MY DAYS OF ADVENTURE

 THE FALL OF FRANCE, 1870-71

 By Ernest Alfred Vizetelly

Le Petit Homme Rouge

Author of "The Court of the Tuileries 1852-70" etc. 

With A Frontispiece

London, 1914

THE PEOPLE'S WAR

 O husbandmen of hill and dale, O dressers of the vines, O sea-tossed fighters of the gale, O hewers of the mines, O wealthy ones who need not strive, O sons of learning, art, O craftsmen of the city's hive, O traders of the man, Hark to the cannon's thunder-call Appealing to the brave! Your France is wounded, and may fall Beneath the foreign grave! Then gird your loins! Let none delay Her glory to maintain; Drive out the foe, throw off his sway, Win back your land again!

1870. E. A. V. 

PREFACE

While this volume is largely of an autobiographical character, it will befound to contain also a variety of general information concerning theFranco-German War of 1870-71, more particularly with respect to the secondpart of that great struggle--the so-called "People's War" which followedthe crash of Sedan and the downfall of the Second French Empire. If I haveincorporated this historical matter in my book, it is because I haverepeatedly noticed in these later years that, whilst English people areconversant with the main facts of the Sedan disaster and such subsequentoutstanding events as the siege of Paris and the capitulation of Metz, they usually know very little about the manner in which the war generallywas carried on by the French under the virtual dictatorship of Gambetta. Should England ever be invaded by a large hostile force, we, with our verylimited regular army, should probably be obliged to rely largely onelements similar to those which were called to the field by the FrenchNational Defence Government of 1870 after the regular armies of the Empirehad been either crushed at Sedan or closely invested at Metz. For thatreason I have always taken a keen interest in our Territorial Force, wellrealizing what heavy responsibilities would fall upon it if a powerfulenemy should obtain a footing in this country. Some indication of thoseresponsibilities will be found in the present book. 

Generally speaking, however, I have given only a sketch of the latter partof the Franco-German War. To have entered into details on an infinity ofmatters would have necessitated the writing of a very much longer work. However, I have supplied, I think, a good deal of precise informationrespecting the events which I actually witnessed, and in this connexion, perhaps, I may have thrown some useful sidelights on the war generally;for many things akin to those which I saw, occurred under more or lesssimilar circumstances in other parts of France. 

People who are aware that I am acquainted with the shortcomings of theFrench in those already distant days, and that I have watched, as closelyas most foreigners can watch, the evolution of the French army in theselater times, have often asked me what, to my thinking, would be theoutcome of another Franco-German War. For many years I fully anticipatedanother struggle between the two Powers, and held myself in readiness todo duty as a war-correspondent. I long thought, also, that the signal forthat struggle would be given by France. But I am no longer of thatopinion. I fully believe that all French statesmen worthy of the namerealize that it would be suicidal for France to provoke a war with herformidable neighbour. And at the same time I candidly confess that I donot know what some journalists mean by what they call the "New France. " Tomy thinking there is no "New France" at all. There was as much spirit, asmuch patriotism, in the days of MacMahon, in the days of Boulanger, and atother periods, as there is now. The only real novelty that I notice in theFrance of to-day is the cultivation of many branches of sport and athleticexercise. Of that kind of thing there was very little indeed when I was astripling. But granting that young Frenchmen of to-day are more athletic, more "fit" than were those of my generation, granting, moreover, that thepresent organization and the equipment of the French army are vastlysuperior to what they were in 1870, and also that the conditions ofwarfare have greatly changed, I feel that if France were to engage, unaided, in a contest with Germany, she would again be worsted, andworsted by her own fault. 

