicero said, "We must make haste, or the man will have gone outof office. " Cæsar's great success did not divert his naturalinclination for great deeds and his ambition to the enjoyment of thatfor which he had laboured, but serving as fuel and incentives to thefuture bred in him designs of greater things and love of new glory, asif he had used up what he had already acquired; and the passion wasnothing else than emulation of himself as if he were another person, and a kind of rivalry between what he intended and what he hadaccomplished; and his propositions and designs were to march againstthe Parthians, [583] and after subduing them and marching throughHyrkania and along the Caspian Sea and the Caucasus, and soencompassing the Euxine, to invade Scythia, and after having overrunthe countries bordering on the Germans and Germany itself to returnthrough Gaul to Italy, and so to complete his circle of the empirewhich would be bounded on all sides by the ocean. During thisexpedition he intended also to dig through the CorinthianIsthmus, [584] and he had already commissioned Anienus to superintendthe work; and to receive the Tiber[585] immediately below the city ina deep cut, and giving it a bend towards Circæum to make it enter thesea by Tarracina, with the view of giving security and facility tothose who came to Rome for the purpose of trade: besides this hedesigned to draw off the water from the marshes about Pomentium andSetia, [586] and to make them solid ground, which would employ manythousands of men in the cultivation; and where the sea was nearest toRome he designed to place barriers to it by means of moles, and afterclearing away the hidden rocks and dangerous places on the shore ofOstia[587] to make harbours and naval stations which should givesecurity to the extensive shipping. And all these things were inpreparation. 

LIX. But the arrangement of the Kalendar[588] and the correction ofthe irregularity in the reckoning of time were handled by himskilfully, and being completed were of the most varied utility. For itwas not only in very ancient times that the Romans had the periods ofthe moon in confusion with respect to the year, so that the feasts andfestivals gradually changing at last fell out in opposite seasons ofthe year, but even with respect to the solar year at that time nobodykept any reckoning except the priests, who, as they alone knew theproper time, all of a sudden and when nobody expected it, would insertthe intercalary month named Mercedonius, which King Numa is said tohave been the first to intercalate, thereby devising a remedy, whichwas slight and would extend to no great period, for the irregularityin the recurrence of the times, as I have explained in the Life ofNuma. But Cæsar laying the problem before the ablest philosophers andmathematicians, from the methods that were laid before him compoundeda correction of his own which was more exact, which the Romans use tothe present time, and are considered to be in less error than othernations as to the inequality. However, even this furnished matter forcomplaint to those who envied him and disliked his power; for Cicero, the orator, as it is said, when some observed that Lyra would riseto-morrow, "Yes, " he replied, "pursuant to the Edict, " meaning thatmen admitted even this by compulsion. 

LX. But the most manifest and deadly hatred towards him was producedby his desire of kingly power, which to the many was the first, and tothose who had long nourished a secret hatred of him the most specious, cause. And indeed those who were contriving this honour for Cæsarspread about a certain report among the people, that according to theSibylline writings[589] it appeared that Parthia could be conquered bythe Romans if they advanced against it with a king, but otherwisecould not he assailed. And as Cæsar was going down from Alba to thecity, they ventured to salute him as King, but as the people showedtheir dissatisfaction, Cæsar was disturbed and said that he was notcalled King but Cæsar; and as hereupon there was a general silence, hepassed along with no great cheerfulness nor good humour on hiscountenance. When some extravagant honours had been decreed to him inthe Senate, it happened that he was sitting above the Rostra, [590] andwhen the consuls and prætors approached with all the Senate behindthem, without rising from his seat, but just as if he were transactingbusiness with private persons, he answered that the honours requiredrather to be contracted than enlarged. This annoyed not the Senateonly, but the people also, who considered that the State was insultedin the persons of the Senate; and those who were not obliged to staywent away forthwith with countenance greatly downcast, so that Cæsarperceiving it forthwith went home, and as he threw his cloak from hisshoulders he called out to his friends, that he was ready to offer histhroat to anyone who wished to kill him; but afterwards he alleged hisdisease as an excuse for his behaviour, saying that persons who are soaffected cannot usually keep their senses steady when they address amultitude standing, but that the senses being speedily convulsed andwhirling about bring on giddiness and are overpowered. However, thefact was not so, for it is said that he was very desirous to rise upwhen the Senate came, but was checked by one of his friends, or ratherone of his flatterers, Cornelius Balbus, [591] who said, "Will you notremember that you are Cæsar, and will you not allow yourself to behonoured as a superior?"

LXI. There was added to these causes of offence the insult offered tothe tribunes. It was the festival of the Lupercalia, [592] about whichmany writers say that it was originally a festival of the shepherdsand had also some relationship to the Arcadian Lykæa. On this occasionmany of the young nobles and magistrates run through the city withouttheir toga, and for sport and to make laughter strike those whom theymeet with strips of hide that have the hair on; many women of rankalso purposely put themselves in the way and present their hands to bestruck like children at school, being persuaded that this isfavourable to easy parturition for those who are pregnant, and toconception for those who are barren. Cæsar was a spectator, beingseated at the Rostra on a golden chair in a triumphal robe; andAntonius was one of those who ran in the sacred race, for he wasconsul. Accordingly, when he entered the Forum and the crowd made wayfor him, he presented to Cæsar a diadem[593] which he carriedsurrounded with a crown of bay; and there was a clapping of hands, not loud, but slight, which had been already concerted. When Cæsar putaway the diadem from him all the people clapped their hands, and whenAntonius presented it again, only a few clapped; but when Cæsardeclined to receive it, again all the people applauded. The experimenthaving thus failed, Cæsar rose and ordered the crown to be carried tothe Capitol. But as Cæsar's statues were seen crowned with royaldiadems, two of the tribunes, Flavius and Marullus, went up to themand pulled off the diadems, and having discovered those who had beenthe first to salute Cæsar as king they led them off to prison. Thepeople followed clapping their hands and calling the tribunes Bruti, because it was Brutus who put down the kingly power and placed thesovereignty in the Senate and people instead of its being in the handsof one man. Cæsar being irritated at this deprived Flavius andMarullus of their office, and while rating them he also insulted thepeople by frequently calling the tribunes Bruti and Cumæi. [594] LXII. In this state of affairs the many turned to Marcus Brutus, [595] who onhis father's side was considered to be a descendant of the ancientBrutus, and on his mother's side belonged to the Servilii, anotherdistinguished house, and he was the son-in-law and nephew of Cato. Thehonours and favours which Brutus had received from Cæsar dulled himtowards attempting of his own proper motion the overthrow of themonarchical power; for not only was his life saved at the battle ofPharsalus after the rout of Pompeius, and many of his friends also athis entreaty, but besides this he had great credit with Cæsar. He hadalso received among those who then held the prætorship[596] the chiefoffice, and he was to be consul in the fourth year from that time, having been preferred to Cassius who was a rival candidate. For it issaid that Cæsar observed that Cassius urged better grounds ofpreference, but that he could not pass over Brutus. And on oneoccasion when some persons were calumniating Brutus to him, at a timewhen the conspiracy was really forming, he would not listen to them, but touching his body with his hand he said to the accusers, "Brutuswaits[597] for this dry skin, " by which he intended to signify thatBrutus was worthy of the power for his merits, but for the sake of thepower would not be ungrateful and a villain. Now, those who were eagerfor the change and who looked up to him alone, or him as the chiefperson, did not venture to speak with him on the subject, but by nightthey used to fill the tribunal and the seat on which he sat whendischarging his functions as prætor with writings, most of which wereto this purport, "You are asleep, Brutus, " and "You are not Brutus. "By which Cassius, [598] perceiving that his ambition was somewhatstirred, urged him more than he had done before, and pricked him on;and Cassius himself had also a private grudge against Cæsar for thereasons which I have mentioned in the Life of Brutus. Indeed Cæsarsuspected Cassius, and he once said to his friends, "What think ye isCassius aiming at? for my part, I like him not over much, for he isover pale. " On the other hand it is said that when a rumour reachedhim, that Antonius and Dolabella were plotting, he said, "I am notmuch afraid of these well-fed, [599] long-haired fellows, but I ratherfear those others, the pale and thin, " meaning Cassius and Brutus. 

LXIII. But it appears that destiny is not so much a thing that givesno warning as a thing that cannot be avoided, for they say thatwondrous signs and appearances presented themselves. Now, as to lightsin the skies and sounds by night moving in various directions andsolitary birds descending into the Forum, it is perhaps not worthwhile recording these with reference to so important an event: butStrabo[600] the Philosopher relates that many men all of fire wereseen contending against one another, and that a soldier's slaveemitted a great flame from his hand and appeared to the spectators tobe burning, but when the flame went out, the man had sustained noharm; and while Cæsar himself was sacrificing the heart of the victimcould not be found, and this was considered a bad omen, for naturallyan animal without a heart cannot exist. The following stories also aretold by many; that a certain seer warned him to be on his guardagainst great danger on that day of the month of March, which theRomans call the Ides;[601] and when the day had arrived, as Cæsar wasgoing to the Senate-house, he saluted the seer and jeered him saying, "Well, the Ides of March are come;" but the seer mildly replied, "Yes, they are come, but they are not yet over. " The day before, when MarcusLepidus was entertaining him, he chanced to be signing some letters, according to his habit, while he was reclining at table; and theconversation having turned on what kind of death was the best, beforeany one could give an opinion he called out, "That which isunexpected!" After this, while he was sleeping, as he was accustomedto do, by the side of his wife, all the doors and windows in the houseflew open at once, and being startled by the noise and the brightnessof the moon which was shining down upon him, he observed thatCalpurnia[602] was in a deep slumber, but was uttering indistinctwords and inarticulate groans in the midst of her sleep; and indeedshe was dreaming that she held her murdered husband in her arms andwas weeping over him. Others say this was not the vision thatCalpurnia had, but the following: there was attached to Cæsar's houseby way of ornament and distinction pursuant to a vote of the Senate anacroterium, [603] as Livius says, and Calpurnia in her dream seeingthis tumbling down lamented and wept. When day came accordingly sheentreated Cæsar, if it were possible, not to go out, and to put offthe meeting of the Senate; but if he paid no regard to her dreams, sheurged him to inquire by other modes of divination and by sacrificesabout the future. Cæsar also, as it seems, had some suspicion andfear; for he had never before detected in Calpurnia any womanishsuperstition, and now he saw that she was much disturbed. And when theseers also after sacrificing many victims reported to him that theomens were unfavourable, he determined to send Antonius to dismiss theSenate. 

LXIV. In the mean time Decimus Brutus, [604] surnamed Albinus, who wasin such favour with Cæsar that he was made in his will his secondheir, [605] but was engaged in the conspiracy with the other Brutus andCassius, being afraid that if Cæsar escaped that day, the affair mightbecome known, ridiculed the seers and chided Cæsar for giving causefor blame and censure to the Senate who would consider themselvesinsulted: he said, "That the Senate had met at his bidding and thatthey were all ready to pass a decree, that he should be proclaimedKing of the provinces out of Italy and should wear a diadem wheneverhe visited the rest of the earth and sea; but if any one shall tellthem when they are taking their seats, to be gone now and to comeagain, when Calpurnia shall have had better dreams, what may we notexpect to be said by those who envy you? or who will listen to yourfriends when they say that this is not slavery and tyranny; but if, "he continued, "you are fully resolved to consider the dayinauspicious, it is better for you to go yourself and address theSenate and then to adjourn the business. " As he said this, Brutus tookCæsar by the hand and began to lead him forth: and he had gone but alittle way from the door, when a slave belonging to another person, who was eager to get at Cæsar but was prevented by the press andnumbers about him, rushing into the house delivered himself up toCalpurnia and told her to keep him till Cæsar returned, for he hadimportant things to communicate to him. 

LXV. Artemidorus, [606] a Knidian by birth, and a professor of Greekphilosophy, which had brought him into the familiarity of some ofthose who belonged to the party of Brutus, so that he knew the greaterpart of what was going on, came and brought in a small roll theinformation which he intended to communicate; but observing that Cæsargave each roll as he received it to the attendants about him, he camevery near, and said, "This you alone should read, Cæsar, and read itsoon; for it is about weighty matters which concern you. " AccordinglyCæsar received the roll, but he was prevented from reading it by thenumber of people who came in his way, though he made several attempts, and he entered the Senate holding that roll in his hand and retainingthat alone among all that had been presented to him. Some say that itwas another person who gave him this roll, and that Artemidorus didnot even approach him, but was kept from him all the way by thepressure of the crowd. 

LXVI. Now these things perchance may be brought about by merespontaneity; but the spot that was the scene of that murder andstruggle, wherein the Senate was then assembled, which contained thestatue of Pompeius[607] and was a dedication by Pompeius and one ofthe ornaments that he added to his theatre, completely proved that itwas the work of some dæmon to guide and call the execution of the deedto that place. It is said also that Cassius[608] looked towards thestatue of Pompeius before the deed was begun and silently invoked it, though he was not averse to the philosophy of Epikurus; but thecritical moment for the bold attempt which was now come probablyproduced in him enthusiasm and feeling in place of his formerprinciples. Now Antonius, [609] who was faithful to Cæsar and a robustman, was kept on the outside by Brutus Albinus, who purposely engagedhim in a long conversation. When Cæsar entered, the Senate rose to dohim honour, and some of the party of Brutus stood around his chair atthe back, and others presented themselves before him, as if theirpurpose was to support the prayer of Tillius Cimber[610] on behalf ofhis exiled brother, and they all joined in entreaty, following Cæsaras far as his seat. When he had taken his seat and was rejecting theirentreaties, and, as they urged them still more strongly, began to showdispleasure towards them individually, Tillius taking hold of his togawith both his hands pulled it downwards from the neck, which was thesignal for the attack. Casca[611] was the first to strike him on theneck with his sword, a blow neither mortal nor severe, for as wasnatural at the beginning of so bold a deed he was confused, and Cæsarturning round seized the dagger and held it fast. And it happened thatat the same moment he who was struck cried out in the Roman language, "You villain, Casca, what are you doing?" and he who had given theblow cried out to his brother in Greek, "Brother, help. " Such beingthe beginning, those who were not privy to the conspiracy wereprevented by consternation and horror at what was going on either fromflying or going to aid, and they did not even venture to utter a word. And now each of the conspirators bared his sword, and Cæsar, beinghemmed in all round, in whatever direction he turned meeting blows andswords aimed against his eyes and face, driven about like a wildbeast, was caught in the hands of his enemies; for it was arrangedthat all of them should take a part in and taste of the deed of blood. Accordingly Brutus[612] also gave him one blow in the groin. It issaid by some authorities, that he defended himself against the rest, moving about his body hither and thither and calling out, till he sawthat Brutus had drawn his sword, when he pulled his toga over his faceand offered no further resistance, having been driven either by chanceor by the conspirators to the base on which the statue of Pompeiusstood. And the base was drenched with blood, as if Pompeius wasdirecting the vengeance upon his enemy who was stretched beneath hisfeet and writhing under his many wounds; for he is said to havereceived three and twenty wounds. Many of the conspirators werewounded by one another, while they were aiming so many blows againstone body. 

LXVII. After Cæsar was killed, though Brutus came forward as if he wasgoing to say something about the deed, the Senators, [613] withoutwaiting to listen, rushed through the door and making their escapefilled the people with confusion and indescribable alarm, so that someclosed their houses, and others left their tables and places ofbusiness, and while some ran to the place to see what had happened, others who had seen it ran away. But Antonius and Lepidus, [614] whowere the chief friends of Cæsar, stole away and fled for refuge tothe houses of other persons. The partizans of Brutus, just as theywere, warm from the slaughter, and showing their bare swords, advancedall in a body from the Senate-house to the Capitol, not like men whowere flying, but exultant and confident, calling the people to libertyand joined by the nobles who met them. Some even went up to theCapitol with them and mingled with them as if they had participated inthe deed, and claimed the credit of it, among whom were Caius Octaviusand Lentulus Spinther. [615] But they afterwards paid the penalty oftheir vanity, for they were put to death by Antonius and the youngCæsar, without having enjoyed even the reputation of that for whichthey lost their lives, for nobody believed that they had a share inthe deed. For neither did those who put them to death, punish them forwhat they did, but for what they wished to do. On the next day Brutuscame down and addressed the people, who listened without expressingdisapprobation or approbation of what had been done, but theyindicated by their deep silence that they pitied Cæsar and respectedBrutus. The Senate, with the view of making an amnesty andconciliating all parties, decreed that Cæsar should be honoured as agod and that not the smallest thing should be disturbed which he hadsettled while he was in power; and they distributed among thepartisans of Brutus provinces and suitable honours, so that all peoplesupposed that affairs were quieted and had been settled in the bestway. 

LXVIII. But when the will[616] of Cæsar was opened and it wasdiscovered that he had given to every Roman a handsome present, andthey saw the body, as it was carried through the Forum, disfiguredwith the wounds, the multitude, no longer kept within the bounds ofpropriety and order, but heaping about the corpse benches, latticesand tables taken from the Forum, they set fire to it on the spot andburnt it; then taking the flaming pieces of wood they ran to thehouses of the conspirators to fire them, and others ran about the cityin all directions seeking for the men to seize and tear them inpieces. But none of the conspirators came in their way, and they wereall well protected. One Cinna, [617] however, a friend of Cæsar, happened, as it is said, to have had a strange dream the nightbefore; for he dreamed that he was invited by Cæsar to sup with him, and when he excused himself, he was dragged along by Cæsar by thehand, against his will and making resistance the while. Now, when heheard that the body of Cæsar was burning in the Forum, he got up andwent there out of respect, though he was somewhat alarmed at his dreamand had a fever on him. One of the multitude who saw Cinna told hisname to another who was inquiring of him, and he again told it to athird, and immediately it spread through the crowd that this man wasone of those who had killed Cæsar; and indeed there was one of theconspirators who was named Cinna: and taking this man to be him thepeople forthwith rushed upon him and tore him in pieces on the spot. It was principally through alarm at this that the partisans of Brutusand Cassius after a few days left the city. But what they did andsuffered before they died is told in the Life of Brutus. [618] LXIX. Atthe time of his death Cæsar was full fifty-six years old, havingsurvived Pompeius not much more than four years, and of the power anddominion which all through his life he pursued at so great risk andbarely got at last, having reaped the fruit in name only, and with theglory of it the odium of the citizens. Yet his great dæmon, [619] whichaccompanied him through life, followed him even when he was dead, theavenger of his murder, through every land and sea hunting and trackingout his murderers till not one of them was left, and pursuing eventhose who in any way whatever had either put their hand to the deed orbeen participators in the plot. Among human events the strangest wasthat which befell Cassius, for after his defeat at Philippi he killedhimself with the same dagger that he had employed against Cæsar; andamong signs from heaven, there was the great comet, which appearedconspicuous for seven nights after Cæsar's assassination and thendisappeared, and the obscuration of the splendour of the sun. Forduring all that year the circle of the sun rose pale and without rays, and the warmth that came down from it was weak and feeble, so that theair as it moved was dark and heavy owing to the feebleness of thewarmth which penetrated it, and the fruits withered and fell off whenthey were half ripened and imperfect on account of the coldness of theatmosphere. But chief of all, the phantom that appeared to Brutusshowed that Cæsar's murder was not pleasing to the gods; and it wasafter this manner. When Brutus was going to take his army over fromAbydus[620] to the other continent, he was lying down by night, as hiswont was, in his tent, not asleep, but thinking about the future; forit is said that Brutus of all generals was least given to sleep, andhad naturally the power of keeping awake longer than any other person. Thinking that he heard a noise near the door, he looked towards thelight of the lamp which was already sinking down, and saw a frightfulvision of a man of unusual size and savage countenance. At first hewas startled, but observing that the figure neither moved nor spoke, but was standing silent by the bed, he asked him who he was. Thephantom replied, "Thy bad dæmon, Brutus; and thou shalt see me atPhilippi. " Upon which Brutus boldly replied, "I shall see;" and thedæmon immediately disappeared. In course of time having engaged withAntonius and Cæsar at Philippi, in the first battle he was victorious, and after routing that part of the army which was opposed to him hefollowed up his success and plundered Cæsar's camp. As he waspreparing to fight the second battle, the same phantom appeared againby night, without speaking to him, but Brutus, who perceived what hisfate was, threw himself headlong into the midst of the danger. Howeverhe did not fall in the battle, but when the rout took place, he fledto a precipitous spot, and throwing himself with his breast on hisbare sword, a friend also, as it is said, giving strength to the blow, he died. [621] FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 435: It has been remarked by Niebuhr (_Lectures on theHistory of Rome_, ii. 33) that the beginning of the Life of Cæsar islost. He says, "Plutarch could not have passed over the ancestors, thefather, and the whole family, together with the history of Cæsar'syouth, &c. " But the reasons for this opinion are not conclusive. Thesame reason would make us consider other lives imperfect, which arealso deficient in such matters. Plutarch, after his fashion, givesincidental information about Cæsar's youth and his family. I conceivethat he purposely avoided a formal beginning; and according to hisplan of biography, he was right. Niebuhr also observes that thebeginning of the Life of Cæsar in Suetonius is imperfect; "a fact wellknown, but it is only since the year 1812, that we know that the partwhich is wanting contained a dedication to the præfectus prætorio ofthe time, a fact which has not yet found its way into any history ofRoman Literature. " It is an old opinion that the Life of Cæsar inSuetonius is imperfect. The fact that the dedication alone is wanting, for so Niebuhr appears to mean, shows that the Life is not incomplete, and there is no reason for thinking that it is. 

C. Julius Cæsar, the son of C. Julius Cæsar and Aurelia, was born onthe twelfth of July, B. C. 100, in the sixth consulship of his uncle C. Marius. His father, who had been prætor, died suddenly at Pisa whenhis son was in his sixteenth year. ]

[Footnote 436: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 9, and notes. ]

[Footnote 437: Cæsar was first betrothed to Cossutia, the daughter ofa rich Roman Eques, but he broke off the marriage contract, andmarried Cornelia, B. C. 83. ]

[Footnote 438: A different story is told by Suetonius (_Cæsar_, c. 1), and Velleius Paterculus (ii. 43). ]

[Footnote 439: Cornelius Phagita (Suetonius, c. 1, 74. ) The words ofSulla are also reported by Suetonius (c. 1). ]

[Footnote 440: Nicomedes III. Cæsar was sent to him by Thermus to getships for the siege of Mitylene. Suetonius, a lover of scandal, haspreserved a grievous imputation against Cæsar, which is connected withthis visit to Nicomedes (_Cæsar_, c. 2, 49). Cæsar in a speech for theBithynians (Gellius, v. 13) calls Nicomedes his friend. He felt thereproach keenly, and tried to clear himself (Dion Cassius, 43, c. 20). But it is easier to make such charges than to confute them. 

M. Minucius Thermus, Proprætor. Cæsar served his first campaign underhim at the siege and capture of Mitylene B. C. 80. Cæsar gained a civiccrown. See the note in Burmaun's edition of Suetonius. ]

[Footnote 441: This island was near Miletus. Stephan. Byzant. , [Greek:Pharmakoussa] Φαρμακοῦσσα. ]

[Footnote 442: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 26. Cæsar served a shorttime against the Cilician pirates under P. Servilius Isauricus(Sueton. _Cæsar_, 2) B. C. 77, or perhaps later. ]

[Footnote 443: He was now in Bithynia according to Vell. Paterculus(ii. 42). This affair of the pirates happened according to Drumann inB. C. 76. Plutarch places it five years earlier. ]

[Footnote 444: Plutarch should probably have called him only Molo. Hewas a native of Alabanda in Caria. Cicero often mentions his oldmaster, but always by the name of Molo only. He calls the rhetorician, who was the master of Q. Mucius Scævola, consul B. C. 117. Apollonius, who was also a native of Alabanda. ]

[Footnote 445: See c. 54. ]

[Footnote 446: See the first chapter of the Life of Lucullus. ]

[Footnote 447: Cn. Cornelius Dolabella, consul B. C. 81, afterwards wasgovernor of Macedonia as proconsul, in which office he was chargedwith maladministration. Cicero (_Brutus_, c. 71, 92) mentions thistrial. Drumann places it in B. C. 77. Cicero (_Brutus_, c. 72) giveshis opinion of the eloquence of Cæsar. (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 4; Vell. Paterculus, ii. 42. )]

[Footnote 448: His name was Caius. He was consul B. C. 63 with Cicero. The trial, which was in B. C. 76, of course related to misconduct priorto that date. The trial was not held in Greece. M. Lucullus was thebrother of L. Lucullus, and was Prætor in Rome at the time of thetrial. ]

[Footnote 449: Some amplification is necessary here in order topreserve Plutarch's metaphor. He was fond of such poetical turns. 

 Nec poterat quemquam placidi pellacia ponti Subdola pellicere in fraudem ridentibus undis. 

_Lucretius_, v. 1002. ]

[Footnote 450: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 48. ]

[Footnote 451: The military tribunes, it appears, were now elected bythe people, or part of them at least. Comp. Liv. 43, c. 14. ]

[Footnote 452: His aunt Julia and his wife Cornelia died during hisquæstorship, probably B. C. 68. ]

[Footnote 453: The Roman word is Imagines. There is a curious passageabout the Roman Imagines in Polybius (vi. 53, ed. Bekker)--"Viginticlarissimarum familiarum imagines antelatæ sunt. " Tacit. _Annal. _ iii. 76. ]

[Footnote 454: The origin of this custom with respect to women is toldby Livius (5. C. 50). It was introduced after the capture of the cityby the Gauls, as a reward to the women for contributing to the ransomdemanded by the enemy. ]

[Footnote 455: Antistius Vetus (Vell. Paterculus, ii. 18) was Prætorof the division of Iberia which was called Bætica. His son C. Antistius Veius was Quæstor B. C. 61 under Cæsar in Iberia. ]

[Footnote 456: She was a daughter of Q. Pompeius Rufus, the son-in-lawof Sulla, who lost his life B. C. 88, during the consulship of hisfather. See the Life of Sulla, c. 6 notes. The daughter who is herementioned was Julia, Cæsar's only child. ]

[Footnote 457: This was the road from Rome to Capua, which was begunby the Censor Appius Claudius Cæcus B. C. 312, and afterwards continuedto Brundisium. It commenced at Rome and ran in nearly a direct line toTerracina across the Pomptine marshes. 

The appointment as commissioner (curator) for repairing and makingroads was an office of honour, and one that gave a man the opportunityof gaining popular favour. ]

[Footnote 458: Cæsar was Curule Ædile B. C. 65. ]

[Footnote 459: Q. Metellus Pius, Consul B. C. 80. Cæsar's competitorswere P. Servilius Isauricus, consul B. C. 79, under whom Cæsar hadfought against the pirates, and Q. Lutatius Catulus, consul B. C. 78, the son of the Catulus whom Marius put to death. Cæsar was already aPontifex, but the acquisition of the post of Pontifex Maximus, whichplaces him at the head of religion, was an object of ambition to himin his present position. The office was for life, it brought him anofficial residence in the Via Sacra, and increased politicalinfluence. ]

[Footnote 460: The conspiracy of Catiline happened B. C. 63, whenCicero was consul. See the Life of Cicero, c. 10, &c. Sallustius(_Catilina_, c. 51, &c. ) has given the speeches of Cæsar and Cato inthe debate upon the fate of the conspirators who had been seized. Ifwe have not the words of Cæsar, there is no reason for supposing thatwe have not the substance of his speech. Whatever might be Cæsar'sobject, his proposal was consistent with law and a fair trial. Theexecution of the conspirators was a violent and illegal measure. ]

[Footnote 461: This circumstance is mentioned by Sallustius(_Catilina_, 49), apparently as having happened when Cæsar was leavingthe Senate, after one of the debates previous to that on which it wasdetermined to put the conspirators to death. Sallustius mentionsCatulus and C. Piso as the instigators. He also observes that they hadtried to prevail on Cicero to criminate Cæsar by false testimony. (SeeDrumann, _Tullii_, § 40, p. 531. )]

[Footnote 462: C. Scribonius Curio, consul B. C. 76, father of theCurio mentioned in the Life of Pompeius, c. 58, who was a tribune B. C. 50. ]

[Footnote 463: Cicero wrote his book on his Consulship B. C. 60, inwhich year Cæsar was elected consul, and it was published at thattime. Cæsar was then rising in power, and Cicero was humbled. It wouldbe as well for him to say nothing on this matter which Plutarchalludes to (_Ad Attic. _ ii. 1). 

Cicero wrote first a prose work on his consulship in Greek (_AdAttic. _ i. 19), and also a poem in three books in Latin hexameters(_Ad Attic. _ ii. 3). ]

[Footnote 464: Attic drachmæ, as usual with Plutarch, when he omitsthe denomination of the money. In his Life of Cato (c. 26) Plutarchestimates the sum at 1250 talents. This impolitic measure of Catotended to increase an evil that had long been growing in Rome, theexistence of a large body of poor who looked to the public treasuryfor part of their maintenance. (See the note on the Life of CaiusGracchus, c. 5. )]

[Footnote 465: Cæsar was Prætor B. C. 62. He was Prætor designatus inDecember B. C. 63, when he delivered his speech on the punishment ofCatiline's associates. ]

[Footnote 466: Some notice of this man is contained in the Life ofLucullus, c. 34, 38, and the Life of Cicero, c. 29. The affair of theBona Dea, which made a great noise in Rome, is told very fully inCicero's letters to Atticus (i. 12, &c. ), which were written at thetime. 

The feast of the Bona Dea was celebrated on the first of May, in thehouse of the Consul or of the Prætor Urbanus. There is some furtherinformation about it in Plutarch's Romanæ Quæstiones (ed. Wyttenbach, vol. Ii. ). According to Cicero (_De Haruspicum Responsis_, c. 17), thereal name of the goddess was unknown to the men; and Dacier considersit much to the credit of the Roman ladies that they kept the secret sowell. For this ingenious remark I am indebted to Kaltwasser's citationof Dacier; I have not had curiosity enough to look at Dacier's notes. ]

[Footnote 467: The divorce of Pompeia is mentioned by Cicero (_AdAttic. _ i. 13). ]

[Footnote 468: Clodius was tried B. C. 61, and acquitted by a corruptjury (judices). (See Cicero, _Ad Attic. _ i. 16. ) Kaltwasser appears tome to have mistaken this passage. The judices voted by ballot, whichhad been the practice in Rome in such trials since the passing of theLex Cassia B. C. 137. Drumanu remarks (_Geschichte Roms_, Claudii, p. 214, note) that Plutarch has confounded the various parts of theprocedure at the trial; and it may be so. See the Life of Cicero, c. 29. There is a dispute as to the meaning of the term Judicia Populi, to which kind of Judicia the Lex Cassia applied. (Orelli, _Onomasticon_, Index Legum, p. 279. )]

[Footnote 469: Cæsar was Prætor (B. C. 60) of Hispania Ulterior orBætica, which included Lusitania. ]

[Footnote 470: A similar story is told by Suetonius (_Cæsar_, 7) andDion Cassius (37. C. 52), but they assign it to the time of Cæsar'squæstorship in Spain. ]

[Footnote 471: The Calaici, or Callaici, or Gallæci, occupied thatpart of the Spanish peninsula which extended from the Douro north andnorth-west to the Atlantic. (Strabo, p. 152. ) The name still exists inthe modern term Gallica. D. Junius Brutus, consul B. C. 138, and thegrandfather of one of Cæsar's murderers, triumphed over the Callaiciand Lusitani, and obtained the name Callaicus. The transactions ofCæsar in Lusitania are recorded by Dion Cassius (37. C. 52). ]

[Footnote 472: Many of the creditors were probably Romans. (VelleiusPat. Ii 43, and the Life of Lucullus, c. 7. )]

[Footnote 473: Cæsar was consul B. C. 59. ]

[Footnote 474: The measure was for the distribution of Public land(Dion Cassius, 38. C. 1, &c. &c. ) and it was an Agrarian Law. The lawcomprehended also the land about Capua (Campanus ager). Twentythousand Roman citizens were settled on the allotted lands (Vell. Pater, ii. 44; Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 10). Cicero, who waswriting to Atticus at the time, mentions this division of the lands asan impolitic measure. It left the Romans without any source of publicincome in Italy except the Vicesimæ (_Ad Attic. _ ii. 16, 18). 

The Romans, who were fond of jokes and pasquinades against those whowere in power, used to call the consulship of Cæsar, the consulship ofCaius Cæsar and Julius Cæsar, in allusion to the inactivity ofBibulus, who could not resist his bolder colleague's measures. (DionCassius, 38. C. 8. )]

[Footnote 475: The marriage with Pompeius took place in Cæsar'sconsulship. _Life of Crassus_, c. 16. 

This Servilius Cæpio appears to be Q. Servilius Cæpio, the brother ofServilia, the mother of M. Junius Brutus, one of Cæsar's assassins. Servilius Cæpio adopted Brutus, who is accordingly sometimes called Q. Cæpio Brutus. (Cicero, _Ad Divers. _ vii. 21; _Ad Attic. _ ii. 24. ) Pisowas L. Calpurnius Piso, who with Aulus Gabinius was consul B. C. 58. ]

[Footnote 476: Q. Considius Gallus. He is mentioned by Cicero severaltimes in honourable terms (_Ad Attic. _ ii. 24). ]

[Footnote 477: Cicero went into exile B. C. 58. See the Life of Cicero, c. 30. 

Dion Cassius (38. C. 17) states that Cæsar was outside of the citywith his army, ready to march to his province, at the time whenClodius proposed the bill of penalties against him. Cicero says thesame (_Pro Sestio_, c. 18). Cæsar, according to Dion, was not infavour of the penalties contained in the bill; but he probably did notexert himself to save Cicero. Pompeius, who had presided at thecomitia in which Clodius was adrogated into a Plebeian family, inorder to qualify him to be a tribune, treated Cicero with neglect(Life of Pompeius, c. 46). Cæsar owed Cicero nothing. Pompeius owedhim much. And Cicero deserved his punishment. ]

[Footnote 478: Cæsar's Gallic campaign began B. C. 58. 

He carried on the war actively for eight years, till the close of B. C. 51. But he was still proconsul of Gallia in the year B. C. 50. Plutarchhas not attempted a regular narrative of Cæsar's campaigns, whichwould have been foreign to his purpose (see the Life of Alexander, c. 1); nor can it be attempted in these notes. The great commander hasleft in his Commentary on the Gallic War an imperishable record of hissubjugation of Gaul. ]

[Footnote 479: Plutarch here, after his fashion, throws in a fewanecdotes without any regard to the chronological order. ]

[Footnote 480: Massalia, an ancient Greek settlement, now Marseilles, was called Massilia by the Romans. The siege of Massalia is told byCæsar (_Civil War_, ii. 1, &c. ). It took place after Pompeius had fledfrom Brundisium. ]

[Footnote 481: The story of Scæva is told by Cæsar (_Civil War_, iii. 53). The missiles were arrows. As to the exact number of arrows thatthe brave centurion Scæva received in his shield, see the note inOudendorp's Cæsar. Scæva was promoted to the first class of centurions(Suetonius. _Cæsar_, 68). ]

[Footnote 482: Cordoba or Cordova in Hispania Bætica. Cæsar musttherefore have been subject to these attacks during his quæstorship, or at least his prætorship in Spain. 

Of Cæsar's endurance and activity, Suetonius also (_Cæsar_, 57) haspreserved several notices. ]

[Footnote 483: Kaltwasser translates this: "He travelled with suchspeed that he did not require more than eight days to reach the Rhoneafter leaving Rome;" as if this was his habit. But Kaltwasser ismistaken. ]

[Footnote 484: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 10. 

In the time of Gellius (xvii. 9) there was extant a collection ofCæsar's letters to C. Oppius and Cornelius Balbus, written in a kindof cipher. (See Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 56. ) Two letters of Cæsar toOppius and Balbus are extant in the collection of Cicero's letters(_Ad Atticum_, ix. 8, 16), both expressed with admirable brevity andclearness. One of them also shows his good sense and his humanity. ]

[Footnote 485: The story is also told by Suetonius (_Cæsar_, 54). Instead of using plain oil, Leo thought he should please his guests bymixing it with a fragrant oil (conditum oleum pro viridi). He was anill-bred fellow for his pains; but a well-bred man would affect not tonotice his blunder. ]

[Footnote 486: This campaign belongs to B. C. 58. The Helvetii occupiedthe country between the Rhine, the Jura, the Rhone, and the RhætianAlps. The history of the campaign is given by Cæsar (_Gallic War_, i. 2-29; Dion Cassius, 38, c. 31). The Arar is the Saone, which joins theRhone at Lyons. ]

[Footnote 487: This German chief had been acknowledged as king andally (rex et amicus) during Cæsar's consulship, B. C. 59. Whatterritory the Romans considered as belonging to his kingdom does notappear. The campaign with Ariovistus and the circumstances whichpreceded it are told by Cæsar (_Gallic War_, i. 31, &c. ). 

