[Transcriber's note: Obvious printer's errors have been corrected, allother inconsistencies are as in the original. The author's spellinghas been maintained. 

Page 453: The sentence "which [missing word] consider it as stillimproper to disclose. " has been changed to "which I consider as stillimproper to disclose. "

Bolded text is marked with =. ]

[Illustration: General Ben Viljoen and his Secretary (Mr. J. Visser). ]

 MY REMINISCENCES OF THE ANGLO-BOER WAR

 BY

 GENERAL BEN VILJOEN

 (ASSISTANT COMMANDANT-GENERAL OF THE TRANSVAAL BURGHER FORCES AND MEMBER FOR JOHANNESBURG IN THE TRANSVAAL VOLKSRAAD)

 Maps from Drawings by P. Van Breda

 LONDON: HOOD, DOUGLAS, & HOWARD, 11, CLIFFORD'S INN, E. C. 1902. 

PREFACE. 

General Ben Viljoen, while engaged on this work, requested me to writea short introduction to it. This request I gladly comply with. 

General Viljoen was a prisoner-of-war at Broadbottom Camp, St. Helena, where, after two years' service in South Africa, I was stationed withmy regiment. It was at the General's further request that I conveyedthis work to Europe for publication. 

The qualities which particularly endeared this brave and justly-famousBoer officer to us were his straightforwardness and unostentatiousmanner, his truthfulness, and the utter absence of affectation thatdistinguishes him. I am certain that he has written his simplenarrative with candour and impartiality, and I feel equally certain, from what I know of him, that this most popular of our late opponentshas reviewed the exciting episodes of the War with an honesty, anintelligence, and a humour which many previous publications on the Warhave lacked. 

During his stay at St. Helena I became deeply attached to GeneralViljoen; and in conclusion I trust that this work, which entailed manyhours of labour, will yield him a handsome recompense. 

 THEODORE BRINCKMAN, C. B. _Colonel Commanding_, _3rd, The Buffs (East Kent Regt. )_

 Tarbert, Loch Fyne, Scotland. _September, 1902_

INDEX TO CONTENTS. 

 Page PREFACE BY COL. THEODORE BRINCKMAN, C. B. 5

 THE AUTHOR TO THE READER 9

 CHAPTER

 I. THE WAR CLOUDS GATHER 19

 II. AND THE WAR STORM BREAKS 24

 III. THE INVASION OF NATAL 30

 IV. DEFEATED AT ELANDSLAAGTE 40

 V. PURSUED BY THE LANCERS 44

 VI. RISKING JOUBERT'S ANGER 59

 VII. THE BOER GENERAL'S SUPERSTITIONS 68

 VIII. "GREAT POWERS" TO INTERVENE 72

 IX. COLENSO AND SPION KOP FIGHTS 78

 X. THE BATTLE OF VAALKRANTZ 88

 XI. THE TURN OF THE TIDE 100

 XII. THE GREAT BOER RETREAT 110

 XIII. DRIVEN FROM THE BIGGARSBERGEN 124

 XIV. DISPIRITED AND DEMORALISED 133

 XV. OCCUPATION OF PRETORIA 145

 XVI. BATTLE OF DONKERHOEK ("DIAMOND HILL") 150

 XVII. I BECOME A GENERAL 161

 XVIII. OUR CAMP BURNED OUT 175

 XIX. BATTLE OF BERGENDAL (MACHADODORP) 181

 XX. TWO THOUSAND BRITISH PRISONERS RELEASED 185

 XXI. A GOVERNMENT IN FLIGHT 193

 XXII. AN IGNOMINIOUS DISPERSAL 204

 XXIII. A DREARY TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND 212

 XIV. PAINS AND PLEASURES OF COMMANDEERING 237

 XXV. PUNISHING THE PRO-BRITISH 246

 XXVI. BATTLE OF RHENOSTERKOP 258

 XXVII. THE SECOND CHRISTMAS AT WAR 278

 XXVIII. CAPTURE OF "LADY ROBERTS" 285

 XXIX. A DISMAL "HAPPY NEW YEAR" 302

 XXX. GENERAL ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS 307

 XXXI. A "BLUFF" AND A BATTLE 322

 XXXII. EXECUTION OF A TRAITOR 333

 XXXIII. IN A TIGHT CORNER 339

 XXXIV. ELUDING THE BRITISH CORDON 348

 XXXV. BOER GOVERNMENT'S NARROW ESCAPE 358

 XXXVI. A GOVERNMENT ON HORSEBACK 377

 XXXVII. BLOWING UP AN ARMOURED TRAIN 382

 XXXVIII. TRAPPING PRO-BRITISH BOERS 388

 XXXIX. BRUTAL KAFFIRS' MURDER TRAIL 402

 XL. CAPTURING A FREEBOOTER'S LAIR 411

 XLI. AMBUSHING THE HUSSARS 416

 XLII. I TALK WITH GENERAL BLOOD 421

 XLIII. MRS. BOTHA'S BABY AND THE "TOMMY" 425

 XLIV. THE LAST CHRISTMAS OF THE WAR 435

 XLV. MY LAST DAYS ON THE VELDT 442

 XLVI. I AM AMBUSHED AND CAPTURED 449

 XLVII. SHIPPED TO ST. HELENA 462

 XLVIII. LIFE IN BONAPARTE'S PRISON 471

 XLIX. HOW WE BLEW UP AND CAPTURED TRAINS 485

 L. HOW WE FED AND CLOTHED COMMANDOS 496

 LI. OUR FRIEND THE ENEMY 506

 LII. THE FIGHTING BOER AND HIS OFFICER 515

 APPENDIX 523

THE AUTHOR TO THE READER. 

In offering my readers my reminiscences of the late War, I feel thatit is necessary to ask their indulgence and to plead extenuatingcircumstances for many obvious shortcomings. 

It should be pointed out that the preparation of this work wasattended with many difficulties and disabilities, of which thefollowing were only a few:--

 (1) This is my first attempt at writing a book, and as a simple Afrikander I lay no claim to any literary ability. 

 (2) When captured by the British forces I was deprived of all my notes, and have been compelled to consult and depend largely upon my memory for my facts and data. I would wish to add, however, that the notes and minutiæ they took from me referred only to events and incidents covering six months of the War. Twice before my capture, various diaries I had compiled fell into British hands; and on a third occasion, when our camp at Dalmanutha was burned out by a "grass-fire, " other notes were destroyed. 

 (3) I wrote this book while a prisoner-of-war, fettered, as it were, by the strong chains with which a British "parole" is circumscribed. I was, so to say, bound hand and foot, and always made to feel sensibly the humiliating position to which we, as prisoners-of-war on this island, were reduced. Our unhappy lot was rendered unnecessarily unpleasant by the insulting treatment offered us by Colonel Price, who appeared to me an excellent prototype of Napoleon's custodian, Sir Hudson Lowe. One has only to read Lord Rosebery's work, "The Last Phase of Napoleon, " to realise the insults and indignities Sir Hudson Lowe heaped upon a gallant enemy. 

We Boers experienced similar treatment from our custodian, ColonelPrice, who appeared to be possessed with the very demon of distrustand who conjured up about us the same fantastic and mythical plans ofescape as Sir Hudson Lowe attributed to Napoleon. It is to his absurdsuspicions about our safe custody that I trace the bitterly offensiveregulations enforced on us. 

While engaged upon this work, Colonel Price could have pounced downupon me at any moment, and, having discovered the manuscript, wouldcertainly have promptly pronounced the writing of it in conflict withthe terms of my "parole. "

I have striven as far as possible to refrain from criticism, exceptwhen compelled to do so, and to give a coherent story, so that thereader may easily follow the episodes I have sketched. I have alsoendeavoured to be impartial, or, at least, so impartial as an erringhuman being can be who has just quitted the bloody battlefields of abitter struggle. 

But the sword is still wet, and the wound is not yet healed. 

I would assure my readers that it has not been without hesitation thatI launch this work upon the world. There have been many amateur andprofessional writers who have preceded me in overloading the readingpublic with what purport to be "true histories" of the War. But havingbeen approached by friends to add my little effort to the ponderoustomes of War literature, I have written down that which I saw with myown eyes, and that which I personally experienced. If seeing isbelieving, the reader may lend credence to my recital of everyincident I have herein recounted. 

During the last stages of the struggle, when we were isolated from theoutside world, we read in newspapers and other printed matter capturedfrom the British so many romantic and fabulous stories aboutourselves, that we were sometimes in doubt whether people in Europeand elsewhere would really believe that we were ordinary human beingsand not legendary monsters. On these occasions I read circumstantialreports of my death, and once a long, and by no means flattering, obituary (extending over several columns of a newspaper) in which Iwas compared to Garibaldi, "Jack the Ripper, " and Aguinaldo. Onanother occasion I learned from British newspapers of my capture, conviction, and execution in the Cape Colony for wearing the insigniaof the Red Cross. I read that I had been brought before a militarycourt at De Aar and sentenced to be shot, and what was worse, thesentence was duly confirmed and carried out. A very lurid picture wasdrawn of the execution. Bound to a chair, and placed near my opengrave, I had met my doom with "rare stoicism and fortitude. " "Atlast, " concluded my amiable biographer, "this scoundrel, robber, andguerilla leader, Viljoen, has been safely removed, and will troublethe British Army no longer. " I also learned with mingled feelings ofamazement and pride that, being imprisoned at Mafeking at thecommencement of hostilities, General Baden-Powell had kindlyexchanged me for Lady Sarah Wilson. 

To be honest, none of the above-mentioned reports were strictlyaccurate. I can assure the reader that I was never killed in action orexecuted at De Aar, I was never in Mafeking or any other prison in mylife (save here at St. Helena), nor was I in the Cape Colony duringthe War. I never masqueraded with a Red Cross, and I was neverexchanged for Lady Sarah Wilson. Her ladyship's friends would havefound me a very poor exchange. 

It is also quite inaccurate and unfair to describe me as a "thief" and"a scoundrel". It was, indeed, not an heroic thing to do, seeing thatthe chivalrous gentlemen of the South African Press who employed theepithets were safely beyond my view and reach, and I had no chance ofcorrecting their quite erroneous impressions. I could neither refutenor defend myself against their infamous libels, and for the rest, myfriend "Mr. Atkins" kept us all exceedingly busy. 

That which is left of Ben Viljoen after the several "coups de grace"in the field and the tragic execution at De Aar, still "pans" out at afairly robust young person--quite an ordinary young fellow, indeed, thirty-four years of age, of middle height and build. Somewhere in theMarais Quartier of Paris--where the French Huguenots came from--therewas an ancestral Viljoen from whom I am descended. In the War justconcluded I played no great part of my own seeking. I met manycompatriots who were better soldiers than myself; but on occasions Iwas happily of some small service to my Cause and to my people. 

The chapters I append are, like myself, simple in form. If I havebecome notorious it is not my fault; it is the fault of the newspaperparagraphist, the snap-shooter, and the autograph fiend; and in thesepages I have endeavoured, as far as possible, to leave the stage tomore prominent actors, merely offering myself as guide to the manybattlefields on which we have waged our unhappy struggle. 

I shall not disappoint the reader by promising him sensational orthrilling episodes. He will find none such in these pages; he willfind only a naked and unembellished story. 

 BEN J. VILJOEN. (_Assistant Commandant-General of the Republican Forces. _)

 St. Helena, _June, 1902_

[Illustration: 8 Maps of Nicholsons Nek & Modderspruit, Monte Christo, Colenso, Spioen Kop, Vaalkrantz, Pieter's Hill, Stromberg andAbramskraal. ]

MY REMINISCENCES

OF THE

ANGLO-BOER WAR

CHAPTER I. 

THE WAR CLOUDS GATHER. 

In 1895 the political clouds gathered thickly and grew threatening. They were unmistakable in their portent. War was meant, and we heardthe martial thunder rumbling over our heads. 

The storm broke in the shape of an invasion from Rhodesia on ourWestern frontiers, a raid planned by soldiers of a friendly power. 

However one may endeavour to argue the chief cause of the SouthAfrican war to other issues, it remains an irrebuttable fact that theJameson Raid was primarily responsible for the hostilities whicheventually took place between Great Britain and the Boer Republics. 

Mr. Rhodes, the sponsor and _deus ex machinâ_ of the Raid, could notagree with Mr. Paul Kruger, and had failed in his efforts to establishfriendly relations with him. Mr. Kruger, quite as stubborn andambitious as Mr. Rhodes, placed no faith in the latter's amiableproposals, and the result was that fierce hatred was engenderedbetween the two Gideons, a racial rancour spreading to fanaticallengths. 

Dr. Jameson's stupid raid is now a matter of history; but from thatfateful New Year's Day of 1896 we Boers date the terrible trials andsufferings to which our poor country has been exposed. To thatmischievous incident, indeed, we directly trace the struggle nowterminated. 

This invasion, which was synchronous with an armed rebellion atJohannesburg, was followed by the arrest and imprisonment of theso-called gold magnates of the Witwatersrand. Whether theseexceedingly wealthy but extremely degenerate sons of Albion andGermania deserved the death sentence pronounced upon their leaders atPretoria for high treason it is not for me to judge. 

I do recall, however, what an appeal for mercy there went up, howpiteously the Transvaal Government was petitioned and supplicated, andfinally moved "to forgive and forget. " The same faction who now pressso obdurately for "no mercy" upon the Colonial Afrikanders who joinedus, then supplicated all the Boer gods for forgiveness. 

Meantime the Republic was plagued by the rinderpest scourge, whichwrought untold havoc throughout the country. This scourge was precededby the dynamite disaster at Vrededorp (near Johannesburg) and therailway disaster at Glencoe in Natal. It was succeeded by a smallpoxepidemic, which, in spite of medical efforts, grew from sporadic toepidemic and visited all classes of the Rand, exacting victimswherever it travelled. During the same period difficulties occurred inSwaziland necessitating the despatch of a strong commando to thedisaffected district and the maintenance of a garrison at Bremersdorp. The following year hostilities were commenced against the Magatotribe in the north of the Republic. 

After an expensive expedition, lasting six months, the rebellion wasquelled. There was little doubt that the administration of unfaithfulnative commissioners was in part responsible for the difficulties, butthere is less doubt that external influences also contributed to therebellion. This is not the time, however, to tear open old wounds. 

Mr. Rhodes has disappeared from the stage for ever; he died as he hadlived. His relentless enemy Mr. Kruger, who was pulling the strings atthe other end, is still alive. Perhaps the old man may be spared tosee the end of the bloody drama; it was undoubtedly he and Mr. Rhodeswho played the leading parts in the prologue. 

Which of these two "Big Men" took the greatest share in bringing aboutthe Disaster which has drenched South Africa with blood and draped itin mourning, it would be improper for me at this period to suggest. Mr. Rhodes has been summoned before a Higher Tribunal; Mr. Kruger hasstill to come up for judgment before the people whose fate, and veryexistence as a nation, are, at the time of writing, wavering in thebalance. 

We have been at one another's throats, and for this we have to thankour "statesmen. " It is to be hoped that our leaders of the future willattach more value to human lives, and that Boer and Briton will beenabled to live amicably side by side. 

A calm and statesmanlike government by men free from ambition andracial rancour, by men of unblemished reputation, will be the onlymeans of pacifying South Africa and keeping South Africa pacified. 

CHAPTER II. 

AND THE WAR STORM BREAKS. 

It was during a desultory discussion of an ordinary sessions of theSecond Volksraad, in which I represented Johannesburg, that one day inSeptember, 1899--to be precise, the afternoon of the 28th--themessenger of the House came to me with a note, and whispered, "Amessage from General Joubert, Sir; it is urgent, and the General saysit requires your immediate attention. "

I broke the seal of the envelope with some trepidation. I guessed itscontents, and a few of my colleagues in the Chamber hung over mealmost speechless with excitement, whispering curiously, "Jong, is ditfout?"--"Is this correct. Is it war?"

Everybody knew, of course, that we were in for a supreme crisis, thatthe relations between Great Britain and our Republic were strained tothe bursting point, that bitter diplomatic notes had been exchangedbetween the governments of the two countries for months past, and thata collision, an armed collision, was sooner or later inevitable. 

Being "Fighting-Commandant" of the Witwatersrand goldfields, and, therefore, an officer of the Transvaal army, my movements on that dayexcited great interest among my colleagues in the Chamber. Afterreading General Joubert's note I said, as calmly as possible: "Yes, the die is cast; I am leaving for the Natal frontier. Good-bye. I mustnow quit the house. Who knows, perhaps for ever!"

General Joubert's mandate was couched as follows:--

 "You are hereby ordered to proceed with the Johannesburg commando to Volksrust to-morrow, Friday evening, at 8 o'clock. Your field cornets have already received instructions to commandeer the required number of burghers and the necessary horses, waggons, and equipment. Instructions have also been given for the necessary railway conveyances to be held ready. Further instructions will reach you. "

Previous to my departure next morning I made a hurried call atCommandant-General Joubert's offices. The ante-chamber leading to theGeneralissimo's "sanctum-sanctorum" was crowded with brilliantly-uniformedofficers of our State Artillery, and it was only by dint of using myelbows very vigorously that I gained admission to my chief-in-command. 

The old General seemed to feel keenly the gravity of the situation. Helooked careworn and troubled: "Good-morning, Commandant, " he said;"aren't you away yet?"

I explained that I was on my way to the railway station, but I thoughtbefore I left I'd like to see him about one or two things. 

"Well, go on, what is it?" General Joubert enquired, petulantly. 

"I want to know, General Joubert, " I said, "whether England hasdeclared war against us, or whether we are taking the lead. Andanother thing, what sort of general have I to report myself to atVolksrust?"

The old warrior, without looking up or immediately answering me, drewvarious cryptic and hieroglyphic pothooks and figures on the paperbefore him. Then he suddenly lifted his eyes and pierced me with alook, at which I quailed and trembled. 

He said very slowly: "Look here; there is as yet no declaration ofwar, and hostilities have not yet commenced. You and my other officersshould understand that very clearly, because possibly the differencesbetween ourselves and Great Britain may still be settled. We are onlygoing to occupy our frontiers because England's attitude is extremelyprovocative, and if England see that we are fully prepared and that wedo not fear her threats, she will perhaps be wise in time andreconsider the situation. We also want to place ourselves in aposition to prevent and quell a repetition of the Jameson Raid withmore force than we exerted in 1896. "

An hour afterwards I was on board a train travelling to Johannesburgin the company of General Piet Cronje and his faithful wife. GeneralCronje told me that he was proceeding to the western districts of theRepublic to take up the command of the Potchefstroom and Lichtenburgburghers. His instructions, he said, were to protect the Westernfrontier. 

I left General Cronje at Johannesburg on the 29th September, 1899, andnever saw him again until I met him at St. Helena nearly two and ahalf years afterwards, on the 25th March, 1902. When I last saw him wegreeted each other as free men, as free and independent legislatorsand officers of a free Republic. We fought for our rights to live as anation. 

Now I meet the veteran Cronje a broken old man, captive like myself, far away from our homes and our country. 

Then and Now!

Then we went abroad free and freedom-loving men, burning withpatriotism. Our wives and our women-folk watched us go; full of sorrowand anxiety, but satisfied that we were going abroad in our country'scause. 

And Now!

Two promising and prosperous Republics wrecked, their fair homesteadsdestroyed, their people in mourning, and thousands of innocent womenand children the victims of a cruel war. 

There is scarcely an Afrikander family without an unhealable wound. Everywhere the traces of the bloody struggle; and, alas, most poignantand distressing fact of all, burghers who fought side by side with usin the earlier stages of the struggle are now to be found in the ranksof the enemy. 

These wretched men, ignoring their solemn duty, left their companionsin the lurch without sense of shame or respect for the braves who fellfighting for their land and people. 

Oh, day of judgment! The Afrikander nation will yet avenge yourtreachery. 

CHAPTER III. 

THE INVASION OF NATAL. 

After taking leave of my friend Cronje at Johannesburg Station, myfirst duty was to visit my various field cornets. About four o'clockthat afternoon I found my commando was as nearly ready as could beexpected. When I say ready, I mean ready on paper only, as laterexperience showed. My three field cornets were required to equip 900mounted men with waggons and provisions, and of course they had _carteblanche_ to commandeer. Only fully enfranchised burghers of the SouthAfrican Republic were liable to be commandeered, and in Johannesburgtown there was an extraordinary conglomeration of cosmopolitansamenable to this gentle process of enlistment. 

It would take up too much time to adequately describe the excitementof Johannesburg on this memorable day. Thousands of Uitlanders wereflying from their homes, contenting themselves, in their hurry to getaway, to stand in Kaffir or coal trucks and to expose themselvescheerfully to the fierce sun, and other elements. The streets werepalpitating with burghers ready to proceed to the frontier that night, and with refugees speeding to the stations. Everybody was in a stateof intense feeling. One was half-hearted, another cheerful, and athird thirsting for blood, while many of my men were under theinfluence of alcohol. 

When it was known that I had arrived in the town my room in the NorthWestern Hotel was besieged. I was approached by all sorts of peoplepleading exemption from commando duty. One Boer said he knew that hissolemn duty was to fight for his country and his freedom, but he wouldrather decline. Another declared that he could not desert his family;while yet another came forward with a story that of his four horses, three had been commandeered, and that these horses were his only meansof subsistence. A fourth complained that his waggons and mules hadbeen clandestinely (although officially) removed. Many malingererssuddenly discovered acute symptoms of heart disease and broughteasily-obtained doctor's certificates, assuring me that tragicconsequences would attend their exposure in the field. Ladies came tome pleading exemption for their husbands, sisters for brothers, mothers for sons, all offering plausible reasons why their loved onesshould be exempted from commando duty. It was very difficult to dealwith all these clamorous visitors. I was much in the position of KingSolomon, though lacking his wisdom. But I would venture to say thathis ancient majesty himself would have been perplexed had he been inmy place. It is necessary that the reader should know that the mainpart of the population was composed of all nationalities and lackedevery element of Boer discipline. 

On the evening of the 29th of September, I left with the Johannesburgcommando in two trains. Two-thirds of my men had no personalacquaintance with me, and at the departure there was some difficultybecause of this. One burgher came into my private compartmentuninvited. He evidently forgot his proper place, and when I suggestedto him that the compartment was private and reserved for officers, hetold me to go to the devil, and I was compelled to remove him somewhatprecipitately from the carriage. This same man was afterwards one ofmy most trustworthy scouts. 

The following afternoon we reached Standerton, where I receivedtelegraphic instructions from General Joubert to join my commando tothat of Captain Schiel, who was in charge of the German Corps, and toplace myself under the supreme command of Jan Kock, a member of theExecutive Council, who had been appointed a general by the Government. 

We soon discovered that quite one-third of the horses we had takenwith us were untrained for the serious business of fighting, and alsothat many of the new burghers of foreign nationality had not theslightest idea how to ride. Our first parade, or "Wapenschouwing"gave food for much hilarity. Here one saw horses waltzing and jumping, while over there a rider was biting the sand, and towards evening thedoctors had several patients. It may be stated that although notperfectly equipped in the matter of ambulances, we had threephysicians with us, Doctors Visser, Marais, and Shaw. Our spiritualwelfare was being looked after by the Reverends Nel and Martins, butnot for long, as both these gentlemen quickly found that commando lifewas unpleasant and left us spiritually to ourselves, even as theEuropean Powers left us politically. But I venture to state that nomember of my commando really felt acutely the loss of the theologicalgentlemen who primarily accompanied us. 

[Illustration: The Capture of the Train at Elandslaagte. ]

On the following day General Kock and a large staff arrived at thelaager, and, together with the German Corps, we trekked to Paardekopand Klip River, in the Orange Free State, where we were to occupyBotha's Pass. My convoy comprised about a hundred carts, mostly drawnby mules, and it was amusing to see the variety of provisions myworthy field-cornets had gathered together. There were three fullwaggons of lime-juice and other unnecessary articles which I caused tobe unloaded at the first halting-place to make room for moreserviceable provisions. It should be mentioned that of my threefield-cornets only one, the late Piet Joubert of Jeppestown, actuallyaccompanied my commando. The others sent substitutes, perhaps becausethey did not like to expose themselves to the change of air. We restedsome days at the Klip River, in the Orange Free State, and from thenceI was sent with a small escort of burghers by our General toHarrismith to meet a number of Free State officers. After travellingtwo days I came upon Chief Free State Commandant Prinsloo, whoafterwards deserted, and other officers. The object of my mission wasto organise communications with these officers. On the 11th ofOctober, having returned to my commando, we received a report that ourGovernment had despatched the Ultimatum to England, and that the timespecified for the reply to that document had elapsed. Hostilities hadbegun. 

We received orders to invade Natal, and crossed the frontier that veryevening. I, with a patrol of 50 men, had not crossed the frontier veryfar when one of my scouts rode up with the report that a large Britishforce was in sight on the other side of the River Ingogo. I said tomyself at the time: "If this be true the British have rushed up fairlyquickly, and the fat will be in the fire very soon. "

We then broke into scattered formation and carefully proceeded intoNatal. After much reconnoitring and concealment, however, we soondiscovered that the "large English force" was only a herd of cattlebelonging to friendly Boers, and that the camp consisted of two tentsoccupied by some Englishmen and Kaffirs who were mending a defectivebridge. We also came across a cart drawn by four bullocks belonging toa Natal farmer, and I believe this was the first plunder we capturedin Natal. The Englishman, who said he knew nothing about any war, received a pass to proceed with his servants to the English lines, and he left with the admonition to in future read the newspapers andlearn when war was imminent. Next day our entire commando was wellinto Natal. The continuous rain and cold of the Drakenbergen renderedour first experience of veldt life, if not unbearable, verydiscouraging. We numbered a fairly large commando, as Commandant J. Lombard, commanding the Hollander corps, had also joined us. Close byNewcastle we encountered a large number of commandos, and a generalcouncil of war was held under the presidency of Commandant GeneralJoubert. It was here decided that Generals Lukas Meyer and DijlErasmus should take Dundee, which an English garrison held, while ourcommandos under General Kock were instructed to occupy the BiggarburgPass. Preceded by scouts we wound our way in that direction, leavingall our unnecessary baggage in the shape of provisions and ammunitionwaggons at Newcastle. 

One of my acting field-cornets and the field-cornets of the Germancommando, prompted by goodness knows what, pressed forward south, actually reaching the railway station at Elandslaagte. A goods trainwas just steaming into the station, and it was captured by thesefoolhardy young Moltkes. I was much dissatisfied with this action, andsent a messenger ordering them to retire after having destroyed therailway. On the same night I received instructions from General Kockto proceed with two hundred men and a cannon to Elandslaagte, and Ialso learned that Captain Schiel and his German Corps had left in thesame direction. 

Imagine, we had gone further than had actually been decided at thecouncil of war, and we pressed forward still further without anyattempt being made to keep in touch with the other commandos on ourleft and right. Seeing the inexpediency of this move, I went to theGeneral in command and expressed my objections to it. But General Kockwas firmly decided on the point, and said, "Go along, my boy. " Wereached Elandslaagte at midnight; it was raining very heavily. Afterscrambling for positions in the darkness, although I had alreadysufficiently seen that the lie of the land suggested no strategicoperations, we retired to rest. Two days later occurred the fatefulbattle. 

CHAPTER IV. 

DEFEATED AT ELANDSLAAGTE. 

In the grey dawn of the 21st of October a number of scouts I haddespatched overnight in the direction of Ladysmith returned with thetidings that "the khakis were coming. " "Where are they, and how manyare there of them?" I asked. "Commandant, " the chief scout replied, "Idon't know much about these things, but I should think that theEnglish number quite a thousand mounted men, and they have guns, andthey have already passed Modderspruit. " To us amateur soldiers thisreport was by no means reassuring, and I confess I hoped ferventlythat the English might stay away for some little time longer. 

It was at sunrise that the first shot I heard in this war was fired. Presently the men we dreaded were visible on the ridges of hills southof the little red railway station at Elandslaagte. Some of my menhailed the coming fight with delight; others, more experienced in theart of war, turned deadly pale. That is how the Boers felt in theirfirst battle. The awkward way in which many of my men sought cover, demonstrated at once how inexperienced in warfare we youngsters were. We started with our guns and tried a little experimental shooting. Thesecond and third shots appeared to be effective; at any rate, as faras we could judge, they seemed to disturb the equanimity of theadvancing troops. I saw an ammunition cart deprived of its team andgenerally smashed. 

The British guns appeared to be of very small calibre indeed. Certainly they failed to reach us, and all the harm they did was tosend a shell through a Boer ambulance within the range of fire. Thisshot was, I afterwards ascertained, purely accidental. When theBritish found that we too, strange to say, had guns, and, what ismore, knew how to use them, they retired towards Ladysmith. But thiswas merely a ruse; they had gone back to fetch more. Still, though itwas a ruse, we were cleverly deceived by it, and while we wereoff-saddling and preparing the mid-day meal they were arranging a newand more formidable attack. From the Modderspruit siding they werepouring troops brought down by rail, and although we had a splendidchance of shelling the newcomers from the high kopje we occupied, General Kock, who was in supreme command of our corps, for some reasonwhich has never been explained, refused to permit us to fire uponthem. I went to General Kock and pleaded with him, but he was adamant. This was a bitter disappointment to me, but I consoled myself with thethought that the General was much older than myself, and had beenfighting since he was a baby. I therefore presumed he knew better. Possibly if we younger commanders had had more authority in theearlier stages of the war, and had had less to deal with arrogant andstupid old men, we should have reached Durban and Cape Town. 

I must here again confess that none of my men displayed any of themartial determination with which they had so buoyantly proceeded fromJohannesburg. To put it bluntly, some of them were "footing" it andthe English cavalry, taking advantage of this, were rapidlyoutflanking them. The British tactics were plain enough. GeneralFrench had placed his infantry in the centre with three fieldbatteries (fifteen pounders), while his cavalry, with Maxims, encompassed our right and left. He was forming a crescent, with theobvious purpose of turning our position with his right and left wing. When charging at the close of the attack the cavalry, which consistedmainly of lancers, were on both our flanks, and completely preventedour retreat. It was not easy to estimate the number of our assailant'sforces. Judging roughly, I calculated they numbered between 5, 000 and6, 000, while we were 800 all told, and our artillery consisted merelyof two Nordenfeldt guns with shell, and no grape shot. 

The British certainly meant business that day. It was the baptismalfire of the Imperial Light Horse, a corps principally composed ofJohannesburgers, who were politically and racially our bitter enemies. And what was more unfortunate, our guns were so much exposed thatthey were soon silenced. For a long time we did our best to keep ouropponents at bay, but they came in crushing numbers, and speedily deadand maimed burghers covered the veldt. Then the Gordon Highlanders andthe other infantry detachments commenced to storm our positions. Wegot them well within the range of our rifle fire, and made ourpresence felt; but they kept pushing on with splendid determinationand indomitable pluck, though their ranks were being decimated beforeour very eyes. 

This was the first, as it was the last time in the War that I heard aBritish band playing to cheer attacking "Tommies. " I believe it usedto be a British war custom to rouse martial instincts with livelymusic, but something must have gone wrong with the works in this War, there must have occurred a rift in the lute, for ever after this firstbattle of Elandslaagte the British abandoned flags, banners, and bandsand other quite unnecessary furniture. 

About half an hour before sunset, the enemy had come up close to ourpositions and on all sides a terrible battle raged. To keep them backwas now completely out of the question. They had forced their waybetween a kloof, and while rushing up with my men towards them, myrifle was smashed by a bullet. A wounded burgher handed me his and Ijoined Field-Cornet Peter Joubert who, with seven other burghers, wasdefending the kloof. We poured a heavy fire into the British, but theywere not to be shaken off. Again and again they rushed up inirresistible strength, gallantly encouraged by their brave officers. Poor Field-Cornet Joubert perished at this point. 

When the sun had set and the awful scene was enveloped in darknessthere was a dreadful spectacle of maimed Germans, Hollanders, Frenchmen, Irishmen, Americans, and Boers lying on the veldt. Thegroans of the wounded were heartrending; the dead could no longerspeak. Another charge, and the British, encouraged by their success, had taken our last position, guns and all. My only resource now was toflee, and the battle of Elandslaagte was a thing of the past. 

CHAPTER V. 

PURSUED BY THE LANCERS. 

Another last look at the bloody scene. It was very hard to have tobeat an ignominious retreat, but it was harder still to have to gowithout being able to attend to one's wounded comrades, who werepiteously crying aloud for help. To have to leave them in the hands ofthe enemy was exceedingly distressing to me. But there was no othercourse open, and fleeing, I hoped I might "live to fight another day. "I got away, accompanied by Fourie and my Kaffir servant. "Let us go, "I said, "perhaps we shall be able to fall in with some more burghersround here and have another shot at them. " Behind us the Britishlancers were shouting "Stop, stop, halt you ---- Boers!" They firedbriskly at us, but our little ponies responded gamely to the spur and, aided by the darkness, we rode on safely. Still the lancers did notabandon the chase, and followed us for a long distance. From time totime we could hear the pitiful cries and entreaties of burghers whowere being "finished off, " but we could see nothing. My man and I hadfleet horses in good condition, those of the pursuing lancers were bigand clumsy. 

My adjutant, Piet Fourie, however, was not so fortunate as myself. Hewas overtaken and made a prisoner. Revolvers were being promiscuouslyfired at us, and at times the distance between us and our pursuersgrew smaller. We could plainly hear them shouting "Stop, or I'll shootyou, " or "Halt, you damned Boer, or I'll run my lance through yourblessed body. "

We really had no time to take much notice of these pretty compliments. It was a race for life and freedom. Looking round furtively once moreI could distinguish my pursuers; I could see their long assegais; Icould hear the snorting of their unwieldy horses, the clattering oftheir swords. These unpleasant combinations were enough to striketerror into the heart of any ordinary man. 

Everything now depended upon the fleetness and staying power of mysturdy little Boer pony, Blesman. He remained my faithful friend longafter he had got me out of this scrape; he was shot, poor little chap, the day when they made me a prisoner. Poor Blesman, to you I owe mylife! Blesman was plainly in league against all that was British; fromthe first he displayed Anglophobia of a most acute character. He hasserved me in good stead, and now lies buried, faithful little heart, in a Lydenburg ditch. 

In my retreat Sunday River had to be crossed. It was deep, but deep ornot, we had to get through it. We were going at such a pace that wenearly tumbled down the banks. The precipice must have been verysteep; all I remember is finding myself in the water with Blesman bymy side. The poor chap had got stuck with his four legs in the driftsand. I managed to liberate him, and after a lot of scrambling andstruggling and wading through the four foot stream, I got to the otherside. On the opposite bank the British were still firing. I thereforedecided to lie low in the water, hoping to delude them into thinking Iwas killed or drowned. My stratagem was successful. I heard one of mypursuers say, "We've finished him, " and with a few more pyrotechnicfarewells they retraced their steps towards Ladysmith. 

On the other side, however, more horsemen came in pursuit. Unquestionably the British, fired by their splendid success, werefollowing up their victory with great vigour, and again I wascompelled to hide in the long grass into which my native servant, withEthiopian instinct, had already crept. While I was travelling along onfoot my man had rescued my horse from the muddy banks of the river. 

When all was said and done I had escaped with a good wetting. Now forNewcastle. I had still my rifle, revolver, and cartridges left to me;my field-glass I had lost, probably in the river. Water there wasplenty, but food I had none. The track to Newcastle to a stranger, such as I was in that part of the country, was difficult to discover. To add to my perplexities I did not know what had happened at Dundee, where I had been told a strong British garrison was in occupation. Therefore, in straying in that direction I ran the risk of beingcaptured. 

Finally, however, I came upon a kaffir kraal. I was curtly hailed inthe kaffir language, and upon my asking my swarthy friends to show methe road, half a dozen natives, armed with assegais, appeared on thescene. I clasped my revolver, as their attitude seemed suspicious. After they had inspected me closely, one of the elders of thecommunity said: "You is one of dem Boers vat runs avay? We look on andyou got dum dum to-day. Now we hold you, we take you Englishmagistrate near Ladysmith. " But I know my kaffir, and I sized up thisblack Englishman instantly. "The fact is, " I said, "I'm trekking witha commando of 500 men, and we are doing a bit of scouting round yourkraal. If you will show me the way to the Biggersbergen I will giveyou 5s. On account. " My amiable and dusky friend insisted on 7s. 6d. , but after I had intimated that if he did not accept 5s. I shouldcertainly burn his entire outfit, slaughter all his women and kill allhis cattle, he acquiesced. A young Zulu was deputed as my guide, but Ihad to use my fists and make pretty play with my revolver, andgenerally hint at a sudden death, or he would have left me in thelurch. He muttered to himself for some time, and suddenly terminatedhis soliloquy by turning on his heels and disappearing in thedarkness. 

The light of a lantern presently showed a railway station, which Irightly guessed to be Waschbank. Here two Englishmen, probably railwayofficials, came up to me, accompanied by my treacherous guide. Thelatter had obviously been good enough to warn the officials at thestation of my approach, but luckily they were unarmed. One of themsaid, "You've lost your way, it appears, " to which I replied, "Oh, no, indeed; I'm on the right track I think. " "But, " he persisted, "youwon't find any of your people here now; you've been cut to pieces atElandslaagte and Lukas Meyer's and Erasmus's forces round Dundee havebeen crushed. You had better come along with me to Ladysmith. Ipromise you decent treatment. " I took care not to get in between them, and, remaining at a little distance, said, revolver in hand, "Thanksvery much, it's awfully good of you. I have no business to transact inLadysmith for the moment and will now continue my journey. Good-night. " "No, no, no, wait a minute, " returned the man who hadspoken first, "you know you can't pass here. " "We shall see aboutthat, " I said. They rushed upon me, but ere they could overpower me Ihad levelled my revolver. The first speaker tried to disarm me, but Ishook him off and shot him. He fell, and as far I know, or could see, was not fatally wounded. The other man, thinking discretion the betterpart of valour, disappeared in the darkness, and my unfaithful guidehad edged away as soon as he saw the glint of my gun. 

My adventures on that terrible night were, however, not to end withthis mild diversion. About an hour after daybreak, I came upon a barnupon which the legend "Post Office Savings Bank" was inscribed. A bigNewfoundland dog lay on the threshold, and although he wagged his tailin a not unfriendly manner, he did not seem disposed to take anyspecial notice of me. There was a passage between the barn and somestables at the back and I went down to prospect the latter. What luckif there had been a horse for me there! Of course I should only havewanted to borrow it, but there was a big iron padlock on the door, though inside the stables I heard the movements of an animal. A horsemeant to me just then considerably more than three kingdoms to KingRichard. For the first time in my life I did some delicate burglaryand housebreaking to boot. But the English declare that all is fair inlove and war, and they ought to know. 

I discovered an iron bar, which enabled me to wrench off the lock fromthe stable door, and, having got so far with my burglariousperformance, I entered cautiously, and I may say nervously. Creepingup to the manger I fumbled about till I caught hold of a strap towhich the animal was tied, cut the strap through and led the horseaway. I was wondering why it went so slowly and that I had almost todrag the poor creature along. Once outside I found to my utter disgustthat my spoil was a venerable and decrepit donkey. Disappointed anddisheartened, I abandoned my booty, leaving that ancient mule broodingmeditatively outside the stable door and clearly wondering why he hadbeen selected for a midnight excursion. But there was no time toexplain or apologise, and as the mule clearly could not carry me asfast as my own legs, I left him to his meditations. 

At dawn, when the first rays of the sun lit up the Biggersbergen inall their grotesque beauty, I realised for the first time where I was, and found that I was considerably more than 12 miles fromElandslaagte, the fateful scene of yesterday. Tired out, half-starvedand as disconsolate as the donkey in the stable, I sat myself on ananthill. For 24 hours I had been foodless, and was now quiteexhausted. I fell into a reverie; all the past day's adventures passedgraphically before my eyes as in a kaleidoscope; all the horrors andcarnage of the battle, the misery of my maimed comrades, who onlyyesterday had answered the battle-cry full of vigour and youth, thepathos of the dead who, cut down in the prime of their life andbuoyant health, lay yonder on the veldt, far away from wives anddaughters and friends for ever more. 

While in a brown study on this anthill, 30 men on horseback suddenlydashed up towards me from the direction of Elandslaagte. I threw myselfflat on my face, seeking the anthill as cover, prepared to sell my lifedearly should they prove to be Englishmen. As soon as they observed methey halted, and sent one of their number up to me. Evidently they knewnot whether I was friend or foe, for they reconnoitred my prostrate formbehind the anthill with great circumspection and caution; but I speedilyrecognised comrades-in-arms. I think the long tail which is peculiar tothe Basuto pony enabled me to identify them as such, and one friend, whowas their outpost, brought me a reserve horse, and what was even better, had extracted from his saddle-bag a tin of welcome bully beef to staymy gnawing hunger. But they brought sad tidings, these good friends. Slain on the battlefield lay Assistant-Commandant J. C. Bodenstein andMajor Hall, of the Johannesburg Town Council, two of my bravestofficers, whose loss I still regret. 

We rode on slowly, and all along the road we fell in with groups ofburghers. There was no question that our ranks were demoralised andheartsick. Commandant-General Joubert had made Dannhauser Station hisheadquarters and thither we wended our way. But though we approachedour general with hearts weighed down with sorrow, so strange andcomplex a character is the Boers', that by the time we reached him wehad gathered together 120 stragglers, and had recovered our spiritsand our courage. I enjoyed a most refreshing rest on an unoccupiedfarm and sent a messenger to Joubert asking him for an appointment forthe following morning to hand in my report of the ill-fated battle. The messenger, however, brought back a verbal answer that the Generalwas exceedingly angry and had sent no reply. On retiring that night Ifound my left leg injured in several places by splinters of shell andstone. My garments had to be soaked in water to remove them, but afterI had carefully cleaned my wounds they very soon healed. 

The next morning I waited on the Commandant-General. He received mevery coldly, and before I could venture a word said reproachfully:"Why didn't you obey orders and stop this side of the Biggarsbergen, as the Council of War decided you should do?" He followed up thereproach with a series of questions: "Where's your general?" "How manymen have you lost?" "How many English have you killed?" I saiddeferentially: "Well, General, you know I am not to be bullied likethis. You know you placed me in a subordinate position under thecommand of General Kock, and now you lay all the blame for yesterday'sdisaster on my shoulders. However, I am sorry to say General Kock iswounded and in British hands. I don't know how many men we have lost;I suppose about 30 or 40 killed and approximately 100 wounded. TheBritish must have lost considerably more, but I am not making anyestimate. "

The grey-bearded generalissimo cooled a little and spoke more kindly, although he gave me to understand he did not think much of theJohannesburg commando. I replied that they had been fighting verypluckily, and that by retiring they hoped to retrieve their fortunessome other day. "H'm, " returned the General, "some of your burghershave made so masterly a retreat that they have already got toNewcastle, and I have just wired Field-Cornet Pienaar, who is incharge, that I should suggest to him to wait a little there, as Ipropose sending him some railway carriages to enable him to retreatstill further. As for those Germans and Hollanders with you, they maygo to Johannesburg; I won't have them here any more. "

"General, " I protested, "this is not quite fair. These people havevolunteered to fight for, and with us; we cannot blame them in thismatter. It is most unfortunate that Elandslaagte should have beenlost, but as far as I can see there was no help for it. " The oldGeneral appeared lost in thought; he seemed to take but little noticeof what I said. Finally he looked up and fixed his small glitteringeyes upon me as if he wished to read my most inmost thoughts. 

"Yes, " he said, "I know all about that. At Dundee things have gonejust as badly. Lukas Meyer made a feeble attack, and Erasmus left himin the lurch. The two were to charge simultaneously, but Erasmusfailed him at a critical moment, which means a loss of 130 men killedand wounded, and Lukas Meyer in retreat across the Buffalo River. Andnow Elandslaagte on the top of all! All this owing to the disobedienceand negligence of my chief officers. "

The old man spoke in this strain for some time, until I grew tired andleft. But just as I was on the point of proceeding from his tent, hesaid: "Look here, Commandant, reorganise your commando as quickly asyou can, and report to me as soon as you are ready. " He also gave mepermission to incorporate in the reorganised commando variousHollander and German stragglers who were loafing round about, althoughhe seemed to entertain an irradicable prejudice against the Dutch andGerman corps. 

The Commandant of the Hollander corps, Volksraad Member Lombard, cameout of the battle unscathed; his captain, Mr. B. J. Verselewel de WittHamer, had been made a prisoner; the Commandant of the German corps, Captain A. Schiel, fell wounded into British hands, while among theofficers who were killed in action I should mention Dr. H. J. Coster, the bravest Hollander the Transvaal ever saw, the most brilliantmember of the Pretoria Bar, who laid down his life because in a stupidmoment Kruger had taunted him and his compatriots with cowardice. 

CHAPTER VI. 

RISKING JOUBERT'S ANGER. 

After the above unpleasant but fairly successful interview with ourCommander-in-Chief, I left the men I had gathered round me in chargeof a field-cornet, and proceeded by train to Newcastle to collect thescattered remnants of my burghers, and to obtain mules and waggons formy convoy. For, as I have previously stated, it was at Newcastle wehad left all our commissariat-waggons and draught cattle under astrong escort. On arrival I summoned the burghers together, andaddressing them in a few words, pointed out that we should, so soon aspossible, resume the march, in order to reach the fighting linewithout delay, and there retrieve the pride and honour of ourcommando. 

"Our beloved country, " I said, "as well as our dead, wounded andmissing comrades, require us not to lose courage at this firstreverse, but to continue the righteous struggle even againstoverwhelming odds, " and so on, in this strain. 

I honestly cannot understand why we should have been charged withcowardice at the battle of Elandslaagte, although many of us seemed toapprehend that this would be the case. We had made a good fight of it, but overwhelmed by an organised force of disciplined men, eight or tentimes our number, we had been vanquished, and the British were thefirst to admit that we had manfully and honourably defended ourpositions. To put a wrong construction on our defeat was a libel onall who had bravely fought the fight, and I resented it. There aresuch things as the fortunes of war, and as only one side can win, itcannot always be the same. However, I soon discovered that a smallnumber of our burghers did not seem inclined to join in theprolongation of the struggle. To have forced them to rejoin us wouldhave served no purpose, so I thought the best policy would be to sendthem home on furlough until they had recovered their spirits andtheir courage. No doubt the scorn and derision to which they would besubjected by their wives and sisters would soon induce them to take uparms again and to fulfil the duties their country required. Itherefore requested those who had neither the courage nor theinclination to return to the front to fall out, and about thirty menfell back, bowing their heads in shame. They were jeered at andchaffed by their fellows, the majority of whom had elected to proceed. But the shock of Elandslaagte had been too much for the weakerbrethren, who seemed deaf to every argument, and only wanted to gohome. I gave each of these a pass to proceed by rail to Johannesburg, which read as follows:--

 "Permit..................................... To go to Johannesburg on account of cowardice, at Government's expense. "

They put the permit in their pockets without suspecting its contents, and departed with their kit to the station to catch the firstavailable train. 

The reader will now have formed an idea of the disastrous moral effectof this defeat, and the subsequent difficulty of getting a commando upto its original fighting strength. But in spite of this I am proud tosay that by far the greater number of the Johannesburgers weregathered round me and prepared to march to meet the enemy once more. 

My trap and all its contents had been captured by the enemy atElandslaagte, and I found it necessary to obtain new outfits, &c. , atNewcastle. This was no easy matter, as some of the storekeepers hadmoved the greater part of their goods to a safer place, while somecommandos had appropriated most of the remainder. What was left hadbeen commandeered by Mr. J. Moodie, a favourite of General Joubert, who was posing there as Resident Justice of the Peace; and he did notfeel inclined to let any of these goods out of his possession. Byalternately buying and looting, or in other words stealing, I managedto get an outfit by the next morning, and at break of day we left forDannhauser Station, arriving there the same evening without furthernoteworthy incident. 

Next day, when the Johannesburg corps turned out, we numbered 485mounted men, all fully equipped. On arrival at Glencoe Station Ireceived a telegram from General Joubert informing me that he haddefeated the enemy at Nicholson's Nek near Ladysmith that day (October30, 1899) taking 1, 300 prisoners, who would arrive at Glencoe thefollowing morning. He desired me to conduct them to Pretoria under astrong escort. What a flattering order! To conduct prisoners-of-war, taken by other burghers! Were we then fit for nothing but police duty?

However, orders have to be obeyed, so I sent one of my officers with40 men to take the prisoners to Pretoria, and reported to theCommandant-General by telegram that his order had been executed, alsoasking for instructions as to where I was to proceed with my commando. The reply I received was as follows:--

"Pitch your camp near Dundee, and maintain law and order in theProvince, also aid the Justice of the Peace in forwarding capturedgoods, ammunition, provisions, etc. , to Pretoria, and see that you arenot attacked a second time. "

This was more than flesh and blood could bear; more than a "white man"could stand. It was not less than a personal insult, which I deeplyresented. Evidently my chief had resolved to keep us in thebackground; he would not trust our commando in the fighting line. Inshort, he would not keep his word and give us another chance to recoupour losses. 

I had, however, made up my mind, and ordered the commando to march toLadysmith. If the General would not have me at the front I shouldcease to be an officer. And, although I had no friends of influencewho could help me I resolved to take the bull by the horns, and leavethe rest to fate. 

On the 1st November, 1899, we reached the main army near Ladysmith, and I went at once to tell General Joubert in person that my menwanted to fight, and not to play policemen in the rear of the army. Having given the order to dismount I proceeded to Joubert's tent, walked in with as much boldness as I could muster, and saluted theGeneral, who was fortunately alone. I at once opened my case, tellinghim how unfair it was to keep us in the rear, and that the burgherswere loudly protesting against such treatment. This plea was generallyused throughout the campaign when an officer required something to begranted him. At first the old General was very wrathful. He said I haddisobeyed his orders and that he had a mind to have me shot for breachof discipline. However, after much storming in his fine bass voice, hegrew calmer, and in stentorian tones ordered me for the time being tojoin General Schalk Burger, who was operating near Lombard's Kop inthe siege of Ladysmith. 

That same evening I arrived there with my commando and reported myselfto Lieut-General Burger. One of his adjutants, Mr. Joachim Fourie, whodistinguished himself afterwards on repeated occasions and was killedin action near his house in the Carolina district, showed me a placeto laager in. We pitched our tents on the same spot where a few daysbefore Generals White and French had been defeated, and there awaiteddevelopments. 

At this place the British, during the battle of Nicholson's Nek, hadhidden a large quantity of rifle and gun ammunition in a hole in theground, covering it up with grass, which gave it the appearance of aheap of rubbish. One of the burghers who feared this would beinjurious to the health of our men in camp, set the grass on fire, andthis soon penetrated to the ammunition. A tremendous explosionoccurred, and it seemed as if there were a real battle in progress. From all sides burghers dashed up on horseback to learn where thefighting was taking place. General Joubert sent an adjutant to enquirewhether the Johannesburgers were now killing each other for a change, and why I could not keep my men under better control. I asked thisgentleman to be kind enough to see for himself what was taking place, and to tell the Commandant-General that I could manage well enough tokeep my men in order, but could not be aware of the exact spot wherethe enemy had chosen to hide their ammunition. 

Meanwhile, it became daily more evident to me how greatly Joubertdepreciated my commando, and that we would have to behave very welland fight very bravely to regain his favour. Other commandos alsoseemed to have no better opinion, and spoke of us as the laager whichhad to run at Elandslaagte, forgetting how even General Meyer's hugecommando had been obliged to retreat in the greatest confusion atDundee. If all the details of this Dundee engagement were published itwould be discovered that it was a Boer disaster only second to that ofElandslaagte. 

We were now, however, at any rate at the front. I sent out my outpostsand fixed my positions, which were very far from good; but I decidedto make no complaints. We had resolved to do our very best tovindicate our honour, and to prove that our accusers had no reason tocall us either cowards or good-for-nothings. 

CHAPTER VII. 

THE BOER GENERAL'S SUPERSTITIONS. 

A few days after we had arrived before Ladysmith we joined anexpedition to reconnoitre the British entrenchments, and my commandowas ordered near some forts on the north-westerly side of the town. Both small and large artillery were being fired from each side. Weapproached within 800 paces of a fort; it was broad daylight and theenemy could therefore see us distinctly, knew the exact range, andreceived us with a perfect hailstorm of fire. Our only chance was toseek cover behind kopjes and in ditches, for on any Boer showing hishead the bullets whistled round his ears. Here two of my burghers wereseverely wounded, and we had some considerable trouble to get themthrough the firing line to our ambulance. At last, late in theafternoon, came the order to retire, and we retired after havingachieved nothing. 

I fail to this day to see the use of this reconnoitring, but atLadysmith everything was equally mysterious and perplexing. It wasperhaps that my knowledge of military matters was too limited tounderstand the subtle manoeuvres of those days. But I have made up mymind not to criticise our leader's military strategy, though I mustsay at this juncture that the whole siege of Ladysmith and the mannerin which the besieged garrison was ineffectually pounded at with ourbig guns for several months, seem to me an unfathomable mystery, which, owing to Joubert's untimely death, will never be explainedsatisfactorily. But I venture to describe Joubert's policy outsideLadysmith as stupid and primitive, and in another chapter I shallagain refer to it. 