She fully knows that she cannot bring into the field anything like as manymen as Germany; and it is in a vain hope of supplying the deficiency thatshe has lately reverted from a two to a three years' system of militaryservice. The latter certainly gives her a larger effective for the firstcontingencies of a campaign, but in all other respects it is merely apiece of jugglery, for it does not add a single unit to the total numberof Frenchmen capable of bearing arms. The truth is, that during fortyyears of prosperity France has been intent on racial suicide. In the wholeof that period only some 3, 500, 000 inhabitants have been added to herpopulation, which is now still under 40 millions; whereas that of Germanyhas increased by leaps and bounds, and stands at about 66 millions. At thepresent time the German birth-rate is certainly falling, but the numericalsuperiority which Germany has acquired over France since the war of 1870is so great that I feel it would be impossible for the latter to triumphin an encounter unless she should be assisted by powerful allies. Bismarcksaid in 1870 that God was on the side of the big battalions; and thosebig battalions Germany can again supply. I hold, then, that no suchFranco-German war as the last one can again occur. Europe is now virtuallydivided into two camps, each composed of three Powers, all of which wouldbe more or less involved in a Franco-German struggle. The allies andfriends on either side are well aware of it, and in their own interestsare bound to exert a restraining influence which makes for the maintenanceof peace. We have had evidence of this in the limitations imposed on therecent Balkan War. 

On the other hand, it is, of course, the unexpected which usually happens;and whilst Europe generally remains armed to the teeth, and so manyjealousies are still rife, no one Power can in prudence desist from herarmaments. We who are the wealthiest nation in Europe spend on ourarmaments, in proportion to our wealth and our population, less than anyother great Power. Yet some among us would have us curtail ourexpenditure, and thereby incur the vulnerability which would tempt a foe. Undoubtedly the armaments of the present day are great and grievousburdens on the nations, terrible impediments to social progress, but theyconstitute, unfortunately, our only real insurance against war, justifyingyet to-day, after so many long centuries, the truth of the ancient Latinadage--_Si vis pacem, para bellum_. 

It is, I think, unnecessary for me to comment here on the autobiographicalpart of my book. It will, I feel, speak for itself. It treats of days longpast, and on a few points, perhaps, my memory may be slightly defective. In preparing my narrative, however, I have constantly referred to my olddiaries, note-books and early newspaper articles, and have done my best toabstain from all exaggeration. Whether this story of some of my youthfulexperiences and impressions of men and things was worth telling or not isa point which I must leave my readers to decide. 

E. A. V. 

London, _January_ 1914. 

CONTENTS

 I. INTRODUCTORY--SOME EARLY RECOLLECTIONS

 II. THE OUTBREAK OF THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR

 III. ON THE ROAD TO REVOLUTION

 IV. FROM REVOLUTION TO SIEGE

 V. BESIEGED

 VI. MORE ABOUT THE SIEGE DAYS

 VII. FROM PARIS TO VERSAILLES

VIII. FROM VERSAILLES TO BRITTANY

 IX. THE WAR IN THE PROVINCES

 X. WITH THE "ARMY OF BRITTANY"

 XI. BEFORE LE MANS

 XII. LE MANS AND AFTER

XIII. THE BITTER END

 INDEX

 MY DAYS OF ADVENTURE

I

INTRODUCTORY--SOME EARLY RECOLLECTIONS

The Vizetelly Family--My Mother and her Kinsfolk--The _Illustrated Times_and its Staff--My Unpleasant Disposition--Thackeray and my FirstHalf-Crown--School days at Eastbourne--Queen Alexandra--Garibaldi--A fewold Plays and Songs--Nadar and the "Giant" Balloon--My Arrival in France--My Tutor Brossard--Berezowski's Attempt on Alexander II--My Apprenticeshipto Journalism--My first Article--I see some French Celebrities--Visits tothe Tuileries--At Compiègne--A few Words with Napoleon III--A"Revolutionary" Beard. 

This is an age of "Reminiscences, " and although I have never played anypart in the world's affairs, I have witnessed so many notable things andmet so many notable people during the three-score years which I havelately completed, that it is perhaps allowable for me to add yet anothervolume of personal recollections to the many which have already pouredfrom the press. On starting on an undertaking of this kind it is usual, Iperceive by the many examples around me, to say something about one'sfamily and upbringing. There is less reason for me to depart from thispractice, as in the course of the present volume it will often benecessary for me to refer to some of my near relations. A few years ago adistinguished Italian philosopher and author, Angelo de Gubernatis, wasgood enough to include me in a dictionary of writers belonging to theLatin races, and stated, in doing so, that the Vizetellys were of Frenchorigin. That was a rather curious mistake on the part of an Italianwriter, the truth being that the family originated at Ravenna, where somemembers of it held various offices in the Middle Ages. Subsequently, afterdabbling in a conspiracy, some of the Vizzetelli fled to Venice and tookto glass-making there, until at last Jacopo, from whom I am descended, came to England in the spacious days of Queen Elizabeth. From that timeuntil my own the men of my family invariably married English women, sothat very little Italian blood can flow in my veins. 