The speech of Cæsar in which he rated the men for their cowardice isreported by himself (_Gallic War_, i. 40). The pursuit of the Germanswas continued for five miles according to the MSS. Of Cæsar; but someeditors in place of 'five' have put 'fifty. ' Plutarch's 400 stadia areequal to 50 Roman miles. ]

[Footnote 488: Cæsar (_Gallic War_, i. 54). The army wintered in thecountry between the Jura, the Rhone and Saone, and the Rhine; whichwas the country of the Sequani. Cæsar says that he went into CiteriorGallia, that is, North Italy, 'ad conventus agendos, ' to make hiscircuits for the administration of justice and other civil business. He may be excused for not saying anything of his political intrigues. ]

[Footnote 489: The rising of the Belgæ is the subject of Cæsar'sSecond Book. This campaign was in B. C. 57. It was not a rebellion ofthe Belgæ, for they had not been conquered, but they feared that theRomans would attack them after completing the subjugation of theGalli. The Belgæ were defeated on the Axona, the Aisne, a branch ofthe Seine (_Gallic War_, ii. 9-11). There is no mention in Cæsar oflakes and rivers being filled with dead bodies. ]

[Footnote 490: The Nervii considered themselves of German origin. Theyoccupied Hainault in Belgium, and the modern cities of Cambray andTournay in France were within their limits. The Nervii were on theSabis, the Sambre. Cæsar (ii. 25) speaks of seizing a shield andrestoring the battle. Plutarch has taken from Cæsar (c. 29) the amountof the enemy's loss. See Dion Cassius (39. C. 1, &c. )]

[Footnote 491: "Ob easque res ex litteris Cæsaris dies xv subplicatiodecreta est, quod ante id tempus accidit nulli. " (Cæsar, _Gallic War_, ii. 35. )]

[Footnote 492: See the Life of Crassus, c. 14; Life of Pompeius, c. 51. The meeting at Luca was at the end of B. C. 56, and Plutarch hasomitted the campaign of that year, which is contained in Cæsar's ThirdBook of the Gallic War. ]

[Footnote 493: Csasar (iv. 1) names them Usipetes and Tenetheri. Theevents in this chapter belong to B. C. 55, when Cn. Pompeius Magnus andM. Licinius Crassus were consuls for the second time. ]

[Footnote 494: Cæsar, iv. C. 12. Plutarch here calls the Commentaries[Greek: ephêmerides] ἐφημερίδες, which means a Diary or Day-book. Theproper Greek word would be [Greek: hypomnêmata] ὑπομνήματα. Kaltwasseraccordingly concludes that Plutarah appears to have confounded theEphemerides and the Commentarii, or at least to have used the word[Greek: ephêmerides] ἐφημερίδες improperly instead of [Greek:hypomnêmata] ὑπομνήματα. There is no proof that Cæsar kept a diary. That kind of labour is suited to men of a different stamp from him. Plutarch means the Commentarii. It is true that Servius (_Ad Æneid. _xi. 743) speaks of a diary (Ephemeris) of Cæsar, which records hisbeing once captured by the Gauls. But see the note of Davis on thispassage (Cæsar, ed. Oudendorp, ii. 999). Suetonius, who enumeratesCæsar's writings (Cæsar, 55, 56), mentions no Ephemeris. There wereabundant sources for anecdotes about Cæsar. The Roman himself wrote asan historian: he was not a diary keeper. ]

[Footnote 495: Tanusius Geminus wrote a history which is mentioned bySuetonius (Cæsar, 9). Cato's opinion on this occasion was merelydictated by party hostility and personal hatred. His proposal wasunjust and absurd. Cæsar had good reason for writing his Anticato. ]

[Footnote 496: Or Sigambri, a German tribe on the east bank of theLower Rhine. They bordered on the Ubii, and were north of them. Thename probably remains in the Sieg, a small stream which enters theRhine on the east bank, nearly opposite to Bonn. ]

[Footnote 497: Cæsar describes the construction of this bridge (iv. 17) without giving any particulars as to the place where it was made. The situation can only be inferred from a careful examination of theprevious part of his history, and it has been subject of muchdiscussion, in which opinions are greatly divided. The narratives ofDion Cassius (39. C. 48) and Florus (iii. 10) give some assistancetowards the solution of the question. Professor Müller, in anexcellent article in the 'Jahrbücher des Vereins vonAlterthumsfreunden im Rheinlande' (vii. 1845), has proved that thebridge must have been built near Coblenz. Cæsar defeated the Germansin the angle between the Moselle and the Rhine. He must have crossedthe Moselle in order to find a convenient place for his bridge, whichhe would find near Neuwied. The bridge abutted on the east bank on theterritory of the Ubii, who were his friends. The narrative of Cæsar, when carefully examined, admits of no other construction than thatwhich Müller has put upon it; and if there were any doubt, it isremoved by Cæsar himself in another passage (_Gallic War_, vi. 9)where he speaks of his second bridge, which gave him a passage fromthe territory of the Treviri into that of the Ubii, and he adds thatthe site of the second bridge was near that of the first. 

In the Gallic War (iv. 15) Cæsar speaks of the junction (adconfluentem Mosæ et Rheni) of the Mosa and the Rhine, where Müllerassumes that he means the Moselle, as he undoubtedly does. Either thereading Mosa is wrong, or, what is not improbable, both the Moselleand the Maas had the same name, Mosa. Mosella or Mosula is merely thediminution of Mosa. At this confluence of the Moselle and Rhine thetown of Coblenz was afterwards built, which retains the ancient name. Cæsar indicates which Mosa he means clearly enough by the words 'adconfluentem. ' There was no 'confluens' of the Great Mosa and theRhenus. ]

[Footnote 498: The first expedition of Cæsar to Britain was in theautumn of B. C. 55, and is described in his fourth book of the GallicWar, c. 20, &c. He landed on the coast of Kent, either at Deal orbetween Sandgate and Hythe. His second expedition was in the followingyear B. C. 54, which is described in the fifth book, c. 8 &c. Hecrossed the Thamesis (Thames) in face of the forces of Cassivelaunus, whose territories were bounded on the south by the Thames. 

There has been some discussion on the place where Cæsar crossed theThames. Camden (p. 882, ed. Gibson) fixes the place at Cowey Stakesnear Oatlands on the Thames, opposite to the place where the Wey joinsthe Thames. Bede, who wrote at the beginning of the eighth century, speaks of stakes in the bed of the river at that place, which so farcorresponds to Cæsar's description, who says that the enemy hadprotected the ford with stakes on the banks and across the bed of theriver. Certain stakes still exist there, which are the subject of apaper in the Archæologia, 1735, by Mr. Samuel Gale. The stakes are ashard as ebony; and it is evident from the exterior grain that thestakes were the entire bodies of young oak trees. Cæsar places theford eighty miles from the coast of Kent where he landed, whichdistance agrees very well with the position of Oatlands, as Camdenremarks. 

Cassivelaunus had been appointed Commander-in-chief of all the Britishforces. This is the king whom Plutarch means. He agreed to pay anannual tribute to the Romans (_Gallic War_, v. 22), and gave themhostages. Compare Cicero, _Ad Attic. _ iv. 17. 

Cæsar wrote two letters to Cicero while he was in Britain. He wroteone letter on the 1st of September, which Cicero received on the 28thof September (_Ad Quintum Fratrem, _ iii. 1). Cicero here alludes toCæsar's sorrow for his daughter's death, of which Cæsar had notreceived intelligence when he wrote to Cicero; but Cicero knew thatthe news had gone to him. On the 24th of October, Cicero receivedanother letter written from the British coast from Cæsar, and one fromhis brother Quintus who was with Cæsar. This letter was written on the26th of September. Cæsar states (_Gallic War_, v. 23) that it was nearthe time of the equinox when he was leaving Britain. ]

[Footnote 499: See the Life of Crassus, c. 16, and the Life ofPompeius, c. 53. ]

[Footnote 500: L. Aurunculeius Cotta and Q. Titurius Sabinus were sentinto the country of the Eburones, the chief part of which was betweenthe Maas and the Rhine, in the parallels of Namur and Liege. Thisking, who is called Abriorix, is named Ambiorix by Cæsar (_GallicWar_, 24, &c. ) The Gauls, after an unsuccessful attempt on the camp, persuaded the Romans to leave it under a promise that they should havea safe passage through the country of the Eburones. Ambiorix made thembelieve that there was going to be a general rising of the Gauls, andthat their best plan was to make their way to the camp of Q. Cicero orLabienus. When they had left their camp, the Gauls fell upon them in aconvenient spot and massacred most of them. ]

[Footnote 501: Quintus Cicero was encamped in the country of theNervii in Hainault. The attack on his camp is described by Cæsar(_Gallic War_, v. 39, &c. ) Cæsar says, when he is speaking of his owncamp (v. 50), 'Jubet . .. Ex omnibus partibus castra altiore vallomuniri portasque obstrui, &c. .. . Cum simulatione terroris;' of whichPlutarch has given the meaning. ]

[Footnote 502: Kaltwasser remarks that Plutarch passes over the eventsin Cæsar's Sixth Book of the Gallic War, as containing matters of lessimportance for his purpose. ]

[Footnote 503: Cæsar (vii. 4) calls him Vercingetorix. He was of thenation of the Arverni, whom Plutarch (as his text stands) callsArvenni in c. 25, and Aruveni in c. 26. The Arverni were on the UpperLoire in Auvergne. The Carnunteni, whom Cæsar calls Carnutes, werepartly in the middle basin of the same river. Orleans (Genapum) andChartres (Autricum) were their headquarters. ]

[Footnote 504: [Greek: tais autais hodois] ταῖς αὐταῖς ὁδοῖς in theMSS. , which gives no sense. I have adopted Reiske's alteration [Greek:autais tais hodois] αὐταῖς ταῖς ὁδοῖς. Cæsar (vii. 8) describes hismarch over the Cevenna, the Cevennes, in winter. He had to cut hisroad through snow six feet deep. The enemy, who considered theCevennes as good a protection as a wall, were surprised by his suddenappearance. ]

[Footnote 505: So Plutarch writes it. It is Ædui in Cæsar's text, orHædui. The Ædui, one of the most powerful of the Gallic tribes, weresituated between the Upper Loire and the Saone, and possessed thechief part of Burgundy. The Saone separated them from the Sequani onthe east. ]

[Footnote 506: The Lingones were on the Vosges, which contain thesources of the Marne and the Moselle. The Saone separated them fromthe Sequani on the south-east. The account of this campaign isunintelligible in Plutarch. It is contained in Cæsar's Seventh Book. ]

[Footnote 507: A small matter in itself; but if true, a trait inCæsar's character. Schaefer has the following note: "Aliter facturuserat Cyrneus, omnino inferior ille Romano. " The Corsican is Napoleon. Cæsar was the magnanimous man, whom Aristotle describes (_Eth. Nicom. _iv. 7); Napoleon was not. ]

[Footnote 508: Alise, or rather the summit of Mont Auxois, west ofDijon in Burgundy, represents the Alesia of Cæsar. A stream flowedalong each of two sides of the city. Alesia belonged to the Mandubii, who were dependants of the Ædui. The siege and capture of Alesia, B. C. 52, are told by Cæsar (_Gallic War_, vii. 68, &c. )

The assembling of the Gallic nations was a last great effort to throwoff the yoke. 

Dion Cassius (40. C. 41) says Vercingetorix was put in chains. Sevenyears after he appeared in Cæsar's triumph, after which he was put todeath. 

Cæsar passed the winter of B. C. 51 at Nemetocenna, Arras, in Belgium. The final pacification of Gaul is mentioned (viii. 48). Cæsar leftGaul for North Italy in the early part of B. C. 50, and having visitedall the cities in his province on the Italian side of the Alps, heagain returned to Nemetocenna in Belgium, and after finally settlingaffairs in those parts, he returned to North Italy, where he learnedthat the two legions, which had been taken from him for the Parthianwar, had been given by the consul C. Marcellus to Pompeius, and werekept in Italy. 

In nine years Cæsar completed the subjugation of all that part of Gaulwhich is bounded by the Saltus Pyrenæus, the Alps and the Cevennes, the Rhine and the Rhone; and it was reduced to the form of a province. (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, c. 25. ) With the capture of Alesia the Seventhbook of the Gallic War ends. The Eighth book is not by Cæsar. ]

[Footnote 509: As to the disturbances at Rome mentioned in thischapter, see the Life of Pompeius, c. 54, &c. , notes. ]

[Footnote 510: Life of Pompeius, c. 52. ]

[Footnote 511: M. Claudius Marcellus, consul B. C. 51, with S. Sulpicius Rufus. ]

[Footnote 512: Novum Comum or Novocomum; north of the Padus, had beensettled as a Colonia Latina by Cæsar. (Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 26. )

The government of the colonia was formed on a Roman model: there was abody of Decuriones or Senators. ]

[Footnote 513: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 58; Appianus, _CivilWars_, ii, 26; Dion Cassius, 40. C. 59. ]

[Footnote 514: L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, whom Cæsar took in Corfinium, c. 34. ]

[Footnote 515: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 52. ]

[Footnote 516: Cæsar (_Civil War_, i. 1) mentions this letter; but itwas read in the Senate after great opposition. The consuls of the yearB. C. 49 were L. Cornelius Lentulus and C. Claudius Marcellus. 

Cæsar, in the first few chapters of the Civil War, has clearly statedall the matters that are referred to in c. 30 and 31. The "letters"mentioned in c. 31 as coming before Curio and Antonius left Rome, arenot mentioned by Cæsar. Plutarch might have confounded this withanother matter. (_Civil War_, i. 3. )]

[Footnote 517: Cæsar was at Ravenna when the tribunes fled from Rome, and he first saw them at Ariminum, Rimini, which was not within thelimits of Cæsar's province. (_Civil War_, i. 6; Dion Cassius, 41. C. 3. )]

[Footnote 518: Q. Hortensius Hortalus, a son of the orator Hortensius. He was an unprincipled fellow. ]

[Footnote 519: Cæsar says nothing of the passage of the Rubico, buthis silence does not disprove the truth of the story as told byPlutarch. The passage of the Rubico was a common topic (locuscommunis) for rhetoricians. Lucanus (_Pharsalia, _ i. 213) hasembellished it:--

 "Fonte cadit modico parvisque impellitur undis Puniceus Rubicon, cum fervida canduit æstas-- Tunc vires præbebat hiems. "

This small stream does not appear to be identified with certainty. Some writers make it the Fiumicino. 

Ariminum was not in Cæsar's province, and Plutarch must have knownthat, as appears from his narrative. Kaltwasser thinks that he maymean that it was originally a Gallic town, which was true. ]

[Footnote 520: In Plutarch's time the system of naming the Romans wasgreatly confused, and he extended the confusion to earlier times. C. Asinius Pollio, who was with Cæsar at the Rubico and at the battle ofPharsalia, wrote a history of the Civil Wars. He was also a poet. (Horatius, _Od. _ ii. 1. ) His work, as we may collect from c. 46, furnished materials for anecdotes about Cæsar. ]

[Footnote 521: This dream according to Suetonius (_Cæsar_, c. 7) andDion Cassius (41. C. 24) he had at Cades (Cadiz) in Spain during hisquæstorship. The time of the dream is not unimportant, if theinterpretation of it was that he was destined to have the dominion ofthe world. Cæsar has not recorded his dream. Sulla recorded hisdreams. He was superstitious and cruel. Cæsar was not cruel, and thereis no proof that he was superstitious. ]

[Footnote 522: Pompeius went to Capua, where he thought of making astand, but he soon moved on to Brundisium. On the confusion in thecity see Dion Cassius (41. C. 5-9). ]

[Footnote 523: The author of the Eighth book of the Gallic War (c. 52)speaks of Labienus being solicited by Cæsar's enemies. Cæsar had puthim over Gaul south of the Alps. In the Civil War, Book 1, he ismerely mentioned as having fortified Cingulum at his own cost. Cicero(_Ad Attic. _ vii. 7) says that he was indebted to Cæsar for hiswealth. His defection is mentioned by Cicero several times, and itgave a temporary encouragement to the party of Pompeius. (_Ad Attic. _vi. 12, 13. ) Labienus joined Pompeius and the Consuls at Teanum inCampania on the 23rd of January. ]

[Footnote 524: Corfinium three miles from the river Aternus. Cæsar(_Civil War_, i. 16-23) describes the siege of Corfinium. L. DomitiusAhenobarbus was treated kindly by Cæsar. He afterwards went toMassalia and defended it against Cæsar. This most excellent citizen, as Cicero calls him, met the death he so well deserved at the battleof Pharsalia, and as Cicero says (_Phillipp. _ ii. 29), at the hand ofM. Antonius. ]

[Footnote 525: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 62. ]

[Footnote 526: From this it appears that the Life of Pompeius waswritten after the Life of Cæsar. ]

[Footnote 527: Cæsar (_Civil War_, i, 32) has reported his ownspeech. ]

[Footnote 528: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 62. ]

[Footnote 529: This was the "sanctius ærarium" (Cæsar, _Civil War_, i. 13), which Lentulus had left open; in such alarm had he left the city. This money, which was kept in the temple of Saturn, was never touchedexcept in cases of great emergency. Vossius remarks that to save hisown character, Cæsar says that he found this treasury open. But Cæsardoes not say that he found it open. He says that Lentulus left itopen. There was time enough for Metellus to lock the door afterLentulus ran away. Cæsar would have been a fool not to take the money;and if he wanted it, he would of course break the door open, if hefound it shut. But whether the door was open or shut was unimportant;the wrongful act, if there was any, consisted in taking the money, andhe would not have been excused for taking it simply because the doorwas unlocked. I believe Cæsar broke it open (Cicero _Ad Attic. _ x. 4;Dion Cassius, 41. C. 17; and the authorities quoted by Reimarus). Ialso believe Cæsar when he says that Lentulus left the door unlocked. The Senate had supplied Pompeius with money for the war out of theordinary treasury. When Cæsar took Corfinium, he gave to Domitius allthe money that he found there, which was to a large amount, thoughthis was public money and had been given to Domitius by Pompeius topay his soldiers with. (Appianus, ii. 28; Cæsar, _Civil War_, i. 23. )When "that man of greatest purity and integrity, " as Cicero calls him, M. Terentius Varro, commanded for Pompeius in Spain (B. C. 48), hecarried off the treasure from the temple of Hercules at Cadiz. Thatman, on whom Cicero vents every term of abuse that his fear and hatredcould supply, restored the stolen money to the god. (Cæsar, _CivilWar_, ii. 18, 21. )]

[Footnote 530: The Spanish campaign against Afranius is contained inthe _Civil War_, 34, &c. The legati of Pompeius in Spain were L. Afranius, consul B. C. 60, M. Petreius, and M. Terentius Varro, betterknown for his learning and his numerous works than for his militarytalents. After the surrender of Afranius and Petreius, Cæsar marchedto the south of Spain, for Varro, who was in Lusitania, was makingpreparations for war. Varro, after some feeble efforts, surrendered tothe conqueror at Cordova. Varro was treated kindly like all the restwho fell into Cæsar's hands, and he had the opportunity of placinghimself against Cæsar at Dyrrachium. 

On his return from the successful close of his Spanish campaign, Massalia surrendered to Cæsar after an obstinate resistance. (Cæsar, _Civil War_, ii. 22. )

It was on his return to Massalia from the south of Spain that Cæsarheard of his appointment as Dictator (_Civil War_, ii. 21). ]

[Footnote 531: (Cæsar, _Civil War_, iii. 1; Dion Cassius, 41. C. 37. )Cæsar does not speak of those who had suffered in Sulla's time; nordoes Dion. ]

[Footnote 532: Cæsar and P. Servilius Isauricus (son of the consulIsauricus, B. C. 79) were elected Consuls for B. C. 48. See the Life ofPompeius, c. 54, notes; and of Cæsar, c. 57, _Dictator_. 

When Cæsar had left Rome, the boys formed themselves into two parties, Pompeians and Cæsarians, and had a battle without arms, in which theCæsarians were victorious. (Dion Cassius, 41, c. 39. )

As to Cæsar's forces, see _Civil War_, iii. 2. ]

[Footnote 533: Dion Cassius (41. C. 45) tells this story of the boatadventure; and (Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 57) Cæsar was uneasy atthe delay of M. Antonius and his legions, and he feared that Antoniusmight desert him. Cæsar says nothing of this attempt to cross the sea. He very seldom mentions his personal risks. He left this to theanecdote collectors. ]

[Footnote 534: The river appears to be the Anas of Dion (41. C. 45)which is near Apollonia, though he does not mention the river in hisaccount of Cæsar's attempted voyage. This is the river which Strabocalls Æas, and Hekatæus calls Aous (Strabo, p. 316). 

For the events in these three chapters see the Life of Pompeius, c. 65, &c. , and the references in the notes. ]

[Footnote 535: Cæsar calls the root Chara (_Civil War_, iii. 48. Comp. Plinius, _N. H. _ 19, c. 8). These facts are mentioned in Cæsar. Theevents in the neighbourhood of Dyrrachium and Apollonia must bestudied in Cæsar, Dion Cassius, Book 41, and Appianus, Book ii. ]

[Footnote 536: Cæsar mentions the capture of Gomphi (_Civil War_, iii. 80), but he says nothing of the wine. Cæsar let his men plunderGomphi. The town had offered him all its means and prayed him for agarrison, but on hearing of his loss at Dyrrachinm the people shuttheir gates against him and sent to Pompeius for aid. The town wasstormed on the first day that it was attacked. ]

[Footnote 537: As Kaltwasser observes, there was no bad omen in thedream, as it is here reported. We must look to the Life of Pompeius, c. 68, for the complete dream. Perhaps something has dropped out ofthe text here. Dacier, as Kaltwasser says, has inserted the wholepassage out of the Life of Pompeius. ]

[Footnote 538: This is an error. The name is Q. Cornificus. See thenote of Sintenis. He was a quæstor of Cæsar. Calenus is FulvusCalenus, who had been sent by Cæsar into Achaia, and had received thesubmission of Delphi, Thebæ, and Orchomenus, and was then engaged intaking other cities and trying to gain over other cities. (Cæsar, _Civil War_, iii. 55. )]

[Footnote 539: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 71. ]

[Footnote 540: I have omitted the unmeaning words [Greek: ê dia theiashêttês tethambêmenos] ἢ διὰ θείας ἥττης τεθαμβημένος. See the note ofSintenis. ]

[Footnote 541: These words of Cæsar are also reported by Suetonius(_Cæsar_, 30), on the authority of Pollio. They are: Hoc voluerunt:tantis rebus gestis C. Cæsar condemnatus essem, nisi ab exercituauxilium petissem. These words are more emphatic with the omission of'they brought me into such a critical position, ' and Casaubon proposesto erase them in Plutarch's text, that is, to alter and improve thetext. ]

[Footnote 542: A rich town of Lydia in Asia Minor on the north side ofthe Mæander. This miracle at Tralles and others are enumerated byCæsar (_Civil War_, iii. 105; Dion Cassius, 41. C. 61). The book ofLivius, in which this affair of Patavium (Padua) was mentioned (the111th), is lost. See the Supplement of Freinsheim, c. 72. ]

[Footnote 543: See life of Pompeius, c. 42, notes; and Appianus(_Civil Wars_, ii. 88). ]

[Footnote 544: Cæsar crossed the Hellespont, where he met with C. Cassius Longinus going with a fleet to aid Pharnakes in Pontus. Cassius surrendered and was kindly treated, in consideration of whichhe afterwards assisted to murder Cæsar. (Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 88. )]

[Footnote 545: Of Knidus. The same who is mentioned by Cicero (_AdAttic. _ xiii. 7) as a friend of Cæsar, and by Strabo, p. 48, &c. 

Asia is the Roman province of Asia. ]

[Footnote 546: Cæsar (_Civil War_, iii. 106) speaks of his arrival onthe coast of Egypt. The Egyptians were offended to see the Romanfasces carried before him. ]

[Footnote 547: Cæsar had the head of Pompeius burnt with due honours, and he built a temple to Nemesis over the ashes. The temple was pulleddown by the Jews in their rising in Egypt during the time of Trajanus. (Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 90. )

As to the seal ring see the Life of Pompeius, c. 80, and Dion Cassias(42. C. 18). ]

[Footnote 548: The Alexandrine war, which is confusedly told here, isrecorded in a single book entitled De Bello Alexandrino and in DionCassius (42. C. 34-44). The origin of it is told by Cæsar at the endof the third Book of the Civil War. The history of the Alexandrine warby Appianus was in his Ægyptiaca, which is lost. Dion Cassius, a loverof scandal, mentions that Cæsar's attachment to Kleopatra was thecause of the Alexandrine war (42. C. 44). But it could not be the solecause. Cæsar landed with the insignia of his office, as if he wereentering a Roman province, and it might be reasonably suspected by theEgyptians that he had a design on the country. Instead of thankingthem for ridding him of his rival, he fixed himself and his soldiersin one of the quarters of Alexandria. Cæsar went to get money (Dion, 42. C. 9). Kleopatra kept him there longer than he at first intendedto stay. ]

[Footnote 549: Ptolemæus Auletes through Cæsar's influence had beendeclared a friend and ally of the Romans in Cæsar's consulship B. C. 59. (Cic. _Ad Attic. _ ii. 16. ) Ptolemæus had to spend money for this:he both gave and promised. It does not appear that this money waspromised to Cæsar: it is more probable that it was promised to theRoman State and Cæsar came to get it. ]

[Footnote 550: The story of Kleopatra coming to Cæsar is also told byDion Cassius (42. C. 34). Cæsar mentions his putting Pothinus to death(_Civil War_, iii. 112). Cæsar had at first only 3200 foot soldiersand 800 cavalry to oppose to the 20, 000 men of Achillas, who were notbad soldiers. Besides these 20, 000 men Achillas had a great number ofvagabonds collected from all parts of Cilicia and Syria. ]

[Footnote 551: Alexandria had no springs, and it was supplied from theNile, the water of which was received into cisterns under the houses. This supply was (_Bell. Alex. _ 5, &c. ) damaged by Ganymedes theEgyptian drawing up salt water from the sea and sending it into thecisterns. Cæsar supplied himself by digging wells in the sand. ]

[Footnote 552: As to the destruction of the library see Dion Cassius(42. C. 38) and the notes of Reimarus. The destruction is notmentioned by Cæsar or the author of the Alexandrine war. Kleopatraafterwards restored it, and the library was famed for a long timeafter. Lipsius (Opera iii. 1124, Vesal 1675) has collected all that isknown of this and other ancient libraries. ]

[Footnote 553: The Pharos is a small island in the bay of Alexandria, which was connected with the mainland by a mole, and so divided theharbour into two parts. The story of the battle of the Pharos is toldby Dion Cassius (42. C. 40), with the particulars about Cæsar'sescape. See the notes of Reimarus. 

The modern city of Alexandria is chiefly built on the mole whichjoined the old city to the mainland. (Article _Alexandria_, 'PennyCyclopædia, ' by the author of this note. )]

[Footnote 554: The King, the elder brother of Kleopatra, was drownedin the Nile. (Dion Cassius, 42. C. 43, and the notes of Reimarus. ) Hisbody was found. (Florus, ii. 60. )]

[Footnote 555: Cæsar did not add Egypt to the Roman Empire. He marriedKleopatra to her younger brother, who was a boy. Dion says that hestill continued his commerce with Kleopatra. Cæsar was nine months inEgypt, from October 48 to July 47 of the unreformed Kalendar. 

Cæsarion, a Greek form from the word Cæsar, may have been Cæsar's son, for there is no doubt that Cæsar cohabited with Kleopatra in Egypt. There is more about this Cæsarion in Suetonius, _Cæsar_, c. 52, wherethe reading is doubtful; _Cæsar Octavian_. C. 17. When CæsarOctavianus took Egypt he put Cæsarion to death. ]

[Footnote 556: He had been acknowledged by Pompeius as king of theBosporus after the death of his father. He was now in Asia Minor, where he had taken Amisus and had castrated all the male children. Cæsar after hearing of the defeat of Domitius Calvinus, his legatus, by Pharnakos, advanced against him and routed his army. Zela is eighthours south of Amasia, the birthplace of Strabo, and about 40° 15' N. Lat. Pharnakes was afterwards murdered by Asander, one of hisgenerals. (Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 91; Dion Cassius, 42, 46;_Bell. Alexandria_, c. 72. )

The modern town of Zilleh, which contains 2000 houses, stands on thesite of Zela. A hill rises abruptly above the plain near the centre ofthe present town, and occupies a commanding position. The appearanceof the place corresponds very well with Strabo's description (p. 561), in whose time it was the capital of Zelitis. (Hamilton's _Asia Minor_, i. 361. )]

[Footnote 557: This is the best MS. Reading, not Amintius; the truename is probably C. Matius. He was an intimate friend of Cæsar, and heis well spoken of by Cicero. He remained faithful to the cause ofCæsar after his death, and he attached himself to Octavianus. There isa letter of Cicero to Matius, with the answer of Matius (Cicero, _AdDiversos_, xi. 27, 28) written after Cæsar's death, which shows him tohave been a man of honour and courage, and worthy of the name ofCæsar's friend. 

This letter of Cæsar's is probably a forgery of the anecdote-makers. Davis (note to Oudendorp's Cæsar, ii. 992) has indicated the probablesource of this supposed letter. (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, c. 37. ) Thebattle was a smart affair of several hours, and was not won withoutsome loss. ]

[Footnote 558: He was named Dictator for B. C. 47 by the Senate in Romeimmediately after the battle of Pharsalia: he was at Alexandria whenhe received this news. He appointed M. Antonius his Master of theHorse and sent him to Rome. (Dion Cassius, 42. C. 21-33. )]

[Footnote 559: It broke out during his dictatorship. (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, c. 70; Dion Cassius, 42. C. 52. ) The story is told verycircumstantially by Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 92). The soldiersdemanded of Cæsar release from service (missio), and he granted it tothem in a single word, Mitto. The soldiers having got what they askedfor were no longer soldiers, but citizens; and Cæsar in the subsequentpart of the conference properly addressed them as Quirites, just asCicero addresses the Roman people by this name in one of his orationsagainst Rullus. The soldiers at last prevailed on him to restore themto their former condition; and he set out with them for his Africanwar. This affair is alluded to by Tacitus. (_Annal. _ ii. 42; Lucanus, v. 357. )]

[Footnote 560: P. Cornelius Dolabella, a devoted adherent of Cæsar. His turbulent tribunate is recorded by Dion Cassius (42. C. 29, &c. ). He was consul with M. Antonius B. C. 44. The name Amantius occurs hereagain. It is Amintius in some editions of Plutarch. Kaltwasserobserves that nothing is known of Amintius and Corfinius. ButCorfinius should be Cornificius; and Amantius should probably be C. Matius. ]

[Footnote 561: Cato was not in the battle of Pharsalus. After thebattle Cato, Scipio, Afranius, and Labienus went to Corcyra, whencethey sailed to Africa to join Juba. (Life of Cato, c. 55; DionCassius, 42. C. 10; Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 95, &c. )

The history of the African War is contained in one book, and isprinted in the editions with the Gallic War of Cæsar. Cæsar landed atHadrumetum, because Utica was strongly guarded. (Dion Cassius, 42. C. 58. )]

[Footnote 562: Comp. The _African War_, c. 1. ]

[Footnote 563: Dion Cassius (42. C. 58) calls him Salatto. Suetonius(_Cæsar_, c. 59) also tells the same story. The African campaign istold by Dion Cassius, 43. C. 1, &c. ]

[Footnote 564: Scipio avoided fighting as long as he could. Thapsuswas situated on a kind of peninsula, south of Hadrumetum, as DionCassius states. But his description is not clear. There were salt-pansnear it, which were separated from the sea by a very narrow tract. Cæsar occupied this approach to Thapsus, and then formed his linesabout the town in the form of a crescent. Scipio came to relieveThapsus, and this brought on a battle. (_African War_, 80. ) Cæsarcould not stop the slaughter after the battle was won. ]

[Footnote 565: Petreius, Cæsar's former opponent in Spain, fled withJuba to Zama, where Juba had his family and his treasures. But thepeople would not receive Juba into the place. On which, after ramblingabout for some time with Petreius, in despair they determined to fightwith one another that they might die like soldiers. Juba, who wasstrong, easily killed Petreius, and then with the help of a slave hekilled himself. (_African War_, 94; Dion Cassius, 43, c. 8. )

Scipio attempted to escape to Spain on ship-board. Near Hippo Regius(Bona) he was in danger of falling into the hands of P. Silius, onwhich he stabbed himself. Afranius and Faustus Sulla, the son of thedictator, were taken prisoners and murdered by the soldiers in Cæsar'scamp. ]

[Footnote 566: As to the death of Cato, see the Life of Cato, c. 65. ]

[Footnote 567: The work was in two books, and was written about thetime of the battle of Munda, B. C. 45. (Suetonius, c. 56; Cicero, _AdAttic_, xii. 40; Dion Cassius, 43. C. 13, and the notes of Reimarusabout the "Anticato. ")]

[Footnote 568: Cæsar made the kingdom of Juba a Roman province, ofwhich he appointed C. Sallustius, the historian, proconsul. He laidheavy impositions on the towns of Thapsus and Hadrumetum. He imposedon the people of Leptis an annual tax of 3, 000, 000 pounds weight ofoil (pondo olei), which Plutarch translates by the Greek word litræ. On his voyage to Rome he stayed at Carales (Cagliari) in Sardinia. Hereached Rome at the end of July, B. C. 46. (_African War_, 97, &c. )

Dion Cassius (43. C. 15, &c. ) gives us a speech of Cæsar before theSenate on his return to Rome. ]

[Footnote 569: As Kaltwasser remarks, Plutarch has omitted the triumphover Gaul. (Dion Cassius, 43. C. 19; Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 101. )After the triumph Vercingetorix was put to death. Arsinœ, the sisterof Kleopatra, appeared in the Egyptian triumph in chains. ]

[Footnote 570: See the Life of Sulla, c. 16 notes; and Dion Cassius, 51. C. 15. ]

[Footnote 571: Plutarch has the word [Greek: triklinos] τρίκλινος. TheLatin form is triclinium, a couch which would accomodate three personsat table. The word is of Greek origin, and simply means a place whichwill allow three persons to recline upon it. As triclinia were placedin eating-rooms, such a room is sometimes called triclinium. It issometimes incorrectly stated that triclinium means three couches, andthat a dining-room had the name of triclinium because it containedthree couches; which is absurd. Vitruvius describes œci(dining-rooms)square and large enough to contain four triclinia, and leave room alsofor the servants (vi. 10). It may be true that three couches was acommon number in a room. ]

[Footnote 572: There was no census this year, as Rualdus quoted byKaltwasser shows. Augustus had a census made in his sixth consulship, B. C. 28; and there had then been none for twenty-four years. That ofB. C. 42 was in the consulship of M. Æmilius Lepidus and MunatiusPlancus. It has been remarked that Plutarch gives the exact numbersthat are given in Suetonius (_Cæsar_, 41), when he is speaking of thenumber of poor citizens who received an allowance of corn from thestate, which number Cæsar reduced from 320, 000 to 150, 000. Thispassage, compared with Dion Cassius (43. C. 21), seems to explain theorigin of Plutarch's statement. Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 102) alsosupposed that it was a census. See Clinton, _Fasti_, Lustra Romana, B. C. 50. (See the Life of Caius Gracchus, c. 5, notes. )]

[Footnote 573: Cæsar was sole consul in the year B. C. 45. He was stilldictator. ]

[Footnote 574: Munda was in Bætica, west of Malaca (Malaga). Thebattle was fought on the day of the Liberalia, the feast of Liber orBacchus, the 17th of March. Pompeius, B. C. 49, left Brundisium on theIdes of March, the 15th. 

The Spanish campaign is contained in a book entitled "De BelloHispaniensi, " which is printed with the "Commentaries of Cæsar:"thirty thousand men fell on the side of Pompeius, and three thousandequites (c. 31). See also Dion Cassius, 43, c. 36; and Appianus, _Civil Wars_, ii. 104. ]

[Footnote 575: Cneius Pompeius, the elder of the two sons of PompeiusMagnus, was overtaken after he had for some time eluded the pursuit ofthe enemy. His head was carried to Hispalis (Seville) and exhibited inpublic. Cæsar, who was then at Gades (Cadiz), came shortly after toHispalis, and addressed the people in a speech. Sextus Pompeius was atCorduba during the battle, and he made his escape on hearing the newsof his brother's defeat. ]

[Footnote 576: C. Didius. According to Dion, Cn. Pompeius was killedby another set of pursuers, not by Didius. The author of the SpanishWar (c. 40) does not mention Didius as having carried the head ofPompeius to Hispalis. After the death of Pompeius, Didius fell in abattle with some Lusitani who had escaped from Munda. ]

[Footnote 577: Cæsar celebrated his Spanish triumph in October, B. C. 45. ]

[Footnote 578: Cæsar was appointed Dictator for Life, and consul forten years, (Appianus, ii. 106. )

Dictatorship was properly only a temporary office, and created in somegreat emergency, or for a particular purpose. The first dictator wasT. Lartius, who was appoined, B. C. 501. The original period of officewas only six months (Livius, ix. 34), and many dictators abdicated, that is, voluntarily resigned the dictatorship before the end of thesix months. The Dictator had that authority within the city which theconsuls, when in office, only had without. During his term of officethere were no consuls. Under the Dictator there was a MagisterEquitum, who was sometimes appointed probably by the Dictator. Thewhole question of the dictatorship is one of considerable difficulty. No dictator had been appointed for one hundred and twenty years beforethe time when Sulla was appointed; and his dictatorship and that ofCæsar must not be considered as the genuine office. Cæsar was the lastRoman who had the title of Dictator. The subject of the Dictatorshipis discussed by Niebuhr, _Roman History_, vol. I. 552, _EnglishTransl. _]

[Footnote 579: The honours decreed to Cæsar in the year before arementioned by Dion Cassius (43. C. 14). Among other things a largestatue of him was made which was supported on a figure of the earth(probably a sphere); and there was the inscription--"Semideus, Half-God. " The further honours conferred on Cæsar in this year arerecorded by Dion Cassius (43. C. 44, &c. ). A statue of the Dictatorwas to be placed in the temple of Quirinus (Romulus), which wasequivalent to calling Cæsar a second founder of Rome. Cicero (_AdAttic. _ xii. 45, and xiii. 28)

Jokes Atticus on the new neighbour that he was going to have: Atticuslived on the Quirinal Hill, where the temple of Quirinus stood. 