After another fortnight or so, we were ordered away to guard anotherposition to the south-west of Ladysmith, as the Free State commandounder Commandant Nel, and, unless I am mistaken, under Field-CornetChristian de Wet (afterwards the world-famous chief Commander of theOrange Free State, and of whom all Afrikanders are justly proud), hadto go to Cape Colony. 

Here I was under the command of Dijl Erasmus, who was then General anda favourite of General Joubert. We had plenty of work given us. Trenches had to be dug and forts had to be constructed and remodelled. At this time an expedition ventured to Estcourt, under General LouisBotha, who replaced General L. Meyer, sent home on sick leave. Mycommando joined the expedition under Field-Cornet J. Kock, whoafterwards caused me a lot of trouble. 

I can say but little of this expedition to Estcourt, save that theCommander-in-Chief accompanied it. But for his being with us, I amconvinced that General Botha would have pushed on at least as far asPietermaritzburg, for the English were at that time quite unable tostop our progress. But after we got to Estcourt, practicallyunopposed, Joubert, though our burghers had been victorious in battleafter battle, ordered us to retreat. The only explanation GeneralJoubert ever vouchsafed about the recall of this expedition was thatin a heavy thunderstorm which had been raging for two nights nearEstcourt, two Boers had been struck by lightning, which, according tohis doctrine, was an infallible sign from the Almighty that thecommandos were to proceed no further. It seems incredible that inthese enlightened days we should find such a man in command of anarmy; it is, nevertheless, a fact that the loss of two burghersinduced our Commandant-General to recall victorious commandos who werecarrying all before them. The English at Pietermaritzburg, and even atDurban, were trembling lest we should push forward to the coast, knowing full well that in no wise could they have arrested ourprogress. And what an improvement in our position this would havemeant! As it was, our retirement encouraged the British to pushforward their fighting line so far as Chieveley Station, near theTugela river, and the commandos had to take up a position in the"randjes, " on the westerly banks of the Tugela. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

THE "GREAT POWERS" TO INTERVENE. 

During the retreat of our army to the frontier of the TransvaalRepublic nothing of importance occurred. Here again confusion reignedsupreme, and none of the commandos were over-anxious to formrearguards. Our Hollander Railway Company made a point of placing arespectful distance between her rolling-stock and the enemy, and, anxious to lose as few carriages as possible, raised innumerabledifficulties when asked to transport our men, provisions andammunition. Our generals had meantime proceeded to Laing's Nek by railto seek new positions, and there was no one to maintain order anddiscipline. 

About 150 Natal Afrikanders who had joined our commandos when theseunder the late General Joubert occupied the districts about Newcastleand Ladysmith, now found themselves in an awkward position. Theyelected to come with us, accompanied by their families and live stock, and they offered a most heartrending spectacle. Long rows of carts andwagons wended their way wearily along the road to Laing's Nek. Womenin tears, with their children and infants in arms, cast reproachfulglances at us as being the cause of their misery. Others occupiedthemselves more usefully in driving their cattle. Altogether it was ascene the like of which I hope never to see again. 

The Natal kaffirs now had an opportunity of displaying their hatredtowards the Boers. As soon as we had left a farm and its maleinhabitants had gone, they swooped down on the place and wrought havocand ruin, plundering and looting to their utmost carrying capacity. Some even assaulted women and children, and the most awful atrocitieswere committed. I attach more blame to the whites who encouraged theseplundering bands, especially some of the Imperial troops and Natalmen in military service. Not understanding the bestial nature of thekaffirs, they used them to help carry out their work of destruction, and although they gave them no actual orders to molest the people, they took no proper steps of preventing this. 

When our commando passed through Newcastle, we found the place almostentirely deserted, excepting for a few British subjects who had takenan oath of neutrality to the Boers. 

I regret to have to state that during our retreat a number ofirresponsible persons set fire to the Government buildings in thattown. It is said that an Italian officer burned a public hall on noreasonable pretext; certainly he never received orders to that effect. As may be expected of an invading army, some of our burgher patrolsand other isolated bodies of troops looted and destroyed a number ofhouses which had been temporarily deserted. But with the exception ofthese few cases, I can state that no outrages were committed by us inNatal, and no property was needlessly destroyed. 

On our arrival at Laing's Nek a Council of War was immediately held todecide our future plans. 

We now found ourselves once more on the old battlefields of 1880 and1881, where Boer and Briton had met 20 years before to decide by trialof arms who should be master of the S. A. Republic. Traces of thatdesperate struggle were still plainly visible, and the historic heightof Majuba stood there, an isolated sentinel, recalling to us thebattle in which the unfortunate Colley lost both the day and his life. 

I was told off to take up a position in the Nek where the wagon-roadruns to the east across the railway-tunnel, and here we madepreparations for digging trenches and placing our guns. Soon after wehad completed our entrenchments we once more saw the enemy. They werelying at Schuinshoogte on the Ingogo, and had sent a mounted corpswith two guns to the Nek. Although we had no idea of the enemy'sstrength, we were fully prepared to meet the attack; the Pretoria, Lydenburg and other laagers were posted to the left on the summit ofMajuba Hill, and other commandos held good positions on the east. Butthe enemy evidently thought that we had fled all the way back toPretoria, and not expecting to find the Nek occupied, advanced quiteunconcerned. We fired a few volleys at them, which caused them to haltin considerable surprise, and, replying with a little artillery fire, they quickly returned to Schuinshoogte. We had, however, to be on ourguard both day and night. It was bitterly cold at the time and astrong easterly wind was blowing. 

Next day something occurred which afforded a change to the monotony ofour situation, namely, the arrival from Pretoria of Mr. John Lombaard, member of the First Volksraad for Bethel. He asked permission toaddress us and informed us that we need only hold out anotherfortnight, for news from Europe had reached them to the effect thatthe Great Powers had decided to put an end to the War. Thiscommunication emanating from such a semi-official source was believedby a certain number of our men, but I think it did very little tobrighten up the spirits of the majority, or arouse them from thelethargy into which they seemed to have fallen. A fortnight passed, and a month, without us hearing anything further of this expectedintervention, and I have never been able to discover on whoseauthority and by whose orders Mr. Lombaard made to us that remarkablecommunication. 

Meantime, General Buller did not seem at all anxious to attack us, perhaps fearing a repetition of the "accidents" on the Tugela; orpossibly he thought that our position was too strong. For some reason, therefore, Laing's Nek was never attacked, and Buller afterwards, having made a huge "detour, " broke through Botha's Pass. Meanwhile, Lord Roberts and his forces were marching without opposition throughthe Orange Free State, and I was ordered to proceed to Vereenigingwith my commando. We left Laing's Nek on the 19th of May, andproceeded to the Free State frontier by rail. 

CHAPTER IX. 

COLENSO AND SPION KOP FIGHTS. 

Eight days after my commando had been stationed in my new positionunder General Erasmus, I received instructions to march toPotgietersdrift, on the Upper Tugela, near Spion Kop, and there to putmyself at Andries Cronje's disposal. This gentleman was then a generalin the Orange Free State Army, and although a very venerable lookingperson, was not very successful as a commander. Up to the 14th ofDecember, 1899, no noteworthy incident took place, and nothing wasdone but a little desultory scouting along the Tugela, and the diggingof trenches. 

At last came the welcome order summoning us to action; and we werebidden to march on Colenso Heights with 200 men to fill up the ranks, as a fight was imminent. We left under General Cronje and arrived thenext morning at daybreak, and a few hours after began the battle nowknown to the world as the Battle of Colenso (15th December, 1899). 

I afterwards heard that the commandos under General Cronje were tocross the river and attack the enemy's left flank. This did nothappen, as the greatest confusion prevailed owing to the variouscontradictory orders given by the generals. For instance, I myselfreceived four contradictory orders from four generals within the spaceof ten minutes. I, however, took the initiative in moving my men up tothe river to attempt the capture of a battery of guns on the enemy'sleft flank which had been left unprotected, as was the case with theten guns which fell into our hands later in the day. I had approachedwithin 1, 400 paces of the enemy, and my burghers were following closebehind me when an adjutant from General Botha (accompanied by agentleman named C. Fourie, who was then also parading as a general)galloped up to us and ordered us at once to join the Ermelo commando, which was said to be too weak to resist the attacks of the enemy. Wehurried thither as quickly as we could round the rear of the fightingline, where we were obliged to off-saddle and walk up to the positionof the Ermelo burghers. This was no easy task; the battle was now infull swing, and the enemy's shells were bursting in dozens around us, and in the burning sun we had to run some miles. 

When we arrived at our destination Mr. Fourie (the pseudo general) andhis adjutant could nowhere be found. As to the Ermelo burghers, theysaid they were quite comfortable, and had asked for no assistance. 

Not a single shell had reached them, for a clump of aloe trees stood ahundred yards away, which the English presumably had taken for Boers, judging by the terrific bombardment these trees were being subjectedto. 

[Illustration: Along the Tugela--Coming suddenly upon an EnglishOutpost. ]

By this time the attack was repulsed, and General Buller was in fullretreat to Chieveley, though our commando had been unable to take anactive part in the fighting, at which we were greatly disappointed. It is much to be regretted that the retreat of the enemy was notfollowed up at once. Had this been done, the campaign in Natal wouldhave taken an entirely different aspect, and very probably would havebeen attended by a more favourable conclusion. I consider myself farfrom a prophet, but this I know; and if we had then and on subsequentoccasions followed up our successes, the result of the Campaign wouldhave been far more satisfactory to us. 

After I had assisted in bringing away through the river the guns wehad taken, and seen to other matters which required my immediateattention, I was ordered to remain with the Ermelo commando atColenso, near Toomdrift, and to await there further instructions. 

A few weeks of inactivity followed, the English sending us each day afew samples of their shells from their 4·7 Naval guns. Unfortunately, our guns were of much smaller calibre, and we could send them nosuitable reply. As a rule we would lie in the trenches, and a burgherwould be on the look-out. So soon as he saw the flash of an Englishgun, he would cry out; "There's a shell, " and we then sought cover, sothat the enemy seldom succeeded in harming us. 

One day one of these big shells fell amongst a group of fourteenburghers who were at dinner. The shell struck a sharp rock, which itsplintered into fragments, and was emitting its yellow lyddite; but, fortunately, the fuse refused to burn, and the shell did not explode, so we had a narrow escape that day from a small catastrophe. 

My laager had been at Potgietersdrift all this time, and for the timebeing we were deprived of our tents. We were not sorry, therefore, when we were ordered to leave Colenso and to return to our camp. 

A few days after we were told off to take up a position at thejunction of the Little and the Big Tugela, between Spion Kop andColenso. Here we celebrated our first Christmas in the field; ourfriends at Johannesburg had sent us a quantity of presents by means ofa friend, Attorney Raaff, comprising cakes, cigars, cigarettes, tobacco and other luxuries. Along this part of the Tugela we found afair quantity of vegetables, and poultry, and as their respectiveowners had fled we were unable to pay for what we had. We wereobliged, therefore, to "borrow" all these things for the banquetbefitting to the occasion. 

But General Buller had not quite finished with us yet. He marched onSpion Kop, but with the exception of a feint attack nothing ofimportance happened then. One day I went across the river with apatrol to discover what the enemy was doing, when we suddenly cameacross nine English spies, who fled as soon as they saw us. Wegalloped after them, trying to cut them off from the main body, whichwas at a little distance away from us, and would no doubt haveovertaken them, but, riding at a breakneck speed over a mountainridge, we found ourselves suddenly confronted with a strong Englishmounted corps, apparently engaged in drilling. We were only 500 pacesaway from them, and we jumped off our horses, and opened fire. Butthere were only a dozen of us, and the enemy soon began sending us afew shells, and prepared to attack us with their whole force. About ahundred mounted men, with horses in the best of condition, set off topursue us. 

We were obliged to ride back by the same path we had come by, whichwas fortunate for us, as we knew the way and could ride throughcrevices and dongas without any hesitation. In this way we soon gaveour pursuers the slip. 

Buller's forces seemed at first to have the intention of forcing theirway through near Potgietersdrift, and they took possession of all the"randts" on their side of the river, causing us to strengthen theposition on our side. We thus had to shift our commando again toPotgietersdrift, where we soon had the enemy's Naval guns playing onour positions. This continued day and night for a whole week. 

It seemed as if General Buller were determined to annihilate all theBoers with his lyddite shells, so as to enable the soldiers to walk attheir leisure to the release of Ladysmith. Certainly we sufferedconsiderably from lyddite fumes. 

The British next made a feint attack near Potgietersdrift, advancingwith a great clamour till they had come within 2, 000 paces of us, where they occupied various "randts" and kopjes, always under cover oftheir artillery. Once they came a little too close to our positions, and we suddenly opened fire on them. The result was that theirambulance waggons were seen to become very busy driving backwards andforwards. 

This "feint, " however, was only made in order to divert our attention, while Buller was concentrating his troops and guns on Spion Kop. Theruse succeeded to a large extent, and on the 21st January thememorable battle of Spion Kop (near the Upper Tugela) began. 

General Warren, who, I believe, was in command here, had orderedanother "feint" attack from the extreme right wing. General Cronje andthe Free Staters had taken up a position at Spion Kop, assisted by thecommandos of General Erasmus and Schalk Burger. 

The fight lasted the whole of that day and the next, and became moreand more fierce. Luckily General Botha appeared on the scene in time, and re-arranged matters so well and with so much energy that the enemyfound itself well employed, and was kept in check at all points. 

I had been ordered to defend the position at Potgietersdrift, but thefighting round Spion Kop became so serious that I was obliged to sendup a field cornet with his men as a reinforcement, which was soonfollowed by a second contingent, making altogether 200 Johannesburgersin the fight, of whom nine were killed and 18 wounded. The enemy hadreached the top of the "kop" on the evening of the second day of thefight, not, however, without having sustained considerable losses. Atthis juncture one of our generals felt so disheartened that he sentaway his carts, and himself left the battlefield. 

But General Botha kept his ground like a man, surrounded by thefaithful little band who had already borne the brunt of this importantbattle. And one can imagine our delight when next morning we foundthat the English had retreated, leaving that immense battlefield, strewn with hundreds of dead and wounded, in our hands. 

"What made them leave so suddenly last night, " was the question weasked each other then, and which remains unanswered to this day. 

General Warren has stated that the cause of his departure was the wantof water, but I can hardly credit that statement, as water could beobtained all the way to the top of Spion Kop; and even had it beenwanting it is not likely that after a sacrifice of 1, 200 to 1, 300lives the position would have been abandoned on this account alone. Our victory was undoubtedly a fluke. 

CHAPTER X. 

THE BATTLE OF VAALKRANTZ. 

Soon after his defeat at Spion Kop, General Buller, moved by theearnest entreaties for help from Ladysmith, and pressed by LordRoberts, attempted a third time to break through our lines. This timemy position had to bear the onslaught of his whole forces. For somedays it had been clear to me what the enemy intended to do, but Iwired in vain to the Commander-in-Chief to send me reinforcements, andI was left to defend a front, one and a half miles in length, withabout 400 men. After many requests I at last moved General Joubert tosend me one of the guns known as "Long Toms, " which was placed at therear of our position, and enabled us to command the Vaalkrantz, or, aswe called it, "Pontdrift" kopjes. But instead of the requiredreinforcements, the Commander sent a telegram to General Meyer toColenso, telling him to come and speak to me, and to put some heartinto me, for it seemed, he said, "as if I had lost faith. "

General Meyer came, and I explained to him how matters stood, and thatI should not be able to check the enormous attacking force with mycommando alone. The British were at this time only 7, 000 paces awayfrom us. The required assistance, however, never came, although I toldthe General that a faith strong enough to move Majuba Hill would be ofno avail without a sufficient number of men. 

Early in the morning of the 5th February, 1900, my position washeavily bombarded, and before the sun had risen four of my burghershad been put _hors de combat_. The enemy had placed their naval gunson the outskirts of the wood known as "Zwartkop" so as to be able tocommand our position from an elevation of about 400 feet. I happenedto be on the right flank with ninety-five burghers and a pom-pom; myassistant, Commandant Jaapie du Preez, commanding the left flank. 

The assailants threw two pontoon bridges across the river and troopskept pouring over from 10 o'clock in the morning. The whole of theguns' fire was now concentrated on my position; and although weanswered with a well-directed fire, they charged time after time. 

The number of my fighting men was rapidly diminishing. I may say thiswas the heaviest bombardment I witnessed during the whole of thecampaign. It seemed to me as if all the guns of the British army werebeing fired at us. 

Their big lyddite guns sent over huge shells, which mowed down all thetrees on the kopje, while about fifty field pieces were incessantlybarking away from a shorter range. Conan Doyle, in his book, "TheGreat Boer War, " states that the British had concentrated no less thanseventy-three guns on that kopje. In vain I implored the nearestGenerals for reinforcements and requested our artillery in Heaven'sname to aim at the enemy's guns. At last, however, "Long Tom"commenced operations, but the artillerymen in charge had omitted toput the powder in a safe place and it was soon struck by a lydditeshell which set the whole of it on fire. This compelled us to send tothe head laager near Ladysmith for a fresh supply of powder. 

On looking about me to see how my burghers were getting on I foundthat many around me had been killed and others were wounded. Theclothes of the latter were burnt and they cried out for help in greatagony. 

Our pom-pom had long since been silenced by the enemy, and thirty ofmy burghers had been put out of the fight. The enemy's infantry wasadvancing nearer and nearer and there was not much time left to think. I knelt down behind a kopje, along with some of the men, and we keptfiring away at 400 paces, but although we sent a good many to eternalrest, the fire of the few burghers who were left was too weak to stemthe onslaught of those overwhelming numbers. 

A lyddite shell suddenly burst over our very heads. Four burghers withme were blown to pieces and my rifle was smashed. It seemed to me asif a huge cauldron of boiling fat had burst over us and for someminutes I must have lost consciousness. A mouthful of brandy and water(which I always carried with me) was given me and restored mesomewhat, and when I opened my eyes I saw the enemy climbing the kopjeon three sides of us, some of them only a hundred paces away from me. 

I ordered my men to fall back and took charge of the pom-pom, and wethen retired under a heavy rifle and gun fire. Some English writershave made much ado about the way in which our pom-pom was saved, butit was nothing out of the ordinary. Of the 95 burghers with me 29 hadbeen killed, 24 wounded. 

When I had a few minutes rest I felt a piercing pain in my head, andthe blood began to pour from my nose and ears. 

We had taken up another position at 1, 700 paces, and fired our pom-pomat the enemy, who now occupied our position of a few minutes before. Our other guns were being fired as well, which gave the British anexciting quarter of an hour. On the right and left of the positionstaken by them our burghers were still in possession of the "randten";to the right Jaapie du Preez, with the loss of only four wounded, kepthis ground with the rest of my commando. 

The next morning the fight was renewed, and our "Long Tom" now tookthe lead in the cannon-concert, and seemed to make himself veryunpleasant to the enemy. 

The whole day was mainly a battle of big guns. My headache grewunbearable, and I was very feverish. General Botha had meanwhilearrived with reinforcements, and towards evening things took a betterturn. 

But I was temporarily done for, and again lost consciousness, and wastaken to the ambulance. Dr. Shaw did his best, I hear, for me; but Iwas unconscious for several days, and when I revived the doctor toldme I had a slight fracture of the skull caused by the bursting of ashell. The injuries, however, could not have been very serious for tendays after I was able to leave my bed. I then heard that the night Ihad been taken to the hospital, the British had once more been forcedto retire across the Tugela, and early in the morning of the 7th ofFebruary our burghers were again in possession of the kopje"Vaalkrantz, " round which such a fierce fight had waged and for thepossession of which so much blood had been spilled. 

So far as I could gather from the English official reports they lostabout 400 men, while our dead and wounded numbered only sixty-two. 

Taking into consideration the determination with which General Bullerhad attacked us, and how dearly he had paid for this third abortiveattempt, the retreat of his troops remains as much of a mystery to meas that at Spion Kop. 

Our "Long Tom" was a decided success, and had proved itself to beexceedingly useful. 

The Battle of "Vaalkrantz" kopje was to me and to the Johannesburgcommando undoubtedly the most important and the fiercest fight in thiswar, and although one point in our positions was taken, I think thaton the whole I may be proud of our defence. About two-thirds of itsdefenders were killed or wounded before the enemy took that spot, andall who afterwards visited the kopje where our struggle had takenplace had to admit that unmistakable evidence showed it to be one ofthe hottest fights of the Natal campaign. All the trees were torn upor smashed by shells, great blocks of rock had been splintered andwere stained yellow by the lyddite; mutilated bodies were lyingeverywhere--Briton and Boer side by side; for during the short time"Vaalkrantz" had been in their possession the English had not had anopportunity of burying the bodies of friends or foe. 

I think I may quote a few paragraphs of what Dr. Doyle says in hisbook about this engagement:--

 "The artillery-fire (the "Zwartkop" guns and other batteries) was then hurriedly aimed at the isolated "Vaalkrantz" (the real object of the attack), and had a terrific effect. It is doubtful whether ever before a position has been exposed to such an awful bombardment. The weight of the ammunition fired by some of the cannon was greater than that of an entire German battery during the Franco-Prussian war. "

Prince Kraft describes the 4 and 6-pounders as mere toys compared withmachine Howitzer and 4·7 guns. 

Dr. Doyle, however, is not sure about the effect of these powerfulguns, for he says:--

 "Although the rims of the kopje were being pounded by lyddite and other bombs it is doubtful whether this terrific fire did much damage among the enemy, as seven English officers and 70 men were lying dead on the kopje against only a few Boers, who were found to have been wounded. "

Of the pom-pom, which I succeeded in saving from the enemy's hands, the same writer says:--

 "It was during this attack that something happened of a more picturesque and romantic nature than is usually the case in modern warfare; here it was not a question of combatants and guns being invisible or the destruction of a great mass of people. In this case it concerns a Boer gun, cut off by the British troops, which all of a sudden came out of its hiding-place and scampered away like a frightened hare from his lair. It fled from the danger as fast as the mules' legs would take it, nearly overturning, and jolting and knocking against the rocks, while the driver bent forward as far as he could to protect himself from the shower of bullets which were whistling round his ears in all directions. British shells to the right of him, shells to the left of him bursting and spluttering, lyddite shrapnel fuming and fizzing and making the splinters fly. But over the "randtje" the gun disappeared, and in a few minutes after it was in position again, and dealing death and destruction amongst the British assailants. "

While I was under treatment in Dr. Shaw's ambulance I was honoured bya visit from General Joubert, who came to compliment me on what hecalled the splendid defence of Vaalkrantz, and to express his regretat the heavy loss sustained by our commando. I heard from Dr. Shawthat after the battle the groans and cries of the wounded burgherscould be heard in the immediate neighbourhood of the English outposts. Some burghers volunteered to go, under cover of the darkness, to seeif they could save these wounded men. They cautiously crept up to thefoot of the kopjes, from where they could plainly see the Englishsentinels, and a little further down found in a ditch two of ourwounded, named Brand and Liebenberg; the first had an arm and a legsmashed, the latter had a bullet in his thigh. 

One can imagine what a terrible plight they were in after laying therefor two nights and a day, exposed to the night's severe cold and theday's scorching sun. Their wounds were already decomposing, and theodour was most objectionable. 

The two unfortunate men were at once carried to the laager andattended to with greatest care. Poor Liebenberg died of his woundssoon after. Brand, the youngest son of the late President Brand, ofthe Orange Free State, soon recovered, if I remember rightly. 

At the risk of incurring the displeasure of a great number of peopleby adding the following statement to my description of the battle ofVaalkrantz, I feel bound to state that Commandant-General Joubert, after our successes at Colenso, Spion Kop, and Vaalkrantz, asked thetwo State Presidents, Kruger and Steyn, to consider the urgency ofmaking peace overtures to the English Government. He pointed out thatthe Republics had no doubt reached the summit of their glory in theWar. The proposal read as follows: That the Republican troops shouldat once evacuate British territory, compensation to be given for thedamage to property, etc. , inflicted by our commandos, against whichthe British Government was to guarantee that the Republics should bespared from any further incursions or attacks from British troops, andto waive its claim of Suzerainty; and that the British Governmentshould undertake not to interfere with the internal affairs and legalprocedure of the two Republics, and grant general amnesty to thecolonial rebels. 

Commander-in-Chief Joubert defended these proposals by pointing outthat England was at that moment in difficulties, and had sufferedrepeated serious defeats. The opportunity should be taken, urged theGeneral. 

He was supported by several officers, but other Boer leaders contendedthat Natal, originally Boer territory, should never again be ceded tothe enemy. As we heard nothing more of these proposals, I suppose thetwo State Presidents rejected them. 

CHAPTER XI. 

THE TURN OF THE TIDE. 

After the English forces had retreated from Vaalkrantz across theTugela, a patrol of my commando under my faithful adjutant, J. DuPreez, who had taken my place for the time being, succeeded insurprising a troop of fifty Lancers, of the 17th regiment, I believe, near Zwartkop, east of the Tugela, and making them prisoners after ashort skirmish. Among these men, who were afterwards sent to Pretoria, was a certain Lieutenant Thurlington. It was a strange sight to seeour patrol coming back with their victims, each Boer brandishing acaptured lance. 

Being still in the hospital in feeble health without any prospect of aspeedy recovery, I took the doctor's advice and went home toRondepoort, near Krugersdorp, where my family was staying at thetime, and there, thanks to the careful treatment of my kind doctor andthe tender care of my wife I soon recovered my strength. 

On the 25th of February I received a communication from my commando tothe effect that General Buller had once more concentrated his forceson Colenso and that heavy fighting was going on. The same evening Ialso had a telegram from President Kruger, urging me to rejoin mycommando so soon as health would allow, for affairs seemed to havetaken a critical turn. The enemy appeared to mean business this time, and our commando had already been compelled to evacuate some veryimportant positions, one of which was Pieter's Heights. 

Then the news came from Cape Colony that General Piet Cronje had beensurrounded at Paardeberg, and that as he stubbornly refused to abandonhis convoy and retreat, he would soon be compelled by a superior forceto surrender. 

The next morning I was in a fast train to Natal, accompanied by myfaithful adjutant, Rokzak. My other adjutant, Du Preez, had meantimebeen ordered to take a reinforcement of 150 men to Pieter's Heights, and was soon engaged in a desperate struggle in the locality situatedbetween the Krugersdorpers' and the Middleburgers' positions. Thesituation was generally considered very serious when I arrived nearthe head laager at Modderspruit late in the evening of the 27th ofFebruary, unaware of the unfavourable turn things had taken during theday at Paardeberg, in the Cape Colony, and on the Tugela. We rode onthat night to my laager at Potgietersdrift, but having to go by aroundabout way it took us till early next morning before we reachedour destination. The first thing I saw on my arrival was a cartcontaining ten wounded men, who had just been brought in from thefighting line, all yellow with lyddite. 

Field-cornet P. Van der Byl, who came fresh from the fight nearPieter's Heights, told me that these burghers had been wounded there. I asked them what had happened and how matters stood. "Ah, Commandant, " he replied, "things are in a very bad way! Commandant DuPreez and myself were called to Pieter's Heights three days ago, asthe enemy wanted to force their way through. We were in a very awkwardposition, the enemy storming us again and again; but we held our own, and fired on the soldiers at 50 paces. The English, however, directedan uninterrupted gun fire at our commandos, and wrought great havoc. Early Sunday morning the other side asked for a truce to enable themto bury their dead who were lying too close to our positions to be gotat during the fighting. Many of their wounded were lying there aswell, and the air was rent during 24 hours with their agonised groans, which were awful to hear. We, therefore, granted an armistice till 6o'clock in the evening. " (This curiously coincided in time with LordRoberts' refusal to General Piet Cronje at Paardeberg to bury hisdead). 

"The enemy, " continued the field-cornet, "broke through severalpositions, and while we were being fired at by the troops which wereadvancing on us, we were attacked on our left flank and in the rear. Assistant-Commandant Du Preez, and Field-Cornet Mostert, were bothseverely wounded, but are now in safe hands. Besides these, 42 of ourburghers were killed, wounded, or taken prisoners; we could only bring16 of our wounded with us. The Krugersdorpers, too, have sufferedseverely. The enemy has pushed through, and I suppose my burghers arenow taking up a position in the "randten" near Onderbroekspruit. "

Here was a nice state of things! When I had left my commando 15 dayspreviously, we had had heavy losses in the battle of Vaalkrantz, andnow again my burghers had been badly cut up. We had lost over 100 menin one month. 

But there was no time to lose in lamenting over these matters, for Ihad just received information that General P. Cronje had been takenprisoner with 4, 000 men. The next report was to the effect that theenemy was breaking through near Onderbroekspruit, and that someburghers were retiring past Ladysmith. I was still in telegraphiccommunication with the head laager, and at once wired to theCommandant-General for instructions. The answer was:--

 "Send your carts back to Modderspruit (our headquarters) and hold the position with your mounted commandos. "

The position indicated was on the Upper Tugela, on a line withColenso. My laager was about 20 miles away from the head laager; theenemy had passed through Onderbroekspruit, and was pushing on with allpossible speed to relieve Ladysmith, so that I now stood in an obliqueline with the enemy's rear. I sent out my carts to the south-west, going round Ladysmith in the direction of Modderspruit. One of myscouts reported to me that the Free State commandos which had beenbesieging Ladysmith to the south, had all gone in the direction of VanReenen's Pass; another brought the information that the enemy had beenseen to approach the village, and that a great force of cavalry wasmaking straight for us. 

General Joubert's instructions were therefore inexplicable to me, andif I had carried them out I would probably have been cut off by theenemy. My burghers were also getting restless, and asked me why, whileall the other commandos were retiring, we did not move. Cronje'ssurrender had had a most disheartening effect on them; there was, infact, quite a panic among them. I mounted a high kopje from which Icould see the whole Orange Free State army, followed by a long line ofquite 500 carts and a lot of cattle, in full retreat, and enveloped ingreat clouds of red dust. To the right of Ladysmith I also noticed asimilar melancholy procession. On turning round, I saw the English invast numbers approaching very cautiously, so slowly, in fact, that itwould take some time before they could reach us. Another and greatforce was rushing up behind them, also in the direction of Ladysmith. 

It must have been a race for the Distinguished Service Order or theVictoria Cross to be won by the one who was first to enter Ladysmith. We knew that the British infantry, aided by the artillery, had pavedthe way for relief, and I noticed the Irish Fusiliers on thisoccasion, as always, in the van. But Lord Dundonald rushed in and wasproclaimed the hero of the occasion. 

Before concluding this chapter I should like to refer to a fewincidents which happened during the Siege of Ladysmith. It isunnecessary to give a detailed description of the destruction of "LongTom" at Lombardskop or the blowing up of another gun west ofLadysmith, belonging to the Pretoria Commando. The other side havewritten enough about this, and made enough capital out of them; andmany a D. S. O. And V. C. Has been awarded on account of them. 

Alas, I can put forward nothing to lessen our dishonour. As regardsthe "Long Tom" which was blown up, this was a piece of pure treachery, and a shocking piece of neglect, Commandant Weilbach, who ought tohave defended this gun with the whole of his Heidelberg Commando, wasunfaithful to his charge. The Heidelbergers, however, under a betterofficer, subsequently proved themselves excellent soldiers. A certainMajor Erasmus was also to blame. He was continually under theinfluence of some beverage which could not be described as "aquapura"; and we, therefore, expected little from him. But although theplanning and the execution of the scheme to blow up "Long Tom" was aclever piece of work, the British wasted time and opportunity amusingthemselves in cutting out on the gun the letters "R. A. " (RoyalArtillery), and the effect of the explosion was only to injure part ofthe barrel. After a little operation in the workshops of theNetherlands South African Railway Company at Pretoria under thedirection of Mr. Uggla, our gun-doctor, "Long Tom's" mouth was healedand he could spit fire again as well as before. As to the blowing upof the howitzer shortly after, I will say the incident reflected nocredit on General Erasmus, as he ought to have been warned by whathappened near Lombardskop, and to have taken proper precautions not togive a group of starving and suffering soldiers an opportunity ofpenetrating his lines and advancing right up to his guns. 

Both incidents will be an ugly blot on the history of this war, and Iam sorry to say the two Boer officers have never received condignpunishment. They should, at any rate, have been called before theCommandant-General to explain their conduct. 

The storming of Platrand (Cæsar's Camp), south-east of Ladysmith, onthe 6th of January, 1900, also turned out badly for many reasons. Theattack was not properly conducted owing to a jealousy amongst some ofthe generals, and there was not proper co-operation. 

The burghers who took part in the assault and captured several fortsdid some splendid work, which they might well be proud of, but theywere not seconded as they should have been. The enemy knew that ifthey lost Platrand, Ladysmith would have to surrender; they thereforedefended every inch of ground, with the result that our men werefinally compelled to give way. And, for our pains, we sustained anenormous loss in men, which did not improve in any way the brokenspirit of our burghers. 

CHAPTER XII. 

THE GREAT BOER RETREAT. 

There was clearly no help for it, we had to retreat. I gave orders tosaddle up and to follow the example of the other commandos, reportingthe fact to the Commandant-General. An answer came--not fromModderspruit this time, but from the station beyond Elandslaagte--thata general retreat had been ordered, most of the commandos havingalready passed Ladysmith, and that General Joubert had gone in advanceto Glencoe. At dusk I left the Tugela positions which we had sosuccessfully held for a considerable time, where we had arrested theenemy from marching to the relief of Ladysmith, and where so manycomrades had sacrificed their lives for their country and theirpeople. 

It was a sad sight to see the commandos retreating in utter chaos anddisorder in all directions. I asked many officers what instructionsthey had received, but nobody seemed to know what the orders actuallywere; their only idea seemed to be to get away as quickly as possible. 

Finally, at 9 o'clock in the evening we reached Klip River, where astrange scene was taking place. The banks were crowded with hundredsof mounted men, carts and cattle mingled in utter confusion amongstthe guns, all awaiting their turn to cross. With an infinite amount oftrouble the carts were all got over one at a time. After a fewminutes' rest I decided on consulting my officers, that we shouldcross the river with our men by another drift further up the stream, our example being followed by a number of other commandos. 

I should point out here that in retreating we were going to the left, and therefore in perilous proximity to Ladysmith. The commandos whichhad been investing the town were all gone; and Buller's troops hadalready reached it from the eastern side, and there was reallynothing to prevent the enemy from turning our rear, which had perforceto pass Ladysmith on its way from the Tugela. When we had finally gotthrough the drift late that evening, a rumour reached us that theBritish were in possession of Modderspruit, and so far as that roadwas concerned, our retreat was effectually cut off. 

Shortly before the War, however, the English had made a new road whichfollowed the course of the Klip River up to the Drakensbergen, andthen led through the Biggarsbergen to Newcastle. This road was, Ibelieve, made for military purposes; but it was very useful to us, andour wagons were safely got away by it. 

Commandant D. Joubert, of the Carolina Commando, then sent a messageasking for reinforcements for the Pretoria laager, situated to thenorth-west of Ladysmith. It was a dark night and the rain was pouringdown in torrents, which rendered it very difficult to get thenecessary burghers together for this purpose. 

I managed, however, to induce a sufficient number of men to cometogether, and we rode back; but on nearing the Pretoria Laager, Ifound to my dismay that there were only 22 of us left. What was to bedone? This handful of men was of very little use; yet to return wouldhave been cowardly, and besides, in the meantime our laager would havegone on, and would now be several hours' riding ahead of us. I sentsome burghers in advance to see what was happening to the PretoriaLaager. It seemed strange to me that the place should still be in thehands of our men, seeing that all the other commandos had long sinceretired. After waiting fully an hour, our scouts came back with theinformation that the laager was full of English soldiers, and thatthey had been able to hear them quarrelling about the booty leftbehind by the burghers. 

It was now two o'clock in the morning. Our Pretoria comrades wereapparently safe, and considerably relieved we decided to ride toElandslaagte which my men would by that time have surely reached. Ourcarts were sooner or later bound to arrive there, inasmuch as theywere in charge of a field-cornet known to us as one of our best"retreat officers. " I think it was splendid policy under thecircumstances to appoint such a gentleman to such a task; I felt surethat the enemy would never overtake him and capture his carts. Wefollowed the main road, which was fortunately not held by the enemy, as had been reported to us. On the way we encountered several cartsand waggons which had been cast away by the owners for fear of beingcaught up by the pursuing troops. Of course the rumour that this roadwas in possession of the English was false, but it increased the panicamong the burghers. Not only carts had been left behind, but, as wefound in places, sacks of flour, tins of coffee, mattresses and otherjettison, thrown out of the carts to lighten their burden. 

On nearing Elandslaagte we caught up the rear of the fleeingcommandos. Here we learned that Generals Botha and Meyer were stillbehind us with their commandos, near Lombardsdorp. We off-saddled, exhausted and half starving. Luckily, some of the provisions of ourcommissariat, which had been stored here during the Ladysmithinvestment, had not been carried away. But, to our disgust, we foundthat the Commissariat-Commissioner had set fire to the whole of it, sowe had to appease our hunger by picking half-burned potatoes out of afire. 

At 7 o'clock next morning General Botha and his men arrived atElandslaagte and off-saddled in hopes of getting something to eat. They were also doomed to disappointment. Such wanton destruction ofGod's bounty was loudly condemned, and had Mr. Pretorius, theCommissioner of Stores, not been discreet enough to make himselfscarce, he would no doubt have been subjected to a severe"sjamboking. " Later in the day a council of war was held, and it wasdecided that we should all stay there for the day, in order to stopthe enemy if they should pursue us. Meantime we would allow theconvoys an opportunity of getting to the other side of the SundayRiver. 

The British must have been so overjoyed at the relief of Ladysmiththat Generals Buller and White did not think it necessary to pursueus, at any rate for some time, a consideration for which we wereprofoundly grateful. Methinks General Buller must have felt that hehad paid a big price for the relief of Ladysmith, for it must havecost him many more lives than he had relieved. But in that place werea few Jingos (Natal Jingos) who had to be released, I suppose, at anycosts. 

My burghers and I had neither cooking utensils nor food, and wereanxious to push forward and find our convoys; for we had not as yetlearned to live without carts and commissariat. At dusk thegenerals--I have no idea who they were--ordered us to hold the"randjes" south of the Sunday River till the following day, and thatno burghers were to cross the river. This order did not seem to pleasethe majority, but the Generals had put a guard near the bridge, withinstructions to shoot any burghers and their horses should they try toget to the other side; so they had perforce, to remain where theywere. Now I had only 22 men under my command, and I did not thinkthese would make an appreciable difference to our fighting force, so Isaid to myself: "To-night we shall have a little game with thegenerals for once. "

We rode towards the bridge, and of course the guard there threatenedto fire on us if we did not go back immediately. My adjutant, however, rode up and said: "Stand back, you ----! This is Commandant Viljoen, who has been ordered to hurry up a patrol at ----" (mentioning someplace a few miles away) "which is in imminent danger of beingcaptured. "

The guards, quite satisfied, stepped back and favoured us with amilitary salute as we rode by. When we had been riding a little way Iheard someone ask them what "people" they were who had passed over thebridge, and I caught the words: "Now you will see that they will allwant to cross. "

I do not contend I was quite right in acting in this insubordinatemanner, but we strongly objected to being put under the guard of othercommandos by some one irresponsible general. I went on that nighttill we reached the Biggarsbergen, and next day sent out scouts in thedirection of the Drakensbergen to inquire for the scattered remains ofmy commando. The mountains were covered with cattle from the laagersabout Glencoe Station. The Boers there were cooking food, shoeingtheir horses, or repairing their clothes; in fact, they were verycomfortable and very busy. They remarked: "There are many moreburghers yonder with the General; we are quite sure of that. " ... "TheCommandant-General is near Glencoe and will stop the retreating men. "

In short, as was continually happening in the War, everything was leftto chance and the Almighty. Luckily General Botha had deemed it hisduty to form a rearguard and cover our retreat; otherwise the Englishwould have captured a large number of laagers, and many burghers whosehorses were done up. But, whereas we had too little discipline, theEnglish had evidently too much. It is not for me to say why GeneralBuller did not have us followed up; but it seems that the Britishlost a splendid chance. 

Some days went by without anything of note happening. My scoutsreturned on the third day and reported that my commando and its laagerhad safely got through, and could be expected the next day. MeanwhileI had procured some provisions at Glencoe, and for the time being wehad nothing to complain about. 

I was very much amused next day to receive by despatch-rider a copy ofa telegram from Glencoe sent by General Joubert to General Prinsloo atHarrismith (Orange Free State) asking for information regardingseveral missing commandos and officers, amongst whom my name appeared, while the telegram also contained the startling news that my commandohad been reported cut up at Klip River and that I had been killed inaction! This was the second time that I was killed, but one eventuallygets used to that sort of thing. 

I sent, by the despatch-rider, this reply:--

"I and my commando are very much alive!" Adding: "Tell the General wewant four slaughter oxen. "

The following day I received orders to attend a council of war whichwas to be held at Glencoe Station. The principal object of thisgathering was to discuss further plans of operation, to decide as towhere our next positions were to be taken, and where the new fightingline would be formed. 

[Illustration: General Joubert opening a Council of War with Prayer. ]

We all met at the appointed time in a big unoccupied hall near GlencoeStation, where General Joubert opened the last council that he was toconduct in this world. Over 50 officers were present and the interestwas very keen for several reasons. In the first place we all desiredsome official information about the fate of General Cronje and hisburghers at Paardeburg, and in the second place some expected to hearsomething definite about the intervention of which so much had beensaid and written of late. In fact many thought that Russia, France, Germany or the United States of America would surely intervene so soonas the fortunes of war began to turn against us. My personal opinionwas stated just before the war at a public meeting, held inJohannesburg, where I said: "If we are driven to war we must not relyfor deliverance on foreign powers, but on God and the Mauser. "

Some officers thought we ought to retire to our frontiers as far asLaing's Nek, and it was generally believed that this proposal would beadopted. According to our custom General Joubert opened the councilwith an address, in which he described the situation in its details. It was evident that our Commandant-General was very low-spirited andmelancholy, and was suffering greatly from that painful internalcomplaint which was so soon to put an end to his career. 

No less than eleven assisting commandants and fighting generals werepresent, and yet not one could say who was next in command to GeneralJoubert. I spoke to some friends about the irregularities whichoccurred during our retreat from Ladysmith: how all the generals wereabsent except Botha and Meyer, while the latter was on far from goodterms with General Joubert since the unfortunate attack on Platrand. This was undoubtedly due to the want of co-operation on the part ofthe various generals, and I resolved if possible, to bring our armyinto a closer union. I therefore proposed a motion:--

 "That all the generals be asked to resign, with the exception of one assistant commandant-general and one fighting general. "

Commandant Engelbrecht had promised to second my proposal, but when itwas read out his courage failed him. The motion, moreover, was notvery well received, and when it was put to the vote I found that Istood alone, even my seconder having forsaken me. As soon as anopportunity presented itself I asked General Joubert who was to besecond in command. My question was not answered directly, but egged onby my colleagues, I asked whether General Botha would be next incommand. To this he replied: "Yes, that is what I understand--. "

And if I am not mistaken, this was the first announcement of theimportant fact that Botha was to lead us in future. 

Much more was said and much arranged; some of the commandos were to goto Cape Colony and attempt to check the progress of Lord Roberts, whowas marching steadily north after Cronje's surrender. Finally eachofficer had some position assigned to him in the mountain-chain wecall the Biggarsbergen. I was placed under General Meyer atVantondersnek, near Pomeroy, and we left at once for our destination. From this place a pass leads through the Biggarsbergen, about 18 milesfrom Glencoe Station. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

DRIVEN FROM THE BIGGARSBERGEN. 

We spent the next few weeks in entrenching and fortifying our newpositions. General Botha had left with some men for the Orange FreeState which Lord Roberts, having relieved Kimberley, was marchingthrough. General Joubert died about this time at Pretoria, having beentwenty-one years Commandant-General of the South African Republic. Hewas without doubt one of the most prominent figures in the SouthAfrican drama. 

General Botha now took up the chief command and soon proved himself tobe worthy of holding the reins. He enjoyed the confidence and esteemof our whole army, a very important advantage under our tryingcircumstances. 

Assisted by De Wet he was soon engaged in organizing the commandos inthe Orange Free State, and in attempting to make some sort of a standagainst the British, who were now marching through the country inoverwhelming numbers. In this Republic the burghers had been under thecommand of the aged General Prinsloo, who now, however, had become sodownhearted that the supreme command was taken from him and given toGeneral De Wet. Prinsloo surrendered soon after, in doing which he didhis people his greatest service; it was, however, unfortunate that heshould have succeeded in leading with him 900 burghers into the handsof the enemy. 

In the Biggarsbergen we had nothing to do but to sleep and eat anddrink. On two separate occasions, however, we were ordered to joinothers in attacking the enemy's camp at Elandslaagte. This was donewith much ado, but I would rather say nothing about the way in whichthe attacks were directed. It suffices to say that both failedmiserably, and we were forced to retire considerably quicker than wehad come. 

Our generals, meantime, were very busy issuing innumerable circularsto the different commandos. It is impossible for me to remember thecontents of all these curious manifestos, but one read as follows:--

 "A roll-call of all burghers is to be taken daily; weekly reports are to be sent to headquarters of each separate commando, and the minimum number of burghers making up a field-cornetship is therein to be stated. Every 15 men forming a field-cornetship are to be under a corporal; and these corporals are to hold a roll-call every day, and to send in weekly detailed reports of their men to the Field-Cornet and Commandant, who in his turn must report to the General. "

Another lengthy circular had full instructions and regulations for thegranting of "leave" to burghers, an intricate arrangement which gaveofficers a considerable amount of trouble. The scheme was known as the"furlough system, " and was an effort to introduce a show oforganisation into the weighty matter of granting leave of absence. Itfailed, however, completely to have its desired effect. It providedthat one-tenth of each commando should be granted furlough for afortnight, and then return to allow another tenth part to go in itsturn. In a case of sick leave, a doctor's certificate was required, which had to bear the counter-signature of the field-cornet; itspossessor was then allowed to go home instead of to the hospital. Further, a percentage of the farmers were allowed from time to time togo home and attend to pressing matters of their farms, such asharvesting, shearing sheep, etc. Men were chosen by the farmers to goand attend to matters not only for themselves but for other farmers intheir districts as well. The net result of all this was that wheneverybody who could on some pretext or other obtain furlough had doneso, about a third of each commando was missing. My burghers who weremostly men from the Witwatersrand Goldfields, could of course obtainno leave for farming purposes; and great dissatisfaction prevailed. Iwas inundated with complaints about their unfair treatment in thisrespect and only settled matters with considerable trouble. 

I agree that this matter had to be regulated somehow, and I do notblame the authorities for their inability to cope with thedifficulty. It seemed a great pity, however, that the commandos shouldbe weakened so much and that the fighting spirit should be destroyedin this fashion. Of course it was our first big war and ourarrangements were naturally of a very primitive character. 

It was the beginning of May before our friends the enemy at Ladysmithand Elandslaagte began to show some signs of activity. We discoveredunmistakable signs that some big forward movement was in progress, butwe could not discover on which point the attack was to be directed. Buller and his men were marching on the road along Vantondersnek, andI scented heavy fighting for us again. I gathered a strong patrol andstarted out to reconnoitre the position. We found that the enemy hadpitched their camp past Waschbank in great force, and were sending outdetachments in an easterly direction. From this I concluded that theydid not propose going through Vantondersnek, but that they intended toattack our left flank at Helpmakaar. This seemed to me, at any rate, to be General Buller's safest plan. 

Helpmakaar was east of my position; it is a little village elbowed ina pass in the Biggarsbergen. By taking this point one could hold thekey to our entire extended line of defence, as was subsequently onlytoo clearly shown. I pointed this out to some of our generals, but acommandant's opinion did not weigh much just then; nor was any noticetaken of a similar warning from Commandant Christian Botha, who held aposition close to mine with the Swaziland burghers. 

We had repeated skirmishes with the English outposts during ourscouting expeditions, and on one occasion we suddenly encountered ascore of men of the South African Light Horse. 

We noticed them in a "donk" (a hollow place) thickly covered withtrees and bushes, but not before we were right amongst them. Itappears they mistook us for Englishmen, while we thought at first theywere members of Colonel Blake's Irish Brigade. Many of them shookhands with us, and a burgher named Vivian Cogell asked them in Dutch:"How are you, boys?"

To which an Englishman, who understood a little Dutch, answered: "Oh, all right; where do you come from?"

Vivian replied: "From Viljoen's commando; we are scouting. "

Then the Englishman discovered who we were, but Vivian gave the man notime for reflection. Riding up to him, he asked: "What regiment do youbelong to?"

"To the South African Light Horse, " answered the Englishman. 

"Hands up!" retorted Vivian, and the English-Afrikander threw down hisgun and put up his hands. 

"Hands up! Hands up!" was the cry now universally heard, and althougha few escaped, the majority were disarmed and made prisoners. It hadbeen made a rule that when a burgher captured a British soldier heshould be allowed to conduct him to Pretoria, where he could thenobtain a few days' leave to visit his family. This did much toencourage our burghers to make prisoners, although many lost theirlives in attempting to do so. 

The next day, General Buller marched on Helpmakaar, passing close toour position. We fired a few shots from our Creusot gun, and hadseveral light skirmishes. The enemy, however, concentrated the fire ofa few batteries on us, and our guns were soon silenced. 

General L. Meyer had arrived with some reinforcements close toHelpmakaar, but the position had never been strengthened, and the soledefending force consisted of the Piet Retief burghers, known as the"Piet Retreaters, " together with a small German corps. The result waseasy to predict. The attack was made, and we lost the position withoutseriously attempting to defend it. Buller was now, therefore, inpossession of the key to the Boer position in Natal, a position whichwe had occupied for two months--and could therefore, have fortified toperfection--and whose strategic importance should have been known inits smallest details. I think our generals, who had a sufficient forceat their disposal, of which the mobility has become world-famed, should have been able to prevent such a fiasco as our occupation ofthe splendid line of defence in the Biggarsbergen turned out to be. 

Here, for the first time in the war, General Buller utilised hissuccess, and followed up our men as they were retreating on Dundee. Hedescended by the main waggon track from Helpmakaar, and drove thecommandos like sheep before him. I myself was obliged to move away inhot haste and join the general retreat. Once or twice our menattempted to make a stand, but with little success. 

When we reached Dundee the enemy gradually slackened off pursuit, andat dark we were clear of them. Satisfied with their previous day'ssuccess, and sadly hampered by their enormous convoys, the English nowallowed us to move on at our leisure. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

DISPIRITED AND DEMORALISED. 

Our first intention was to proceed to Vereeniging, there to joinGeneral Botha's forces. At Klip River Station, that precedingVereeniging, I was ordered, however, to leave my carts behind andproceed with my men to Vaalbank, as the enemy were advancing withforced marches, and had compelled all the other commandos to fall backon Vereeniging. 

On our way we met groups of retreating burghers, each of whom gave usa different version of the position. Some said that the enemy hadalready swept past Vereeniging, others that they could not now bestopped until they reached Johannesburg. Further on, we had the goodfortune to encounter General Botha and his staff. The General orderedme to take up a position at the Gatsrand, near the Nek atPharaohsfontein, as the British, having split their forces up into twoparts, would send one portion to cross the Vaal River at Lindeque'sDrift, whilst the other detachments would follow the railway pastVereeniging. Generals Lemmer and Grobler were already posted at theGatsrand to obstruct the enemy's progress. 

I asked General Botha how we stood. He sighed, and answered: "If onlythe burghers would fight we could stop them easily enough; but Icannot get a single burgher to start fighting. I hope their runningmood will soon change into a fighting mood. You keep your spirits up, and let us do our duty. "

"All right, General, " I answered, and we shook hands heartily. 

We rode on through the evening and at midnight halted at a farm togive our horses rest and fodder. The owner of the farm was absent onduty, and his family had been left behind. On our approach thewomen-folk, mistaking us for Englishmen, were terrified out of theirwits. Remembering the atrocities and horrors committed in Natal on theadvance of the Imperial troops, they awaited the coming of theEnglish with the greatest terror. On the approach of the enemy manywomen and children forsook their homes and wandered about in caves andwoods for days, exposed to every privation and inclemency of theweather, and to the attacks of wandering bands of plundering kaffirs. 

Mrs. Van der Merwe, whom we met here, was exceedingly kind to us, andgave us plenty of fodder for our horses. We purchased some sheep, andslaughtered them and enjoyed a good meal before sunrise; and each oneof us bore away a good-sized piece of mutton as provisions for thefuture. 

Our scouts, whom we had despatched over night, informed us thatGenerals Lemmer and Grobler had taken up their stand to the right ofPharaohsfontein in the Gatsrand, and that the English were approachingin enormous force. 

By nine in the morning we had taken up our positions, and at noon theenemy came in sight. Our commando had been considerably reduced, asmany burghers, finding themselves near their homes, had applied fortwenty-four hours' leave, which had been granted in order to allowthem to arrange matters before the advance of the English on theirfarms made it impossible. A few also had deserted for the time being, unable to resist the temptation of visiting their families in theneighbourhood. 