Matrimonial alliances are sometimes of more than personal interest. Onepoint has particularly struck me in regard to those contracted by membersof my own family, this being the diversity of English counties from whichthe men have derived their wives and the women their husbands. Referencesto Cheshire, Lancashire, Yorkshire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire, Leicestershire, Berkshire, Bucks, Suffolk, Kent, Surrey, Sussex, andDevonshire, in addition to Middlesex, otherwise London, appear in myfamily papers. We have become connected with Johnstons, Burslems, Bartletts, Pitts, Smiths, Wards, Covells, Randalls, Finemores, Radfords, Hindes, Pollards, Lemprières, Wakes, Godbolds, Ansells, Fennells, Vaughans, Edens, Scotts, and Pearces, and I was the very first member ofthe family (subsequent to its arrival in England) to take a foreigner aswife, she being the daughter of a landowner of Savoy who proceeded fromthe Tissots of Switzerland. My elder brother Edward subsequently married aBurgundian girl named Clerget, and my stepbrother Frank chose an Americanone, _née_ Krehbiel, as his wife, these marriages occurring becausecircumstances led us to live for many years abroad. 

Among the first London parishes with which the family was connected wasSt. Botolph's, Bishopsgate, where my forerunner, the first HenryVizetelly, was buried in 1691, he then being fifty years of age, and wheremy father, the second Henry of the name, was baptised soon after his birthin 1820. St. Bride's, Fleet Street, was, however, our parish for manyyears, as its registers testify, though in 1781 my great-grandfather wasresident in the parish of St. Ann's, Blackfriars, and was electedconstable thereof. At that date the family name, which figures in oldEnglish registers under a variety of forms--Vissitaler, Vissitaly, Visataly, Visitelly, Vizetely, etc. --was by him spelt Vizzetelly, as isshown by documents now in the Guildhall Library; but a few years later hedropped the second z, with the idea, perhaps, of giving the name a moreEnglish appearance. 

This great-grandfather of mine was, like his father before him, a printerand a member of the Stationers' Company. He was twice married, having byhis first wife two sons, George and William, neither of whom leftposterity. The former, I believe, died in the service of the HonourableEast India Company. In June, 1775, however, my great-grandfather marriedElizabeth, daughter of James Hinde, stationer, of Little Moorfields, andhad by her, first, a daughter Elizabeth, from whom some of the Burslemsand Godbolds are descended; and, secondly, twins, a boy and a girl, whowere respectively christened James Henry and Mary Mehetabel. The formerbecame my grandfather. In August, 1816, he married, at St. Bride's, MarthaJane Vaughan, daughter of a stage-coach proprietor of Chester, and had byher a daughter, who died unmarried, and four sons--my father, HenryRichard, and my uncles James, Frank, and Frederick Whitehead Vizetelly. 

Some account of my grandfather is given in my father's "Glances Backthrough Seventy Years, " and I need not add to it here. I will only saythat, like his immediate forerunners, James Henry Vizetelly was a printerand freeman of the city. A clever versifier, and so able as an amateuractor that on certain occasions he replaced Edmund Kean on the boards whenthe latter was hopelessly drunk, he died in 1840, leaving his two eldersons, James and Henry, to carry on the printing business, which was thenestablished in premises occupying the site of the _Daily Telegraph_building in Fleet Street. 