The Senate also decreed that Cæsar should use the word Imperator as atitle prefixed to his name--Imperator Caius Julius Cæsar. The oldpractice was to put it after the name, as M. Tullius Cicero Imperator. The title Imperator prefixed to the name does not occur on the medalsof Cæsar. But this decree of the Senate was the origin of the termImperator being used as a title by the Roman Emperors. (Dion Cassius, 43. C. 44. )]

[Footnote 580: I do not find what particular honours Cicero proposed. His correspondence with Atticus during this period shows that he wasdissatisfied with the state of affairs, and very uneasy about himself, though, as far as concerned Cæsar, he had nothing to fear. ]

[Footnote 581: Carthage was destroyed B. C. 146; and Corinth in thesame year by L. Mummius. Colonies were sent to both places in B. C. 44. (Dion Cassius, 43. C. 50. ) Many Romans were sent to settle in bothplaces. (Strabo, p. 833; Pausanias, ii. 1. ) The colonization ofCarthage had been attempted by Caius Gracchus. (Life of C. Gracchus, c. 11, notes. )]

[Footnote 582: In B. C. 45 Cæsar was consul for the fourth time andwithout a colleague. But he laid down the office before the end of theyear, and Quintus Fabius Maximus and C. Trebonius were appointedconsuls; the first instance of consuls being appointed for a part ofthe year, which afterwards became a common practice. (Dion Cassius, 43. C. 46. ) The appointment of C. Caninius is mentioned by Cicero (_AdDiversos_, vii. 30), who remarks that nobody dined in that consulship, and that the consul was so vigilant that he did not sleep during histerm of office: in fact he was consul for only part of a day. Aninscription records the consulships of this year. (Note to Cicero inthe Variorum edition. )]

[Footnote 583: On the intended Parthian expedition of Cæsar, see DionCassius, 43. C. 51. ]

[Footnote 584: This design of Cæsar is mentioned by Dion Cassius (44. C. 5), Suetonius (_Cæsar_, 441), and Plinius (_H. N. _ iv. 4). ]

[Footnote 585: This scheme is not mentioned by any other author that Ican find. Circæum, or Circeii, as the Romans called it, is themountain promontory, now Circello or Circeo, between which andTarracina lies the southern part of the Pomptine marshes. The intendedcut must therefore run nearly in the direction of the Via Appia and tothe west of it. But considerable cuttings would be required on thatmore elevated part of the Campagna which lies between the mountains ofAlba and the nearest part of the coast. The basin of the Pomptinemarshes is bounded by the offsets of the Alban mountains, the Volscianmountains, and the sea. In the central part it is only a few feetabove the sea-level, and in some parts it is below it. When a violentsouth-west wind raises the sea on the coast between Tarracina andCirceo, the water would be driven into the basin of the Pomptinemarshes instead of flowing out. There would therefore be no sufficientfall of water to keep the channel clear, even if the head of the cut, where it originated in the Tiber, were high enough; and that isdoubtful. The scheme was probably a canal, which with some locks mightbe practicable; but if the work could be accomplished, it wouldprobably have no commercial advantages. ]

[Footnote 586: Pometia is the common Roman form, from which comes thename of the Pometinæ, or Pomptinæ Paludes, now the Pontine Paludi; thesite of Pometia is uncertain. That Cæsar intended to accomplish thedrainage of this tract is mentioned by Dion Cassius and Suetonius. 

Setia (Sezza), noted for its wine, is on the Volscian hills (the MontiLepini), and on the eastern margin of the marshes. The physicalcondition of this tract is described by Prony, in his "DescriptionHydrographique et Historique des Marais Pontins, " 4to. Paris, 1822;the work is accompanied by a volume of plans and sections and a map ofthe district. A sketch of the physical character of this district, andof the various attempts to drain it, is also given in the 'PennyCyclopædia, '--art. _Pomptine Marshes_. See also Westphal's twovaluable maps of the Campagna di Roma, and his accompanying Memoir, Berlin and Stettin, 1829. ]

[Footnote 587: Ostia, the old port of Rome, on the east bank of theTiber near the mouth of the river. The present Ostia is somewhatfarther inland, and was built in the ninth century by Pope Gregory theFourth. There are extensive remains of the old town, but they are in avery decayed condition. "Numerous shafts of columns, which arescattered about in all directions, remains of the walls of extensivebuildings, and large heaps of rubbish covered with earth and overgrownwith grass, give some, though a faint, idea of the splendour, of theancient city, which at the time of its greatest splendour, at thebeginning of our era, had eighty thousand inhabitants. " (Westphal, _Die Römische Kampagne_, p. 7. )]

[Footnote 588: The reformation of the Kalendar was effected in B. C. 46. Dion Cassius (43. C. 26) says that Cæsar was instructed on thissubject during his residence at Alexandria in Egypt. The Egyptians hada year of 365 days from a very early date (Herodotus, ii. 4). In thisyear (B. C. 46) Cæsar intercalated two months of 67 days betweenNovember and December, and as this was the year in which, according tothe old fashion, the intercalary month of 23 days had been inserted inFebruary, the whole intercalation in this year was 90 days. Cæsar madethe reformed year consist of 365 days, and he directed one day to beintercalated in every fourth year (quarto quoque anno) in order thatthe civil year, which began on the 1st of January, might agree withthe solar year. The old practice of intercalating a month was ofcourse dropped. The year B. C. 46 was a year of 445 days. By thisreformation, says Dion Cassius, all error was avoided except a verysmall one, and he adds, that to correct the accumulations of thiserror, it would only be necessary to intercalate one day in 1461years. But this is a mistake; for in 1460 years there would be anerror of nearly eleven days too much. Ten days were actually droppedbetween the 4th and 15th of October, 1582, by Gregory XIII. , with thesanction of the Council of Trent. 

A curious mistake was soon made at Rome by the Pontifices who had theregulation of the Kalendar. The rule was to intercalate a day in everyfourth year (quarto quoque anno). Now such expressions are ambiguousin Latin, as is shown by numerous examples. (Savigny, _System desheut. Röm. Rechts_, iv. 329. ) The expression might mean that both theyear one and the year four were to be included in the interpretationof this rule; and the Pontifices interpreted it accordingly. Thus, after intercalating in year one, they intercalated again in year four, instead of in year five. In the time of Augustus, B. C. 8. The errorwas corrected, and the civil year was set right by dropping the threeintercalary days which came next after that year, three being thenumber of days in excess that had been intercalated. For the futurethe rule of Cæsar was correctly interpreted. Dion Cassius inexpressing the rule as to intercalation uses the phrase, [Greek: diapente etôn] διὰ πέντε ἐτῶν. 

The subject of Cæsar's reformation is explained in the notes to DionCassius (43. C. 26), ed. Reimarus, and in the article Calendar(Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities) by Professor Key. ]

[Footnote 589: The Romans had a large collection of these writings(libri Sibyllini) which were kept in the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinusunder the care of particular functionaries (duumviri sacrorum). Onthis curious subject the reader will find sufficient information inthe Penny Cyclopædia, --art. _Sibyl_. ]

[Footnote 590: Dion Cassius (44. C. 8), who tells the story, says thathe was seated in the vestibule of the Temple of Venus; and he mentionsanother excuse that Cæsar had for not rising. ]

[Footnote 591: L. Cornelius Balbus was a native of Gades. PompeiusMagnus gave him the Roman citizenship for his services in Spainagainst Sertorius, which was confirmed by a lex passed B. C. 72, in theconsulship of Cn. Cornelius Lentulus. Probably to show his gratitudeto the consul, Balbus assumed the Roman name Cornelius. Balbus isoften mentioned in Cicero's correspondence. After Cæsar's death heattached himself to Cæsar Octavianus, and he was consul B. C. 40. Heleft a journal of the events of his own and Cæsar's life. He alsourged Hirtius (Pansa) to write the Eighth Book of the Gallic War(Preface addressed to Balbus), Suetonius, Cæsar, 81. ]

[Footnote 592: The Lupercalia are described in the Life of Romulus, c. 21. The festival was celebrated on the 15th of February. It wasapparently an old shepherd celebration; and the name of the deityLupercus appears to be connected with the name Lupus (wolf), thenurturer of the twins Romulus and Remus. Shakspere, who has literallytransferred into his play of Julius Cæsar many passages from North'sPlutarch, makes Cæsar say to the consul Antonius--

 Forget not, in your speed, Antonius, To touch Calphurnia; for our elders say, The barren, touched in this holy chase, Shake off their sterile curse. 

Act i. Sc. 2. ]

[Footnote 593: Dion Cassius (44. C. 9) speaks of the honours conferredon Cæsar and his supposed ambitious designs. ]

[Footnote 594: The Latin word "brutus" means "senseless, " "stupid. "The Cumæi, the inhabitants of Cume in Æolis, were reckoned verystupid. Strabo (p. 622) gives two reasons why this opinion obtained;one of which was, that it was not till three hundred years after thefoundation of the city that they thought of making some profit by thecustoms duties, though they had a port. ]

[Footnote 595: Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 1, Dion Cassius (44. C. 12), and Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Junii, p. 2. This Brutus was nota descendant of him who expelled the last king. ]

[Footnote 596: Plutarch means the office of Prætor Urbanus, thehighest of the offices called prætorships. There was originally onlyone prætor, the Prætor Urbanus. There were now sixteen. The PrætorUrbanus was the chief person engaged in the administration of justicein Rome; and hence the allusion to the "tribunal" ([Greek: bêma] βῆμα)where the Prætor sat when he did business. ]

[Footnote 597: I have translated this according to the reading ofSintenis. Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 8. Cæsar was very lean. As tothe writings compare Dion Cassius (44, c. 12). ]

[Footnote 598: See the Life of Brutus, c. 89. ]

[Footnote 599:

 _Cæsar_. Let me have men about me that are fat; Sleek-headed men, and such as sleep o' nights: Yond' Cassius has a lean and hungry look; He thinks too much: such men are dangerous. Shakspere, _Julius Cæsar_, Act i. Sc. 2. ]

[Footnote 600: The passage was in the Historical Memoirs. See the Lifeof Sulla, c. 26; and the Life of Lucullus, c. 28. Notes. ]

[Footnote 601: The Ides of March were the 15th, on which day Cæsar wasmurdered. ]

[Footnote 602: Compare Dion Cassius (44. C. 17). Cæsar also had adream. ]

[Footnote 603: I have kept Plutarch's word, which is Greek. Suetonius(Cæsar, c. 81) expresses it by the Latin word "fastigium, " and alsoFlorus (iv. 2), Cicero (_Philipp. _ ii. 43), and Julius Obsequens (c. 127), who enumerates the omens mentioned by Plutarch. The passage ofLivius must have been in the 116th Book, which is lost. See theEpitome. The word here probably means a pediment. But it alsosignifies an ornament, such as a statue placed on the summit of apediment. ]

[Footnote 604: Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus was the son of DecimusJunius Brutus, Consul B. C. 77, and grandson of Decimus Junius BrutusCallaicus, Consul B. C. 138. He was adopted by Aulus Postumius Albinus, Consul, B. C. 99, whence he took the name Albinus. He served underCæsar in Gaul, during which campaign he destroyed the fleet of theVeneti. (_Gallic War_, iii. 12, &c. ) Decimus Brutus was a greatfavourite with Cæsar, who by his will placed him in the second degreeof succession; he also gave him the province of Cisalpine Gaul, whichBrutus held after Cæsar's death, and appointed him to be consul forB. C. 42. In the year B. C. 43, after M. Antonius had united himselfwith M. Lepidus, the governor of Gallia Narbonensis, and L. MunatiusPlancus and Asinius Pollio had also joined M. Antonius, Decimus Brutusattempted to make his escape into Macedonia to Marcus Brutus; but hewas overtaken in the Alps by the cavalry of Antonius, and put to deathafter abjectly praying for mercy. This was the just punishment of atreacherous friend who helped Cæsar to the supreme power and thenbetrayed him (Vell. Paterculus, ii. 61). Like many other men, he didwell enough when he was directed by others, but when he was put incommand, he lost his head and threw away the opportunities that hehad. There are extant several of his letters to Ciecro and letters ofCicero to him. (Dion Cassius, 43. C. 53, and the references in thenotes; Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Junii. )]

[Footnote 605: It was usual for the Romans in their wills tosubstitute an heres, one or more (in the Roman sense), to take theproperty in case the person who was first named in the will for anyreason did not take it. Cæsar's first heres was his great nephew, C. Octavius, afterwards Augustus. ]

[Footnote 606: It was the general opinion that some roll or writingwas put into Cæsar's hands, which informed him of the conspiracy; but, as is usual in such cases, there were different statements currentabout the particulars of this circumstance. Compare Dion Cassius, 44. C. 18. ]

[Footnote 607: According to Dion Cassius (41. C. 52) the Senate wasassembled in the curia ([Greek: synedrion] συνέδριον), which Pompeiushad built. ]

[Footnote 608: The two sects of Greek philosophy that had mostadherents among the Romans were those of the Epicureans and theStoics. Cassius, as an Epicurean, would have no faith in anysuperhuman powers; but in the moments of danger a man's speculativeprinciples give way to the common feelings of all mankind. I have keptPlutarch's word "enthusiasm, " which is here to be understood not inour sense, but in the Greek sense of a person under some superhumaninfluence. ]

[Footnote 609: This is a mistake of Plutarch, who has stated the factcorrectly in his Life of Brutus (c. 17). It was Caius Trebonius whokept Antonius engaged in talk, as we learn from Dion Cassius (44. C. 10), Appianus (_Civil War_, ii. 117), and Cicero, who in a Letter toTrebonius (_Ad Diversos_, x. 28) complains that Trebonius had takenAntonius aside, and so saved his life. ]

[Footnote 610: Some would write Tullius Cimber. See the note ofSintenis. Atilius may be the true name. ]

[Footnote 611: P. Servilius Casca was at this time a tribune of thePlebs (Dion Cassius, 44. C. 52). ]

[Footnote 612: Dion Cassius adds (44. C. 19) that Cæsar said to M. Brutus, "And you too, my son. " Probably the story of Cæsar's deathreceived many embellishments. Of his three and twenty wounds, only onewas mortal according to the physician Antistius (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 82): but though the wounds severally might not have been mortal, theloss of blood from all might have caused death. Suetonius (c. 82)adds, that Cæsar pierced the arm of Cassius (he mentions two Cassiiamong the conspirators) with his graphium (stylus). See the notes inBurmann's edition of Suetonius. 

The circumstances of the death of Cæsar are minutely stated byDrumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Julii, p. 728, &c. The reflections of DionCassius (44. C. 1, 2) on the death of Cæsar are worth reading. Hecould not see that any public good was accomplished by this murder;nor can anybody else. ]

[Footnote 613: Cicero was among them. He saw, as he says himself (_AdAttic. _ xiv. 10), the tyrant fall, and he rejoiced. In his letters hespeaks with exultation of the murder, and commends the murderers. Buthe was not let into the secret. They were afraid to trust him. If hehad been in the conspiracy, he says (_Philipp. _ ii. 14) he would havemade clean work; he would have assassinated all the enemies ofliberty; in other words, all the chief men of Cæsar's party. He hadabjectly humbled himself before Cæsar, who treated him with kindrespect. Like all genuine cowards he was cruel when he had power. ]

[Footnote 614: M. Æmilius Lepidus, son of M. Lepidus, consul B. C. 78. He afterwards formed one of the Triumviri with M. Antonius andOctavianus Cæsar. This was the Lepidus with whom Cæsar supped the daybefore he was murdered. He was a feeble man, though something of asoldier. Shakspere has painted him in a few words:

 _Antony_. This is a slight unmeritable man, Meet to be sent on errands. 

 _Julius Cæsar_, Act iv. Sc. 1. 

There is more of him in the Lives of Brutus and Antonius. ]

[Footnote 615: I do not know who this Caius Octavius is. There isprobably some mistake in the name. Lentulus was the son of P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, consul B. C. 57. He had, like many others, experienced Cæsar's clemency. Plutarch is mistaken in saying that thisSpinther was put to death, though he was probably included in theproscription. (See Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Lentuli, p. 545. ) TheLentulus who is mentioned as having been put to death in Egypt (Lifeof Pompeius, c. 80) was L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, consul B. C. 49. 

The disturbances which followed Cæsar's death are more particularlydescribed in the Lives of Brutus and Antonius. ]

[Footnote 616: Cæsar made Caius Octavius, his sister's grandson, hisfirst heres. He left a legacy to every Roman citizen, the amount ofwhich is variously stated. He also left to the public his gardens onthe Tiber. (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, c. 83); Dion Cassius (44. C. 35). 

Shakspere has made a noble scene of the speech of Antonius overCæsar's body on the opening of the will:

 _Ant_. Here is the will, and under Cæsar's seal; To every Roman citizen he gives, To every several man, seventy-five drachmas: Moreover he hath left you all his walks, His private arbours and new planted orchards, On this side Tiber; he hath left them you And to your heirs for ever; common pleasures, To walk abroad, and recreate yourselves. Here was a Cæsar. When comes such another?

_Julius Cæsar_, Act iii. Sc. 2. 

Antonius, according to Roman fashion, made a funeral speech over thebody of Cæsar (Life of Antonius, c. 14; of Brutus, c. 20). DionCassius (44. C. 36-49) has put a long speech in the mouth of Antonius, mere empty declamation. Appianus (_Civil Wars_, ii. 144-6) gives onewhich is well enough suited to the character of Antonius. (_OratorumRomanorum Fragmenta_, ed. Mayer, p. 455. ) It is probable that thespeech of Antonius was preserved, and was used as materials by thehistorians. ]

[Footnote 617: This man, who unluckily bore the name of Cinna, was C. Helvius Cinna, a tribune of the plebs, a poet, and a friend of Cæsar. (Dion Cassius, 44. C. 50, and the notes of Reimarus. ) The conspiratorCinna was the son of L. Cornelius Cinna, who was a partisan of Marius, and was murdered in his fourth consulship (Life of Pompeius, c. 5). Cæsar's wife Cornelia, the mother of his only child Julia, was thesister of the conspirator Cinna, as Plutarch names him. But probablyhe was not one of the conspirators, though he approved of the deedafter it was done. (Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, Cinnæ, p. 591, notes, and also as to Helvius Cinna. )]

[Footnote 618: And also in the Life of Antonius. ]

[Footnote 619: Suetonius (_Cæsar_, c. 89) observes that scarce any ofhis assasins survived him three years; and they all came to a violentend. ]

[Footnote 620: This town was on the Asiatic side of the Hellespont. Compare the Life of Brutus, c. 36. 48, and Appianus (_Civil Wars_, iv. 134). Dion Cassius does not mention the ghost story. ]

[Footnote 621: It has been already remarked that Niebuhr is of opinionthat the introduction to the Life of Cæsar is lost. This opinion willnot appear well founded to those who have got a right conception ofthe dramatic form in which Plutarch has cast most of his Lives, andmore particularly this of Cæsar. He begins by representing him asresisting the tyrant Sulla when others yielded, and then making hisway through a long series of events to the supreme power, which he hadno sooner attained than he lost it. But his fortune survived him, andthe faithless men, his murderers, most of whom owed to him their livesor their fortunes, were pursued by the avenging dæmon till they wereall hunted down. 

A just estimate of the first of all the Romans is not a difficulttask. We know him from the evidence of his contemporaries, bothfriends and enemies. The devoted attachment of his true friends isbeyond doubt; and his enemies could not deny his exalted talents. Cicero, who has in various places heaped on him every term of abusethat his copious storehouse contained, does not refuse his testimonyto the great abilities and generous character of Cæsar. Drumann(_Geschichte Roms_, Julii) has given an elaborate examination ofCæsar's character. His faults and his vices belonged to his age, andhe had them in common with nearly all his contemporaries. His moststriking virtues, his magnanimity, his generosity, his mercy to thevanquished, distinguished him among all the Romans of his period. Cæsar was a combination of bodily activity, intellectual power, ofliterary acquirements, and administrative talent that has seldomappeared. As a soldier he was not inferior in courage and endurance tothe hardiest veteran of his legions; and his military ability placeshim in the first rank of commanders who have contended with andovercome almost insurmountable obstacles. Cicero ranks him in thefirst class of orators; and his own immortal work, his History of theGallic Campaign and the Civil War, is a literary monument whichdistinguishes him among all other commanders. As a speaker and awriter he had no superior among his contemporaries. His varied talentsare further shown by his numerous literary labours, of which somesmall notices remain. His views were large and enlightened, hisschemes were vast and boundless. His genius deserved a better spherethan the degenerate republic in which he lived. But the power which heacquired did not die with him. A youth of tender age succeeded to thename and the inheritance of Cæsar, and by his great talents and a longcareer of wonderful success consolidated that Monarchy which we callthe Roman Empire. 

Shakspere has founded his play of Julius Cæsar on Plutarch's Life ofCæsar and the Lives of Brutus and Antonius. The passages in North'sversion which he has more particularly turned to his purpose arecollected in Mr. Knight's edition of Shakspere (8vo. Edition). Shakspere has three Roman plays, Coriolanus, Julius Cæsar, and Antonyand Cleopatra. As a drama the first is the best. The play of JuliusCæsar has been estimated very differently by different critics. Mr. Knight has many valuable remarks on these Roman plays (vol. Xi. ), andhe has shown the way, as he conceives, in which they should be viewed. The Julius Cæsar is so constructed as to show the usurpation and deathof Cæsar, and the fall of Brutus, the chief of the assassins, at thebattle of Philippi. With Brutus the hopes of his party fell. The playshould therefore rather be entitled Marcus Brutus than Julius Cæsar;and it is deficient in that unity without which no great dramaticeffect can be produced. The name and the fame of Cæsar, the noblest man, That ever lived in the tide of time, obscure the meaner talents of Brutus; and that death which in Plutarchforms a truly tragical catastrophe, here occurs in the middle of theaction, which would appropriately terminate with it. But we have tofollow the historical course of events; we follow Brutus to his fateat the battle of Philippi, and witness the vengeance of which Cæsar'sghost forewarns the false friends. Shakspere may have meant torepresent Brutus as the last of the Romans, and the Republic as dyingwith him; but he also represents him as haunted by the ghost of hismurdered benefactor, and losing heart before the final contest. The"great dæmon" of Cæsar avenged him on his enemies; and in this pointof view the play has a unity. Brutus dies like a Roman, and thatmurder to which he was led by the instigation of others, only rendersthe Monarchy inevitable and necessary. But if the play is faulty inconstruction, as I venture to think it is, it has other merits of thehighest order, which place it in some respects among the best works ofthe great master of dramatic art. ]

LIFE OF PHOKION. 

I. The orator Demades, who became one of the chief men in Athens byhis subservience to the Macedonians and Antipater, and who was forcedto say and to write much that was derogatory to the glory and contraryto the traditional policy of Athens, used to excuse himself bypleading that he did not come to the helm before the vessel of theState was an utter wreck. This expression, which seems a bold one whenused by Demades, might with great truth have been applied to thepolicy of Phokion. Indeed Demades himself wrecked Athens by hislicentious life and policy, and when he was an old man Antipater saidof him that he was like a victim which has been cut up for sacrifice, for there was nothing left of him but his tongue and his paunch; whilethe true virtue of Phokion was obscured by the evil days for Greeceduring which he lived, which prevented his obtaining the distinctionwhich he deserved. We must not believe Sophokles, when he says thatvirtue is feeble and dies out in men:

 "Why, not the very mind that's born with man, When he's unfortunate, remains the same. "

Yet we must admit that fortune has so much power even over good men, that it has sometimes withheld from them their due meed of esteem andpraise, has sullied their reputations with unworthy calumnies, andmade it difficult for the world to believe in their virtue. 

II. It would seem that democracies, when elated by success, areespecially prone to break out into wanton maltreatment of theirgreatest men; and this is also true in the opposite case: formisfortunes render popular assemblies harsh, irritable, and uncertainin temper, so that it becomes a dangerous matter to address them, because they take offence at any speaker who gives them wholesomecounsel. When he blames them for their mistakes, they think that he isreproaching them with their misfortunes, and when he speaks his mindfreely about their condition, they imagine that he is insulting them. Just as honey irritates wounds and sores, so does true and sensibleadvice exasperate the unfortunate, if it be not of a gentle andsoothing nature: exactly as the poet calls sweet things agreeable, because they agree with the taste, and do not oppose or fight againstit. An inflamed eye prefers the shade, and shuns strong lights: and acity, when involved in misfortunes, becomes timid and weak through itsinability to endure plain speaking at a time when it especially needsit, as otherwise its mistakes cannot be repaired. For this reason theposition of a statesman in a democracy must always be full of peril;for if he tries merely to please the people he will share their ruin, while if he thwarts them he will be destroyed by them. 

Astronomers teach us that the sun does not move in exactly the samecourse as the stars, and yet not in one which is opposed to them, butby revolving in an inclined and oblique orbit performs an easy andexcellent circuit through them all, by which means everything is keptin its place, and its elements combined in the most admirable manner. So too in political matters, the man who takes too high a tone, andopposes the popular will in all cases, must be thought harsh andmorose, while on the other hand he who always follows the people andshares in all their mistakes pursues a dangerous and ruinous policy. The art of government by which states are made great consists insometimes making concessions to the people, and gratifying them whenthey are obedient to authority, and at the same time insisting uponsalutary measures. Men willingly obey and support such a ruler if hedoes not act in a harsh and tyrannical fashion: but he has a verydifficult and laborious part to play, and it is hard for him tocombine the sternness of a sovereign with the gentleness of a popularleader, If, however, he succeed in combining these qualities, theyproduce the truest and noblest harmony, like that by which God issaid to regulate the universe, as everything is brought about bygentle persuasion, and not by violence. 

III. All this was exemplified in the case of the younger Cato: for hehad not the art of persuasion and was unacceptable to the people, nordid he rise to eminence by the popular favour, but Cicero[622] saysthat he lost his consulship because he acted as if he were living inthe Republic of Plato, and not in the dregs of Romulus. Such men seemto me to resemble fruits which grow out of season: for men gaze uponthem with wonder, but do not eat them: and the stern antique virtue ofCato, displayed as it was in a corrupt and dissolute age, long afterthe season for it had gone by, gained him great glory and renown, butproved totally useless, as it was of too exalted a type to suit thepolitical exigencies of the day. When Cato began his career, hiscountry was not already ruined, as was that of Phokion. The ship ofthe state was indeed labouring heavily in the storm, but Cato, although he was not permitted to take the helm and guide the vessel, exerted himself so manfully, and gave so much assistance to those whowere more powerful than himself, that he all but triumphed overfortune. The constitution was, no doubt, finally overthrown; but itsruin was due to others, and only took place after a long and severestruggle, during which Cato very nearly succeeded in saving it. I havechosen Phokion to compare with him, not because of the generalresemblance of their characters as good and statesmanlike men, for aman may possess the same quality in various forms, as, for example, the courage of Alkibiades was of a different kind to that ofEpameinondas; the ability of Themistokles was different to that ofAristeides; and the justice of Numa Pompilius was different to that ofAgesilaus. But in the case of Phokion and Cato, their virtues bore thesame stamp, form, and ethical complexion down to the most minuteparticulars. Both alike possessed the same mixture of kindness andseverity, of caution and daring: both alike cared for the safety ofothers and neglected their own: both alike shrank from baseness, andwere zealous for the right; so that one would have to use a very nicediscrimination to discover the points of difference between theirrespective dispositions. 

IV. Cato is admitted by all writers to have been a man of nobledescent, as will be explained in his life: and I imagine that thefamily of Phokion was not altogether mean and contemptible. If hisfather had really been a pestle maker, as we are told by Idomeneus, who may be sure that Glaukippus, the son of Hypereides, who collectedand flung at him such a mass of abuse, would not have omitted tomention his low birth, nor would he have been so well brought up as tohave been a scholar of Plato while a lad, and afterwards to havestudied under Xenokrates in the Academy; while from his youth up healways took an interest in liberal branches of learning. We are toldby the historian Douris that scarcely any Athenian ever saw Phokionlaughing or weeping, or bathing in the public baths, or with his handoutside of his cloak, when he wore one. Indeed when he was in thecountry or on a campaign he always went barefooted and wore only histunic, unless the cold was excessively severe; so that the soldiersused to say in jest that it was a sign of wintry weather to seePhokion wearing his cloak. 

V. Though one of the kindest and most affable of men, he was of aforbidding and severe countenance, so that men who did not know himwell feared to address him when alone. Once when Chares in a speechmentioned Phokion's gloomy brow, the Athenians began to laugh. "Yet, "said he, "his brow has never harmed you: but the laughter of these menhas brought great sorrow upon the state. " In like manner also theoratory of Phokion was most valuable, as it incited his countrymen towin brilliant successes, and to form lofty aspirations. He spoke in abrief, harsh, commanding style, without any attempt to flatter orplease his audience. Just as Zeno says that a philosopher ought tosteep his words in meaning, so Phokion's speeches conveyed thegreatest possible amount of meaning in the smallest compass. It isprobably in allusion to this that Polyeuktus[623] of Sphettus saidthat Demosthenes was the best orator, but that Phokion was the mostpowerful speaker. As the smallest coins are those which have thegreatest intrinsic value, so Phokion in his speeches seemed to saymuch with few words. We are told that once while the people wereflocking into the theatre Phokion was walking up and down near thestage, plunged in thought. "You seem meditative, Phokion, " said one ofhis friends. "Yes, by Zeus, " answered he, "I am considering whether Ican shorten the speech which I am going to make to the Athenians. "Demosthenes himself, who despised the other orators, when Phokion roseused to whisper to his friends, "Here comes the cleaver of myharangues. " Much of his influence, however, must be ascribed to hispersonal character; since a word or a gesture of a truly good mancarries more weight than ten thousand eloquently argued speeches. 

VI. While yet a youth Phokion especially attached himself to thegeneral Chabrias, and followed him in his campaigns, in which hegained considerable military experience, and in some instances wasable to correct the strange inequalities of his commander'stemperament. Chabrias, usually sluggish and hard to rouse, when inaction became vehemently excited, and tried to outdo the boldest ofhis followers in acts of daring: indeed he lost his life at Chios bybeing the first to run his ship on shore and to try to effect alanding in the face of the enemy. Phokion, who was a man of action, and cautious nevertheless, proved most useful in stirring up Chabriaswhen sluggish, and again in moderating his eagerness when roused. Inconsequence of this, Chabrias, who was of a kindly and nobledisposition, loved Phokion and promoted him to many responsible posts, so that his name became well known throughout Greece, as Chabriasentrusted him with the management of the most important militaryoperations. At the battle of Naxos he enabled Phokion to win greatglory, by placing him in command of the left wing, where the mostimportant struggle took place, and where the victory was finallydecided. As this was the first sea fight, since the capture and ruinof Athens, which the Athenians won by themselves, without allies, overother Greeks, they were greatly pleased with Chabrias, and Phokion washenceforth spoken of as a man of military genius. The battle was wonduring the performance of the Great Mysteries at Eleusis; and everyyear afterwards, on the sixteenth day of the month Böedromion, Chabrias used to entertain the Athenians, and offer libations of wineto the gods. 

VII. After this Chabrias sent Phokion to visit the islands and exacttribute from them, giving him an escort of twenty ships of war: uponwhich Phokion is said to have remarked, that if he was sent to fightthe islanders, he should require a larger force, but that if he wasgoing to the allies of Athens, one ship would suffice for him. Hesailed in his own trireme, visited all the states, simply andunassumingly explained the objects of his mission to their leadingmen, and returned home with a large fleet, which the allies despatchedto convey their tribute safe to Athens. 

He not only esteemed and looked up to Chabrias while he lived, butafter his death he took care of his family, and endeavoured to make agood man of his son Ktesippus; and though he found this youth stupidand unmanageable, he never ceased his efforts to amend his characterand to conceal his faults. Once only we are told that when on somecampaign the young man was tormenting him with unreasonable questions, and offering him advice as though he were appointed assistant-general, Phokion exclaimed, "O Chabrias, Chabrias, I do indeed prove myselfgrateful for your friendship for me, by enduring this from your son!"Observing that the public men of the day had, as if by lot, dividedthe duties of the war-office and of the public assembly amongstthemselves, so that Eubulus, Aristophon, Demosthenes, Lykurgus, andHypereides did nothing except make speeches to the people and bringforward bills, while Diopeithes, Menestheus, Leosthenes, and Charesrose entirely by acting as generals and by making war, Phokion wishedto restore the era of Perikles, Aristeides, and Solon, statesmen whowere able to manage both of these branches of the administration withequal success. Each one of those great men seemed to him, in the wordsof Archilochus, to have been

 "A man, who served the grisly god of arms, Yet well could comprehend the Muses's charms. "

The tutelary goddess of Athens herself, he remarked, presided equallyover war and over domestic administration, and was worshipped underboth attributes. 

VIII. With this object in view Phokion invariably used his politicalinfluence in favour of peace, but nevertheless was electedgeneral[624] more times not only than any of his contemporaries, butalso than any of his predecessors: yet he never canvassed hiscountrymen or made any effort to obtain the office, though he did notrefuse to fill it at his country's bidding. All historians admit thathe was elected general five-and-forty times, and never once missedbeing elected, since even when he was absent the Athenians used tosend for him to come home and be elected; so that his enemies used towonder that Phokion, who always thwarted the Athenians and neverflattered them either by word or deed, should be favoured by them, andwere wont to say that the Athenians in their hours of relaxation usedto amuse themselves by listening to the speeches of their more livelyand brilliant orators, just as royal personages are said to amusethemselves with their favourites after dinner, but that they madetheir appointments to public offices in a sober and earnest spirit, choosing for that purpose the most severe and sensible man in Athens, and the one too, who alone, or at any rate more than any one else, wasin the habit of opposing their impulses and wishes. When an oracle wasbrought from Delphi and read before the assembly, which said thatwhen all the Athenians were of one mind, one man would be opposed tothe state, Phokion rose and said that he was the man in question, forhe disapproved of the whole of their policy. And once when he madesome remark in a speech which was vociferously applauded, and he sawthe whole assembly unanimous in its approval of his words, he turnedto some of his friends and said, "Have I inadvertently said somethingbad?"

IX. Once when the Athenians were asking for subscriptions for somefestival, and all the others had paid their subscriptions, Phokion, after he had been frequently asked to subscribe, answered, "Ask theserich men: for my part I should be ashamed of myself if I were to givemoney to you, and not pay what I owe to this man here, " pointing toKallikles the money-lender. As the people did not cease shouting andabusing him, he told them a fable: "A cowardly man went to the wars, and when he heard the cawing of the crows, he laid down his arms andsat still. Then he took up his arms and marched on, and they againbegan to caw, so he halted again. At last he said, 'You may caw asloud as you please, but you shall never make a meal of me. '" Onanother occasion when the Athenians wished to send him to meet theenemy, and when he refused, called him a coward, he said, "You are notable to make me brave, nor am I able to make you cowards. However, weunderstand one another. " At some dangerous crisis the people weregreatly enraged with him, and demanded an account of his conduct asgeneral. "I hope, " said he, "my good friends, that you will saveyourselves first. " As the Athenians, when at war, werehumble-spirited, and full of fears, but after peace was made becamebold, and reproached Phokion for having lost them their chance ofvictory, he said, "You are fortunate in having a general whounderstands you; for if you had not, you would long ago have beenruined. " When the Athenians wished to decide some dispute aboutterritory by arms instead of by arbitration, Phokion advised them tofight the Bœotians with words, in which they were superior, not witharms, in which they were inferior to them. Once when they would notattend to his words, or listen to him, he said, "You are able to forceme to do what I do not wish, but you shall never force me to counselwhat I do not approve. " When Demosthenes, one of the orators of theopposite party, said to him, "Phokion, the Athenians will kill you, ifthey lose their senses. " He answered, "Yes, but they will kill you, ifthey regain them. " When he saw Polyeuktus of Sphettus in a great heaturging the Athenians to go to war with Philip, panting and sweatingprofusely, as he was a very fat man, and drinking great draughts ofwater, he said, "Ought you to believe what this man says, and vote forwar? What sort of a figure will he make in a suit of armour and with ashield to carry, when the enemy are at hand, if he cannot explain histhoughts to you without nearly choking himself?" When Lykurgus abusedhim freely in the public assembly and above all, reproached him withhaving advised the people to deliver up ten citizens to Alexander whenhe demanded them, he said, "I have often given the people good advice, but they will not obey me. "

X. There was one Archibiades, who was surnamed the Laconizer, who grewa great beard, wore a Spartan cloak, and affected a stern demeanourlike a Spartan. Once when Phokion was being violently attacked in theassembly he called upon this man to bear witness to the truth of whathe said, and to assist him. Archibiades now rose and said what hethought would please the Athenians, upon which Phokion, seizing him bythe beard, exclaimed, "Why then, Archibiades, do you not shave?"[625]When Aristogeiton, the informer, who made warlike speeches in thepublic assembly, and urged the people to action, came to be enrolledon the list for active service leaning on a stick, with his legsbandaged, Phokion, catching sight of him from the tribune where hestood, called out "Write down Aristogeiton, a cripple and a villain. "From this it appears strange that so harsh and ungenial a man shouldhave been named "The Good. "

It is difficult, I imagine, but not impossible, for the same man tobe like wine, both sweet and harsh: just as other men and other winesseem at first to be pleasant, but prove in the end both disagreeableand injurious to those who use them. We are told that Hypereides oncesaid to the Athenians, "Men of Athens, do not think whether I am harshor not, but whether I am harsh for nothing;" as if it was onlycovetousness that made men hated, and as if those persons were notmuch more generally disliked who used their power to gratify theirinsolence, their private grudges, their anger, or their ambition. Phokion never harmed any Athenian because he disliked him, and neveraccounted any man his enemy, but merely showed himself stern andinexorable to those who opposed his efforts to save his country, whilein the rest of his life he was so kind and amiable to all men, that heoften helped his opponents, and came to the aid of his politicalantagonists when they were in difficulties. Once when his friendsreproached him for having interceded in court for some worthless manwho was being tried, he answered that good men do not need anyintercessor. When Aristogeiton, after he had been condemned, sent forPhokion, and begged him to visit him, he at once started to go to theprison; and when his friends tried to prevent him, he said, "My goodsirs, let me go; for where would one wish to meet Aristogeiton ratherthan in prison?"