Some old burghers approached us and hailed us with the usual "Morning, boys! Which commando do you belong to?"

"Viljoen's. "

"We would like to see your Commandant, " they answered. 

Presenting myself, I asked: "Who are you, and where do you come from, and where are you going to?"

They answered: "We are scouts of General Lemmer and we came to see whois holding this position. "

"But surely General Lemmer knows that I am here?"

[Illustration: A Surprise. --Coyell Meeting the Imperial Light Horse. ]

"Very probably, " they replied, "but we wanted to know for ourselves;we thought we might find some of our friends amongst you. You comefrom Natal, don't you?"

"Yes, " I answered sadly. "We have come to reinforce the others, but Ifear we can be of little use. It seems to me that it will be here asit was in Natal; all running and no fighting. "

"Alas!" they said, "the Free Staters will not remain in one position, and we must admit the Transvaalers are also very disheartened. However, if the British once cross our frontiers you will find thatthe burghers will fight to the bitter end. "

Consoled by this pretty promise we made up our minds to do our best, but our outposts presently brought word that the British were bearingto the right and nearing General Grobler's position, and had passedround that of General Lemmer. Whilst they attacked General Grobler'swe attacked their flank, but we could not do much damage, as we werewithout guns. Soon after the enemy directed a heavy artillery fire onus, to which we, being on flat ground, found ourselves dangerouslyexposed. 

Towards evening the enemy were in possession of General Grobler'sposition, and were passing over the Gatsrand, leaving us behind. Iordered my commando to fall back on Klipriversberg, while I rode awaywith some adjutants to attempt to put myself in communication with theother commandos. 

The night was dark and cloudy, which rendered it somewhat difficultfor us to move about in safety. We occasionally fell into ditches andtrenches, and had much trouble with barbed wire. However, we finallyfell in with General Lemmer's rearguard, who informed us that theenemy, after having overcome the feeble resistance of General Grobler, had proceeded north, and all the burghers were retreating in hastebefore them. 

We rode on past the enemy to find General Grobler and what his planswere. We rode quite close to the English camp, as we knew that theyseldom posted sentries far from their tents. On this occasion, however, they had placed a guard in an old "klipkraal, " for them aprodigious distance from their camp, and a "Tommy" hailed us from thedarkness. --

"Halt, who goes there?"

I replied "Friend, " whereupon the guileless soldier answered:

"Pass, friend, all's well. "

I had my doubts, however. He might be a Boer outpost anxious toascertain if we were Englishmen. Afraid to ride into ambush of my ownmen, I called out in Dutch:

"Whose men are you?"

The Tommy lost his temper at being kept awake so long and retortedtestily, "I can't understand your beastly Dutch; come here and berecognized. " But we did not wait for identification, and I rode offshouting back "Thanks, my compliments to General French, and tell himthat his outposts are asleep. "

This was too much for the "Tommy" and his friends, who answered with avolley of rifle fire, which was taken up by the whole line of Britishoutposts. No harm was done, however, and we soon rode out of range. Igave up looking for General Grobler, and on the following morningrejoined my men at Klipriversberg. 

It was by no means easy to find out the exact position of affairs. Our scouts reported that the enemy's left wing, having broken throughGeneral Grobler's position, were now marching along Van Wijk's Rust. Icould, however, obtain no definite information regarding the rightwing, nor could I discover the General under whose orders I was toplace myself. General Lemmer, moreover, was suffering from an acutedisease of the kidneys, which had compelled him to hand over hiscommand to Commandant Gravett, who had proved himself an excellentofficer. 

General Grobler had lost the majority of his men, or what was morelikely the case, they had lost him. He declared that he was unaware ofGeneral Botha's or Mr. Kruger's plans, and that it was absurd to keeprunning away, but he clearly did not feel equal to any more fighting, although he had not the moral courage to openly say so. From thispoint this gentleman did no further service to his country, and wasshortly afterwards dismissed. The reader will now gather an idea ofthe enormous change which had come over our troops. Six months beforethey had been cheerful and gay, confident of the ultimate success oftheir cause; now they were downhearted and in the lowest of spirits. Imust admit that in this our officers were no exception. 

Those were dark days for us. Now began the real fighting, and thisunder the most difficult and distressing circumstances; and I thinkthat if our leaders could have had a glimpse of the difficulties andhardships that were before us, they would not have had the courage toproceed any further in the struggle. 

Early next morning (the 29th May, 1900) we reached Klipspruit, andfound there several other commandos placed in extended order all theway up to Doornkop. 

Amongst them was that of General De la Rey, who had come from theWestern frontier of our Republic, and that of General Snyman, whom Iregard as the real defender and reliever of Mafeking, for he wasafraid to attack a garrison of 1, 000 men with twice that number ofburghers. 

Before having had time to properly fortify our position we wereattacked on the right flank by General French's cavalry, while theleft flank had to resist a strong opposing force of cavalry. Bothattacks were successfully repulsed, as well as a third in the centreof our fighting line. 

The British now marched on Doornkop, their real object of attack beingour extreme right wing, but they made a feint on our left. Our line ofdefence was very extended and weakened by the removal of a body of menwho had been sent to Natal Spruit to stop the other body of the enemyfrom forcing its way along the railway line and cutting off ourretreat to Pretoria. 

The battle lasted till sunset, and was especially fierce on our right, where the Krugersdorpers stood. Early in the evening our right winghad to yield to an overwhelming force, and during the night all thecommandos had to fall back. My commando, which should have consistedof about 450 men, only numbered 65 during this engagement; our losseswere two men killed. I was also slightly wounded in the thigh by apiece of shell, but I had no time to attend such matters, as we hadto retire in haste, and the wound soon healed. 

The next day our forces were again in full retreat to Pretoria, whereI understood we were to make a desperate stand. About seven o'clock wepassed through Fordsburg, a suburb of Johannesburg. 

We had been warned not to enter Johannesburg, as Dr. Krause, who hadtaken from me the command of the town, had already surrendered it toLord Roberts, who might shell it if he found commandos were there. Ourlarger commissariat had proceeded to Pretoria, but we wanted severalarticles of food, and strange to say the commissariat official atJohannesburg would not give us anything for fear of incurring LordRoberts' displeasure!

I was very angry; the enemy were not actually in possession of thetown, and I therefore should have been consulted in the matter; butthese irresponsible officials even refused to grant us the necessariesof life!

At this time there was a strong movement on foot to blow up theprincipal mines about Johannesburg, and an irresponsible young personnamed Antonie Kock had placed himself at the head of a confederacywith this object in view. But thanks to the explicit orders of GeneralL. Botha, which were faithfully carried out by Dr. Krause, Kock's planwas fortunately frustrated, and I fully agree with Botha that it wouldhave been most impolitic to have allowed this destruction. I oftenwished afterwards, however, that the British military authorities hadshown as much consideration for our property. 

We had to have food in any case, and as the official hesitated tosupply us we helped ourselves from the Government Stores, andproceeded to the capital. The roads to Pretoria were crowded with men, guns, and vehicles of every description, and despondency and despairwere plainly visible on every human face. 

CHAPTER XV. 

OCCUPATION OF PRETORIA. 

The enemy naturally profited by our confusion to pursue us moreclosely than before. The prospect before us was a sad one, and weasked ourselves, "What is to be the end of all this, and what is tobecome of our poor people? Shall we be able to prolong the struggle, and for how long?"

But no prolongation of the struggle appeared to have entered into ourenemy's minds, who evidently thought that the War had now come uponits last stage, and they were as elated as we were downhearted. Theymade certain that the Boer was completely vanquished, and hisresistance effectually put an end to. At this juncture Conan Doyle, after pointing out what glorious liberty and progress would fall tothe Boers' lot under the British flag, wrote:--

 "When that is learned it may happen that they will come to date a happier life and a wider liberty from that 5th of June which saw the symbol of their nation pass for ever from the ensigns of the world. "

Thus, not only did Lord Roberts announce to the world that "the Warwas now practically over, " but Conan Doyle did not hesitate to say thesame in more eloquent style. 

How England utterly under-estimated the determination of the Boers, subsequent events have plainly proved. It is equally plain that weourselves did not know the strength of our resolution, when one takesinto account the pessimism and despair that weighed us down in thosedark days; and as the Union Jack was flying over our Governmentbuildings we might have exclaimed:--"England, we do not know ourstrength, but you know it still less!"

Nearly all the commandos were now in the neighbourhood of Pretoria, General Botha forming a rearguard, and we determined to defend thecapital as well as we could. But at this juncture some Boer officerwas said to have received a communication from the Government, informing us that they had decided not to defend the town. A cyclistwas taking this communication round to the different commandos, butthe Commandant-General did not seem to be aware of it, and we tried invain to find him so as to discover what his plans were. The greatestconfusion naturally prevailed, and as all the generals gave differentorders, no one knew what was going to be done. I believe General Bothaintended to concentrate the troops round Pretoria, and there offersome sort of resistance to the triumphant forces of the enemy, and wehad all understood that the capital would be defended to the last; butthis communication altered the position considerably. Shortlyafterwards all the Boer officers met at Irene Estate, near Pretoria, in a council of war, and were there informed that the Government hadalready forsaken the town, leaving a few "feather-bed patriots" toformally surrender the town to the English. 

I thought this decision of easy surrender ridiculous andinexplicable, and many officers joined me in loud condemnation of it. I do not remember exactly all that happened at the time, but I know atelegram arrived from the Commandant-General saying that a crowd hadbroken open the Commissariat Buildings in Pretoria and were lootingthem. An adjutant was sent into Pretoria to spread an alarm that theEnglish were entering the town, and this had the effect of driving allthe looters out of it. Some of my own men were engaged in thesepredatory operations, and I did not see them again until three daysafter. 

The English approached Pretoria very cautiously, and directed some bignaval guns on our forts built round the town, to which we replied forsome time with our guns from the "randten, " south-west of the town;but our officers were unable to offer any organised resistance, andthus on the 5th of June, 1900, the capital of the South AfricanRepublic fell with little ado into the enemy's hands. Bloemfontein, the capital of the Orange Free State, had months before suffered thesame fate, and thousands of Free Staters had surrendered to theEnglish as they marched from Bloemfontein to the Transvaal. Happily, however, in the Free State President Steyn and General De Wet werestill wide awake and Lord Roberts very soon discovered that his longlines of communication were a source of great trouble and anxiety tohim. The commandos, meanwhile, were reorganised; the buried Mausersand ammunition were once more resurrected, and soon it became clearthat the Orange Free State was far from conquered. 

The fall of Pretoria, indeed, was but a sham victory for the enemy. Anumber of officials of the Government remained behind there andsurrendered, together with a number of burghers, amongst thesefaint-hearted brethren being even members of the Volksraad and men whohad played a prominent part in the Republic's history; while to theeverlasting shame of them and their race, a number of other Boersentered at once into the English service and henceforth used theirrifles to shoot at and maim their own fellow-countrymen. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

BATTLE OF DONKERHOEK ("DIAMOND HILL"). 

Our first and best positions were now obviously the kopjes whichstretched from Donkerhoek past Waterval and Wonderboompoort. Thischain of mountains runs for about 12 miles E. And N. E. Of Pretoria, and our positions here would cut off all the roads of any importanceto Pietersburg, Middelburg, as well as the Delagoa Bay railway. Wetherefore posted ourselves along this range, General De la Rey formingthe right flank, some of our other fighting generals occupying thecentre, whilst Commandant-General Botha himself took command of theleft flank. 

On the 11th of June, 1900, Lord Roberts approached with a force of28, 000 to 30, 000 men and about 100 guns, in order, as the officialdespatches had it, "to clear the Boers from the neighbourhood ofPretoria. " Their right and left flanks were composed of cavalry, whilst the centre was formed of infantry regiments; their big gunswere placed in good positions and their field pieces were evenlydistributed amongst the different army divisions. 

Towards sunset they began booming away at our whole 13 miles ofdefence. Our artillery answered their fire from all points withexcellent results, and when night fell the enemy retired a little withconsiderable losses. 

The battle was renewed again next day, the enemy attempting to turnour right with a strong flanking movement, but was completelyrepulsed. Meanwhile I at Donkerpoort proper had the privilege of beingleft unmolested for several hours. The object of this soon becameapparent. A little cart drawn by two horses and bearing a white flagcame down the road from Pretoria. From it descended two persons, Messrs. Koos Smit, our Railway Commissioner and Mr. J. F. De Beer, Chief Inspector of Offices, both high officials of the South AfricanRepublic. I called out to them from a distance. 

"Halt, you cannot pass. What do you want?"

Smit said, "I want to see Botha and President Kruger. Dr. Scholtz isalso with us. We are sent by Lord Roberts. "

I answered Mr. Smit that traitors were not admitted on our premises, and that he would have to stay where he was. Turning to some burgherswho were standing near I gave instructions that the fellows were to bedetained. 

Mr. Smit now began to "sing small, " and turning deadly pale, asked ina tremulous voice if there were any chance of seeing Botha. 

"Your request, " I replied, "will be forwarded. " Which was done. 

An hour passed before General Botha sent word that he was coming. Meanwhile the battle continued raging fiercely, and a good manylyddite bombs were straying our way. The "white-flaggists" appeared tobe very anxious to know if the General would be long in coming, and iftheir flag could not be hoisted in a more conspicuous place. Theburghers guarding them pointed out, however, that the bombs came fromtheir own British friends. 

After a while General Botha rode up. He offered a far from cordialwelcome to the deputation. 

Dr. Scholtz produced a piece of paper and said Lord Roberts had senthim to enquire why Botha insisted on more unnecessary bloodshed, andwhy he did not come in to make peace, and that sort of thing. 

Botha asked if Scholtz held an authoritative letter or document fromthe English general, to which the Doctor replied in the negative. 

Smit now suggested that he should be allowed to see Mr. Kruger, butBotha declared, with considerable emphasis, "Look here, your conductis nothing less than execrable, and I shall not allow you to see Mr. Kruger. You are a couple of contemptible scoundrels, and as for Dr. Scholtz, his certificate looks rather dubious. You will go back andgive the following message to Lord Roberts:--

 "That this is not the first time messages of this description are sent to me in an unofficial manner; that these overtures have also sometimes been made in an insulting form, but always equally unofficially. I have to express my surprise at such tactics on the part of a man in Lord Roberts' position. His Lordship may think that our country is lost to us, but I shall do my duty towards it all the same. They can shoot me for it or imprison me, or banish me, but my principles and my character they cannot assail. "

One could plainly see that the conscience-stricken messengers wincedunder the reproach. Not another word was said, and the noble trioturned on their heels and took their white flag back to Pretoria. 

Whether Botha was right in allowing these "hands-uppers" to return, isa question I do not care to discuss, but many burghers had their ownopinion about it. Still, if they had been detained by us and shot forhigh treason, what would not have been said by those who did nothesitate to send our own unfaithful burghers to us to induce us tosurrender. 

I cannot say whether Lord Roberts was personally responsible for thesending of these messengers, but that such action was extremelyimproper no one can deny. It was a specially stupendous piece ofimpudence on the part of these men, J. S. Smit and J. F. De Beer, burghers both, and highly placed officials of the S. A. Republic. Theyhad thrown down their arms and sworn allegiance to an enemy, therebycommitting high treason in the fullest sense of the word. They nowcame through the fighting lines of their former comrades to ascertainfrom the commanders of the republican army why the whole nation didnot follow their example, why they would not surrender their libertyand very existence as a people and commit the most despicable actknown to mankind. 

"Pretoria was in British hands!" As if, forsooth, the existence of ournationality began and ended in Pretoria! Pretoria was after all only avillage where "patriots" of the Smit and de Beer stamp had for yearsbeen fattening on State funds, and, having filled their pockets bymeans of questionable practices, had helped to damage the reputationof a young and virile nation. 

Not only had they enjoyed the spoils of high office in the StateService offices, to which a fabulous remuneration was attached, butthey belonged to the Boer aristocracy, members of honourable familieswhose high birth and qualities had secured for them preference overthousands of other men and the unlimited confidence of the Head ofState. Little wonder these gentlemen regarded the fall of Pretoria asthe end of the war!

The battle continued the whole day; it was fiercest on our left flank, where General French and his cavalry charged the positions of theErmelo and Bethel burghers again and again, each time to be repulsedwith heavy losses. Once the lancers attacked so valiantly that ahand-to-hand fight ensued. The commandant of the Bethel burghersafterwards told me that during the charge his kaffir servant got amongthe lancers and called upon them to "Hands up!" The unsophisticatednative had heard so much about "hands up, " and "hands-uppers, " that hethought the entire English language consisted of those two simplewords, and when one lancer shouted to him "Hands up, " he echoed "Handsup. " The British cavalryman thrust his lance through the nigger'sarm, still shouting "Hands up, " the black man retreating, alsovociferously shrieking "Hands up, boss; hands up!"

When his master asked him why he had shouted "Hands up" sopersistently though he was running away, he answered: "Ah, boss, mehear every day people say, 'Hands up;' now me think this means kaffir'Soebat' (to beg). I thought it mean, 'Leave off, please, ' but themore I shouted 'Hands up' English boss prod me with his assegai allthe same. "

On our right General De la Rey had an equally awkward position; theBritish here also made several determined attempts to turn his flank, but were repulsed each time. Once during an attack on our right, theirconvoy came so close to our position that our artillery and ourMausers were enabled to pour such a fire into them that the mulesdrawing the carts careered about the veldt at random, and the greatestconfusion ensued. British mules were "pro-Boer" throughout the War. The ground, however, was not favourable for our operations, and wefailed to avail ourselves of the general chaos. Towards the evening ofthe second day General Tobias Smuts made an unpardonable blunder infalling back with his commandos. There was no necessity for theretreat; but it served to show the British that there was a weak pointin our armoury. Indeed, the following day the attack in force was madeupon this point. The British had meantime continued pouring inreinforcements, men as well as guns. 

About two o clock in the afternoon Smuts applied urgently forreinforcements, and I was ordered by the Commandant-General to go tohis position. A ride of a mile and a half brought us near Smuts; ourhorses were put behind a "randje, " the enemy's bullets and shellsmeantime flying over their heads without doing much harm. We thenhurried up on foot to the fighting line, but before we could reach theposition General Smuts and his burghers had left it. At first I wasrather in the dark as to what it all meant until we discovered thatthe British had won Smuts' position, and from it were firing upon us. We fell down flat behind the nearest "klips" and returned the fire, but were at a disadvantage, since the British were above us. I neverheard where General Smuts and his burghers finally got to. On our leftwe had Commandant Kemp with the Krugersdorpers; on the rightField-Cornet Koen Brits. The British tried alternately to get throughbetween one of my neighbours and myself, but we succeeded, notwithstanding their fierce onslaught, in turning them back eachtime. All we could do, however, was to hold our own till dark. Thenorders were given to "inspan" all our carts and other conveyances asthe commandos would all have to retire. 

I do not know the extent of the British losses in that engagement. Myfriend Conan Doyle wisely says nothing about them, but we knew theyhad suffered very severely indeed. Our losses were not heavy; but wehad to regret the death of brave Field-Cornet Roelf Jansen and someother plucky burghers. Dr. Doyle, referring to the engagement, says:

"'The two days' prolonged struggle (Diamond Hill) showed that therewas still plenty of fight in the burghers. Lord Roberts had not routedthem, " etc. 

Thus ended the battle of Donkerhoek, and next day our commandos werefalling back to the north. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

I BECOME A GENERAL. 

In our retreat northwards the English did not pursue us. Theycontented themselves by fortifying the position we had evacuatedbetween Donkerhoek and Wonderboompoort. Meantime our commandosproceeded along the Delagoa Bay Railway until we reached BalmoralStation, while other little divisions of ours were at Rhenosterkop, north of Bronkhorst Spruit. 

I may state that this general retreat knocked the spirit out of someof our weaker brethren. Hundreds of Boers rode into Pretoria with thewhite flag suspended from their Mauser barrels. In Pretoria there weremany prominent burghers who had readily accepted the new conditions, and these were employed by the British to induce other Boers withinreach, by manner of all sorts of specious promises, to lay down theirarms. Many more western district Boers quietly returned to theirhomes. Luckily, the Boer loves his Mauser too well to part with it, except on compulsion, and although the majority of these western Boershanded in their weapons, some retained them. 

They retained their weapons by burying them, pacifying the confidingBritish officer in charge of the district by handing in rusty andobsolete Martini-Henris or a venerable blunderbuss which nobody hadused since ancestral Boer shot lions with it in the mediæval days ofthe first great trek. The buried Mausers came in very usefulafterwards. 

About this time General Buller entered the Republic from the Natalside, and marched with his force through the southern districts ofWakkerstroom, Standerton, and Ermelo. Hundreds of burghers remained ontheir farms and handed their weapons to the British. In somedistricts, for instance, at Standerton, the commandant and two out ofhis three field-cornets surrendered. Thus, not only were somecommandos without officers, but others entirely disappeared from ourarmy. Still, at the psychological moment a Joshua would appear, andsave the situation, as, for instance, in the Standerton district, where Assistant-Field-Cornet Brits led a forlorn hope and saved awhole commando from extinction. The greatest mischief was done by manyof our landdrosts, who, after having surrendered, sent outcommunications to officers and burghers exhorting them to come in. 

The majority of our Boer officers, however, remained faithful to theirvow, though since the country was partly occupied by the British itwas difficult to get in touch with the Commandant-General or theGovernment, and the general demoralisation prevented many officersfrom asserting their authority. 

Generals Sarel Oosthuizen and H. L. Lemmer, both now deceased, weresent to the north of Pretoria, to collect the burghers from thewestern districts, and to generally rehabilitate their commandos. Theywere followed by Assistant-Commandant General J. H. De la Rey andState Attorney Smuts (our legal adviser). It was at this point, indeed, that the supreme command of the western districts was assumedby General De la Rey, who, on his way to the north, attacked anddefeated an English garrison at Selatsnek. 

The "reorganisation" of our depleted commandos proceeded very well;about 95 per cent. Of the fighting Boers rejoined, and speedily thecommandos in the western districts had grown to about 7, 000 men. 

But just a few weeks after his arrival in the West Krugersdorpdistrict, poor, plucky Sarel Oosthuizen was severely wounded in thebattle of Dwarsvlei, and died of his wounds some time after. 

General H. Lemmer, a promising soldier, whom we could ill spare, waskilled soon after while storming Lichtenburg under General De la Rey, an engagement in which we did not succeed. We had much trouble inreplacing these two brave generals, whose names will live for all timein the history of the Boer Republics. 

It is hardly necessary to dwell on the splendid work done byAssistant-Commandant-General De la Rey in the western districts. Commandant-General Botha was also hard worked at this stage, and wasseverely taxed reorganising his commandos and filling up thelamentable vacancies caused by the deaths of Lemmer and Oosthuizen. 

I have already pointed out that General De la Rey had taken with himthe remainder of the burghers from the western districts. Thefollowing commandos were now left to us:--Krugersdorp and Germiston, respectively, under the then Commandants J. Kemp and C. Gravett, andthe Johannesburg police, with some smaller commandos under the fourfighting generals, Douthwaith, Snyman (of Mafeking fame), Liebenberg, and Du Toit. The last four generals were "sent home" and theirburghers with those of Krugersdorp, Germiston, Johannesburg, Boksburgand the Mounted Police, were placed under my command, while I myselfwas promoted to the rank of General. I had now under me 1, 200 men, alltold--a very fair force. 

I can hardly describe my feelings on hearing of my promotion to such aresponsible position. For the first time during the War I felt a sortof trepidation. I had all sorts of misgivings; how should I be ableto properly guard the interests of such a great commando? Had I aright to do so? Would the burghers be satisfied? It was all very wellto say that they would have to be satisfied, but if they had shownsigns of dissatisfaction I should have felt bound to resign. I am notin the habit of blinking at facts; they are stern things. What was tobecome of me if I had to tender my resignation? I was eager and rash, like most young officers, for although the prospects of our cause werenot brilliant and our army had suffered some serious reverses, I stillhad implicit faith in the future, and above all, in the justice of thecause for which we were fighting. And I knew, moreover, that theburghers we now had left with us were determined and firm. 

There was only one way open to me: to take the bull by the horns. Ithought it my duty to go the round of all the commandos, call theburghers together, tell them I had been appointed, ask them theiropinion on the appointment, and give them some particulars of the neworganisation. 

I went to the Krugersdorp Commando first. All went well, and theburghers comprising the force received me very cordially. There was alot of questioning and explanations; one of the commandants was somoved by my address that he requested those who were present toconclude the meeting by singing Psalm 134, verse 3, after which heexhorted his fellow burghers in an impassioned speech to be obedientand determined. 

The worst of it was that he asked me to wind up by offering a prayer. I felt as if I would gladly have welcomed the earth opening beneathme. I had never been in such a predicament before. To refuse, to havepleaded exoneration from this solemn duty, would have been fatal, fora Boer general is expected, amongst other things, to conduct allproceedings of a religious character. And not only Boer generals arerequired to do this thing, but all subordinate officers, and anofficer who cannot offer a suitable prayer generally receives a hintthat he is not worthy of his position. In these matters the burghersare backed up by the parsons. 

There was, therefore, no help for it; I felt like a stranger inJerusalem, and resolved to mumble a bit of a prayer as well as Icould. I need not say it was short, but I doubt very much whether itwas appropriate, for all sorts of thoughts passed through my head, andI felt as if all the bees in this world were buzzing about my ears. Ofcourse I had to shut my eyes; I knew that. But I had, moreover, toscrew them up, for I knew that everybody was watching me. I closed myeyes very tightly, and presently there came a welcome "Amen. "

My old commando was now obliged to find a new commandant and I had totake leave of them in that capacity. I was pleased to find theofficers and men were sorry to lose me as their commandant, but theysaid they were proud of the distinction that had been conferred uponme. Commandant F. Pienaar, who took my place, had soon to resign onaccount of some rather serious irregularities. My younger brother, W. J. Viljoen, who, at the time of writing, is, I believe, still in thisposition, replaced him. 

At the end of June my commandos marched from Balmoral to nearDonkerhoek in order to get in touch with the British. Only a fewoutpost skirmishes took place. 

My burghers captured half a score of Australians near Van der MerweStation, and three days afterwards three Johannesburgers weresurprised near Pienaarspoort. As far as our information went theDonkerhoek Kopjes were in possession of General Pole-Carew, and on ourleft General Hutton, with a strong mounted force, was operating nearZwavelpoort and Tigerspoort. We had some sharp fighting with thisforce for a couple of days, and had to call in reinforcements from theMiddelburg and Boksburg commandos. 

The fighting line by this time had widely extended and was at leastsixty miles in length; on my right I had General D. Erasmus with thePretoria commando, and farther still to the right, nearer thePietersburg railway, the Waterberg and Zoutpansberg commandos werepositioned. General Pole-Carew tried to rush us several times with hiscavalry, but had to retire each time. Commandant-General Botha finallydirected us to attack General Hutton's position, and I realised whatthis involved. It would be the first fight I had to direct as afighting general. Much would depend on the issue, and I fullyunderstood that my influence with, and my prestige among, the burghersin the future was absolutely at stake. 

General Hutton's main force was encamped in a "donk" at the very topof the randt, almost equidistant from Tigerspoort, Zwavelpoort andBapsfontein. Encircling his laager was another chain of "randten"entirely occupied and fortified, and we soon realised what a large andentrenched stretch of ground it was. The Commandant-General, accompanied by the French, Dutch, American and Russian attachés, wouldfollow the attack from a high point and keep in touch with me by meansof a heliograph, thus enabling Botha to keep well posted about thecourse of the battle, and to send instructions if required. 

During the night of the 13th of July we marched in the followingorder: On the right were the Johannesburg and Germiston commandos; inthe centre the Krugersdorp and the Johannesburg Police; and on theleft the Boksburg and Middelburg commandos. At daybreak I ordered ageneral storming of the enemy's entrenchments. I placed a Krupp gunand a Creusot on the left flank, another Krupp and some pom-poms tothe right, while I had an English 15-pounder (an Armstrong) mounted inthe centre. Several positions were taken by storm with little or nofighting. It was my right flank which met with the only stubbornresistance from a strongly fortified point occupied by a company ofAustralians. 

Soon after this position was in our possession, and we had taken 32prisoners, with a captain and a lieutenant. When Commandant Gravetthad taken the first trenches we were stubbornly opposed in a positiondefended by the Irish Fusiliers, who were fighting with greatdetermination. Our burghers charged right into the trenches; and ahand-to-hand combat ensued. The butt-ends of the guns were freelyused, and lumps of rock were thrown about. We made a few prisoners andtook a pom-pom, which, to my deep regret, on reinforcements with gunscoming up to the enemy, we had to abandon, with a loss of five men. Meanwhile, the Krugersdorpers and Johannesburg Police had succeeded inoccupying other positions and making several prisoners, while half adozen dead and wounded were left on the field. 

The ground was so exposed that my left wing could not storm theenemy's main force, especially as his outposts had noticed our marchbefore sunrise and had brought up a battery of guns, and in this flatfield a charge would have cost too many lives. 

We landed several shells into the enemy's laager, and if we had beenable to get nearer he would certainly have been compelled to run. 

When darkness supervened we retired to our base with a loss of twokilled and seven wounded; whereas 45 prisoners and 20 horses withsaddles and accoutrements were evidence that we had inflicted a severeloss upon the enemy. So far as I know, the Commandant-General wassatisfied with my work. On the day after the fight I met an attaché. He spoke in French, of which language I know nothing. My Gallicfriend then tried to get on in English, and congratulated me in thefollowing terms with the result of the fight: "I congratuly very muchyou, le Général; we think you good man of war. " It was the first timeI had bulked in anyone's opinion as largely as a battleship; but Isuppose his intentions were good enough. 

A few days afterwards Lord Roberts sent a hundred women and childrendown the line to Van der Merwe Station, despite Botha's vehementprotests. It fell to my lot to receive these unfortunates, and to sendthem on by rail to Barberton, where they could find a home. I shallnot go into a question which is still _sub judice_; nor is it mypresent purpose to discuss the fairness and unfairness of the warmethods employed against us. I leave that to abler men. I shall onlyadd that these waifs were in a pitiful position, as they had beendriven from their homes and stripped of pretty nearly everything theypossessed. 

Towards the end of July Carrington marched his force to Rustenburg, and thence past Wonderboompoort, while another force proceeded fromOlifantsfontein in the direction of Witbank Station. We were, therefore, threatened on both sides and obliged to fall back onMachadodorp. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

OUR CAMP BURNED OUT. 

The beginning of August saw my commandos falling back on Machadodorp. Those of Erasmus and Grobler remained where they were for the timebeing, until the latter was discharged for some reason or other andreplaced by Attorney Beyers. General Erasmus suffered rather worse, for he was deprived of his rank as a general and reduced to the levelof a commandant on account of want of activity. 

Our retreat to Machadodorp was very much like previous experiences ofthe kind; we were continually expecting to be cut off from the railwayby flanking movements and this we had to prevent because we had placedone of our big guns on the rails in an armour-clad railway carriage. The enemy took care to keep out of rifle range, and the big gun wasan element of strength we could ill afford to lose. Besides, ourGovernment were now moving about on the railway line near Machadodorp, and we had to check the enemy at all hazards from stealing a march onus. Both at Witbank Station and near Middelburg and Pan Stations wehad skirmishes, but not important enough to describe in detail. 

After several unsuccessful attempts, the Boer Artillery at lastmanaged to fire the big gun without a platform. It was tedious work, however, as "Long Tom" was exceedingly heavy, and it usually tooktwenty men to serve it. The mouth was raised from the "kastion" bymeans of a pulley, and the former taken away; then and not till thencould the gunner properly get the range. The carriage vacuum suckingapparatus had to be well fixed in hard ground to prevent recoil. 

The enemy repeatedly sent a mounted squad to try and take this gun, and then there was hard fighting. 

[Illustration: Fight With General Hutton at Olifantsfontein. ]

One day while we were manoeuvring with the "Long Tom, " the veldt burstinto flames, and the wind swept them along in our direction likelightning. Near the gun were some loads of shells and gunpowder, andwe had to set all hands at work to save them. While we were doing thisthe enemy fired two pom-poms at us from about 3, 000 yards, vastly toour inconvenience. 

As my commando formed a sort of centre for the remainder, Commandant-General Botha was, as a rule, in our immediateneighbourhood, which made my task much easier, our generalissimotaking the command in person on several occasions, if required, andassisting in every possible way. 

The enemy pursued us right up to Wonderfontein Station (the firststation south-west of Belfast), about 15 miles from Dalmanutha orBergendal, and waited there for Buller's army to arrive from the Natalfrontier. 

We occupied the "randten" between Belfast and Machadodorp, and waitedevents. While we were resting there Lord Roberts sent us 250 familiesfrom Pretoria and Johannesburg in open trucks, notwithstanding thebitterly cold weather and the continual gusts of wind and snow. Onecan picture to oneself the deplorable condition we found these womenand children in. 

But, with all this misery, we still found them full of enthusiasm, especially when the trucks in which they had to be sent on down theline were covered with Transvaal and Free State flags. They sang ourNational Anthem as if they had not a care in the world. 

Many burghers found their families amongst these exiles, and someheartrending scenes were witnessed. Luckily the railway to Barbertonwas still in our possession, and at Belfast the families were takenover from the British authorities, to be sent to Barberton direct. While this was being done near Belfast under my direction, theunpleasant news came that our camp was entirely destroyed by a grassfire. 

The Commandant-General and myself had set up our camp near DalmanuthaStation. It consisted of twelve tents and six carts. This was Botha'sheadquarters, as well as of his staff and mine. When we came to thespot that night we found everything burned save the iron tyres of thewaggon wheels, so that the clothes we had on were all we had left us. All my notes had perished, as well as other documents of value. I wasthus deprived of the few indispensable things which had remained tome, for at Elandslaagte my "kit" had also fallen into the hands of theBritish. The grass had been set on fire by a kaffir to the windward ofthe camp. The wind had turned everything into a sea of fire in lessthan no time, and the attempts at stamping out the flames had been ofno avail. One man gave us a cart, another a tent; and the harbour atDelagoa Bay being still open (although the Portuguese had become farfrom friendly towards us after the recent British victories) wemanaged to get the more urgent things we wanted. Within a few days wehad established a sort of small camp near to headquarters. 

We had plenty to do at this time--building fortresses and diggingtrenches for the guns. This of course ought to have been done when wewere still at Donkerhoek by officers the Commandant-General had sentto Machadodorp for the purpose. We had made forts for our "Long Toms, "which were so well hidden from view behind a rand that the enemy hadnot discovered them, although a tunnel would have been necessary inorder to enable us to use them in shelling the enemy. We weretherefore obliged to set to work again, and the old trenches wereabandoned. The holes may surprise our posterity, by the way, as adisplay of the splendid architectural abilities of their ancestors. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

BATTLE OF BERGENDAL (MACHADODORP). 

Let us pass on to the 21st of August, 1900. Buller's army had by thistime effected a junction with that of Lord Roberts' betweenWonderfontein and Komati River. The commandos under Generals PietViljoen and Joachim Fourie had now joined us, and taken up a positionon our left, from Rooikraal to Komati Bridge. The enemy's numbers wereestimated at 60, 000, with about 130 guns, including twelve 4·7 navalguns, in addition to the necessary Maxims. 

We had about 4, 000 men at the most with six Maxims and about thirteenguns of various sizes. Our extreme left was first attacked by theenemy while they took possession of Belfast and Monument Hill, alittle eastward, thereby threatening the whole of our fighting lines. My commandos were stationed to the right and left of the railway andpartly round Monument Hill. Fighting had been going on at intervalsall day long, between my burghers and the enemy's outposts. Thefighting on our left wing lasted till late in the afternoon, when theenemy was repulsed with heavy losses; while a company of infantrywhich had pushed on too far during the fighting, through somemisunderstanding or something of that sort, were cut off and capturedby the Bethel burghers. 

The attack was renewed the next morning, several positions beingassailed in turn, while an uninterrupted gunfire was kept up. GeneralDuller was commanding the enemy's right flank and General French wasin charge of the left. We were able to resist all attacks and thebattle went on for six days without a decisive result. The enemy hadtried to break through nearly every weak point in our fighting lineand found out that the key to all our positions existed in a prominent"randje" to the right of the railway. This point was being defended byour brave Johannesburg police, while on the right were theKrugersdorpers and Johannesburgers and to the left the burghers fromGermiston. Thus we had another "Spion Kop" fight for six long days. The Boers held their ground with determination, and many charges wererepulsed by the burghers with great bravery. But the English were notto be discouraged by the loss of many valiant soldiers and any failureto dislodge the Boers from the "klip-kopjes. " They were admirablyresolute; but then they were backed up by a superior force of soldiersand artillery. 

On the morning of the 27th of August the enemy were obviously bent onconcentrating their main force on this "randje. " There were naval gunsshelling it from different directions, while batteries of field-piecespounded away incessantly. The "randje" was enveloped by a cloud ofsmoke and dust. The British Infantry charged under cover of the guns, but the Police and burghers made a brave resistance. The booming ofcannon went on without intermission, and the storming was repeated byregiment upon regiment. Our gallant Lieutenant Pohlman was killed inthis action, and Commandant Philip Oosthuizen was wounded whilefighting manfully against overwhelming odds at the head of hisburghers. An hour before sunset the position fell into the hands ofthe enemy. Our loss was heavy--two officers, 18 men killed or wounded, and 20 missing. 

Thus ended one of the fiercest fights of the war. With the exceptionof the battle of Vaalkrantz (on the Tugela) our commandos had beenexposed to the heaviest and most persistent bombardment they had yetexperienced. It was by directing an uninterrupted rifle fire from allsides on the lost "randje" that we kept the enemy employed andprevented them from pushing on any farther that evening. 

At last came the final order for all to retire via Machadodorp. 

CHAPTER XX. 

TWO THOUSAND BRITISH PRISONERS RELEASED. 

After the battle of Bergendal there was another retreat. OurGovernment, which had fled from Machadodorp to Waterval Station, hadnow reached Nelspruit, three stations further down the line, still"attended, " shall I say, by a group of Boer officials and members ofthe Volksraad, who preferred the shelter of Mr. Kruger's fugitiveskirts to any active fighting. There were also hovering about thisparty half a dozen Hebraic persons of extremely questionablecharacter, one of whom had secured a contract for smuggling in clothesfrom Delagoa Bay; and another one to supply coffee and sugar to thecommandos. As a rule, some official or other made a nice littlecommission out of these transactions, and many burghers and officersexpressed their displeasure and disgust at these matters; but so itwas, and so it remained. That same night we marched from Machadodorpto Helvetia, where we halted while a commando was appointed to guardthe railway at Waterval Boven. 

The next morning a big cloud of dust arose. "_De Engelse kom_" (theEnglish are coming) was the cry. And come they did, in overwhelmingnumbers. We fired our cannon at their advance guard, which had alreadypassed Machadodorp: but the British main force stayed there for theday, and a little outpost skirmishing of no consequence occurred. 

A portion of the British forces appeared to go from Belfast viaDullstroom to Lydenburg, these operations being only feebly resisted. Our commandos were now parcelled out by the Commandant-General, whofollowed a path over the Crocodile River bridge with his own section, which was pursued by a strong force of Buller's. 

I was ordered to go down the mountain in charge of a number ofHelvetia burghers to try and reach the railway, which I was to defendat all hazards. General Smuts, with the remnant of our men wentfurther south towards the road leading to Barberton. Early the nextmorning we were attacked and again obliged to fall back. That night westayed at Nooitgedacht. 

The Boer position at and near Nooitgedacht was unique. Here was agreat camp in which 2, 000 English prisoners-of-war were confined, butin the confusion the majority of their Boer guards had fled toNelspruit. I found only 15 burghers armed with Martini-Henry riflesleft to look after 2, 000 prisoners. Save for "Tommy" being such ahelpless individual when he has nobody to give him orders and to thinkfor him, these 2, 000 men might have become a great source of danger tous had they had the sense to disarm their fifteen custodians (and whatwas there to prevent them doing so?) and to destroy the railway, theywould have been able not only to have deprived my commando ofprovisions and ammunition, but also to have captured a "Long Tom. "There was, moreover, a large quantity of victuals, rifles, andammunition lying about the station, of which nobody appeared to takeany notice. Of the crowd of officials who stuck so very faithfully tothe fugitive Government there was not one who took the trouble to lookafter these stores and munitions. 

On arrival I telegraphed to the Government to enquire what was to bedone with the British prisoners-of-war. The answer was: "You hadbetter let them be where they are until the enemy force you toevacuate, when you will leave them plenty of food. "

This meant that there would be more D. S. O's or V. C's handed out, forthe first "Tommies" to arrive at the prisoners' camp would be hailedas deliverers, and half of them would be certain of distinctions. 

I was also extremely dissatisfied with the way the prisoners had beenlodged, and so would any officer in our fighting line have been had heseen their condition and accommodation. But those who have never beenin a fight and who had only performed the "heroic" duty of _guarding_prisoners-of-war, did not know what humanity meant to an enemy who hadfallen into their hands. 

So what was I to do?

To disobey the Government's orders was impossible. I accordinglyresolved to notify the prisoners that, "for military reasons, " itwould be impossible to keep them in confinement any longer. 

The next morning I mustered them outside the camp, and they were toldthat they had ceased to be prisoners-of-war, at which they seemed tobe very much amazed. I was obliged to go and speak formally to some ofthem; they could scarcely credit that they were free men and could goback to their own people. It was really pleasant to hear them cheer, and to see how pleased they were. A great crowd of them positivelymobbed me to shake hands with them, crying, "Thank you, sir; God blessyou, sir. " One of their senior officers was ordered to take charge ofthem, while a white-flag message was sent to General Pole-Carew tosend for these fine fellows restored to freedom, and to despatch anambulance for the sick and wounded. My messenger, however, did notsucceed in delivering the letter, as the scouts of the Britishadvance-guard were exceedingly drunk, and shot at him; so that theprisoners-of-war had to go out and introduce themselves. I believethey were compelled to overpower their own scouts. 

Ten days afterwards an English doctor and a lieutenant of the 17thLancers came to us, bringing a mule laden with medical appliances andfood. The English medico, Dr. Ailward, succeeded, moreover, in gettingthrough our lines without my express permission. 

Next morning I accompanied an ambulance train to transport the woundedBritish to the charge of the British agent at Delagoa Bay. OutsideNooitgedacht I found four military doctors with a field ambulance. 

"Does this officer belong to the Red Cross?" I asked. 

"No, " was the answer, "he is only with us quite unofficially as asympathetic friend. "

"I regret, " said I, "that I cannot allow this thing; you have comethrough our lines without my permission; this officer no doubt is aspy. "

I wired at once for instructions, which, when received read: "That asa protest against the action of the English officers who stopped threeof our ambulances, and since this officer has passed through our lineswithout permission, you are to stop the ambulance and dispatch thedoctors and their staff, as well as the wounded to Lourenco Marques. "

The doctors were very angry and protested vehemently against theorder, which, however, was irrevocable. And thus the whole party, including the Lancers' doctor, were sent to Lourenco Marques that veryday. The nearest English General was informed of the whole incident, and he sent a very unpleasant message the next day, of which Iremember the following phrases:--

"The action which you have taken in this matter is contrary to therules of civilised warfare, and will alter entirely the conditionsupon which the War was carried on up to the present, " etc. 

After I had sent my first note we found, on inspection, someLee-Metford cartridges and an unexploded bomb in the ambulance vans. This fact alone would have justified the retention of the ambulance. 

This was intimated again in our reply to General Pole-Carew, and Iwrote, _inter alia_: "_Re_ the threat contained in your letter of the... I may say I am sorry to find such a remark coming from your side, and I can assure you that whatever may happen my Government, commandants, and burghers are firmly resolved to continue the War onour side in the same civilised and humane manner as it has hithertobeen conducted. "

This was the end of our correspondence in regard to this subject, andnothing further happened, save that the English very shortlyafterwards recovered five out of the eight ambulances we had retained. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

A GOVERNMENT IN FLIGHT. 

About this time President Steyn arrived from the Orange Free State andhad joined President Kruger, and the plan of campaign for the futurewas schemed. It was also decided that Mr. Schalk Burger should assumethe acting Presidentship, since Mr. Kruger's advanced age and feeblehealth did not permit his risking the hardships attendant on a warlikelife on the veldt. 

It was decided Mr. Kruger should go to Europe and Messrs. Steyn andBurger should move about with their respective commandos. They wereyounger men and the railway, would soon have to be abandoned. 

We spent the first weeks of September at Godwan River and NooitgedachtStation, near the Delagoa Bay railway, and had a fairly quiet time ofit. General Buller had meanwhile pushed on with his forces viaLydenburg in the direction of Spitskop and the Sabi, on which GeneralBotha had been compelled to concentrate himself after falling back, fighting steadily, while General French threatened Barberton. 

I had expected Pole-Carew to force me off the railway line along whichwe held some rather strong positions, and I intended to offer a stoutresistance. But the English general left me severely alone, went overDwaalheuvel by an abandoned wagon-track, and crossed the plateau ofthe mountains, probably to try and cut us off through the pass nearDuivelskantoor. I tried hard, with the aid of 150 burghers, to thwarthis plans and we had some fighting. But the locality was against us, and the enemy with their great force of infantry and with the help oftheir guns forced us to retire. 

About the 11th of September I was ordered to fall back along therailway, via Duivelskantoor and Nelspruit Station, since GeneralBuller was threatening Nelspruit in the direction of Spitskop, whileGeneral French, with a great force, was nearing Barberton. It appearedextremely likely that we should be surrounded very soon. We marchedthrough the Godwan River and over the colossal mountain nearDuivelskantoor, destroying the railway bridges behind us. The road wefollowed was swamped by the heavy rains and nearly impassable. Cartswere continually being upset, breakdowns were frequent, and our gunsoften stuck in the swampy ground. To make matters worse, a burgher onhorseback arrived about midnight to tell us that Buller's column hadtaken Nelspruit Station, and cut off our means of retreat. Yet we hadto pass Nelspruit; there was no help for it. I gave instructions forthe waggons and carts (numbering over a hundred), to push on asquickly as possible, and sent out a strong mounted advance guard toescort them. 

I myself went out scouting with some burghers, for I wanted to findout before daybreak whether Nelspruit was really in the hands of theenemy or not. In that case our carts and guns would have to bedestroyed or hidden, while the commando would have to escape alongthe footpaths. We crept up to the station, and just at dawn, when wewere only a hundred paces away from it, a great fire burst out, accompanied by occasional loud reports. This somewhat reassured me. Isoon found our own people to be in possession burning things, and thedetonations were obviously not caused by the bursting of shells firedfrom field-pieces. On sending two of my adjutants--Rokzak and KoosNel--to the station to obtain further details, they soon came back toreport that there was nobody there except a nervous old Dutchman. Theburgher, who had told me Nelspruit was in the hands of the enemy, musthave dreamt it. 

The conflagration I found was caused by a quantity of "kastions" andammunition-waggons which had been set afire on the previous day, whilethe explosions emanated from the shells which had been left amongtheir contents. 

The enemy's advance guard had pushed on to Shamoham and Sapthorpe, about 12 miles from the railway, enabling the whole of my commando topass. We arrived at Nelspruit by eight o'clock. That day we rested anddiscussed future operations, feeling that our prospects seemed to growworse every day. 

The station presented a sad spectacle. Many trucks loaded withvictuals, engines, and burst gun-carriages--everything had been leftbehind at the mercy of the first-comer, while a large number ofkaffirs were plundering and stealing. Only the day before theGovernment had had its seat there, and how desolate and distressingthe sight was now! The traces of a fugitive Government wereunmistakable. Whatever might have been our optimism before, howeverlittle inclination the burghers might have felt to surrender, howevergreat the firmness of the officers, and their resolve to keep thebeloved "Vierkleur" flying, scenes like those at Nooitgedacht, andagain at Nelspruit, were enough to make even the strongest and mostenergetic lose all courage. Many men could not keep back their tearsat the disastrous spectacle, as they thought of the future of ourcountry and of those who had been true to her to the last. 

Kaffirs, as I said, had been making sad havoc among the provisions, clothes and ammunition, and I ordered them to be driven away. Amongstthe many railway-waggons I found some loaded with clothes the fightingburghers had in vain and incessantly been asking for, also cannon andcases of rifle ammunition. We also came across a great quantity ofthings belonging to our famous medical commission, sweets, beverages, etc. The suspicion which had existed for some considerable timeagainst this commission was, therefore, justified. There was even acarriage which had been used by some of its members, beautifullydecorated, with every possible comfort and luxury, one compartmentbeing filled with bottles of champagne and valuable wines. Myofficers, who were no saints, saw that our men were well provided forout of these. The remainder of the good things was shifted on to asiding, where about twenty engines were kept. By great good luck theGovernment commissariat stock, consisting of some thousands of sheep, and even some horses, had also been left behind. But we were notcheered. 

Among the many questions asked regarding this sad state of affairs wasone put by an old burger:

"Dat is nou die plan, want zooals zaken hier lyk, dan heeft die boelin wanhoop gevlug. " ("Is that the plan, then? For from what I can seeof it, they have all fled in despair. ")

I answered, "Perhaps they were frightened away, Oom. "

"Ja, " he said, "but look, General, it seems to me as if our members ofthe Government do not intend to continue the war. You can see this bythe way they have now left everything behind for the second time. "

"No, old Oom, " I replied, "we should not take any notice of this. Ourpeople are wrestling among the waves of a stormy ocean; the gale isstrong, and the little boat seems upon the point of capsizing, but, ithas not gone down as yet. Now and then the boat is dashed against therocks and the splinters fly, but the faithful sailors never loseheart. If they were to do that the dinghy would soon go under, and thecrew would disappear for ever. It would be the last page of theirhistory, and their children would be strangers in their own country. You understand, Oom?"

"Yes, General, but I shall not forget to settle up, for I myself andothers with me have had enough of this, and the War has opened oureyes. "

"All right, old man. " I rejoined, "nobody can prevent yousurrendering, but I have now plenty of work to do; so get along. "

[Illustration: My Talk with Erasmus (Non-Combatant). ]

Burghers of different commandos who had strayed--some onpurpose--passed us here in groups of two or ten or more. Some of themwere going to their own districts, right through the English lines, others were looking for their cattle, which they had allowed to strayin order to evade the enemy. I could only tell them that the veldtbetween Nelspruit and Barberton up to Avoca, was, so far as I had beenable to discover, full of cattle and waggons belonging to farmerswho now had no chance of escaping. Everybody wanted some informationfrom the General. 

About half a score of burghers with bridle horses then came up. Therewas one old burgher among them with a long beard, a great veldt hat, and armed with a Mauser which seemed hardly to have been used. Hecarried two belts with a good stock of cartridges, a revolver, and a_tamaai_ (long sjambok). This veteran strode up in grand martial styleto where I was sitting having something to eat. As he approached helooked brave enough to rout the whole British army. 

"Dag!" (Good morning. ) "Are you the General?" asked the old man. 

"Yes, I have the honour of being called so. Are you a field-marshal, aTexas Jack, or what?"

"My name is Erasmus, from the Pretoria district, " he replied, "and mynine comrades and myself, with my family and cattle, have gone intothe bush. I saw them all running away, the Government and all. You areclose to the Portuguese border, and my mates and I want to know whatyour plans are. "

"Well, " Mr. Erasmus, I returned, "what you say is almost true; but asyou say you and your comrades have been hiding in the bush with yourcattle and your wives, I should like to know if you have ever tried tooppose the enemy yet, and also what is your right to speak like this. "

"Well, I had to flee with my cattle, for you have to live on that aswell as I. "

"Right, " said I; "what do you want, for I do not feel inclined to talkany longer. "

"I want to know, " he replied, "if you intend to retire, and if thereis any chance of making peace. If not, we will go straight away toBuller, and 'hands-up, ' then we shall save all our property. "

"Well, my friend, " I remarked, "our Government and theCommandant-General are the people who have to conclude peace, and itis not for you or me, when our family and cattle are in danger, tosurrender to the enemy, which means turning traitor to your ownpeople. "

"Well, yes; good-bye, General, we are moving on now. "

I sent a message to our outposts to watch these fellows, and to see ifthey really were going over to the enemy. And, as it happened, thatsame night my Boers came to camp with the Mausers and horses Erasmusand his party had abandoned. They had gone over to Buller. 

The above is but an instance illustrating what often came under mynotice during the latter period of my command. This sort of burgher, it turned out, invariably belonged to a class that never meant tofight. In many cases we could do better without them, for it wasalways these people who wanted to know exactly what was "on thecards, " and whenever things turned out unpleasantly, they only misledand discouraged others. Obviously, we were better off without them. 

CHAPTER XXII. 

AN IGNOMINIOUS DISPERSAL. 