In 1844 my father married Ellen Elizabeth, only child of John Pollard, M. D. , a member of the ancient Yorkshire family of the Pollards of Bierleyand Brunton, now chiefly represented, I believe, by the Pollards of ScarrHall. John Pollard's wife, Charlotte Maria Fennell, belonged to a familywhich gave officers to the British Navy--one of them serving directlyunder Nelson--and clergy to the Church of England. The Fennells wererelated to the Brontë sisters through the latter's mother; and one wasclosely connected with the Shackle who founded the original _John Bull_newspaper. Those, then, were my kinsfolk on the maternal side. My motherpresented my father with seven children, of whom I was the sixth, beingalso the fourth son. I was born on November 29, 1853, at a house calledChalfont Lodge in Campden House Road, Kensington, and well do I rememberthe great conflagration which destroyed the fine old historical mansionbuilt by Baptist Hicks, sometime a mercer in Cheapside and ultimatelyViscount Campden. But another scene which has more particularly haunted meall through my life was that of my mother's sudden death in a salooncarriage of an express train on the London and Brighton line. Though shewas in failing health, nobody thought her end so near; but in the verymidst of a journey to London, whilst the train was rushing on at fullspeed, and no help could be procured, a sudden weakness came over her, andin a few minutes she passed away. I was very young at the time, barelyfive years old, yet everything still rises before me with all thevividness of an imperishable memory. Again, too, I see that beautifulintellectual brow and those lustrous eyes, and hear that musical voice, and feel the gentle touch of that loving motherly hand. She was a woman ofattainments, fond of setting words to music, speaking perfect French, forshe had been partly educated at Evreux in Normandy, and having no littleknowledge of Greek and Latin literature, as was shown by her annotationsto a copy of Lemprière's "Classical Dictionary" which is now in mypossession. 

About eighteen months after I was born, that is in the midst of theCrimean War, my father founded, in conjunction with David Bogue, awell-known publisher of the time, a journal called the _IllustratedTimes_, which for several years competed successfully with the_Illustrated London News_. It was issued at threepence per copy, and anold memorandum of the printers now lying before me shows that in thepaper's earlier years the average printings were 130, 000 copies weekly--anotable figure for that period, and one which was considerably exceededwhen any really important event occurred. My father was the chief editorand manager, his leading coadjutor being Frederick Greenwood, whoafterwards founded the _Pall Mall Gazette_. I do not think thatGreenwood's connection with the _Illustrated Times_ and with my father'sother journal, the _Welcome Guest_, is mentioned in any of the accounts ofhis career. The literary staff included four of the Brothers Mayhew--Henry, Jules, Horace, and Augustus, two of whom, Jules and Horace, becamegodfathers to my father's first children by his second wife. Then therewere also William and Robert Brough, Edmund Yates, George Augustus Sala, Hain Friswell, W. B. Rands, Tom Robertson, Sutherland Edwards, JamesHannay, Edward Draper, and Hale White (father of "Mark Rutherford"), andseveral artists and engravers, such as Birket Foster, "Phiz. " Portch, Andrews, Duncan, Skelton, Bennett, McConnell, Linton, London, and HoraceHarrall. I saw all those men in my early years, for my father was veryhospitably inclined, and they were often guests at Chalfont Lodge. 

After my mother's death, my grandmother, _née_ Vaughan, took charge of theestablishment, and I soon became the terror of the house, developing amost violent temper and acquiring the vocabulary of the roughest marketporter. My wilfulness was probably innate (nearly all the Vizetellyshaving had impulsive wills of their own), and my flowery language waspicked up by perversely loitering to listen whenever there happened to bea street row in Church Lane, which I had to cross on my way to or fromKensington Gardens, my daily place of resort. At an early age I startedbullying my younger brother, I defied my grandmother, insulted the familydoctor because he was too fond of prescribing grey powders for myparticular benefit, and behaved abominably to the excellent Miss Lindup ofSheffield Terrace, who endeavoured to instruct me in the rudiments ofreading, writing, and arithmetic. I frequently astonished or appalled theliterary men and artists who were my father's guests. I hated beingcontinually asked what I should like to be when I grew up, and theslightest chaff threw me into a perfect paroxysm of passion. Whilst, however, I was resentful of the authority of others, I was greatlyinclined to exercise authority myself--to such a degree, indeed, that myfather's servants generally spoke of me as "the young master, " regardlessof the existence of my elder brothers. 

Having already a retentive memory, I was set to learn sundry"recitations, " and every now and then was called upon to emerge frombehind the dining-room curtains and repeat "My Name is Norval" or "TheSpanish Armada, " for the delectation of my father's friends whilst theylingered over their wine. Disaster generally ensued, provoked either bysome genial chaff or well-meant criticism from such men as Sala andAugustus Mayhew, and I was ultimately carried off--whilst ventingincoherent protests--to be soundly castigated and put to bed. 