XI. Indeed, if any other generals were sent out to the allies andpeople of the islands, they always treated them as enemies, fortifiedtheir walls, blocked up their harbours, and sent their slaves andcattle, their women and children, into their cities for shelter; butwhen Phokion was in command they came out a long way to meet him withtheir own ships, crowned with flowers, and led him rejoicing intotheir cities. 

XII. When Philip stealthily seized Eubœa, [626] landed a Macedonianarmy there, and began to win over the cities by means of theirdespots, Plutarchus of Eretria sent to Athens and begged the Atheniansto rescue the island from the Macedonians. Phokion was now sentthither in command of a small force, as it was expected that thepeople of the country would rally round him. He found, however, nothing but treachery and corruption, as all patriotism had beenundermined by the bribes of Philip, and soon was brought into greatdanger. He established himself upon a hill which was cut off by aravine from the plain near the city of Tamynæ, and there collected themost trustworthy part of his forces, bidding his officers take no heedof the undisciplined mass of talkers and cowards who deserted from hiscamp and made their way home, observing that they were useless inaction because they would not obey orders, and only hindered thefighting men, while at Athens the consciousness of their basenesswould prevent their bringing false accusations against him. 

XIII. When the enemy[627] drew near, he ordered his troops to remainquiet under arms until he had finished offering sacrifice. Either thesacrifices were unfavourable, or else he designedly wasted time, wishing to bring the enemy as close as possible. The result was thatPlutarchus, [628] imagining that the Athenians were terror-stricken andhanging back, rushed to attack the enemy at the head of the Eubœans. Seeing this, the Athenian cavalry could no longer endure to remainidle, but charged at once, pouring out of their camp in scatteredbodies and with much confusion. These first troops were defeated, andPlutarchus himself took to flight. Some of the enemy now came close upto the rampart of the Athenian camp, and began to tear down thestakes of which it was formed as though they were already completelyvictorious. 

At this crisis the sacrifices proved favourable, and the Athenianinfantry, sallying out of their camp, routed and overthrew all whomthey found near their ramparts. Phokion now ordered his main body toremain in reserve, in order to give those who had been scattered inthe former skirmish a point to rally on, while he himself, with somepicked men, charged the enemy. A severe battle now took place, inwhich all exerted themselves with the most reckless bravery. Thallus, the son of Kineas, and Glaukus, the son of Polymedes, who fought bythe side of the general himself, were especially distinguished. Kleophanes also did most excellent service on this occasion, for herallied the scattered horsemen, called upon them to help their generalin his utmost need, and prevailed upon them to return and complete thevictory which the infantry had gained. After this, Phokion banishedPlutarchus from Eretria, and captured a fort named Zaretra, whichcommanded the narrowest part of the island. He set free all the Greekcaptives, because he feared that the Athenian orators might urge thepeople in their anger to treat them with undue severity. 

XIV. After Phokion had accomplished this, he sailed away to Athens;and the allies soon found cause to wish for his goodness and justice, while the Athenians soon learned to value his courage and militaryskill. Molossus, his successor, managed the war so unsuccessfully thathe himself was made a prisoner by the enemy. Shortly afterwardsPhilip, full of great designs, proceeded with all his army to theHellespont, in order to take Perinthus, Byzantium, and the Chersoneseat one blow. The Athenians were eager to help these cities, and theorators succeeded in getting Chares sent thither in command of anarmy. However, when he arrived he effected nothing of importance, forthe cities would not admit his troops within their walls, and viewedhim with suspicion, so that he was reduced to roaming about thecountry, exacting contributions of money from the allies of Athens, and regarded with contempt by the enemy. Upon this the people, exasperated by the speeches of the orators, became much enraged, andregretted that they had sent any assistance to the people ofByzantium: but Phokion rose, and said that they ought not be angrywith their allies for not trusting them, but with their generals fornot being trustworthy. "These men, " he remarked, "make you feared evenby those who cannot be saved without your assistance. "

The Athenians were much moved by these words. They repented of theiranger, and ordered Phokion himself to take a second armament andproceed to the assistance of their allies on the Hellespont. Thereputation of Phokion had been very great even before this, but now, since Leon, the leading man in Byzantium, who had been afellow-student in the Academy with Phokion, made himself answerablefor his good faith, the Byzantines would not permit him to carry outhis intention of encamping outside their walls, but opened their gatesand received the Athenians into their houses. Phokion's men proved notonly irreproachable in their conduct, but repaid the confidence whichhad been shown them by fighting on all occasions with the utmostbravery. Thus was Philip this time driven from the Hellespont, andregarded with contempt as a coward and a runaway, while Phokion tookseveral of his ships, recovered some towns which had receivedMacedonian garrisons, and landed at various points on the coast toravage and overrun the country, until at last he was wounded by theenemy and forced to return home. 

XV. Once when the people of Megara secretly invited Phokion to come totheir aid, as he was afraid that the Bœotians might hear of hisintentions and cut off the proposed reinforcements, he called ameeting of the Assembly at daybreak, laid the Megarian proposalsbefore the Athenians, and as soon as a decree had been passed to aidthem, ordered the trumpet to sound, bade his troops leave the Assemblyand get under arms at once, and led them straightway to Megara. Thepeople of Megara gladly welcomed him, and he not only fortified Nisæa, but built two long walls from the city to its seaport, thus joiningMegara to the sea in such a fashion that the city no longer fearedits enemies by land, and cheerfully threw in its lot with theAthenians. 

XVI. When Philip was viewed with hostility by every state in Greece, and other generals had been elected in Phokion's absence to make waragainst him, Phokion, when he returned from his tour among theislands, advised them to make peace, and come to terms with Philip, who on his part was quite willing to do so, and feared to go to war. On this occasion a pettifogging Athenian, who spent all his time inthe law courts, opposed Phokion, and said, "Do you dare, Phokion, toadvise the Athenians to turn back when they have arms already in theirhands?" "Yes, I do, " answered he, "and that too although I know thatin time of war I shall be your master, and in time of peace you willbe mine. " As Phokion did not succeed, but Demosthenes carried hispoint, and counselled the Athenians to fight as far as possible fromAttica, he said to him: "My good sir, let us not consider where we areto fight, but how we can win the victory. If we are victorious, thewar will be kept at a distance, but all the horrors of war alwayspress closely upon the vanquished. " After the defeat, [629] the noisyrevolutionary party dragged Charidemus to the tribune, and bade himact as general. All the more respectable citizens were much alarmed atthis. They appealed to the council of the Areopagus to aid them, addressed the people with tears and entreaties, and prevailed uponthem to place the city under the charge of Phokion. Phokion nowconsidered it necessary to submit with a good grace to the pleasure ofPhilip, and when Demades moved that Athens should share the generalpeace and take part in the congress of the Greek states, Phokionobjected to the motion before it was known what Philip wished theGreeks to do. His opposition was fruitless, because of the criticalstate of affairs; but when afterwards he saw the Athenians bitterlyrepenting of what they had done, because they were obliged to furnishPhilip with ships of war and cavalry, he said: "It was because Ifeared this that I opposed the motion of Demades: but now that youhave passed that motion you must not be grieved and downcast, butremember that your ancestors were sometimes independent and sometimessubject to others, but that they acted honourably in either case, andsaved both their city and the whole of Greece. " On the death of Philiphe opposed the wish of the Athenians to hold a festival[630] becauseof the good news: for he said that it was an unworthy thing for themto rejoice, because the army which had defeated them at Chæronea hadbeen weakened by the loss of only one man. 

XVII. When Demosthenes spoke abusively of Alexander, who was even thenat the gates of Thebes, Phokion said to him, in the words of Homer, "'Rash man, forbear to rouse the angry chief, '

who is also a man of unbounded ambition. When he has kindled such aterrible conflagration close by, why do you wish our city to fan theflame? I, however, will not permit these men to ruin us, even thoughthey wish it, for that is why I have undertaken the office ofgeneral. "

After Thebes was destroyed, Alexander demanded Demosthenes and hisparty, with Lykurgus, Hypereides, and Charidenus to be delivered up tohim. The whole assembly, on hearing this proposal, cast its eyes uponPhokion, and, after calling upon him repeatedly by name, induced himto rise. Placing by his side his most beloved and trusted friend, hesaid:[631] "These men have brought the city to such a pass, that ifany one were to demand that Nikokles here should be delivered up tohim, I should advise you to give him up. For my own part, I shouldaccount it a happy thing to die on behalf of all of you. I feel pityalso, men of Athens, " said he, "for those Thebans who have fledhither for refuge; but it is enough that Greece should have to mournfor the loss of Thebes. It is better then, on behalf of both theThebans and ourselves, to deprecate the wrath of our conqueror ratherthan to oppose him. "

We are told that when the decree refusing to give up the personsdemanded was presented to Alexander, he flung it from him and refusedto listen to the envoys; but he received a second embassy headed byPhokion, because he was told by the older Macedonians that his fatherhad always treated him with great respect. He not only conversed withPhokion, and heard his petition, but even asked his advice. Phokionadvised him, if he desired quiet, to give up war; and if he wished forglory, to turn his arms against the Persians, and leave the Greeksunmolested. Phokion conversed much with Alexander, and, as he hadformed a shrewd estimate of his character, was so happy in his remarksthat he entirely appeased his anger, and even led him to say that theAthenians must watch the progress of events with care, since, ifanything were to happen to him, it would be their duty to take thelead in Greece. Alexander singled out Phokion in a special manner ashis guest and friend, and treated him with a degree of respect whichhe showed to few even of his own companions. The historian Douristells us in confirmation of this that after Alexander had conqueredDarius, and had become a great man, he omitted the usual words ofgreeting from all his letters, except from those which he wrote toPhokion, addressing him alone as he addressed Antipater (his viceroy), with the word 'Hail. ' This is also recorded by the historian Chares. 

XVIII. With regard to money matters, all writers agree in saying thatAlexander sent Phokion a hundred talents as a present. When this moneyarrived at Athens Phokion enquired of those who brought it whyAlexander should give all this money to him alone, when there were somany other citizens in Athens? They answered, "Because he thinks thatyou alone are a good and honourable man. " "Then, " said Phokion, "lethim allow me still to be thought so, and to remain so. " When the menwho brought the treasure followed him into his house, and saw itsfrugal arrangements, and his wife making bread, while Phokion with hisown hands drew water from the well and washed their feet, they pressedthe money upon him yet more earnestly, and expressed theirdisappointment at his refusal, saying that it was a shameful thing fora friend of King Alexander to live so poorly. Phokion, seeing a poorold man walk by clad in a ragged cloak, asked them whether theythought him to be a worse man than that. They begged him not to saysuch things, but he answered. "And yet that man lives on slenderermeans than mine, and finds that they suffice him. Moreover, " hecontinued, "if I received such a mass of gold and did not use it, Ishould reap no advantage from it, while, if I did use it, I shoulddestroy both my own character and that of the giver. " So the treasurewas sent back from Athens, and proved that the man who did not needsuch a sum was richer than he who offered it. As Alexander wasdispleased, and wrote to Phokion saying that he did not regard as hisfriends those who asked him for nothing, Phokion did not even then askfor money, but begged for the release of Echekrates the sophist, Athenodorus of Imbros, and of two Rhodians, Demaratus and Sparton, whohad been arrested, and were imprisoned at Sardis. Alexanderimmediately set these men at liberty, and sending Kraterus toMacedonia bade him hand over to Phokion whichever he might choose ofthe Asiatic cities of Kius, Gergithus, Mylassa, and Elæa; showing allthe more eagerness to make him a present because he was angry at hisformer refusal. Phokion however would not take them, and Alexandershortly afterwards died. The house of Phokion may be seen at thepresent day in Melite. [632] It is adorned with plates of copper, butotherwise is very plain and simple. 

XIX. We have no information about Phokion's first wife, except thatshe was the sister of Kephisodotus the modeller in clay. His secondwife was no less renowned in Athens for her simplicity of life thenwas Phokion himself for his goodness. Once when the Athenians werewitnessing a new play, the actor who was to play the part of the kingdemanded from the choragus a large troop of richly-attired attendants, and, as he did not obtain them, refused to appear upon the stage, andkept the audience waiting: At last Melanthius, the choragus, shovedhim on to the stage, exclaiming. "Do you not see the wife of Phokionthere, who always goes about with only one maidservant to wait uponher, and are you going to give yourself ridiculous airs and lead ourwives into extravagance?" These words were heard by the audience, andwere received with great cheering and applause. Once, when an Ionianlady was displaying a coronet and necklace of gold and precious stonesto her, she said, "My only ornament is that this is the twentieth yearthat Phokion has been elected general by the Athenians. "

XX. As his son Phokus wished to contend in the games at thePanathenaic Festival, he entered him for the horse race, [633] notbecause he cared about his winning the prize, but because he thoughtthat the youth, who was addicted to wine and of licentious life, wouldbe benefited by the strict training and exercise which he would haveto undergo. The young man won the race, and was invited by many of hisfriends to dine with them to celebrate his victory. Phokion excusedhim to all but one, with whom he permitted him to dine in honour ofhis success. When, however, he came to the dinner and saw footpansfilled with wine and aromatic herbs offered to the guests as theyentered to wash their feet in, he turned to his son, and said, "Phokus, why do you not prevent your friend from spoiling yourvictory. " As he wished to remove his son altogether from the influenceof Athenian life he took him to Lacedæmon, and placed him with theyoung men who were undergoing the Spartan training there. TheAthenians were vexed at this, because Phokion appeared to despise andundervalue the institutions of his own country. Once Demades said tohim "Phokion, why should we not advise the Athenians to adopt theSpartan constitution; if you bid me, I am quite willing to make aspeech and bring forward a motion in the assembly for doing so. ""Indeed, " answered Phokion "it would suit a man who is scented likeyou, and wears so rich a robe, to talk about plain Spartan fare andLykurgus to the Athenians!"

XXI. When Alexander wrote to the Athenians ordering them to send shipsof war to him, some of the orators were against doing so, and thesenate asked Phokion to speak. "I say, " remarked he, "that we oughteither to conquer, or else to keep on good terms with our conqueror. ""When Pytheas first began to make speeches, as he was even then fluentand impudent, Phokion said, "Will you not be silent, and remember thatyou are only a newly-bought servant of the people. " When Harpalus fledfrom Asia with a large amount of treasure and came to Athens, whereall the venal politicians paid great court to him, he gave them but avery small part of his hoard, but sent a present of seven hundredtalents to Phokion, placing all his other property and his person inhis hands. Phokion returned a rough answer, telling Harpalus that ifhe continued corrupting the Athenians he would sorely repent of it. For the moment Harpalus desisted from his offers, but shortlyafterwards when the Athenians were met together in the assembly heobserved that those who had received his bribes all turned against himand spoke ill of him, that they might not be suspected, while Phokion, who had taken nothing from him, nevertheless showed some interest inhis safety as well as in the welfare of Athens. Harpalus now wasinduced to pay his court to him a second time, but after assailing himon all sides found that he was impregnable by bribes. However Harpalusmade a friend and companion of his son-in-law Charikles, who entirelylost his reputation in consequence, as Harpalus entrusted him with theentire management of his affairs. 

XXII. Moreover, upon the death of Pythionike, the courtezan, whoselover Harpalus had been, and who had borne him a daughter, as hedesired to erect a very costly monument to her memory, he appointedCharikles[634] to superintend the building of it. Charikles was meanenough to accept this commission; and he incurred even more disgracefrom the appearance of the tomb when it was completed. It stands atthe present day in the precinct of Hermes, on the road from Athens toEleusis, and cannot have cost anything like thirty talents, which sumis said to have been paid to Charikles by Harpalus for itsconstruction. Besides this, after his death, his daughter was adoptedby Charikles and Phokion, and received every attention from them. When, however, Charikles was prosecuted for having taken a share ofthe treasure of Harpalus, [635] and begged Phokion to come into courtand speak in his favour, Phokion refused, saying "Charikles, I choseyou to be my son-in-law in all honesty. "

When Asklepiades, the son of Hipparchus, first brought the news ofAlexander's death to Athens, Demades advised the people not to believeit. Such a corpse, he declared, must have been smelt throughout theworld. Phokion, seeing that the people were excited at the report, endeavoured to soothe and pacify them. Upon this many rushed to thetribune, and loudly declared that Asklepiades had brought truetidings, and that Alexander was really dead. "If, " replied Phokion, "he is dead to-day, he will be dead to-morrow and the day after, sothat we may quietly, and with all the greater safety, take counsel asto what we are to do. "

XXIII. When Leosthenes plunged the city into the war[636] for theliberation of Greece, as Phokion opposed him, he sneeringly asked himwhat good he had done the city during the many years that he had beengeneral. "No small good, " retorted Phokion, "I have caused theAthenians to be buried at home in their own sepulchres. " As Leosthenesspoke in a boastful and confident manner before the public assembly, Phokion said, "Your speeches, young man, are like cypress trees; theyare tall and stately, but they bear no fruit. " When Hypereides roseand asked Phokion when he would advise the Athenians to go to war;"When, " answered he, "I see young men willing to observe discipline, the rich subscribing to the expenses, and the orators leaving offembezzling the public funds. " As many admired the force whichLeosthenes got together, and inquired of Phokion whether he thoughtthat sufficient preparations had been made, he answered, "Enough forthe short course; but I fear for Athens if the race of war is to be along one, since she has no reserves, either of money, ships, or men. "The events of the war bore out the justice of his remark; for at firstLeosthenes was elated by his great success, as he defeated theBœotians in a pitched battle, and drove Antipater into Lamia. TheAthenians were now full of hope, and did nothing but hold highfestival to welcome the good news, and offer sacrifices ofthanksgiving to the gods. Phokion, however, when asked whether he didnot wish that he had done all this, answered, "Certainly I do; but Iwish that quite the contrary policy had been adopted. " Again, whendespatch after despatch kept arriving from the camp, announcing freshsuccesses, he said, "I wonder when we shall leave off beingvictorious. "

XXIV. After the death of Leosthenes, those who feared that, if Phokionwere made commander-in-chief, he would put an end to the war, subornedan obscure person to rise in the assembly and say that, as a friendand associate of Phokion, he should advise them to spare him, and keephim safe, since they had no one else like him in Athens, and to sendAntiphilus to command the army. The Athenians approved of this advice, but Phokion came forward and declared that he had never associatedwith the man, or had any acquaintance with him. "From this day forth, however, " said he, "I regard you as my friend and companion, for youhave given advice which suits me. " When the Athenians were eager toinvade Bœotia, he at first opposed them; and when some of his friendstold him that he would be put to death if he always thwarted theAthenians, he answered, "I shall suffer death unjustly, if I tell themwhat is to their advantage, but justly if I do wrong. " When he sawthat they would not give up the project, but excitedly insisted on it, he bade the herald proclaim that all Athenians who had arrived atmanhood[637] from sixty years and under, should take provisions forfive days and follow him to Bœotia at once. Upon this a greatdisturbance took place, as the older citizens leaped to their feet, and clamoured loudly. "There is nothing strange in the proclamation, "said Phokion, "for I, who am eighty years of age, shall be with you asyour general. " Thus he managed to quiet them, and induced them to giveup their intention. "

XXV. As the seaboard of Attica was being plundered by Mikion, who hadlanded at Rhamnus[638] with a large force of Macedonians and mercenarysoldiers, and was overrunning the country, Phokion led out theAthenians to attack him. As men kept running up to him and pesteringhim with advice, to seize this hill, to despatch his cavalry in thatdirection, to make his attack in this other place, he said "Herakles, how many generals I see, and how few soldiers. " While he was arrayinghis hoplites in line, one of them advanced a long way in front, andthen, fearing one of the enemy, retired. "Young man, " said Phokion, "are you not ashamed of having deserted two posts, that in which youwere placed by your general and that in which you placed yourself?" Henow charged the enemy and overthrew them, slaying Mikion himself andmany others. Meanwhile the Greek army in Thessaly fought a battle withLeonnatus, who was coming[639] to join Antipater with a Macedonianarmy from Asia. Antiphilus led the infantry and Menon, a Thessalian, the cavalry. In the battle Leonnatus himself was slain, and his troopsdefeated. 

XXVI. Shortly afterwards Kraterus crossed over from Asia with a largeforce, and a second battle took place at Krannon. [640] The Greeks weredefeated, but not in a crushing manner or with much loss. Yet, as theGreek commanders were young men, unable to maintain discipline, and, as at the same time, Antipater was tampering with the loyalty of thecities from which the army came, the whole force broke up, and mostdisgracefully betrayed the cause of Grecian liberty. Antipater at oncemarched upon Athens with his army. Demosthenes and Hypereides at oncefled from Athens, but Demades, who had not been able to pay any partof the money which he had been condemned to pay to the state (for hehad been convicted of making illegal proposals[641] on seven separateoccasions, and had become disfranchised and disqualified fromaddressing the people), now set the laws at defiance, and proposedthat ambassadors, with full powers, should be sent to Antipater to suefor peace. The people were greatly alarmed, and called upon Phokion, saying that they could trust no one else. "If I had always beentrusted, " said he, "we should not now be discussing such matters asthese. " The motion was carried, and Phokion was sent to Antipater, whowas encamped in the Kadmeia of Thebes, and preparing to invade Attica. Phokion's first request was that he would stay where he was andarrange terms. Upon hearing this Kraterus said, "Phokion advises us todo what is unjust, when he bids us remain here, doing evil to thecountry of our friends and allies, while we might do ourselves goodin that of our enemies. " Antipater, however, seized him by the handand said, "We must yield to Phokion in this. " With regard to terms, hesaid that he required the same terms from the Athenians whichLeosthenes had demanded from himself at Lamia. 

XXVII. When Phokion returned to Athens, as the people had no choicebut to submit to these terms, he went back again to Thebes with theother ambassadors;[642] for the Athenians had appointed thephilosopher Xenokrates[643] as an additional ambassador, because hisvirtue, wisdom, and intellectual power was so renowned that theyimagined that no man's heart could be so arrogant, cruel, and savageas not to be touched by some feeling of reverence and awe at the sightof Xenokrates. 

However, their expectations were entirely disappointed by theignorance and hatred of good men displayed by Antipater. In the firstplace, though he shook hands with the others, he bestowed no greetingupon Xenokrates; upon which Xenokrates is said to have remarked thatAntipater did well in showing that he felt shame before him for thetreatment which he was about to inflict upon the city. After thisXenokrates began to make him a speech, but Antipater would not sufferhim to proceed, and by rude interruptions reduced him to silence. After Phokion and Demades had spoken, Antipater stated his willingnessto make peace and become an ally of the Athenians, if they woulddeliver up Demosthenes, Hypereides, and some other orators tohim, [644] re-establish their original government, in which themagistrates were chosen according to property, receive a garrison inMunychia, and pay the whole expenses of the war, besides a fine. Theambassadors thought that they ought to be contented and thankful forthese terms, with the exception of Xenokrates, who said, "If Antipaterlooks upon us as slaves, the terms are moderate; if as free men, theyare severe. "[645] When Phokion earnestly begged Antipater not to senda garrison to Athens, he is said to have said in reply, "Phokion, I amwilling to grant you any request you please, unless it be one whichwould be fatal both to you and to myself. " Some say that this is notthe true version of the incident, but that Antipater enquired ofPhokion whether, if he did not place a garrison in Athens, Phokionwould guarantee that the city would abide by the terms of the peace, and not intrigue with a view of regaining its independence: and asPhokion was silent and hesitated how to reply, Kallimedon, surnamed'the crab' a man of a fierce and anti-democratical temper, exclaimed:"If, Antipater, this man should talk nonsense, will you believe him, and not do what you have decided upon?"

XXVIII. Thus it came to pass that the Athenians received into theircity a Macedonian garrison, whose commander was Menyllus, an amiableman and a friend of Phokion himself. It was thought that the sendingof the garrison was a mere piece of arrogance on Antipater's part, andto be more due to an insolent desire to show the extent of his powerthan to any real necessity. The time, too, at which it was sent, rendered its arrival especially galling to the Athenians: for it wasduring the celebration of the mysteries, on the twentieth day of themonth Bœdromion, that the garrison entered the city. On that day, Iacchus used to be carried in procession from Athens to Eleusis, butnow the whole ritual was marred, and the Athenians sadly contrastedthis celebration of the mysteries with those of former years. Inearlier times, [646] when the city was powerful and flourishing, thesplendid spectacle of the celebration of the mysteries used to strikeawe and terror into the hearts of the enemies of Athens, but now atthese same rites the gods seemed to look on unmoved at the disastersof Greece, while the most sacred season was desecrated, and that whichhad been the pleasantest time of the year now served merely to remindthem of their greatest misfortunes. A few years before this, thepriestesses of Dodona had sent an oracular warning to Athens, biddingthe Athenians guard the extremities of Artemis. In those days thefillets which are wound round the couches of the gods which arecarried in the mysteries were dyed of a yellow instead of a crimsoncolour, and presented a corpse-like appearance, and, what was moreremarkable, the fillets dyed by private persons at the same time, allwere of the same colour. One of the initiated also, while washing alittle pig in the harbour of Kantharus, [647] was seized by a shark, who swallowed all the lower part of his body. By this portent, Heavenclearly intimated to the Athenians that they were to lose the lowerpart of their city, and their command of the sea, but to keep theupper part. As for the Macedonian garrison, Menyllus took care thatthe Athenians suffered no inconvenience from it; but more than twelvethousand of the citizens were disfranchised under the newconstitution, on account of their poverty. Of these men, those whoremained in Athens were thought to have been shamefully ill treated, while those who left the city in consequence of this measure andproceeded to Thrace, where Antipater provided them with a city andwith territory, looked like the inhabitants of a town which has beentaken by storm. 

XXIX. The deaths of Demosthenes at Kalauria, and of Hypereides atKleonæ, which I have recounted elsewhere, very nearly led theAthenians to look back with regret upon the days of Alexander andPhilip. In later times, after Antigonus had been assassinated, and hismurderers had begun a career of violence and extortion, some oneseeing a countryman in Phrygia digging in the ground, asked him whathe was doing, the man replied with a sigh, "I am seeking forAntigonus. " Just so at this time it recurred to many to reflect on thenoble and placable character of those princes, and to contrast themwith Antipater, who, although he pretended to be only a privatecitizen, wore shabby clothes, and lived on humble fare, reallytyrannized over the Athenians in their distress more grievously thaneither of them. 

Phokion, however, managed to save many from exile, by supplicatingAntipater on their behalf, and in the case of the exiles he obtainedthis much favour, that they were not transported quite out of Greece, beyond the Keraunian mountains and Cape Tænarus, as were the exilesfrom the other Greek cities, but were settled in Peloponnesus. Amongthese was Hagnonides, the informer. Phokion now devoted his attentionto the management of the internal politics of Athens in a quiet andlaw-abiding fashion. He contrived to have good and sensible men alwaysappointed as magistrates, and by excluding the noisy and revolutionaryparty from the public offices, made them less inclined to create adisturbance, and taught them to be content with their country as itwas, and to turn their minds to agricultural pursuits. When he sawXenokrates paying his tax as a resident alien, he wished to enrol himas a citizen; but Xenokrates refused, saying that he would not puthimself under the new constitution after he had gone on an embassy toprevent its being established. 

XXX. When Menyllus offered him presents, Phokion replied that he didnot consider him to be a better man than Alexander, and saw no greaterreason why he should accept a present now than when Alexander offeredit to him. As Menyllus begged his son Phokus to accept it, Phokionsaid, "If Phokus alters his nature, and becomes frugal, his father'sproperty will be enough for him; but, as it is, nothing will satisfyhim. "

He gave a sharp reply to Antipater, who asked him to perform somedisgraceful service for him. "I cannot, " said he, "be Antipater'sfriend and his toady at the same time. "

Antipater himself is said to have remarked that he had two friends atAthens, Phokion and Demades, the one of whom he could not persuade totake a bribe, while the other took bribes and never was satisfied. Phokion indeed considered it a great proof of his virtue that he hadgrown old in poverty, after having so many times been elected generalof the Athenians, and having been the friend of kings; while Demadesopenly prided himself both upon his wealth and his contempt for thelaws. Although there was a law in force at Athens at that period, which forbade foreigners to appear in a chorus, and imposed a fine ofone thousand drachmas upon the choragus who allowed them to do so, Demades exhibited a chorus of one hundred foreigners, and publiclypaid in the theatre a fine of a thousand drachmas for each of them. Onthe occasion of the marriage of his son Demeas, he said, "My boy, whenI married your mother, our next-door neighbours heard nothing of it;but kings and potentates shall attend your nuptials. "

Although the Athenians tormented Phokion with requests that he woulduse his influence with Antipater to get the Macedonian garrisonwithdrawn, he always contrived to postpone making this application, either because he knew that it would not be granted, or because hethought that the fear of the Macedonian troops compelled the Atheniansto live in a quiet and orderly fashion; but, on the other hand, heinduced Antipater to postpone indefinitely his demand for money fromthe city. The Athenians now betook themselves to Demades, who eagerlypromised his services, and, together with his son, started forMacedonia, to which country it seems as if he was brought by thedirect agency of the gods at a time when Antipater was on a sick bed, and Kassander, who was now at the head of affairs, had discovered aletter addressed by Demades to Antigonus in Asia, inviting him tocross over into Greece and Macedonia, and free them from theirdependence on an old and rotten warp[648] -by which expression hemeant to sneer at Antipater. As soon as Kassander saw Demades arrivein Macedonia he had him arrested, and first led his son close to himand then stabbed him, so that his robe was covered with his son'sblood, and then, after bitterly upbraiding him with his ingratitudeand treason, killed him also. 

XXXI. Antipater on his death-bed appointed Polysperchon to the supremecommand, and gave Kassander the post of chiliarch, or general of thebody guard. Kassander, however, instantly began to plot againstPolysperchon, and taking time by the forelock, sent Nikanor in hasteto supersede Menyllus, before the news of the death of Antipaterbecame publicly known, with orders to make himself master ofMunychia. This was done, and when after a few days the Athenians heardthat Antipater was dead they blamed Phokion, insinuating that he hadbeen told of the death of Antipater, but said nothing about it, and soencouraged the designs of Nikanor. Phokion took no notice of thisscandalous talk, but put himself in communication with Nikanor, andprevailed upon him to treat the Athenians with mildness, and eveninduced him to act as president of the games, in the performance ofwhich office he took considerable pride and incurred some expense. 

XXXII. Meanwhile Polysperchon, who was now regent of the Macedonianempire, and had put down Kassander, sent a letter to the Athenians tothe effect that "the king restored the democracy at Athens, and badethe Athenians govern themselves according to the customs of theirfathers. " This was merely a trick to ruin Phokion, for Polysperchon, whose design, as his acts shortly afterwards proved, was to gain overthe city of Athens to his side, had no hopes of succeeding in thisunless Phokion were driven out of Athens; while he expected thatPhokion would be driven out when all the exiled citizens returned, andwhen the informers and mob orators again occupied the bema. As theAthenians were excited at this intelligence, Nikanor desired todiscuss the matter with them, and appeared at a conference held inPeiræus, having received from Phokion a pledge for his personalsafety. Derkyllus, the local commander, tried to seize him, butNikanor escaped, and at once began to take measures for the defence ofPeiræus against the Athenians. Phokion, when blamed for havingpermitted Nikanor to escape, answered that he felt confidence inNikanor, and did not expect that he would do any harm; and even if hedid, he preferred suffering wrong to doing it. This was no doubt amost magnanimous sentiment; but when a man on such grounds risks thefreedom of his country, especially when he is acting as general, I aminclined to think that he breaks an older and more important law, that, namely, of his duty to his fellow-citizens. We cannot argue thatPhokion refrained from seizing Nikanor because he feared to involvehis country in war, and it was absurd of him to plead that good faithand justice demanded that Nikanor should be left alone, on theunderstanding that he would feel bound to abstain from any acts ofviolence. The real truth seems to have been that Phokion had a firmbelief in Nikanor's honesty, since he refused to believe those whotold him that Nikanor was plotting the capture of Peiræus, and hadsent Macedonian soldiers into Salamis, and had even corrupted some ofthe inhabitants in Peiræus itself. Even when Philomelus of Lamptramoved a resolution that all Athenians should get under arms and beready to follow their general Phokion, he refused to act, untilNikanor marched his troops out of Munychia and fortified Peiræus witha trench and palisade. 

XXXIII. When this took place Phokion, who was now quite willing tolead the Athenians to attack Nikanor, was insulted and treated withcontempt; and now Alexander the son of Polysperchon arrived with amilitary force, nominally with the intention of assisting the citizensagainst Nikanor, but really meaning if possible to make himself masterof the city while it was divided against itself. The exiled Athenianswho accompanied him at once entered the city, and as the disfranchisedinhabitants joined them, a disorderly and informal assembly was held, in which Phokion was removed from his office, and other men wereappointed generals. Had it not been that Alexander and Nikanor wereobserved to hold frequent conferences together alone outside thewalls, the city could not have been saved. Hagnonides the informer nowat once began to accuse Phokion and his party of treason; upon whichCharikles and Kallimedon left the city in terror, while Phokion andthose of his friends who stood by him proceeded to Polysperchonhimself. They were accompanied, out of regard for Phokion, by Solon ofPlatæa and Deinarchus of Corinth, who were thought to be intimatefriends of Polysperchon. As Deinarchus was sick, they waited for somedays at Elatea, and in the meantime, at the instigation of Hagnonides, although Archestratus brought forward the motion for it in theassembly, the Athenians sent an embassy to the court of Macedonia toaccuse Phokion of treason. Both met Polysperchon at the same time, ashe with the king[649] was passing through a village of Phokis namedPharyges, which lies at the foot of the Akrousian mountain, now calledGalate. Here Polysperchon set up the throne with the gilt ceiling, under which he placed the king and his friends. He ordered Deinarchusat once to be seized, tortured, and put to death, but he allowed theAthenians to plead their cause before him. They however made a greatdisturbance by contradicting and abusing one another, so thatHagnonides said, "Pack us all into one cage and send us back to Athensto be tried. " At this the king laughed, but the Macedonians and otherswho were present wished to hear what each side had to say, and badethe two embassies state their case. They were not, however, fairlytreated, for Polysperchon several times interrupted Phokion during hisspeech, until at last he struck the ground with his staff in a rageand held his peace. When Hegemon[650] too said that Polysperchonhimself knew him to be a friend to the people of Athens, Polysperchonangrily exclaimed "Do not slander me to the king. " At this the kinghimself leaped to his feet, and would have struck Hegemon with aspear, but was quickly seized by Polysperchon, upon which the courtbroke up. 

XXXIV. Phokion and his companions were now taken into custody: uponwhich such of his friends as saw this from a distance covered theirfaces with their cloaks and made their escape. Kleitus conducted theprisoners back to Athens, nominally to be tried there, but reallyalready under sentence of death. The procession was a sad one, as theywere brought in carts through the Kerameikus to the theatre, whereKleitus kept them until the archons had convened the assembly. Fromthis assembly neither slaves, foreigners, nor disfranchised citizenswere excluded, but every one, men and women alike, were allowed to bepresent and to address the people. After the king's letter was read, in which he said that he was convinced that these men were traitors, but sent them to Athens for trial because that city was free andindependent, Kleitus brought in the prisoners. At the sight of Phokionthe better class of citizens covered their faces and silently wept, and one of them had the courage to rise and say that, as the king hadallowed the Athenian people to conduct so important a trial, allslaves and foreigners ought to leave the assembly. The populace, however, would not hear of this, but cried, "Down with the oligarchswho hate the people. " As no other friend of Phokion dared to speak, hehimself, after obtaining a hearing with difficulty, asked "Do you wishto condemn us to death justly or unjustly?" As some answered "justly, "he said, "How can you be sure of this, if you will not hear us?" Ashowever the people paid no more attention to him, he came nearer tothem and said, "For my own part, I admit that I have done wrong, and Iconsider that my political acts deserve to be punished with death;but, men of Athens, why will you kill these others, who have done nowrong?" When many voices answered, "Because they are your friends, "Phokion retired and held his peace. Hagnonides now read the motionwhich he was about to put to the meeting which called upon the peopleto decide by a show of hands whether the men were guilty or not; andin case they were found guilty, to put them to death. 

XXXV. When this decree was read some wished to add to it that theyshould be put to death with torture, and bade Hagnonides send for therack and the executioners; but Hagnonides, seeing that even theMacedonian Kleitus was disgusted at this proposal, and thought it asavage and wicked action, said, "Men of Athens, when we catch thevillain Kallimedon, we will put him to the torture; but I will make nosuch proposal in the case of Phokion. " Upon this one of the betterclass cried out, "And quite right too; for if we torture Phokion, whatshall we do to you?" When the decree was passed by show of hands, noone sat still, but the whole people, many of them wearing garlands offlowers, rose and voted for the death of the accused. These, besidesPhokion, consisted of Nikokles, Thodippus, Hegemon, and Pythokles:while sentence of death in their absence was passed against DemetriusPhalereus, Kallimedon, Charikles, and some others. 

XXXVI. When after the assembly broke up the condemned men were beingtaken to prison, the others threw themselves into the arms of theirfriends and relations, and walked along with tears and lamentations;but when they saw that the countenance of Phokion was as calm as whenhe used as general to be conducted in state out of the assembly, theywondered at his composure and greatness of soul. His enemiesaccompanied him and abused him, and one even came up to him and spatin his face. At this outrage it is said that Phokion looked towardsthe archons, and said, "Will no one make this fellow behave himself?"As Thodippus in prison, when he saw the hemlock being prepared, bewailed his fate, and said that he did not deserve to perish withPhokion, Phokion said, "Are you not satisfied then to die in Phokion'scompany?" When one of his friends asked him if he had any message forhis son Phokus, he answered, "Yes, tell him not to bear any maliceagainst the Athenians. " When Nikokles, the most trusty of his friends, begged to be allowed to drink the poison before him, he answered, "Your request is one which it grieves me to grant; but, as I havenever refused you anything in your life, I agree even to this. " Whenall his friends had drunk, the poison ran short, and the executionerrefused to prepare any more unless he were paid twelve drachmas, theprice of that weight of hemlock. After a long delay, Phokion calledone of his friends to him, and, saying that it was hard if a man couldnot even die gratis at Athens, bade him give the man the money hewanted. 