Commandant-General Botha, who was then invalided at Hector's SpruitStation, now sent word that we were to join him there without delay. He said I could send part of the commando by train, but the railwayarrangements were now all disturbed, and everything was in a muddle. As nothing could be relied on in the way of transport, the greaternumber of the men and most of the draught beasts had to "trek. "

At Crocodile Gat Station the situation was no better than atNelspruit, and the same might be said of Kaapmuiden. Many of theengine drivers, and many of the burghers even, who were helping indestroying the barrels of spirits at the stations, were so excited (asthey put it) through the fumes of the drink, that the strangestthings were happening. Heavily-laden trains were going at the rate of40 miles an hour. A terrible collision had happened between two trainsgoing in different directions, several burghers and animals beingkilled. Striplings were shooting from the trains at whatever game theysaw, or fancied they saw, along the line, and many mishaps resulted. These things did not tend to improve matters. 

It was not so much that the officers had lost control over their men. It seemed as if the Evil Spirit had been let loose and was doing hisvery best to encourage the people to riotous enjoyment. 

Hector's Spruit is the last station but one before you come to thePortuguese frontier, and about seventeen miles from Ressano Garcia. Here every commando stopped intending of course to push on to thenorth and then to cross the mountains near Lydenburg in a westerlydirection. The day when I arrived at Hector's Spruit, President Steyn, attended by an escort of 100 men, went away by the same route. Meanwhile General Buller was encamped at Glyn's mines near Spitskopand the Sabi River, which enabled him to command the mountain passnear Mac Mac and Belvedere without the slightest trouble, and to blockthe roads along which we meant to proceed. Although the lateCommandant (afterwards fighting General) Gravett occupied one of thepasses with a small commando, he was himself in constant danger ofbeing cut off from Lydenburg by a flank movement. On the 16th ofSeptember, 1900, an incident occurred which is difficult to describeadequately. Hector Spruit is one of the many unattractive stationsalong the Delegoa Bay railway situated between the great Crocodileriver and dreary black "kopjes" or "randjes" with branches of the Capemountains intervening and the "Low Veldts, " better known as the"Boschveldt. " This is a locality almost filled with black hollybushes, where you can only see the sky overhead and the spot of groundyou are standing on. In September the "boschveldt" is usually dry andwithered and the scorching heat makes the surroundings seem morelugubrious and inhospitable than ever. 

The station was crowded with railway carriages loaded up with allsorts of goods, and innumerable passenger carriages, and the platformand adjoining places filled with agitated people. Some were packingup, others unpacking, and some, again, were looting. The majoritywere, however, wandering about aimlessly. They did not know what washappening; what ought to be done or would be done; and the onlyexceptions were the officers, who were busily engaged in providingthemselves and their burghers with provisions and ammunition. 

I now had to perform one of the most unpleasant duties I have everknown: that of calling the burghers together and telling them thatthose who had no horses were to go by train to Komati Poort, there tojoin General Jan Coetser. Those who had horses were to reportthemselves to me the next morning, and get away with me through thelow fields. 

Some burghers exclaimed: "We are now thrown over, left in the 'lurch, 'because we have not got horses; that is not fair. "

Others said they would be satisfied if I went with them, for they didnot know General Coetser. 

Commandant-General Botha did not see his way to let me go to KomatiPoort, as he could not spare me and the other commandos. Those of themen who had to walk the distance complained very bitterly, and theircomplaints were well-founded. I did my best to persuade and pacifythem all, and some of them were crying like babies when we parted. 

Komati Poort was, of course, the last station, and if the enemy wereto drive them any further they would have to cross the Portugueseborder, and to surrender to the Portuguese; or they could try toescape through Swaziland (as several hundreds did afterwards) or alongthe Lebombo mountains, via Leydsdorp. But if they took the latterroute then they might just as well have stayed with me in the firstplace. It was along this road that General Coetser afterwards fledwith a small body of burghers, when the enemy, according toexpectations, marched on Komati Poort, and met with no resistance, though there were over 1800 there of our men with guns. 

A certain Pienaar, who arrogated unto himself the rank of a general onPortuguese territory, fled with 800 men over the frontier. These, however, were disarmed and sent to Lisbon. 

The end of the struggle was ignominious, as many a burgher had feared;and to this day I pity the men who, at Hector's Spruit, had to go toKomati Poort much against their will. 

Fortunately they had the time and presence of mind to blow up the"Long Tom" and other guns before going; but a tremendous lot ofprovisions and ammunition must have fallen into the hands of theenemy. 

At Hector's Spruit half a score of cannon of different calibre hadbeen blown up, and many things buried which may be found some day byour progeny. Our carts were all ready loaded, and we were prepared tomarch next morning into the desert and take leave of our stores. Howwould we get on now? Where would we get our food, cut off as we werefrom the railway, and, consequently, from all imports and supplies?These questions and many others crossed our minds, but nobody couldanswer them. 

Our convoys were ready waiting, and the following morning we trekkedinto the Hinterland Desert, saying farewell to commissariats andstores. 

The prospect was melancholy enough. By leaving Hector's Spruit we wereisolating ourselves from the outer world, which meant that Europe andcivilisation generally could only be informed of our doings throughEnglish channels. 

Once again our hopes were centred in our God and our Mausers. 

Dr. Conan Doyle says about this stage of the war:--

 "The most incredulous must have recognised as he looked at the heap of splintered and shattered gunmetal (at Hector's Spruit) that the long War was at last drawing to a close. "

And here I am, writing these pages seventeen months later, and the Waris not over yet. But Dr. Doyle is not a prophet, and cannot bereproached for a miscalculation of this character, for if I, and manywith me, had been asked at the time what we thought of the future, wemight have been as wide of the mark as Dr. Doyle himself. 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

A DREARY TREK THROUGH FEVERLAND. 

The 18th of September, 1900, found us trekking along an old disusedroad in a northerly direction. We made a curious procession, anendless retinue of carts, waggons, guns, mounted men, "voetgangers"nearly three miles long. The Boers walking comprised 150 burgherswithout horses, who refused to surrender to the Portuguese, and whohad now joined the trek on foot. Of the 1, 500 mounted Boers 500possessed horses which were in such a parlous condition that theycould not be ridden. The draught cattle were mostly poor and weak, andthe waggons carrying provisions and ammunition, as also thoseconveying the guns, could only be urged along with great difficulty. In the last few months our cattle and horses had been worked hardnearly every day, and had to be kept close to our positions. 

During the season the veldt in the Transvaal is in the very worstcondition, and the animals are then poorer than at any other period. We had, moreover, the very worst of luck, kept as we were in thecoldest parts of the country from June till September, and the rainshad fallen later than usual. There was, therefore, scarcely any foodfor the poor creatures, and hardly any grass. The bushveldt throughwhich we were now trekking was scorched by an intolerable heat, aggravated by drought, and the temperature in the daytime was sounbearable that we could only trek during the night. 

Water was very scarce, and most of the wells which, according to oldhunters with us, yielded splendid supplies, were found to be dried up. The veldt being burned out there was not a blade of grass to be seen, and we had great trouble in keeping our animals alive. From time totime we came across itinerant kaffir tribes from whom we obtainedhandfuls of salt or sugar, or a pailful of mealies, and by thesemeans we managed to save our cattle and horses. 

When we had got through the Crocodile River the trek was arranged in asort of military formation enabling us to defend ourselves, had webeen attacked. The British were already in possession of the railwayup to Kaapmuiden and we had to be prepared for pursuit; and reallypursuit by the British seemed feasible and probable from along theOhrigstad River towards Olifant's Nek and thence along the Olifant'sRiver. 

Our original plan was to cross the Sabi, along the Meritsjani River, over the mountains near Mac Mac, through Erasmus or Gowyn's Pass andacross Pilgrim's Rest, where we might speedily have reached healthierveldt and better climatic conditions. President Steyn had passed therethree days previously, but when our advance guard reached the foot ofthe high mountains, near Mac Mac, the late General Gravett sent wordthat General Buller with his force was marching from Spitskop alongthe mountain plateau and that it would be difficult for us to getahead of him and into the mountains. The road, which was washed away, was very steep and difficult and contained abrupt deviations so thatwe could only proceed at a snail's pace. 

Commandant-General Botha then sent instructions to me to take mycommando along the foot of the mountains, via Leydsdorp, while he withhis staff and the members of the Government would proceed across themountains near Mac Mac. General Gravett was detailed to keep Buller'sadvance guard busy, and he succeeded admirably. 

I think it was here that the British lost a fine chance of making abig haul. General Buller could have blocked us at any of the mountainroads near Mac Mac, and could also have swooped down upon us nearGowyn's Pass and Belvedere. At the time of which I write Buller waslying not 14 miles away at Spitskop. Two days after he actuallyoccupied the passes, but just too late to turn the two Governments andthe Commandant-General. It might be said that they could in any casehave, like myself, escaped along the foot of the mountains viaLeydsdorp to Tabina and Pietersburg, but had the way out been blockedto them near Mac Mac, our Government and generalissimo would have beencompelled to trek for at least three weeks in the low veldt beforethey could have reached Pietersburg, during which time all the othercommandos would have been out of touch with the chief Boer militarystrategists and commanders, and would not have known what had becomeof their military leaders or of their Government. This would have beena very undesirable state of affairs, and would very likely have bornethe most serious consequences to us. The British, moreover, could haveoccupied Pietersburg without much trouble by cutting off our progressin the low veldt, and barring our way across the Sabini and at Agatha. This coup could indeed have been effected by a small British force. Inthe mountains they would, moreover, have found a healthy climate, while we should have been left in the sickly districts of the lowveldt. And had we been compelled to stay there for two months we wouldhave been forced to surrender, for about the middle of October thedisease among our horses increased and so serious was the epidemicthat none but salted horses survived. The enteric fever would alsohave wrought havoc amongst us. 

Another problem was whether all this would not have put an end to thewar; we still had generals left, and strong commandos, and it was, ofcourse, very likely that a great number of Boers driven to desperationwould have broken through, although two-thirds of our horses were notfit for a bold dash. Perhaps fifteen hundred out of the two thousandBoers would have made good their escape, but in any case large numbersof wagons, guns, etc. Would have fallen into the British hands and ourleaders might have been captured as well. The moral effect would havecaused many other burghers from the other commandos to have lost heartand this at a moment, too, when they already required muchencouragement. 

This was my view of the situation, and I think Lord Roberts, orwhoever was responsible, lost a splendid opportunity. 

As regards my commando at the foot of the Mauch Mountains we turnedright about and I took temporary leave of Louis Botha. It was a veryaffecting parting; Botha pressed my hand, saying, "Farewell, brother;I hope we shall get through all right. God bless you. Let me hear fromyou soon and frequently. "

That night we encamped at Boschbokrand, where we found a storeunoccupied, and a house probably belonging to English refugees, forshop and dwelling had been burgled and looted. After our big laagerhad been arranged, Boer fashion, and the camp fire threw its luridlight against the weird dark outline of the woods, the Boers groupedthemselves over the veldt. Some who had walked twenty miles that dayfell down exhausted. 

I made the round of the laager, and I am bound to say that in spite ofthe trying circumstances, my burghers were in fairly cheerful spirits. 

I discussed the immediate prospects with the officers, and arrangedfor a different commando to be placed in the advance guard each dayand a different field-cornet in the rear. Boers conversant with thelocality were detailed to ride ahead and to scout and reconnoitre forwater. 

When I returned that night to my waggon the evening meal was ready, but for the first time in my life I could eat nothing. I felt toodejected. My cook, Jan Smith, and my messmates were curious to knowthe reason I did not "wade in, " for they always admired my ferociousappetite. 

It had been a tiring day, and I pretended I was not well; and soonafterwards I lay down to rest. 

I had been sitting up the previous evening till late in the night, andwas therefore in hopes of dropping off to sleep. But whatever Itried--counting the stars, closing my eyes and doing my best to thinkof nothing--it was all in vain. 

Insurmountable difficulties presented themselves to me. I had venturedinto an unhealthy, deserted, and worst of all, unknown part of thecountry with only 2, 000 men. I was told we should have to cover 300miles of this enteric-stricken country. 

The burghers without horses were suffering terribly from the killingheat, and many were attacked by typhoid and malarial fever throughhaving to drink a lot of bad water; these enemies would soon decimateour commando and reduce its strength to a minimum. And for four orfive weeks we should be isolated from the Commandant-General and fromall white men. 

Was I a coward, then, to lie there, dejected and even frightened? Iasked myself. Surely, to think nothing of taking part in a fiercebattle, to be able to see blood being shed like water, to play withlife and death, one could not be without some courage? And yet I didnot seem to have any pluck left in me here where there did not seem tobe much danger. 

These and many similar thoughts came into my head while I was tryingto force myself to sleep, and I told myself not to waver, to keep acool head and a stout heart, and to manfully go on to the end in orderto reach the goal we had so long kept in view. 

Ah, well, do not let anybody expect a general to be a hero, andnothing else, at all times; let us remember that "A man's a man for a'that, " and even a fighting man may have his moments of weakness andfear. 

The next morning, about four o'clock, our little force woke up again. The cool morning air made it bearable for man and beast to trek. This, however, only lasted till seven o'clock, when the sun was alreadyscorching, without the slightest sign of a breeze. It became mostoppressive, and we were scarcely able to breathe. 

The road had not been used for twenty or thirty years, and big treeswere growing in our path, and had to be cut down at times. The dryground, now cut up by the horses' hoofs, was turned into dust by themany wheels, great clouds flying all round us, high up in the air, covering everything and everybody with a thick layer of ashy-greypowder. 

About nine o'clock we reached Zand River, where we found some goodwater, and stayed till dusk. We exchanged some mealies against saltand other necessaries with some kaffirs who were living near by thewater. Their diminutive, deformed stature was another proof of themiserable climate obtaining there. 

There was much big game here; wild beasts, "hartebeest, " "rooiboks"(sometimes in groups of from five to twenty at a time), and at nightwe heard the roaring of lions and the howling of wolves. Even by daylions were encountered. Now, one of the weakest points, perhaps theweakest, of an Afrikander is his being unable to refrain from shootingwhen he sees game, whether such be prohibited or not. From everycommando burghers had been sent out to do shooting for ourcommissariat, but a good many had slipped away, so that hundreds ofthem were soon hunting about in the thickly-grown woods. Theconsequence was that, whenever a group of them discovered game, itseemed as if a real battle were going on, several persons often beingwounded, and many cattle killed. We made rules and regulations, andeven inflicted punishments which did some good, but could not checkthe wild hunting instincts altogether, it being difficult to find outin the dark bush who had been the culprits. 

Meanwhile the trek went on very slowly. On the seventh day we reachedBlyde River, where we had one of the loveliest views of the whole"boschveldt. " The river, which has its source near Pilgrim's Rest andruns into the great Olifant's River near the Lomboba, owes its name totrekker pioneers, who, being out hunting in the good old times, hadbeen looking for water for days, and when nearly perishing fromthirst, had suddenly discovered this river, and called it Blyde (or"Glad") River. The stream at the spot we crossed is about 40 feetwide, and the water as pure as crystal. The even bed is covered withwhite gravel, and along both banks are splendid high trees. The wholelaager could outspan under their shade, and it was a delightful, refreshing sensation to find oneself protected from the burning sun. We all drank of the delicious water, which we had seldom found in suchabundance, and we also availed ourselves of it to bathe and wash ourclothes. 

In the afternoon a burgher, whose name I had better not mention, camerunning up to us with his clothes torn to tatters, and his hat and gungone. He presented a curious picture. I heard the burghers jeer andchaff him as he approached, and called out to him: "What on earth haveyou been up to? It looks as if you had seen old Nick with a mask on. "

The affrighted Boer's dishevelled hair stood on end and he shook withfear. 

He gasped: "Goodness gracious, General, I am nearly dead. I had gonefor a stroll to do a bit of hunting like, and had shot a lion who ranaway into some brushwood. I knew the animal had received a mortalwound, and ran after it. But I could only see a yard or so aheadthrough the thick undergrowth, and was following the bloodstainedtrack. Seeing the animal I put down my gun and was stepping over thetrunk of an old tree; but just as I put my foot down, lo! I saw aterrible monster standing with one paw on the beast's chest. Oh, myeye! I thought my last hour had come, for the lion looked so hard atme, and he roared so awfully. By jove, General, if this had been anEnglishman I should just have "hands-upped, " you bet! But I veeredround and went down bang on my nose. My rifle, my hat, my all, Iabandoned in that battle, and for all the riches of England, I wouldnot go back. General, you may punish me for losing my rifle, but Iwon't go back to that place for anything or anybody. "

I asked him what the lion had done then, but he knew nothing more. Another burgher who stood by, remarked: "I think it was a dog thischap saw. He came running up to me so terrified that he would not haveknown his own mother. If I had asked him at that moment he would nothave been able to remember his own name. "

The poor fellow was roused to indignation, and offered to go with thewhole commando and show them the lion's trail. But there was no timefor that, and the hero had a bad time of it, for everybody was teasingand chaffing him, and henceforth he was called the "Terror of theVaal. "

We should have liked to have lingered a few days near that splendidand wholesome stream. We wanted a rest badly enough, but it was notadvisable on account of the fever, which is almost invariably thepenalty for sleeping near a river in the low veldt. One of theregulations of our commando forbade the officers and men to spend thenight by the side of any water or low spot. It would also have beenfatal to the horses, for sickness amongst them and fever alwayscoincide. But they did not always keep to the letter of theseinstructions. The burghers, especially those who had been walking, orarriving at a river, would always quickly undress and jump into thewater, after which some of them would fall asleep on the banks or havea rest under the trees. Both were unhealthy and dangerous luxuries. Many burghers who had been out hunting or had been sent outprovisioning, stayed by the riverside till the morning, since theycould dispense with their kit in this warm climate. They often werewithout food for twenty-four hours, unless we happened to trek alongthe spot where they were resting. To pass the night in thesetreacherous parts on an empty stomach was enough to give anybody thefever. 

When we moved on from Blyde River many draught beasts were exhaustedthrough want of food, and we were obliged to leave half a dozen cartsbehind. This caused a lot of trouble as we had to transfer all thethings to other vehicles, and field-cornets did not like to take upthe goods belonging to other field-cornets' burghers, the cattle beingin such a weak condition that it made every man think of his owndivision. No doubt the burghers were very kind to their animals, butthey sometimes carried it too far, and the superior officers had oftento interfere. 

The distance from Blyde River to the next stopping place could not becovered in one day, and we should have no water the next; not a verypleasant prospect. The great clouds of dust through which we weremarching overnight and the scorching heat in the daytime made us alllong for water to drink and to clean ourselves. So when the ordercame from the laager commandants: "Outspan! No water to-day, my boys, you will have to be careful with the water on the carts. We shall benear some stream to-morrow evening, " they were bitterly disappointed. 

When we got near the water the following day eight burghers werereported to be suffering badly from the typhoid fever, five of thembelonging to the men who were walking. We had a very insufficientsupply of ambulance waggons. I had omitted to procure a great numberof these indispensable vehicles on leaving Hector's Spruit, for therehad been so many things to look after. We were lucky to have with usbrave Dr. Manning, of the Russian Ambulance, who rendered us suchexcellent assistance, and we have every reason to be thankful to H. M. The Czarina of Russia for sending him out. Dr. Manning had thepatients placed in waggons, which had been put at his disposal forthis purpose, but notwithstanding his skilled and careful treatment, one of my men died the following day, while the number of those whowere seriously ill rose to fifteen. The symptoms of this fatal illnessare: headache and a numb feeling in all the limbs, accompanied by anunusually high temperature very often rising to 104 and 106 degreesduring the first 24 hours, with the blood running from the patient'snose and ears, which is an ominous sign. At other times the firstsymptom is what is commonly called "cold shivers. "

We proceeded slowly until we came to the Nagout River, where themonotony and dreariness of a trek through the "boschveldt" weresomewhat relieved by the spectacle of a wide stream of good water, with a luxurious vegetation along the banks. It was a most pleasantand refreshing sight to behold. For some distance along the banks somegrass was found, to which the half-starved animals were soon devotingtheir attention. It was the sort of sweet grass the hunters call"buffalo-grass, " and which is considered splendid food for cattle. Wepitched our camp on a hill about one mile from the river, and as ourdraught-beasts were in want of a thorough rest we remained there for afew days. We had been obliged to drive along some hundreds of oxen, mules, and horses, as they had been unfit to be harnessed for days, and had several times been obliged to leave those behind that wereemaciated and exhausted. 

From the Nagout River we had to go right up to the Olifant's River, adistance of about 20 miles, which took us three days. The track ledall along through the immense bush-plain which extends from the highMauch Mountains in the west to the Lebombo Mountains in the east; andyet one could only see a few paces ahead during all these days, andthe only thing we could discern was the summit of some mountain on thewesterly or easterly horizon, and even the tops of the Mauch andLebombo Mountains one could only see by standing on the top of aloaded waggon, and with the aid of a field-glass. This thickly-woodedregion included nearly one-third of the Transvaal, and is uninhabited, the white men fearing the unhealthy climate, while only some miserablelittle kaffir tribes were found about there, the bulk being theundisputed territory of the wild animals. 

The Olifant's River, which we had to cross, is over 100 feet wide. Theold track leading down to it, was so thickly covered with trees andundergrowth that we had to cut a path through it. The banks of theriver were not very high, thus enabling us to make a drift withoutmuch trouble. The bed was rocky, and the water pretty shallow, andtowards the afternoon the whole commando had crossed. Here again wewere obliged to rest our cattle for a few days, during which we had tofulfil the melancholy duty of burying two of our burghers who had diedof fever. It was a very sad loss and we were very much affected, especially as one left a young wife and two little children, living atBarberton. The other one was a young colonial Afrikander who had lefthis parents in the Cradock district (Cape Colony) to fight for ourcause. We could not help thinking how intensely sad it was to loseone's life on the banks of this river, far from one's home, fromrelatives and friends, without a last grasp of the hand of those whowere nearest and dearest. 

The Transvaaler's last words were:--

 "Be sure to tell my wife I am dying cheerfully, with a clear conscience; that I have given my life for the welfare of my Fatherland. "

We had now to leave some draught cattle and horses behind every day, and the number of those who were obliged to walk was continuallyincreasing, till there were several hundred. 

Near Sabini, the first river we came to after leaving Leydsdorp wesecured twenty-four mules which were of very great use to us under thecircumstances. But the difficulty was how to distribute them amongstthe field-cornets. The men all said they wanted them very urgently, and at once found the cattle belonging to each cart to be too thin andtoo weak to move. Yet the twenty-four could only be put into twocarts, and I had to solve the difficulty by asserting my authority. 

It was no easy task to get over the Agatha Mountains and we had torest for the day near the big Letaba, especially as we had to give thewhole file of carts, guns, etc. , a chance of forming up again. Here wesucceeded in buying some loads of mealies, which were a real God-sendto our half-starved horses. I also managed to hire some teams of oxenfrom Boers who had taken up a position with their cattle along theLetaba, which enabled us to get our carts out of the HartboschMountains as far as practicable. The task would have been toofatiguing for our cattle. It took us two days before we were out ofthese mountains, when we camped out on the splendid "plateau" of theKoutboschbergen, where the climate was wholesome and pleasant. 

Here, after having passed a whole month in the wilderness of the lowveldt, with its destructive climate, it was as though we began a newlife, as if we had come back to civilisation. We again saw white men'sdwellings, cultivated green fields, flocks of grazing sheep, and herdsof sleek cows. 

The inhabitants of the country were not a little surprised, not to sayalarmed, to find, early one Sunday morning, a big laager occupying theplateau. A Boer laager always looks twice as large as it really iswhen seen from a little distance. Some Boer lads presently came up toask us whether we were friends or enemies, for in these distant partspeople were not kept informed of what happened elsewhere. 

"A general, " said a woman, who paid us a visit in a trap, "is a thingwe have all been longing to see. I have called to hear some news, andwhether you would like to buy some oats; but I tell you straight I amnot going to take "blue-backs" (Government notes), and if you peoplebuy my oats you will have to pay in gold. "

A burgher answered her: "There is the General, under that cart;'tante' had better go to him. "

Of course I had heard the whole conversation, but thought the womanhad been joking. The good lady came up to my cart, putting her cap alittle on one side, probably to favour us with a peep at her beauty. 

"Good morning. Where is that General Viljoen; they say he is here?"

I thought to myself: "I wonder what this charming Delilah of fiftysummers wants, " and got up and shook hands with her, saying: "I amthat General. What can I do for 'tante'?"

"No, but I never! Are you the General? You don't look a bit like one;I thought a General looked 'baing' (much) different from what you arelike. "

Much amused by all this I asked: "What's the matter with me, then, 'tante'?"

"Nay, but cousin (meaning myself) looks like a youngster. I have heardso much of you, I expected to see an old man with a long beard. "

I had had enough of this comedy, and not feeling inclined to waste anymore civilities on this innocent daughter of Mother Eve, I asked herabout the oats. 

I sent an adjutant to have a look at her stock and to buy what wewanted, and the prim dame spared me the rest of her criticism. 

We now heard that Pietersburg and Warmbad were still held by theBoers, and the road was therefore clear. We marched from here viaHaenertsburg, a little village on the Houtboschbergrand, and the seatof some officials of the Boer Mining Department, for in thisneighbourhood gold mines existed, which in time of peace giveemployment to hundreds of miners. 

Luckily, there was also a hospital at Haenertsburg, where we couldleave half a dozen fever patients, under the careful treatment of anIrish doctor named Kavanagh, assisted by the tender care of a daughterof the local justice of the peace, whose name, I am sorry to say, Ihave forgotten. 

About the 19th of October, 1900, we arrived at Pietersburg, our placeof destination. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

PAINS AND PLEASURES OF COMMANDEERING. 

We found Pietersburg to be quite republican, all the officials, fromhigh to low, in their proper places in the offices, and the"Vierkleur" flying from the Government buildings. The railway toWarmbad was also in Boer hands. At Warmbad were General Beyers and hisburghers and those of the Waterberg district. Although we had no coalsleft, this did not prevent us from running a train with a sufficientnumber of carriages from Pietersburg to Warmbad twice a week. We usedwood instead, this being found in great quantities in this part of thecountry. 

Of course, it took some time to get steam up, and we had to put inmore wood all the time, while the boilers continually threatened torun dry. We only had two engines, one of which was mostly laid up forrepairs. The other one served to keep the commandos at Warmbadprovided with food, etc. 

The Pietersburgers also had kept up telegraphic communication, and wewere delighted to hear that clothes and boots could be got in thetown, as we had to replace our own, which had got dreadfully torn andworn out on the "trek" through the "boschveldt. " Each commandant didhis best to get the necessary things together for his burghers, and myquarters were the centre of great activity from the early morning tolate in the evening, persons who had had their goods commandeeredapplying to the General and lodging complaints. 

After we had been at Pietersburg for eight days, a delay which seemedso many months to me, I had really had too much of it. The complaintswere generally introduced by remarks about how much the complainants'ancestors had done for the country at Boomplaats, Majuba, etc. , etc. , and how unfairly they were now being treated by having their onlyhorses, or mules, or their carriages, or saddles commandeered. 

The worst of it was, that they all had to be coaxed, either with along sermon, pointing out to them what an honour and distinction itwas to be thus selected to do their duty to their country and theirpeople, or by giving them money if no appeal to their generousfeelings would avail; sometimes by using strong language to the timidones, telling them it would have to be, whether they liked it or not. 

Anyhow we got a hundred fine horses together at the cost of a goodmany imprecations. The complainants may be divided into the followingcategories:--

1st. Those who really believed they had some cause of complaint. 

2nd. Those who did not feel inclined to part with anything withoutreceiving the full value in cash--whose patriotism began and endedwith money. 

3rd. Those who had Anglophile tendencies and thought it an abominationto part with anything to a commando (these were the worst to dealwith, for they wore a mask, and we often did not know whether we hadgot hold of the Evil One's tail or an angel's pinions), and

4th. Those who were complaining without reason. These were, as a rule, burghers who did not care to fight, and who remained at home under allsorts of pretexts. 

The complaints from females consisted of three classes:--

1st. The patriotic ones who did all they could--sensible ladies asthey were--to help us and to encourage our burghers, but who wantedthe things we had commandeered for their own use. 

2nd. The women without any national sympathy--a tiresome species, whoforget their sex, and burst into vituperation if they could not gettheir way; and

3rd. The women with English sympathies, carefully hidden behind a maskof pro-Boer expressions. 

The pity of it was that you could not see it written on theirforeheads which category they belonged to, and although one could soonfind out what their ideas were, one had to be careful in expressing adecided opinion about them, as there was a risk of being prosecutedfor libel. 

I myself always preferred an outspoken complaint. I could always cutup roughly refer him to martial law, and gruffly answer, "It will haveto be like this, or you will have to do it!" And if that did notsatisfy him I had him sent away. But the most difficult case was whenthe complaint was stammered under a copious flood of tears, althoughnot supported by any arguments worth listening to. 

There were a good many foreign subjects at Pietersburg but they weremostly British, and these persons, who also had some of their horses, etc. , commandeered, were a great source of trouble, for many Boerofficers and burghers treated them without any ceremony, simply takingaway what they wanted for their commandos. I did not at all agree withthis way of doing things, for so long as a foreign subject, though anEnglishman, is allowed to remain within the fighting lines, he has aright to protection and fairness, and no difference ought to be madebetween him and the burghers who stay at home, when there is anyfighting to be done. 

From Pietersburg we went to Nylstroom, a village on the railway towhich I had been summoned by telegram by the Commandant-General, whohad arrived there on his way to the westerly districts, this being thefirst I had heard of him after we had parted at the foot of theMauchberg, near Mac Mac. 

I travelled by rail, accompanied by one of my commandants. The waythey managed to keep up steam was delightfully primitive. We did not, indeed, fly along the rails, yet we very often went at the rate ofnine miles an hour!

When our supply of wood got exhausted, we would just stop the train, or the train would stop itself, and the passengers were politelyrequested to get out and take a hand at cutting down trees andcarrying wood. This had a delicious flavour of the old time stagecoach about it, when first, second, and third class passengerstravelled in the same compartment, although the prices of thedifferent classes varied considerably. When a coach came to the footof a mountain the travellers would, however, soon find out where thedifference between the classes lay, for the driver would order allfirst-class passengers to keep their seats, second-class passengers toget out and walk, and third-class passengers to get out and push. 

We got to our destination, however, although the chances seemed tohave been against it. I myself had laid any odds against ever arrivingalive. 

At Nylstroom we found President Steyn and suite, who had just arrived, causing a great stir in this sleepy little village, which had nowbecome a frontier village of the territory in which we still heldsway. 

A great popular meeting was held, which President Steyn opened with amanly speech, followed by a no less stirring one from ourCommandant-General, both exhorting the burghers to do their dutytowards their country and towards themselves by remaining faithful tothe Cause, as the very existence of our nation depended on it. 

In the afternoon the officers met in an empty hall of the hotel atNylstroom to hold a Council of War, under the direction of theCommandant-General. 

Plans were discussed and arrangements made for the future. I was tomarch at once from Pietersburg to the north-westerly part of thePretoria district, and on to Witnek, which would bring us back to ourold battle-grounds. The state of the commandos, I was told, in thoseparts was very sad. The commandant of the Boksburg Commando hadmysteriously fallen into the enemy's hands, and with his treacherousassistance nearly the whole commando had been captured as well. ThePretoria Commando had nearly shared this melancholy fate. 

That same night we travelled to Pietersburg. After we had passedYzerberg the train seemed to be going more and more slowly, till wecame to a dead stop. The engine had broken down, and all we could dowas to get out and walk the rest of the way. In a few hours' time, toour great joy, the second, and the only other train from Pietersburgthere was, came up. 

After having convinced the engine-driver that he had to obey theGeneral's orders, he complied with our request to take us toPietersburg, and at last, after a lot of trouble, we arrived thefollowing day. Our cattle and horses were now sufficiently rested andin good condition. The commandos have been provided with the thingsthey most urgently needed, and ordered to be ready within two days. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

PUNISHING THE PRO-BRITISH. 

During the first days of November, 1900, we went from Pietersburg toWitnek, about nineteen miles north of Bronkhorst Spruit, in thePretoria district. We had enjoyed a fortnight's rest, which hadespecially benefited our horses, and our circumstances were much morefavourable in every respect when we left Pietersburg than when we hadentered it. 

The Krugersdorp Commando had been sent to its own district, fromPietersburg via Warmbad and Rustenburg, under Commandant Jan Kemp, inorder to be placed under General De la Rey's command. Most of theburghers preferred being always in their own districts, even thoughthe villages scattered about were in the enemy's hands, the greaterpart of the homesteads burnt down and the farms destroyed, and nearlyall the families had been placed in British Concentration Camps; andif the commanding officers would not allow the burghers to go to theirown districts they would simply desert, one after the other, to jointhe commando nearest their districts. 

I do not think there is another nation so fondly attached to theirhome and its neighbourhood, even though the houses be in ruins and thefarms destroyed. Still the Boer feels attracted to it, and when he hasat last succeeded in reaching it, you will often find him sit downdisconsolately among the ruins or wandering about in the vicinity. 

It was better, therefore, to keep our men somewhere near theirdistricts, for even from a strategical point of view they were betterthere, knowing every nook and cranny, which enabled them to findexactly where to hide in case of danger. Even in the dark they wereable to tell, after scouting, which way the enemy would be coming. This especially gave a commando the necessary self-reliance, which isof such great importance in battle. It has also been found during thelatter part of the War to be easier for a burgher to get provisions inhis own district than in others, notwithstanding the destructioncaused by the enemy. 

Commandant Muller, of the Boksburg Commando, one of those who werelucky enough to escape the danger of being caught through thehalf-heartedness of the previous commandant (Dirksen), and had takenhis place, arrived at Warmbad almost the same moment. He proceeded viaYzerberg and joined us at Klipplaatdrift near Zebedelestad. 

I had allowed a field-cornet's company, consisting of ColonialAfrikanders, to accompany President Steyn to the Orange Free State, which meant a reduction of my force of 350 men, including theKrugersdorpers. But the junction with the Boksburg burghers, numberingabout 200 men, somewhat made up for it. 

We went along the Olifant's River, by Israelskop and Crocodile Hill, to the spot where the Eland's River runs into the Olifant's River, andthence direct to Witnek through Giftspruit. 

The grass, after the heavy rains, was in good condition and yieldedplenty of food for our quadrupeds. Strange to say, nothing worthrecording occurred during this "trek" of about 95 miles. About themiddle of November we camped near the "Albert" silver mines, south ofWitnek. 

Commandant Erasmus was still in this part of the country with theremainder of the Pretoria Commando. Divided into three or four smallergroups, they watched in the neighbourhood of the railway, fromDonkerhoek till close to Wilgeriver Station, and whenever the enemymoved out, the men on watch gave warning and all fled with theirfamilies and cattle into the "boschveldt" along Witnek. 

It was these tactics which enabled the British Press to state that theGenerals Plumer and Paget had a brilliant victory over Erasmus theprevious month; for, with the exception of a few abandoned carts atZusterhoek, they could certainly not have seen anything of Erasmus andhis commando except a cloud of dust on the road from Witnek to the"boschveldt. "

I had instructions to reorganise the commandos in these regions and tosee that law and order were maintained. The reorganisation was adifficult work, for the burghers were divided amongst themselves. 

Some wanted a different commando, while others wanted to keep toErasmus, who was formerly general and who had been my superior, roundLadysmith. He, one of the wealthiest and most influential burghers inthe Pretoria district, did not seem inclined to carry out myinstructions, and altogether he could not get accustomed to thealtered conditions. I did all I could in the matter, but, so far asthe Pretoria Commando was concerned, the result of my efforts was notvery satisfactory. Nor did the generals who tried the same thing afterme get on with the reorganisation while Erasmus remained in control asan officer. A dangerous element, which he and his clique tolerated, was formed by some families (Schalkwyk and others) who, after havingsurrendered to the enemy, were allowed to remain on their holdings, with their cattle, and to go on farming as if nothing had happened. They generally lived near the railway between our sentry stations andthose of the enemy. These "voluntarily disarmed ones, " as we calledthem, had got passes from the enemy, allowing them free access to theBritish camps, and in accordance with one of Lord Roberts'proclamations, their duty, on seeing any Boers or commandos, was, tonotify this at once to the nearest English picket, and also tocommunicate all information received about the Boers. All this was onpenalty of having their houses burnt down and their cattle andproperty confiscated. Sometimes a brother or other relative of these"hands-uppers" would call on them. The son of one of them was adjutantto Commandant Erasmus, and shared his tent with him, while theadjutant often visited his parents during the night and sometimes byday; the consequence being that the English always knew exactly whatwas going on in our district. This situation could not be allowed togo on, and I instructed one of my officers to have all these suspectedfamilies placed behind our commandos. Any male persons who hadsurrendered to the enemy out of cowardice were arrested. 

Most of them were court-martialled for high treason and desertion, andgiving up their arms, and fifteen were imprisoned in a school buildingat Rhenosterkop, which had been turned into a gaol for the purpose. The court consisted of a presiding officer selected from thecommandants by the General, and of four members, two of whom had beenchosen by the General and the President, and two by the burghers. 

In the absence of our "Staats-procureur, " a lawyer was appointedpublic prosecutor. 

Before the trial commenced the President was sworn by the General andthe other four members by the President. The usual criminal procedurewas followed, and each sentence was submitted for the General'sratification. 

The court could decree capital punishment, in which case there couldbe an appeal to the Government. 

There were other courts, constituted by the latter, but as they weremoving about almost every day, they were not always available, andrecourse had then to be taken to the court-martial. 

The fifteen prisoners were tried in Rhenosterkop churchyard. The triallasted several days, and I do not remember all the particulars of thevarious sentences, which differed from two and a half to five years'imprisonment, I believe with the option of a fine. The only prison wecould send them to was at Pietersburg, and there they went. 

The arresting and punishing of these people caused a great sensationin the different commandos. 

It seems incredible, but it is a fact that many members of thesetraitors' families were very indignant about my action in the matter, even sending me anonymous letters in which they threatened to shootme. 

Although there was less treason after the conviction of these fifteenworthies had taken place, there always remained an easy channel in theshape of correspondence between burghers from the commandos and theirrelatives within the English fighting lines, carried by kaffirrunners. This could not be stopped so easily. 

On the 19th of November, 1900, I attacked the enemy on the railwaysimultaneously at Balmoral and Wilgeriver, and soon found that theBritish had heard of our plan beforehand. 

Commandant Muller, who was cautiously creeping up to the enemy atWilgeriver with some of his burghers, and a Krupp gun, met with adetermined resistance early in the morning. He succeeded, indeed, intaking a few small forts, but the station was too strongly fortified, and the enemy used two 15-pounders in one of the forts with suchprecision as to soon hit our Krupp gun, which had to be cleared out ofthe fighting line. 

The burghers, who had taken the small forts in the early morning, wereobliged to stop there till they could get away under protection of thedarkness, with three men wounded. We did not find out the enemy'slosses. 

We were equally unfortunate near Balmoral Station, where I personallyled the attack. 

At daybreak I ordered a fortress to be stormed, expecting to capture agun, which would enable us to fire on the station from there, andthen storm it. In fact we occupied the fort with little trouble, taking a captain and 32 men prisoners, besides inflicting a loss ofseveral killed and wounded, while a score more escaped. These allbelonged to the "Buffs, " the same regiment which now takes part inwatching us at St. Helena. But, on the whole, we were disappointed, not finding a gun in the fort, which was situated to the west of thestation. Two divisions of burghers with a 15-pounder and a pom-pomwere approaching the station from north and east, while a commando, under Field-Cornet Duvenhage, which had been called upon to strengthenthe attack, was to occupy an important position in the south beforethe enemy could take it up, for during the night it was stillunoccupied. 

Our 15-pounder, one of the guns we had captured from the English, fired six shells on the enemy at the station, when it burst, while thepom-pom after having sent some bombs through the station buildings, also jammed. We tried to storm over the bare ground between ourposition and the strongly barricaded and fortified station, and theenemy would no doubt have been forced to surrender if they had notrealised that something had gone wrong with us, our guns being silent, and Field-Cornet Duvenhage and his burghers not turning up from thesouth. The British, who had taken an important position from whichthey could cover us with their fire, sent us some lyddite shells froma howitzer in the station fort. Although there was a good shower ofthem, yet the lyddite-squirt sent the shells at such a slow pace, thatwe could quietly watch them coming and get under cover in time andtherefore they did very little harm. 

At eight o'clock we were forced to fall back, for although we haddestroyed the railway and telegraphic communications in several placesover night, the latter were repaired in the afternoon, and the enemy'sreinforcements poured in from Pretoria as well as from Middelburg. Iobserved all this through my glass from the position I had taken up ona high point near the Douglas coal mines. 

Amongst the prisoners we had made in the morning was a captain of the"Buffs, " whose collar stars had been stripped off for some reason, themarks showing they had only recently been removed. At that time therewere no orders to keep officers as prisoners-of-war, and this captainwas therefore sent back to Balmoral with the other "Tommies, " after wehad relieved them of their weapons and other things which we were inwant of. I read afterwards, in an English newspaper, that this captainhad taken the stars off in order to save himself from the "crueltiesof the Boers. "

This, I considered, an unjust and undeserved libel. 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

BATTLE OF RHENOSTERKOP. 

On the 27th of November, 1900, our scouts reported that a force of theenemy was marching from the direction of Pretoria, and proceedingalong Zustershoek. I sent out Commandant Muller with a strong patrol, while I placed the laager in a safe position, in the ridge of kopjesrunning from Rhenosterkop some miles to the north. This is the place, about 15 miles to the north-east of Bronkhorst Spruit, where ColonelAnstruther with the 94th regiment was attacked in 1881 by the Boersand thoroughly defeated. Rhenosterkop is a splendid position, risingseveral hundred feet above the neighbouring heights, and can be seenfrom a great distance. Towards the south and south-east this kopje iscut off from the Kliprandts (known by the name of Suikerboschplaats)by a deep circular cleft called Rhenosterpoort. 

On the opposite side of this cleft the so-called "banks" form a"plateau" about the same height as the Rhenosterkop, with some smallerplateaux, at a lesser altitude, towards the Wilge River. Theseplateaux form a crescent running from south-east to north of theRhenosterkop. Only one road leading out of the "bank" near BlackwoodCamp and crossing them near Goun, gives access to this crescent. Onthe west side is a great gap up to Zustershoek, only interrupted bysome "randjes, " or ridges, near the Albert silver mines and the row ofkopjes on which I had now taken up a position. 

The enemy's force had been estimated at 5, 000 men, mostly mounted, who, quite against their usual tactics, charged us so soon as theynoticed us. Muller had to fall back again and again. The enemy underGeneral Paget, pursued us as if we were a lot of game, and it soonbecame apparent that they had made up their mind to catch us thistime. I sent our carts into the forest along Poortjesnek toRoodelaager, and made a stand in the kopjes near Rhenosterkop. 

On the 28th--the next day--General Paget pitched his camp near ourpositions, shelling us with some batteries of field guns till dusk. The same evening I received information that a force under GeneralLyttelton had marched from Middelburg and arrived near Blackwood Camp. This meant that our way near Gourjsberg had been cut off. All we coulddo was to keep the road along Poortjesnek well defended, for if theenemy were to succeed in blocking that as well, we would be in a trapand be entirely cut up. 

There was General Paget against us to the west, to the south there wasRhenosterkop with no way out, and General Lyttelton to the east, whileto the north there was only one road, running between high chains anddeep clefts. If General Paget were to make a flanking movementthreatening the road to the north, I should have been obliged toretire in hot haste, but we were in hopes the General would not thinkof this. General Lyttelton only needed to advance another mile, rightup to the first "randts" of the mountain near Blackwood Camp, for hisguns to command our whole position, and to make it impossible for usto hold it. I had, however, a field-cornet's company between him andmy burghers, with instructions to resist as long as possible, and toprevent our being attacked from behind, which plan succeeded, as luckwould have it. My Krupp and pom-pom guns had been repaired, or rather, patched up, though the former had only been fired fourteen times whenit was done up. 

I placed the Johannesburgers on the left, the Police in the centre, and the Boksburgers on the right. As I have already pointed out, thesepositions were situated in a row of small kopjes strewn with big"klips, " while the assailant would have to charge over a bare "bult, "and we should not be able to see each other before they were at 60 to150 paces distant. 

Next morning, when the day dawned, the watchmen gave the alarm, thewarning we knew so well, "The Khakis are coming!" The horses were allput out of range of the bullets behind the "randts. " I rode aboutwith my officers in front of our positions, thus being able tooverlook the whole ground, just at daybreak. 

It gave me a turn when I suddenly saw the gigantic army of "Khakis"right in front of us, slowly approaching, in grand formation, regimentupon regiment, deploying systematically, in proper fighting order, andmy anxiety was mingled with admiration at the splendid discipline ofthe adversary. This, then, was the first act in the bloody drama whichwould be played for the next fifteen hours. The enemy came straight upto us, and had obviously been carefully reconnoitring our positions. 

General Paget seemed to have been spoiling for a fight, for it did notlook as if he simply meant to threaten our only outlet. His heavyordnance was in position near his camp, behind the soldiers, and wasfiring at us over their heads, while some 15-pounders were dividedamongst the different regiments. The thought of being involved in suchan unequal struggle weighed heavily on my mind. Facing me were fromfour to five thousand soldiers, well equipped, well disciplined, backed up by a strong artillery; just behind me my men, 500 at theoutside, with some patched-up guns, almost too shaky for firingpurposes. 

But I could rely on at least 90 per cent. Of my burghers beingsplendid shots, each man knowing how to economise his store ofammunition, while their hearts beat warmly for the Cause they werefighting. 

The battle was opened by our Krupp gun, from which they had orders tofire the fourteen shells we had at our disposal, and then "run. " Theenemy's heavy guns soon answered from the second ridge. When it wasbroad daylight the enemy tried his first charge on the Johannesburgposition, over which my brother had the command, and approached inskirmishing order. They charged right up to seventy paces, when ourmen fired for the first time, so that we could not very well havemissed our aim at so short a distance, in addition to which theassailants' outline was just showing against the sky-line as he wasgoing over the last ridge. Only two volleys and all the Khakis wereflat on the ground, some dead, others wounded, while those who had notbeen hit were obliged to lie down as flat as a pancake. 

The enemy's field-pieces were out of our sight behind the ridge whichthe enemy had to pass in charging, and they went on firing without anyintermission. Half an hour later the position of the JohannesburgPolice, under the late Lieutenant D. Smith, was stormed again, thistime the British being assisted by two field-pieces which they hadbrought up with them in the ranks and which were to be used as soon asthe soldiers were under fire. They came to within a hundred paces. Oneof these guns, I think, I saw put up, but before they could get therange it had to be removed into safety, for the attacking soldiersfared equally badly here as on our left flank. 

Then, after a little hesitation, they tried the attack on our rightflank again, when Commandant Muller and the Boksburgers and somePretoria burghers, under Field-Cornet Opperman held the position, butwith the same fatal result to the attackers. Our fifteen-pounder, after having been fired a few times, had given out, while our pom-pomcould only be used from time to time after the artilleryman hadrighted it. 

I had a heliograph post near the left-hand position, one near thecentre and the one belonging to my staff on our extreme right. Iremained near this, expecting a flank movement by General Paget afterhis front attacks had failed. From this coign of vantage I was able tooverlook the whole of the fighting ground, besides which I was inconstant touch with my officers, and could tell them all the enemy'smovements. 

About 10 o'clock they charged again, and so far as I could see with afresh regiment. We allowed them to come up very closely again and oncemore our deadly Mauser fire mowed them down, compelling those who wentscot-free to go down flat on the ground, while during this charge somewho had been obliged to drop down, now jumped up and ran away. If Iremember rightly, it was during this charge that a brave officer, whohad one of his legs smashed, leant on a gun or his sword, and kept ongiving his orders, cheering the soldiers and telling them to chargeon. While in this position, a second bullet struck him, and he fellmortally wounded. We afterwards heard it was a certain Colonel Lloydof the West Riding Regiment. A few months after, on passing over thissame battlefield, we laid a wreath of flowers on his grave, with acard, bearing the inscription: "In honour of a brave enemy. "

General Paget seemed resolved to take our positions, whatever thesacrifice of human lives might be. If he succeeded at last, at thisrate, he might find half a score of wounded burghers and, if hiscavalry hurried up, perhaps a number of burghers with horses in badcondition, but nothing more. 

Whereas, if he had made a flanking movement, he might have attainedhis end, perhaps without losing a single man. 

Pride or stupidity must have induced him not to change his tactics. Nothing daunted by the repeated failures in the morning, ourassailant charged again, now one position and then another, trying toget their field-pieces in position, but each time without success. Attheir wits' end, the enemy tried another dodge, bringing his gunsright up to our position under cover of some Red Cross waggons. Theofficer who perceived this, reported to me by heliograph, asking forinstructions. I answered: 'If a Red Cross waggon enters the fightinglines during the battle, it is there on its own responsibility. 'Besides, General Paget, under protection of the white flag, might haveasked any moment or an hour, or longer, to carry away his manyunfortunate wounded, who were lying between two fires in the burningsun. 

When the Red Cross waggon was found to be in the line of fire, it wasput right-about face, while some guns remained behind to fire shrapnelat us from a short distance. They could only fire one or two shots, for our burghers soon put out of action the artillerists who wereserving them. Towards the afternoon some of my burghers began to runshort of ammunition, I had a field-cornet's force in reserve, fromwhich five to ten men were sent to the position from time to time, andthis cheered the burghers up again. 

The same attacking tactics were persisted in by General Paget all daylong, although they were a complete failure. When the sun disappearedbehind the Magaliesbergs, the enemy made a final, in fact, a desperateeffort to take our positions, the guns booming along while we wereenveloped by clouds of dust thrown up by the shells. 

The soldiers charged, brave as lions, and crept closer to ourpositions than they had done during the day. 

But it seemed as if Fate were favouring us, for our 15-pounder hadjust got ready, sending his shells into the enemy's lines in rapidsuccession, and finding the range most beautifully. The pom-pomtoo--which we could only get to fire one or two shells all day long, owing to the gunner having to potter about for two or three hoursafter each shot to try and repair it--to our great surprise suddenlycommenced booming away, and the two pieces--I was going to say the"mysterious" pieces--poured a stream of murderous steel into theassailants, which made them waver and then retire, leaving manycomrades behind. 

On our side only two burghers were killed, while 22 were wounded. Theexact loss of the enemy was difficult to estimate. It must, however, have amounted to some hundreds. 

Again night spread a dark veil over one of the most bloody dramas ofthis war. After the cessation of hostilities, I called my officerstogether and considered our position. We had not lost an inch ofground that day, while the enemy had gained nothing. On the contrary, they had suffered a serious repulse at our hands. But our ammunitionwas getting scarce, our waggons, with provisions, were 18 miles away. All we had in our positions was mealies and raw meat, and the burghershad no chance of cooking them. We therefore decided, as we had noparticular interest in keeping these positions, to fall back thatnight on Poortjesnek, which was a "half-way house" between the placewe were leaving and our carts, from which we should be able to drawour provisions and reserve ammunition. 

We therefore allowed General Paget to occupy these positions withoutmore ado. 

I have tried to describe this battle as minutely as possible in orderto show that incompetence of generals was not always on our side only. 

I have seen from the report of the British Commander-in-Chief, published in the newspapers, that this battle had been a mostsuccessful and brilliant victory, gained by General Paget. People willsay, perhaps, that it was silly on my part to evacuate the positions, and that I should have gone on defending them the next day. Well, inthe old days this would have been done by European generals, but nodoubt they were fighting under different circumstances. They were notfaced by a force ten times their own strength; not restricted to alimited quantity of ammunition; nor were they in want of proper foodor reinforcements. The nearest Boer commando was at Warmbad, about 60miles distant. Besides, there was no necessity, either for militaryor strategical reasons, for us to cling to these positions. It hadalready become our policy to fight whenever we could, and to retirewhen we could not hold on any longer. The Government had decided thatthe War should be continued and it was the duty of every general tomanoeuvre so as to prolong it. We had no reserve troops, so my mottowas: "Kill as many of the enemy as you possibly can, but see you donot expose your own men, for we cannot spare a single one. "

On the 30th of November, the day after the fight, I was with a patrolon the first "randts, " north-east of Rhenosterkop, just as the sunrose, and had a splendid view of the whole battlefield of the previousday. I saw the enemy's scouts, cautiously approaching the evacuatedpositions, and concluded from the precautions they were taking thatthey did not know we had left overnight. Indeed, very shortly after Isaw the Khakis storming and occupying the kopjes. How great must havebeen their astonishment and disappointment on finding those positionsdeserted, for the possession of which they had shed so much blood. Anumber of ambulance waggons were brought up and were moving backwardsand forwards on the battlefield, taking the wounded to the hospitalcamp, which must have assumed colossal proportions. Ditches were seento be dug, in which the killed soldiers were buried. A troop ofkaffirs carried the bodies, as far as I could distinguish, and I coulddistinctly see some heaps of khaki-coloured forms near the graves. 

[Illustration: Battle of Rhenosterkop--How Colonel Lloyd died. ]

As the battlefield looked now, it was a sad spectacle. Death andmutilation, sorrow and misery, were the traces yesterday's fight hadleft behind. How sad, I thought, that civilised nations should thustry to annihilate one another. The repeated brave charges made byGeneral Paget's soldiers, notwithstanding our deadly fire, had won ourgreatest admiration for the enemy, and many a burgher sighed evenduring the battle. What a pity such plucky fellows should have to beled on to destruction like so many sheep to the butcher's block!