Among the real celebrities who occasionally called at Chalfont Lodge wasThackeray, whom I can still picture sitting on one side of the fireplace, whilst my father sat on the other, I being installed on the hearthrugbetween them. Provided that I was left to myself, I could behave decentlyenough, discreetly preserving silence, and, indeed, listening intently tothe conversation of my father's friends, and thereby picking up a very oddmixture of knowledge. I was, I believe, a pale little chap with lank fairhair and a wistful face, and no casual observer would have imagined thatmy nature was largely compounded of such elements as enter into thecomposition of Italian brigands, Scandinavian pirates, and wild Welshmen. Thackeray, at all events, did not appear to think badly of the little boywho sat so quietly at his feet. One day, indeed, when he came upon me andmy younger brother Arthur, with our devoted attendant Selina Horrocks, in Kensington Gardens, he put into practice his own dictum that one couldnever see a schoolboy without feeling an impulse to dip one's hand inone's pocket. Accordingly he presented me with the first half-crown I everpossessed, for though my father's gifts were frequent they were small. Itwas understood, I believe, that I was to share the aforesaid half-crownwith my brother Arthur, but in spite of the many remonstrances of thefaithful Selina--a worthy West-country woman, who had largely taken mymother's place--I appropriated the gift in its entirety, and becameextremely ill by reason of my many indiscreet purchases at a tuck-stallwhich stood, if I remember rightly, at a corner of the then renownedKensington Flower Walk. This incident must have occurred late inThackeray's life. My childish recollection of him is that of a very biggentleman with beaming eyes. 

My grandmother's reign in my father's house was not of great duration, asin February, 1861, he contracted a second marriage, taking on thisoccasion as his wife a "fair maid of Kent, " [Elizabeth Anne Ansell, ofBroadstairs; mother of my step-brother, Dr. Frank H. Vizetelly, editor ofthe "Standard Dictionary, " New York. ] to whose entry into our home I wasat first violently opposed, but who promptly won me over by herunremitting affection and kindness, eventually becoming the best andtruest friend of my youth and early manhood. My circumstances changed, however, soon after that marriage, for as I was now nearly eight years oldit was deemed appropriate that I should be sent to a boarding-school, bothby way of improving my mind and of having some nonsense knocked out of me, which, indeed, was promptly accomplished by the pugnacious kindness of myschoolfellows. Among the latter was one, my senior by a few years, whobecame a very distinguished journalist. I refer to the late Horace Voules, so long associated with Labouchere's journal, _Truth_. My brother Edwardwas also at the same school, and my brother Arthur came there a littlelater. 

It was situated at Eastbourne, and a good deal has been written about itin recent works on the history of that well-known watering-place, which, when I was first sent there, counted less than 6000 inhabitants. Locatedin the old town or village, at a distance of a mile or more from the sea, the school occupied a building called "The Gables, " and was an offshoot ofa former ancient school connected with the famous parish church. In mytime this "academy" was carried on as a private venture by a certain JamesAnthony Bown, a portly old gentleman of considerable attainments. 

I was unusually precocious in some respects, and though I frequently gotinto scrapes by playing impish tricks--as, for instance, when I combinedwith others to secure an obnoxious French master to his chair by means ofsome cobbler's wax, thereby ruining a beautiful pair of peg-top trouserswhich he had just purchased--I did not neglect my lessons, but secured anumber of "prizes" with considerable facility. When I was barely twelveyears old, not one of my schoolfellows--and some were sixteen andseventeen years old--could compete with me in Latin, in which languageBown ended by taking me separately. I also won three or four prizes for"excelling" my successive classes in English grammar as prescribed by thecelebrated Lindley Murray. 