XXXVII. The day of Phokion's death was the nineteenth of the monthMunychion, [651] and the knights rode past the prison in solemnprocession to the temple of Zeus. Some of them took off their garlandsfrom their heads, while others came in tears to the gates of theprison and looked in. All whose better feelings were not utterlyoverpowered by passion and hatred agreed in thinking it a veryindecent proceeding not to have waited one day for the execution, andso to have avoided the pollution of the festival by the death of theprisoners. Moreover, the enemies of Phokion, as if they had not evenyet satisfied their spite, passed a decree excluding his body fromburial, and forbidding any Athenian to furnish fire to burn it. Inconsequence of this, no one of his friends dared to touch the body, but one Konopion, a man who was accustomed to deal with such cases forhire, conveyed the body beyond Eleusis, obtained fire from Megara overthe Attic frontier, and burned it. Phokion's wife, who was presentwith her maids, raised an empty tomb[652] on the spot, placed thebones in her bosom, and carried them by night into her own house, where she buried them beside the hearth, saying, "To thee, dearhearth, I entrust these remains of a good man; do you restore them tohis fathers' tomb when the Athenians recover their senses. "

XXXVIII. After a short time, however, when circumstances had taughtthem what a protector and guardian of virtue they had lost, theAthenians set up a brazen statue of Phokion, and gave his remains apublic burial. They themselves condemned and executed Hagnonides, while Phokion's son followed Epikurus and Demophilus, who fled thecountry, discovered their place of refuge, and avenged himself uponthem. He is said to have been far from respectable in character; andonce, when attached to a common prostitute, who was the slave of abrothel-keeper, he happened to attend one of the lectures ofTheodorus, who was surnamed "the atheist, " in the Lyceum. As he heardhim say that "if it be noble to ransom one's male friends fromcaptivity, it must be equally so to ransom one's female friends; andthat, if it be right for a man to set free the man whom he loves, itmust be his duty to do likewise to the woman whom he loves, " hedetermined to use this argument for the gratification of his ownpassion, and to conclude that the philosopher bade him purchase thefreedom of his mistress. 

The treatment of Phokion reminded the Greeks of that of Sokrates, asboth the crime and the misfortune of the city in both cases was almostexactly the same. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 622: Cic. Ad Att. Ii. 1. Dicit enim tanquam in Platonis[Greek: politeia] πολιτέιᾳ non tanquam in fæce Romuli sententiam. Ihave translated Plutarch literally, though I have no doubt that theoccasion to which he alludes (which is not mentioned by Cicero, l. C. )is that of the election to the prætorship, B. C. 55, when the worthlessadventurer Vatinius was preferred to Cato. M. Cato in petitionepræturæ, prælato Vatinio, repulsam tulit. Liv. Epit. Cv. See also Val. Max. Vii. 5, and Merivale's 'History of the Romans, ' vol. I. Ch. Ix. 

The word [Greek: hupateia] ὑπατεία is always used by Plutarch as theGreek equivalent for the Roman title of consul. ]

[Footnote 623: This saying of his is mentioned in the 'Life ofDemosthenes, " c. 10. ]

[Footnote 624: He was elected no less than forty-five times to theannual office of Strategus or General of the city--that is, one of theBoard of Ten so denominated, the greatest executive function atAthens. --Grote, 'Hist. Of Greece, ' Part ii. Ch. Lxxxvii. ]

[Footnote 625: Meaning, why do you affect to be a Spartan, and yetspeak like an Athenian? See vol. Iii. 'Life of Kleomenes, ' ch. Ix. ]

[Footnote 626: Grote observes, in commenting on this passage, that"Plutarch has no clear idea of the different contests carried on inEubœa. He passes on, without a note of transition, from this war inthe island (in 349-348 B. C. ) to the subsequent war in 341 B. C. Nothingindeed can be more obscure and difficult to disentangle than thesequence of Eubœan transactions. "--'Hist. Of Greece, ' Part ii. , ch. Lxxxviii. ]

[Footnote 627: From Plutarch's narrative one would imagine that the"enemy" must mean the Macedonians: but we find that they really werethe native Eubœans, led by Kallias of Chalkis, with only a detachmentof Macedonians and some Phokian mercenary troops. ]

[Footnote 628: Disregarding Phokion's order, and acting with adeliberate treason which was accounted at Athens unparalleled, Plutarchus advanced out of the camp to meet them; but presently fled, drawing along in his flight the Athenian horse, who had also advancedin some disorder. --Grote, l. C. ]

[Footnote 629: The battle of Chæronea, which took place in August, B. C. 338. ]

[Footnote 630: The Greek is "to offer sacrifice, " with the impliedidea of feasting on the animal offered. In the first chapter of thisLife we learn that it was only the less eatable parts of the victimwhich were burned. Thus the idea of offering sacrifice alwayssuggested merry-making and feasting to the Greek mind. Grote says, "Wecannot doubt that the public of Athens, as well as Demosthenes, feltgreat joy at an event which seemed to open to them fresh chances offreedom, and that the motion for a sacrifice of thanksgiving, in spiteof Phokion's opposition, was readily adopted. "]

[Footnote 631: This speech of Phokion is given at greater length byDiodorus, xvii. 15. ]

[Footnote 632: A quarter of Athens, probably south of the Acropolis. See Lieut. -Col. Leake's 'Topography of Athens, ' sect. Iv. ]

[Footnote 633: The original is [Greek: apobatês] ἀποβάτης, whichcorresponds to the Latin desultor, meaning one who rode severalhorses, leaping from one to the other. ]

[Footnote 634: Plutarch's narrative here is misleading, as it seems toimply that Harpalus gave this money to Charikles _after_ his arrivalin Athens. We know from Theopompus (Fr. 277) that the monument hadbeen finished some time before Harpalus quitted Asia. Plutarch treatsit as a mean structure, unworthy of the sum expended on it; but bothDikæarchus and Pausanias describe it as stately and magnificent. Grote's 'History of Greece, ' Part II. Ch. Xcv. , note. ]

[Footnote 635: See Life of Demosthenes, ch. Xxv. ; and Grote, Hist. OfGreece, Part II. , ch. Xcv. ]

[Footnote 636: The Lamian war, so called from the siege of Lamia, inwhich Leosthenes perished. ]

[Footnote 637: [Greek: Hêbê] Ἥβη, the word here used, means the timejust before manhood, from about fourteen to twenty years of age; atSparta it was fixed at eighteen, so that of [Greek: hoi deka aph'hêbês] οἱ δέκα ἀφ' ἥβης were men of twenty-eight, [Greek: hoitettarakonta aph' hêbês] οἱ τετταράκοντα ἀφ' ἥβης men of fifty-eight, &c. Xen. Hell. 3. 4, 23. Liddell and Scott. Here, therefore, [Greek:hoi achri heksêkonta aph' hêbês] οἱ ἄχρι ἑκσήκοντα ἀφ' ἥβης must meanall citizens under about seventy-five years of age. ]

[Footnote 638: Rhamnus was a demus of Attica, situated on a smallrocky peninsula on the east coast of Attica, sixty stadia fromMarathon. ]

[Footnote 639: In Thessaly. The action was fought B. C. 322. Menon withhis Thessalian horse defeated the Macedonian cavalry, but the Greekinfantry were beaten back by the phalanx, with a loss of 120 men. ]

[Footnote 640: Plutarch speaks as if Leonnatus had effected hisjunction with Antipater before the action was fought. But the realtruth was that Leonnatus advanced to raise the siege of Lamia, andthat Antiphilus, who was not strong enough to continue the blockadeand fight the relieving force, raised the blockade and moved by rapidmarches to attack Leonnatus apart from Antipater. Through the superiorefficiency of the Thessalian cavalry under Menon, he gained animportant advantage in a cavalry battle over Leonnatus, who washimself slain. On the very next day Antipater came up, bringing thetroops from Lamia, and took command of the defeated army. ]

[Footnote 641: See Smith's Dict. Of Antiquities, s. V. GraphéParanomon. ]

[Footnote 642: Demades, although Plutarch does not mention it, accompanied Phokion on his first visit to Antipater. ]

[Footnote 643: The successor of Plato and Speusippus as presidingteacher in the school of the Academy. ]

[Footnote 644: The expression in the text is vague, but we learn fromother sources that the surrender of at least two other anti-Macedonianorators was demanded. ]

[Footnote 645: Grote. ]

[Footnote 646: See vol. I. , Life of Alkibiades, ch. 34. ]

[Footnote 647: The three sub-divisions of Port Peiræus were namedKantharus, Aphredisium and Zea. See Leake, 'Topography of Athens, ' andSchol. In Ar. Pac. 144. ]

[Footnote 648: The upright threads of the loom are meant, not a largerope. ]

[Footnote 649: Philip Arrhidæus. ]

[Footnote 650: Another of the accused. ]

[Footnote 651: May. ]

[Footnote 652: These words, which I borrow from Clough, express themeaning to English ears, though the Greek merely is "piled up amound. "]

LIFE OF CATO. 

I. Cato's family derived the origin of its splendour and reputationfrom his great-grandfather[653] Cato, a man who had reputation andpower chief among the Romans by reason of his merit, as it has beenwritten in his Life. Cato was left an orphan with his brother Cæpioand a sister Porcia. Servilia also was a sister of Cato by the samemother. All of them were brought up and lived with Livius Drusus, [654]their mother's uncle, who was then the chief political leader; for hewas a most powerful speaker, and also a man of the best regulatedhabits, and in lofty bearing inferior to no Roman. It is said thatCato from his childhood both in his voice and the expression of hiscountenance and even in his amusements gave indication of a characterimmovable and impassive and firm in everything. His purposes displayeda strength in accomplishing his ends which was above his age: andwhile he was rough and stubborn towards those who attempted to flatterhim, still more did he show his mastery over all who would try toterrify him by threats. He was also difficult to move to laughter, andhis countenance was seldom relaxed even into a smile; he was not quicknor prone to anger, but when he had been moved to anger, he was hardto pacify. Accordingly when he began to learn, he was dull and slow toconceive, but when he had conceived, he held fast and remembered well. And it is generally the case that those who have a good naturalcapacity are more ready at recollection, [655] but those have a strongmemory who learn with labour and trouble; for all learning is in amanner a branding on the mind. It appears too that Cato's difficultyof persuasion made learning a matter of more labour to him; forlearning is in truth a kind of passive condition, and to be easilypersuaded is incident to those who have less power of resistance. Itis for this reason that young men are more easily persuaded than oldmen, and sick persons than those who are whole; and generally, withthose in whom the doubting faculty is weakest, that which is proposedmeets the readiest acceptance. However, they say that Cato wasobedient to his pædagogus and did everything that he was bid, but hewould ask for the reason of everything, and inquire the Why. Hispædagogus also was a good-tempered man, and was readier at a reasonthan a blow: his name was Sarpedon. 

II. While Cato was still a boy, the Allies[656] of the Romans wereagitating to obtain the Roman franchise; and a certain PompædiusSillo, [657] a man of military talent and of the highest repute, and afriend of Drusus, lodged with him several days, during which he becamefamiliar with the youths, and he said, "Come now, pray your uncle onour behalf to exert himself to get the franchise for us. " Now, Cæpiowith a smile nodded assent, but as Cato made no answer and looked onthe strangers steadily and sternly, Pompædius said, "But you, youngman, what reply have you for us? Can you not help the strangers withyour uncle, like your brother?" As Cato still would not speak, but byhis silence and his expression showed that he rejected their entreaty, Pompædius took him up and holding him through the window as if heintended to drop him down, told him either to assent or he would lethim fall, and at the same time he assumed an angry tone and severaltimes he swung the boy backwards and forwards as he held him in hishands. Now, when Cato had borne this for some time, unmoved andfearless, Pompædius gently putting him down said to his friends, "Whata blessing[658] to Italy that he is a child; for if he were a man, Ido not think we should have a single vote among the people. " Onanother occasion when a kinsman on his birthday invited to supperother boys and Cato with them, in order to pass the time they playedin a part of the house by themselves, younger and older mixedtogether; and the game consisted of trials, and accusations, andcarrying off those who were convicted. Now, one of the boys convicted, who was of a handsome presence, being dragged off by an older boy to achamber and shut up, called on Cato for aid. Cato soon perceiving whatwas going on came to the door, and pushing through those who werestanding before it and endeavouring to stop him, took the boy out; andin a passion he went off home with him and other boys accompanied him. 

III. Cato was so much talked off that when Sulla was preparing forexhibition the sacred horse race called Troja, [659] in which youthsare the actors, and had got together the boys of noble birth andappointed two captains, the boys submitted to the one for his mother'ssake, for he was a son of Metella, Sulla's wife; but the other, whowas a nephew of Pompeius and named Sextus, they would not have, norwould they go through their exercise nor follow him; and on Sullaasking whom they would have, they all called out "Cato, " and Sextushimself gave way and yielded the honour to Cato as his better. Ithappened that Sulla was an old friend of Cato's family, and sometimeshe had the children brought to him and talked with them, a kind offriendship which he showed to few, by reason of the weight and stateof the office and power that he held. Sarpedon considering this agreat matter both as regarded the honour and security of the youth, constantly took Cato to pay his respects to Sulla at his house, whichat that time to all outward appearance differed not from a place oftorture for criminals, [660] so great was the number of those who weredragged there and put to the rack. Cato was at this time in hisfourteenth year, and seeing the heads of persons who were said to bemen of distinction brought out, and those who were present lamentinginwardly, he asked his pædagogus why nobody killed this man. Sarpedonreplied, "Because they fear him, child, more than they hate him. ""Why, then, " said Cato, "do you not give me a sword that I might killhim, and so free my country from slavery?" Hearing these words and atthe same time observing his eyes and countenance to be filled withpassion and resolve, Sarpedon was so afraid that henceforward he kepta close look and watch upon him, that he should not venture on anydesperate measure. Now when he was still a little boy, and somepersons asked him whom he loved most, he replied his brother; when hewas asked whom he loved next, he gave the same answer, his brother;and so on to the third question, until the questioner was tired out byalways getting the same answer. When he arrived at man's estate, hestrengthened still more his affection to his brother; for when he wastwenty years of age he never supped, he never went abroad, never cameinto the Forum without Cæpio. When Cæpio used perfumes, Cato wouldnot have them; and in all other respects he was strict and frugal inhis way of living. Accordingly Cæpio, who was admired for histemperance and moderation, admitted that he was indeed temperate andmoderate when contrasted with others, "but, " said he, "when I comparemy life with Cato's, I seem to myself to differ not at all fromSippius;" which was the name of a man notorious at that time forluxury and effeminacy. 

IV. After Cato obtained the priesthood[661] of Apollo, he changed hisresidence, and taking his portion of his paternal property, whichportion was a hundred and twenty talents, he contracted his style ofliving still further, and making his companion of Antipater[662] ofTyrus, a Stoic, he attached himself mainly to Ethical and Politicalstudies, occupying himself with every virtue as if he were possessedby some divine influence; but above all that part of the beautifulwhich consists in steady adherence to justice and in inflexibilitytowards partiality or favour was his great delight. He disciplinedhimself also in the kind of speaking which works upon numbers, considering that, as in a great state, so in political philosophy, there should be nurtured with it something of the contentious quality. Yet he did not practise his exercises in company with others, nor didany one hear him when he was declaiming; but to one of his companionswho observed, "Men find fault, Cato, with your silence, " he replied, "I only hope they may not find fault with my life. But I will begin tospeak, when I am not going to say something that were better unsaid. "

V. The Basilica[663] called Porcia was a censorial dedication of theold Cato. Now, as the tribunes were accustomed to transact businesshere, and there was a pillar which was considered to be in the way oftheir seats, they resolved to take it away or to remove it to anotherspot. This was the first occasion that brought Cato into the Forum, and against his will; for he opposed the tribunes, and he gainedadmiration by this sample of his eloquence and elevated character. Hisspeech contained nothing juvenile or artificial, but it wasstraightforward, full to overflowing, and rough. However there wasdiffused over the roughness of the sentiments a charm which led theear, and his own character intermingled with it gave to the dignity ofhis address a certain pleasingness and placidity, that were not illcalculated to win men's favour. His voice was loud and powerful enoughto reach to so large a multitude, and it had a strength and tone whichcould neither be broken nor tired; for he often spoke for a whole daywithout being wearied. On this occasion he got the better in thematter in dispute, and then again wrapped himself up in silence andhis discipline. He used to harden his body by vigorous exercises, training himself to endure both heat and snow with uncovered head, andto walk along the roads in all seasons without a vehicle. His friendswho used to accompany him on his journeys employed horses, and Catowould often go side by side with each of them in turns, and talk tothem, himself walking while they rode. He showed in his complaintsalso wonderful endurance and self-denial; for when he had a fever, hewould spend the day quite alone without permitting any person toapproach him, until he felt certain relief, and that the disease wasgoing away. 

VI. At entertainments he used to cast lots for the parts, and if hefailed, and his friends urged him to begin first, he would say that itwas not right to do so against the will of Venus. [664] And at first hewould get up from supper after drinking once, but in course of timehe stuck to drinking more than anybody, so that he often continuedover his wine till daybreak. His friends said that the cause of thiswas the administration and public affairs, in which Cato being engagedall day and hindered from literary pursuits, associated withphilosophers during the night and over his cups. Accordingly when oneMemmius[665] observed in company that Cato was intoxicated all nightlong, Cicero rejoined, "But you do not say that he also plays at diceall day long. " Altogether Cato thought that he ought to walk a coursethe opposite to the then modes of life and usages, which he consideredto be bad and to require a great change, and observing that a purpledress of a deep bright was much in fashion, he himself wore the dark. He would go into public without shoes and tunic after dinner, notseeking for reputation by the strangeness of the practice, buthabituating himself to be ashamed only of what was shameful, and todespise everything else as indifferent. The inheritance of his cousinCato of the value of a hundred talents having been added to hisproperty, he turned it into money and let any of his friends make useof it who needed, without paying interest. Some also pledged to thetreasury both lands and slaves of his, which Cato himself offered forthis purpose and confirmed the pledge. 

VII. When he considered that he was ripe for marriage, without everhaving had to do with any woman, he betrothed Lepida, who had beforebeen promised in marriage to Scipio Metellus, [666] but at that timewas disengaged, for Scipio had repudiated her, and the betrothment wascancelled. However before the marriage Scipio again changed his mind, and by using every exertion got the maid. Cato, who was greatlyirritated and stung, made preparation to prosecute the matter in legalform, but on his friends preventing him, in his passion and youthfulfervour he betook himself to iambic verses and vented much injuriouslanguage upon Scipio, employing the bitterness of Archilochus, [667]but dropping his ungoverned licence and childish manner. He marriedAtilia, [668] the daughter of Soranus, and this was the first womanwith whom he came together, but not the only woman, like Lælius[669]the companion of Scipio; for Lælius was more fortunate in having knownduring his long life only one woman and that his wife. 

VIII. When the Servile War[670] was on foot, which they called the warof Spartacus, Gellius was commander, but Cato joined the service as avolunteer for his brother's sake, for his brother Cæpio was a tribune. He had not indeed the opportunity of displaying as much as he wishedhis zeal and his discipline in virtue owing to the war being illconducted; but notwithstanding this, by showing, in contrast to thegreat effeminacy and luxury of those who were engaged in thatcampaign, orderly behaviour and bravery when it was required, andcourage and prudence in all things, he was considered in no degree tofall short of the old Cato. Gellius assigned to him specialdistinctions and honours, which Cato would not take nor allow, sayingthat he had done nothing worthy of honour. In consequence of this hewas considered a strange kind of fellow; and when a law was made, thatthose who were candidates for an office should not be accompanied bynomenclators, [671] he was the only person when a candidate for atribuneship who observed the law; and having himself made it hisbusiness to salute and address those whom he met with, he did notescape censure even from those who praised him, for the more theyperceived the honourable nature of his conduct, the more they wereannoyed at the difficulty of imitating it. 

IX. Upon being appointed a tribune he was sent to Macedonia to Rubriusthe Prætor. On that occasion it is told that his wife being troubledand shedding tears, one of the friends of Cato, Munatius, said, "Atilia, be of good cheer; I will take care of him for you. " "It shallbe so, " replied Cato; and after they had advanced one day's journey, he said immediately after supper, "Come, Munatius, and keep yourpromise to Atilia by not separating yourself from me either by day orby night. " Upon this he ordered two beds to be placed in the samechamber and Munatius always slept thus, being watched in jest by Cato. There accompanied him fifteen slaves, and two freedmen and fourfriends, and while they rode on horseback, Cato himself always went onfoot, keeping by the side of each of them in turns and talking withthem. When he arrived at the camp, where there were several legions, being appointed to the command of one legion by the general, heconsidered the display of his own merit, being only one thing, as asmall matter and nothing kingly, but being chiefly ambitious to makethose who were under him like himself, he did not deprive his power ofits terrors, but he added to it reason, by means of which persuadingand instructing his men about every thing--honour and punishmentfollowing; whether he made his soldiers more peaceable or warlike ormore full of zeal or just, it is difficult to say, so formidable didthey become to the enemy, and gentle to the allies, and so littledisposed to wrong, and so ambitious of praise. But that which Catocared least for, he had most of, both good opinion, and popularity, and honour above measure, and affection from the soldiers. For byvoluntarily labouring at that which he imposed on others, and in hisdress and way of living and marching on foot making himself like themrather than the commander, and in his morals and in his noble bearing, and in eloquence surpassing all who were intitled Imperators andgenerals, by such means he imperceptibly produced in the men at thesame time good will towards himself. For no true emulation aftervirtue is bred except from perfect good will and respect towards himwho commends it: but those who having no love, praise the brave, respect their character, though they admire not their virtue, nor dothey imitate it. 

X. Hearing that Athenodorus[672] named Kordylion, who had great skillin the Stoic philosophy, was living at Pergamus, being now an old man, and having most resolutely resisted all intimacy and friendship withgovernors and kings, Cato thought that he should get nothing bysending and writing to him, but as he had a furlough of two monthsallowed by the law, he made a voyage to Asia to the man, in theconfidence that through his own merits he should not fail in thechase. After discoursing with Athenodorus and getting the victoryover him and drawing him from his settled purpose, he returned withhim to the camp, overjoyed and greatly elated at having made thenoblest capture and got a more splendid booty than the nations andkingdoms which Pompeius at that time and Lucullus were subduing intheir campaigns. 

XI. While Cato was still engaged in the service, his brother, who wason his road to Asia, fell sick at Ænus, [673] in Thrace; and a letterimmediately came to Cato, and though the sea was very stormy, andthere was no vessel at hand of sufficient size, taking only twofriends with him and three slaves, he set sail from Thessalonike in asmall trading ship. After narrowly escaping being drowned at sea, hewas saved by unexpected good luck, but he found Cæpio already dead. Hewas considered to have borne the misfortune with more of passion thanphilosophy, not only in his lamentations and his embracings of thedead body and the heaviness of his grief, but also in his expenditureabout the interment, and the trouble that he took about fragrantspices and costly vests which were burnt with the body, and a monumentof polished Thasian stone of the cost of eight talents which wasconstructed in the Agora of Ænus. These things there were some whofound fault with by comparison with Cato's freedom from all display inother matters, not seeing how much mildness and affection there was inthe man who was inflexible and firm against pleasures and fears andshameless entreaties. For the celebration of the funeral both citiesand princes offered to send him many things to do honour to the dead, from none of whom however would he receive valuables, but he acceptedfragrant spices and vests, paying the price to those who sent thethings. Though the succession came to him and the young daughter ofCæpio, he did not claim back in the division of the property any thingthat he had expended about the funeral. And though he did such thingsas these and continued to do such, there was one[674] who wrote, thathe passed the ashes of the dead through a sieve and sifted them tosearch for the gold that was burnt. So far did the writer allow, notto his sword only, but also to his stilus, irresponsibility andexemption from all account. 

XII. When the time of Cato's service was at an end, he was attended onhis departure, not with good wishes, which is usual, nor yet withpraises, but with tears and never-satisfied embraces, the soldiersplacing their garments under his feet on the way by which he went andkissing his hands, which the Romans of that day hardly ever did to anyof their Imperators. As he wished, before engaging in public affairs, at the same time to travel about to make himself acquainted with Asia, and to see with his own eyes the customs and mode of living and powerof each province, and at the same time not to give any offence to theGalatian Deiotarus, [675] who prayed Cato to come to him on account ofthe ancient ties of hospitality and friendship that subsisted betweenhim and Cato's family, he made his sojourning after this fashion. Atdaybreak he used to send forward his bread-maker and cook to the placewhere he intended to lodge; and it was their practice to enter thecity with great decorum and no stir, and if there happened to be noancient friend of Cato's family there or no acquaintance, they wouldprepare for his reception in an inn without troubling anybody; and ifthere was no inn, they would in that case apply to the magistrates andgladly accept what accommodation was offered. And oftentimes gettingno credit, and being neglected because they did not apply to themagistrates about these matters with noise or threats, Cato came uponthem before they had accomplished their business, and when he wasseen, he was still more despised; and because he would sit silently onthe baggage, he gave them the notion of being a person of meancondition and a very timid man. However Cato would call them to him, and would say, "Ye miserable wretches, lay aside this inhospitablepractice. All those who come to you will not be Catos. Dull by yourkind reception the power of those who only want a pretext to take byforce what they cannot get from you with your consent. "

XIII. In Syria[676] a laughable incident is said to have happened tohim. For as he was walking to Antiocheia, he saw near the gates on theoutside a number of men arranged on each side of the road, among whomyoung men by themselves in cloaks and boys on the other side stood inorderly wise, and some had white vests and crowns, and these werepriests of the gods or magistrates. Now Cato, being quite sure thatsome honourable reception was preparing for him by the city, was angrywith those of his own people who had been sent on, for not havingprevented this, and he bade his friends get off their horses and heproceeded with them on foot. But when they came near, he who wasarranging all this ceremony and setting the folk in order, a mansomewhat advanced in years, holding a rod in his hand and a chaplet, advanced in front of the rest, and meeting Cato, without even salutinghim, asked where they had left Demetrius and when he would be there. Demetrius had been a slave of Pompeius, but at this time, as all theworld, so to speak, had their eyes on Pompeius, Demetrius was courtedabove his merits on account of his great influence with Pompeius. Nowthe friends of Cato were seized with such a fit of laughter that theycould not contain themselves as they walked through the crowd, butCato, who at the time was vehemently disconcerted, uttered the words, "O ill-fated city, " and nothing more; afterwards however he wasaccustomed to laugh at the matter himself both when he told the storyand when he thought of it. 

XIV. However Pompeius himself reproved those who thus misbehavedthemselves towards Cato in their ignorance. For when Cato on hisarrival at Ephesus went to pay his respects to Pompeius as his elder, and much his superior in reputation and then at the head of thegreatest armies, Pompeius observing him did not wait or allow Cato toapproach him as he was seated, but springing up as to a man ofsuperior rank, he met him and gave him his right hand. And Pompeiuspassed many encomiums on the merit of Cato while treating him as afriend and showing him attention during his stay, and still more whenhe had departed, so that all persons being admonished and nowdirecting their observation to Cato admired him for the things forwhich he was despised, and studied his mildness and magnanimity. Yetit did not escape notice that the great attention of Pompeius to himproceeded more from respect than from love, and people discerned thatPompeius honoured him while he was present, and was glad when he wentaway. For the other young men who came to him, he was ambitious tokeep with him, and he wished them to stay, but he asked of Catonothing of the kind, and as if he were not commander withirresponsible power while Cato was there, he was glad to get rid ofhim; and yet he was almost the only person among those who weresailing to Rome to whom Pompeius commended his children and wife, whohowever were connected with Cato by kinship. In consequence of thisthere was high regard and great exertion and emulation in the citiestowards Cato, and suppers and invitations, wherein Cato bade hisfriends keep a watch upon him, lest he should unawares make good whatCurio[677] had said. For Curio, who was annoyed at the austerity ofCato, who was his friend and intimate, asked him if he should like tovisit Asia after he had served his time in the army. And on Catosaying that he should like it very much, "You say well, " repliedCurio, "for you will be more agreeable when you return thence, andtamer, " using some such words as these. 

XV. Deiotarus the Galatian, who was now an old man, sent for Cato, wishing to intrust to him his children and his family; and on hisarrival he offered him all manner of presents, and tried and entreatedhim in every way till he so irritated Cato, that after arriving in theevening and staying all night, he set off on the following day aboutthe third hour. However when he had advanced one day's journey, hefound in Possinus[678] more presents than before awaiting him there, and letters from the Galatian begging him to receive them; and if heshould not be disposed to take them, to let his friends at leastreceive favours on his account, as they well deserved it, and Cato hadnot much of his own. But Cato did not give in even to these arguments, though he saw that some of his friends were beginning to be softenedand were inclined to blame him; but observing that all receiving ofgifts might find a good excuse, and his friends should share in allthat he got honourably and justly, he sent back the presents toDeiotarus. As he was about to set sail to Brundisium, his friendsthought that they ought to put the ashes of Cæpio in another vessel, but Cato, saying that he would rather part with his life than theashes of his brother, set sail. And indeed it is said that it chancedthat he had a very dangerous passage, though the rest got toBrundisium with little difficulty. 

XVI. On his return to Rome he spent his time either at home in thecompany of Athenodorus, or in the Forum assisting his friends. Thoughthe office of Quæstor[679] was now open to him, he did not become acandidate for it till he had read the laws relating to thequæstorship, and had learned all particulars from the experienced, andhad comprehended the powers of the office in a certain shape. Accordingly as soon as he was established in the office, he made agreat change in the servants and clerks about the treasury, for asthey constantly had in hand the public accounts and the laws, and hadyoung superiors who, by reason of their inexperience and ignorance, infact required others to teach and direct them, they did not allowtheir superiors to have any power, but were the superior officersthemselves, until Cato vigorously applied himself to the business, nothaving the name only and the honour of a magistrate, but understandingand judgment and apt expression; and he resolved to make the clerksinto servants as they really were, in some things detecting their evildoings, and in others correcting their errors which arose frominexperience. But as the clerks were insolent, and attempted toingratiate themselves with and to flatter the other quæstors, andresisted him, he expelled from the treasury the first among them whomhe had detected in knavish dealings in a matter of trust concerning aninheritance, and he brought another to trial for dishonesty. Thissecond person Catulus Lutatius[680] the censor came forward to defend, a man who had great dignity from his office, and the greatest from hismerit, being considered superior to all the Romans in integrity andtemperance; and he was also an admirer and intimate friend of Cato allthrough his life. Now, when Catulus found that the justice of the casewas against him and openly asked to have the man acquitted for hissake, Cato would not allow him to act so: and when he still continuedto urge his request, Cato said, "It were a scandalous thing, Catulus, for you, who are the censor, and whose duty it is to examine into ourlives, to be turned out[681] by our officers. " When Cato had utteredthese words, Catulus looked at him as if he were going to reply, buthe said nothing, and either being angry or ashamed he went away insilence and perplexed. However the man was not convicted, for when thevotes for condemnation had exceeded those for acquittal by a singlevote, and Lollius Marcus, one of the colleagues of Cato, owing tosickness had not attended at the trial, Catulus sent to him andprayed him to give his support to the man; and he was carried thitherin a litter after the trial and gave the vote which acquitted. HoweverCato did not employ the clerk nor give him his pay, nor did he takeany reckoning at all of the vote of Lollius. 

XVII. Having thus humbled the clerks and reduced them to obedience, bymanaging the accounts in his own way, he made the treasury in a shorttime more respected than the Senate, so that every body said andconsidered that Cato had surrounded the quæstorship with the dignityof the consulship. For in the first place finding that many personsowed old debts to the state and that the state was indebted to many, he at the same time put an end to the state being wronged and wrongingothers, by demanding the money from those who owed it vigorously andwithout relenting at all, and paying the creditors speedily andreadily, so that the people respected him when they saw those pay whoexpected to defraud the state, and those recover who never expectedit. In the next place, it was the general practice to bring inwritings without observing the proper forms, and previous quæstorsused to receive false decrees to please persons, and at their request. Cato however let nothing of this kind escape his notice, and on oneoccasion being in doubt about a decree, whether it was reallyratified, though many persons testified to the fact, he would nottrust them, nor did he allow it to be deposited until the consuls cameand by oath confirmed its genuineness. Now there were many whom Sullahad rewarded for killing proscribed persons at the rate of twelvethousand drachmæ apiece, and though all detested them as accursed andabominable wretches, no one ventured to bring them to punishment; butCato, calling to account every man who had public money by unfairmeans, made him give it up and at the same time upbraided him for hisunholy and illegal acts with passion and argument. Those whom thisbefel were immediately charged with murder and were brought before thejudices in a manner prejudged, and were punished, to the joy of allwho considered that the tyranny of those former times was at the sametime blotted out and that they witnessed Sulla himself punished. 

XVIII. The many were captivated by his persevering and unweariedindustry: for none of his colleagues went up earlier to the treasuryor came away after him. He never omitted attending any meeting of thepeople and of the Senate, for he feared and kept a watch on those whowere ready to vote for remissions of debts and taxes and for gifts infavour of any body. By proving that the treasury was inaccessible andfree from intrigues, and full of money, he showed that they could berich without doing wrong. Though at first he appeared to be dislikedby and odious to some of his colleagues, he afterwards gained theirgood-will by subjecting himself on behalf of them all to the hatredthat was incurred by not giving away the public money and by notdeciding dishonestly, and by furnishing them with an answer to thosewho preferred their requests and urged them, that nothing could bedone if Cato did not consent. On the last day of his office when hehad been accompanied to his house by almost all the citizens, he heardthat many who were intimate with Marcellus, [682] and men of influence, had fallen upon him at the treasury and having got round him wereforcing him to sign a certain payment of money that was due. Marcellusfrom his boyhood had been a friend of Cato and together with him hadbeen a most excellent magistrate, but by himself he was easily led byothers through false shame, and was ready to oblige any body. Accordingly Cato immediately returned to the treasury, and findingthat Marcellus had been prevailed upon to sign the payment asked forthe tablets and erased what was written, while Marcellus stood by andsaid not a word. Having done this Cato conducted him down from thetreasury and put him in his house; and Marcellus neither then norafterwards found fault with Cato, but continued on intimate terms withhim all along. Nor did Cato when he had quitted the treasury leave itdestitute of protection, but slaves of his were there daily who copiedout the transactions, and he himself purchased for five talents bookswhich contained the public accounts from the times of Sulla to his ownquæstorship, and he always had them in his hands. 

XIX. He used to go into the Senate house the first, and he was thelast to come away; and often while the rest were slowly assembling, hewould sit and read quietly, holding his toga before the book. He neverwent abroad when there was to be a meeting of the Senate; butafterwards when Pompeius saw that Cato could not be prevailed upon, and could never be brought to comply with the unjust measures on whichhe was intent, he used to contrive to engage him in giving his aid tosome friend in a matter before the courts, or in arbitrations, or indischarging some business. But Cato quickly perceiving his design, refused all such engagements and made it a rule to do nothing elsewhile the Senate was assembled. For it was neither for the sake ofreputation, nor self-aggrandisement, nor by a kind of spontaneousmovement, nor by chance, like some others, that he was thrown into themanagement of state affairs, but he selected a public career as theproper labour of a good man, and thought that he ought to attend topublic concerns more than the bee to its cells, inasmuch as he made ithis business to have the affairs of the provinces and decrees andtrials and the most important measures communicated to him by hisconnections and friends in every place. On one occasion by opposingClodius the demagogue, who was making a disturbance and laying thefoundation for great charges, and calumniating to the people thepriests and priestesses, among whom was also Fabia, [683] the sister ofTerentia, Cicero's wife, he was in great danger, but he involvedClodius in disgrace and compelled him to withdraw from the city; andwhen Cicero thanked him, Cato said that he ought to reserve hisgratitude for the state, as it was for the sake of the state that hedid every thing and directed his political measures. In consequence ofthis there was a high opinion of him, so that an orator said to thejudices on a certain trial when the evidence of a single person wasproduced, that it was not right to believe a single witness even if hewas Cato; and many persons now were used to say when speaking ofthings incredible and contrary to all probability, as by way ofproverb, that this could not be believed even if Cato said it. Andwhen a man of bad character and great expense delivered a discourse inthe senate in favour of frugality and temperance, Amnæus[684] rose upand said, "My man, who will endure you, you who sup like Crassus, andbuild like Lucullus, and harangue us like Cato. " Others also who werepeople of bad character and intemperate, but in their languagedignified and severe, they used to call by way of mockery, Catos. 

XX. Though many invited him to the tribuneship, he did not think itwell to expend the power of a great office and magistracy, no morethan that of a strong medicine, on matters wherein it was notrequired. At the same time as he had leisure from public affairs, hetook books and philosophers with him and set out for Lucania, for hehad lands there on which there was no unseemly residence. On the roadhe met with many beasts of burden and baggage and slaves, and learningthat Nepos Metellus[685] was returning to Rome for the purpose ofbeing a candidate for the tribuneship, he halted without speaking, andafter a short interval ordered his people to turn back. His friendswondering at this, he said, "Don't you know that even of himselfMetellus is a formidable man by reason of his violence; and now thathe has come upon the motion of Pompeius, he will fall upon the statelike a thunderbolt and put all in confusion? It is therefore not atime for leisure or going from home, but we must get the better of theman or die nobly in defence of liberty. " However at the urgency of hisfriends he went first to visit his estates, and after staying no longtime he returned to the city. He arrived in the evening, and as soonas day dawned, he went down into the Forum to be a candidate for thetribuneship and to oppose Metellus. For this magistracy gives morepower to check than to act; and even if all the rest of the tribunessave one should assent to a measure, the power lies with him who doesnot consent or permit. 