Meanwhile, General Lyttelton's columns had not got any nearer, and itappeared to us that he had only made a display to confuse us, and withthe object of inducing us to flee in face of their overwhelmingstrength. 

On the 1st of December General Paget sent a strong mounted force tomeet us, and we had a short, sharp fight, without very great loss oneither side. 

This column camped at Langkloof, near our positions, compelling us tograze and water our horses at the bottom of the "neck" in the woods, where horse-sickness was prevalent. We were, therefore, very soonobliged to move. 

About this time I received a report to the effect that a number ofwomen and children were wandering about near Rhenosterkop along theWilge River. Their houses had been burnt by order of General Paget, and we were asked to protect these unfortunate people. 

Some burghers offered to ride out at night time to try and find them, and the next morning they brought several families into our camp. Thehusbands of these poor sufferers were on duty in the neighbourhood, sothat they were now enabled to do the needful for their wives andchildren. I put some questions to some of the women, from which itappeared that although they had besought the English not to burn theirclothes and food, yet this had been done. Some Australians andCanadians, who had been present, had done their best to save some ofthe food and clothes, and these Colonials had shown them muchconsideration in every respect, but, the women added, a gang ofkaffirs, who were ordered to cause this destruction, were behaving inthe most barbarous and cruel manner, and were under no control by theBritish soldiers. 

I felt bound to protest against these scandalous acts of vandalism, and sent two of my adjutants to the English camp next day with a noteof about the following tenour:--

 "To GENERAL PAGET, _commanding H. M's. Forces at Rhenosterkop_. 

 "It is my painful duty to bring under your Honour's notice the cruel way in which the troops under your command are acting in ill-treating defenceless women and children. Not only their homes, but also their food and clothes, are being burnt. These poor creatures were left in the open veldt, at the mercy of the kaffirs, and would have died of starvation and exhaustion but for our assistance. This way of treating these unfortunate people is undoubtedly against the rules of civilised warfare, and I beg to emphasise that the responsibility for this cruelty will be entirely yours. You may rest assured that a similar treatment of our families will not shorten the duration of the War, but that, on the contrary, such barbarities will force the burghers to prolong the struggle and to fight on with more bitterness and determination than ever. "

The two despatch carriers whom I sent to the British General under awhite flag were taken for spies, and however much they tried toestablish their identity, General Paget was not to be convinced, andhad them arrested, detaining them for three days. Their horses wereused every day by the English officers, which I consider far fromgentlemanly. On the third day my two adjutants were again taken beforethe general, and cross-examined, but no evidence could be foundagainst their being bona-fide messengers. Paget told them that mydespatch was all nonsense, and did not give them the right to enterhis lines under the white flag, adding, while he handed them a letteraddressed to me:

"You can go now; tell your General that if he likes to fight I shallbe pleased to meet him at any time in the open. You have killed someof my Red Cross people, but I know it was done by those 'damned'unscrupulous Johannesburgers. Tell them I shall pay them for this!"

Before my adjutants left, a certain Captain ---- said to one of them:

"I say, what do your people think of the fight?"

"Which fight do you mean?" asked the adjutant. 

"The fight here, " returned the captain. 

"Oh, " remarked the adjutant, "we think it was rather a mismanagement. "To which the captain replied: "By Jove! you are not the only peoplewho think so. "

The contents of General Paget's letter were short and rough; "Theresponsibility for the suffering of women and children rests on theshoulders of those who blindly continue the helpless struggle, " etc. , etc. 

I may say here that this was the first time in this War the Englishofficers treated my despatch riders under the white flag in such amanner, giving me at the same time such a discourteous answer. 

No doubt we have had generals acting like this on our side, and Iadmit that we did not always stand on etiquette. 

As already stated, part of the enemy's forces were camping out nearPoortjesnek, so close by that we had to shift our laager and commandoto a more healthy part on account of the horse-sickness. The enemyinstalled a permanent occupation at Rhenosterkop, and we moved intothe Lydenberg district, where we knew we should find some wholesome"veldt" on the Steenkamps Mountains. We went through the forest nearMaleemskop via Roodekraal, to the foot of Bothasberg, where we had afew weeks' rest. 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

THE SECOND CHRISTMAS AT WAR. 

The veldt was in splendid condition at the foot of Bothasberg, wherewe had pitched our camp. We found mealies and cattle left everywhere. The enemy did not know where we really were, and could not, therefore, bother us for the time being. Our Government was at Tautesberg, about12 miles north of Bothasberg, and we received a visit fromActing-President Burger, who brought with him the latest news fromEurope, and the reports from the other commandos. Mr. Burger said hewas sorry we had to leave the Pretoria district, but he couldunderstand our horses would have all been killed by the sickness if wehad stopped at Poortjesnek. As regards the Battle of Rhenosterkop, heexpressed the Government's satisfaction with the result. 

On the 16th of December we celebrated Dingaan's Day in a solemnmanner. Pastor J. Louw, who had faithfully accompanied us during thesefatiguing months of retreats and adversity, delivered a mostimpressive address, describing our position. Several officers alsospoke, and I myself had a go at it, although I kept to politics. Inthe afternoon the burghers had sports, consisting of races on foot andon horseback. The prizes were got together by means of smallcontributions from the officers. All went well, without any mishaps, and it was unanimously voted to have been very entertaining. 

It was a peculiar sight--taking into consideration thecircumstances--to see these people on the "veldt" feasting and of goodcheer, each trying to amuse the other, under the fluttering"Vierkleur"--the only one we possessed--but the look of whichgladdened the hearts of many assisting at this celebration in thewilderness. How could we have been in a truly festive mood withoutthe sight of that beloved banner, which it had cost so manysacrifices to protect, and to save which so much Afrikander blood hadbeen shed. 

And in many of us the thought suggested itself: "O, Vierkleur of ourTransvaal, how much longer shall we be allowed to see you unfurled?How long, O Lord, will a stream of tears and blood have to flow beforewe are again the undisputed masters of our little Republic, scarcelyvisible on the world's map? For how long will our adored Vierkleur beallowed to remain floating over the heads of our persecuted nation, whose blood has stained and soaked your colours for some generations?We hope and trust that so sure as the sun shall rise in the east andset in the west, so surely may this our flag, now wrapped in sorrymourning, soon flutter aloft again in all its glory, over the countryon which Nature lavishes her most wondrous treasures. "

The Afrikander character may be called peculiar in many respects. Inmoments of reverse, when the future seems dark, one can easily traceits pessimistic tendencies. But once his comrades buried, the woundedattended to, and a moment's rest left him by the enemy, the cheerfulpart of the Boer nature prevails, and he is full of fun and sport. Ifanybody, in a sermon or in a speech, try to impress on him theseriousness of the situation, pointing out how our ancestors havesuffered and how we have to follow in their steps, our hero ofyesterday, the jolly lad who was laughing boisterously and joking aminute ago, is seen to melt, and the tears start in his eyes. I am nowreferring to the true Afrikander. Of course, there are many callingthemselves Afrikanders who during this War have proved themselves tobe the scum of the nation. I wish to keep them distinguished from thetrue, from the noble men belonging to this nationality of whom I shallbe proud as long as I live, no matter what the result of the War maybe. 

Our laagers were not in a very satisfactory position, more as regardsour safety than the question of health, sickness being expected tomake itself felt only later in the year. 

We therefore decided to "trek" another 10 miles, to the east ofWitpoort, through Korfsnek, to the Steenkampsbergen, in order to pitchor camp at Windhoek. Windhoek (wind-corner) was an appropriate name, the breezes blowing there at times with unrelenting fury. 

Here we celebrated Christmas of 1900, but we sorely missed the manypresents our friends and lady acquaintances sent us from Johannesburgon the previous festival, and which had made last year's Christmas onthe Tugela such a success. 

No flour, sugar or coffee, no spirits or cigars to brighten up ourfestive board. This sort of thing belonged to the luxuries which hadlong ceased to come our way, and we had to look pleasant onmealie-porridge and meat, varied by meat and mealie-porridge. 

Yet many groups of burghers were seen to be amusing themselves at allsorts of games; or you found a pastor leading divine service andexhorting the burghers. Thus we kept our second Christmas in thefield. 

About this time the commandos from the Lydenburg district (where wenow were) as well as those from the northern part of Middelburg, wereplaced under my command, and I was occupied for several days inreorganising the new arrivals. The fact of the railway being almostincessantly in the hands of the enemy, and the road from Machadodorpto Lydenburg also blocked by them (the latter being occupied inseveral places by large or small garrisons) compelled us to place agreat number of outposts to guard against continual attacks and toreport whenever some of the columns, which were always moving about, were approaching. 

The spot where our laagers were now situated was only 13 miles fromBelfast and Bergendal, between which two places GeneralSmith-Dorrien's strong force was posted; while a little distancebehind Lydenburg was General Walter Kitchener with an equally stronggarrison. We were, therefore, obliged to be continually on the alert, not relaxing our watchfulness for one single moment. One or twoburghers were still deserting from time to time, aggravating theirshameful behaviour by informing the enemy of our movements, whichoften caused a well-arranged plan to fail. We knew this was simplyowing to these very dangerous traitors. 

The State Artillerymen, who had now been deprived of their guns, weretransformed into a mounted corps of 85 men, under Majors Wolmarans andPretorius, and placed under my command for the time being. 

It was now time we should assume the offensive, before the enemyattacked us. I therefore went out scouting for some days, with severalof my officers, in order to ascertain the enemy's positions and to findout their weakest spot. My task was getting too arduous, and I decidedto promote Commandant Muller to the rank of a fighting-general. Heturned out to be an active and reliable assistant. 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

CAPTURE OF "LADY ROBERTS. "

After I had carefully reconnoitred the enemy's positions, I resolved, after consulting my fighting-general, Muller, to attack the Helvetiagarrison, one of the enemy's fortifications or camps between Lydenburgand Machadodorp. Those fortifications served to protect the railwayroad from Machadodorp Station to Lydenburg, along which their convoyswent twice a week to provision Lydenburg village. Helvetia is situatedthree miles east of Machadodorp, four miles west of WatervalbovenStation, where a garrison was stationed, and about three miles southof a camp near Zwartkoppies. It was only protected on the north side. Although it was difficult to approach this side on account of amountainous rand through which the Crocodile River runs, yet this wasthe only road to take. It led across Witrand or Bakenkop; thecommandos were therefore obliged to follow it, and had to do this atnight time, for if they had passed the Bakenkop by day they would haveexposed themselves to the enemy's artillery fire from the Machadodorpand Zwartkoppies garrisons. 

During the night of the 28th of December 1900, we marched fromWindhoek, past Dullstroom, up to the neighbourhood of Bakenkop, wherewe halted and divided the commandos for the attack, which was to bemade in about the following order:--

Fighting-General Muller was to trek with 150 men along the convoy-roadbetween Helvetia and Zwartkoppies up to Watervalboven, keeping hismovements concealed from the adversary. Commandant W. Viljoen (mybrother), would approach the northerly and southerly parts of Helvetiawithin a few hundred paces, with part of the Johannesburgers andJohannesburg Police. This commando numbered 200 men. 

In order to be able to storm the different forts almostsimultaneously we were all to move at 3. 30 a. M. , and I gave the men apassword, in order to prevent confusion and the possibility of ourhitting one another in the general charge. There being several fortsand trenches to take the burghers were to shout "Hurrah!" as loudly asthey could in taking each fort, which would show us it was captured, and at the same time encourage the others. Two of our most valiantfield-cornets, P. Myburgh and J. Cevonia, an Italian Afrikander, weresent to the left, past Helvetia, with 120 men, to attack Zwartkoppiesthe moment we were to storm Helvetia, while I kept in reserve theState Artillerists and a field-cornet's posse of Lydenburgers to theright of the latter place, near Machadodorp, which would enable me tostop any reinforcements sent to the other side from that place or fromBelfast. For if the British were to send any cavalry from there theywould be able to turn our rear, and by marching up as soon as theyheard the first report of firing at Helvetia, they would be in aposition to cut me up with the whole of my commando. I only suggestthe possibility of it, and cannot make out why it was not attempted. Ican only be thankful to the British officers for omitting to do this. 

I had taken up a position, with some of my adjutants, between thecommandos as arranged, and stood waiting, watch in hand, for themoment the first shot should be fired. My men all knew their placesand their duties, but unfortunately a heavy fog rose at about 2o'clock, which made the two field-cornets who were to attack theZwartkoppies lose their way and the chance of reaching theirdestination before daybreak. 

I received the news of this failure at 3. 20, _i. E. _, ten minutesbefore the appointed time of action. A bad beginning, I thought, andthese last ten minutes seemed many hours to me. 

I struck a match every moment, under cover of my macintosh, to see ifit were yet half past three. Another minute and it would soon bedecided whether I should be the vanquished or the victor. How manyburghers, who were now marching so eagerly to charge the enemy in histrenches, would be missed from our ranks to-morrow? It is thesemoments of tension which make an officer's hair turn grey. Therelation between our burgher and his officers is so entirely differentfrom that which exists between the British officer and his men orbetween these ranks perhaps in any other standing army. We are allfriends. The life of each individual burgher in our army is highlyvalued by his officer and is only sacrificed at the very highestprice. We regret the loss of a simple burgher as much as that of thehighest in rank. And it was the distress and worry of seeing theselives lost, which made me ponder before the battle. 

Suddenly one of my adjutants called out: "I hear some shouting. Whatmay this be?"

I threw my waterproof over my head and struck a match, then cried: "Itis time, my lads!" And in a few seconds a chain of fire flamed upround the forts, immediately followed by the rattling and crackling ofthe burghers' Mausers. The enemy was not slow in returning our fire. 

It is not easy to adequately render the impression a battle in thedark makes. Each time a shot is fired you see a flash of fire severalyards long, and where about 500 or 600 rifles are being fired at ashort distance from you, it makes one think of a gigantic display offireworks. 

Although it was still dusk, I could easily follow the course of thefight. The defenders' firing slackened in several places, to subsideentirely in others, while from the direction of the other reports andflashes, our men were obviously closing up, drawing tighter the ringround the enemy. 

So far, according to my scouts, no stir had been made from Belfast, which encouraged me to inform the officers that we were not being cutoff. At daybreak only a few shots were falling, and when the fogcleared up I found Helvetia to be in our hands. 

General Muller reported that his part of the attack had beensuccessfully accomplished, and that a 4·7 naval gun had been found inthe great fortress. I gave orders to fetch this gun out of the fortwithout delay, to take away the prisoners we had made and as much ofthe commissariat as we could manage to carry, and to burn theremainder. 

Towards the evening we were fired at by two guns at Zwartkoppies, making it very difficult for us to get the provisions away. 

A great quantity of rum and other spirits was found among the enemy'scommissariat, and as soon as the British soldiers made prisoners weredisarmed, they ran up to it, filled their flasks, and drank so freelythat about thirty of them were soon unable to walk. Their bad examplewas followed by several burghers, and many a man who had not beengiven to drinking used this opportunity to imbibe a good quantity, making it very difficult for us to keep things in order. 

About 60 men of the garrison had been killed or wounded, and theircommanding officer had received some injuries, but fortunately therewas a doctor there who at once attended to these cases. On our side wehad five men killed and seven wounded--the brave Lieutenant Nortje andCorporal J. Coetzee being amongst them. 

A small fort, situated between the others, had been overlooked, through a misunderstanding, and a score of soldiers who weregarrisoning it had been forgotten and omitted to be disarmed. 

An undisciplined commando is not easily managed at times. It takes allthe officers' tact and shrewdness to get all the captured goods--likearms, ammunition, provisions, &c. --transported, especially when drinkis found in a captured camp. 

When we discussed the victory afterwards, it became quite clear thatour tactics in storming the enemy's positions on the east and southsides had been pregnant of excellent results, for the English were notat all prepared at these points, though they had been on their guardto the north. In fact it had been very trying work to force them tosurrender there. The officer in command, who was subsequentlydischarged from the British Army, had done his best, but he waswounded in the head at the beginning of the fight, and so far as Icould ascertain there had been nobody to take his place. Threelieutenants were surprised in their beds and made prisoners-of-war. In the big fort where we found the naval gun, a captain of thegarrison's artillery was in command. This fortress had been stormed, as already stated, from the side on which the attack had not beenexpected and the captain had not had an opportunity of firing manyshots from his revolver, when he was wounded in the arm and compelledto surrender to the burghers who rushed up. Two hundred and fiftyprisoners, including four officers, were made, the majority belongingto the Liverpool regiment and the 18th regiment of Hussars. They wereall taken to our laager. 

We succeeded in bringing away the captured gun in perfect order, alsosome waggons. Unfortunately the cart with the projectiles or shell, stuck in the morass and had to be left behind. 

I gave orders to have a gun which we had left with the reserveburghers at Bakenkop, brought up, to open fire on the two pieces whichwere firing at us from Zwartkoppies, and to cover our movements whilewe were taking away the prisoners-of-war and the captured stores. Iwas in hopes of getting an opportunity of releasing the carts whichstuck. But Fate was against us. A heavy hailstorm accompanied bythunder and lightning, fiercer than I have ever witnessed in SouthAfrica before, broke over our heads. Several times the lightningstruck the ground around us, and the weather became so alarming thatthe drunken "Tommies" began to talk about their souls, and furtherefforts to save the carts had to be abandoned. 

Whoever may have been the officer in command at Zwartkoppies he reallydeserved a D. S. O. , which he obtained, too. 

What that order really means I wot not, but I know that an Englishsoldier is quite prepared to risk his life to deserve one, and as thedecoration itself cannot be very expensive, it pays the BritishGovernment to be very liberal with it. A Boer would be satisfied withnothing less than promotion as a reward for heroism. 

When the storm subsided we went on. It was a remarkable sight--a longprocession of "Tommies, " burghers, carts, and the naval gun, 18 feetlong, an elephantine one when compared with our small guns. 

It struck me again on this occasion what little bad feeling there wasreally between Boer and Briton, and how they both fight simply to dotheir duty as soldiers. As I rode along the stream of men I noticedseveral groups of burghers and soldiers sitting together along theroad, eating from one tin of jam and dividing their loaf between them, and drinking out of the same field flask. 

I remember some snatches of conversation I overheard:--

 TOMMY: By Jove, but you fellows gave us jip. If you had come a little later you wouldn't have got us so easy, you know. 

 BURGHER: Never mind, Tommy, we got you. I suppose next time you will get us. Fortunes of war, you know. Have some more, old boy. Oh, I say, here is the general coming. 

 TOMMY: Who's he? Du Wyte or Viljohn?

And then as I passed them the whole group would salute very civilly. 

We stopped at Dullstroom that night, where we found some lodgings forthe captured British officers. We were sorry one of the Englishmenhad not been given time to dress himself properly, for we had a veryscanty stock of clothes, and it was difficult to find him some. 

The next morning I found half a dozen prisoners-of-war had sustainedslight flesh wounds during the fight, and I sent them on a trolley toBelfast with a dispatch to General Smith-Dorrien, informing him thatfour of his officers and 250 men were in our hands, that they would bewell looked after, and that I now sent back the slightly wounded whohad been taken away by mistake. 

I will try to give the concluding sentence of my communication as faras I remember it, and also the reply to it. I may add that the words"The Lady Roberts" had been chiselled on the naval gun, and that manypersons had just been expelled from Pretoria and other places as beingconsidered "undesirables. "

My letter wound up as follows:--

 "I have been obliged to expel "The Lady Roberts" from Helvetia, this lady being an "undesirable" inhabitant of that place. I am glad to inform you that she seems quite at home in her new surroundings, and pleased with the change of company. "

To which General Smith-Dorrien replied:

 "As the lady you refer to is not accustomed to sleep in the open air, I would recommend you to try flannel next to the skin. "

I had been instructed to keep the officers we had taken prisonersuntil further orders, and these four were therefore lodged in an emptybuilding near Roos Senekal under a guard. The Boers had christenedthis place "Ceylon, " but the officers dubbed it "the house beautiful"on account of its utter want of attractiveness. 

They were allowed to write to their relatives and friends, to receiveletters, and food and clothes, which were usually sent through ourlines under the white flag. The company was soon augmented by thearrivals of many other British officers who were taken prisoners fromtime to time. 

The 250 captured rank and file were given up to the Britishauthorities at Middelburg some days after, for military reasons. 

"The Lady Roberts" was the first and so far the last big gun takenfrom the English, and we are proud to say that never during this War, notwithstanding all our vicissitudes and reverses, have the Britishsucceeded in taking one of our big guns. 

One might call this bragging, but that is not my intention and I donot think I am given to boasting. We only relate it as one of the mostremarkable incidents of the War, and as a fact which we may recallwith satisfaction. 

As already related, the cart with the shells for "The Lady Roberts"had to be left behind after the battle. Nothing would have given usgreater pleasure than to send some shells from "Her Ladyship" into theBelfast camp on the last day of 1900, with the "Compliments of theSeason. " Not of course, in order to cause any destruction, but simplyas a New Year's greeting. We would have sent them close by like theAmericans in Mark Twain's book: "Not right in it, you know, but closeby or near it. " Only the shells were wanting, for with the gun were 50charged "hulzen" and a case of cordite "schokbuizen. "

We tried to make a shell from an empty "Long Tom" one, by cutting thelatter down, for the "Long Toms" shells were of greater calibre, andafter having it filled with four pom-pom bullets, some cordite etc. , we made it tight with copper wire, and soldered the whole together. 

But when the shell was fired it burst a few steps away from the mouthof the cannon, and we had to abandon all hope of ever hearing a shoutfrom the distinguished "Lady's" throat. 

It was stowed away safely in the neighbourhood of Tautesberg andguarded by a group of cattle-farmers, or rather "bush-lancers, " asthey were afterwards called, in case we should get hold of the propershells some day or other. 

In connection with the attack on Helvetia I should like to quote thefollowing lines, written by one of our poetasters, State-Secretary Mr. F. W. Reitz, in the field, although the translation will hardly givean adequate idea of the peculiar treatment of the subject:--

 "Hurrah for General Muller, hurrah for Ben Viljoen, They went for 'Lady Roberts' and caught her very soon. They caught her at Helvetia, great was Helvetia's fall! Come up and see 'The Lady, ' you Ooms and Tantes all. 

 It was a Christmas present (they made a splendid haul), And sent 'The Lady Roberts, ' a present to Oom Paul. It cheered the poor Bush-lancers, it cheered the 'trek boers' all, It made them gladly answer to freedom's battle call. 

 Lord Roberts gave up fighting, he did not care a rap, But left his dear old 'Lady, ' who's fond of mealie-pap. Of our dear wives and children he burned the happy homes, He likes to worry Tantes but fears the sturdy Ooms. 

 But his old 'Lady Roberts' (the lyddite-spitting gun), He sent her to Helvetia to cheer the garrison; He thought she would be safe there, in old Smith-Dorrien's care; To leave the kopjes' shelter the Boers would never dare. 

 Well done, Johannesburgers, Boksburgers, and police, Don't give them any quarter, don't give them any peace; Before the sleepy "Tommies" could get their stockings on, The forts were stormed and taken, and all the burghers gone. 

 We took 300 soldiers, provisions, and their guns, And of their ammunition we captured many tons. 'This is guerilla warfare, ' says Mr. Chamberlain, But those we have bowled over will never fight again. 

 Let Roberts of Kandahar, and Kitchener of Khartoum, Let Buller of Colenso make all their cannon boom. They may mow down the kaffirs, with shield and assegai, But on his trusty Mauser the burgher can rely. 

 For now the white man's fighting, these heroes dare not stay, Lord Kitchener's in Pretoria, the others ran away. Lord Roberts _can't_ beat burghers, although he _Can_dahar, The Lords are at a distance, the Generals few and far!

 They may annex and conquer, have conquered and annexed, Yet when the Mauser rattles the British are perplexed. Stand firm then, Afrikanders, prolong the glorious fight, Unfurl the good old 'Vierkleur. ' Stand firm, for right is might!

 What though the sky be clouded, what though the light be gone; The day will dawn to-morrow, the sun will shine anon; And though in evil moments a hero's hand may fail, The strong will be confounded and right will yet prevail!"

CHAPTER XXIX. 

A DISMAL "HAPPY NEW YEAR. "

This is the 31st of December, 1900, two days after the victory gainedby our burghers over the English troops at Helvetia, at the same timethe last day of the year, or, as they call it, "New Year's Eve"; whichis celebrated in our country with great enjoyment. The members of eachfamily used to meet on that day, sometimes coming from all parts ofthe country. If this could not be done they would invite their mostintimate friends to come and see the Old Year out--to "ring out theold, and ring in the new, " for "Auld Lang Syne. " This was one of themost festive days for everybody in South Africa. On the 31st ofDecember, 1899, we had had to give up our time-honoured custom, therebeing no chance of joining in the friendly gathering at home, most ofus having been at the front since the beginning of October, 1899, while our commandos were still in the very centre of Natal or in thenorthern part of Cape Colony; Ladysmith, Kimberley, and Mafeking werestill besieged, and on the 15th of December the great victory ofColenso over the English Army had been won. 

It is true that even then we were far from our beloved friends, butthose who had not been made prisoners were still in directcommunication with those who were near and dear to them. And althoughwe were unable to pass the great day in the family circle, yet wecould send our best wishes by letter or by wire. We had then hoped itwould be the last time we should have to spend the last day of theyear under such distressing circumstances, trusting the war would soonbe over. 

Now 365 days had gone by--long, dreary, weary days of incessantstruggle; and again our expectations had not been realised, and ourhopes were deferred. We were not to have the privilege of celebrating"the Old and the New" with our people as we had so fervently wishedthe previous year on the Tugela. 

The day would pass under far more depressing circumstances. In manyhomes the members of the family we left behind would be prevented frombeing in a festive mood, thinking as they were of the country'sposition, while mourning the dead, and pre-occupied with the fate of thewounded, of those who were missing, or known to be prisoners-of-war. 

It was night-time, and everybody was under the depression of thepresent serious situation. Is it necessary to say that we were allabsorbed in our thoughts, reviewing the incidents of the past year?Need we say that everyone of us was thinking with sadness of our manydefeats, of the misery suffered on the battlefields, of our dead andwounded and imprisoned comrades; how we had been compelled to give upLadysmith, Kimberley, and Mafeking, and how the principal towns of ourRepublics, Bloemfontein and Pretoria, where our beloved flag had beenflying for so many long years, over an independent people, were now inthe hands of the enemy? Need we say we were thinking that night morethan ever of our many relatives who had sacrificed their blood andtreasure in this melancholy War for the good Cause; of our wives andchildren, who did not know what had become of us, and whom most of ushad not seen for the last eight months. Were they still alive? Shouldwe ever see them alive? Such were the terrible thoughts passingthrough our minds as we silently sat round the fires that evening. 

Nor did anything tend to relieve the sombre monotony. This time weshould not have a chance of receiving some little things to cheer usup and remind us that our dearest friends had thought of us. Our farewould that day be the eternal meat and mealies--mealies and meat. 

But why call to mind all these sombre memories of the past? Sufficientunto the day it seems was the evil thereof. Why sum up the misery of awhole year's struggles? And thus we "celebrated" New Year's Eve of1900, till we found our consolation in that greatest of blessings to atired-out man--a refreshing sleep. 

But no sooner had we risen next morning than the cheerfulcompliments: "A Happy New Year!" or "My best wishes for the New Year"rang in our ears. We were all obviously trying to lay stress on thepossible blessings of the future, so as to make each other forget thepast, but I am afraid we did not expect the fulfilment of half of whatwe wished. 

For well we knew how bad things were all round, how many dark cloudswere hanging over our heads, and how very few bright spots werevisible on the political horizon. 

CHAPTER XXX. 

GENERAL ATTACK ON BRITISH FORTS. 

My presence was requested on the 3rd of January, 1901, by theCommandant-General at a Council of War, which was to be held two daysafter at Hoetspruit, some miles east of Middelburg. General Bothawould be there with his staff, and a small escort would take him fromErmelo over the railway through the enemy's lines. My commandos wereto hold themselves in readiness. There was no doubt in my mind as tothere being some great schemes on the cards, and that the next day weshould have plenty to do, for the Commandant-General would not comeall that way unless something important was on. And why should mycommandos have to keep themselves in readiness?

On the morning of the 5th I went to the place of destination, whichwe reached at 11 o'clock, to find the Commandant-General and suite hadalready arrived. General Botha had been riding all night long in orderto get through the enemy's lines, and had been resting in the shadowof a tree at Hoetspruit. The meeting of his adjutants and mine wasrather boisterous, and woke him up, whereupon he rose immediately andcame up to me with his usual genial smile. We had often been togetherfor many months in the War, and the relations between us had been verycordial. I therefore do not hesitate to call him a bosom-friend, withdue respect to his Honour as my chief. 

"Hullo, old brother, how are you?" was Botha's welcome. 

"Good morning, General, thank you, how are you?" I replied. 

My high appreciation of, and respect for his position, made me refrainfrom calling him Louis, although we did not differ much in age, andwere on intimate terms. 

"I must congratulate you upon your successful attack on Helvetia. Youmade a nice job of it, " he said. "I hope you had a pleasant NewYear's Eve. But, " he went on, "I am sorry in one way, for the enemywill be on his guard now, and we may not succeed in the execution ofthe plans we are going to discuss to-day, and which concern those verydistricts. "

"I am sorry, General, " I replied, "but of course I know nothing ofthose plans. "

"Well, " rejoined the Commandant-General, "we will try anyhow, and hopefor the best. "

An hour later we met in council. Louis Botha briefly explained how hehad gone with General Christian Botha and Tobias Smuts, with 1, 200men, to Komatiboven, between Carolina and Belfast, where they had leftthe commandos to cross the line in order to meet the officers who wereto the north of it with the object of going into the details of acombined attack on the enemy's camps. 

All were agreed and so it was decided that the attack would be madeduring the night of the 7th of January, at midnight, the enemy'spositions being stormed simultaneously. 

The attack was to be made in the following way: The Commandant-Generaland General C. Botha along with F. Smuts, would attack on the southernside of the garrisons, in the following places: Pan Station, Wonderfontein Station, Belfast Camp and Station, Dalmanutha andMachadodorp, while I was to attack these places from the north. Thecommandos would be divided so as to have a field-cornet's force chargeat each place. 

I must say that I had considerable difficulty in trying to make alittle go a long way in dividing my small force along such a long lineof camps, but the majority were in favour of this "frittering-away"policy, and so it had to be done. 

The enemy's strength in different places was not easy to ascertain. Iknew the strongest garrison at Belfast numbered over 2, 500 men, andthis place was to be made the chief point of attack, although theMachadodorp garrison was pretty strong too. The distance along whichthe simultaneous attack was to be made was about 22 miles and therewere at least seven points to be stormed, viz. , Pan Station, Wonderfontein, Belfast Village, Monument Hill (near Belfast), the coalmines (near Belfast), Dalmanutha Station and Machadodorp. A bigprogramme, no doubt. 

I can only, of course, give a description of the incidents on my sideof the railway line, for the blockhouses and the forts provided withguns, which had been built along the railway, separated us entirelyfrom the commandos to the south. The communication between both sidesof the railway could be only kept up at night time and with a greatamount of trouble, by means of despatch-carriers. We, therefore, didnot even know how the attacking-parties on the southern side had beendistributed. All we knew was, that any place which was to be attackedfrom the north would also be stormed from the south at the same time, except the coal mine west of Belfast, occupied by Lieutenant Marshallwith half a section of the Gloucester Regiment, which we were toattack separately, as it was situated some distance north of therailway line. 

I arranged my plans as follows: Commandant Trichardt, with twofield-cornets posses of Middelburgers and one of Germiston burghers, were to attack Pan and Wonderfontein; the State Artillery would go forthe coal mine; the Lydenburgers look after Dalmanutha and Machadodorp;while General Muller with the Johannesburgers and Boksburgers woulddevote their attention to Monument Hill. 

I should personally attack Belfast Village, with a detachment ofpolice, passing between the coal mine and Monument Hill. My attackcould only, of course, be commenced after that on the latter twoplaces had turned out successfully, as otherwise I should most likelyhave my retreat cut off. 

[Illustration: Gen. Viljoen meeting Gen. Botha at Hoedspruit, nearMiddleburg. ]

In the evening of the 7th of January all the commandos marched, forthe enemy would have been able to see us from a distance on this flatground if we had started in the daytime, and would have fired at uswith their 4·7 guns, one of which we knew to be at Belfast. We had tocover a distance of 15 miles between dusk and midnight. There wastherefore no time to be lost, for a commando moves very slowly atnight time if there is any danger in front. If the danger comesfrom the rear, things very often move quicker than is good for thehorses. Then the men have to be kept together, and the guides arefollowed up closely, for if any burghers were to lag behind and thechain be broken, 20 or 30 of them might stray which would deprive usof their services. 

It was one of those nights, known in the Steenkamp Mountains as "dirtynights, " very dark, with a piercing easterly wind, which blew anincessant, fine, misty rain into our faces. About nine o'clock themist changed into heavy rains, and we were soon drenched to the skin, for very few of us wore rainproof cloaks. 

At ten the rain left off, but a thick fog prevented us from seeinganything in front of us, while the cold easterly wind had numbed ourlimbs, almost making them stiff. Some of the burghers had therefore tobe taken up by the ambulance in order to have their circulationrestored by means of some medicine or artificial treatment. Theimpenetrable darkness made it very difficult to get on, as we wereobliged to keep contact by means of despatch-riders; for, as alreadystated, I had to wait with the police for the result of the attack onthe two positions to the right and left of me. 

Exactly at midnight all had arrived at the place of destination. Unfortunately the wind was roaring so loudly as to prevent any firingbeing heard even at a hundred paces distant. 

The positions near Monument Hill and the coal mine were attackedsimultaneously, but unfortunately our artillerymen could notdistinctly see the trenches on account of the darkness, and theycharged right past them, and had to turn back when they became awareof the fact, by which time the enemy had found out what was up, andallowed their assailants to come close up to them (it was a round fortabout five feet high with a trench round it), and received them with atremendous volley. The artillerymen, however, charged away pluckily, and before they had reached the wall four were killed and ninewounded. The enemy shot fiercely and aimed well. 

Our brave boys stormed away, and soon some of them jumped over thewall and a hand-to-hand combat ensued. The commanding officer of thefortress, Lieutenant Marshall, was severely wounded in the leg, whichfact must have had a great influence on the course of the fight, forhe surrendered soon after. Some soldiers managed to escape, some werekilled, about 10 wounded, and 25 were taken prisoners. No less thanfive artillerymen were killed and 13 wounded, amongst the latter beingthe valiant Lieutenant Coetsee who afterwards was cruelly murdered bykaffirs near Roos Senekal. The defenders as well as the assailants hadbehaved excellently. 

Near Monument Hill, at some distance from the position, the burghers'horses were left behind, and the men marched up in scattered order, inthe shape of a crescent. When we arrived at the enemy's outposts theyhad formed up at 100 paces from the forts, but in the dark thesoldiers did not see us till we almost ran into them. There was notime to waste words. Fortunately, they surrendered without making anydefence, which made our task much lighter, for if one shot had beenfired, the garrison of the forts would have been informed of ourapproach. Only at 20 paces distance from the forts near the Monument(there were four of them), we were greeted with the usual "Halt, whogoes there. " After this had been repeated three times without ourtaking any notice, and as we kept coming closer, the soldiers firedfrom all the forts. Only now could we see how they were situated. Wefound them to be surrounded by a barbed wire fence which was so strongand thick that some burghers were soon entangled in it, but most ofthem got over it. 

The first fort was taken after a short but sharp defence, the usual"hurrah" of the burghers jumping into the fort was, like a whisper ofhope in the dark, an encouragement to the remainder of the stormingburghers, who now soon took the other forts, not without having metwith a stout resistance. Many burghers were killed, amongst whom thebrave Field-Cornet John Ceronie, and many were wounded. 

It had looked at first as if the enemy did not mean to give in, butwe could not go back, and "onward" was the watchword. In severalinstances there was a struggle at a few paces' distance, only the wallof the fort intervening between the burghers and the soldiers. Theburghers cried: "Hands up, you devils, " but the soldiers replied: "Hykona, " a kaffir expression which means "shan't. "

"Jump over the walls, my men!" shouted my officers, and at last theywere in the forts: not, of course, without the loss of many valuablelives. A "melée" now followed; the English struck about with theirguns and with their fists, and several burghers lay on the groundwrestling with the soldiers. One "Tommy" wanted to thrust a bayonetthrough a Boer, but was caught from behind by one of the latter'scomrades, and knocked down and a general hand-to-hand fight ensued, arolling over and over, till one of the parties was exhausted, disarmed, wounded, or killed. One of the English captains (Vosburry)and 40 soldiers were found dead or wounded, several having beenpierced by their own bayonets. 

Some burghers had been knocked senseless with the butt-end of a riflein the struggle with the enemy. 

This carnage had lasted for twenty minutes, during which the resulthad been decided in our favour, and a "hurrah, " full of glory andthankfulness, came from the throats of some hundreds of burghers. Wehad won the day, and 81 prisoners-of-war had been made, including twoofficers--Captain Milner and Lieutenant Dease--both brave defenders ofEngland's flag. 

They belonged to the Royal Irish Regiment, of which all Britons shouldbe proud. 

In the captured forts we found a Maxim, in perfect order, 20 boxes ofammunition, and other things, besides provisions, also a quantity ofspirits, which was, however, at once destroyed, to the disappointmentof many burghers. 

We now pushed on to Belfast village, but found every cliff and ditchoccupied. All efforts to get in touch with the commandos which meantto attack the village from the south were without avail. Besides, wedid not hear a single shot fired, and did not know what had become ofthe attack from the south. In intense darkness we were firing at eachother from time to time, so that it was not advisable to continue ouroperations under the circumstances, and at daybreak I told all mycommandos to desist. 

The attacks on Wonderfontein, Pan Station, Dalmanutha, and Machadodorphad failed. 

I afterwards received a report from the commandos on the other side ofthe line, that, owing to the dark night, their attacks, although theywere made with deliberation and great bravery, had all beenunsuccessful. They had repeatedly missed the forts and had shot at oneanother. 

General Christian Botha had succeeded in capturing some of the enemy'soutposts, and in pushing on had come across a detachment of GordonHighlanders and been obliged to retire with a loss of 40 killed andwounded. 

We found, therefore, these forts in the hands of the soldiers, who, inmy opinion, belonged to the best regiments of the English army. 

The guests of our Government, at "the house beautiful" near RoosSenekal were thus added to by two gentlemen, Captain Milner andLieutenant Dease, and they were my prisoners-of-war for four months, during which time I found Captain Milner one of the most worthyBritish officers whom it had been my privilege to meet in this War. Not only in his manly appearance, but especially by his noblecharacter he stood head and shoulders above his fellow-officers. 

Lieutenant Dease bore a very good character but was young andinexperienced. For several reasons I am pleased to be able to makepublicly these statements. 

The soldiers we had made prisoners during this fight, as well as thosewe took at Helvetia, were given up to the British officers a few daysafterwards, as we were not in a position to feed them properly, and itwould not be humane or fair to keep the soldiers who had themisfortune of falling into our hands without proper food. This, ofcourse, was a very unsatisfactory state of affairs, for we had tofight fiercely, valuable lives had to be sacrificed, every nerve hadto be strained to force the enemy to surrender, and to take hispositions; and then, when we had captured them, the soldiers weremerely disarmed and sent back to the English lines after a littlewhile, only to find them fighting against us once more in a few days. 

The Boers asked, "Why are not these "Tommies" required to take theoath before being liberated not to fight against us again?" I believethis would have been against the rules of civilised warfare, and wedid not think it chivalrous to ask a man who was a prisoner to take anoath in return for his release. 

A prisoner-of-war has no freedom of action, and might have promisedunder the circumstances what he would not have done if he had been afree man. 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

A "BLUFF" AND A BATTLE. 

The last days of February, 1901, were very trying for our commandos onthe "Hoogeveld, " south of the railway. General French, assisted byhalf a dozen other generals, with a force of 60, 000 men, crossed the"Hoogeveld, " between the Natal border and the Delagoa Railway, drivingall the burghers and cattle before him, continually closer to theSwazi frontier, in order to strike a "final blow" there. 

These operations the English called "The Great Sweep of February, 1901. "

Commandant-General Botha sent word that he was in a bad plight on the"Hoogeveld, " the enemy having concentrated all his available troopsupon him. I was asked to divert their attention as much as possible byrepeated attacks on the railway line, and to worry them everywhere. 

To attack the fortified entrenchments in these parts, where we hadonly just been taking the offensive, causing the enemy to be on hisguard, would not have been advisable. I therefore decided to make afeint attack on Belfast. 

One night we moved with all the burghers who had horses, about 15carts, waggons, and other vehicles, guns and pom-pom, to a high"bult, " near the "Pannetjes. " When the sun rose the next morning wewere in full sight of the enemy at Belfast, from which we were aboutten miles away. 

Here our commando was split into two parts, and the mounted men spreadabout in groups of fifty men each, with carts scattered everywhereamong the ranks. We slowly approached Belfast in this order. Ourcommando numbered about 800 men, and considering the way we weredistributed, this would look three times as many. We halted severaltimes, and the heliographers, who were posted everywhere in sight ofthe enemy, made as much fuss as possible. Scouts were riding abouteverywhere, making a great display by dashing about all over theplace, from one group of burghers to another. After we had waitedagain for some little time we moved on, and thus the comedy lastedtill sunset; in fact, we had got within range of the enemy's guns. Wehad received information from Belfast to the effect that GeneralFrench had taken all the guns with him to Belfast, leaving only a fewof small calibre, which could not reach us until we were at about4, 000 yards from the fort. Our pom-pom and our 15-pounder were dividedbetween the two divisions, and the officers had orders to fire a fewshots on Belfast at sunset. We could see all day long how the Englishnear Monument Hill were making ditches round the village and puttingup barbed wire fences. 

Trains were running backwards and forwards between Belfast and thenearest stations, probably to bring up reinforcements. 

At twilight we were still marching, and by the light of the last raysof the sun we fired our two valuable field-pieces simultaneously, asarranged. I could not see where the shells were falling, but we heardthem bursting, and consoled ourselves with the idea that they musthave struck in near the enemy. Each piece sent half a dozen shells, and some volleys were fired from a few rifles at intervals. We thoughtthe enemy would be sure to take this last movement for a generalattack. What he really did think, there is no saying. As the burghersput it, "We are trying to make them frightened, but the thing to knowis, did they get frightened?" For this concluded our programme for theday, and we retired for the night, leaving the enemy in doubt as towhether we meant to give him any further trouble, yet without anyapology for having disturbed his rest. 

The result of this bloodless fight was _nil_ in wounded and killed onboth sides. 

On the 12th of February, 1901, the first death-sentence on a traitoron our side was about to be carried out, when suddenly our outpostsround Belfast were attacked by a strong British column under GeneralWalter Kitchener. When the report was brought to our laager, all theburghers went to the rescue, in order to keep the enemy as far fromthe laager as possible, and beat them back. Meanwhile the outpostsretired fighting all the while. We took up the most favourablepositions we could and waited. The enemy did not come up close to usthat evening, but camped out on a round hill between Dullstroom andBelfast and we could distinctly see how the soldiers were all busydigging ditches and trenches round the camp and putting up barbed wireenclosures. They were very likely afraid of a night attack and did notforget the old saying about being "wise in time. "

Near the spot where their camp was situated were several roads leadingin different directions which left us in doubt as to which way theyintended to go, and whether they wanted to attack us, or were on theirway to Witpoort-Lydenburg. 

The next morning, at sunset, the enemy broke up his camp and made astir. First came a dense mass of mounted men, who after having goneabout a few hundred paces, split up into two divisions. One portionmoved in a westerly direction, the other to the north, slowlyfollowed by a long file, or as they say in Afrikander "gedermte" (gut)of waggons and carts which, of course, formed the convoy. Companies ofinfantry, with guns, marched between the vehicles. 

I came to the conclusion that they intended to attack from two sides, and therefore ordered the ranks to scatter. General Muller, with partof the burghers, went in advance of the enemy's left flank and, as theEnglish spread out their ranks, we did the same. 

At about 9 a. M. Our outposts near the right flank of the English werealready in touch with the enemy, and rifle-fire was heard atintervals. 

I still had the old 15-pounder, but the stock of ammunition had gonedown considerably and the same may be said of the pom-pom ofRhenosterkop fame. We fired some shots from the 15-pounder at adivision of cavalry at the foot of a kopje. Our worthy artillerysergeant swore he had hit them right in the centre, but even with mystrong spy-glass I could not see the shells burst, although I admitthe enemy showed a little respect for them, which may be concludedfrom the fact that they at once mounted their horses and looked forcover. 

A British soldier is much more in awe of a shell than a Boer is, andthe enemy's movements are therefore not always a criterion of ourgetting the range. We had, moreover, only some ordinary grenades left, some of which would not burst, as the "schokbuizen" were defective, and we could not be sure of their doing any harm. 

The other side had some howitzers, which began to spit about lydditeindiscriminately. They also had some quick-firing guns of a smallcalibre, which, however, did not carry particularly far. But they werea great nuisance, as they would go for isolated burghers without beingat all economical with their ammunition. 

Meanwhile, the enemy's left reached right up to Schoonpoort, wheresome burghers, who held good positions, were able to fight them. Thiscaused continual collisions with our outposts. Here, also, theassailants had two 15-pounder Armstrong's, which fired at any movingtarget, and hardly ever desisted, now on one or two burghers whoshowed themselves, then on a tree, or an anthill, or a protrudingrock. They thus succeeded in keeping up a deafening cannonade, whichwould have made one think there was a terrific fight going on, insteadof which it was a very harmless bombardment. 

It did no more harm than at the English manoeuvres, although it was nodoubt a brilliant demonstration, a sort of performance to show theBritish Lion's prowess. I could not see the practical use of it, though. 

It was only on the enemy's right wing that we got near enough to feelsome of the effect of the artillery's gigantic efforts, which hereforced us to some sharp but innocent little fights between theoutposts. At about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, the British cavalrystormed our left, which was in command of General Muller. We soonrepulsed them, however. Half an hour after we saw the enemy's carts goback. 

I sent a heliographic message to General Muller, with whom I had keptin close contact, to the effect that they were moving away their cartsand that we ought to try and charge them on all points as well as wecould. 

"All right, " he answered; "shall we start at once?" I flashed back"Yes, " and ordered a general charge. 

The burghers now appeared all along the extended fighting line. 

The enemy's guns, which were just ready to be moved, were again placedin position and opened fire, but our men charged everywhere, a sort ofaction which General Kitchener did not seem to like, for his soldiersbegan to flee with their guns, and a general confusion ensued. Some ofthese guns were still being fired at the Boers but the latter stormedaway determinedly. The British lost many killed and wounded. 

The cavalry fled in such a hurry as to leave the infantry as the onlyprotection of the guns, and although these men also beat a retreatthey, at least, did it while fighting. 

I do not think I overstate the case by declaring that General WalterKitchener owed it to the stubborn defence of his infantry that hiscarts were not captured by us that day. 

Their ambulance, in charge of Dr. Mathews and four assistants, andsome wounded fell into our hands, and were afterwards sent back. 

We pursued the enemy as well as we could, but about nine miles fromBelfast, towards which the retreating enemy was marching, the fortsopened fire on us from a 4·7 naval gun and they got the range so wellthat lyddite shells were soon bursting about our ears. 

We were now in the open, quite exposed and in sight of the Belfastforts. Two of our burghers were wounded here. 

Field-Cornet Jaapie Kriege, who was afterwards killed, with about 35burghers, was trying to cut off the enemy from a "spruit"-drift; theattack was a very brave one, but our men ventured too far, and wouldall have been captured had not the other side been so much in a hurryto get away from us. Luckily, too, another field-cornet realised thesituation, and kept the enemy well under fire, thus attractingKriege's attention, who now got out of this scrape. 

When night fell we left the enemy alone, and went back to our laager. The next morning the outposts reported that the would-be assailantswere all gone. 

How much this farce had cost General Kitchener we could not tell withcertainty. An English officer told me afterwards he had been in thefight, and that their loss there had been 52 dead and wounded, including some officers. He also informed me that their object thatday had been to dislodge us. If that is so, I pity the soldiers whowere told to do this work. 

Our losses were two burghers wounded, as already stated. 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

EXECUTION OF A TRAITOR. 

As briefly referred to in the last chapter, there occurred in theearly part of February, 1901, what I always regard as one of the mostunpleasant incidents of the whole Campaign, and which even now Icannot record without awakening the most painful recollections. Irefer to the summary execution of a traitor in our ranks, and inasmuchas a great deal has been written of this tragic episode, I venture tostate the particulars of it in full. The facts of the case are asfollows:--

At this period of the War, as well as subsequently, much harm was doneto our cause by various burghers who surrendered to the enemy, andwho, actuated by the most sordid motives, assisted the British inevery possible way against us. Some of these treacherous Boersoccasionally fell into our hands, and were tried by court martial forhigh treason; but however damning the evidence brought against themthey usually managed to escape with some light punishment. On someoccasions sentence of death was passed on them, but it was invariablycommuted to imprisonment for life, and as we had great difficulty inkeeping such prisoners, they generally succeeded, sooner or later, inmaking their escape. This mistaken leniency was the cause of muchdissatisfaction in our ranks, which deeply resented that thesebetrayers of their country should escape scot-free. 

About this time a society was formed at Pretoria, chiefly composed ofsurrendered burghers, called the "Peace Committee, " but better knownto us as the "Hands-uppers. " Its members surreptitiously circulatedpamphlets and circulars amongst our troops, advising them to surrenderand join the enemy. The impartial reader will doubtless agree thatsuch a state of things was not to be tolerated. Imagine, for example, that English officers and soldiers circulated similar communicationsamongst the Imperial troops! Would such proceedings have beentolerated?

The chairman of this society was a man by the name of Meyer De Kock, who had belonged to a Steenkampsberg field-cornet's force and haddeserted to the enemy. He was the man who first suggested to theBritish authorities the scheme of placing the Boer women and childrenin Concentration Camps--a system which resulted in so much misery andsuffering--and he maintained that this would be the most effective wayof forcing the Boers to surrender, arguing that no burgher wouldcontinue to fight when once his family was in British hands. 

One day a kaffir, bearing a white flag, brought a letter from thisperson's wife addressed to one of my field-cornets, informing him thather husband, Mr. De Kock, wished to meet him and discuss with him theadvisability of surrendering with his men to the enemy. Myfield-cornet, however, was sufficiently sensible and loyal to send noreply. 

And so it occurred that one morning Mr. De Kock, doubtlessly thinkingthat he would escape punishment as easily as others had before him, had the audacity to ride coolly into our outposts. He was promptlyarrested and incarcerated in Roos Senekal Gaol, this village being atthe time in our possession. Soon afterwards he was tried bycourt-martial, and on the face of the most damning evidence, and onperusal of a host of incriminating documents found in his possession, was condemned to death. 

[Illustration: Execution of a Traitor. ]

About a fortnight later a waggon drove up to our laager at Windhoek, carrying Lieutenant De Hart, accompanied by a member of PresidentBurger's bodyguard, some armed burghers, and the condemned man DeKock. They halted at my tent, and the officer handed me an order fromour Government, bearing the President's ratification of the sentenceof death, and instructing me to carry it out within 24 hours. Needlessto say I was much grieved to receive this order, but as it had to beobeyed I thought the sooner it was done the better for all concerned. So then and there on the veldt I approached the condemned man, andsaid:--

"Mr. De Kock, the Government has confirmed the sentence of deathpassed on you, and it is my painful duty to inform you that thissentence will be carried out to-morrow evening. If you have anyrequest to make or if you wish to write to your family you will nowhave an opportunity of doing so. "

At this he turned deadly pale, and some minutes passed before he hadrecovered from his emotion. He then expressed a wish to write to hisfamily, and was conducted, under escort, to a tent, where writingmaterials were placed before him. He wrote a long communication to hiswife, which we sent to the nearest British officers to forward to itsdestination. He also wrote me a letter thanking me for my "kindtreatment, " and requested me to forward the letter to his wife. Lateron spiritual consolation was offered and administered to him by ourpastor. 

Next day, as related in the previous chapter, we were attacked by adetachment of General Kitchener's force from Belfast. This kept mebusy all day, and I delegated two of my subaltern officers to carryout the execution. At dusk the condemned man was blindfolded andconducted to the side of an open grave, where twelve burghers fired avolley, and death was instantaneous. I am told that De Kock met hisfate with considerable fortitude. 

So far as I am aware, this was the first Boer "execution" in ourhistory. I afterwards read accounts of it in the English press, inwhich it was described as murder, but I emphatically repudiate thisdescription of a wholly justifiable act. The crime was a serious one, and the punishment was well deserved, and I have no doubt that thesame fate would have awaited any English soldier guilty of a similaroffence. It seems a great pity, however, that no war can take placewithout these melancholy incidents. 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

IN A TIGHT CORNER. 