In spite of my misdeeds (some of which, fortunately, were never broughthome to me), I became, I think, somewhat of a favourite with the worthyJames Anthony, for he lent me interesting books to read, occasionally hadme to supper in his own quarters, and was now and then good enough tooverlook the swollen state of my nose or the blackness of one of my eyeswhen I had been having a bout with a schoolfellow or a young clodhopper ofthe village. We usually fought with the village lads in Love Lane onSunday evenings, after getting over the playground wall. I receivedfirstly the nickname of Moses, through falling among some rushes whilstfielding a ball at cricket; and secondly, that of Noses, because my nasalorgan, like that of Cyrano de Bergerac, suddenly grew to huge proportions, in such wise that it embodied sufficient material for two noses ofordinary dimensions. Its size was largely responsible for my defeats whenfighting, for I found it difficult to keep guard over such a prominentorgan and prevent my claret from being tapped. 

Having generations of printers' ink mingled with my blood, I could notescape the unkind fate which made me a writer of articles and books. In conjunction with a chum named Clement Ireland I ran a manuscript schooljournal, which included stories of pirates and highwaymen, illustratedwith lurid designs in which red ink was plentifully employed in order topicture the gore which flowed so freely through the various tales. My grandmother Vaughan was an inveterate reader of the _London Journal_and the _Family Herald_, and whenever I went home for my holidays I usedto pounce upon those journals and devour some of the stories of the authorof "Minnegrey, " as well as Miss Braddon's "Aurora Floyd" and "HenryDunbar. " The perusal of books by Ainsworth, Scott, Lever, Marryat, JamesGrant, G. P. R. James, Dumas, and Whyte Melville gave me additionalmaterial for storytelling; and so, concocting wonderful blends of allsorts of fiction, I spun many a yarn to my schoolfellows in the dormitoryin which I slept--yarns which were sometimes supplied in instalments, being kept up for a week or longer. 

My summer holidays were usually spent in the country, but at other times Iwent to London, and was treated to interesting sights. At Kensington, inmy earlier years, I often saw Queen Victoria and the Prince Consort withtheir children, notably the Princess Royal (Empress Frederick) and thePrince of Wales (Edward VII). When the last-named married the "Sea-King'sdaughter from over the sea"--since then our admired and gracious QueenAlexandra--and they drove together through the crowded streets of Londonon their way to Windsor, I came specially from Eastbourne to witness thattriumphal progress, and even now I can picture the young prince with hisround chubby face and little side-whiskers, and the vision of almosttearfully-smiling beauty, in blue and white, which swept past my eagerboyish eyes. 

During the Easter holidays of 1864 Garibaldi came to England. My uncle, Frank Vizetelly, was the chief war-artist of that period, the predecessor, in fact, of the late Melton Prior. He knew Garibaldi well, having firstmet him during the war of 1859, and having subsequently accompanied himduring his campaign through Sicily and then on to Naples--afterwards, moreover, staying with him at Caprera. And so my uncle carried me and hisson, my cousin Albert, to Stafford House (where he had the _entrée_), andthe grave-looking Liberator patted us on the head, called us his children, and at Frank Vizetelly's request gave us photographs of himself. I thenlittle imagined that I should next see him in France, at the close of thewar with Germany, during a part of which my brother Edward acted as one ofhis orderly officers. 

My father, being at the head of a prominent London newspaper, oftenreceived tickets for one and another theatre. Thus, during my winterholidays, I saw many of the old pantomimes at Drury Lane and elsewhere. Ialso well remember Sothern's "Lord Dundreary, " and a play called "TheDuke's Motto, " which was based on Paul Féval's novel, "Le Bossu. " Ifrequently witnessed the entertainments given by the German Reeds, CorneyGrain, and Woodin, the clever quick-change artist. I likewise rememberLeotard the acrobat at the Alhambra, and sundry performances at the oldPantheon, where I heard such popular songs as "The Captain with theWhiskers" and "The Charming Young Widow I met in the Train. " Niggerditties were often the "rage" during my boyhood, and some of them, like"Dixie-land" and "So Early in the Morning, " still linger in my memory. Then, too, there were such songs as "Billy Taylor, " "I'm Afloat, " "I'llhang my Harp on a Willow Tree, " and an inane composition which containedthe lines--

 "When a lady elopes Down a ladder of ropes, She may go, she may go, She may go to--Hongkong--for me!"