XXI. At first there were few of Cato's friends about him, but when hisviews became public, in a short time all the people of character anddistinction crowded together and cheered and encouraged him, for theysaid it was no favour that he was receiving, but he was conferring thegreatest favour on his country and the most honest of the citizens, for that when it was often in his power to hold a magistracy withoutany trouble, he now came down to contend on behalf of freedom and theconstitution, not without danger. It is said that owing to manypersons through zeal and friendly disposition crowding towards him hewas in some danger, and with difficulty on account of the crowd hemade his way to the Forum. Being elected tribune with others and withMetellus, and observing that the consular comitia were accompaniedwith bribery, he rated the people, and at the close of his speech heswore that he would prosecute the briber, whoever he might be, withthe exception of Silanus, [686] on account of his connection with him;for Silanus had to wife Servilia, a sister of Cato. For this reason hepassed over Silanus, but he prosecuted Lucius Murena, [687] on thecharge of having secured his election with Silanus by bribery. Therewas a law according to which the accused had always the power toappoint a person to watch the accuser, in order that it might not beunknown what he was getting together and preparing to support theprosecution. Now he who was appointed by Murena to watch Cato used toaccompany him and observe his conduct, and when he saw that Cato wasdoing nothing with unfair design or contrary to equity, but honourablyand in a kindly spirit was going a simple and straightforward coursetowards the prosecution, he had such admiration of his noble bearingand morality that he would come up to Cato in the Forum, or go to hisdoor and ask, whether he intended that day to attend to any mattersthat concerned the prosecution, and if he said that he did not, hewould take his word and go away. When the trial came on, Cicero, whowas then consul and one of the advocates of Murena, on account ofCato's connection with the Stoics, ridiculed and mocked thesephilosophers and their so-called paradoxes, and thus made the judiceslaugh. On which it is said that Cato, with a smile, observed to thosewho were present, "My friends, what a ridiculous consul we have. "Murena, who was acquitted, did not display towards Cato the temper ofa bad or a foolish man, for in his consulship he used to ask hisadvice in the most important affairs, and all along in every othermatter showed him respect and confidence. Cato's own conduct was thecause of this, for while he was severe and terrible on the judgmentseat and in the Senate on behalf of justice, he was benevolent andfriendly in all his social intercourse. 

XXII. Before Cato entered on the tribuneship, during Cicero'sconsulship he supported his administration in many other difficulties, and he put the finishing stroke to the measures relating toCatiline, [688] which were the most important and glorious of all. Catiline himself, who was designing to effect a pernicious andcomplete change in the Roman state, and was at the same time stirringup insurrection and war, being convicted by Cicero, fled from thecity; but Lentulus and Cethegus and many others with them, who hadtaken up the conspiracy, upbraiding Catiline with cowardice and wantof spirit in his designs, were plotting to destroy the city withfire, and to subvert the supremacy of Rome by the revolt of nationsand by foreign wars. Their schemes having been discovered in themanner told in the Life of Cicero, he laid the matter before theSenate for their deliberation, whereupon Silanus, who spoke first, gave his opinion that the men ought to suffer the extreme punishment, and those who followed him spoke to the same effect, till it came toCæsar's turn. Cæsar now rose, and as he was a powerful speaker andwished rather to increase all change and disturbance in the state thanto allow it to be quenched, considering it as the stuff for his owndesigns to work upon, he urged many arguments of a persuasive andhumane kind to the effect that the men ought not to be put to deathwithout trial, and he advised that they should be confined in prison:and he wrought so great a change in the opinion of the Senate, whowere afraid of the people, that even Silanus retracted what he hadsaid, and affirmed that neither had he recommended that they should beput to death, but that they should be imprisoned; for to a Roman thiswas the extreme of punishment. 

XXIII. Such had been the change, and all the Senators in a body hadgone over to the milder and more humane proposal, when Cato rising todeliver his opinion, commenced his speech in anger and passion, abusing Silanus for changing his mind, and attacking Cæsar, whom hecharged with a design to overturn the State under a popular guise andpretext of humanity, and with making the Senate alarmed at things atwhich he himself ought to be alarmed, and therewith well content, ifhe escaped unharmed on account of what had passed and withoutsuspicion, when he was so openly and audaciously endeavouring torescue the common enemies of all, and admitting that he had no pityfor the state, such and so great though it was, and though it had sonarrowly escaped destruction, but was shedding tears and lamentingbecause those who ought never to have existed or been born would bytheir death release the state from great bloodshed and danger. Theysay that this is the only speech of Cato which is preserved, and thatit was owing to Cicero the consul, who had previously instructedthose clerks who surpassed the rest in quick writing in the use ofcertain signs which comprehended in their small and brief marks theforce of many characters and had placed them in different parts of theSenate house. For the Romans at this time were not used to employ nordid they possess what are called note-writers, [689] but it was on thisoccasion, as they say, that they were first established in a certainform. However, Cato prevailed and changed the opinion of the Senate, who condemned the men to death. 

XXIV. Now as we perhaps ought not to omit even the slight tokens ofcharacter when we are delineating as it were a likeness of the soul, it is reported that on this occasion when Cæsar was making muchexertion and a great struggle against Cato, and the attention of theSenate was fixed on both of them, a small letter was brought in forCæsar from the outside. Cato attempted to fix suspicion on thismatter, and alleged that some of the senators were disturbed at it andhe bade him read the writing, on which Cæsar handed the letter to Catowho was standing near him. Cato read the letter, which was an amatoryepistle addressed to Cæsar by his sister Servilia[690] who wasenamoured of Cæsar and had been debauched by him, and throwing it atCæsar he said, "Take it, drunkard, " and so resumed his speech. Indeedin the female part of his family Cato appears to have always beenunlucky. For this sister had a bad report in respect of Cæsar; and theconduct of the other Servilia, also a sister of Cato, was still moreunseemly. For though she was married to Lucullus, a man who was amongthe first of the Romans in reputation, and bore him a child, she wasdriven from his house for incontinence. And what was most scandalousof all, even Cato's wife Atilia was not free from such vices, forthough he had two children by her, he was compelled to put her awayfor her unseemly behaviour. 

XXV. Cato then married Marcia, a daughter of Philippus, [691] who hadthe character of being an honest woman, and about whom a good deal issaid; but just as in a drama, this part of Cato's life is a difficultand perplexed matter. However it was after the following manner, asThrasea[692] writes, who refers as his authority to Munatius, acompanion and intimate associate of Cato. Among the numerous friendsand admirers of Cato there were some more conspicuous anddistinguished than others, of whom one was Quintus Hortensius, [693] aman of splendid reputation and honest morals. Now as Hortensius wasdesirous to be not merely an intimate friend and companion of Cato, but in a manner to unite in kinship and community the whole family andstock, he endeavoured to persuade Cato, whose daughter Porcia was thewife of Bibulus and had born him two sons, to give her in turn to himas a fertile soil to beget children in. He said that according tomen's opinion such a thing was strange, but that according to natureit was good and for the advantage of states, that a woman who was inher youth and perfection should neither lie idle and check herprocreative power, nor yet should by breeding more children thanenough cause trouble to her husband and impoverish him when he wantedno more children; but that if there was a community of offspring amongworthy men, it would make virtue abundant and widely diffused amongfamilies, and would mingle the state with itself by these familyrelationships. If Bibulus, he said, was greatly attached to his wife, he would return her as soon as she had born a child, and he had becomemore closely united both with Bibulus and Cato by a community ofchildren. Cato replied that he loved Hortensius and valued hiskinship, but he considered it strange for Hortensius to speak aboutthe marriage of his daughter who had been given to another; on whichHortensius changing his proposal and disclosing himself did nothesitate to ask the wife of Cato, who was still young enough to bearchildren, while Cato himself had children enough. And it cannot besaid that Hortensius did this because he knew that Cato paid noattention to Marcia, for they say that she happened to be with childat the time. Accordingly Cato seeing the earnestness and eagerness ofHortensius did not refuse, but he said that Philippus the father ofMarcia must also approve of it. When they had seen Philippus andinformed him of the agreement, he did not give Marcia in marriage, except in the presence of Cato, and Cato joined in giving her away. Though this took place later, it seemed convenient to me to anticipatethe time as I had made mention of the female part of Cato's family. 

XXVI. When Lentulus and his associates had been executed, and Cæsar, on account of the charges and insinuations made against him before theSenate, betook himself to the people for protection and was stirringup the numerous diseased and corrupted members of the state andcollecting them about him, Cato, being alarmed, persuaded the Senateto relieve the crowd of poor who had no property by an allowance ofgrain, the expenditure for which purpose was to the amount of twelvehundred and fifty talents[694] annually; and the threats of Cæsar weremanifestly rendered futile by this liberality and bounty. After this, Metellus, as soon as he had entered on the tribuneship, got togethertumultuous meetings and proposed a law that Pompeius Magnus[695]should hasten to Italy with his forces and should undertake theprotection of the city, which it was alleged was in danger fromCatiline. This was in appearance a specious proposal, but the realobject and end of the law was to put affairs in the hands of Pompeiusand to surrender to him the supremacy. When the Senate was assembledand Cato did not in his usual way fall violently on Metellus, butadvised him with much forbearance and moderation, and at last evenbetook himself to entreaty and praised the family of the Metelli forhaving always been aristocratic, Metellus becoming much emboldened anddespising Cato, whom he supposed to be giving way and cowering, brokeout in extravagant threats and arrogant expressions, as if he wouldaccomplish every thing in spite of the Senate. On this Cato, changinghis attitude and tone and language, and concluding all that he saidwith a vehement affirmation that so long as he lived Pompeius shouldnot come into the city with his soldiers, brought the Senate to thisopinion, that neither he nor Metellus was in a sober mind and thatneither of them was guided by sound considerations, but that themeasures of Metellus were madness which from excess of depravity wasloading to the destruction and confusion of every thing, and those ofCato an enthusiasm of virtue struggling in behalf of honour andjustice. 

XXVII. But when the people were going to vote on the law, and armedstrangers and gladiators and slaves had come to the Forum arrayed tosupport Metellus, and that part of the people which longed forPompeius from desire of change was not small, and there was also greatsupport from Cæsar who was then prætor, and the first men of thecitizens rather shared in the indignation and wrongs of Cato thanjoined him in making resistance, and great depression and alarmprevailed in his family, so that some of his friends taking no foodwatched all night with one another in perplexed deliberation on hisbehalf, and his wife and sisters also were lamenting and weeping, Catohimself displayed a fearless and confident behaviour to all, andcheered them, and he took his supper, as usual, and after resting allnight was roused from a deep sleep by Minucius Thermus one of hiscolleagues; and they went down to the Forum with a few personsaccompanying them, though many met them and urged them to be on theirguard. When Cato stopped and saw the temple of the Dioscuri[696]surrounded by armed men and the steps guarded by gladiators, andMetellus himself with Cæsar sitting above, he turned to his friendsand said, "O the daring and cowardly men, to collect such a force ofsoldiery against a single man unarmed and defenceless. " Saying this headvanced straight forwards with Thermus; and those who occupied thesteps made way for them but they let nobody else pass, except thatCato with difficulty pulled Munatius by the hand and got him up, andthen advancing right onwards, he flung himself between Metellus andCæsar and there took his seat, and so cut off their communications. Cæsar and Metellus were disconcerted, but the better part of thepeople seeing and admiring the noble bearing and spirit of Cato camenearer, and with shouts encouraged Cato to be of good heart, and theyurged one another to stay and keep close together and not to betraytheir liberty and the man who was contending in defence of it. 

XXVIII. The clerk now produced the law, but Cato would not let himread it, and when Metellus took it and began to read, Cato snatchedthe writing from him; and when Metellus who knew the law by heart wasbeginning to declare it orally, Thermus held his mouth with his handand stopped his voice, till at last Metellus seeing that the men weremaking an opposition which he could not resist and that the peoplewere beginning to give way to what was best and to change, he orderedarmed men to hurry thither from his house[697] with threats andshouts. This being done, and all having been dispersed except Cato, who stood there, though he was pelted with stones and pieces of woodfrom above, Murena, who had been brought to trial and prosecuted byCato, did not remain indifferent, but holding his toga in front of himand calling out to those who were throwing missiles, to stop, andfinally persuading Cato himself and taking him in his arms, led himoff to the temple of the Dioscuri. Now when Metellus saw that all wasclear about the Rostra, and that his opponents were flying through theForum, being quite confident that he had got the victory, he orderedthe armed men to go away, and coming forward in an orderly manner heattempted to conduct the proceedings about the law. But his opponentsquickly recovering themselves from their rout again advanced with loudand confident shouts, so that the partizans of Metellus were seizedwith confusion and fear, for they thought that their opponents werefalling on them with arms which they had provided themselves with fromsome place or other, and not one of them stood his ground, but all ranaway from the Rostra. When they were thus dispersed, and Cato comingforward partly commended and partly encouraged the people, the peopleprepared themselves to put down Metellus by every means, and theSenate assembling declared anew that they would support Cato andresist the law, which they considered to be introducing discord andcivil war into Rome. 

XXIX. Metellus himsalf was unmoved from his purpose and still bold, but seeing that his partizans were struck with great terror at Cato, and considered him invincible and that it was impossible to overpowerhim, he suddenly hurried out to the Forum, and assembling the peoplehe said many things calculated to bring odium on Cato, and crying outthat he was flying from his tyranny and the conspiracy againstPompeius, for which the city would speedily repent and for theirdisgracing so great a man, he forthwith set out to Asia to lay allthese charges before Pompeius. Now the fame of Cato was great inasmuchas he had eased the state of the no small burden of the tribuneship, and in a manner had put down the power of Pompeius in the person ofMetellus; but he got still more credit by not consenting that theSenate, who were minded to do it, should degrade Metellus, and byopposing the measure and praying them not to pass it. For the majorityconsidered it a token of a humane and moderate temper not to trampleon his enemy nor insult him after he had got the victory; and to theprudent it appeared wise and politic in him not to irritate Pompeius. After this, Lucullus, [698] who had returned from his campaign, theconclusion and the glory of which Pompeius was considered to havesnatched from him, ran the risk of not having a triumph, owing toCaius Memmius stirring up the people and bringing charges against him, rather to please Pompeius than out of any private ill-will. But Cato, being connected with Lucullus by Lucullus having married Cato's sisterServilia, and also thinking it a scandalous affair, resisted Memmiusand exposed himself to much calumny and many imputations. Finally anattempt being made to eject Cato from his office, on the ground thathe was exercising tyrannical power, he so far prevailed as to compelMemmius himself to desist from his prosecution and to give up thecontest. Lucullus accordingly had a triumph, in consideration of whichhe stuck still more closely to the friendship of Cato, which was tohim a protection and bulwark against the power of Pompeius. 

XXX. Pompeius[699] returning from his military command with greatreputation, and relying on the splendour and heartiness of hisreception for getting everything from the citizens that he asked for, sent a message to the Senate before his arrival at Rome, to ask themto put off the Comitia, that he might be present to assist Piso at hiscanvass. The majority were ready to give way, but Cato who did notconsider the putting off the Comitia as the chief matter, and wishedto cut short the attempts and the hopes of Pompeius, opposed therequest and induced the Senate to change their mind and reject it. This gave Pompeius no little uneasiness, and considering that heshould find no slight obstacle in Cato, if he did not make him hisfriend, he sent for Munatius, [700] an intimate of Cato, and as Catohad two marriageable nieces, he asked for the elder for his own wife, and the younger for his son. Some say that the suit was not for thenieces, but the daughters of Cato. When Munatius made the proposal toCato and his wife and sisters, the women were delighted above measureat the prospect of the alliance by reason of the greatness andreputation of the man; but Cato, without pause or deliberation, withpassion forthwith replied, "Go, Munatius, go, and tell Pompeius, thatCato is not to be caught by approaching him through the women'schamber, but that he is well content to have the friendship ofPompeius, and if Pompeius will act rightly, Cato will show him afriendship more sure than any marriage connection, but he will notgive up hostages to the reputation of Pompeius contrary to theinterests of his country. " The women were vexed at these words, andCato's friends blamed his answer as both rude and insolent. The nextthing, however, was that Pompeius while trying to secure theconsulship for one of his friends, sent money for the tribes, and thebribery[701] was notorious, the money being counted out in hisgardens. Accordingly when Cato observed to the women, that he who wasconnected with Pompeius by marriage, must of necessity participate insuch measures and be loaded with the disgrace of them, they admittedthat he had judged better in rejecting the alliance of Pompeius. Butif we may judge by the result, Cato appears to have made a completemistake in not accepting the proposed alliance with Pompeius, andallowing him to turn to Cæsar and to contract a marriage, which, byuniting the power of Pompeius and Cæsar, nearly overthrew the Romanstate and did destroy the constitution, nothing of which probablywould have happened if Cato had not, through fear of the small errorsof Pompeius, overlooked the greatest, which was the allowing him toincrease the power of another. 

XXXI. These things, however, were still in the future. Now whenLucullus was engaged in a contest with Pompeius respecting thearrangements made in Pontus, for each of them wished his ownarrangements to be confirmed, and Cato gave his aid to Lucullus, whowas manifestly wronged, Pompeius being worsted in the Senate andseeking to make himself popular, proposed a division of lands amongthe soldiery. But when Cato opposed him in this measure also andfrustrated the law, Pompeius next attached himself to Clodius, theboldest of the demagogues at that time, and gained over Cæsar, [702] towhich Cato in a manner gave occasion. For Cæsar, who had returned fromhis prætorship in Iberia, at the same time wished to be a candidatefor the consulship and asked for a triumph. But as it was the law thatthose who were candidates for a magistracy should be present, andthose who were going to have a triumph should stay outside the walls, Cæsar asked permission of the Senate to solicit the office throughmeans of others. Many were willing to consent, but Cato spoke againstit, and when he saw that the Senators were ready to oblige Cæsar, hetook up the whole day in talking, and thus frustrated the designs, ofthe Senate. Cæsar accordingly giving up his hopes of a triumph, entered the city, and immediately attached himself to Pompeius, andsought the consulship. Being elected consul, Cæsar gave Julia inmarriage to Pompeius, and the two now coalescing against the state, the one introduced laws for giving to the poor allotments and adistribution of land, and the other assisted in supporting thesemeasures. But Lucullus and Cicero siding with Bibulus, the otherconsul, opposed the measures, and Cato most of all, who alreadysuspected that the friendship and combination of Cæsar and Pompeiushad no just object, and said that he was not afraid of thedistribution of the land, but of the reward for it which those wouldclaim who were gratifying the multitude, and alluring them by thisbait. 

XXXII. By these arguments Cato brought the Senate to an unanimousopinion; and of those without the Senate no small number supported thesenators, being annoyed at the unusual measures of Cæsar: for what theboldest and most reckless tribunes were used to propose forpopularity's sake, these very measures Cæsar in the possession ofconsular power adopted, basely and meanly endeavouring to ingratiatehimself with the people. Cæsar's party, therefore, being alarmed, hadrecourse to violence, and first of all a basket of ordure was thrownupon Bibulus as he was going down to the Forum, and then the peoplefell on his lictors and broke the fasces; finally missiles beingthrown about, and many being wounded, all the rest ran away from theForum except Cato, who walked away slowly, every now and then turninground and cursing the citizens. Accordingly Cæsar's partisans not onlypassed the law for the distribution of land, [703] but they added to ita clause to compel all the Senate to swear that they would maintainthe law, and give their aid against any one who should act contrary toit, and they enacted heavy penalties against those who did not swear. All swore to maintain the law under compulsion, bearing in mind whatbefell Metellus of old, whom the people allowed to be driven from[704]Italy because he would not swear to observe a like enactment. For thisreason the women of Cato's family with tears earnestly entreated himto yield and take the oath, and also his friends and intimateacquaintance. But the person who most persuaded and induced Cato totake the oath was Cicero the orator, who argued and urged that perhapsit was not even right for him to think that he was the only man whoought to refuse obedience to what had been determined by the commonvoice; and when it was impossible to undo what had been done, it wasaltogether senseless and mad to have no regard for himself; and of allevils, he argued, it was the greatest to give up and surrender thestate, to the interests of which all his actions were directed, tothose who were plotting against it, as if he were glad to be releasedfrom all struggles in its behalf; for if Cato did not stand in need ofRome, Rome stood in need of Cato, and all his friends also did; andamong them Cicero said that he was the first, being the object of thedesigns of Clodius, who was clearly proceeding to attack him by meansof the tribunitian office. By these and the like arguments andentreaties, both at home and in the Forum, it is said that Cato wasinduced to relent, and was prevailed upon with difficulty, and that hecame forward to take the oath last of all, except Favonius, one of hisfriends and intimates. 

XXXIII. Cæsar being encouraged, introduced another law for thedivision of nearly the whole of Campania among the poor and needy. Nobody spoke against it except Cato; and him Cæsar caused to bedragged from the Rostra to prison, Cato the while remitting nothing ofhis freedom of speech, but as he went along, at the same time speakingabout the law and advising them to cease attempting such politicalmeasures. The Senate followed with downcast countenances, and the bestpart of the people, much annoyed and troubled, though they saidnothing, so that Cæsar did not fail to see that they were displeased;but out of self-will and expectation that Cato would appeal and haverecourse to entreaties, he continued leading him to prison. But whenit was plain that Cato intended to do nothing at all, Cæsar, overcomeby shame and the ill opinion of the thing, privately persuaded one ofthe tribunes to rescue Cato. By these laws, however, and these grantsof land, they so cajoled the people, that they voted to Cæsar thegovernment of Illyricum and all Gaul with four legions for five years, though Cato warned them that they would by their own votes plant thetyrant in the Acropolis; and they transferred by illegal means PubliusClodius from the patrician order to the plebeians, and made the man atribune, who was willing to do anything in his public capacity toserve them, on condition that they would let Cicero be driven out; andthey made consuls Piso[705] Calpurnius, the father of Cæsar's wife, and Gabinius Aulus, a man from the lap of Pompeius, as those say whowere acquainted with his habits and life. 

XXXIV. But though Cæsar and his party had thus violently gotpossession of the power, and had one part of the citizens at theircommand through their grants, and another part through fear, theystill dreaded Cato. For even when they did get the advantage over him, the fact that it was with difficulty and labour, and not without shameand exposure that they hardly forced their purpose, was annoying andvexatious. Clodius, indeed, did not expect to be able to put downCicero so long as Cato was at home, and as he was contriving how toeffect this, he sent for Cato as soon as he was in his office, andaddressed him to the effect that he considered Cato to be the purestman of all the Romans, and he was ready to prove the sincerity of hisopinion by his acts, and he said that though many persons weresoliciting the commission to Cyprus and Ptolemæus, [706] and asking tobe sent, he thought Cato alone worthy of it, and that he gladlyoffered him the favour. On Cato crying out that the thing was a snareand insult and not a favour, Clodius replied in an insolent andcontemptuous manner, "Well, if you don't like it, you shall make thevoyage against your liking;" and immediately going before the peoplehe got the mission of Cato confirmed by a law. When Cato was leavingRome, Clodius allowed him neither ship nor soldier nor attendantexcept two clerks, one of whom was a thief and a thorough knave, andthe other was a client of Clodius. And as if he had given him butsmall occupations with the affairs of Cyprus and Ptolemæus, Clodiuscommissioned him also to restore the Byzantine fugitives, his wishbeing that Cato should be as long as possible from Rome during histribuneship. 

XXXV. Being under such compulsion, Cato advised Cicero, who waspressed by his enemies, not to raise any commotion nor to involve thecity in a contest and bloodshed, but by yielding to the times to beagain the saviour of his country; and sending forward to CyprusCanidius, [707] one of his friends, he prevailed on Ptolemæus[708] toyield without a struggle, assuring him that he should want neithermoney nor respect, for that the people would give him the priesthoodof the goddess at Paphos. [709] Cato himself stayed in Rhodes makingpreparation and waiting for the answers. In the meantimePtolemæus, [710] King of Egypt, left Alexandria in anger afterquarrelling with the citizens, and set sail for Rome in the hope thatCæsar and Pompeius would restore him with a military force; and as hewished to see Cato he sent a message, expecting that Cato would cometo him. Cato happened to be then undergoing a purging, [711] and heanswered that Ptolemæus must come, if he wished to see him; and whenthe king did come, Cato neither advanced to meet him nor rose, butsaluted him as one of his ordinary visitors and bade him be seated;and by this behaviour the king was at first disturbed, and was amazedat the contrast between Cato's haughty behaviour and rough manners, and the meanness and simplicity of the man's attire. But when he hadbegun to talk with him about his own affairs, and listened to wordsfull of wisdom and plain-speaking, for Cato reproved him and showedwhat a happy condition he had left and to what servitude and toils andcorruption and love of aggrandisement in the chief men of the Romanshe was subjecting himself, whom scarcely Egypt would satisfy if itwere all turned into silver, and Cato advised the king to return andbe reconciled to his people, and said that he was ready to sail withhim and assist in bringing about an accommodation, the king, as if hehad been brought to his senses from some madness or delirium by thewords of Cato, and perceiving the integrity and judgment of the man, was resolved to follow his advice. However, the king was again turnedby his friends to his original design, but as soon as he was in Romeand was approaching the door of one of the magistrates, he groanedover his ill resolve, as if he had rejected, not the advice of a goodman, but the prophetic warning of a deity. 

XXXVI. The Ptolemæus in Cyprus, to Cato's good luck, poisoned himself;and as it was said that he had left a large sum of money, Catodetermined to go to Byzantium himself, and he sent his nephewBrutus[712] to Cyprus, because he did not altogether trust Canidius. After bringing the exiles to terms with their fellow-citizens andleaving Byzantium at peace with itself, he sailed to Cyprus. Now asthere was a great quantity of movables, such as suited a royalhousehold, consisting of cups, tables, precious stones and purple, allwhich was to be sold and turned into money, Cato being desirous to doeverything with the greatest exactness and to bring up everything tothe highest price, and to be present everywhere and to apply thestrictest reckoning, would not trust even to the usages of the market, but suspecting all alike, assistants, criers, purchasers and friends, in fine, by talking to the purchasers singly and urging them to bid, he in this way got most of the things sold that were put up for sale. Cato thus offended the rest of his friends by showing that he did nottrust them, and Munatius, the most intimate of all, he put into astate of resentment that was well nigh past cure; so that when Cæsarwas writing his book against Cato, this passage in the charges againsthim furnished matter for the most bitter invective. 

XXXVII. Munatius, however, states that his anger against Cato arosenot by reason of Cato's distrust of him, but his contemptuousbehaviour, and a certain jealousy of his own in regard to Canidius;for Munatius also published a book about Cato, which Thrasea chieflyfollowed. He says that he arrived after the rest in Cyprus and foundvery poor accommodation prepared for him; and that on going to Cato'sdoor he was repulsed, because Cato was engaged about some matters inthe house with Canidius, and when he complained of this in reasonableterms, he got an answer which was not reasonable and to the effect:That excessive affection, as Theophrastus says, is in danger of oftenbecoming the cause of hatred, "for, " continued Cato, "you, by reasonof your very great affection for me, are vexed when you suppose thatyou receive less respect than is your due. But I employ Canidiusbecause I have made trial of him and trust him more than others, forhe came at the first and has shown himself to be an honest man. " This, says Munatius, Cato said to him, when they two were alone, but thatCato afterwards told it to Canidius; and accordingly when Munatiusheard of it, as he says, he did not go to Cato's table nor to hiscounsels when he was invited; and when Cato threatened that he wouldtake pledges[713] from him, which the Romans do in the case of thosewho refuse to obey a command, that without caring for Cato's threatshe sailed away from Cyprus and for a long time continued to be angrywith him. That afterwards Marcia, for she was still the wife of Cato, having spoken with Cato, both Cato and he happened to be invited tosupper by Barcas;[714] and Cato, who came in after the guests wereseated, asked where he should recline. Upon Barcas answering, "Wherehe pleased, " Cato looking about him said he would take his place nearMunatius; and going round he did take his place near him, but showedhim no other sign of friendly feeling during the supper. However, uponMarcia preferring a second request, Cato wrote to him to say that hewished to see him on some matter, and that he went early in themorning to the house and was detained by Marcia till all the rest wentway, when Cato came in and throwing both his arms round him salutedand received him with all signs of friendship. Now I have told this atsome length, because I consider such things to contain a certainevidence for the exhibition and perception of character no less thanpublic and great acts. 

XXXVIII. Cato[715] got together nearly seven thousand talents ofsilver, and being afraid of the length of the voyage, he had manyvessels made, each of which contained two talents and five hundreddrachmæ, and he fastened to each vessel a long rope, to the end ofwhich was attached a very large piece of cork, with the view, that ifthe ship were wrecked, the cork holding the vessels suspended in thedeep sea might indicate the place. Now the money, with the exceptionof a small part, was safely conveyed; but though he had accounts ofall his administration carefully drawn up in two books, he savedneither of them. One of them was in the care of his freedmanPhilargyros, who set sail from Kenchreæ, [716] but was wrecked, andlost the book and all the cargo with it: the other he had safelycarried as far as Corcyra, where he pitched his tent in the Agora; butthe sailors on account of the cold having lighted many fires, thetents were burnt in the night, and the book was destroyed. The king'smanagers who were present were ready to stop the mouths of the enemiesand detractors of Cato; but the matter gave him annoyance for otherreasons. For it was not to prove his own integrity, but to set anexample of exact dealing to others that he was ambitious to producehis accounts, and this was the cause of his vexation. 

XXXIX. Cato's arrival with the ships did not pass unobserved by theRomans, for all the magistrates and priests, and all the Senate and agreat part of the people met him at the river, so that both the bankswere covered, and Cato's voyage upwards was not inferior to a triumphin show and splendour. Yet it seemed to some to be a perverse andstubborn thing, that though the consuls and prætors were present, Catoneither landed to meet them nor stopped his course, but sweeping alongthe shore in a royal galley of six banks, he never stopped till he hadmoored his ships in the dockyard. However, when the money was carriedalong through the Forum, the people were amazed[717] at the quantity, and the Senate assembling voted together with suitable thanks that anextraordinary prætorship[718] should be given to Cato, and that heshould wear a dress with a purple border when he was present at thepublic spectacles. Cato protested against both these distinctions, buthe recommended the Senate to emancipate Nikias, the king's steward, towhose care and integrity he bore testimony. At that time Philippus, the father of Marcia, was consul, and in a manner the dignity andpower of the office were transferred to Cato, for the colleague ofPhilippus[719] paid no less respect to Cato on account of his meritthan on account of his relationship to Philippus. 

XL. When Cicero[720] had returned from the exile into which he wasdriven by Clodius, and was now a powerful man, he forcibly pulled downand destroyed in the absence of Clodius, the tribunitian tablets whichClodius had recorded and placed in the Capitol; and the Senate havingbeen assembled about this business, and Clodius making it a matter ofaccusation, Cicero said that inasmuch as Clodius had been made tribunein an illegal manner, all that had been done during his tribunate andrecorded ought to be ineffectual and invalid. But Cato took exceptionto what Cicero said, and at length he rose and declared, that he wasof opinion that there was nothing sound or good in any degree in theadministration of Clodius, but that if any man was for rescinding allthat Clodius had done in his tribunate, all his own measures relatingto Cyprus were thereby rescinded, and his mission had not been legal, having been proposed by a man who was not legally tribune: hemaintained that Clodius had not been illegally elected tribune byvirtue of being adopted out of the patrician body into a plebeianfamily, for the law allowed this; but if he had been a bad magistrate, like others, it was fitting to call to account the man who had donewrong, and not to annul the office which had been wronged also. Inconsequence of this, Cicero was angry with Cato, and for a long timeceased all friendly intercourse with him: however, they wereafterwards reconciled. 

XLI. After this Pompeius and Crassus[721] had a meeting with Cæsar, who had come across the Alps, in which they agreed that they shouldseek a second consulship; and when they were established in it, theyshould cause another period in Cæsar's government as long as the firstto be given him by the vote of the people, and to themselves the chiefof the provinces and money and military forces: the which was aconspiracy for the division of the supreme power and the destructionof the constitution. Now though many honest men were at this timepreparing to be candidates for the consulship, they were deterred byseeing Pompeius and Crassus canvassing; but Lucius Domitius alone, thehusband of Porcia, the sister of Cato, was induced by Cato not to giveway or to yield, as the contest was not for office but for the libertyof Rome. And indeed it was currently said among that part of thecitizens who were still of sober thoughts, that they ought not toallow the consular office to become completely overbearing andoppressive by permitting the power of Crassus and Pompeius to becombined, but that they should deprive one of them of the office. Andthey ranged themselves on the side of Domitius, urging and encouraginghim to keep to his purpose; for many, they argued, even of those whosaid nothing by reason of fear, would help him with their votes. Theparty of Pompeius and Crassus fearing this, laid an ambuscade forDomitius as he was going down to the Campus Martius early in themorning, by torch-light. First of all the man who was lightingDomitius and standing close by him was struck and fell down dead; andafter him others also being wounded, there was a general flight of allexcept Cato and Domitius; for Cato held Domitius though he himself waswounded in the arm, and urged him to stay and so long as there wasbreath in them, not to give up the struggle for liberty against thetyrants who showed how they would use their power, by making theirway to it through such acts of wrong. 

XLII. Domitius, however, did not face the danger, but fled to hishouse, upon which Pompeius and Crassus, [722] were elected. Yet Catodid not give up the contest, but came forward as a candidate for aprætorship, because he wished to have a strong position in hisstruggles with them and not to be himself a private man while he wasopposing those who were in office. Pompeius and Crassus being afraidof this, and considering that the prætorship by reason of Cato wouldbecome a match for the consulship, in the first place on a sudden andwithout the knowledge of many of the body, summoned the Senate, andgot a vote passed that those who were elected prætors should enter onoffice forthwith and should not let the time fixed by law intervene, during which time prosecutions were allowed of those who had bribedthe people. In the next place, now that they had by the vote of theSenate made bribery free from all responsibility, they brought forwardtheir own tools and friends as candidates for the prætorship, themselves giving the bribe-money, and themselves standing by whilethe voting was going on. But when the merit and good name of Cato weregetting the superiority even over all this, the many for very shameconsidering it a great crime by their votes to sell Cato, whom it wereeven honourable to purchase for the state as prætor, and the tribewhich was first called voted for him, Pompeius all at once, falselysaying he had heard thunder, dissolved the assembly, for it was thecustom of the Romans to view such tokens as inauspicious, and not toratify anything when there had been signs from heaven. Thereafter, byemploying excessive bribery and driving all the honest folks from theCampus they brought about by violence that Vatinius should be electedprætor instead of Cato. Upon this it is said that those who had giventheir votes thus illegally and dishonestly, forthwith skulked away;and a certain tribune forming on the spot a meeting of those who wereassembling together and expressing their dissatisfaction, Cato camebefore them, and as if inspired by the gods, foretold everything thatwould happen to the state, and urged the citizens to oppose Pompeiusand Crassus as being privy to such measures and engaging in a courseof policy, on account of which they feared Cato lest, if he wereprætor, he should get the advantage over them. And finally as he wenthome, he was attended by such a crowd as not even all the prætorstogether, who were elected, had to accompany them. 

XLIII. When Caius Trebonius[723] drew up a law for the division of theprovinces between the consuls, to the effect that one of them shouldhave the government of Iberia and Libya, and the other Syria andEgypt, to attack and carry on war against whom they pleased with navaland military forces, the rest despairing of all opposition andhindrance even desisted from speaking against the measure, and whenCato got up on the Rostra before the question was put to the vote, andexpressed a wish to speak, he with difficulty obtained leave to speakfor two hours. [724] After Cato had occupied this time with muchspeaking, and alleging of arguments and prophetic warnings, they wouldnot let him speak longer, but an officer went up and pulled him downwhile he was still keeping his place on the Rostra. But inasmuch as hecontinued to cry out from the place where he was standing below, andhad persons to listen to him and join in his dissatisfaction, theofficer again laid hold of him and taking him away, put him out of theForum. But scarcely was he let loose when he returned and made his wayto the Rostra with loud shouts, urging the citizens to aid him. Thisbeing repeated several times, Trebonius in a passion ordered him to beled to prison, and the crowd followed listening to him talking as hewent along, so that Trebonius was afraid and let him go. In thismanner Cato took up all that day: but on the following days byterrifying some of the citizens and gaining over others by favours andby bribes, and with armed men preventing Aquilius[725] one of thetribunes from coming out of the senate house, and by ejecting from theForum Cato himself, who called out that there had been thunder, and bywounding no small number, and even killing some, they forcibly carriedthe law, in consequence of which many persons in passion crowdedtogether and pelted the statues of Pompeius. Cato, however, who cameup to them stopped this; and further, when a law was proposedrespecting the provinces and armies of Cæsar, Cato no longer addressedhimself to the people, but turning to Pompeius himself he adjured andforewarned him, that he did not see that he was now taking up Cæsar onhis shoulders, but that when he began to feel the weight of his burdenand to be mastered by it, having neither power to rid himself of itnor strength to bear it, he would fall with it upon the state, andthen he would remember Cato's advice and see that it concerned no lessthe interests of Pompeius than honour and justice. Though Pompeiusheard this often, he cared not for it and let it pass, not believingthere would be any change in Cæsar, because he trusted in his own goodfortune and power. 