It was now March, 1901. For some time our burghers had beencomplaining of inactivity, and the weary and monotonous existence wasgradually beginning to pall on them. But it became evident that Aprilwould be an eventful month, as the enemy had determined not to sufferour presence in these parts any longer. A huge movement, therefore, was being set on foot to surround us and capture the whole commando_en bloc_. 

It began with a night attack on a field-cornet's force posted atKruger's Post, north of Lydenburg, and here the enemy succeeded incapturing 35 men and a quantity of "impedimenta;" the field-cornet inquestion, although warned in time, having taken no properprecautions. By the middle of April the enemy's forward movement wasin full swing. General Plumer came from Pietersburg, General WalterKitchener from Lydenburg, and General Barber from Middelburg. Theyapproached us in six different directions, altogether a force of25, 000 men, and the whole under the supreme command of General SirBindon Blood. 

No escape was available for us through Secoekuniland on the north, asthe natives here, since the British had occupied their territory, wereavowedly hostile to us. To escape, therefore, we would have to breakthrough the enemy's lines and also to cross the railway, which wasclosely guarded. 

The enemy were advancing slowly from various directions. All our roadswere carefully guarded, and the cordon was gradually tightening aroundus. We were repeatedly attacked, now on this side, now on that, theBritish being clearly anxious to discover our position and ourstrength. In a sharp skirmish with a column from Lydenburg my faithfulFighting-General Muller was severely wounded in his shoulder, and acommando of Lydenburgers had been isolated from me and driven by theenemy along Waterfal River up to Steelpoort, where they encounteredhostile tribes of kaffirs. The commandant of the corps after a shortdefence was obliged to destroy his guns, forsake his baggage, andescape with his burghers in small groups into the mountains. 

Our position was growing more critical, but I resolved to make a standbefore abandoning our carts and waggons, although there seemed littlehope of being able to save anything. In fact the situation wasextremely perilous. As far as I could see we were entirely hemmed in, all the roads were blocked, my best officer wounded, I had barely 900men with me, and our stock of ammunition was very limited. 

I have omitted to mention that early in April, when we first got aninkling of this move I had liberated all the British officers whom Ihad kept as prisoners at Middelburg, and thus saved the Britishauthorities many a D. S. O. Which would otherwise have been claimed bytheir rescuers. 

The British around us were now posted as follows: At Diepkloof on theTautesberg to the north-west of us; at Roodekraal, between Tautesbergand Bothasberg, to the west of us; at Koebold, under Roodehoogte; atWindhoek, to the east of us; at Oshoek, to the north-east; and to thenorth of us between Magneetshoogte and Klip Spruit. We were positionedon Mapochsberg near Roos Senekal, about midway between Tautesberg andSteenkampsberg. We had carts, waggons, two field-pieces, and aColt-Maxim. 

We speedily discovered that we should have to leave our baggage andguns, and rely mainly on our horses and rifles. We had placed ourhospitals as well as we could, one in an empty school-building atMapochsberg with 10 wounded, under the care of Dr. Manning; the other, our only field-hospital, at Schoonpoort, under the supervision of Dr. H. Neethling. Whether these poor wounded Boers would have to beabandoned to the enemy, was a question which perplexed usconsiderably. If so, we should have been reduced to only onephysician, Dr. Leitz, a young German who might get through with apack-horse. Many officers and men, however, had lost all hope ofescape. 

It was about the 20th of April when the British approached so closethat we had to fight all day to maintain our positions. I gave ordersthat same night that we should burn our waggons, destroy our guns withdynamite, and make a dash through the enemy's lines, those burgherswho had no horses to mount the mules of the convoy. Hereupon about 100burghers and an officer coolly informed me that they had had enoughfighting, and preferred to surrender. I was at that time powerless toprevent them doing so, so I took away all their horses and ammunition, at which they did not seem very pleased. Before dusk our camp was ascene of wild confusion. Waggons and carts were burning fiercely, dynamite was being exploded, and horseless burghers were attempting tobreak in the mules which were to serve them as mounts. Meanwhile askirmish was going on between our outposts and those of the enemy. 

It was a strange procession that left Mapochsberg that night in ourdash through the British lines. Many Boers rode mules, whilst manymore had no saddles, and no small number were trudging along on foot, carrying their rifles and blankets on their shoulders. My scouts hadreported that the best way to get through was on the southern sidealong Steelpoort, about a quarter of a mile from the enemy's camp atBothasberg. But even should we succeed in breaking through the cordonaround us, we still had to cross the line at Wondersfontein beforedaybreak, so as not to get caught between the enemy's troops and theblockhouses. 

About 100 scouts, who formed our advance-guard, soon encountered theenemy's sentries. They turned to the right, then turned to the left;but everywhere the inquisitive "Tommies" kept asking: "Who goesthere?" Not being over anxious to satisfy their curiosity, they sentround word at once for us to lie low, and we started very carefullyexploring the neighbourhood. But there seemed no way out of the mess. We might have attacked some weak point and thus forced our waythrough, but it was still four or five hours' ride to the railwayline, and with our poor mounts we should have been caught andcaptured. Besides which the enemy might have warned the blockhousegarrisons, in which case we should have been caught between two fires. 

No; we wanted to get through without being discovered, and seeing thatthis was that night hopeless, I consulted my officers and decided toreturn to our deserted camp, where we could take up our originalpositions without the enemy being aware of our nocturnal excursion. 

Next morning the rising sun found us back in our old positions. Wedespatched scouts in all directions as usual, so as to make the enemybelieve that we intended to remain there permanently, and we putourselves on our guard, ready to repel an attack at any point on theshortest notice. 

But the enemy were much too cautious, and evidently thought they hadus safely in their hands. They amused themselves by destroying everyliving thing, and burned the houses and the crops. The whole veldtall round was black, everything seemed in mourning, the only relieffrom this dull monotony of colour being that afforded by theinnumerable specks of khaki all around us. I believe I said there were25, 000 men there, but it now seemed to me as if there were almostdouble that number. 

We had to wait until darkness set in before making a second attempt atescape. The day seemed interminable. Many burghers were loudlygrumbling, and even some officers were openly declaring that all thishad been done on purpose. Of course, these offensive remarks werepointed at me. At last the situation became too serious. I could onlygather together a few officers to oppose an attack from the enemy onthe eastern side, and something had to be done to prevent a generalmutiny. I therefore ordered a burgher who seemed loudest in hiscomplaints to receive 15 lashes with a sjambok, and I placed afield-cornet under arrest. After this the grumblers remained sullenlysilent. 

The only loophole in the enemy's lines seemed to be in the directionof Pietersburg on the portion held by General Plumer, who seemed fartoo busy capturing cattle and sheep from the "bush-lancers" tosurround us closely. We therefore decided to take our chance there andmove away as quickly as possible in that direction, and then to bearto the left, where we expected to find the enemy least watchful. Shortly before sunset I despatched 100 mounted men to ride openly inthe opposite direction to that which we intended to take, so as todivert the enemy's attention from our scene of operations, and satdown to wait for darkness. 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

ELUDING THE BRITISH CORDON. 

"The shades of eve were falling fast" as we moved cautiously away fromMapochsberg and proceeded through Landdrift, Steelpoort, and theTautesberg. At 3 o'clock in the morning we halted in a hollow placewhere we would not be observed, yet we were still a mile and a halffrom the enemy's cordon. Our position was now more critical than ever;for should the enemy discover our departure, and General Plumer hurryup towards us that morning, we should have little chance of escape. 

During the day I was obliged to call all the burghers together, and toearnestly address them concerning the happenings of the previous day. I told them to tell me candidly if they had lost faith in me, or ifthey had any reason not to trust me implicitly, as I would nottolerate the way in which they had behaved the day before. I added:--

"If you cannot see your way clear to obey implicitly my commands, tobe true to me, and to believe that I am true to you, I shall at onceleave you, and you can appoint someone else to look after you. We areby no means out of the wood yet, and it is now more than evernecessary that we should be able to trust one another to the fullestextent. Therefore, I ask those who have lost confidence in me, or haveany objection to my leading them, to stand out. "

No one stirred. Other officers and burghers next rose and spoke, assuring me that all the rebels had deserted the previous night, andthat all the men with me would be true and faithful. Then Pastor J. Louw addressed the burghers very earnestly, pointing out to them theoffensive way in which some of them had spoken of their superiorofficers, and that in the present difficult circumstances it wasabsolutely necessary that there should be no disintegration anddiscord amongst ourselves. I think all these perorations had a verysalutary effect. But such were the difficulties that we officers hadto contend with at the hands of undisciplined men who held exaggeratednotions of freedom of action and of speech, and I was not the onlyBoer officer who suffered in this respect. 

About two in the afternoon I gave the order to saddle up, as it wasnecessary to start before sunset in order to be able to cross theOlifant's River before daybreak, so that the enemy should not overtakeus should they notice us. We dismounted and led our horses, for we haddiscovered that the English could not distinguish between a body ofmen leading their horses and a troop of cattle, so long as the horseswere all kept close together. All the hills around us were coveredwith cattle captured from our "bush-lancers, " and therefore ourpassage was unnoticed. 

We followed an old waggon track along the Buffelskloof, where a roadleads from Tautesberg to Blood River. The stream runs between Botha'sand Tautesbergen, and flows into the Olifant's River near MazeppaDrift. It is called Blood River on account of the horrible massacrewhich took place there many years before, when the Swazi kaffirsmurdered a whole kaffir tribe without distinction of age or sex, literally turning the river red with blood. 

Towards evening we reached the foot of the mountains, and moved in anorth-westerly direction past Makleerewskop. We got through theEnglish lines without any difficulty along some footpaths, but ourprogress was very slow, as we had to proceed in Indian file, and wehad to stop frequently to see that no one was left behind. The countrywas thickly wooded, and frequently the baggage on the pack-horsesbecame entangled with branches of trees, and had to be disentangledand pulled off the horses' backs, which also caused considerabledelay. 

It was 3 o'clock in the morning before we reached the Olifant's River, at a spot which was once a footpath drift, but was now washed away andovergrown with trees and shrubs, making it very difficult to find theright spot to cross. Our only guide who knew the way had not beenthere for 15 years, but recognised the place by some high trees whichrose above the others. We had considerable difficulty in crossing, thewater reaching to our horses' saddles, and the banks being very steep. By the time we had all forded the sun had risen. All the other driftson the river were occupied by the enemy, our scouts reporting thatMazeppa Drift, three miles down stream, was entrenched by a strongEnglish force, as was the case with Kalkfontein Drift, a little higherup. I suppose this drift was not known to them, and thus had been leftunguarded. 

[Illustration: Crossing Railway Line Northward (Between Balmoral andBrugspruit Stations). ]

Having got through we rode in a northerly direction until about 9o'clock in the morning, and not until then were we sure of being clearof the enemy's clutches. But there was a danger that the English hadnoticed our absence and had followed us up. I therefore sent outscouts on the high kopjes in the neighbourhood, and not until thesehad reported all clear did we take the risk of off-saddling. You canimagine how thankful we were after having been in the saddle for over19 hours, and I believe our poor animals were no less thankful fora rest. 

We had not slept for three consecutive nights, and soon the wholecommando, with the exception of the sentries, were fast asleep. Few ofus thought of food, for our fatigue and drowsiness were greater thanour hunger. But we could only sleep for two hours, for we were muchtoo close to the enemy, and we wished to make them lose scent of usentirely. 

The burghers grumbled a good deal at being awakened and ordered tosaddle up, but we moved on nevertheless. I sent some men to enquire ata kaffir kraal for the way to Pietersburg, and although I had nointention of going in that direction, I knew that the kaffirs, so soonas we had gone, would report to the nearest British camp that they hadmet a commando of Boers going there. Kaffirs would do this with thehope of reward, which they often received in the shape of spirituousliquor. We proceeded all that day in the direction of Pietersburguntil just before sunset we came to a small stream. Here we stoppedfor an hour and then went on again, this time, however, to the leftin a southerly direction through the bush to Poortjesnek nearRhenosterkop, where a little time before the fight with GeneralPaget's force had taken place. We had to hurry through the bush, ashorse-sickness was prevalent here and we still had a long way beforeus. It was midnight before we reached the foot of the Poortjesnek. 

Here my officers informed me that two young burghers had become insanethrough fatigue and want of sleep, and that several, while asleep intheir saddles had been pulled off their horses by low branches andseverely injured. Yet we had to get through the Nek and get to theplateau before I could allow any rest. I went and had a look at thedemented men. They looked as if intoxicated and were very violent. Allour men and horses were utterly exhausted, but we pushed on and atlast reached the plateau, where, to everybody's great delight, werested for the whole day. The demented men would not sleep, but I hadluckily some opium pills with me and I gave each man one of them, sothat they got calmer, and, dropping off to sleep, afterwardsrecovered. 

My scouts reported next day that a strong English patrol had followedus up, but that otherwise it was "all serene. " We pushed on throughLangkloof over our old fighting ground near Rhenosterkop, then throughthe Wilge River near Gousdenberg up to Blackwood Camp, about ninemiles north of Balmoral Station. Here we stayed a few days to allowour animals to rest and recover from their hardships, and then movedon across the railway to the Bethel and Ermelo districts. Here theenemy was much less active, and we should have an opportunity of beingleft undisturbed for a little time. But we lost 40 of our horses, whohad caught the dreaded horse-sickness whilst passing through the bushcountry. 

On the second day of our stay at Blackwood Camp I sent 150 men underCommandants Groenwald and Viljoen through the Banks, via Staghoek, toattack the enemy's camp near Wagendrift on the Olifant's River. Thiswas a detachment of the force which had been surrounding us. Wediscovered that they were still trying to find us, and that the patrolwhich had followed us were not aware of our having got away. Itappears that they only discovered this several days afterwards, andgreat must have been the good general's surprise when they found thatthe birds had flown and their great laid schemes had failed. 

My 150 men approached the enemy's camp early in the morning, and whenat a short range began pouring in a deadly rifle fire on the westernside. The British soldiers, who were not dreaming of an attack, ran toand fro in wild disorder. Our burghers, however, ceased firing whenthey saw that there were many women and children in the camp, but theenemy began soon to pour out a rifle and gun fire, and our men wereobliged to carry on the fight. 

After a few days' absence they returned to our camp and reported to methat "they had frightened the English out of their wits, for theythought we were to the east at Roos Senekal, whereas we turned up fromthe west. "

Of course the British speedily discovered where we were, and camemarching up from Poortjesnek in great force. But we sent out a patrolto meet them, and the latter by passing them west of Rhenosterkopeffectually misled them, and we were left undisturbed at BlackwoodCamp. 

This left us time to prepare for crossing the railway; so I despatchedscouts south to see how matters stood, and bade them return the nextday. We knew that a number of small commandos were located on thesouth side of the railway, but to effect a junction was a difficultmatter, and we would risk getting trapped between the columns if wemoved at random. The railway and all the roads were closely guarded, and great care was being taken to prevent any communication betweenthe burghers on either side of the line. 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

BOER GOVERNMENT'S NARROW ESCAPE. 

During the first week of May, 1901, we split up into two sections, andleft Blackwood Camp early in the evening. General Muller took onesection over the railway line near Brugspruit, whilst I took the othersection across near Balmoral Station. We naturally kept as far fromthe blockhouses as possible, quietly cut the barbed-wire fencesstretched all along the line, and succeeded in crossing it without ashot being fired. To split up into two sections was a necessaryprecaution, first because it would have taken the whole commando toolong to cross the line at one point, and secondly, we made more sureof getting at least one section across. Further, had the enemyencountered one of the sections they would probably have concludedthat that was our whole force. 

We halted about six miles from the railway-line, as it was now 2o'clock in the morning. I ordered a general dismount, and we were atlast able to light up our pipes, which we had been afraid of doing inthe neighbourhood of the railway for fear of the lights being seen bythe enemy. The men sat round in groups, and smoked and chattedcheerfully. We passed the rest of the night here, and with theexception of the sentinels on duty, all were able to enjoy arefreshing sleep, lying down, however, with their unsaddled horses bytheir side, and the bridles in their hands--a most necessary anduseful precaution. Together with my adjutant, Nel, I made the round ofthe sentries, sitting a few moments with each to cheer them up andkeep them awake; for there is nothing to which I object more than tobe surprised by the enemy, when asleep. 

The few hours of rest afforded us passed very quickly, and at thefirst glimmer of dawn I ordered the men to be called. This is simplydone by the officers calling "Opzâal, opzâal" (saddle-up) in loudtones. When it was light enough to look round us we had thesatisfaction of seeing that all was quiet and that no troops were inthe immediate neighbourhood. We made for a place called Kroomdraai, about halfway between Heidelberg and Middelburg, where we knew therewere some mealies left; and although we should be between the enemy'scamps there, I felt there would be no danger of being disturbed orsurprised. 

I also sent a report to the Commandant-General, who was at that timewith the Government near Ermelo, and described to him all that hadhappened. I received a reply some days later, requesting me to leavemy commando at Kroomdraai and proceed to see him, as an importantCouncil of War was to be held between the various generals and theGovernment. 

Four days later I arrived at Begin der Lijn ("beginning of the line")on the Vaal River, south-east of Ermelo, accompanied by three of myadjutants, and reported myself to the Commandant-General. 

Simultaneously with my arrival there came two British columns, commanded by our old friend Colonel Bullock, whose acquaintance we hadpreviously made at Colenso. They came apparently with the idea ofchasing us, possibly thinking to catch us. This was far from pleasantfor me. I had been riding post-haste for four days, and I and my horsewere very tired and worn out. However, there was no help for it. I hadbarely time to salute the members of the Government, and to exchange afew words with General Botha, when we had to "quit. " For eight days wewandered round with Colonel Bullock at our heels, always remaining, however, in the same neighbourhood. This officer's tactics in tryingto capture us were childishly simple. During the day there would beskirmishes between the enemy and General Botha's men, but each eveningthe former would, by retiring, attempt to lull us into a sense ofsecurity. But as soon as the sun had set, they would turn right aboutface, return full speed to where they had left us, and there wouldsurround us carefully during the night, gallantly attacking us in themorning and fully expecting to capture the whole Boer Government andat least half a dozen generals. This was a distinct nuisance, but thetactics of this worthy officer were so simple that we very soondiscovered them. Accordingly, every evening we would make a finepretence of pitching our camp for the night; but so soon as darknesshad set in, we would take the precaution of moving some 10 or 15 milesfurther on. Next morning Colonel Bullock, who had been carefully"surrounding" us all night, would find that we were unaccountablyabsent. Much annoyed at this, he would then send his "flying" columnsrunning after us. This went on for several days, until finally, as weexpected, his horses were tired out, and I believe he was then removedto some other garrison, having been considered a failure as a"Boer-stalker. " No doubt he did his best, but he nevertheless managedhis business very clumsily. 

Not until nine days after my arrival at this perambulating seat ofGovernment did we have an opportunity of snatching a few hours' rest. We were now at a spot called Immegratie, between Ermelo andWakkerstroom. Here a meeting was held by the Executive Council, andattended by the Commandant-General, General Jan Smuts, General C. Botha, and myself. General T. Smuts could not be present, as he wasbusy keeping Colonel Bullock amused. 

At this meeting we discussed the general situation, and decided tosend a letter to President Steyn, but our communication afterwardsfell into the enemy's hands. In accordance with this letter, PresidentSteyn and Generals De Wet and De la Rey joined our Government, and ameeting was held later on. 

The day after this meeting at Immegratie I took leave of my friendsand began the journey in a more leisurely fashion back to my commandoat Kroomdraai, via Ermelo and Bethel. The Acting-President had made mea present of a cart and four mules, as they pitied us for having hadto burn all our vehicles in escaping from Roos Senekal. We were thusonce more seated in a cart, which added considerably to the dignityof our staff. How long I should continue to be possessed of this meansof transport depended, of course, entirely on the enemy. My oldcoloured groom "Mooiroos, " who followed behind leading my horse, evidently thought the same, for he remarked naïvely: "Baas, theEnglish will soon fix us in another corner; had we not better throwthe cart away?"

We drove into Ermelo that afternoon. The dread east wind was blowinghard and raising great clouds of dust around us. The village had beenoccupied about half a dozen times by the enemy and each time looted, plundered, and evacuated, and was now again in our possession. Atleast, the English had left it the day before, and a Landdrost hadplaced himself in charge; a little Hollander with a pointed nose andsmall, glittering eyes, who between each sentence that he spoke rolledround those little eyes of his, carefully scanning the neighbouringhills for any sign of the English. The only other person of importancein the town was a worthy predicant, who evidently had not had his haircut since the commencement of the War, and who had great difficultyin keeping his little black wide-awake on his head. He seemed veryproud of his abundant locks. 

There were also a few families in the place belonging to the Red Crossstaff and in charge of the local hospitals. One of my adjutants wasseriously indisposed, and it was whilst hunting for a chemist in orderto obtain medicine that I came into contact with the town's sparsepopulation. I found the dispensary closed, the proprietor havingdeparted with the English, and the Landdrost, fearing to get himselfinto trouble, was not inclined to open it. He grew very excited whenwe liberally helped ourselves to the medicines, and made himselfunpleasant. So we gave him clearly to understand that his presence wasnot required in that immediate neighbourhood. 

Our cart was standing waiting for us in the High Street, and duringour absence a lady had appeared on the verandah of a house and hadsent a servant to enquire who we were. When we reappeared laden withour booty she graciously invited us to come in. She was a Mrs. P. DeJager and belonged to the Red Cross Society. She asked us to stay andhave some dinner, which was then being prepared. Imagine what a luxuryfor us to be once more in a house, to be addressed by a lady and to beserved with a bountiful repast! Our clothes were in a ragged anddilapidated condition and we presented a very unkempt appearance, which did not make us feel quite at our ease. Still the good lady withgreat tact soon put us quite at home. 

We partook of a delicious meal, which we shall not easily forget. Icannot remember what the menu was, and I am not quite sure whether itwould compare favourably with a first-class café dinner, but I neverenjoyed a meal more in my existence, and possibly never shall. 

After dinner the lady related to us how on the previous day, when theBritish entered the village, there were in her house threeconvalescent burghers, who could, however, neither ride nor walk. Withtears in her eyes she told us how an English doctor and an officerhad come there, and kicking open the doors of her neatly-kept house, had entered it, followed by a crowd of soldiers, who had helpedthemselves to most of the knives, forks, and other utensils. She triedto explain to the doctor that she had wounded men in the house, but hewas too conceited and arrogant to listen to her protestations. Fortunately for them the men were not discovered, for the English, onleaving the village, took with them all our wounded, and even ourdoctor. With a proud smile she now produced this trio, who, notknowing whether we were friend or foe, were at first very muchfrightened. 

I sympathised with the lady with respect to the harsh treatment shehad received the previous day, and thanking her for her greatkindness, warned her not to keep armed burghers in her house, as thiswas against the Geneva Convention. 

We told her what great pleasure it was for us to meet a lady, as allour women having been placed in Concentration Camps, we had only hadthe society of our fellow-burghers. Before leaving she grasped ourhands, and with tears in her eyes wished us God speed:--"Good-bye, myfriends! May God reward your efforts on behalf of your country. General, be of good cheer; for however dark the future may seem, besure that the Almighty will provide for you!" I can scarcely be dubbedsentimental, yet the genuine expressions of this good lady, coupledperhaps with her excellent dinner, did much to put us into betterspirits, and somehow the future did not seem now quite so dark andterrible as we were previously inclined to believe. 

We soon resumed our journey, and that night arrived at a farmbelonging to a certain Venter. We knew that here some houses hadescaped the general destruction and we found that a dwelling house wasstill standing and that the Venter family were occupying it. It wasnot our practice to pass the night near inhabited houses, as thatmight have got the people in trouble with the enemy, but havingoff-saddled, I sent up an adjutant to the house to see if he couldpurchase a few eggs and milk for our sick companions. He speedilyreturned followed by the lady of the house in a very excitedcondition:--

"Are you the General?" she asked. 

"I have that honour, " I replied. "What is the matter?"

"There is much the matter, " she retorted loudly. "I will have nothingto do with you or your people. You are nothing but a band of brigandsand scoundrels, and you must leave my farm immediately. Allrespectable people have long since surrendered, and it is only suchpeople as you who continue the War, while you personally are one ofthe ringleaders of these rebels. "

"Tut, tut, " I said, "where is your husband?"

"My husband is where all respectable people ought to be; with theEnglish, of course. "

"'Hands-uppers, ' is that it?" answered my men in chorus, even Mooiroosthe native joining in. "You deserve the D. S. O. , " I said, "and if wemeet the English we will mention it to them. Now go back to your housebefore these rebels and brigands give you your deserts. "

She continued to pour out a flood of insults and imprecations onmyself, the other generals, and the Government, and finally went awaystill muttering to herself. I could scarcely help comparing thispatriotic lady to the one in Ermelo who had treated us so kindly. Iencountered many more such incidents, and only mention these two inorder to show the different views held at that time by our women onthese matters, but in justice to our women-folk I should add that thiskind were only a small minority. 

It was a bitterly cold night. Our blankets were very thin, and thewind continually scattered our fire and gave us little opportunity ofwarming ourselves. There was no food for the horses except the grass. We haltered them close together, and each of us took it in turn tokeep a watch, as we ran the risk at any moment of being surprised bythe enemy, and as many in that district had turned traitors, we had toredouble our precautions. During the whole cold night I slept butlittle, and I fervently wished for the day to come, and feltexceedingly thankful when the sun arose and it got a little warmer. 

Proceeding, we crossed the ridges east of Bethel, and as this villagecame in sight my groom Mooiroos exclaimed: "There are a lot of Khakisthere, Baas. "

I halted, and with my field-glasses could see distinctly the enemy'sforce, which was coming from Bethel in our direction, their scoutsbeing visible everywhere to the right and left of the ridges. While wewere still discussing what to do, the field-cornet of the district, acertain Jan Davel, dashed up with a score of burghers between us andthe British. He informed me that the enemy's forces were coming fromBrugspruit, and that he had scattered his burghers in all directionsto prevent them organizing any resistance. The enemy's guns were nowfiring at us, and although the range was a long one the ridges inwhich we found ourselves were quite bare, and afforded us no cover. 

We were therefore obliged to wheel to our right, and, proceeding toKlein Spionkop, we passed round the enemy along Vaalkop andWilmansrust. 

At Steenkoolspruit I met some burghers, who told me that the enemy hadmarched from Springs, near Boksburg, and were making straight for ourcommando at Kroomdraai. We managed to reach that place in the eveningjust in time to warn our men and be off. I left a section of my menbehind to obstruct the advance of the enemy, whom they met thefollowing day, but finding the force too strong were obliged toretire, and I do not know exactly where they got to. At this timethere were no less than nine of the enemy's columns in that district, and they all tried their level best to catch the Boers, but as theBoers also tried their best not to get caught, I am afraid the Englishwere often disappointed. Here the reader will, perhaps, remark that itwas not very brave to run away in this fashion, but one should alsotake our circumstances into consideration. 

No sooner did we attack one column than we were attacked in our turnby a couple more, and had then considerable difficulty in effectingour escape. The enemy, moreover, had every advantage of us. They hadplenty of guns, and could cut our ranks to pieces before we couldapproach sufficiently near to do any damage with our rifles; they farsurpassed us in numerical strength; they had a constant supply offresh horses--some of us had no horses at all; they had continualreinforcements; their troops were well fed, better equipped, andaltogether in better condition. Small wonder, therefore, that the Warhad become a one-sided affair. 

On the 20th of May, 1901, I seized an opportunity of attacking GeneralPlumer on his way from Bethel to Standerton. 

We had effected a junction with Commandant Mears and charged theenemy, and but for their having with them a number of Boer families wewould have succeeded in capturing their whole laager. We had alreadysucceeded in driving their infantry away from the waggons containingthese families, when their infantry rushed in between and opened fireon us at 200 paces. We could do nothing else but return this fire, although it was quite possible that in doing so we wounded one or twoof our own women and children. These kept waving their handkerchiefsto warn us not to fire, but it was impossible to resist the infantry'svolleys without shooting. Meanwhile the cavalry replaced their gunsbehind the women's waggons and fired on us from that coign of vantage. 

Here we took 25 prisoners, 4, 000 sheep and 10 horses. Our losses weretwo killed and nine wounded. The enemy left several dead and woundedon the field, as well as two doctors and an ambulance belonging to theQueensland Imperial Bushmen, which we sent back together with theprisoners we had taken. 

On this occasion the English were spared a great defeat by havingwomen and children in their laager, and no doubt for the sake ofsafety they kept these with them as long as possible. I do notinsinuate that this was generally the case, and I am sure that LordKitchener or any other responsible commanding officer would loudlyhave condemned such tactics; but the fact remains that theseunpleasant incidents occasionally took place. 

About the beginning of June, 1901 (I find it difficult to be accuratewithout the aid of my notes) another violent effort was made tocapture the members of the Government and the Commandant-General. Colonel Benson now appeared as the new "Boer-stalker, " and aftermaking several unsuccessful attempts to surround them almost capturedthe Government in the mountains between Piet Retief and Spitskop. Justas Colonel Benson thought he had them safe and was slowly but surelyweaving his net around them--I believe this was at Halhangapase--themembers of the Government left their carriages, and packing the mostnecessary articles and documents on their horses escaped in the nightalong a footpath which the enemy had kindly left unguarded and passedright through the British lines in the direction of Ermelo. On thefollowing day the English, on closing their cordon, found, as theyusually did, naught but the burned remains of some vehicles and a fewlame mules. 

Together with the late General Spruit, who happened to be in thatneighbourhood, I had been asked to march with a small commando to theassistance of the Government and the Commandant-General and we hadstarted at once, only hearing when well on our way that they hadsucceeded in escaping. 

We proceeded as far as the Bankop, not knowing where to find them, andit was no easy matter to look for them amongst the British columns. 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 

A GOVERNMENT ON HORSEBACK. 

For ten days we searched the neighbourhood, and finally met one of theCommandant-General's despatch-riders, who informed me of theirwhereabouts, which they were obliged to keep secret for fear oftreachery. We met the whole party on William Smeet's farm near theVaal River, every man on horseback or on a mule, without a solitarycart or waggon. It was a very strange sight to see the whole TransvaalGovernment on horseback. Some had not yet got used to this method ofgoverning, and they had great trouble with their luggage, which wascontinually being dropped on the road. 

General Spruit and myself undertook to escort the Executive Councilthrough the Ermelo district, past Bethel to Standerton, where theywere to meet the members of the Orange Free State Government. I hadnow with me only 100 men, under Field-Cornet R. D. Young; theremainder I had left behind near Bethel in charge of General Mullerand Commandants Viljoen and Groenwald, with instructions to keep onthe alert and to fall on any column that ventured a little ahead ofthe others. 

It was whilst on my way back to them that a burgher brought me areport from General Muller, informing me that the previous night, assisted by Commandants W. Viljoen and Groenwald, he had with 130 menstormed one of the enemy's camps at Wilmansrust, capturing the wholeafter a short resistance on the enemy's part, but sustaining a loss ofsix killed and some wounded. The camp had been under the command ofColonel Morris, and its garrison numbered 450 men belonging to the 5thVictorian Mounted Rifles. About 60 of these were killed and wounded, and the remainder were disarmed and released. Our haul consisted oftwo pom-poms, carts and waggons with teams in harness, and about 300horses, the most miserable collection of animals I have ever seen. Here we also captured a well-known burgher, whose name, I believe, wasTrotsky, and who was fighting with the enemy against us. He wasbrought before a court-martial, tried for high treason, and sentencedto death, which sentence was afterwards carried out. 

Our Government received about this time a communication from GeneralBrits, that the members of the Orange Free State Government hadreached Blankop, north of Standerton, and would await us at Waterval. We hurried thither, and reached it in the evening of the 20th of June, 1901. Here we found President Steyn and Generals De Wet, De la Rey, and Hertzog, with an escort of 150 men. It was very pleasant to meetthese great leaders again, and still more pleasing was the cordialitywith which they received us. We sat round our fires all that nightrelating to each other our various adventures. Some which caused greatfun and amusement, and some which brought tears even to the eyes ofthe hardened warrior. General De Wet was then suffering acutely fromrheumatism, but he showed scarcely any trace of his complaint, and wasas cheerful as the rest of us. 

Next day we parted, each going separately on our way. We had decidedwhat each of us was to do, and under this agreement I was to return tothe Lydenburg and Middelburg districts, where we had already had sucha narrow escape. I confess I did not care much about this, but we hadto obey the Commandant-General, and there was an end of it. Meanwhile, reports came in that on the other side of the railway the burghers whohad been left behind were surrendering day by day, and that afield-cornet was engaged in negotiations with the enemy about ageneral laying down of arms. I at once despatched General Muller thereto put an end to this. 

We now prepared once more to cross the railway line, which was guardedmore carefully than ever, and no one dared to cross with a conveyanceof any description. We had, however, become possessed of a laager--ascore of waggons and two pom-poms--and I determined to take thesecarts and guns across with me, for my men valued them all the more forhaving been captured. They were, in fact, as sweet to us as stolenkisses, although I have had no very large experience of the lattercommodity. 

CHAPTER XXXVII. 

BLOWING UP AN ARMOURED TRAIN. 

We approached the line between Balmoral and Brugspruit, coming asclose to it as was possible with regard to safety, and we stopped in a"dunk" (hollow place) intending to remain there until dusk beforeattempting to cross. The blockhouses were only 1, 000 yards distantfrom each other, and in order to take our waggons across there was butone thing to be done, namely, to storm two blockhouses, overpowertheir garrisons, and take our convoy across between these two. Fortunately there were no obstacles here in the shape of embankmentsor excavations, the line being level with the veldt. We moved on inthe evening (the 27th of June), the moon shining brightly, which wasvery unfortunate for us, as the enemy would see us and hear us longbefore we came within range. I had arranged that Commandant Groenwaldwas to storm the blockhouse on the right, and Commandant W. Viljoenthat to the left, each with 75 men. We halted about 1, 000 paces fromthe line, and here the sections left their horses behind and marchedin scattered order towards the blockhouses. The enemy had been warnedby telephone that morning of our vicinity, and all the pickets andoutposts along the line were on the "qui vive. " When 150 yards fromthe blockhouses the garrison opened fire on our men, and a hail ofLee-Metford bullets spread over a distance of about four miles, theBritish soldiers firing from within the blockhouses and from behindmounds of earth. The blockhouse attacked by Commandant Viljoen offeredthe most determined resistance for about twenty minutes, but our menthrust their rifles through the loopholes of the blockhouses and firedwithin, calling out "hands-up" all the time, whilst the "Tommies"within retorted, "You haven't V. M. R. 's to deal with this time!"However, we soon made it too hot for them and their boasting wasexchanged into cries of mercy, but not before three of our men hadbeen killed and several wounded. The "Tommies" now shouted: "Wesurrender, Sir; for God's sake stop firing. " My brave field-cornet, G. Mybergh, who was closest to the blockhouses, answered: "All rightthen, come out. " The "Tommies" answered: "Right, we are coming, " andwe ceased firing. 

Field-Cornet Mybergh now stepped up to the entrance of the fort, butwhen he reached it a shot was fired from the inside and he fellmortally wounded in the stomach. At the same time the soldiers ran outholding up their hands. Our burghers were enraged beyond measure atthis act of treachery, but the sergeant and the men swore by all thatwas sacred that it had been an accident, and that a gun had gone offspontaneously whilst being thrown down. The soldier who admittedfiring the fatal shot was crying like a baby and kissing the hands ofhis victim. We held a short consultation amongst the officers anddecided to accept his explanation of the affair. I was much upset, however, by this loss of one of the bravest officers I have everknown. 

Meanwhile the fight at the other blockhouse continued. CommandantGroenwald afterwards informed me that he had approached the blockhouseand found it built of rock; it was, in fact, a fortified ganger'shouse built by the Netherlands South Africa Railway Company. He didnot see any way of taking the place; many of his men had fallen, andan armoured train with a search-light was approaching from Brugspruit. On the other side of the blockhouse we found a ditch about three feetdeep and two feet wide. Hastily filling this up we let the carts goover. As the fifth one had got across and the sixth was standing onthe lines, the armoured train came dashing at full speed in our midst. We had had no dynamite to blow up the line, and although we fired onthe train, it steamed right up to where we were crossing, smashing ateam of mules and splitting us up into two sections. Turning thesearch-light on us, the enemy opened fire on us with rifles, Maximsand guns firing grape-shot. Commandant Groenwald had to retire alongthe unconquered blockhouse, and managed somehow to get through. Themajority of the burghers had already crossed and fled, whilst theremainder hurried back with a pom-pom and the other carts. I did notexpect that the train would come so close to us, and was seated on myhorse close to the surrendered blockhouse when it pulled up abruptlynot four paces from me. The search-light made the surroundings aslight as day, and revealed the strange spectacle of the burghers, onfoot and on horseback, fleeing in all directions and accompanied bycattle and waggons, whilst many dead lay on the veldt. However, wesaved everything with the exception of a waggon and two carts, one ofwhich unfortunately was my own. Thus for the fourth time in the war Ilost all my worldly belongings, my clothes, my rugs, my food, mymoney. 

My two commandants were now south of the line with half the men, whilst I was north of it with the other half. We buried our dead nextmorning and that evening I sent a message to the remainder of thecommandos, telling them to cross the line at Uitkijk Station, south-west of Middelburg, whilst Captain Hindon was to lay a mineunder the line near the station to blow up any armoured train comingdown. Here we managed to get the rest of our laager over without muchtrouble. The "Tommies" fired furiously from the blockhouses and ourfriend the armoured train was seen approaching from Middelburg, whistling a friendly warning to us. It came full speed as before, butonly got to the spot where the mine had been laid for it. There was aloud explosion; something went up in the air and then the shrillwhistle stopped and all was silent. 

The next morning we were all once more camped together at Rooihoogte. 

CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

TRAPPING PRO-BRITISH BOERS. 

In the month of July, 1901, we found ourselves once more on the sceneof our former struggles, and were joined here by General Muller, whohad completed his mission south of the railway. This district havingbeen scoured for three weeks by thirty thousand English soldiers, whohad carefully removed and destroyed everything living or dead, one canimagine the conditions under which we had to exist. No doubt from astrategical point of view the enemy could not be expected to dootherwise than devastate the country, but what grieved us most was thegreat amount of suffering this entailed to our women and children. Often the waggons in which these were being carried to imprisonmentin the Concentration Camps were upset by the unskilful driving of thesoldiers or their kaffir servants, and many women and children wereinjured in this way. 

Moreover, a certain Mrs. Lindeque was killed by an English bullet nearRoos Senekal, the soldiers saying that she had passed through theoutposts against instructions. Small wonder, therefore, that many ofour women-folk fled with their children at the enemy's approach, leaving all their worldly possessions behind to fall a prey to thegeneral destruction. We often came across such families in thegreatest distress, some having taken shelter in caves, and othersliving in huts roughly constructed of half-burnt corrugated ironamongst the charred ruins of their former happy homes. The sufferingsof our half-clad and hungry burghers were small compared to the miseryand privations of these poor creatures. Their husbands and otherrelations, however, made provision for them to the best of theirability, and these families were, in spite of all, comparativelyhappy, so long as they were able to remain amongst their own people. 

Our commandos were now fairly exhausted, and our horses needed a restvery badly, the wanderings of the previous few weeks having reducedthem to a miserable condition. I therefore left General Muller nearthe cobalt mines on the Upper Olifant's River, just by the waggondrift, whilst I departed with 100 men and a pom-pom to Witpoort andWindhoek, there to collect my scattered burghers and reorganise mydiminished commando, as well as to look after our food supplies. AtWitpoort the burghers who had been under the late Field-Cornet Kruge, and had escaped the enemy's sweeping movements, had repaired the millwhich the English had blown up, and this was now working as well asbefore. A good stock of mealies had been buried there, and hadremained undiscovered, and we were very thankful to the "bush-lancers"for this bounty. 

Still, things were not altogether "honey. " Matters were rather in acritical state, as treachery was rampant, and many burghers wereriding to and fro to the enemy and arranging to surrender, thefaithful division being powerless to prevent them. We had to act withgreat firmness and determination to put a stop to these tendencies andwithin a week of our arrival half a dozen persons had beenincarcerated in Roos Senekal gaol under a charge of high treason. Moreover we effected a radical change in leadership, discharging oldand war-sick officers and placing younger and more energetic men incommand. 

Several families here were causing considerable trouble. When firstthe enemy had passed through their district they had had noopportunity of surrendering with their cattle. But when the Englishreturned, they had attempted to go to the enemy's camp at Belfast, taking all their cattle and moveables with them. At this the loyalburghers were furious and threatened to confiscate all their cattleand goods. Seeing this, these families, whom I shall call theSteenkamps, had desisted from their attempt to go over to the enemyand had taken up their abode in a church at Dullstroom, the onlybuilding which had not been destroyed, although the windows, doorsand pulpit had long disappeared. Here they quietly awaited anopportunity of surrendering to the enemy, whose camp at Belfast wasonly 10 or 12 miles distant. We were very anxious that their cattleand sheep, of which they had a large number, should not go to theenemy, but we could bring no charge of treachery home to them, as theywere very smooth-tongued scoundrels and always swore fealty to us. 

I have mentioned this as an example of the dangerous elements withwhich we had to contend amongst our own people, and to show how low aBoer may sink when once he has decided to forego his most sacredduties and turn against his own countrymen the weapon he had latelyused in their defence. Such men were luckily in the minority. Yet Ioften came across cases where fathers fought against their own sons, and brother against brother. I cannot help considering that it was farfrom noble on the part of our enemy to employ such traitors to theircountry and to form such bodies of scoundrels as the National Scouts. 

Amongst all this worry of reorganising our commandos and weeding outthe traitors we were allowed little rest by the enemy, and once wesuddenly found them marching up from Helvetia in our direction. Asmart body of men, chiefly composed of Lydenburg and Middelburg men, and under the command of a newly-appointed officer, Captain Du Toit, went to meet the enemy between Bakendorp and Dullstroom. Here ensued afierce fight, where we lost some men, but succeeded in arresting theenemy's progress. The fight, however, was renewed the next day, andthe British having received strong reinforcements our burghers wereforced to retire, the enemy remaining at a place near the "Pannetjes, "three miles from Dullstroom. 

The English camp was now close to our friends, the Steenkamps, whowere anxiously waiting an opportunity to become "hands-uppers. " Theyhad, of course, left off fighting long ago, one complaining that hehad a disease of the kidneys, another that he suffered from some othercomplaint. They would sit on the kopjes and watch the fighting and thevarious manoeuvres, congratulating each other when the enemyapproached a little nearer to them. 

I will now ask the reader's indulgence to describe one of our littlepractical jokes enacted at Dullstroom Church, which was characteristicof many other similar incidents in the Campaign. It will be seen howthese would-be "hands-uppers" were caught in a little trap prepared bysome officers of my staff. 

My three adjutants, Bester, Redelinghuisen, and J. Viljoen, carefullydressed in as much "khaki" as they could collect, and paradingrespectively as Colonels Bullock, "Jack, " and "Cooper, " all of HisMajesty's forces, proceeded one fine evening to Dullstroom Church, toascertain if the Steenkamps would agree to surrender and fight underthe British flag. They arrived there about 9 p. M. , and finding thatthe inmates had all gone to sleep, loudly knocked at the door. Thiswas opened by a certain youthful Mr. Van der Nest, who was staying inthe church for the night with his brother. J. Viljoen, alias "Cooper, "and acting as interpreter between the pseudo-English and the renegadeBoers, addressed the young man in this fashion:--

"Good evening! Is Mr. Steenkamp in? Here is a British officer whowishes to see him and his brother-in-law. "

Van der Nest turned pale, and hurried inside, and stammering, "OomJan, there are some people at the door, " woke up his brother and bothdecamped out of the back door. Steenkamp's brother-in-law, however, whom I will call Roux, soon made his appearance and bowing cringingly, said with a smile:--

"Good evening, gentlemen; good evening. "

The self-styled Colonel Bullock, addressing "Cooper, " the interpreter, said: "Tell Mr. Roux that we have information that he and his brotherwish to surrender. "

As soon as "Cooper" began to interpret, Roux answered in brokenEnglish, "Yes, sir, you are quite right; myself and my brother-in-lawhave been waiting twelve months for an opportunity to surrender, andwe are so thankful now that we are able to do so. "

"Colonel Bullock": "Very well, then; call your people out!"

Roux bowed low, and ran back into the church, presently issuing withthree comrades, who all threw down their arms and made abeyance. 

_The "Colonel":_ "Are these men able to speak English?"

_Roux:_ "No, sir. "

_The "Colonel":_ "Ask them if they are willing to surrendervoluntarily to His Majesty the King of Great Britain?"

The burghers, in chorus: "Yes, sir; thank you very much. We are sopleased that you have come at last. We have wished to surrender for along time, but the Boers would not let us get through. We have notfought against you, sir. "

_The "Colonel":_ "Very well; now deliver up all your arms. "

And whilst the pseudo-colonel pretended to be busy making notes theburghers brought out their Mausers and cartridge-belts, handing themover to the masquerading "Tommies. "

Roux next said to the "Colonel": "Please, sir, may I keep thisrevolver? There are a few Hollanders in the hut yonder who said theywould shoot me if I surrendered; and you know, sir, that it is theseHollanders who urge the Boers to fight and prolong the War. Why don'tyou go and catch them? I will show you where they are. "

Resisting an impulse to put a bullet through the traitor's head, the"Colonel" answered briefly: "Very well, keep your revolver. I willcatch the Hollanders early to-morrow. "

_Roux:_ "Be careful, sir; Ben Viljoen is over there with a commandoand a pom-pom. "

_The "Colonel"_ (haughtily): "Be at ease; my column will soon be roundhim and he will not escape this time. "

The women-folk now came out to join the party. They clapped theirhands in joy and invited the "Colonel" and his men to come in and havesome coffee. 

The "Colonel" graciously returned thanks. Meanwhile a woman hadwhispered to Roux: "I hope these are not Ben Viljoen's people makingfools of us. "

"Nonsense, " he answered, "Can't you see that this is a very superiorBritish officer?" Whereat the whole company further expressed theirdelight at seeing them. 

The "Colonel" now spoke: "Mr. Roux, we will take your cattle and sheepwith us for safety. Kindly lend us a servant to help drive them along. Will you show us to-morrow where the Boers are?"

_Mr. Roux:_ "Certainly, sir, but you must not take me into dangerousplaces, please. "

_The "Colonel":_ "Very well; I will send the waggons to fetch yourwomen-folk in the morning. "

Roux gathered together his cattle and said: "I hope you and I shallhave a whiskey together in your camp to-morrow. "

The "Colonel" answered: "I shall be pleased to see you, " and askedthem if they had any money or valuables they wished taken care of. Butthe Boers, true to the saying, "Touch a Boer's heart rather than hispurse, " answered in chorus: "Thank you, but we have put all thatcarefully away where no Boer will find it. "

They all bid the "Colonel" good-bye, the "Tommies" exchanging somefamiliarities with the women till these screamed with laughter, andthen the "Colonel" and his commando of two men remounted their bigclumsy English horses and rode proudly away. But pride comes before afall, and they had not proceeded many yards when the "Colonel's"horse, stumbling over a bundle of barbed wire, fell, and threw hisrider to the ground. Just as he had nearly exhausted the Dutchvocabulary of imprecations, the Steenkamps, who fortunately had notheard him, came to his assistance and with many expressions ofsympathy helped him on his horse, Roux carefully wiping his leggingsclean with his handkerchief. After proceeding a little further the"Tommies" asked their "Colonel" what he meant by that acrobaticperformance. Whereat the "Colonel" answered: "That was a veryfortunate accident; the Steenkamps are now convinced that we areEnglish by the clumsy manner I rode. "

The next morning my three adjutants arrived in camp carrying four newMausers and 100 cartridges each, and driving about 300 sheep and anice pony. The same morning I sent Field-Cornet Young to arrest thebrave quartette of burghers. He found everything packed in readinessto depart to the English camp, and they were anxiously awaitingColonel Bullock's promised waggons. 

It was, of course, a fine "tableau" when the curtain rose on thefarce, disclosing in the place of the expected English rescuers aburgher officer with a broad smile on his face. They were, of course, profuse in their apologies and excuses. They declared that they hadbeen surrounded by hundreds of the enemy who had placed their riflesto their breasts, forcing them to surrender. One of them was now in sopitiable a condition of fear that he showed the field-cornet a scoreof certificates from doctors and quacks of all sorts, declaring him tobe suffering from every imaginable disease, and the field-cornet wasmoved to leave him behind. The other three were placed under arrest, court-martialled and sentenced to three months' hard labour, and tohave all their goods confiscated. 

Two days later the English occupied Dullstroom, and the pseudo-invalidand the women, minus their belongings, were taken care of by theenemy, as they had wished. 

CHAPTER XXXIX. 

BRUTAL KAFFIRS' MURDER TRAIL. 

At Windhoek we were again attacked by an English column. The readerwill probably be getting weary of these continual attacks, and Ihasten to assure him that we were far more weary than he can evergrow. On the first day of the fight we succeeded in forcing back theenemy, but on the second day, the fortunes of war were changed andafter a fierce fight, in which I had the misfortune to lose a braveyoung burgher named Botha, we gave up arguing the matter with our foesand retired. 

The enemy followed us up very closely, and although I used the sjambokfreely amongst my men I could not persuade them, not even by thisungentle method, to make a stand against their foes, and as we passedWitpoort the enemy's cavalry with two guns was close at our heels. 

Not until the burghers had reached Maagschuur, between the Bothas andTautesbergen, would they condescend to make a stand and check theenemy's advance. Here after a short but sharp engagement, we forcedthem to return to Witpoort, where they pitched camp. 

Our mill, which I have previously mentioned as being an importantsource of our food supply, was again burned to the ground. 

Our commandos returned to Olifant's River and at the cobalt mine nearthere joined those who had remained behind under General Muller. Theenemy, however, who seemed determined, if possible, to obliterate usfrom the earth's surface, discovered our whereabouts about the middleof July, and attacked us in overwhelming numbers. We had taken up aposition on the "Randts, " and offered as much resistance as we could. The enemy poured into us a heavy shell fire from their howitzers and15-pounders, while their infantry charged both our extreme flanks. After losing many men, a battalion of Highlanders succeeded inturning our left flank, and once having gained this advantage, andaided by their superior numbers, the enemy were able to take upposition after position, and finally rendered it impossible to offerany further resistance. Late in the afternoon, with a loss of fivewounded and one man killed--an Irish-American, named Wilson--weretired through the Olifant's River, near Mazeppa Drift, the enemystaying the night at Wagendrift, about three miles further up thestream. The following morning they forded the river, and proceededthrough Poortjesnek and Donkerhoek, to Pretoria, thus allowing us alittle breathing space. I now despatched some reliable burghers toreport our various movements to the Commandant-General, and to bringnews of the other commandos. It was three weeks before these menreturned, for they had on several occasions been prevented fromcrossing the railway line, and they finally only succeeded in doing sounder great difficulties. They reported that the English on the highveldt were very active and numerous. 

About the middle of July I left General Muller to take a rest with thecommando, and accompanied by half a score of adjutants and despatchriders, proceeded to Pilgrimsrust in the Lydenburg district to visitthe commandos there, and allay as much as I could the dissatisfactioncaused by my reorganisation. 

At Zwagerhoek, a kloof some 12 miles south of Lydenburg, through whichthe waggon track leads from Lydenburg to Dullstroom, I found afield-cornet with about 57 men. Having discussed the situation withthem and explained matters, they were all satisfied. 

Here I appointed as field-cornet a young man of 23 years of age, acertain J. S. Schoenman, who distinguished himself subsequently by hisgallant behaviour. 

We had barely completed our arrangements when we were again attackedby one of the enemy's columns from Lydenburg. At first we successfullydefended ourselves, but at last were compelled to give way. 

I do not believe we caused the enemy any considerable losses, but wehad no casualties. The same night we proceeded through the enemy'sline to Houtboschloop, five miles east of Lydenburg, where a smallcommando was situated, and having to proceed a very roundabout way, wecovered that night no less than 40 miles. 

Another meeting of all burghers north of Lydenburg was now convened, to be held at a ruined hotel some 12 miles west of Nelspruit Station, which might have been considered the centre of all the commandos inthat district. I found that these were divided into two parties, oneof which was dissatisfied with the new order of things I had arrangedand desired to re-instate their old officers, while the other wasquite pleased with my arrangements. The latter party was commanded byMr. Piet Moll, whom I had appointed commandant instead of Mr. D. Schoeman, who formerly used to occupy that position. At the gatheringI explained matters to them and tried to persuade the burghers to becontent with their new commandants. It was evident, however, that manywere not to be satisfied and that they were not to be expected to workharmoniously together. I therefore decided to let both commandantskeep their positions and to let the men follow whichever one theychose, and I took the first opportunity of making an attack on theenemy so as to test the efficiency of these two bodies. 

Taking the two commandos with their respective two commandants in aneasterly direction to Wit River, we camped there for a few days andscouted for the enemy on the Delagoa Bay Railway, so as to find outthe best spot to attack. We had just decided to attack CrocodilpoortStation in the evening of the 1st August, when our scouts reportedthat the English, who had held the fort at M'pisana's Stad, betweenour laager in Wit River and Leydsdorp, were moving in the direction ofKomati Poort with a great quantity of captured cattle. 