In those schoolboy days of mine, however, the song of songs, to mythinking, was one which we invariably sang on breaking up for theholidays. Whether it was peculiar to Eastbourne or had been derived fromsome other school I cannot say. I only know that the last verse ran, approximately, as follows:

 "Magistrorum is a borum, Hic-haec-hoc has made his bow. Let us cry: 'O cockalorum!' That's the Latin for us now. Alpha, beta, gamma, delta, Off to Greece, for we are free! Helter, skelter, melter, pelter, We're the lads for mirth and spree!"

For "cockalorum, " be it noted, we frequently substituted the name of someparticularly obnoxious master. 

To return to the interesting sights of my boyhood, I have somerecollection of the Exhibition of 1862, but can recall more vividly avisit to the Crystal Palace towards the end of the following year, when Ithere saw the strange house-like oar of the "Giant" balloon in whichNadar, the photographer and aeronaut, had lately made, with his wife andothers, a memorable and disastrous aerial voyage. Readers of Jules Vernewill remember that Nadar figures conspicuously in his "Journey to theMoon. " Quite a party of us went to the Palace to see the "Giant's" car, and Nadar, standing over six feet high, with a great tangled mane offrizzy flaxen hair, a ruddy moustache, and a red shirt _à la_ Garibaldi, took us inside it and showed us all the accommodation it contained foreating, sleeping and photographic purposes. I could not follow what hesaid, for I then knew only a few French words, and I certainly had no ideathat I should one day ascend into the air with him in a car of a verydifferent type, that of the captive balloon which, for purposes ofmilitary observation, he installed on the Place Saint Pierre atMontmartre, during the German siege of Paris. 

A time came when my father disposed of his interest in the _IllustratedTimes_ and repaired to Paris to take up the position of Continentalrepresentative of the _Illustrated London News_. My brother Edward, atthat time a student at the École des Beaux Arts, then became hisassistant, and a little later I was taken across the Channel with mybrother Arthur to join the rest of the family. We lived, first, atAuteuil, and then at Passy, where I was placed in a day-school called theInstitution Nouissel, where lads were prepared for admission to the Stateor municipal colleges. There had been some attempt to teach me French atEastbourne, but it had met with little success, partly, I think, becauseI was prejudiced against the French generally, regarding them as a mererace of frog-eaters whom we had deservedly whacked at Waterloo. Eventuallymy prejudices were in a measure overcome by what I heard from ourdrill-master, a retired non-commissioned officer, who had served in theCrimea, and who told us some rousing anecdotes about the gallantry of"our allies" at the Alma and elsewhere. In the result, the old sergeant'sconverse gave me "furiously to think" that there might be some good in theFrench after all. 

At Nouissel's I acquired some knowledge of the language rapidly enough, and I was afterwards placed in the charge of a tutor, a clever scamp namedBrossard, who prepared me for the Lycée Bonaparte (now Condorcet), where Ieventually became a pupil, Brossard still continuing to coach me with aview to my passing various examinations, and ultimately securing the usual_baccalauréat_, without which nobody could then be anything at all inFrance. In the same way he coached Evelyn Jerrold, son of Blanchard andgrandson of Douglas Jerrold, both of whom were on terms of closefriendship with the Vizetellys. But while Brossard was a clever man, hewas also an unprincipled one, and although I was afterwards indebted tohim for an introduction to old General Changarnier, to whom he wasrelated, it would doubtless have been all the better if he had notintroduced me to some other people with whom he was connected. He livedfor a while with a woman who was not his wife, and deserted her for a girlof eighteen, whom he also abandoned, in order to devote himself to acreature in fleshings who rode a bare-backed steed at the Cirque del'Impératrice. When I was first introduced to her "behind the scenes, " shewas bestriding a chair, and smoking a pink cigarette, and she addressed meas _mon petit_. Briefly, the moral atmosphere of Brossard's life was notsuch as befitted him to be a mentor of youth. 