XLIV. For the following year Cato was chosen prætor, [726] but he wasconsidered not to add so much dignity and honour to the office by hisgood administration, as to detract from it and bring it into disreputeby often going to the Rostra without his shoes and his tunic, and inthis attire presiding at trials of men of rank in matters of life anddeath. Some also say that even after dinner, when he had drunk wine, he would transact business; but this at least is untruly said. Thepeople being now corrupted by the bribery of those who were ambitiousof office, and the majority being accustomed to receive money fortheir votes as if in the way of a regular trade, Cato wishing toeradicate completely this disease in the state, persuaded the Senateto make a decree, that if those who were elected magistrates shouldhave none ready to accuse them, they should themselves be compelled tocome forward before a sworn court and give an account of theirelection. The candidates for magistracies were vexed at this, andstill more vexed were the mass who received the bribe-money. Accordingly in the morning when Cato had gone to the tribunal, thepeople in a body pressing upon him, cried out, abused him, and peltedhim so that every person fled from the tribunal, and Cato himselfbeing shoved from his place by the crowd and carried along with it, with difficulty laid hold of the Rostra. Thereupon getting up, by theboldness and firmness of his demeanour, Cato forthwith mastered thetumult, and stopped the shouting, and after saying what was suitableto the occasion and being listened to with perfect quiet, he put anend to the disturbance. When the Senate were bestowing praise uponhim, he said, "But I cannot praise you, who left a prætor in dangerand did not come to his help. " But of the candidates for magistraciesevery man felt himself in a difficult position, being afraid to givebribes himself, and being afraid that he should lose the office ifanother did it. Accordingly it was agreed among them that they shouldcome together to one place, and each lay down one hundred andtwenty-five thousand drachmæ of silver, and all should then seek theoffice in a right and just way, and that he who broke the terms andemployed bribery, should lose his money. Having agreed to these termsthey chose Cato as depositary and umpire and witness, and bringing themoney, they offered to place it with him; and they had the terms ofthe agreement drawn up before him, but Cato took sureties instead ofthe money, and would not receive the money itself. When the day forthe election came, Cato taking his place by the presiding tribune andwatching the vote, discovered that one of those who had entered intothe engagement, was playing foul, and he ordered him to pay the moneyto the rest. But they, commending his uprightness and admiring it, waived the penalty, considering that they had sufficient satisfactionfrom the wrong-doer; but Cato offended all the rest and got very greatodium from this, it being as if he assumed to himself the power of theSenate and of the courts of justice and of the magistrates. For theopinion and the credit of no one virtue makes people more envious thanthat of justice, [727] because both æpower and credit among the manyfollow it chiefly. For people do not merely honour the just, as theydo the brave, nor do they admire them, as they do the wise, but theyeven love the just, and have confidence in them and give them credit. But as to the brave and wise, they fear the one, and give no credit tothe other; and besides this, they think that the brave and the wiseexcel by nature rather than by their own will; and with respect tocourage and wisdom, they consider the one to be a certain sharpness, and the other a firmness of soul; but inasmuch as any man who chooses, has it in his power to be just, they have most abhorrence of injusticeas badness that is without excuse. 

XLV. Wherefore all the great were enemies of Cato, as being reprovedby his conduct: and as Pompeius viewed Cato's reputation even as anullification of his own power, he was continually setting persons onto abuse him, among whom Clodius also was one, the demagogue, who hadagain insensibly attached himself to Pompeius, and was crying outagainst Cato on the ground that he had appropriated to his ownpurposes much money in Cyprus, and was hostile to Pompeius becausePompeius had rejected a marriage with Cato's daughter. Cato repliedthat he had brought to the city from Cyprus, without the aid of asingle horse or soldier, more money than Pompeius had brought backfrom so many wars and triumphs after disturbing the habitable world, and that he never chose Pompeius to make a marriage alliance with, notbecause he considered Pompeius unworthy, but because he saw thedifference between his polity and that of Pompeius. "For my part, "continued Cato, "I declined a province when it was offered to me aftermy prætorship, but Pompeius has got some provinces, and he also offerssome to others; and now, last of all, he has lent to Cæsar a force ofsix thousand legionary soldiers for Gaul, which neither did Cæsar askof you, nor did Pompeius give with your assent; but forces to such anamount and arms and horses are gifts from private persons and thingsof mutual exchange. And being called Imperator and governor he hasgiven up to others the armies and the provinces, and he himself sitsdown close to the city raising commotions at the elections andcontriving disturbances, from which it is manifest that he isintriguing to get by means of anarchy a monarchy for himself. "

XLVI. In this fashion Cato defended himself against Pompeius. ButMarcus Favonius, an intimate friend and admirer of Cato, just asApollodorus[728] of Phalerum is said to have been of Socrates of old, being a passionate man and one who was violently moved by hisprinciples, did not with any temper or moderation, but intemperatelyattack Pompeius, like a man under the influence of drink and somewhatmad. Favonius was a candidate for the ædileship and was losing hiselection, when Cato, who was present, observed that the voting tabletswere written in one hand, and so proved the knavery, and by appealingto the tribunes stopped the return. Afterwards when Favonius was madeædile, Cato both administered the other duties of the ædileship, andsuperintended the exhibitions in the theatre, giving to the actors notcrowns of gold, but as is the fashion of Olympia, crowns of wildolive, and instead of costly presents, giving to the Greeks, turnipsand lettuces and radishes and parsley;[729] and to the Romans, earthenjars of wine, and hogs' flesh, and figs and gourds, and bundles ofwood, at the thrift of which gifts some laughed, but others treatedthe matter in a respectful way, seeing the austere and seriouscountenance of Cato imperceptibly assuming a pleasant expression. Finally, Favonius, mingling with, the crowd and sitting among thespectators, applauded Cato, and called out to him to give to those whowere distinguishing themselves, and to honour them, and he urged thespectators to the same effect, inasmuch as he had surrendered all hisauthority to Cato. Now in the other theatre, Curio, the colleague ofFavonius, was conducting the celebration in splendid style, but stillthe people left him to go to the other place, and they readily joinedin the amusement of Favonius playing a private part and Cato the partof the superintendent of the exhibitions. And Cato did this todisparage the thing and to show that when a man is in sport he shoulduse sportive ways, and accompany it with unpretending kindness ratherthan with much preparation and great cost, bestowing great care andtrouble on things of no value. 

XLVII. Now when Scipio and Hypsæus and Milo[730] were candidates forthe consulship, and were employing not merely those wrongful ways thatwere now familiar and had become usual in matters political, thegiving of gifts and bribery, but were plainly pushing on through armsand slaughter to civil war, in their daring and madness, and somepersons were urging Pompeius to preside over the comitia, Cato atfirst opposed this and said, that the laws should not owe theirmaintenance to Pompeius, but that Pompeius should owe his security tothe laws. However, when there had been an anarchy for some time, andthree armies were occupying the Forum daily, and the mischief had wellnigh become past checking, he determined in favour of putting affairsin the hands of Pompeius before the extreme necessity arrived, by thevoluntary favour of the Senate, and by employing the most moderate ofunconstitutional means as a healing measure for the settlement of whatwas most important, to bring on the monarchy rather than to let thecivil dissensions result in a monarchy. Accordingly Bibulus, who wasa friend of Cato, proposed that they ought to elect Pompeius soleconsul, for that either matters would be put into a good condition byhis settlement of them, or that the state would be enslaved by thebest man in it. Cato rose and spoke in favour of the proposal, whichnobody could have expected, and recommended any government as betterthan no government; and he added, that he expected that Pompeius wouldmanage present affairs best, and would protect the state with which hewas intrusted. 

XLVIII. Pompeius[731] being thus declared consul prayed Cato to cometo him to the suburbs: and on his arrival Pompeius received him in afriendly manner with salutations and pressing of hands, and afteracknowledging his obligations he entreated Cato to be his adviser andhis assessor in the consulship. But Cato replied, that neither had hesaid what he first said out of evil disposition towards Pompeius, norhad he said what he last said in order to win his favour, buteverything for the interest of the state; accordingly he observed thathe would give Pompeius his advice when he was privately invited, butthat in public, even if he should not be invited, he would certainlysay what he thought. And he did as he said. In the first place, whenPompeius was proposing laws with new penalties and severe proceedingsagainst those who had already bribed the people, Cato advised him notto care about the past, but to attend to the future, for he said, itwas not easy to determine at what point the inquiry into past offencesshould stop, and if penalties be imposed after the offences, thosewould be hardly dealt with who were punished by a law which they werenot breaking at the time of their wrong-doing. In the next place, whenmany men of rank were under trial, some of whom were friends andrelations of Pompeius, Cato observing that Pompeius was giving way tothe greater part of them and yielding, rebuked him firmly and rousedhim up. Though Pompeius himself had caused a law to be passed whichdid not allow the panegyrics which used to be pronounced on those whowere under trial, he wrote a panegyric on Munatius Plancus[732] onthe occasion of his trial and handed it in, but Cato by stopping hisears with his hands, for he happened to be one of the judices, prevented the testimonial from being read. Plancus challenged Cato asone of the judices after the speeches, but nevertheless he wasconvicted. And altogether Cato was a kind of thing difficult andunmanageable for persons accused, as they were neither willing to havehim to be a judex, nor could they venture to challenge him. For not afew were convicted because, by being unwilling to have Cato for one oftheir judices, they were considered to show that they had noconfidence in the justice of their cause; and their revilers evencharged it upon some as matter of great reproach that they would nothave Cato as one of their judices when he was proposed. 

XLIX. Now when Cæsar, though he kept close to his armies in Gaul andstuck to arms, was still employing gifts and money and friends tosecure his power in the city, Cato's admonitions roused Pompeius fromhis former long continued state of incredulity, and he began to beafraid of the danger; but as he was somewhat hesitating andspiritlessly procrastinating all attempts at prevention, Cato resolvedto be a candidate for the consulship with the view of either forthwithwresting Cæsar's arms from him or demonstrating his designs. But therival candidates were both popular men: and Sulpicius[733] had alreadyderived much advantage from Cato's reputation in the state and hisinfluence. He therefore seemed to be doing what was neither just norgrateful, but yet Cato found no fault with him. "What is it strange, "said he, "if a man does not give up to another the thing which hethinks to be the greatest of goods?" But Cato by persuading the Senateto pass a Consultum that those who were candidates for the officeshould canvass the people themselves, and should not solicit throughany other person, not even by such person going about to see thecitizens on their behalf, still more irritated the citizens, in thatby depriving them not only of the opportunity of receiving money, buteven of conferring a favour, he rendered the people at once poor anddishonoured. In addition to this, as Cato had neither any persuasivemanners in canvassing for himself, but wished to maintain the dignityof his life in his character rather than to add to it that of theconsulship by shaking hands with the electors, and as he would notallow his friends to do the things by which the mass are taken andgained over, he lost the office. 

L. Though the matter caused not only to those who failed, but to theirfriends and kin a certain degree of shame and depression and sorrowfor many days, Cato bore what had happened with so little concern, that after anointing himself in the Campus he exercised at ball, andagain after dinner, according to his wont, he went down into the Forumwithout his shoes and tunic, and walked about with his intimates. ButCicero blames him, that when the times required such a magistrate, heused no exertion nor tried to gain the favour of the people byfriendly intercourse with them, but for the future ceased to make anyeffort and gave up the contest, though he was again a candidate forthe prætorship. Cato, however, said, that he lost the prætorship notby the real will of the majority, but because they were forced orcorrupted; whereas in the voting for the consulship, in which therewas no foul play, he further perceived that he had displeased thepeople by his manners, which it was not the part of a man of sense tochange in order to please others, nor, if he still kept to the likemanners, to subject himself to the like treatment. 

LI. When Cæsar had attacked warlike nations and had conquered themwith great hazard, and when it was the opinion that he had fallen uponthe Germans even after a truce had been made, and had destroyed threehundred thousand[734] of them, the rest indeed were promising to thepeople to offer sacrifices for the victory, but Cato urged that theyshould give up Cæsar to those who had been wronged, and should notturn the guilt upon themselves nor allow it to fall on the state. "However, " said he, "let us still sacrifice to the gods, that they donot turn their vengeance for the madness and desperation of thecommander upon the soldiers, and that they spare the city. " Upon thisCæsar wrote and sent a letter to the Senate; and when the letter hadbeen read, which contained much abuse of Cato and many charges againsthim, Cato got up, and not under the influence of passion or personalanimosity, but as if it were on good consideration and duepreparation, showed that the charges against him were in the nature ofabuse and insult, and were pure trifling and mockery on Cæsar's part. Then taking hold of all Cæsar's measures from the first, and unveilingall his plans, not as if he were an enemy, but a fellow conspiratorand participator, he proved to them that they had no reason to fearthe sons of the Britons nor yet the Celts, but Cæsar himself, if theywere prudent; and he so worked on and excited them that the friends ofCæsar repented of having read the letter in the Senate, and so givenCato an opportunity of making a fair statement and true charges. Nothing, however, was done, but it was merely said that it would bewell for a successor to Cæsar to be appointed. But when Cæsar'sfriends required that Pompeius also should lay down his arms and giveup his provinces, or that Cæsar should not, Cato cried out, that nowwhat he foretold them had come to pass, and that the man was havingrecourse to force and was openly employing the power which he had gotby deceiving and gulling the state; yet Cato could do nothing out ofdoors, because the people all along wished Cæsar to have the chiefpower, and he found the Senate ready to assent to his measures, butafraid of the people. 

LII. But when Ariminum[735] was captured, and news came that Cæsarwith his army was advancing against the city, then indeed all menturned their eyes on Cato, both the people and Pompeius, as the onlyman who from the first had foreseen and who had first clearly shownthe designs of Cæsar. Accordingly Cato said, "Men, if any among youhad listened to what I had all along been foretelling and advising, you would neither have to fear a single man now, nor would you have torest all your hopes on a single man. " Upon Pompeius saying that Catohad indeed spoken more like a prophet, but that he had acted more likea friend, Cato advised the Senate to place affairs in the hands ofPompeius alone, for it was the business of those who caused greatevils to put an end to them. Now as Pompeius had not a force inreadiness, and he saw that the troops which he was then levying had nozeal, he left Rome. Cato having determined to follow Pompeius in hisflight, sent his younger son into the country of the Bruttii[736] toMunatius for safe keeping, but the elder he took with him. And as hishousehold and daughters required some one to look after them, he tookagain Marcia, who was now a widow with a large estate, for Hortensiusat his death had made her his heir. It was with reference to this thatCæsar[737] vented most abuse on Cato, and charged him withcovetousness and making a traffic of his marriage; for why should hegive up his wife, said Cæsar, if he still wanted one, or why should hetake her back, if he did not want one? if it was not that from thefirst[738] the woman was put as a bait in the way of Hortensius, andCato gave her up when she was young that he might have her back whenshe was rich. Now, in reply to these charges, this from Euripidessuffices:--

 "First then what can't be said, for of this kind I deem thy so call'd cowardice, O Hercules. "

For to accuse Cato of filthy lucre is like upbraiding Hercules withcowardice. But whether the matter of the marriage was not well inother respects is a thing for inquiry. However, Cato did espouseMarcia, and intrusting to her his family and daughters, hurried afterPompeius. 

LIII. From that day it is said that Cato never cut the hair of hishead or beard, nor put on a chaplet, but maintained till his death thesame outward signs of sorrow and depression of spirits and grief overthe misfortunes of his country, just the same when his party wasvictorious and when it was vanquished. At that time having got by lotSicily as his province, he crossed over to Syracuse, and on hearingthat Asinius Pollio[739] had arrived from the enemy with a large forceat Messene, he sent to him to demand the reason of his coming. ButCato in turn being asked for the reason of the change in affairs, andhaving heard that Pompeius had completely deserted Italy and wasencamped in Dyrrachium, he said that there was great perplexity anduncertainty in matters appertaining to the gods. Pompeius, who hadalways been invincible while he was doing what was not honest or just, now when he wished to save his country and fight in defence ofliberty, was deserted by his good fortune. As to Asinius, he said thathe was able to drive him out of Sicily, but as another greater forcewas coming against him, he did not choose to ruin the island by a war;and after advising the Syracusans to join the victorious party and totake care of themselves, he sailed away. When he came to Pompeius, hekept steadily to one opinion, to prolong the war, for he expectedsome terms of reconciliation and did not wish that the state should beworsted in a battle and suffer from itself the extreme of sufferingsby having its fate determined by the sword. And he persuaded Pompeiusand his council to other determinations akin to these, neither toplunder any city that was subject to the Romans, nor to put to deathany Roman except on the field of battle; and he gained good opinionand brought over many to the side of Pompeius, who were pleased withhis moderation and mildness. 

LIV. Being sent to Asia to help those there who were collectingvessels and an army, he took with him his sister Servilia and heryoung child by Lucullus. For Servilia, who was now a widow, followedCato, and she removed much of the evil report about her licentiousconduct by voluntarily subjecting herself to the guardianship of Catoand his wanderings and mode of life. But Cæsar[740] did not spare hisabuse of Cato even with respect to Servilia. However as it seems thegenerals of Pompeius did not want the assistance of Cato at all; andafter persuading the Rhodians to join the side of Pompeius and leavingServilia and the child there, he returned to Pompeius, who had alreadya splendid military force and a naval power with him. Here indeedPompeius appeared most clearly to show his mind; for at first heintended to give to Cato the command of the ships, and the fightingvessels were not fewer than five hundred, and the Liburnian and spyships and open boats were very numerous: but having soon perceived, orit having been hinted to him by his friends, that it was the one chiefthing in all the policy of Cato to liberate his country, and that ifhe should have the command of so great a force, the very day on whichthey should defeat Cæsar, Cato would require Pompeius also to lay downhis arms and to follow the laws, he changed his mind though he hadalready spoken with him, and he appointed Bibulus commander of theships. Yet he found not Cato's zeal dulled by this; for it is toldthat when Pompeius was urging his troops to a battle before Dyrrachiumand bidding each of the commanders say something and to encourage themen, the soldiers heard them with listlessness and silence; but whenCato, after the rest, had gone through all the topics derived fromphilosophy that were suitable to the occasion to be said about libertyand virtue, and death and good fame, with great emotion on his part, and finally addressed himself to invoke the gods as being therepresent and watching over the struggle on behalf of their country, there was so loud an acclamation and so great a movement in the wholearmy thus excited, that all the commanders hastened to the contestfull of hopes. The soldiers of Pompeius routed and defeated the enemy, but the dæmon of Cæsar prevented the completion of the victory bytaking advantage of the caution of Pompeius and his want of confidencein his success. Now this is told in the Life of Pompeius. [741] Butwhile all were rejoicing and magnifying the victory, Cato wept for hiscountry and bewailed the love of power that brought destruction andmisfortune with it, when he saw that many brave citizens had fallen bythe hands of one another. 

LV. When Pompeius in order to pursue Cæsar broke up his camp to marchinto Thessaly, he left at Dyrrachium a great quantity of arms andstores, and many kinsmen and friends, and he appointed Cato commanderand guardian over all with fifteen cohorts, both because he trustedand feared the man. For if he were defeated, he considered that Catowould be his surest support; but that if he were victorious, Catowould not, if he were present, let him manage matters as he chose. Many men of rank also were left behind in Dyrrachium with Cato. Whenthe defeat at Pharsalus took place, Cato resolved that if Pompeiuswere dead, he would take over to Italy those who were with him, andhimself would live an exile as far from the tyranny as possible; butif Pompeius were alive, that he would by all means keep together theforce for him. Accordingly having crossed over to Cercyra, where thenavy was, he proposed to give up the command to Cicero, who was aconsular, while he was only of prætorian rank; but when Cicero wouldnot accept the command and set off for Italy, Cato observing thatPompeius[742] through his stubborn self-will and unreasonable temperwas desirous of punishing those who were sailing away, privatelyadmonished and pacified him, by which Cato manifestly saved Cicerofrom death and secured the safety of the rest. 

LVI. Conjecturing that Pompeius Magnus would make his escape to Egyptor to Libya, and being in haste to join him, Cato with all whom he hadabout him weighed anchor and set sail after permitting all those to goaway or stay behind who were not ready to accompany him. He reachedLibya, and coasting along he fell in with Sextus, [743] the younger sonof Pompeius, who reported to him his father's death in Egypt. Now theywere all much troubled, and no one after the death of Pompeius wouldobey any other commander while Cato was present. Wherefore Cato, outof respect to those who were with him, and because he had not heart todesert and leave in difficulties the brave men who had given proof oftheir fidelity, undertook the command and went along the coast till hecame to Cyrene; for the people received him though a few days beforethey had shut out Labienus. Upon hearing that Scipio, thefather-in-law of Pompeius, had been well received by King Juba, andthat Varus Attius, who had been appointed governor of Libya byPompeius, was with them with a force, he set out by land in the winterseason, having got together a number of asses to carry water, anddriving along with him a quantity of cattle, and also taking chariotsand the people called Psylli, [744] who cure the bites of serpents bysucking out the poison with their mouths, and deaden and soothe theserpents themselves by charming them with music. Though the march wasseven days in succession, Cato led at the head of his men withoutusing horse or beast of burden. And he continued to sup in a sittingposture from the day that he heard of the defeat at Pharsalus, and headded this further sign of his sorrow, never to lie down except whenhe was sleeping. Having spent the winter in Libya[745] he led forthhis army; and the men were near ten thousand. 

LVII. Matters were in bad plight between Scipio and Varus, for inconsequence of their disagreement and disunion they were secretlytrying to win the favour of Juba, [746] who was intolerable for thearrogance of his temper and his haughtiness by reason of his wealthand power. When he was going to have his first interview with Cato, Juba placed his seat between the seats of Scipio and Cato. However, when Cato observed it, he took up his seat and moved it to the otherside so as to leave Scipio in the middle, though Scipio was his enemy, and had published a certain writing which contained abuse of Cato. This, indeed, people make no account of; but they blame Cato that inSicily he placed Philostratus[747] in the middle, as he was walkingabout with him, to do honour to philosophy. On this occasion, however, he checked Juba, who had all but made Scipio and Varus his satraps, and he reconciled them. Though all invited Cato to the command, andScipio and Varus were the first to surrender and give it up to him, hesaid that he would not break the laws in defence of which they werefighting against him who broke them, nor would he place himself, whowas a proprætor, before a proconsul who was present. For Scipio hadbeen appointed proconsul, and the majority, on account of the name, had confidence that they should be successful, if a Scipio commandedin Libya. 

LVIII. However when Scipio[748] immediately on receiving the command, wished to please Juba by putting to death all the people of Utica whowere capable of bearing arms, and to dig down the city, because itfavoured Cæsar, Cato would not endure this, but with adjurations andloud cries in the council and by appealing to the gods he withdifficulty rescued the people from their cruelty; and partly at therequest of the citizens of Utica[749] and partly at the instance ofScipio, he undertook to keep guard in the city, that it should noteither involuntarily or voluntarily join Cæsar. For the place was inall respects advantageous, and defensible by those who held it; and itwas strengthened still more by Cato. For he brought abundance of corninto the city, and he strengthened the walls by raising towers, andmaking strong ditches and palisado-work in front of the city. To thepeople of Utica who were able to bear arms he assigned thepalisado-work as their quarter, and made them give up their arms tohim; but he kept the rest in the city, and took great care that theyshould not be wronged and should suffer no harm from the Romans. Healso sent out a great quantity of arms, supplies and grain to thosein camp, and altogether he made the city the storehouse for the war. But the advice which he gave Pompeius before, and gave Scipio then, not to fight with a man of a warlike turn and great ability, but totake advantage of time which wastes all the vigour wherein thestrength of tyranny lies, Scipio through self-will despised; and onone occasion he wrote to Cato upbraiding him with cowardice, in thathe was not content to sit down within a city and walls, but would noteven let others boldly use their own judgment as opportunity offered. To this Cato replied, that he was ready to take the legionary soldiersand horsemen whom he had brought into Libya, and carry them over toItaly, and so make Cæsar change his place and to turn him from them tohimself. And when Scipio mocked at this also, it was clear that Catowas much annoyed that he had declined the command, for he saw thatScipio would neither conduct the war well, nor, if he should succeedcontrary to expectation, would he behave with moderation to thecitizens in his victory. Accordingly Cato formed the opinion andmentioned it to some of his friends, that he had no good hopes of thewar on account of the inexperience and confidence of the commanders, but if there should be any good fortune, and Cæsar should be worsted, he would not stay in Rome, and would fly from the harshness andcruelty of Scipio, who was even then uttering dreadful and extravagantthreats against many. But it turned out worse than he expected; andlate in the evening there arrived a messenger from the camp who hadbeen three days on the road, with the news that a great battle hadbeen fought at Thapsus[750] in which their affairs were entirelyruined, that Cæsar was in possession of the camps, Scipio and Juba hadescaped with a few men, and the rest of the army was destroyed. 

LIX. On the arrival of this intelligence, the city, as was natural onthe receipt of such news by night and in time of war, nearly lost itsreason, and hardly contained itself within the walls; but Cato comingforward, whenever he met with any one running about and calling out, laid hold of him, and cheering him took away the excessive fright andconfusion of his alarm, by saying that matters perchance were not sobad as they had been reported, but were magnified by rumour; and so hestayed the tumult. At daybreak he made proclamation that the threehundred, whom he had as a Senate, and these were Romans, and werecarrying on business in Libya as merchants and money-lenders, shouldassemble at the temple of Jupiter, and also all the Roman senators whowere present and their sons. While they were still assembling, Catoadvanced, without hurry and with a tranquil countenance, as if nothingnew had happened, holding a book in his hand, which he was reading;and this was a register of the military engines, arms, corn, bows, andlegionary soldiers. When they had come together, beginning with thethree hundred, and commending at some length the zeal and fidelitywhich they had displayed in aiding with their means and persons andadvice, he exhorted them not to let their hopes be destroyed, and notseverally to provide for their flight or escape. For, he said, that ifthey would keep together, Cæsar would despise them less if they maderesistance, and would spare them more if they asked his mercy. And heurged them to deliberate about themselves, and that he would not findfault with their deciding either way, and if they should be disposedto turn to the fortunate side, he should attribute the change tonecessity; but if they preferred to oppose the danger and to undertakethe hazard in defence of liberty, he should not only commend them, butadmire their virtue, and make himself their commander andfellow-combatant, till they had tried the last fortune of theircountry, which was not Utica or Adrumetum only, but Rome, that hadoften by her might recovered from greater falls. And they had manygrounds for safety and security; and chief of all, that they werewarring against a man who was pulled in many directions by thecircumstances of the times, for Iberia had gone over to Pompeius theyoung, and Rome herself had not yet altogether received the bit forwant of being used to it, but was impatient of suffering and ready torise up collected upon every change, and danger was not a thing tofly from, but they should take as a pattern the enemy, who was notsparing of his life for accomplishing the greatest wrongs, and forwhom the uncertainty of the war had not the same result as for them, to whom it would bring the happiest life, if they were successful, andthe most glorious death if they failed. However, he said they ought todeliberate by themselves, and he joined them in praying that inconsideration of their former virtue and zeal what they resolved mightbe for the best. 

LX. When Cato had spoken to this effect, some of them indeed werebrought to confidence by his words; but the greater part seeing hisfearlessness and noble and generous temper, nearly forgot presentcircumstances, and considering him alone as an invincible leader andsuperior to all fortune, prayed him to use their persons and propertyand arms as he judged best, for they said it was better to die inobedience to him than to save their lives by betraying such virtue. Ona certain person observing that they should declare freedom to theslaves, and most of them assenting to this, Cato said he would not doso, for it was not lawful nor yet right; but if the masters were readyto give up their slaves, they should receive those who were ofmilitary age. Many offers were made, and Cato, after telling them toenrol every man who was willing, retired. Shortly after there came tohim letters from Juba and Scipio; from Juba, who was hid in a mountainwith a few men, asking him what he had resolved to do; and that ifCato left Utica he would wait for him, and if he stood a siege hewould come to aid him with an army; from Scipio, who was in a vesseloff a certain point not far from Utica, and waiting with the sameviews. 

LXI. Accordingly Cato determined to detain the letter-carriers till hehad confirmed the resolution of the three hundred. For the senatorswere zealous, and immediately manumitted their slaves, and set aboutarming them. But with respect to the three hundred, inasmuch as theywere men engaged in maritime affairs and money lending, and had thechief part of their substance in slaves, the words of Cato stood nolong time in them, but oozed out, just as bodies which have a greatdegree of rarity easily receive heat and again part with it, beingcooled when the fire is removed; in like manner Cato, while they sawhim, fanned the flame and warmed those men; but when they began toreflect by themselves, the fear of Cæsar drove out of them all regardto Cato and to honour. "Who are we, " said they, "and who is the manwhose commands we are refusing to obey? Is not this Cæsar, to whom thewhole power of the Romans has been transferred? and not one of us is aScipio, nor a Pompeius, nor a Cato. But at a time when all men byreason of fear are humbled in mind more than is fitting, at such atime shall we fight in defence of the liberty of the Romans, andcontend in Utica against a man before whom Cato with Pompeius Magnusfled and gave up Italy; and shall we manumit our slaves to opposeCæsar, we who have only as much freedom as he shall choose to give?No, even yet, miserable wretches, let us know our own weakness, anddeprecate the conqueror, and send persons to supplicate him. " This waswhat the most moderate among the three hundred recommended; but themajority were forming a design on the senatorial class, with the hopethat, if they seized them, they would pacify Cæsar's rage againstthemselves. 

LXII. Though Cato suspected the change, he took no notice of it. However he wrote to Scipio and Juba to tell them to keep away fromUtica, because he distrusted the three hundred, and he sent off theletter-carriers. But the horsemen who had escaped from the battle, nocontemptible number, riding up to Utica, sent to Cato three men, whodid not bring the same message from all; for one party was bent ongoing to Juba, another wished to join Cato, and a third was afraid ofentering Utica. Cato on hearing this ordered Marcus Rubrius to observethe three hundred and quietly to receive the registrations of thosewho manumitted their slaves without forcing any one; and himselftaking the senatorial men went out of Utica, and meeting with thecommanders of the cavalry he besought them not to betray so many Romansenators, nor to choose Juba for their commander in place of Cato butto secure their own safety and that of the rest by coming into a citywhich could not be taken by storm, and contained both corn and otherresources for many years. The senatorial men joined in this prayer andwept; and the commanders conferred with the cavalry, while Cato satdown on a mound with the senatorial men and waited for the answer. 

LXIII. In the meantime Rubrius came in a passion, charging the threehundred with great disorder and tumult, inasmuch, as they were fallingoff and disturbing the city. On which the rest, altogether despairing, fell to weeping and lamentation, but Cato attempted to cheer them, andsent to the three hundred and bade them wait. But the representativeson the part of the horsemen came with no reasonable requisitions: forthey said that they neither wanted Juba for their pay-master, nor werethey afraid of Cæsar if they had Cato to command them, but it was adangerous thing to shut themselves up with the citizens of Utica, whowere Phœnicians and an inconstant people; and if they should keepquiet now, they would set upon them and betray them, when Cæsar came. If then any man wanted their aid in war and their presence, he musteject or kill all the people of Utica, and then invite them into acity free from enemies and barbarians. Cato considered this to be anexcessively savage and barbarous proposal, but he answered mildly andsaid that he would consult with the three hundred. When he hadreturned into the city he found the men no longer making pretexts orevasions out of respect to him, but openly complaining that any oneshould force them to fight with Cæsar when they were neither able norwilling. Some even whispered with respect to the senatorial men, thatthey ought to keep them in the city, since Cæsar was near. Cato letthis pass as if he did not hear it, and indeed he was somewhat deaf;but when one came up to him and reported that the horsemen were goingaway, Cato, fearing that the three hundred might do somethingdesperate to the senatorial men, got up with his friends and set outwalking; but observing that they had already advanced some distance, he seized a horse and rode to them. The horsemen were glad to see himapproach, and received him and urged him to save himself with them. Then it is said that Cato even shed tears, beseeching on behalf of thesenatorial men and holding forth his hands, and turning back thehorses of some and laying hold of their arms, until he prevailed onthem to abide there for that day at least, and secure the senatorialmen in their flight. 

LXIV. When Cato arrived with the horsemen, and had posted some at thegates, and had delivered the citadel to others to watch, the threehundred, who were afraid that they should be punished for theirchange, sent to Cato and prayed him by all means to come to them. Butthe senatorial men crowding round him would not let him go, and theydeclared that they would not give up their guardian and saviour tofaithless men and traitors. For a most lively perception, as itappears, and affection and admiration of Cato's virtue had beenimplanted in all alike who were in Utica, inasmuch as nothing spuriousor deceitful was mingled with what he did. And as the man had longresolved to kill himself, he laboured with prodigious toil, and hadcare and pain on behalf of others, in order that after placing all insafety he might be released from life. For his resolution to die wasno secret, though he said nothing. Accordingly he complied with thewish of the three hundred after comforting the senatorial men, and hewent alone to the three hundred, who thanked him, and prayed him toemploy them and trust them in everything else, and if they are notCatos, and not capable of the lofty mind of Cato, he should have pityon their weakness; and as they had determined to supplicate Cæsar andto send to him, on Cato's behalf chiefly and for him first of all theywould prefer their prayer; and if they could not prevail on Cæsar, neither would they receive the grace if it were offered to themselves, but so long as they breathed would fight for him. In reply to thisCato commended their good intentions, but said that they ought fortheir own safety's sake to send quickly, and not to offer any petitionon his behalf, for entreaty belonged to the vanquished, anddeprecation of vengeance to those who were wrongdoers; that he had notonly been unvanquished all through life, but that he was victorious asfar as he chose to be, and had the superiority over Cæsar in thingshonourable and just, and that Cæsar was the party who was capturedand conquered; for what he used to deny that he was doing against hiscountry long ago, he was now convicted of and detected therein. 

LXV. Having thus spoken to the three hundred he went away, and hearingthat Cæsar at the head of all his army was already on his march, "Ha!"said he, "he considers that he has to deal with men;" and turning tothe senators he urged them not to delay, but to make their escapewhile the horsemen were still staying there. He also closed the gates, except one that led to the sea, where he assigned vessels to thoseunder his command and preserved order by stopping wrong-doing andsettling disturbances, and supplying with stores those who were illprovided. And when Marcus Octavius[751] with two legions had encampednear, and had sent a message to Cato, in which he called on Cato tocome to some terms with him about the command, Cato gave him noanswer, but he said to his friends, "Do we wonder why our affairs areruined, when we see that love of power abides among us even when weare in the midst of ruin?" In the mean time hearing that the horsemen, as they were leaving the city, were pillaging and plundering thepeople of Utica, as if their property was booty, Cato hurried to themas fast as he could run, and took the plunder from the first that hemet with, and the rest made haste to throw it away or set it down onthe ground, and all of them for very shame retired in silence and withdowncast looks. Cato having called together the people of Utica in thecity, entreated them not to irritate Cæsar against the three hundred, but to unite altogether to secure their safety. Then again betakinghimself to the sea he inspected the persons who were embarking, andall his friends and acquaintance whom he could persuade to go away, heembraced and accompanied to the shore. But he did not recommend hisson to take shipping, nor did he think it his duty to turn him fromhis purpose of sticking to his father. There was one Statyllius, inyears a young man, but one who aimed at being resolute in characterand an imitator of the indifference of Cato. This man Cato entreatedto embark, for he was notoriously a hater of Cæsar; and-when he wouldnot go, Cato looking on Apollonides the Stoic and Demetrius thePeripatetic said--"It is your business to soften this stubborn man andto fashion him to his own interests. " But Cato himself was busied allthe night and the greatest part of the following day in assisting therest in making their escape and helping those who wanted his aid. 

LXVI. When Lucius Caæsar, [752] who was a kinsman of Cæsar, and aboutto go to him as ambassador on behalf of the three hundred, urged Catoto help him in devising some plausible speech which he should employon behalf of the three hundred, "for on thy behalf, " he continued, "itis becoming for me to touch the hands and to fall down at the knees ofCæsar, " Cato would not allow him to do this, and said, "For my part, if I wished to save my life by Cæsar's favour, I ought to go to himmyself. But I do not choose to thank a tyrant for his illegal acts;and he acts illegally in sparing as master those whom he has no rightto lord it over. However, if you please, let us consider how you shallget pardon for the three hundred. " After talking with Lucius on thismatter he presented his son and his friends to him as he wasdeparting, and after accompanying him some distance and taking leaveof him he returned home, and then calling together his son and hisfriends he spoke on many subjects, among which he forbade his son tomeddle in political matters, for, he said, circumstances no longerallowed him to act as befitted a Cato, and to act otherwise was base. At evening he went to the bath. While he was bathing, he rememberedStatyllius, and calling out aloud he said, "Apollonides, have you sentStatyllius away, and brought him down from his stubborn temper, andhas the man gone without even taking leave of us?" "By no means, "replied Apollonides, "though we said much to him, but he is lofty andimmovable and says he will stay and do whatever you do. " On this theysay that Cato smiled and replied, "Well, this will soon be shown. "

LXVII. After taking the bath he supped in much company, still sittingas his fashion had been since the battle, for he never reclined exceptwhen he was sleeping; and there were at supper with him all hisfriends and the magistrates of Utica. After supper the drinking wenton with much gaiety and enjoyment, one philosophical subject afteranother taking its turn, till at last the enquiry came round to theso-called paradoxes of the Stoics, that the good man alone is free, and that all the bad are slaves. Hereupon the Peripatetic makingobjections, as one might expect, Cato broke in with great vehemence, and with a loud tone and harsh voice maintained his discourse at greatlength, and displayed wonderful energy, so that no one failed toobserve that he had resolved to end his life and relieve himself frompresent troubles. Wherefore as there was silence and depression ofspirits among all the company, after he had done speaking, with theview of cheering them up and diverting their suspicions, Cato againbegun to put questions and to express anxiety about the state ofaffairs, and his fears for those who had sailed away, and also forthose who were going through a waterless and barbarian desert. 