Our first plan was therefore abandoned and I ordered 50 burghers ofeach commando to attack this column at M'pisana's fort at once, asthey had done far too much harm to be allowed to get away unmolested. They were a group of men called "Steinacker's Horse, " a corps formedof all the desperadoes and vagabonds to be scraped together fromisolated places in the north, including kaffir storekeepers, smugglers, spies, and scoundrels of every description, the wholecommanded by a character of the name of ----. Who or what thisgentleman was I have never been able to discover, but judging by hiswork and by the men under him, he must have been a second Musolino. This corps had its headquarters at Komati Poort, under MajorSteinacker, to whom was probably entrusted the task of guarding thePortuguese frontier, and he must have been given _carte blanche_ asregards his mode of operation. 

From all accounts the primary occupation of this corps appeared to belooting, and the kaffirs attached to it were used for scouting, fighting, and worse. Many families in the northern part of Lydenburghad been attacked in lonely spots, and on one occasion the white menon one of these marauding expeditions had allowed the kaffirs tomurder ten defenceless people with their assegais and hatchets, capturing their cattle and other property. In like manner weremassacred the relatives of Commandants Lombard, Vermaak, Rudolf andStoltz, and doubtless many others who were not reported to me. Thereader will now understand my anxiety to put some check on theselawless brigands. The instructions to the commando which I had sentout, and which would reach M'pisana's in two days, were briefly totake the fort and afterwards do as circumstances dictated. If my menfailed they would have the desperadoes pursue them on their swifthorses, and all the kaffir tribes would conspire against us, so thatnone would escape on our side. A kaffir was generally understood to bea neutral person in this War, and unless found armed within our lines, with no reasonable excuse for his presence, we generally left himalone. They were, however, largely used as spies against us, keepingto their kraals in the daytime and issuing forth at night to ascertainour position and strength. They also made good guides for the Englishtroops, who often had not the faintest idea of the country in whichthey were. It must not be forgotten that when a kaffir is given arifle he at once falls a prey to his brutal instincts, and his onlyamusement henceforth becomes to kill without distinction of age, colour, or sex. Several hundreds of such natives, led by white men, were roaming about in this district, and all that was captured, plundered or stolen was equally divided among them, 25 per cent. Beingfirst deducted for the British Government. 

I have indulged in this digression in order to describe another phasewith which we had to contend in our struggle for existence. I havereason to believe, however, that the British Commander-in-Chief, forwhom I have always had the greatest respect, was not at that timeaware of the remarkable character of these operations, carried on asthey were in the most remote parts of the country; and there is nodoubt that had he been aware of their true character he would havespeedily brought these miscreants to justice. 

CHAPTER XL. 

CAPTURING A FREEBOOTER'S LAIR. 

Early in the morning of the 6th of August, as the breaking dawn wastinting the tops of the Lebombo Mountains with its purple dye and thefirst rays of the rising sun shed its golden rays over the sombrebushveldt, the commando under Commandants Moll and Schoeman wereslowly approaching the dreaded M'pisana's fort. When within a fewhundred paces of it they left the horses behind and slowly crept up toit in scattered order; for as none of us knew the arrangement orconstruction of the place, it had been arranged to advance verycautiously and to charge suddenly on the blowing of a whistle. Nothingwas stirring in the fort as we approached, and we began to think thatthe garrison had departed; but when barely 70 yards from it theofficers noticed some forms moving about in the trenches, whichencompassed it. The whistle was blown and the burghers charged, acheer rising from a hundred throats. Volley after volley wasdischarged from the trenches, but our burghers rushed steadily on, jumped into the trenches themselves and drove the defenders into thefort through secret passages. The English now began firing on usthrough loopholes in the walls and several of our men had fallen, whenCommandant Moll shouted, "Jump over the wall!" A group of burghersrushed at the 12-foot wall, and attempted to scale it; but a heavyfire was directed on them and seven burghers, including the valiantCommandant Moll, fell severely wounded. Nothing daunted, CaptainMalan, who was next in command of the division, urged his men to goon, and most of them succeeded in jumping into the fort, where, aftera desperate resistance, in which Captain ----, their leader, fellmortally wounded, the whole band surrendered to us. Our losses weresix burghers killed, whilst Commandant Moll and 12 others wereseverely wounded. The burghers found one white man killed in thefort, and two wounded, whilst a score of kaffirs lay wounded and dead. We took 24 white prisoners and about 50 kaffirs. I repeat that thewhites were the lowest specimens of humanity that one can possiblyimagine. 

Hardly was the fight over and our prisoners disarmed when a sentry wehad posted on the wall called out:

"Look out, there is a kaffir commando coming!"

It was, in fact, a strong kaffir commando, headed by the chiefM'pisana himself, who had come to the rescue of his friends ofSteinacker's Horse. They opened fire on us at about 100 yards, and theburghers promptly returned their greeting, bowling over a fair numberof them, at which the remainder retired. 

Alongside the fort were about 20 small huts, in which we found anumber of kaffir girls. On being asked who they were, they repeatedthat they were the "missuses" of the white soldiers. Inside thecaptured fort we found many useful articles, and the official booksof this band. They contained systematic entries of what had beenplundered, looted and stolen on their marauding expeditions and showedhow they had been divided amongst themselves, deducting 25 per cent. For the British Government. 

A long and extensive correspondence now took place about this matterbetween myself and Lord Kitchener. I wished first to know whether thegang was a recognised part of the British Army, as otherwise I shouldhave to treat them as ordinary brigands. After some delay LordKitchener answered that they were a part of His Majesty's Army. I thenwished to know if he would undertake to try the men for theirmisdeeds, but this was refused. This correspondence ultimately led toa meeting between General Bindon Blood and myself, which was held atLydenburg on the 27th August, 1901. 

The captured kaffirs were tried by court-martial and each punishedaccording to his deserts. The 24 Englishmen were handed over to theenemy, after having given their word of honour not to return to theirbarbarous life. How far this promise was kept I do not know; but fromthe impression they made upon me I do not think they had much idea ofwhat honour meant. The captured cattle which we had hoped to find atthe fort had been sent away to Komati Poort a few days before ourattack and according to their "books" it must have numbered about4, 000 heads. Another section of this notorious corps met with a likefate about this time at Bremersdorp in Swaziland. They did not thereoffer such a determined resistance, and the Ermelo burghers capturedtwo good Colt-Maxims and two loads of ammunition probably intended forSwaziland natives. 

CHAPTER XLI. 

AMBUSHING THE HUSSARS. 

On August 10th, shortly after our arrival with the prisoners-of-war atSabi, and while I was still discussing with Lord Kitchener theincident related in the previous chapter, General Muller sent word tome from Olifant's River, where I had left him with my men, that he hadbeen attacked by General W. Kitchener three days after I had left him. It appears that his sentries were surprised and cut off from thecommandos, these being divided into different camps. 

The burghers who were farthest away, the Middelburg and Johannesburgmen, had, contrary to my instructions, pitched camp on the BloodRiver, near Rooikraal, and were suddenly and unexpectedly attacked bythe enemy at about two o'clock in the afternoon, whilst their horseswere grazing in the veldt. Some horses were caught in time and someburghers offered a little resistance, firing at a short range, severalmen being killed on both sides. The confusion, however, wasindescribable, horses, cattle, burghers and soldiers being all mixedup together. A pom-pom, together with its team of mules and harness, and most of the carts and saddles, were captured by the enemy. Ourofficers could not induce the men to make a determined stand untilthey had retired to the Mazeppa Drift, on the Olifant's River. HereGeneral Muller arrived in the night with some reinforcements andawaited the enemy, who duly appeared next morning with a division ofthe 18th and 19th Hussars, and, encouraged by the previous day'ssuccess, charged our men with a well-directed fire which wrought havocin their ranks. The gallant Hussars were repulsed in one place, and, at another, Major Davies (or Davis) and 20 men were made prisoners. Atlast some guns and reinforcements reached the enemy, and our burgherswisely retired, going as far as Eland's River, near the "DoubleDrifts, " where they rested. 

On the third day General W. Kitchener had discovered our whereabouts, and our sentries gave us warning that the enemy was approachingthrough the bushes, raising great clouds of dust. While the waggonswere being got ready the burghers marched out, and awaited the Englishin a convenient spot between two kopjes. The latter rode onunsuspectingly two by two, and when about 100 had been allowed topass, our men rushed out, calling, "Hands up!" and, catching hold oftheir horses' bridles, disarmed about 30 men. This caused an immediatepanic, and most of the Hussars fled (closely pursued by our burghers, who shot 10 or 12 of them). The Hussars left behind a Colt-Maxim and aheliograph for our usage. The ground was overgrown here with aprickly, thorny bush, which made it difficult for our foes to escape, and about 20 more were overtaken and caught, several having beendragged from their horses by protruding branches, and with their faceand hands badly injured by thorns, whilst their clothes were halftorn off their bodies. 

Meanwhile the enemy continued to fire on us whilst retreating, andthus succeeded in wounding several of their own people. This runningfight lasted until late in the evening, when the burghers slackenedoff their pursuit and returned, their losses being only one killed, Lieut. D. Smit, of the Johannesburg Police. The enemy's losses wereconsiderable, although one could not estimate the exact number, as thedead were scattered over a large tract of ground and hidden amongstthe bushes, rendering it difficult to find them. Weeks afterwards, when we returned over the same ground, we still found some bodieslying about the bush, and gave them decent burial. 

Our burghers were now once more in possession of 100 fresh horses andsaddles, whilst their pom-pom was replaced by a Colt-Maxim. General W. Kitchener now left us alone for a while, for which relief we were verythankful, and fell back on the railway line. The respite, however, wasshort-lived; soon fresh columns were seen coming up from Middelburgand Pretoria, and we were again attacked, some fighting taking placemostly on our old battlefields. General Muller repeatedly succeeded intearing up the railway line and destroying trains with provisions, whilst I had the good fortune of capturing a commissariat train, nearModelane, on the Delagoa Bay line; but, as I could not remove thegoods, I was forced to burn the whole lot. A train, apparently withreinforcements, was also blown up, the engine and carriages going upin the air with fine effect. 

CHAPTER XLII. 

I TALK WITH GENERAL BLOOD. 

About the end of August, 1901, I met General Sir Bindon Blood atLydenburg by appointment. We had arranged to discuss several momentousquestions there, as we made little progress by correspondence. In thefirst place, we accused the English of employing barbarous kaffirtribes against us; in the second place, of abusing the usage of thewhite flag by repeatedly sending officers through our lines withseditious proclamations which we would not recognise, and we couldonly obey our own Government and not theirs; in the third place, wecomplained of their sending our women with similar proclamations to usfrom the Concentration Camps and making them solemnly promise to doall that they could to induce their husbands to surrender and thusregain their liberty. This we considered was a rather mean device onthe part of our powerful enemy. There was also other minor questionsto discuss with regard to the Red Cross. 

I went into the English line accompanied by my adjutants, Nel andBedeluighuis, and my secretary, Lieutenant W. Malan. At Potloodspruit, four miles from Lydenburg, I met General Blood's chief staff officer, who conducted us to him. At the entrance of the village a guard ofhonour had been placed and received us with military honours. I couldnot understand the meaning of all this fuss, especially as the streetsthrough which we passed were lined with all sorts of spectators, andto my great discomfort I found myself the chief object of thisinterest. On every side I heard the question asked, "Which isViljoen?" and, on my being pointed out, I often caught thedisappointed answer, "Is that him?" "By Jove, he looks just like otherpeople. " They had evidently expected to see a new specimen of mankind. 

In the middle of the village we halted before a small, neat house, which I was told was General Blood's headquarters. The General himselfmet us on the threshold; a well-proportioned, kindly-looking man about50 years of age, evidently a genuine soldier and an Irishman, as Isoon detected by his speech. He received us very courteously, and as Ihad little time at my disposal, we at once entered into ourdiscussion. It would serve little purpose to set down all the detailsof our interview, especially as nothing final was decided, sincewhatever the General said was subject to Lord Kitchener's approval, whilst I myself had to submit everything to my Commandant-General. General Blood promised, however, to stop sending out the women withtheir proclamations, and also the officers on similar missions, andthe Red Cross question was also satisfactorily settled. The kaffirquestion, however, was left unsettled, although General Blood promisedto warn the kaffir tribes round Lydenburg not to interfere in the Warand not to leave the immediate vicinity of their kraals. (Only thenight before two burghers named Swart had been murdered at Doornkoekby some kaffirs, who pretended to have done this by order of theEnglish). The interview lasted about an hour, and besides us two, Colonel Curran and my secretary, Lieutenant Malan, were present. General Blood and his staff conducted us as far as Potloodspruit, where we took leave. The white flag was replaced by the rifle, and wereturned to our respective duties. 

[Illustration: Going in under the White Flag to a Conference withGeneral Blood at Lydenburg. ]

CHAPTER XLIII. 

MRS. BOTHA'S BABY AND THE "TOMMY. "

In September, 1901, after having organized the commandos north ofLydenburg, I went back with my suite to join my burghers at Olifant'sRiver, which I reached at the beginning of September. The enemy hadleft General Muller alone after the affair with the Hussars. Reportswere coming in from across the railway informing us that much fightingwas going on in the Orange Free State and Cape Colony, and that theburghers were holding their own. This was very satisfactory news tous, especially as we had not received any tidings for over a month. Iagain sent in a report to our Commandant-General relating myadventures. 

We had much difficulty in getting the necessary food for thecommandos, the enemy having repeatedly crossed the country betweenRoos Senekal, Middelburg, and Rhenosterkop, destroying and ravagingeverything. I therefore resolved to split up my forces, the corpsknown by the name of the "Rond Commando" taking one portion throughthe enemy's lines to Pilgrimsrust, North of Lydenburg, where food wasstill abundant. Fighting-General Muller was left behind with theBoksburg Police and the Middelburg Commando, the Johannesburg corpsgoing with me to Pilgrim's Rest, where I had my temporaryheadquarters. We had plenty of mealies in this district and alsoenough cattle to kill, so that we could manage to subsist on theseprovisions. We had long since dispensed with tents, but the rains inthe mountain regions of Pilgrim's Rest and the Sabi had compelled usto find the burghers shelter. At the alluvial diggings at Pilgrim'sRest we found a great quantity of galvanized iron plates and deals, which, when cut into smaller pieces, could be used for building. Wefound a convenient spot in the mountains between Pilgrim's Rest andKruger's Post, where some hundreds of iron or zinc huts were soonerected, affording excellent cover for the burghers. 

Patrols were continually sent out round Lydenburg, and wheneverpossible we attacked the enemy, keeping him well occupied. Wesucceeded in getting near his outposts from time to time andoccasionally capturing some cattle. This seemed to be very galling tothe English, and towards the end of September we found they werereceiving reinforcements at Lydenburg. This had soon become aconsiderable force, in fact in November they crossed the SpekboomRiver in great numbers, and at Kruger's Post came upon our outposts, when there was some fighting. The enemy did not go any further thatnight. The following day we had to leave these positions and the otherside took them and camped there. Next day they moved along OhrigstadRiver with a strong mounted force and a good many empty waggons, evidently to collect the women-folk in that place. I had to proceed bya circuitous route in order to get ahead of the enemy. The road ledacross a steep mountain and through thickly grown kloofs, whichprevented us from reaching the enemy until they had burnt all thehouses, destroyed the seed plants, and loaded the families on theircarts, after which they withdrew to the camp at Kruger's Post. We atonce charged the enemy's rearguard, and a heavy fight followed, which, however, was of short duration. The English fled, leaving some deadand wounded behind, also some dozens of helmets and "putties" whichhad got entangled in the trees. We also captured a waggon loaded withprovisions and things that had been looted, such as women's clothesand rugs, a case of Lee-Metford ammunition and a number of uniforms. Some days after the enemy tried to get through to Pilgrim's Rest, buthad to retire before our rifle fire. They managed, however, to get toRoosenkrans, where a fight of only some minutes ensued, when theyretired to Kruger's Post. They only stopped there for a few days, marching back to Lydenburg at night time just when we had carefullyplanned a night attack. We destroyed the Spekboom River bridge shortlyafter, thus preventing the enemy's return from Lydenburg to Kruger'sPost in a single night. Although there is a drift through the riverit cannot be passed in the dark without danger, especially with gunsand carts, without which no English column will march. Every fortnightI personally proceeded with my adjutants through the enemy's linesnear Lydenburg to see how the commando in the South were getting onand to arrange matters. 

The month of November, 1901, passed without any remarkable incidents. We organized some expeditions to the Delagoa Bay Railway, but withoutmuch success, and during one of these the burghers succeeded in layinga mine near Hector's Spruit Station during the night. They were lyingin ambush next day waiting for a train to come along when a "Tommy"went down the line and noticed some traces of the ground having beendisturbed which roused his suspicions. He saw the mine and took thedynamite out. Two burghers who were lying in the long grass shouted"Hands up. " Tommy threw his rifle down and with his hands up in theair ran up to the burghers saying, before they could speak, "I say, did you hear the news that Mrs. Botha gave birth to a son in Europe?"

They could not help laughing, and the "Tommy, " looking very innocent, answered:

"I am not telling you a fib. "

One of the burghers coaxed him by telling him they did not doubt hisword, only the family news had come so prematurely. 

"Well, " returned "Tommy, " "Oi thought you blokes would be interestedin your boss's family, that's why I spoke. "

The courteous soldier was sent back with instructions to get somebetter clothes, for those he had on his back were all torn and dirtyand they were not worth taking. 

The expedition was now a failure, for the enemy had been warned andthe sentries were doubled along the line. 

In December, 1901, we tried an attack on a British convoy betweenLydenburg and Machadodorp. I took a mounted commando and arrived atSchvemones Cleft after four days' marching through the Sabinek viaCham Sham, an arduous task, as we had to go over the mountains andthrough some rivers. Some of my officers went out scouting in orderto find the best place for an attack on the convoy. The enemy'sblockhouses were found to be so close together on the road along whichthe convoy had to pass as to make it very difficult to get at it. Buthaving come such a long way nobody liked to go back without having atleast made an effort. We therefore marched during the night and foundsome hiding places along the road where we waited, ready to chargeanything coming along. At dawn next day I found the locality to bevery little suitable for the purpose we had in view, but if we werenow to move the enemy would notice our presence from the blockhouses. We would, therefore, either have to lie low till dusk or make anattack after all. We had already captured several of the enemy'sspies, whom we kept prisoners so as not to be betrayed. Towards theafternoon the convoy came by and we charged on horseback. The English, who must have seen us coming, were ready to receive our charge andpoured a heavy fire into us from ditches and trenches and holes in theground. We managed to dislodge the enemy's outerflanks and to makeseveral prisoners, but could not reach the carts on account of theheavy fire from a regiment of infantry escorting the waggons. Ithought the taking of the convoy would cost more lives than it wasworth, and gave orders to cease firing. We lost my brave adjutant, Jaapie Oliver, while Captain Giel Joubert and another burgher werewounded. On the other side Captain Merriman and ten men were wounded. I do not know how many killed he had. 

We went back to Schoeman's Kloof the same day, where we buried ourcomrades and attended to the wounded. The blockhouses and garrisonsalong the convoy road were now fortified with entrenchments and guns, and we had to abandon our plan of further attacks. It was raining fastall the time we were out on this expedition, which caused us seriousdiscomfort. We had very few waterproofs, and, all the houses in thedistrict having been burnt down, there was no shelter for man orbeast. We slowly retired on Pilgrim's Rest, having to cross severalswollen rivers. 

On our arrival at Sabi I received the sad tidings that four burghersnamed Stoltz had been cruelly murdered by kaffirs at Witriver. Commandant Du Toit had gone there with a patrol and found the bodiesin a shocking condition, plundered and cut to pieces with assegais, and, according to the trace, the murderers had come from NelspruitStation. 

Another report came from General Muller at Steenkampsberg. He informedme that he had stormed a camp during the night of the 16th December, but had been forced to retire after a fierce fight, losing 25 killedand wounded, amongst whom was the valiant Field-Cornet J. J. Kriege. The enemy's losses were also very heavy, being 31 killed and wounded, including Major Hudson. 

It should not be imagined that we had to put up with very primitivearrangements in every respect. Where we were now stationed, to thenorth of Lydenburg, we even had telephonic communication betweenSpitskop and Doornhoek, with call-offices at Sabi and Pilgrim's Rest. The latter place is in the centre of the diggers' population here, and a moderate-sized village. There are a few hundred houses in it, and it is situated 30 miles north-east of Lydenburg. Here are theoldest goldfields known in South Africa, having been discovered in1876. This village had so far been permanently in our possession. General Buller had been there with his force in 1900 but had notcaused any damage, and the enemy had not returned since. The mines andbig stamp-batteries were protected by us and kept in order by neutralpersons under the management of Mr. Alex. Marshall. We established ahospital there under the supervision of Dr. A. Neethling. About fortyfamilies were still in residence and there was enough food, althoughit was only simple fare and not of great variety. Yet people seemed tobe very happy and contented so long as they were allowed to live amongtheir own people. 

CHAPTER XLIV. 

THE LAST CHRISTMAS OF THE WAR. 

December, 1901, passed without any important incident. We only had afew insignificant outpost skirmishes with the British garrison atWitklip to the south of Lydenburg. Both belligerents in this districtattempted to annoy each other as much as possible by blowing up eachother's mills and storehouses. Two of the more adventurous spiritsamongst my scouts, by name Jordaan and Mellema, succeeded in blowingup a mill in the Lydenburg district used by the British for grindingcorn, and the enemy very soon retaliated by blowing up one of ourmills at Pilgrim's Rest. As the Germans say, "_Alle gute dingen sinddrei_. " Several such experiences and the occasional capture of smalldroves of British cattle were all the incidents worth mentioning. Itwas in this comparatively quiet manner that the third year of ourcampaign came to a termination. The War was still raging and our lotwas hard, but we did not murmur. We decided rather to extract as muchpleasure and amusement out of the Christmas festivities as theextraordinary circumstances in which we found ourselves renderedpossible. 

The British for the time being desisted from troubling us, and ourstock and horses being in excellent condition, we arranged to hold asort of gymkhana on Christmas Day. In the sportive festivities of theday many interesting events took place. Perhaps the most noteworthy ofthese were a mule race, for which nine competitors entered, and aladies' race, in which six fair pedestrians took part. The spectacleof nine burly, bearded Boers urging their asinine steeds to top speedby shout and spur provoked quite as much honest laughter as anytheatrical farce ever excited. We on the grand stand were but a shaggyand shabby audience, but we were in excellent spirits and cheered withtremendous gusto the enterprising jockey who won this remarkable"Derby. " Shabby as we were, we subscribed £115 in prizes. After thesports I have just described the company retired to a little tinchurch at Pilgrim's Rest, and there made merry by singing hymns andsongs round a little Christmas tree. 

Later in the evening a magic-lantern, which we had captured from theBritish, was brought into play, and with this we regaled 90 of ourjuvenile guests. The building was crowded and the utmost enthusiasmreigned. The ceremony was opened by the singing of hymns and themaking of speeches, a harmonium adding largely to the enjoyment of theevening. I felt somewhat nervous when called upon to address thegathering, for the children were accompanied by their mothers, andthese stared at me with expectant eyes as if they would say, "See, theGeneral is about to speak; his words are sure to be full of wisdom. " Iendeavoured to display great coolness, and I do not think I failedvery markedly as an extemporaneous orator. I was helped veryconsiderably in the speechmaking part of the programme by my goodfriends the Rev. Neethling and Mr. W. Barter, of Lydenburg. I have notnow the slightest idea of what I spoke about except that Icongratulated the little ones and their mothers on being preservedfrom the Concentration Camps, where so many of their friends wereconfined. 

I have mentioned that there were young ladies with us who participatedin the races. These were some whom the British had kindly omitted toplace in the Concentration Camps, and it was remarkable to see howsoon certain youthful and handsome burghers entered into amorousrelations with these young ladies, and matters developed so quicklythat I was soon confronted with a very curious problem. We had nomarriage officers handy, and I, as General, had not been armed withany special authority to act as such. Two blushing heroes came to meone morning accompanied by clinging, timorous young ladies, anddeclared that they had decided that since I was their General I hadfull authority to marry them. I was taken aback by this request, andasked, "Don't you think, young fellows, that under the circumstancesyou had better wait a little till after the termination of the war?""Yes, " they admitted, "perhaps it would be more prudent, General, butwe have been waiting three years already!"

In General De la Rey's Commando, which comprised burghers from eightlarge districts, it had been found necessary to appoint marriageofficers, and quite a large number of marriages were contracted. Imention this to show how diversified are the duties of the Boergeneral in war-time, and what sort of strange offices he is sometimescalled upon to perform. 

It will be seen from what I have said that occasionally the darkhorizon of our veldt life was lit up by the bright sunshine of thelighter elements of life. At most times our outlook was gloomy enough, and our hearts were heavily weighed down by cares. I often found mythoughts involuntarily turning to those who had so long and sofaithfully stood shoulder to shoulder with me through all thevicissitudes of war, fighting for what we regarded as our holy right, to obtain which we were prepared to sacrifice our lives and our all. Unconsciously I recalled on this Christmas Day the words of GeneralJoubert addressed to us outside Ladysmith in 1899: "Happy theAfricander who shall not survive the termination of this War. " Timewill show, if it have not already shown, the wisdom of GeneralJoubert's words. 

Just about this time rumours of various kinds were spread abroad. Fromseveral sources we heard daily that the War was about to end, that theEnglish had evacuated the country because their funds were exhausted, that Russia and France had intervened, and that Lord Kitchener hadbeen captured by De Wet and liberated on condition that he and histroops left South Africa immediately. It was even said that GeneralBotha had received an invitation from the British Government to comeand arrange a Peace on "independence" lines. 

Nobody will doubt that we on the veldt were desperately anxious tohear the glad tidings of Peace. We were weary of the fierce struggle, and we impatiently awaited the time when the Commandant-General andthe Government should order us to sheathe the sword. 

But the night of the Old Year left us engaged in the fierce conflictof hostilities, and the dawn of the New Year found us still envelopedin the clouds of war--clouds whose blackness was relieved by no silverlining. 

CHAPTER XLV. 

MY LAST DAYS ON THE VELDT. 

The first month of 1902 found the storm of death and destruction stillunabated, and the prospect appeared as dark as at the commencement ofthe previous year. Our hand, however, was on the plough, and there wasno looking back. My instructions were, "Go forward and persevere. "

To the south of Lydenburg, where a section of my commando underGeneral Muller was operating, the enemy kept us very busy, for theyhad one or more columns engaged. We, to the north of Lydenburg, had amuch calmer time of it than our brethren to the south of that place, for there the British were pursuing their policy of exhausting ourpeople with unsparing hand. I attribute the fact that we in the northwere left comparatively undisturbed to the mountainous nature of thecountry. It would have been impossible for the British to havecaptured us or to have invaded our mountain recesses successfullywithout a tremendous force, and, obviously, the British had no suchforce at their disposal. Probably also the British had some respectfor the prowess of my commando. An English officer afterwards told mein all seriousness that the British Intelligence Department hadinformation that I was prowling round to the north of Lydenburg with4, 000 men and two cannons, and that my men were so splendidlyfortified that our position was unconquerable. Of course, it was notin my interest to enlighten him upon the point. I was aprisoner-of-war when this amusing information was given me, and Isimply answered: "Yes, your intelligence officers are very smartfellows. " The officer then inquired, with an assumption of candour andinnocence, whether it was really a fact that we had still cannon inthe field. To this I retorted: "What would you think if I put asimilar question to a British officer who had fallen into my hands?"At this he bit his thumb and stammered: "I beg your pardon; I did notmean to--er--insult you. " He was quite a young chap this, a conceitedpuppy, affecting the "haw-haw, " which seems to be epidemic in theBritish Army. His hair was parted down the centre, in the manner sopopular among certain British officers, and this style ofhair-dressing came to be described by the Boers as "middel-paadje"(middle-path). As a matter of fact, my men only numbered as manyhundreds as the thousands attributed to me by the British. As forcannons, they simply existed in the imagination of the BritishIntelligence Department. 

Affairs were daily growing more critical. Since the beginning of theyear we had made several attempts at destroying the Delagoa BayRailway, but the British had constructed so formidable a network ofbarbed wire, and their blockhouses were so close together and stronglygarrisoned, that hitherto our attempts had been abortive. The linewas also protected by a large number of armoured trains. 

In consequence of our ill-success in this enterprise, we turned ourattention to other directions. We reconnoitred the British garrisonsin the Lydenburg district with the object of striking at their weakestpoint. A number of my officers and men proceeded under cover ofdarkness right through the British outposts, and gained the Lydenburgvillage by crawling on their hands and knees. On their return journeythey were challenged and fired on several times, and managed only withdifficulty to return to camp unhurt. The object of the reconnaissancewas, however, accomplished. They reported to me that the village wasencompassed with barbed wire, and that a number of blockhouses hadbeen built round it, and also that various large houses of the villagehad been barricaded and were strongly occupied. My two professionalscouts, Jordaan and Mellema, had also reconnoitred the village fromanother direction, and had brought back confirmatory information andthe news that Lydenburg was occupied by about 2, 000 British soldiers, consisting of the Manchester Regiment and the First Royal Irish, together with a corps of "hands-uppers" under the notorious Harber. Three other Boer spies scouting about the forts on the CrocodileHeights also brought in discouraging reports. 

At the Council of War which then took place, and over which Ipresided, these reports were discussed, and we agreed to attack thetwo blockhouses nearest the village, and thereafter to storm thevillage itself. I should mention that it was necessary for us tocapture the blockhouses before attempting to take the village itself, for had we left them intact we should have run the danger of havingour retreat cut off. 

The attack was to take place next night, and as we approached theBritish lines on horseback, between Spekboom River and Potloodspruit, we dismounted, and proceeded cautiously on foot. One of the objectiveblockhouses was on the waggon path to the north of the village, andthe other was 1, 000 yards to the east of Potloodspruit. Field-CornetYoung, accompanied by Jordaan and Mellema, crept up to within 10 feetof one of these blockhouses, and brought me a report that the barbedwire network which surrounded it rendered an assault an impossibletask in the darkness. Separating my commando of 150 men into twobodies, I placed them on either side of the blockhouse, sending, inthe meanwhile, four men to cut down the wire fences. These men hadinstructions to give us a signal when they had achieved this object, so that we could then proceed to storm the fort. It would have beensacrificing many in vain to have attempted to proceed withouteffecting the preliminary operation of fence cutting, since, if we hadstormed a blockhouse without first removing the wire, we should havebecome entangled in the fences and have offered splendid targets tothe enemy at a very short range, and our losses would, without doubt, have been considerable. 

My fence-cutters stuck doggedly to their task despite the fact thatthey were being fired upon by the sentries on guard. It was a longand weary business, but we patiently waited, lying on the ground. Towards 2 o'clock in the morning the officer in command of thewire-cutters returned to us, stating that they had accomplished theirobject in cutting the first wire barrier, but had come across anotherwhich it would require several hours to cut through. The sentries had, in the meantime, grown unpleasantly vigilant, and were now frequentlyfiring on our men. They were often so close that at one time, in thedarkness, they might have knocked up against the Boers who werecutting their fences. 

It being very nearly 3 o'clock, it appeared to me that the attemptwould be ineffectual owing to the approach of daylight, and we wereforced to retire before the rays of the rising sun lit the heavens andexposed us to the well-aimed fire of the British. I thereforeresolved, after consulting my officers, to retire quietly, and torenew my attempt a week later at another point. We returned to campmuch disappointed, but consoled ourselves with the hope that successwould attend our next efforts. 

CHAPTER XLVI. 

I AM AMBUSHED AND CAPTURED. 

I may say that the barbed wire fences by which the blockhouses wereencompassed, constituted very formidable obstacles to our attacks. Ourmen were comparatively few, and we could not afford to lose any ofthem in futile attempts to capture strongly garrisoned British forts. Moreover, there were many other ways of inflicting damage on the enemythat did not lay us open to so much danger. 

Heavy and continuous rains had been experienced for some time, and therivers and spruits were greatly swollen. The whole of the Lydenburgdistrict, in which we were operating, was besides enveloped in a thickmist, and both these causes rendered reconnoitring very difficult andperilous, as we never knew how near the enemy's patrols might be. 

About the 15th of January, 1902, I obtained information that ourGovernment were being chased all over the country, and had nowencamped at Windhoek near Dullstroom, to the south of Lydenburg. Atthe same time I received an order from Acting-President Schalk Burger, stating that he wished to see me. This latter intelligence was veryacceptable, for I was anxious to renew acquaintance with thePresident, and with a personal friend of mine, Mr. J. C. Krojk, whowas attached to the Field Government. Therefore, on receiving thisinstruction, I set out from Pilgrim's Rest accompanied by AdjutantsNel, Coetzee, Bester, and Potgieter, for the place where theGovernment were encamped. I little expected as I rode along that thiswould be my last and most fateful expedition. 

I calculated that I should be away eight days, and, wishing to bepresent at any active operations that might be conducted, Iinstructed my brother, whom I left in charge of my forces, to make noattack during my absence. After leaving Pilgrim's Rest, I and mycompanions rode briskly forth along the path past Dornbock, Roodekransand Kruger's Post. We encamped at the latter place at night-fall. Nextday we again set out, and having succeeded in passing the Britishforts and blockhouses to the north of Lydenburg, we came upon theSpekboom River. This river was so swollen by the recent rains that nofording was possible, and we were only able to cross by making ourhorses swim. At one o'clock we reached Koodekraus, and off-saddledthere. This place is about 15 miles to the west of Lydenburg. At dawnthe next day, after having reconnoitred the country in theneighbourhood, we proceeded cautiously in the direction ofSteenkampsberg until we were meet by messengers, who told us preciselywhere our Government was to be found. That evening we found ourlocomotive Administration encamped at Mopochsburgen, to which placethey had retreated before a hostile column, which was operating fromBelfast. 

The greetings that were exchanged were of the heartiest character, andwe sat chatting round the camp fires far into the night. That we hadmuch to talk about and many stories to relate of the vicissitudes ofwar needs no saying. I personally received the very lamentable tidingsthat my sister, her husband, and three of their children had died inthe Concentration Camp at Pietersburg. 

Two days after we arrived, the Government received a report fromGeneral Muller stating that two hostile columns were approaching. Wehad not long to wait. The enemy attacked us in the afternoon, but didnot succeed in driving us from our position. We were not, however, ina position to sustain a long battle, owing to scarcity of ammunition. Many of our burghers had only five cartridges left and some had noteven one. Therefore, that same night--I think it was the 21st ofJanuary although I had lost count of dates--the Government, whom Iaccompanied, departed and proceeded to the Kloof Oshoek, betweenDullstroom and Lydenburg. The weather was very unpropitious, rainfalling in torrents, and as may be understood, we were in a sadplight. We were protected by nothing except our mackintoshes, andgreatly envied a member of the party who was the proud possessor of asmall piece of canvas. 

It had been decided that the Government should proceed on the 25th ofJanuary from Oshoek to Pilgrim's Rest, but the information that theBritish were not pressing their pursuit, caused them to give up thisproject, for it was thought advisable to await the enemy's next move. I should here mention that the further the Government were chased, themore difficult they found it to keep up communications with theCommandant-General and the Orange Free State Government. With thelatter, however, despatches were being exchanged concerning veryimportant matters which I consider as still improper to disclose. TheGovernment having determined not to proceed, I decided to bidfarewell, and to proceed with my attendants on the way to Pilgrim'sRest. 

Accordingly, on the 25th of January, we left the Government at Oshoekand rode along to Zwagerhoek, where we remained till sundown. We werenow nearing the enemy's country, and so, having carefully reconnoitredthe ground, we set forth cautiously at dusk. Two young Boers, who werealso on the road to Pilgrim's Rest, had meanwhile joined us, and, including my kaffir servant, our party comprised eight persons. Wesoon passed the fateful spot where Commandant Schoenman had beencaptured in the early part of the War, and forded the Spekboom River. 

I am not superstitious, but I must confess that somehow or other Iexperienced considerable disquietude about this time, and felt coldshivers running down my back. We were just approaching Bloomplaats, which is about two and half miles to the west of Lydenburg, when weobserved something moving. A deadly silence enveloped the country, and the brightly-shining moon gave a weird appearance to the movingobjects in the distance which had attracted our attention. Oursuspicions were aroused and we went in pursuit, but soon lost sight ofthe object of our quest. We discovered afterwards that our suspicionswere well-founded, and that the moving objects were kaffir spies, whoreturned to the British lines and reported our approach. Having failedin this enterprise we returned to the road, I riding in advance withAdjutant Bester, the others following. Presently we approached a deepspruit, and having dismounted, we were cautiously leading our horsesdown the steep bank, when suddenly we found ourselves the centre of aperfect storm of bullets. We were completely taken by surprise, andalmost before we realised what had happened, we found ourselvesconfronted by two rows of British soldiery, who shouted "Hands up, "and fired simultaneously. Bullets whistled in every direction. Thefirst volley laid my horse low, and I found myself on the ground halfstunned. When I recovered somewhat and lifted my head, I discoveredmyself surrounded, but the dust and the flash of firing prevented mefrom seeing much of what occurred. It seemed hopeless to attemptescape, and I cried excitedly that I was ready to surrender. So loud, however, was the noise of shouting that my cries were drowned. Onesoldier viciously pressed his gun against my breast as if about toshoot me, but thrusting the barrel away, I said in English that I sawno chance of escape, that I did not defend myself, and there was noreason therefore why he should kill me. While I was talking he againdrove his rifle against me, and I, having grasped it firmly, a veryanimated argument took place, for he strongly resented my grasping hisgun. Outstretching my hand I asked "Tommy" to help me up, and this hedid. I afterwards learned that the name of my assailant was Patrick, and that he belonged to the Irish Rifles. 

[Illustration: My Capture. ]

Four or five soldiers now took charge of me, and at my requestconsented to conduct me to an officer. Just as they were about tolead me away, however, they all fell flat upon their chests, anddirected their fire at an object, which turned out later to be a bush. I very soon discovered that the "Tommies" were not very circumspect intheir fire, and I sought safety by lying on the ground. Havingdiscovered the innocent nature of their target, my guards conducted mebefore one of their officers, a young man named Walsh, who seemed tobelong to the British Intelligence Department. This officer enquired, "Well, what is it?" I answered him in his own language, "My name isViljoen, and not wishing to be plundered by your soldiers, I desire toplace myself under the protection of an officer. " He was quite a minorofficer this Mr. Walsh, but he said kindly, "All right, it is rather alucky haul, sir; you look quite cool, are you hurt?" I replied that Iwas not hurt, though it was a miracle that I was still alive, for abullet had struck my chest, and would have penetrated had mypocket-book not stopped it. The fact was, that my pocket-book hadserved the providential service of the proverbial bible or pack ofcards. Bester was with me, and not seeing my other adjutants, Ienquired what had become of them. Walsh did not reply at once, and oneof the "Tommies" standing close by said, "Both killed, sor. " Thisinformation was a terrible blow to me. 

Major Orr, of the Royal Irish Regiment, was in charge of the forcethat had captured me, and presently I was taken before him. He greetedme most courteously and said, "I believe we are old friends, GeneralViljoen; at least you captured some of my comrades in that regrettableaffair at Belfast. " I was greatly touched by Major Orr's kindness, andasked that I might see those of my men who had been killed. Heimmediately consented, and led me a few paces aside. My gaze was soonarrested by a heartrending spectacle. There on the ground lay the twolifeless forms of my brave and faithful adjutants, Jacobus Nel and L. Jordaan. As I bent over their prostrate bodies my eyes grew dim withthe sad tears of my great bereavement. Major Orr stood uncovered bymy side, touched by my deep emotion and paying homage to the bravedead. "These men were heroes, " I said to him with broken voice. "Theyfollowed me because they loved me, and they fearlessly risked theirlives for me several times. " The good Major was full of sympathy, andmade provision for the decent burial of my poor comrades at Lydenburg. 

Bester and I were now conducted under an escort of 150 soldiers withfixed bayonets to the village, which was two and a half miles off. Wereached Lydenburg very wet and gloomy, after having waded through adrift whose waters reached up to our armpits. Major Orr did his bestto console us both with refreshment and kind words. 

Our procession was presently joined by an officer of the BritishIntelligence Department, and this gentleman told me that he knew ofthe approach of my party, and that the chief object of the British inattacking us was to capture our itinerant Government, who theylearned were to accompany us. He was very anxious to know where theGovernment was, and whether it was intended that they should pass thatway. But I answered his queries by telling him that it was quiteunworthy of a gentleman to put such questions to me, and to attempt toexploit my most unfortunate position. 

Arriving at the village, I was treated with great courtesy, and wasintroduced by Major Orr to Colonel Guinness, the commanding officer. Colonel Guinness declared that he regarded it as an honour to have aman of my rank as a prisoner-of-war, and that we had fought sofrequently that we were quite old friends. I thanked him for hiscompliment, expressing, however, my regret that we had renewedacquaintance under such unfortunate circumstances. 

"That is the fortune of war, " said the Colonel. "You have nothing tobe ashamed of, General. " We were treated very well by our captors, andwere given accommodation in the apartments of my old friend CaptainMilner, who now filled the office of Provost-Marshal. My meeting withthis gentleman was very cordial, and we sat up till nearly daybreakrelating our different adventures since we had last met at RoosSenekal, where the worthy Captain was made prisoner by me. He assuredme that his regiment entertained the highest respect for me and myburghers, and that they appreciated the fact that we had fought fairlyand gallantly and had well-treated our prisoners-of-war. Bester and Iremained under Milner's care throughout our stay at Lydenburg, and Ishall always remember with gratitude the kindness extended me by theofficers of the Royal Irish Regiment. 

CHAPTER XLVII. 

SHIPPED TO ST. HELENA. 

We were kept at Lydenburg until about the 30th of January, 1902, andduring our stay there I obtained leave to write a letter to myburghers. In this I acquainted them and my brother with what hadoccurred, and exhorted them to keep up their hearts and persevere. Although kindly treated at Lydenberg, I cannot adequately describe thefeeling of disappointment and sorrow which my enforced inaction causedme. I would have given anything to have been able to return to mycommando, and felt that I would rather have been killed than havefallen into the enemy's hands. Being thus rendered impotent I couldbut curse my fate. 

Friendships which are formed on the veldt are strong indeed, and themen who have lived together through all the vicissitudes of war fortwenty-eight months--through sunshine and rain, happiness and sorrow, prosperity and adversity--become attached one to another with lastingaffections. My sufferings hit me very keenly. Besides the sadnesswhich separation from my companions caused me, I acutely felt myposition as, having been before in the habit of commanding and ofbeing obeyed by others, I was now subject to the humiliation of havingto obey the orders of British privates. 

We prisoners were conveyed from Lydenburg to Machadodorp under thecharge of Colonel Urenston, of the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, with an escort of 2, 000 men. I was at a loss to know why so large aforce should have been sent to guard me, but this seeminglyexaggerated precaution was soon explained when I was told that LordKitchener had given special orders that great care was to be taken toprevent my commando from rescuing me. I must say that there was notmuch chance of that occurring. Colonel Urenston was a very courteoussoldier, and treated me as well as could be expected. 

Reaching Machadodorp four days later, I was handed over at DalmanuthaStation to Captain Pearson, a staff officer, who subsequentlyconducted me and my fellow prisoners to Pretoria. Some days after myarrival there I was taken before Lord Kitchener, and was received verycourteously by him at his office. My interview with this great Generallasted about half an hour. The Commander-in-Chief of the British Armyin South Africa impressed me as being a real soldier, a man possessedof a strong will not marred by arrogance. 

I did not know what the British military authorities proposed to dowith me, and felt quite indifferent as to the matter. At dawn on thethird day after my arrival I was awakened by a soldier and informedthat I was to be taken to the station. The train was in readiness whenI arrived, and the officer in charge invited me to take a seat in hiscompartment. I was then told that we were to proceed to Durban, but noinformation was given me as to my ultimate destination. 

On the train we prisoners were treated with great courtesy, but onreaching Durban a different experience awaited us. Here I was placedunder the charge of Colonel Ellet, a very irascible person. ThisColonel greeted me with the information that he was quite delightedthat I had been captured. He repeated this gratuitous insult threetimes, and, my patience being exhausted, I asked him to be kind enoughto tell me where he was instructed to convey me, and not to cause meunnecessary pain by his taunts. He apologised lamely and told me thatI was to proceed on board ship. This very much surprised me, and Iremarked that I had already been taken from home and hearth 500 miles. This ill-tempered creature then lent back arrogantly in his armchair, puffing at his cigar, and said: "Well, ah, you are banished, don't youknow. You are to be sent to St. Helena, or as we call it, 'The Rock. 'You will shortly embark. It is a large ship you are going in; it iscalled--ah, let me see, oh, yes, the _Britannica_. I will proceed tothe station and order your kit, and in the meantime you must sign thisparole and report yourself forthwith at the docks. " I said in Dutch, which the Colonel did not understand, "Lord deliver me from this evilperson. "

On arriving on board ship I found several other Boer prisoners-of-war, amongst them my old friend Erasmus, who masqueraded as a general inthe early stages of the War. Never having been before upon the sea Iwas soon in the throes of _mal de mer_, and the prospect was certainlynot encouraging. There was no help for it, however. Colonel Curtis, ofthe Royal Artillery, who was in charge of the troops on board, was avery polite and pleasant person, and very welcome after thatextraordinary creature, Ellet. We were provided with good cabins andthe food was excellent. Before leaving the Bay General Lytteltonvisited me and showed himself very friendly. I soon found out thatMrs. Lyttelton was proceeding on the same boat to England. My companymust have been rather unattractive, seeing that I was only well forone day during the whole voyage. 

The steamer was ordered to call at Cape Town, and when we neared thisport the guard kept over us was strengthened. An officer remained withus continually and counted us every two hours to make sure that noneof us had escaped. One day two young Boers conspired to make a foolof the officer, and concealed themselves in the lavatory. Theirabsence was discovered the next time we were counted, and the officerin charge, in a great state of perturbation, demanded of us what hadbecome of them. We took up the joke at once, and replied that they hadgone on shore to be shaved and would return at 7 o'clock. Thisentirely took his breath away. But the absurdity of the situation sogot the better of us that we burst out into ironical laughter, andfinally set our custodian at ease by producing the two fugitives. Wewere punished for our little joke, however, by having our paroleswithdrawn. 

On the 19th of February the ship, with its sorrowful freight, steamedaway from Cape Town. We prisoners, assembled on the upper deck, bade avery sorrowful farewell to the shores of our dear Fatherland. Long andsadly did we gaze upon the fast receding land from which we expectedto be alienated for ever. Notwithstanding our depressingcircumstances, however, we attempted pluckily to keep up our spirits, and with laughter and frivolity to cheer each other. Most of us hadnever been on a ship before, and only one of our number had evervoyaged away from South Africa. Ours was a very cheerless prospect, for, although we did not know our exact fate, banishment for lifeloomed over us. The ship's officers were urbanity itself, and dideverything in their power for our comfort. I shall always remembertheir kindness, but it would have required much more than human effortto have made our voyage enjoyable owing to the fact that we sufferedso intensely from sea-sickness. 

After a very cheerless and discomforting voyage, we dropped anchor onthe 24th of February in St. Helena Harbour. "The Rock" rose out of theocean, bare and rugged, and imprisonment upon it offered a gloomyprospect. No animal was visible, and foliage was wanting, I never sawa less attractive place than Jamestown, the port at which we landed. The houses seemed to be tumbling over one another in a "kloof. " Wewere all gloomily impressed, and somebody near me said, "This will beour living graves. " I answered, "No wonder that Napoleon broke hisheart upon this God-forsaken rock. " I must confess that the feelinggrew upon us that we were to be treated as ordinary criminals, sinceonly murderers and dangerous people are banished to such places to beforgotten by mankind. 

An English officer came to me and asked what I thought of the Island. My feelings got the better of me, and I replied--"It seems a suitableplace for England's felons, but it is very spiteful of England todeport here men whose only crime has been to fight for their country. It would have been much more merciful to have killed us at once thanto make us drag out an existence in a manner so dreary. "

We were soon taken ashore by boats to Jamestown, and there learned toour great disgust that we were all to be put in quarantine for bubonicplague, and to be isolated at Lemon Valley, a valley in which Iafterwards found that lemons were conspicuous by their absence. Nogreenery was to be seen in this desolate place. While our debarkationwas proceeding one of the boats capsized, but, happily, everybodyescaped with nothing worse than a ducking. 

Quarantine regulations were enforced for six days at Lemon Valley. Theaccommodation was very inadequate, and our culinary utensils, thoughnot primitive, were very bad, the food being such as might have beenthe portion of criminals. 

Luckily for us a British Censor named Baron von Ahlenfeldt, and adoctor named Casey had accompanied us, and owing to theirinstrumentality we were allowed better food and treatment. At the endof our detention in the quarantine camp some of our number wereremoved to Broadbottom Camp, while the others were quartered atDeadwood Camp. Lieutenant Bathurst, who now assumed the position ofour custodian, was a good prototype of friend Ellet at Durban, and hewas at pains to treat us as felons rather than as prisoners-of-war. 

CHAPTER XLVIII. 

LIFE IN BONAPARTE'S PRISON. 

In order to reach Broadbottom Camp we had to ascend a remarkably rockycliff named "Jacob's Ladder, " the face of which was cut into amultitudinous series of steps. Having reached the summit we found apleasing view of the Island opened before us. We now discovered thatSt. Helena was not the totally-barren rock we had at first been led tosuppose. Patches of trees and greenery met our gaze, and in the midstof a carefully-cultivated plantation we espied a beautiful house, thehabitation of the Governor of the Island. On our way we encountered aparty of our fellow-prisoners, who, having been guilty ofinsubordination, were being taken to the dreary fort at High Knoll forpunishment. Amongst these unfortunates we recognised several friends, but were not permitted to talk to them. 

At sundown our destination was reached at Broadbottom Camp, which issituated under High Peak. Before us stretched a large space enclosedby four encirclements of barbed wire containing the tents and houseswhich formed the temporary homes of the prisoners-of-war. Sentrieswere posted at every hundred paces. There were 2, 000 prisonersstationed here, and as they wandered aimlessly round they forciblyreminded me of the Israelites in exile. 

On entering the camp I was received by the commandant, Colonel Wright, a typical Briton, who made no pleasant impression upon me. I shall notbe querulous, although the Colonel very bluntly notified to me that hehad no instructions but to treat me in the same manner as the ordinaryprisoners, and added that as my name had appeared in the list of Boerofficers who were sentenced to banishment, he doubted whether I wasentitled even to the treatment accorded to the ordinaryprisoners-of-war. However, a tent was erected for me, and I and mycompanions in adversity were given beds and culinary utensils. My bedconsisted of two khaki blankets and a waterproof sheet, and my kitchenutensils comprised a pot, a washing basin, a pail, two enamelledplates, two large mugs, and a spoon. This is a complete inventory ofthe articles with which I was provided. I and the prisoners who hadaccompanied me had not tasted food throughout the whole day, and wewould have gone supperless to bed had it not been that somecompassionate brother prisoners ministered to our inner needs byproviding us with some bully beef and bread, which, though but afrugal meal, was very welcome to us. 

Camp life of the kind I now experienced was wearisome indeed. Therewas nothing to do, and we tried to while away the time by singingpsalms and songs. At night the camp and its environments were renderedalmost as bright as day by the glaring light of huge naphtha flaresand by large search-lights which played round, making attempts atescape hopeless. It appeared to me that the search-lights werecontinually being turned in my direction, and I can assure you that Iwished these glaring abominations at Hades. The buzzing and roaringnoise given forth by the naphtha lamps, the monotonous chanting of theprisoners, the perpetual "All's well" of the sentries, and theintermingling notes of the bugle calls suffused the air with theirdistracting sounds and made me feel as if my head were in a maëlstrom. The bugler was so amiable a person that he always made it a point ofstanding close to my tent when launching forth to the world hisshrieking calls. Happily I became acclimatised to my distastefulsurroundings, or I fear I should have soon graduated as a patient fora lunatic asylum. 

I unhappily became at an early date acquainted with Colonel Price, commanding the troops on the Island. I shall never forget hisdemeanour towards me, for from the first his attitude was arrogant, cruel, and generally unbearable. He refused me parole, and declined togive me a pass beyond the confines of the camp. The unreasonablenessof this hard treatment will be seen when it is remembered that not theslightest possibility of escape from the Island existed. The closeconfinement began to play havoc with my health, and I was in the fairway to the hospital, when a friendly doctor intervened and restored meto health once more. The rigid discipline and the stern regulationsthat were enforced can only be likened to what is experienced inmonastic life. The "red-tape" curse prevailed everywhere. 

Subsequently Colonel Price modified his tone towards me and allowed meparole. He was also gracious enough to permit me and some companionsto occupy a little house 400 paces from the camp. This was a veryagreeable change, for now we were no longer subjected to the harshtreatment of the "Tommies. " Our little residence rejoiced in thepleasantly-floral name of the "Myrtle Grove, " and was rented by usfrom an old coloured lady who vigorously insisted upon the punctualpayment of the rent, and drew our special attention to the fact thatplucking pears in the garden was strictly prohibited. 