LXVIII. At the end of the entertainment he took his usual walk withhis friends after supper, and after giving the officers of the watchthe proper orders, he retired to his chamber, but he first embracedhis son and his friends with more than his usual expression ofkindness, which again made them suspect what was going to happen. Onentering his chamber and lying down he took Plato's dialogue on theSoul, [753] and when he had gone through the greater part of it, helooked up over his head, and not seeing his sword hanging there, forhis son had caused it to be taken away while he was at supper, hecalled a slave and asked who had taken his sword. The slave made noanswer and Cato was again at the book, but after a short interval, asif he were in no haste or hurry, and was merely looking for his sword, he bade the slave bring it. As there was some delay and nobody broughtit, after having read the dialogue through he again called his slavesone by one, and raising his voice demanded his sword; and striking themouth of one of them with his fist he bruised his hand, being in agreat passion and calling out aloud that he was surrendereddefenceless to the enemy by his son and his slaves, till at last hisson ran in weeping with his friends, and embracing him fell tolamentations and entreaties. But Cato rising up looked sternly andsaid, "When and where have I been proved, and without knowing it, tohave lost my reason, that no one instructs me or teaches me in thematters wherein I am judged to have determined ill, but I am hinderedfrom using my own reasonings and am deprived of my weapons? Why don'tyou put your father in chains also, generous son, and his hands behindhis back, till Cæsar shall come and find me unable even to defendmyself? For I need not a sword to kill myself, when it is in my powerto die by holding my breath for a short time and giving my head asingle blow against the wall. "

LXIX. As he said this the youth went out weeping, and all the rest, except Demetrius and Apollonides, to whom when they were left bythemselves Cato begun to speak in milder terms, and said, "I supposeyou too have resolved by force to keep alive a man of my age and tosit here in silence and to watch him, or are you come to prove that itis neither a shocking nor a shameful thing for Cato, when he has noother way to save his life, to wait for mercy from his enemy? Why thendo you not speak and convince me of this and teach me a new doctrine, that we may cast away those former opinions and reasons in which welived together, and being made wiser through Cæsar owe him the greaterthanks for it? And yet for my part I have come to no resolve aboutmyself, but it is necessary that when I have resolved I have power todo what I have determined. And I will deliberate in a manner togetherwith you, deliberating with the reasons which even you in yourphilosophy follow. Go away then in good heart and tell my son not toforce his father when he cannot persuade him. "

LXX. Upon this Demetrius and Apollonides without making any replyretired weeping. The sword was sent in by a child, and when Catoreceived it he drew it and looked at it. Seeing that the point wasentire and the edge preserved, he said, "Now I am my own master, " andlaying the sword down, he began reading the book again, and he is saidto have read it through twice. [754] He then fell into so sound a sleepthat those who were outside the chamber were aware of it, and aboutmidnight he called his freedmen Cleanthes the physician and Butas whomhe employed chief of all in public matters. He sent Butas to the seato examine if all had set sail and to report to him, and he presentedhis hand to the physician to tie it up, as it was inflamed from theblow which he gave the slave. And this made them all more cheerful, for they thought that Cato was inclined to live. In a little timeButas came and reported that all had set sail except Crassus, [755] whowas detained by some business, and that even he was now all but onboard, and that a violent storm and wind prevailed at sea. Catohearing this groaned for pity of those who were at sea and he sentButas again to the sea, to learn if any one were driven back andwaited any necessaries, and to let him know. And now the birds werebeginning to sing, [756] and he sank asleep again for a while. WhenButas had returned and reported that all was quiet about the ports, Cato, bidding him close the door, threw himself on the bed as if hewere going to sleep for the rest of the night. When Butas had goneout, he drew the sword and thrust it beneath his chest, but as he usedhis hand with less effect owing to the inflammation, he did notimmediately despatch himself, and having some difficulty in dying hefell from the bed and made a noise by overturning a little abacus ofthe geometrical kind that stood by, which his attendants perceivingcalled out and his son and his friends immediately ran in. Seeing himsmeared with blood and the greater part of his bowels protruding, though he was still alive and his eyes were open, they were alldreadfully alarmed, and the physician going up to him attempted toreplace his bowels, which remained uninjured, and to sew up the wound. But when Cato recovered and saw this, he pushed the physician away, and tearing the bowels with his hands and at the same time rending thewound he died. [757] LXXI. In a space of time which one would not havethought enough for all in the house to have heard of the event, therewere present at the door the three hundred, and soon after the peopleof Utica were assembled, with one voice calling Cato benefactor andsaviour and the only free man, the only unvanquished. And this theydid though it was told that Cæsar was advancing; but neither fear norsubserviency towards the conqueror nor their mutual differences andquarrels dulled them towards doing honour to Cato. They decorated thebody in splendid style, and made a pompous procession and interred himnear the sea, where a statue of him now stands with a sword in hishand, and then they began to think how they should save themselves andtheir city. 

LXXII. Cæsar hearing from those who came to him that Cato was stayingin Utica and not flying away, and that he was sending off the rest, while himself and his companions and his son were fearlessly goingabout, thought it difficult to ascertain the intentions of the man, but as he made most account of him he advanced with his force by quickmarches. When he heard of his death, it is reported that he said this, "Cato, I grudge thee thy death, for thou hast grudged me thy safety. "For in fact if Cato had submitted to receive his life from Cæsar, hewould not have been considered to have lowered his own fame so much asto have added to the splendour of Cæsar's. What would have been doneis uncertain, but with respect to Cæsar the milder measures are moreprobable. 

LXXIII. When Cato died he was fifty[758] years of age save two. Hisson[759] received no harm from Cæsar, but he is said to have been fondof pleasure and not free from blame with regard to women. InCappadocia he had as his host Marphadates, one of the royal family, who possessed a handsome wife, and as Cato stayed longer with themthan was decent, he was satirized in such terms as these:

 "To-morrow Cato goes away, to-morrow thirty days. "

And:

 "Porcius and Marphadates, friends are two, but Psyche one. "

For the wife of Marphadates was named Psyche (Soul). And again:

 "Of noble blood and splendid fame, Cato has a royal Soul. "

But he blotted out and destroyed all such ill report by his death; forwhile fighting at Philippi against Cæsar and Antonius in defence ofliberty, and the line was giving way, not deigning either to fly or tosecrete himself, but challenging the enemy and showing himself infront of them and cheering on those who kept the ground with him hefell after exhibiting to his adversaries prodigies of valour. Andstill more, the daughter of Cato being inferior neither in virtue norcourage (for she was the wife of Brutus who killed Cæsar) was bothprivy to the conspiracy and parted with life in a manner worthy of hernoble birth and merit, as is told in the Life of Brutus. Statyllius, who said that he would follow Cato's example, was prevented indeed atthe time by the philosophers, though he wished to kill himself, butafterwards he showed himself most faithful to Brutus and mostserviceable at Philippi, and there he died. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 653: Cato was a cognomen of the Porcia Gens, which wasPlebeian. The name Cato was first given to M. Porcius Cato Censorius, who was consul B. C. 195 and censor B. C. 184. The father of the Catowhose life is here written was M. Porcius Cato, a Tribunus Plebis, whomarried Livia, a sister of the tribune M. Livius Drusus. This Cato, the tribune, was the son of M. Porcius Cato Salonianus, who was theson of Cato the Censor. Cato the Censor was therefore thegreat-grandfather of the Cato whose life is here written. See the_Life of Cato the Censor_ by Plutarch, c. 24. 97. This Cato was bornB. C. 95. ]

[Footnote 654: The text of Plutarch says that Livius Drusus was theuncle of Cato's mother, but this is a mistake, and accordinglyXylander proposed to read [Greek: theio men onti pros tês mêtros] θείομὲν ὄντι πρὸς τῆς μητρός. But Sintenis supposes that Plutarch may havemisunderstood the Roman expression "avunculus maternus. " Cato's fatherhad by his wife Livia a daughter Porcia, who married J. DomitiusAhenobarbus. Livia's second husband was Q. Servilius Cæpio, by whomshe had a son Q. Servilius Cæpio, whom Plutarch calls Cato's brother, and two daughters, named Servilia, one of whom married M. JuniusBrutus, the father of the Brutus who was one of Cæsar's assassins, andthe other married L. Licinius Lucullus (Life of Lucullus. C. 38). ]

[Footnote 655: The word is [Greek: anamnêstikous] ἀναμνηστικούς. Themeaning of Plutarch is perhaps not quite clear. See the note inSchaefer's edition. ]

[Footnote 656: These were the Roman Socii, or Italian states, whichwere in a kind of alliance with and subordination to Rome. They had tofurnish troops for the wars, and to share the burdens of the RomanState in return for which they claimed the citizenship (Life ofMarius, c. 32). ]

[Footnote 657: Or Silo (Life of Marius, c. 33). ]

[Footnote 658: There is obviously an error here in Plutarch's text, asSintenis observes. The real meaning of what Pompædius said appearsfrom the context, and from a passage of Valerius Maximus (3. 1, 2), who tells the same story. ]

[Footnote 659: This sham fight was according to an old traditionestablished by Æneas. It is described by Virgil, _Æneid_, v. 553, &c. See Tacitus, _Annal. _ xi. 11; and Dion Cassius, 43. C. 23, and 49. C. 43. These games (ludi) were also celebrated under the early Emperors. ]

[Footnote 660: The text is literally "a place for the impious, " not_the_ place. But Plutarch may allude to the tortures of the wicked inthe regions below, according to the popular notions. ]

[Footnote 661: The possession of a priestly office by a person whoalso discharged the functions of civil life was common among theRomans. The effect of this political institution was more extensivethan at first sight may appear, but the examination of such a questionbelongs, as Plutarch sometimes observes, to another place. ]

[Footnote 662: He is mentioned by Cicero (_De Offic. _ ii. 24), butsome suppose that there were two Tyrian philosophers of that name. ]

[Footnote 663: See Plutarch's Life of Cato the Censor, c. 19. This, the first Roman Basilica, was erected B. C. 182 (Livy, 39. C. 44). Abasilica was a place for law business and the meeting of traders andthe like. ]

[Footnote 664: The highest cast with four dice of six sides wastwenty-four points, and it was called Venus. The lowest cast was fourpoints, and it was called Canis. This is one explanation. But theVenus is also explained to be the throw which resulted in all the diceturning up with different faces. See the notes in Burmann's edition ofSuetonius, _Octav. Augustus_, c. 71. It is said that sometimes theyplayed with four-sided dice, sometimes with six-sided. The subject issomewhat obscure, and the investigation not suited to all people. ]

[Footnote 665: Probably C. Memmius Gemellus, tribune of the Plebs, B. C. 66. See the Life of Lucullus, c. 37. ]

[Footnote 666: This was Q. Cæcilius Metellus Pius Scipio, the son ofP. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, prætor B. C. 94. He was the adopted son ofQ. Metellus Pius, consul B. C. 80, who is mentioned in the Life ofSulla, c. 28. This rival of Cato was the Metellus who was defeated byCæsar at the battle of Thapsus, and is often mentioned in this Life. It is not said what legal process Cato could have instituted for theloss of his promised marriage. ]

[Footnote 667: This Greek poet, who was probably born about the closeof the eighth century B. C. At Paros, was noted for his biting Iambics, which became proverbial. 

 "Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo. "

HORAT. _Ars Poet. _, v. 79. ]

[Footnote 668: This was of course a gentile name. The name Soranusshould be Seranus or Serranus. ]

[Footnote 669: C. Lælius, the friend of the elder Scipio Africanus, isprobably meant. ]

[Footnote 670: The history of this insurrection of Spartacus is toldin the Life of Crassus, c. 8, &c. As to Gellius, see the Life ofCrassus, c. 9. ]

[Footnote 671: Nomenclators, literally, "persons who called oraddressed others by name, " were slaves and sometimes perhaps otherpersons, whose business it was to know every man's name, to attend acandidate in his canvass, and to inform him of the names of those whomhe was going to address, in order that he might appear to beacquainted with them; for in accordance with a feeling, which all menhave in some degree, a desire to be known, a voter was pleased to findhimself addressed by a candidate as if his face and name werefamiliar. This kind of notice from people who are above another inrank and station is peculiarly gratifying to those who are consciousthat they have no real merit, and the pleasure which such attentiongives to those who receive it is the exact measure of their own realopinion of their insignificance. I say their real opinion, for suchpersons have a true opinion of themselves, though they attempt toconceal it from themselves, and also to conceal it from others, inneither of which attempts are they quite successful. It makes nodifference if a man knows that the great man who affects to know himreally does not know him, for he knows that the great man does notknow everybody and cares for very few; but the mere pretence ofknowing, the mere show of knowing and recognising, which the great manassumes, he is willing to take for what he knows that it is not, amark of respect; and mainly, that others, as he hopes, may be deceivedby the false appearance, and take him to be what he knows that he isnot. 

Cato's tribuneship was a military tribuneship (tribunus militum). ]

[Footnote 672: He was a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, and at the timeof Cato's visit to him he had the care of the library at Pergamus. Strabo (p. 674, ed. Casaub. ) says that he died in Cato's house atRome. ]

[Footnote 673: Ænus was a small town at the mouth of the river Hebrus, now the Maritza. The island of Thasos, now Thaso, contains marble. Themonument was a costly memorial, if the Attic talent was meant, whichwe must presume. Talents of silver are of course intended. ]

[Footnote 674: The allusion is to the Anticato of Cæsar (Life ofCæsar, c. 54). How the matter really was, no one can tell; but such astory is not likely to be a pure invention. ]

[Footnote 675: He is mentioned as being an old man in B. C. 54 (Life ofCrassus c. 17). Deiotarus was a friend of the Romans in their Asiaticwars against Mithridates, and the senate conferred on him the title ofking. He knew what kind of people he had to deal with when he showedsuch attention to Cato's train (c. 15). His history is closelyconnected with that of Cæsar, and of Cicero, who made a speech in hisdefence before Cæsar at Rome B. C. 45 (Pro Rege Deiotaro). ]

[Footnote 676: The story about Demetrius, the contemptible favouriteof Pompeius, is told by Plutarch in his Life of Pompeius, c. 40. Plutarch makes the visit to Asia precede Cato's quæstorship, uponwhich see the remarks of Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, v. 157. Thenarration of Plutarch is evidently confused as will appear from thefourteenth and fifteenth chapters. ]

[Footnote 677: Either C. Scribonius Curio who was consul B. C. 76, orhis son the tribune, an adherent of Cæsar; but probably the father ismeant. ]

[Footnote 678: See the Life of Marius, c. 17. ]

[Footnote 679: Cato's quæstorship was in the year B. C. 65. ]

[Footnote 680: Lutatius Catulus, censor B. C. 65, was the son ofCatulus who with Marius defeated the Cimbri at Vercellæ B. C. 101. (Life of Marius, c. 25. )]

[Footnote 681: This pasange, which has been supposed by sometranslators to mean that Catulus ran the risk of being degraded fromhis office, is correctly translated and explained by Kaltwasser. Catohinted that the officers of the Court would turn Catulus out, if hecontinued to act as he did. Plutarch has told the same story in histreatise [Greek: peri dusopias] περὶ δυσοπίας, _De Vitioso Pudore_ c. 13, to which Kaltwasser refers. ]

[Footnote 682: He may be C. Claudius Marcellus afterwards consul B. C. 50, or his cousin of the same name who was consul B. C. 49. ]

[Footnote 683: The parentage of Terentia, Cicero's wife, is unknown. The mother of Terentia must have married a Fabius, by whom she hadthis Fabia, the half sister of Terentia. Fabia was a woman of rank. Though a vestal virgin, she did not escape scandal, for she was triedB. C. 73 for sexual intercourse with Catilina: Fabia was acquitted(Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, v. 392). 

There is a mistake in the text: "charges" (p. 25) is a misprint, andshould be "changes;" in place of "Cicero's wide, he was in greatdanger, but he involved Clodius, " it should be "Cicero's wife, and shewas in great danger, he involved Clodius. "

Therefore in place of "he was, " line 10 from bottom, read "and shewas;" and in the same line omit "but. " In line 13 from the bottom read"changes" for "charges. "]

[Footnote 684: Probably the name is corrupted. The expression isattributed to Cato, in the Life of Lucullus, c. 40. ]

[Footnote 685: Q. Metellus Nepos was serving under Pompeius in Asia inB. C. 64. He came to Rome in B. C. 63 to be a candidate for thetribuneship. ]

[Footnote 686: D. Junius Silanus, who was consul with Licinius Murena, B. C. 62, was now the husbaud of Servilia, who had been the wife of D. Junius Brutus. ]

[Footnote 687: He was the son of L. Licinius Murena, who served underSulla in Greece. The son served under his father in B. C. 83 againstMithridates. After the consular election in B. C. 63 he was prosecutedfor bribery (ambitus). Cicero's speech in defence of Murena isextant. ]

[Footnote 688: The affair of Catiline is spoken of in the Life ofCæsar, c. 17, and in the Life of Cicero, c. 10, &c. ]

[Footnote 689: This Servilia was now the wife of Silanus the consul. Lucullus the husband of the other Servilia had his triumph in the yearof Cicero's consulship B. C. 63 (Life of Lucullus, c. 37). He wasprobably the husband of Servilia at this time. ]

[Footnote 690: Short-hand writers were called by the Romans "actuarii"and "notarii, " of which last word Plutarch's word ([Greek:sêmeiographoi] σημειόγραφοι) is a translation. It is not likely thatshort-hand writing was invented for the occasion, as Plutarch says. Under the empire short-hand writers are often mentioned. ]

[Footnote 691: L. Marcius Philippus, consul in B. C. 56 with Cn. Cornelius Lentulus. ]

[Footnote 692: L. Thrasea Pætus, a Latin writer, a native of Padua, who was put to death by Nero (Tacitus, _Annal. _ xvi. 34, 25). Hisauthority for the Life of Cato was, as it appears, Munatius Rufus, whoaccompanied Cato to Cyprus (c. 37). ]

[Footnote 693: Quintus Hortensius was consul B. C. 69, a distinguishedorator and a man of refined and luxurious habits. Bibulus is M. Calpurnius Bibulus, the colleague of Cæsar in his consulship B. C. 59. He had three sons by Porcia, Cato's daughter by Atilia. 

This transfer of Marcia is oddly told by Plutarch. It was not a merecase of lending the woman for the purpose of procreation, for thechild of Hortensius could not be his legal child, unless Marcia becamehis legal wife. Cato must accordingly have divorced his wife, whichwas done at Rome without any trouble. The only thing then that ispeculiar in the affair is, that Cato did not divorce his wife becausehe was dissatisfied with her on good grounds, nor for such grounds asCicero divorced his wife, but for the reason mentioned in the text. Marcia continued to be the wife of Hortensius till his death. Themarriage with Hortensius probably took place about B. C. 56. 

This affair has caused the critics much difficulty. But as we mayassume that Hortensius wished to have a child that would be his own, which is in fact Plutarch's statement, and one that would be in hispaternal power, he must have married Marcia, and Cato must havedivorced her in proper form. The fact of Philippus giving his daughteraway shows that she was then at his disposal. Cato married her again, and his conduct proved that he trusted her. The notion of Cato lendinghis wife would have been as inconsistent with legal principle andmorality in Rome as such a transaction would be in England. ]

[Footnote 694: Compare the Life of Cæsar, c. 8. ]

[Footnote 695: Pompeius was now in Asia. See the Life of Pompeius, c. 42, 43. ]

[Footnote 696: Castor and Pollux. See the Life of Tiberius Gracchus, c. 2. The temple was on the south side of the Forum Romanum. The stepsare those which led to the Rostra. ]

[Footnote 697: This is the translation of the reading [Greek:oikothen] οίκοθεν, which is probably incorrect. Solanus proposes[Greek: autothen] αὐτόθεν, and Kaltwasser proposes [Greek: apothen]ἀπόθεν, "from a distance, " which he has adopted in his version, "undliess die bewaffneten, die _von fern_ standen, mit furchbarem Geschre*anrücken. "]

[Footnote 698: Lucullus returned B. C. 66. He triumphed B. C. 63. Seethe Life of Lucullus, c. 37. Plutarch has here confused the order ofevents. Kaltwasser translates this passage as if Lucullus had returnedto Rome after Metellus left it in B. C. 62. ]

[Footnote 699: He returned B. C. 62. The consuls who were elected forthe year B. C. 61, were M. Pupius Piso, who had been a legatus ofPompeius in Asia, and M. Valerius Messalla. See the Life of Pompeius, c. 44. ]

[Footnote 700: Probably Munatius Rufus, who is mentioned again in c. 36. Drumann (_Porcii_, p. 162) says it was Munatius Plancus. ]

[Footnote 701: This was in B. C. 61, at the election of the consuls L. Afranius and Q. Cæcilius Metellus Celer, the consuls of B. C. 60. Seethe Life of Pompeius, c. 44. ]

[Footnote 702: Cæsar returned B. C. 60, and was consul B. C. 59. See theLife of Cæsar, c. 13, 14, for the events alluded to in this 31stchapter; and the Life of Pompeius, c. 47. ]

[Footnote 703: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 14. ]

[Footnote 704: Numidicus. The story is told in the Life of Marius, c. 29. The matters referred to in this and the following chapter are toldcircumstantially by Dion Cassius (38, c. 1-7). See Life of Cæsar, c. 14. ]

[Footnote 705: L. Calpurnius Piso, the father of Calpurnia the wife ofCæsar, and Aulus Gabinius were consuls B. C. 58. Aulus Gabinius, whenTribunus Plebis B. C. 67, proposed the law which gave Pompeius thecommand against the pirates. The meaning of the obscure allusion atthe end of the chapter, which is literally rendered, may be collectedfrom the context; and still more plainly from the abuse which Ciceroheaps on Gabinius for his dissolute life after he had been banished inthe consulship of Gabinius (Drumann, _Gabinii_, p. 60). ]

[Footnote 706: This Ptolemæus, the brother of Ptolemæus Auletes, Kingof Egypt, was now in possession of Cyprus, and the mission of Cato, which could not be to his taste, was to take possession of the islandfor the Romans. When Clodius had been made prisoner by the piratesnine years before, Ptolemæus was asked to contribute to his ransom buthe only sent two talents, for which ill-timed saving he was mulcted inhis whole kingdom by this unprincipled tribune (Drumann, _Claudii_, p. 263). ]

[Footnote 707: He is called Caninius in the Life of Brutus, c. 3. ]

[Footnote 708: The feeble king had not spirit to attempt a resistance, which indeed would have been useless. He put an end to himself bypoison (c. 36), and the Romans took the island. A more unjustifiableact of aggression than the occupation of Cyprus, hardly occurs even inthe history of Rome. ]

[Footnote 709: The priesthood of such temples as Paphos was a valuablething. These temples had lands and slaves. ]

[Footnote 710: This was Auletes, the father of Cleopatra. He wasrestored to his kingdom by A. Gabinius B. C. 55, while he was governorof Syria. ]

[Footnote 711: This is the meaning of the passage. The interview wasludicrous enough, but Dacier makes it still more so, by seating Catoon a close-stool; and Kind and Schirach, two German translators, makehim receive the king in the same way (Kaltwasser's note). ]

[Footnote 712: This was M. Junius Brutus, afterwards Cæsar's friendand assassin. Cato could not have found a better man for his purpose;at least for laying his hands on all that came in his way. Brutus tookthe opportunity of helping himself to some of the plunder in hisuncle's absence. At a later time he had large sums out at interest inCyprus and partly in other persons' names. He was a merciless usurer. (Cicero, _Ad Attic. _, v. 18 and 21; vi. 21; and the Life of Cicero, c. 36, notes. )]

[Footnote 713: Plutarch explains in a general way what is meant. TheRoman word "pignus, " which Plutarch translates by [Greek: enechyra]ἐνέχυρα, means a thing pawned and delivered as a security to thepawnee. To take pledges, "pignora capere, " was to seize something thatbelonged to a man in order to compel the discharge of a duty. It waslike a distress for a service. Instances occur in Livy (3. C. 38, 37. C. 51; Cicero, _De Oratore_, 3. C. 1). ]

[Footnote 714: The Greek nominative would be Barcas. The name does notappear to be Roman and is probably corrupted. Bursa is a Roman name. See c. 48. ]

[Footnote 715: There is no suspicion that Cato got anything forhimself. He was above that. He honestly discharged his dishonestmission. ]

[Footnote 716: This was a port of Corinth on the east side of theIsthmus. ]

[Footnote 717: The amazement of the people at the quantity of theplunder, and the thanks of the Senate for the faithful discharge oftheir order to pillage, might seem regular enough if it had been bootygotten in war. But the robbery was not gilded with this false show. Itwas pure, simple robbery without the accessories of war. ]

[Footnote 718: This means a prætorship before the age at which a mancould regularly hold the office. Cato returned from Cyprus in B. C. 56. He was now thirty-eight years of age, for he died B. C. 46, when he wasforty-eight. ]

[Footnote 719: The order of the words in the original makes themeaning appear somewhat ambiguous. The passage might be translated, asit is by Dacier, "for the colleague of Philippus paid no less respectto Cato on account of his merit, than Philippus did on account of hisrelationship. "]

[Footnote 720: Cicero returned from exile B. C. 57, in the month ofSeptember of the unreformed calendar. ]

[Footnote 721: This was the meeting at Luca in B. C. 56. See the Lifeof Pompeius, c. 51; and the Life of Cæsar, c. 21. ]

[Footnote 722: This was the second consulship of each, and was in B. C. 55. Cato lost the prætorship, and Vatinius was elected instead of him(Dion Cassius (39, c. 32). ]

[Footnote 723: As to Caius Trebonius, see the Life of Pompeius, c. 52. ]

[Footnote 724: One would suppose that a less time would have been morethan enough, though not for Cato. Dion Cassius (39. C. 31) says thatFavonius spoke for an hour before Cato did, and took up all the timein complaining of the shortness of his allowance. It would be a fairinference that he had little to say against the measure itself. ]

[Footnote 725: Dion Cassius (39. C. 35) tells us more particularly howit happened that P. Aquilius Gallus was in the senate house. Galluswas afraid that he should be excluded from the Forum the next day, andaccordingly he passed the night in the senate house, both for safety'ssake and to be ready on the spot in the morning. But Trebonius, whofound it out, kept him shut up for that night and the greater part ofthe following day. ]

[Footnote 726: Cato was prætor in B. C. 54. It does not appear that heever was prætor before, and it is not therefore clear what is meant bythe "extraordinary prætorship" (c. 39). In place of the word "Rostra, "in the fifth line of this chapter, read "tribunal. " Plutarch uses thesame word ([Greek: bêma] βῆμα) for both, which circumstance iscalculated occasionally to cause a translator to make a slip, evenwhen he knows better. The "tribunal" was the seat of the prætor, whenhe was doing justice. But lower down (line 8 from the bottom) Rostrais the proper translation of Plutarch's word ([Greek: epilabesthai tônembolon] ἐπιλαβέσθαι τῶν ἐμβόλον) and it was the place from which Catospoke, after he had got up. In c. 43, when Cato gets up to speak, Plutarch makes him mount the Bema ([Greek: bêma] βῆμα), by which hemeans the place when the orators stood at the Rostra. The Rostra werethe beaks of the Antiate galleys, with which, it is said, this placewas ornamented at the close of the Latin war (Livy, 8, c. 14). ]

[Footnote 727: The reason according to Plutarch why people envy theman who has a high reputation for integrity, is because of the powerand credit which it gives. Whatever then gives power and credit shouldbe also an object of envy, as wealth; and so it is. The notion of envyimplies a desire to see the person who is the object of it humbled andcast down. The Greeks attributed this feeling to their gods, wholooked with an evil eye on great prosperity, and loved to humble it. But the feeling of envy, if that is the right term, towards him whohas power and credit by reason of his high character for integrity, isnot the same feeling as envy of the wealthy man. The envious of wealthdesire to have the wealth both for itself and for its uses. Theenvious of character desire to have the opinion of the character, because of the profit that is from it, but they may not desire to havethat which is the foundation of the character. If they did, theirdesire would be for virtue, and the envious feeling would not exist. Courage and wisdom are less objects of envy than good character orwealth, and perhaps, because most men feel that they are not capableof having the one or the other. The notion of envy implies that theperson has, or thinks he has, the same capability as another who hassomething which he has not. A man who is not a painter does not envy agreat painter; a man who is a painter may envy a great painter. Themass may admire the honest man who is of higher rank than themselves, even if they have no regard for honesty; but they do not envy; theywonder as at something which is above them. But if the honest man isof their own station in life, and has a character of integrity, theymay envy him for his superiority. It appears that if there is a numberof people who are generally on a footing of equality, any superioritywhich one may acquire over the rest, makes him an object of envy. Ifhigh character for integrity brings power and credit with it, theremust be some persons with whom the power and the credit prevail, butthese are the persons who are farthest removed from rivalry with himwho has the credit. Those who are nearer to him are the persons whoenvy, who feel that the superiority of one man makes theirinferiority. Plutarch assumes the existence of a class who love thejust and give them credit, and of a class who envy them; but the twoclasses of persons are not the same. ]

[Footnote 728: This name recurs in the Symposium and Phædon of Plato. The second sentence in this chapter is very corrupt in the original, and the translation is merely a guess at the meaning. Favonius wasædile in B. C. 53 (Dion Cassius, 40. C. 45). ]

[Footnote 729: Some apology is necessary for translating "pears "([Greek: apious] ἀπίους, in the original said to mean "pears") into"parsley. " The context shows clearly enough that pears are not meant. Kaltwasser has made the "pears" into "celery, " and there is just asgood reason for making "parsley" of them. Plutarch may havemisunderstood the Roman word "apium" or confounded it with the Greek. ]

[Footnote 730: Scipio was the father-in-law of Cornelia, the last wifeof Pompeius (Life of Pompeius, c. 55). As to P. Plautus Hypsæus, seethe Life of Pompeius, c. 55. Titus Annius Milo afterwards killedClodius, and Cicero defended him on his trial (Life of Cicero, c. 35). ]

[Footnote 731: Pompeius was sole consul B. C. 53, for seven months, after which he had his father-in-law Scipio as his colleague. ]

[Footnote 732: T. Munatius Plancus Bursa was a tribune in B. C. 52. When Clodius was killed by Milo, the populace, who loved Clodius, tookthe dead body into the Curia Hostilia, at the instigation of Bursa andhis colleague Rufus, and making a pile of the benches, burnt the bodyand the Curia with it (Dion Cassius, 40. C. 49, 55). Bursa was triedfor his share in this matter and convicted, to the great joy ofCicero, who was his accuser. Cicero speaks of this affair in a letterto Marius (_Ad Diversos_, vii. 2). ]

[Footnote 733: Servius Sulpicius Rufus, a friend of Cicero, who hasrecorded his great talents, and a distinguished Jurist. He was consulin B. C. 51 with M. Claudius Marcellus. ]

[Footnote 734: Kaltwasser refers to the Life of Cæsar, c. 22, for anexplanation of the first part of this chapter; and to the Life ofCæsar, c. 29, and to that of Pompeius, c. 58, for the transactionswhich are mentioned in the latter part of this chapter. ]

[Footnote 735: Cæsar took Ariminum (Rimini) in B. C. 49. See the Lifeof Cæsar, c. 33, and the Life of Pompeius, c. 60. ]

[Footnote 736: In South Italy, now Calabria Ultra. This Munatius wasprobably Munatius Rufus. ]

[Footnote 737: In Cæsar's Anticato, which has often been mentioned. Itseems that Cæsar raked up all that he could in Cato's life that wasagainst him, and this affair of Marcia furnished him with plausiblematter. Hortensius died B. C. 50. Drumann remarks (_Porcii_, p. 198), "that she lived, after the year 56, in which she reconciled Cato withMunatius Rufus, with the consent of Cato, with Hortensius, after whosedeath in the year 50 she returned into her former relation, " that is, she became again the wife of Cato. If so, Cato must have married heragain (see note, c. 25), as Plutarch says that he did. Drumann speaksas if Cato had a reversion of her, which became an estate inpossession after the estate of Hortensius was determined by herdeath. ]

[Footnote 738: The quotation is from the Hercules [Greek: Heraklêsmainomenos] Ἡρακλῆς μαινόμενος of Euripides (v. 173), one of theextant plays. ]

[Footnote 739: See Life of Cæsar, c. 72. ]

[Footnote 740: Another allusion to the Anticato. It is difficult tosee what probable charge Cæsar could make of this circumstance. Themeaning of Plutarch may easily be conjectured (Drumann, _Porcii_, p. 192). ]

[Footnote 741: See the Life of Pompeius, c. 65; and the Life of Cæsar, c. 39. ]

[Footnote 742: Cn. Pompeius, the elder son of Pompeius Magnus ismeant. It is conjectured that the word "young" ([Greek: neon] νέον)has fallen out of the text (compare c. 58). He had been sent by hisfather to get ships, and he arrived with an Egyptian fleet on thecoast of Epirus shortly before the battle of Pharsalus. On the news ofthe defeat of Pompeius Magnus, the Egyptians left him (Dion Cassius, 42. C. 12). ]

[Footnote 743: He must also have seen Cornelia, for Sextus was withher. Life of Pompeius, c. 78. ]

[Footnote 744: These people are described by Herodotus (iv. 173) ashaving been all destroyed by the sands of the deserts, and theircountry, which was on the Syrtis, being occupied by the Nasamones. 

Lucan (_Pharsalia_, ix. 891) has made the Psylli occupy a conspicuousplace in the march of Cato. 

 "Gens unica terras Incolit a sævo serpentum innoxia morsu, Marmaridæ Psylli: par lingua potentibus herbis, Ipse cruor tutus, nullumque admittere virus Vel cantu cessante potest. "

Seven days is much too little for the march from Cyrene to theCarthaginian territory, and there is either an error in Plutarch'stext or a great error in his geography. ]

[Footnote 745: The name Libya occurs four times in this chapter. Libyawas the general name for the continent, but the term did not includeEgypt. In the first two instances in which the name occurs in thischapter, the word is used in the general sense. In the other twoinstances it means the Roman province of Africa. Kaltwasser has usedthe term Africa in all the four instances. It is immaterial which isused, if rightly understood in both cases. ]

[Footnote 746: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 53, 54, 55, and thereferences in the notes. ]

[Footnote 747: See the Life of Antonius, c. 81. ]

[Footnote 748: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 52, and Dion Cassius, 42, c. 57. This Scipio was unworthy of the name and unequal to the times. ]

[Footnote 749: The Greek writers represent the name in different ways. Plutarch writes [Greek: Itukê] Ἰτύκη. Dion Cassius writes it [Greek:Outikê] Οὐτική. This old Phœnician city was on the coast near themouth of the river Bagradas; but its supposed remains are somedistance inland. (Shaw's _Travels in Barbary_, &c. , p. 79, 4to. Edition. )]

[Footnote 750: See the Life of Cæsar, c. 53, and Dion Cassius, 43, c. 7. The battle was fought in B. C. 46. ]

[Footnote 751: The son of Cn. Octavius, who was consul B. C. 76. Marcuswas Curule Ædile B. C. 50. (Drumann, _Octavii_, p. 225. )]

[Footnote 752: He was the son of L. Julius Cæsar, consul B. C. 64. Theson was pardoned by Cæsar (_Bell. Afric. _ c. 88, 89). Dion Cassius(43, c. 12) says that Cæsar first brought him to trial, but as he wasunwilling to condemn him by his own authority, he privately got himput to death. The statement of Dion is deficient in precision, incredible by reason of Cæsar's well-known clemency, and theinsignificance of Lucius as an enemy, and not altogether reconcilablewith other authorities. (Drumann, _Julii_, p. 125. )]

[Footnote 753: The Phædon which contains the last conversation ofSocrates, and his death. The incident of the reading of the Dialogue, and the reflections which it suggested, have been used by Addison inhis frigid and bombastic tragedy of Cato. ]

[Footnote 754: Kaltwasser quotes a note of Dacier who cannot conceivehow Cato could read so long a Dialogue through twice in so short atime. It is equally a matter of wonder how any body could know that heread it through once. The fact that he had the book and was reading itis all that could be known. Another difficulty that is suggested byDacier is, that the Dialogue contains the strongest arguments againstsuicide; but perhaps this difficulty is removed by the suggestion thatin one passage it is said that a man should not kill himself till thedeity has sent a kind of necessity; and Cato might conceive, as he didconceive, that the necessity had come to him. 

The suicide of Cato was a peculiar case and hardly belongs to the moregeneral cases of suicide. His position, if he had lived under thedomination of Cæsar, would have been intolerable to a man of hisprinciples; for that he might have lived by Cæsar's grace, if he hadchosen, can hardly be doubted notwithstanding Cæsar wrote hisAnticatones. ]

[Footnote 755: This was P. Licinius Crassus Junianus, a Junius who hadbeen adopted by a Crassus, as the name shows. ]

[Footnote 756: [Greek: êdê d' ornithes êdon] ήδη δ' ὄρνιθες ηδον. Thetranslators do not agree about these words. Dacier and otherstranslate them literally, as I have done. Kaltwasser translated them, "and already the cocks crowed. " He adds that the other translation iswrong, because it is said immediately after, that it was still night. But what follows as to the night does not prove that it was dark; itrather implies that there was not much sleeping time that remainedbefore morning. Cocks sometimes crow in the night, it is true, butPlutarch evidently means to show by the expression that the morningwas dawning, and so the birds might be singing, if there were anybirds in Utica. The matter is appropriate for a dissertation, whichwould be as instructive as many other dissertations on matters ofantiquity. ]

[Footnote 757: Appian (_Civil Wars_, ii. 98, &c. ) tells the story ofhis death differently. He says that the wound was sewed up, and thatbeing left alone, he tore his bowels out. But it is improbable that, if the wound had been sewed up, he would have been left alone. Thestory of Dion Cassius (43, c. 11) is the same. See Florus, iv. 2, 71, who says that he killed himself "circa primam vigiliam. "]

[Footnote 758: As he died in B. C. 46, he was in the forty-ninth yearof his age. His chatacter requires no comment; it has been fullydelineated by Plutarch. A single letter of Cato to Cicero is extant(_Ad Diversos_, xv. 5); and a letter of such a man is worth reading, though it be short. His speech against the conspirators, which Sallusthas given, may contain the matter, but not the words of Cato. ]

[Footnote 759: He had his father's property. After Cæsar's death hejoined M. Brutus, the husband of his sister Portia, and fell atPhilippi B. C. 42. This son of Cato had a younger brother (c. 52), whose mother was Marcia, but nothing more is known of him. The deathof the wife of Brutus is told in the Life of Brutus, c. 13, 53. ]

END OF VOL. III. 

LONDON: PRINTED BY WM. CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED STAMFORD STREET ANDCHARING CROSS.