We had been told that the "Myrtle Grove" was haunted by ghosts, butthe ghosts, if any there were, must have been pro-Boers, since theynever disturbed us. But though we had no ghostly visitors we certainlyhad some of another kind. The house was perfectly infested byparticularly large and bold rats. These thieving rodents, notsatisfied with robbing our larder, had the audacity to sup off ourfingers and ears while we were asleep. We waged vigorous war againstthe vermin, and after considerable difficulty managed to get theresidence exclusively to ourselves. With the addition of somefurniture, with which Colonel Wright was good enough to provide us, wemade our house so comfortable that we felt ourselves almost in aposition to invite the Governor to dinner. 

Our landlady, Mrs. Joshua, was the proud possessor of several donkeys, which were turned loose in our garden, and a large number of fowls. Imay say that Mrs. Joshua was very ill-advised in keeping her fowls sonear our house, for our cook, who had been trained in commando, wasunable to resist the temptation of appropriating eggs. It did not, however, take our landlady long to find out what was happening, and wewere informed that it was very much more Christianlike to purchaseeggs. We took the hint, and adopted as far as we could Christianlikemethods, though we found it extremely difficult to subscribe to allthe principles of Christianity practised by the Islanders. 

We whiled away the time by taking daily walks, and, by makingexcursions to the house at Longwood tenanted by Napoleon Bonaparte forsix and a half years, and to the grave where his remains were interredfor 19 years. I noticed that both places were being preserved and keptin order by the French Government. We used to sit by the littlefountain, where the great French warrior so frequently sat, and read. We were permitted to drink a glass of water from this historicalspring. 

At Deadwood Camp 4, 000 of my compatriots were confined. Some had beenthere for over two years, and I could not help admiring theirdiscipline. It is not for me to criticise the entirely unnecessaryrestrictions to which these unfortunate prisoners were subjected, butI will point out that the severity practised towards helplessprisoners by armed soldiers created feelings of great bitterness. Itwas a stupid policy to pursue and perhaps fateful. 

The military authorities were entirely unacquainted with the characterand mannerisms of the Boers, and were advised in this connection byso-called "Cape" or "English" Afrikanders, who bear an ineradicablehatred to the Boers, and who always did their utmost to cause theprisoners to be treated with humiliation and contempt. Happily anumber of English officers whom I met on the Island saw that we werenot so black as we had been painted. Most of the officers who acted asour custodians here had come direct from England and knew nothing ofSouth Africa. One of these gentlemen confessed to me that when heleft London for St. Helena he had a sort of idea that he was to beplaced in charge of a troop of wild barbarians, and that he had beenquite agreeably disappointed. He declared, indeed, that he had foundthat the Afrikander in some respects was superior to men of his ownnation. 

It was undoubtedly a sad error for England to send officers to lookafter us, who, not having had any experience of South African warfare, were entirely ignorant of our idiosyncrasies and manners. The resultof placing these inexperienced men as our guards was that onemisunderstanding followed upon another, and that unnecessarilyrigorous regulations were promulgated to preserve discipline andorder. This treatment had the effect of nourishing within our bosomshatred and bitterness. 

Not being desirous of having to undergo incarceration with myinsubordinate fellow-prisoners at High Knoll Fort, I carefullyrefrained from being unruly, and practised an orderly and amiabledemeanour. 

On one occasion I ventured to approach Colonel Price with a view toobtaining some amelioration in our treatment, and some remission ofthe rigorous regulations meted out to us. After keeping me waitinghalf an hour he came out of his office to meet me, but instead ofextending a greeting he stared at me with ill-concealed amazement, probably expecting that I should jump up and salute him. I, however, merely rose and nodded, and enquired if I had the honour of addressingColonel Price. He answered stiffly, "Yes, what do you want?" It wasgreatly disconcerting to be thus unceremoniously and discourteouslygreeted, and having explained my mission, I withdrew and took care tofight shy of this arrogant soldier in future. 

I may say that our little party at "Myrtle Grove" was a few weekslater augmented by the arrival of Vaal Piet Uys and Landdrost T. Kelly. 

We had in the meantime improved our acquaintance with Colonel Wright, who always treated us with cordiality and kindness, and allowed usfrequently the privilege of spending pleasant afternoons at his house. Mrs. Wright was a charming hostess, and did everything in her power tolessen the feeling of humiliation with which we regarded our sadplight. 

I should perhaps mention that St. Helena boasts of some elegantsociety. A few years before our confinement the Zulu chief, Dinizulu, was banished within the rocky bounds of this island prison. This sonof Cain had during his detention here been invited to all thefashionable parties and dances, and had been honoured with aninvitation to the Governor's house. He was fêted at dinners and publicfestivities--but of course it must be remembered that Dinizulu was akaffir and we were only Boers. Fancy, my Afrikander brothers, aself-respecting English young lady consenting to dance with thisuncivilised kaffir! Imagine, they allowed him to dine at the sametable, and to drive in the same carriage with them! I do not know howthis information strikes my readers, but I must say that when theGovernor of the Island, an elderly gentleman named Sterndale, with 35years of the Indian Civil Service behind him, informed me that suchhad been the case, I was rendered speechless. 

I would not have it supposed, however, that we prisoners had anyspecial ambition to attend balls and dinners, for we were not in themood for festivities, and even had we desired we could hardly withpropriety have appeared at these elegant boards and gatherings dressedin our shabby apparel. 

A number of the prisoners received permission from the authorities topursue the various crafts and employments with which they wereconversant, at the small daily wage of between sixpence and ashilling. This pay was a ridiculously small remuneration for the largeamount of work which the men executed. A great diversity of tradeswere represented by us prisoners. One was a mason, another a farmer, athird an apothecary, while a fourth was a goldsmith, and so far did wego that one man was appointed caterer for the St. Helena Club. 

Months had now passed since I had been first brought a captive to thisisland prison, and it approached the middle of May. Persistent thoughrather vague reports about Peace continually reached us, but owing tothe strictness of the censors, who had an exaggerated idea of theirduties, any news from outside came to our anxious ears in very smallpieces, and gave us a very meagre idea of what was happening in SouthAfrica and other places outside. That we were all praying earnestlyfor Peace needs no telling, especially if I may mention that some ofmy comrades had been incarcerated on the island for two years andeight months. I cannot adequately tell how wearisome their long exilewas to them. 

Just before I was liberated from confinement, our old antagonists, the3rd Battalion of "Buffs, " under Colonel Brinckman, were detailed tothe Island. This regiment had seen two years of active service inSouth Africa, and they were, therefore, soldiers who did not holdtheir enemies in contempt. 

I do not feel at this time, in view of the present tension of affairs, able to pursue my account further; but if encouraged by a sympatheticpublic to supplement this effort by a more detailed description of myimprisonment at St. Helena, I may in the near future again seek theirindulgence. 

Meanwhile, I take what I hope will prove but a temporary leave of myreaders, with the following explanatory details and critical commentson the general characteristics of the War. 

CHAPTER XLIX. 

HOW WE BLEW UP AND CAPTURED TRAINS. 

Looking at the matter superficially it seems a very barbarous thing toderail and destroy trains with dynamite, but this was the only courseleft open to us, since large military stores were being continuallybrought in by the British from the coast. We honestly regretted that, owing to the derailment and destruction of trains, drivers, stokers, and often innocent passengers were launched into eternity. War is atbest a cruel and illogical way of settling disputes, and the measureswhich the belligerent parties are sometimes compelled to take are ofsuch a character that sentimentality does not enter into any of thecalculations of the contending parties. 

It should not be necessary to assure my readers that we acted entirelywithin our rights in derailing and destroying trains. This was theonly means we had of breaking the British lines of communication andof interrupting the conveyance of British troops and food. 

Moreover, we were more than justified in any act of train-derailmentthat we committed, by the instructions of Lord Wolseley as expressedin his handbook. In that well-known publication this distinguishedsoldier actually prescribes the use of dynamite, and even suggests themanner in which it may be employed to the best advantage. But althoughthis train-wrecking was in every degree justifiable, I can assure thereader that we regarded it as a very unpalatable duty. I remember thatwhen Lord Kitchener complained to me about the destruction of acertain train, I sent him a reply to the following effect:--

 "That the blowing up and destroying of trains was as distasteful to me as I hoped the burning of our houses was to his Excellency; and that when we derailed trains we entered upon the task with hearts quite as heavy as those which I presumed weighed down his troops when they deported our women and children from their homes to the Concentration Camps. "

I shall now describe how we went to work in the matter of capturingtrains. That this is not so easy a task as appears to be supposed Ishall endeavour to show. Perhaps the best way to exemplify our methodof procedure would be to describe a particular instance which occurredin March, 1901, between Belfast and Wonderfontein on the Delagoa BayRailway. The two stations are approximately 12 miles apart. At eitherstation a garrison had been established, and these were provided withtwo or three cannons and two armoured trains, which latter were heldin readiness to proceed to any place within their immediate sphere ofaction when anything irregular occurred on the line. They were usedbesides to carry reinforcements and stores when needed. The armouredtrain was indeed a very important factor in the British militarytactics, and one we had to take fully into account. The railwaybetween these two stations was also guarded by blockhouses. Everymorning the British soldiers carefully inspected their particularsection of the railway before trains were despatched in any direction. The peril of running trains at night was speedily recognised, and ofthose that attempted the journey very few indeed escaped capture. Onthe particular occasion when the incident I am about to relate tookplace, we were encamped at Steenkampsbergen, enjoying a littleremission from the arduous work in which we had been engaged. But wewere not idle, and a field-cornetcy of approximately a hundred men wasdetailed to attempt the capture of a train. I personally reconnoitredthe line, and sent a field-cornet with instructions to lay a mine atthe most favourable spot for the distasteful operation we were aboutto perform. 

Our _modus operandi_ was to take a Martini-Henri rifle and saw offfour inches before and behind the magazine, and then to so file thetrigger guard that the trigger was left exposed. Two of the mostintelligent burghers were despatched over night with this mutilatedrifle and a packet of dynamite to the spot chosen for the mine, whiletwo other burghers kept guard. 

Special precautions were taken to prevent footmarks being traced bythe British patrols, the burghers walking for a considerable distanceon the rails. The mine was prepared by carefully removing the stonesfrom underneath the rails and as cautiously replacing them to againfill up the hole after the instruments of destruction had beenadjusted. The trigger was placed in contact with the dynamite, andjust enough above ground to be affected by the weight of thelocomotive, but so little exposed as to be passed unnoticed. Allsurplus stones were carried off in a bag and great care was taken toconceal all traces of the mine. Gingerly and cautiously and withoutleaving any trace of their visit, the burghers now returned to theirfield-cornet and reported that all was in order. The field-cornetcytook up its position behind a small hill about a mile from therailway, and the men concealed themselves and their horses soingeniously that their presence was not even suspected by theoccupants of the blockhouse close by. According to our information thefirst train that was to pass next morning was the mail train carryingthe European mails, and the prospect of capturing some newspapers andthus obtaining news of the outside world, from which we had beenisolated for several months, filled us with pleasant expectation. Iespecially instructed the field-cornet to obtain newspapers, and tocapture as much food and clothing as possible. It being the custom ofthe British garrisons to send scouts along the railway each day toexamine the line, the next morning the track was as usualmicroscopically inspected, but the scouts failed to discover the trapwhich we had laid. 

Two outpost burghers lay at the top of the hill in the grass, and fromtheir coign of vantage they had a clear view of the railway line. 

Ten o'clock in the morning arriving without a train appearing, my menbegan to grumble. In the excitement of this adventure they had omittedto prepare any food, and they were not now allowed to make fires, because the smoke evolved in culinary operations would have beenimmediately noticed by the enemy's outpost. We had therefore to remainhungry, or our well-laid plans would have been frustrated. Time passedon, and at 2 o'clock in the afternoon there were still no traces ofthe expected train. Our horses were saddled up and had been withoutfood since the previous afternoon, and the poor animals also began toshow their displeasure by whinnying and stamping their hoofs on theground. The enemy's scouts had already inspected the line three orfour times either by going over it on foot or by using a trolley. 

The afternoon was well advanced, and fears were growing in our mindsthat the mine had been discovered. I should say that it was Sundayafternoon, and that the mine had been laid on Saturday night. Thistrain-wrecking scheme of ours was contrary to the practices of ournation, who regard all such acts on Sunday as a desecration of theSabbath, but here I will again apply an English precept, "The betterthe day the better the deed. "

About four o'clock my outposts notified to me the approach of smoke, and shortly afterwards we beheld a train coming along. Every man of usmounted his horse, and we sat calmly in the saddle to observe theexecution of our plan. We held our breaths. Perhaps the British haddetected the mine and removed it, with the result that all our travailwould be in vain; or they might possibly have sent a large force ofsoldiers with cannon on the train to give us a "good hiding" to boot. We watched breathlessly the progress of the train as it rapidlyapproached the fatal spot, and our hearts thumped wildly as we waitedto see the success or failure of our enterprise. We had not long towait, for with a tremendous shock the mine exploded, overturning theengine, and bringing the train to a standstill. 

We now proceeded to storm the train, but I saw the danger of advancingin a mass and shouted to my men to go carefully and spread out. Whenwe were about 500 feet from the train the British fired a volley atus, but in so doing they merely displayed by their firing that therewere not many riflemen on the train, and that those that there wereshot badly and at random. Thus shown the weakness of the enemy, westormed with renewed vigour, and on arriving at about a hundred yardsdistance we dismounted. The defenders did not face our fire longbefore displaying the white flag. I stopped fire at once and thetrain was ours. 

It was Lieutenant Crossby, of the Remount Department, who waved thewhite flag, and he now surrendered with about 20 "Tommies. "

Among the occupants of the train was an old major, and on his sayingthat he was very sick, and was on his way to the hospital, weimmediately apologised for having disturbed him and for the delaywhich our little operation had caused him. There were eight sacks ofEuropean mail in the train and these we seized. We liberated the"Tommies" after disarming them. The Lieutenant in charge was the soleperson detained as a prisoner-of-war, and he was added to six otherBritish officers who were vegetating under our charge. Only a part ofthe train could be destroyed by us, as one section was occupied bywomen and children who were being transported to the ConcentrationCamps. 

On the following morning the field-cornet brought me the papers andsaid with a smile, "You see I have brought you what you required, General. " I was overjoyed to obtain tidings from the outside world. The letters were distributed about the laager, and there was abundanceof reading matter. I felt rather sorry for the "Tommies" who werebeing thus mercilessly robbed of their letters, but I consoled myselfwith the thought that our plight was quite as bad as theirs, for weBoers had had no communication from any members of our families fortwelve months, and we felt justified in making the "Tommies" share ourmisfortune. The Boers did not, however, get much satisfaction out ofother men's epistles, and even those who could read English gave upthe operation after having perused one or two, and threw away thesackfuls of letters with disappointed faces. 

The capture of this train was our second success. Shortly before wehad seized a train near Pan Station and had obtained a splendid haul. This particular train was carrying Christmas presents for the Britishsoldiers, and we found a miscellaneous assortment of cakes, puddingsand other delicacies. It was very amusing that we should becelebrating Christmas with cakes and puddings which had been intendedfor our opponents. 

A few weeks after we had captured the train carrying the Europeanmails we made another attempt at train wrecking, this time atWonderfontein Station. All, too, went well on this occasion until wecharged, and the British opened fire upon us with cannon. We were notfavoured this time by any sort of cover, but had to attack over openground, exposing ourselves to the heavy fire of the guns and thefusillade of a hundred British riflemen. We had chanced this time uponan armoured train, and the trucks which bore the cannon had remaineduninjured. The nut was rather too hard for us to crack, and failing totake the train by storm, we were compelled to retire, after havingsustained the loss of three men, of whom one was my brave adjutant, Vivian Cogell. From what I have said I think my readers will agreethat the capturing of a train is not always a "cake and ale"operation. 

CHAPTER L. 

HOW WE FED AND CLOTHED COMMANDOS. 

As early as March, 1901, we experienced the difficulty of adequatelyproviding our commandos with the necessities of life. So far back asSeptember, 1900, we had said good-bye at Hector's Spruit to ourcommissariat, and thence, no organized supplies existing, it may verywell be imagined that the task of feeding the Boers was one of themost serious, and I may say disquieting, questions with which we hadto deal. We were cut off from the world, and there was no means ofimporting stores. Of course the men who had been previously engaged oncommissariat duty were enlisted in the fighting ranks so soon as theybecame available. From this date we had to feed ourselves on quite adifferent system. Each commandant looked after his own men andappointed two or three Boers whose special duty it was to ride roundfor provisions. It must not be supposed that we commandeered storeswithout signing receipts, and the storekeeper who supplied us wasprovided with an acknowledgment, countersigned by field-cornet, commandant, and general. On producing this document to our Governmentthe holder received probably one-third of the amount in cash and thebalance in Government notes, better known as "blue-backs. " By thistime a large portion of the Republic had been occupied by the British, all food-stuffs had been removed or destroyed, and most of the cattlehad been captured. In consequence, everything in the shape of foodbecame very scarce. Flour, coffee, sugar, &c. , were now regarded asdelicacies remembered from the far-away past. The salt supplies wereespecially low, and we feared that without salt we would not be ableto live, or if we did manage to exist, that we might bring uponourselves an epidemic of disease. Our fears in this respect wereincreased by the opinions expressed by our doctors, and we viewed oursituation with considerable disquietude. Happily, as experienceproved, our apprehensions were not in the least justified, for duringthe ten months that preceded my capture my burghers lived entirelywithout salt, and were at the time that I fell into the hands of theBritish as healthy as could be desired. 

Existing as we did solely on mealies and meat, potatoes and othervegetables which we might chance upon were regarded as luxuriesindeed. Though it may appear strange it is nevertheless a fact that wewere always fortunate enough to obtain adequate supplies of mealiesand meat. We ground our mealies in coffee mills if no other mills wereavailable. Mealie pap is cooked in a simple fashion, and occasionallyboiling hot pots of it have fallen into the hands of the British. TheBritish soldiers were not much better off than we were, for they werelimited to bully-beef and "clinkers, " though they frequentlysupplemented their larder by stores from Boer farms, such as fowls, pigs, &c. , and had salt, sugar, and coffee in abundance. Theirculinary utensils were not nearly so primitive as circumstances hadreduced ours to. 

Many Boers did nothing but roam round with their cattle, and I confessthat on many occasions they excited my admiration by the "slim" mannerin which they evaded capture. Boers of this description were dubbed"bush-lancers, " because they always sought the thickest bushes forsanctuary. These "bush-lancers" were of three kinds: There were somewho sought by running away with their cattle to escape commando duty, others who hoped by retaining their cattle to obtain a large profit onthem after the War was over, while others were so attached to theircattle that they would as lief have lost their own lives as havesuffered their cattle to be taken. All three classes of "bush-lancers"contrived to supply us with adequate stores of food. Often, however, it was a difficult task to get the supplies out of them. When we askedthem to sell us cattle we were frequently met by the reply that we hadalready taken their best cattle, that the British had taken some, andthat the little they had left they could not do without. Of coursewe were not hindered in our purpose of obtaining food by such a reply, and we had sometimes to resort to force. We frequently gave these"bush-lancers" notice when danger threatened, but in most instancesthey were the first to discover danger, and gave us information as tothe movements of the British. 

Everybody knows that it is a sore trial for the Boer to live withoutcoffee, but this national beverage disappeared entirely from our menu, and its loss was only partly replaced by the "mealie coffee" which weset about preparing. The process was a very simple one. As soon as weoff-saddled a hundred coffee mills were set to work. The mealie wasroasted over a fire and afterwards treated in a similar manner to thatby which the coffee bean is prepared. This "mealie coffee" made a verypalatable drink, especially as we were frequently able to obtain milkto mix with it. 

We generally roasted our meat on the coals, as we found that withoutsalt meat was most palatable when treated in this way. This isexplained by the fact that the ashes of the fire contain a certainsaline quality. We obtained mealies in all sorts of extraordinaryways. Sometimes we harvested it ourselves, but more often we foundquantities hidden in caves or kraals. Mealies were also purchased fromthe natives. Every general did all that was possible to sow in thedistrict in which he was operating, for the soil is very fruitful. Wevery seldom lacked mealies, although the British frequently destroyedthe crops we had been growing. There can be no doubt that when anAfrikander feels hungry he will find something to eat. 

I have already mentioned that sometimes when the British swooped downupon us they carried away our culinary utensils, and a question mayarise in the minds of my readers as to how we obtained others toreplace them. Well, we were not particular in this connection. Wefound empty tea cans and empty bully-beef tins, and by manipulatingbarbed wire we speedily converted these crude materials intoserviceable culinary implements. We preferred the tar cans becausethe beef tins often came to pieces after the solder with which theyare fastened had been subjected to the heat of the fire. I rememberthat one day our parson gave as much as five shillings for an emptytar can. 

Several British convoys fell into our hands, but the food we found onthem consisted usually of bully-beef and "clinkers, " things which onlydire necessity drove us Boers to eat. Sometimes to our great chagrinwe discovered that all our fighting to capture a convoy was onlyrewarded by the sight of empty trucks or ones loaded with hay andfodder. If perchance we were fortunate enough to capture a camp or afort we contented ourselves with removing such coffee and sugar as wecould carry away on our pack mules. 

The clothing question was very perplexing. Whenever we were able toobtain it we bought canvas and converted it into trousers. Sheep skinswe tanned and employed either for the purpose of making clothes or forpatching. The hides of cattle and of horses that had died of diseasewere also tanned and employed for the making of boots. I may point outthat no horse was specially slaughtered for this purpose or for thepurpose of food. It was only General Baden-Powell and General Whitewho slaughtered their horses to make sausages. Our best clothingsupply, however, came from the British Army. Forgive me for saying so;I do not intend to be sarcastic. When we captured a convoy or a fortwe always obtained a supply of clothes. At the beginning of the War weBoers had a strong prejudice against any garment which even faintlyresembled khaki, but afterwards we grew indifferent and accepted khakiquite as readily as any other material. We generally compelled ourprisoners to exchange clothes with us, and often derived muchamusement from the disgusted look of the sensitive Briton as he walkedaway in the clothes of a ragged Boer. Imagine the spectacle! A dandyEnglish soldier, clean shaven, with a monocle adorning one eye, hishead covered with an old war-worn slouch hat of broad brim, and hisbody with ragged jacket and trousers patched with sheep-skin or yarn. 

I may say that none of this systematic plundering occurred in mypresence. But such things were certainly done, and, after all, who canblame a ragged burgher for resorting to this means, however much to bedeprecated, of clothing himself. Remember that the poor Boers wereprepared to pay double the value of a suit of clothes, and were, so tospeak, cut off from the world, while the British soldier had simply togo back to camp to obtain a new outfit. "Necessity knows no law. "

In concluding this chapter I must mention that the lack of matches wasvery sensibly felt. And when our stock of matches was exhausted we hadto resort to the old-fashioned tinder-box and flint and steel. Wefound this expedient a very poor substitute for the lucifer match, butit was certainly better than nothing at all. Personally I experiencedthe greatest difficulty in getting fire from a flint and steel, and todo it generally took me quite twice as long as it took anybody else, and I bruised my hands considerably. This latter, however, is anexperience to which every amateur is liable, and I was never much morethan an amateur at anything. 

CHAPTER LI. 

OUR FRIEND THE ENEMY. 

In venturing on a judgment of the British soldier, from a militarypoint of view, I may be told that only the man who has had a militarytraining is competent to express an opinion upon the individualcapacity of a soldier, be he Boer or Briton. That may be true, as longas people only go theoretically to work; but after my two and a halfyears of practical experience, my military friends may be graciousenough to allow me to express my simple opinion concerning thisimportant factor, which is undoubtedly fundamental to the efficiencyof any army. At the same time I promise to be as impartial in myjudgment of the Boer as of the Briton as a fighter, or, at least, asimpartial as can be expected from a fallible Boer. 

As an officer in the Boer army I encountered the British soldier inmany capacities and in many circumstances. The officer of the regularBritish troops was always prepared to notify that he had no highopinion of the officers of the irregular troops. At the same time thevolunteer officer was equally ready to heartily reciprocate thecompliment when it was passed upon him by the regular. To be honest, Imust say that I specifically give preference to the regular officer, whom I regard as having more initiative, and as being more practicaland less artificial than his colleague, the irregular Imperialofficer. As regards courage I saw little to choose between them. Icertainly can draw no great distinction, since I have never been in aposition to fight on the same side as they. 

Generally speaking, I consider the British officer a very brave man, though I do think he sometimes is guilty of excess in thatrespect--that is to say, that he goes impractically to work, and, theyoung officer especially, is driven by ambition to do desperate andstupid things. To this foolhardiness may be largely attributed theheavy losses in officers suffered by the British Army in the War. 

Since I fell into British hands I have found the officers to whom Ihad been opposed on the battlefield treat me with the utmostmagnanimity. After having been in personal contact with a considerablenumber of officers of various regiments I must plainly say that theBritish officer is to be encountered in only two species: He is eithera gentleman or--the other. The officer of the first species isprepared to be charitable to his antagonists, and generally assumes anattitude of dignity and humanity; whereas the latter possesses all theattributes of the idiot, and is not only detestable in the eyes of hisantagonists, but is also despised by his own _entourage_. 

There have been unfortunate British officers in this War, and therehave been occasions when a disaster to the British has beenimmediately attributed to the acts or the tactics of the commandingofficer. In this connection I will cite the regrettable instance ofGeneral Gatacre at Stormberg. I do not think this reverse is to beattributable to stupidity, or indiscretion, or cowardice. 

There is a great deal of luck attached to any adventure in the field, and ill-luck had pursued General Gatacre persistently. But undoubtedlywhere bad luck pursues a commander on more than one occasion it is notonly expedient but necessary to dismiss such an officer, because histroops lose confidence in him, and their spirit is undermined. It hasoccurred in this War that incapable officers with good men and muchluck have performed wonders. 

The British soldier, or "Tommy, " who draws a very poor daily pay, forwhich he has to perform a tremendous lot of work, is, if not the mostcapable fighter, the most willing in all circumstances to offerhimself as a sacrifice at the altar of duty, or of what he considershis duty, to his country. But if "Tommy" by any accident be asked todeviate from the usual routine in which he has been trained, he is athoroughly helpless creature. This helplessness, in my opinion, iscaused by exaggerated discipline, and by the system under which"Tommy" is not allowed to think for himself or to take care ofhimself, and this individual helplessness has undoubtedly been one ofthe shortcomings of the British soldier during the War. As regards thefortitude of the ordinary British soldier, I must repeat what I havealready said--that he is a courageous, willing and faithful warrior, and that it is to his fidelity and patriotism that the British Armymay attribute its success. I believe this to be a truism which willdefy even criticism. 

There are, of course, exceptions to the courageous "Tommy. " If I wereto draw any comparison between the nationalities, I would say that ofthe soldiers with whom I was brought into contact on the battlefield, the Irishmen and the Scotsmen were better fighting men than theothers. In regard to British soldiers generally, I would remark that, if they could add good shooting and ability to judge distances totheir courage, then they would be perhaps perfect soldiers, andcertainly be doubly dangerous to their foes. 

Taken as a whole "Tommy" is a very warm-hearted fellow, though asregards humanity some distinction must be drawn between the regularsoldier and the enlisted volunteer, for the latter is less humane thanthe former. This was too clearly shown by his conduct in thetransporting of women and children and in the plundering ofprisoners-of-war. But nevertheless "Tommy, " generally speaking, whether regular or irregular, was sympathetic with regard to ourwounded, and showed great kindness of heart to a maimed opponent. 

I consider that the British infantry bore the brunt of the fighting ofthis War, especially in its earlier stages. Where the cavalrymanfailed to break through our lines the infantryman stepped in and pavedthe way for him. We found we could always better stand an attack fromcavalry than from infantry, for this latter, advancing as it did inscattered formation, was much less visible to our marksmen. Whenadvancing to the attack the British foot soldiers were wont to crawlalong on their faces, seeking cover whenever that was available; thusadvancing, and especially when they were supported by artillery, thesemen proved very difficult indeed to repulse. In my opinion acavalryman has no chance against a good marksman when this latteroccupies a good position and is able to await attack. The Britishcavalry horses are such stupendous creatures that given a good rifleand a keen eye it is difficult for one to miss them. They certainlymake most excellent targets. It is my firm opinion that for usefulnessthe cavalryman cannot be compared to the mounted infantryman. Indeed, my experience during the last 14 months of my active participation inthe War taught me that the British mounted infantry was a very hardnut to crack. Of course everything depended upon the quality of theman and the horse. A good rifleman and a horseman, especially if hewere able to fire when mounted, was a very formidable foe. As forhorses, I may say that I do not wonder that the great unwieldy horsesfor which the British cavalrymen have such a predilection cannot becompared to the Basuto ponies with which we went to work. The Africanpony has, in fact proved itself to be the only useful horse during thecampaign. The British cavalryman might have used elephants with almostas much advantage as their colossal horses. Further, in my opinion, the cavalrymen might just as well be discontinued as a branch of anarmy, for there can be no doubt that the infantry, artillery, andmounted infantry will be the only really useful and, indeed, practicable soldiers of the future. 

While I was writing the above a book was placed in my hand written byCount Sternberg, with an introduction from the pen of Lieut-ColonelHenderson. I doubt very much whether Colonel Henderson read themanuscript of the Count's book before penning his introduction, for Icannot suppose that he holds such small-minded and fantastic ideasregarding South Africa as the Count expresses. In this memorable worksome extraordinary tales are told of the galloping and trotting featsof the Basuto ponies. The confession that the Count makes that he didnot care upon which side he fought so long as he fought is indeedextraordinary. That he ever fought at all the Boer officers who knewhim strongly doubt, and none of them will wonder that the Count'sbitterest experience in South Africa was that on one occasion somenaughty German ambulance people deprived him of a box of lager-beer. This and other amateurs have already overwhelmed the reading publicwith so much so-called criticism about this War, that I venture upondelicate ground in offering my opinion. I will confine myself tocommenting upon what I saw and I know personally, for I know nothingabout the topography of Europe and I am not acquainted either with thecomposition of the European armies or with their manner of fighting. 

CHAPTER LII. 

THE FIGHTING BOER AND HIS OFFICER. 

There is great difference between the relations of a Boer officer tohis following and the relation of a European officer to his men, forwhile in the former case no social distinction between the two exists, in the latter the officers and men are drawn from two distinctbranches of society. The Boers in their normal state are independentfarmers differing only in wealth. One Boer might be the possessor ofperhaps ten farms and be worth a quarter of a million, while anothermight be but a poor "bywoner" and not worth a hundred pence, yet thetwo men would occupy the same rank in time of war. 

Immediately martial law is promulgated the entire Boer adult malepopulation is amenable for military service. In the ranks of acommando one finds men of every profession, from the advocate anddoctor to the blacksmith and plumber. From these ranks the officersare chosen, and a man who one day is but an ordinary soldier might bethe next promoted to the rank of field-cornet or commandant, and mightpossibly in a few days attain the position of a General. 

The officer and the men that follow him have in most cases been drawnfrom the same district, and they know one another personally. If, therefore, a Boer falls in battle, whatever be his rank, his loss iskeenly felt by his comrades in arms, for they, having known him ofold, lose a personal friend by his death. 

The Boer officers can be divided into two classes--the brave and thecowardly. The brave officer fights whenever he gets the chance, whereas his chicken-hearted brother always waits for orders and makeselaborate plans to escape fighting. It is quite easy in the Boer Armyto succeed in the course adopted by the latter class, and it notinfrequently occurred that the Boers preferred this class of officerto his more reckless comrade, for they argued--"We like to serveunder him because he will keep us out of danger. " And just as theofficers could be divided so could the men. 

In this campaign it was noticeable that during the last stages of thestruggle the younger officers replaced the older ones. Many of theselatter got tired of the War and surrendered to the British, otherswere removed from their commands as being too old-fashioned in theirmethods and incapable of adapting themselves to the alteredcircumstances. Moreover, we found that the younger officers were moreindustrious, more mischievous, and more reckless. Of course, when Ispeak of the young Boer officers I do not intend to convey the idea ofchildren of seventeen to twenty years of age, such as I have sometimesencountered among the junior officers of the British Army. 

The life training of the burghers in horsemanship and musketry stoodthem in good stead. I may say that a Boer even early in life is a goodhorseman and marksman. He does not shoot without purpose for he cangenerally estimate at a glance the distance at which he is shooting, and he has been taught economy in the use of ammunition. The burgherknows perfectly well how valuable to him is his horse, and he is thusconstrained to use his knowledge in carefully tending it; moreover, considerable affection exists, in many instances, between the masterand his beast. 

Taken all round the Boer is a brave man, but his attitude on thebattlefield is influenced very largely by the character of hisofficer. And being brave, the Boer is, in the main, sympathetictowards prisoners-of-war, and especially towards such as are wounded. Possessing bravery and humanity the Boer has besides what the British"Tommy Atkins" lacks, the power of initiative. The death of an officerdoes not throw the ranks of a Boer commando into chaos, for everybodyknows how to proceed. It must not be supposed, however, that the deathof an officer does not exercise a certain amount of demoralisinginfluence. What I wish to impress is that the members of a commandocan act independently of the officer and can exercise their ownjudgment. 

As regards the fortitude of the Boers, I can best illustrate it bypointing to the fact that it frequently happened that having beenrepulsed with loss one day we attacked our conqueror with bettersuccess the next. We often assumed the aggressive when a favourableopportunity offered itself, and did not always wait to be shot at. Frequently we held out for hours notwithstanding severe punishment. 

I think even the bitterest of our enemies will allow that the Boerswho remained faithful to their country to the last were animated withnoble principles. Were it not that so many of my compatriots lackedthat which is so largely characteristic of the British soldier, thequality of patriotism and the intense desire to uphold the traditionsof his nationality, I would ask what people in the world would havebeen able to conquer the Afrikander? I say this with greatdeliberation, and I do not believe that any impartial compatriot willattempt to deny the truth of the statement. 

The question suggests itself how would the English have fared hadthey been placed in a plight similar to that to which we foundourselves reduced? Supposing that we Boers had taken London and otherlarge towns, and had driven the English people before us and compelledthem to hide in the mountains with nothing upon which to subsist butmealie pap and meat without salt, with only worn and rent clothes as acovering, their houses burnt, and their women and children placed inConcentration Camps in the hands of the enemy. How would the Englishhave acted under such circumstances? Would they not have surrenderedto the conqueror? However that may be, one thing is certain, that thepatriotism of a nation is only to be learned when put to such a severetest as this. 

In his book, "The Great Boer War, " Dr. Conan Doyle has, on the whole, gained the admiration of the Afrikanders by his moderate language. Buthere and there, where he has been carried away by his Englishsympathies to use bitter and libellous language with respect to theBoers, that admiration has been changed into contempt. Dr. Conan Doyleattempts to defend the British Army by abusing the Boers. Abuse isnot argument. To prove that Van der Merwe is a thief does notexonerate Brown from the crime of theft if he have been stealing. 

The author describes the shooting of Lieutenant Neumeyer, for refusingto surrender and for attempting to escape from his captors as murder, and the shooting of kaffir spies it also glibly described as murder;whereas, the incident at Frederickstad, where a number of Boers wereshot dead by the British because they continued firing after hoistingthe white flag, is justified by him. Of course, the execution ofScheepers is also justified by the author. I object to such thingsappearing in a book, because they must tend to sow anew the seeds ofdissension, hate and bitterness, and these have been plantedsufficiently deep without being nurtured by Dr. Conan Doyle. NeitherBoer nor Briton can speak impartially on this question, and both wouldbe better employed in attempting to find out the virtues rather thanthe vices in one another's characters. 

Whoever in the future governs South Africa, the two races must livetogether, and when the day of Peace arrives and the sword is sheathed, let us hold out our hands to each other like men, forgetting the pastand remembering the motto--

 ="Both Nations have Done their Duty. "=

APPENDIX. 

_Some Correspondence between the British and Boer Military Officials. _

 Lyndenburg, _20th August, 1901_. 

ASSISTANT COMMANDANT-GENERAL B. J. VILJOEN. 

SIR, I have the honour to enclose herewith a copy of a communicationreceived from Lord Kitchener. _Begins_:--With reference to your letterof the 10th August on the subject of employment of natives, I have thehonour to inform you, as I have already informed Commandant-GeneralBotha, that natives are employed by me as scouts and as police innative districts, especially in the low country, where white men, ifnot by long residence inured to the climate, suffer much from fever. 

I would point out to you that in numerous cases armed natives havebeen employed by the burgher forces, particularly in the commando ofGeneral Beyers, and that armed natives have frequently been found inthe commandos fighting against us. I do not wish to bring the nativepopulation of the country into this quarrel between British and Boers. 

I have invariably told the natives that, although I could not forbidtheir defending themselves if attacked by burghers, they were on noaccount to attack. I am convinced that but for the strict orders whichI have issued on this subject, the hatred engendered by the wholesaleslaughter of unarmed natives by the burghers during this War wouldhave led to a native rising, with deplorable results to the Boer race. 

It must also be within your knowledge that most of the rifles inpossession of M'pisana's natives were sold to them by men of your owncommando when moving from Hector's Spruit to Pietersburg last year. 

In answer to your questions regarding the British prisoners now inyour hands, the persons named are enlisted soldiers in His Majesty'sArmy, and have been acting under my orders. They should be treated asprisoners-of-war. --_Ends. _

 I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, A. CURRAN, _Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding Lydenburg_. 

 _23rd July, 1901. _

TO HIS EXCELLENCY LORD KITCHENER, _Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's Troops in South Africa, Pretoria. _

YOUR EXCELLENCY, I am compelled to emphatically protest against the methods of yourofficers. Last April your Excellency's brother, General W. Kitchener, took our ambulance veldt-hospital, near Roos Senekal, and only aftermuch trouble were a number of the vehicles restored to us. On thatoccasion, General W. Kitchener refused to return to me the slaughteroxen belonging to the field-hospital, saying that we could steal suchoxen from the kaffirs. In consequence of those acts, my wounded wererendered without food, and robbed of means of transportation. 

Now, again, a column of your troops, which was proceeding on the 9thor 10th inst. From Machadodorp across Witpoort, attacked a Red Crosshospital occupied by sick women and children, notwithstanding thepatients were in charge of a certificated nurse, named Mrs. W. Botha. One of your officers, misled by a former burgher, who is nowtreacherously fighting against his own people, declared that the RedCross was not genuine, and burned all the buildings and food foundtherein, placed the patients on open trucks, and removed them. 

The first night of their deportation the sick patients and nursesslept in a camp at Steelpoortdrift, under the trolley waggons and inthe bitter cold, and although the women and children were lamentingand weeping the entire night, their complaints were not listened to. Ihave declarations testifying to the most inhuman, heartless, and cruelmaltreatment committed towards helpless women and children on thisoccasion. 

Probably, your Excellency knows nothing about these incidents, and asregards the _bona-fides_ of our ambulances, I wish to point out to youthat British officers depend largely on the assertions of kaffirs, andespecially on the allegations of traitors, and on the slightestprovocation ignore the rights of the Red Cross. 

The column referred to also burned, and plundered and destroyed manyhouses at Steenkampsberg, Witpoort and many other places, withoutthere being one single shot fired in the neighbourhood by ourburghers. And all this was allowed to occur in spite of yourExcellency's promises at the meeting of the Commandant-General Bothaat Middelburg. 

Latterly, it has often occurred that British ambulances have falleninto my hands. At Bethel, three doctors and an ambulance attached toGeneral Plumer's force fell into my hands. Near Vaalkop, MajorMorris's ambulance, and near Belfast an ambulance, attached to yourbrother's forces, were in my power, but I always regarded and treatedambulances flying the Red Cross as neutral and humane institutions, and I even liberated the soldiers employed to attend your wounded. 

And not a single one of these doctors or attendants was provided witha certificate, and I have invariably accepted their word that theywere legally attached to the Red Cross. But what is the attitude ofthe British officers towards us?

I trust your Excellency will give me a satisfactory reply to thesecomplaints, and issue orders to remedy them. 

 I am, Your Excellency's most obedient servant, B. J. VILJOEN. 

 _Assistant Commandant-General. _

 District Lydenburg, _8th September, 1901_. 

TO HIS EXCELLENCY, LORD KITCHENER, _Commanding the British Troops in South Africa, Pretoria_. 

YOUR EXCELLENCY, I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your Excellency's letterto General Blood, dated Pretoria, 31st of August, from which Iunderstand that your Excellency essays to justify the use of the whiteflag for the dissemination of proclamations through our lines, inconnection with which your Excellency offers arguments which I do nothesitate to say are utterly untenable. 

Firstly, it is asserted by your Excellency that the sending of thesedocuments addressed to individuals is justified under the white flag;secondly, that your Excellency considers it your Excellency's duty torender us conversant with the contents of your Excellency'sproclamations in order that we shall be informed what our fate shallbe after the 15th September next, &c. , &c. , &c. 

With regard to the first argument introduced, I regret that I mustdispute your Excellency's contention that this is legal, and I amassured that an impartial court would declare it as illegal. I encloseherewith the copy of a letter from General W. Kitchener, dated 1stSeptember last, in answer to a complaint of my _locum tenens_, "Fighting"-General Muller, with respect to the taking and removing bythe said General W. Kitchener's troops of our ambulance and hospitalattendants, from which letter it will appear that General Kitchenerconsiders the sending of a white flag despatch concerning importantand serious irregularities as "trivial communications. " How am I tounderstand British officers?

Your Excellency thinks that it is permissible to employ the white flagto send pernicious and misleading proclamations within our lines, whereas General W. Kitchener warns us not to employ the white flagwhen we are compelled to complain concerning the British Army wherethe latter removes and robs us of our ambulances, as occurred inconnection with the ambulance of Dr. Neethling, which was removed toMiddelburg, and after being relieved of food, medical instruments, anumber of vehicles, eight mules, and 10 oxen, was sent back. 

With regard to the second matter, your Excellency, I should say, appears to display as keen an interest in our ultimate fate asMessrs. Dillon and Labouchere, and, if I possessed any propheticfaculty, I should probably be better able to appreciate yourExcellency's interest in ourselves. 

In the letter referred to above, your Excellency mentions a lettersent to his Honour, Commandant-General Botha, in which your Excellencyasserts that certain murders committed by us filled the British publicwith horror, and that these murders provoked Mr. Chamberlain's remark"that the acts of the Boers justified the description of maraudingruffianisms. " I cannot believe such acts have been committed by us orours with the knowledge of our officers, or that any such acts will becommitted. It is, of course, impossible for me to discuss this matterfurther, as I am ignorant of the circumstances. 

With reference to your Excellency's contention that the destruction ofour enemy's railway lines is unjustifiable, I can only say that suchaction is not only regarded as legal by all military authorities, butthat in a handbook published by Sir Garnet Wolseley circumstantialinstructions are given in this connection for interrupting hostilesupplies. As your Excellency rightly remarks, we, as soldiers, musttake the rough with the smooth, and not complain petulantly when incertain cases a less gentle treatment is dealt out. Militaryoperations, such as the blowing up of railway lines, are as unpleasantto us as I hope the destruction of our houses, the burning of ourfood, and the deportation of our families may be to your Excellency. 

 I have the honour to be, Your Excellency's obedient servant, B. J. VILJOEN, _Assistant Commandant-General, Transvaal Burgher Forces. _

 District Lydenburg, _21st September, 1901_. 

TO HIS HONOUR GENERAL SIR BINDON BLOOD, _Middelburg_. 

YOUR HONOUR, I am compelled to protest against the methods of one of your columns, which during the past week has been operating round about RoosSenekal, and which has burnt and destroyed the food of a number offamilies which it did not deport. This is surely a most inhumanaction, inasmuch that the families mentioned are now in a destituteposition. The families in question are those of Mr. Hans Grobler ofKlip River, and others at Tondeldoos. I should also like to know whyDr. Manning and his ambulance and wounded have been removed fromTondeldoos, notwithstanding former assurances that the Red Crossshould be regarded as neutral and left unmolested. 

 I have the honour to be, Your Honour's obedient servant, B. J. VILJOEN. _Assistant Commandant-General. _

 Head Quarters, Pretoria, _26th October, 1901_. 

TO GENERAL BEN VILJOEN. 

SIR, I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 8th ofOctober, in which you complain of attacks upon your burghers, and thefamilies and the property of your burghers, by kaffirs. You specifytwo particular incidents in your letter:--

 (_a_) The incident at Wit River on the 22nd September, 1901. 

 (_b_) The burning and plundering of homesteads at Ohrigstad. 

I have investigated both cases and find that the facts are asfollows:--

 (_a_) In the first case a small body of mounted troops in charge of an officer attempted to capture a number of Boer waggons near Wit River on the 22nd September. A fight took place, and during the battle a band of kaffirs, of whose proximity His Majesty's troops had no knowledge, approached from another direction and commenced shooting on the burghers. This being observed, His Majesty's troops were withdrawn in order to avert any appearance of co-operation with the kaffirs, and a report in connection with the incident was immediately sent in. 

 (_b_) In the second case Colonel Parke, the commanding officer of His Majesty's troops in the district named, reports that there is no foundation for the report supplied to you. On the 3rd of September all families in Ohrigstad district were removed by him. Harber's burgher commando was present, but took no part in the operation. On this occasion it was reported by a Boer woman that a number of kaffirs had appeared there the day previous and had plundered the village of Ohrigstad, but the kaffirs were acting independently of His Majesty's troops, and no further information as regards the matter is available except the report as stated above. 

In conclusion, I think that it is not improbable that kaffirs havemade attacks in the districts named by you, but I can only attributethese attacks to the action of your own burghers, _i. E. _, to theshooting and robbing of kaffirs, and the enmity thereby awakened amongthe kaffirs by such maltreatment. While at the same time they (theburghers) have supplied the kaffirs, by manner of sale, of weapons andammunition wherewith the attacks were made concerning which youcomplain. I emphatically deny that they (the kaffirs) were armed orincited by His Majesty's troops. 

 I have the honour to be, Your obedient servant, KITCHENER, _Commander-in-Chief in South Africa_. 

 District Lydenburg, _6th November, 1901. _

TO HIS EXCELLENCY LORD KITCHENER, _Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's Forces in South Africa. _

YOUR EXCELLENCY, --

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency'sletter of the 26th October, containing a denial of certain actscommitted by armed kaffirs in the neighbourhood of Wit River andOhrigstad. 

With respect to the first incident, _i. E. _, that at Wit River, I canonly say that it appeared to us not only strange, but even improbablethat a band of armed kaffirs could attack simultaneously, and inevident harmony with His Majesty's troops, and that neither partyshould have any cognisance of the other's presence. 

If it were the first occasion that His Majesty's troops had acted inconjunction and with the assistance of kaffirs to make raids on theburghers, then His Excellency's explanation would be feasible. 

But, alas, our bitter experience in this War is otherwise. I shall, therefore, be causing your Excellency no surprise if I contend thatyour Excellency's explanation is untenable. As to what occurred atOhrigstad, I adhere to what I said, and to my letter of the 8th ofOctober, and I regret to observe that Colonel Parke misled yourExcellency by giving you an inaccurate account of the true facts. 

To assist Colonel Parke's memory I may state that the same night heleft Lydenburg on his way to Kruger's Post, the Boer, Harber, with hisband of traitors, proceeded through Klipkloof and acrossJoubertshoogte, accompanied by 100 armed kaffirs, and passedField-Cornet Zwart's farm at Uitkomst, where the plundering of Boerfamilies and homesteads was commenced. This was done at the explicitinstructions and in the presence of the said Harber. 

The same afternoon Harber was met by the forces under Colonel Parke, at Rustplaats, whence they conjointly withdrew to Kruger's Post Nek. 

The next morning Colonel Parke once more proceeded to Ohrigstad, whereour families were again plundered and deported, and the homesteadsraided and burned. 

Accordingly, only the last paragraph of Colonel Parke's report iscorrect; and if your Excellency would take the trouble to questionand examine the families now in your hands--as requested in my formerletter--your Excellency would easily ascertain the true facts. 

Since I construe from your Excellency's letter that Harber and hiscorps are recognised as attached to His Majesty's forces, HisMajesty's officers must be held responsible for the acts of the saidHarber and his kaffir hordes. 

It is not to be assumed that Harber and his corps, all armed, andattired in khaki, only accompanied His Majesty's Army as spectators ormilitary attachés. 

In conclusion, I observe that your Excellency repeats the allegationthat kaffirs are promiscuously shot, robbed, and maltreated by ourburghers, and that arms have been sold to the kaffirs by our burghers;and that you trace the hostile attitude of the kaffirs towards us tothese causes. 

As regards the hostile attitude of the kaffir races I can refer yourExcellency to a letter from his Honour, General Louis Botha, on thesame subject, wherein it is notified, _inter alia_, that prior to thearrival of British troops in these districts, and in Swaziland, thekaffir races, without exception, maintained a pacific attitude, a factwhich speaks for itself. 

I must again repeat that the allegation that burghers sold arms tothe kaffirs is, so far as I know, untrue, and that this is merely oneof the many baseless accusations which have emanated from traitors andunscrupulous individuals, and are offered by them as "importantinformation" to the British officers. 

That kaffirs were provided by His Majesty's officers with arms can beproved by intercepted documents, and I enclose herewith an extractfrom the diary of Sergeant Buchanan, of Steinacker's Horse, from whichyour Excellency will perceive that Lieutenant Gray, an officer of HisMajesty's Army, did personally supply kaffirs with arms andammunition. 

 I have the honour to be, Your Excellency's obedient servant, B. J. VILJOEN. _Assistant Commandant-General. _

 District of Lydenburg, _7th November, 1901. _

THE OFFICER COMMANDING LYDENBURG, DEAR SIR, --

I shall be obliged by your bringing the following to the attention ofLord Kitchener, namely, that on 29th October last the residence of acertain D. Coetzee, on the Vrischgewaard Farm, in this district, wassurrounded during the night of that day, or approximately at thattime, by His Majesty's troops, assisted by a number of kaffirs andtraitors, and that only the youth Abraham Coetzee, occupied the house, and that this youth, while attempting to escape, was shot through thestomach. Coetzee was, furthermore, left in a shed, and robbed of allhis personal goods, and even his clothes. 

The following day I found him still alive, but he died shortly after. He declared that in the presence of white British troops he had beenrobbed, knocked about, and kicked by armed kaffirs. I know beforehandthat the officer responsible for this noble and civilised act willattempt to pervert the truth, because I am assured that His Excellencycannot sanction this method of warfare. But this case is personallyknown to me, and in my opinion, the declaration of a dying man isworthy of credit. 

 I have the honour to be, Your very obedient servant, B. J. VILJOEN. 

 On the Veldt, _11th November, 1901. _

TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE MARQUIS OF SALISBURY, _Prime Minister of His British Majesty's Government_. 

YOUR EXCELLENCY, Whereas His Honour the Commandant-General, and other commandingofficers, have already more than once, without any result, protestedto the Commanding Officer of your Forces in South Africa against theemployment of savage aborigines in this War, and notwithstanding thatwe have repeatedly assured your military authorities here that on ourside every effort is being made to keep kaffirs entirely outside thisWar, this Government is of opinion that it is its duty to earnestlyand solemnly protest to your Government, as we hereby do, and at thesame time to point out and direct its attention to the horrible andcruel consequences of this manner of warfare. 

Former protests sent in to your military authorities here in thisconnection have met with the reply that such kaffirs were onlyemployed as unarmed scouts, though we have proof that they actuallyfight against us, and pursue their destructive methods while in theranks of your forces, and as isolated commandos directed by Britishofficers. 

These kaffirs, being ignorant of the rules of civilised warfare, havenot hesitated on various occasions and even in the presence of yourtroops, to kill prisoners-of-war in a barbarous fashion. This is onlyone of the evil consequences resulting from the employment ofbarbarians in war, because it has also occurred that defenceless womenand children have been made prisoners by these wild ruffians, andremoved to kaffir kraals for detention until they were handed over tothe British military authorities. 

This Government is prepared, in case the above allegations are denied, to send your Excellency a large number of sworn declarationsconfirming the facts. 

 We have the honour to be, Your Excellency's most obedient servants, S. W. BURGER (_Acting State President_). 

 F. W. REITZ (_Acting State Secretary_). 

 Army Headquarters, Pretoria, South Africa. _1st December, 1901. _

SIR, I observe from a communication which his Honour Schalk Burger hasrequested me to forward to Lord Salisbury, and which I have soforwarded, that his Government complains of the treatment of the womenand children in the camps which we have established for theirreception. 

Everything has been done which the conditions of a state of warallowed to provide for the well-being of the women and children; butas you complain of that treatment and must, therefore, be in aposition to provide for them, I have the honour to inform you that allwomen and children at present in our camps who are willing to leavewill be sent to your care, and I shall be happy to be informed whereyou desire that they should be handed over to you. 

I have addressed a reply to His Honour Schalk Burger in the abovesense. 

 I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient servant, KITCHENER, _General Commanding-in-Chief, South Africa_. 

TO GENERAL C. DE WET. 

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