Let me now go back a little. At the time of the great Paris Exhibition of1867 I was in my fourteenth year. The city was then crowded withroyalties, many of whom I saw on one or another occasion. I was in theBois de Boulogne with my father when, after a great review, a shot wasfired at the carriage in which Napoleon III and his guest, Alexander II ofRussia, were seated side by side. I saw equerry Raimbeaux gallop forwardto screen the two monarchs, and I saw the culprit seized by a sergeant ofour Royal Engineers, attached to the British section of the Exhibition. Both sovereigns stood up in the carriage to show that they were uninjured, and it was afterwards reported that the Emperor Napoleon said to theEmperor Alexander: "If that shot was fired by an Italian it was meant forme; if by a Pole, it was meant for your Majesty. " Whether those words werereally spoken, or were afterwards invented, as such things often are, bysome clever journalist, I cannot say; but the man proved to be a Polenamed Berezowski, who was subsequently sentenced to transportation forlife. 

It was in connection with this attempt on the Czar that I did my firstlittle bit of journalistic work. By my father's directions, I took a fewnotes and made a hasty little sketch of the surroundings. This and myexplanations enabled M. Jules Pelcoq, an artist of Belgian birth, whom myfather largely employed on behalf of the _Illustrated London News_, tomake a drawing which appeared on the first page of that journal's nextissue. I do not think that any other paper in the world was able to supplya pictorial representation of Berezowski's attempt. 

I have said enough, I think, to show that I was a precocious lad, perhaps, indeed, a great deal too precocious. However, I worked very hard in thosedays. My hours at Bonaparte were from ten to twelve and from two to four. I had also to prepare home-lessons for the Lycée, take special lessonsfrom Brossard, and again lessons in German from a tutor named With. Then, too, my brother Edward ceasing to act as my father's assistant in order todevote himself to journalism on his own account, I had to take over a partof his duties. One of my cousins, Montague Vizetelly (son of my uncleJames, who was the head of our family), came from England, however, toassist my father in the more serious work, such as I, by reason of myyouth, could not yet perform. My spare time was spent largely in takinginstructions to artists or fetching drawings from them. At one moment Imight be at Mont-martre, and at another in the Quartier Latin, calling onPelcoq, Anastasi, Janet Lange, Gustave Janet, Pauquet, Thorigny, Gaildrau, Deroy, Bocourt, Darjou, Lix, Moulin, Fichot, Blanchard, or other artistswho worked for the _Illustrated London News_. Occasionally a sketch wasposted to England, but more frequently I had to despatch some drawing onwood by rail. Though I have never been anything but an amateurishdraughtsman myself, I certainly developed a critical faculty, and acquireda knowledge of different artistic methods, during my intercourse with somany of the _dessinateurs_ of the last years of the Second Empire. 

By-and-by more serious duties were allotted to me. The "Paris Fashions"design then appearing every month in the _Illustrated London News_ was fora time prepared according to certain dresses which Worth and other famouscostumiers made for empresses, queens, princesses, great ladies, andtheatrical celebrities; and, accompanying Pelcoq or Janet when they wentto sketch those gowns (nowadays one would simply obtain photographs), Itook down from _la première_, or sometimes from Worth himself, fullparticulars respecting materials and styles, in order that the descriptiveletterpress, which was to accompany the illustration, might be correct. 

In this wise I served my apprenticeship to journalism. My father naturallyrevised my work. The first article, all my own, which appeared in printwas one on that notorious theatrical institution, the Claque. I sent it to_Once a Week_, which E. S. Dallas then edited, and knowing that he waswell acquainted with my father, and feeling very diffident respecting themerits of what I had written, I assumed a _nom de plume_ ("CharlesLudhurst") for the occasion, Needless to say that I was delighted whenI saw the article in print, and yet more so when I received for it acouple of guineas, which I speedily expended on gloves, neckties, and awalking-stick. Here let me say that we were rather swagger young fellowsat Bonaparte. We did not have to wear hideous ill-fitting uniforms likeother Lycéens, but endeavoured to present a very smart appearance. Thuswe made it a practice to wear gloves and to carry walking-sticks or caneson our way to or from the Lycée. I even improved on that by buying"button-holes" at the flower-market beside the Madeleine, and this idea"catching on, " as the phrase goes, quite a commotion occurred one morningwhen virtually half my classmates were found wearing flowers--for ithappened to be La Saint Henri, the _fête_-day of the Count de Chambord, and both our Proviseur and our professor imagined that this was, on ourpart, a seditious Legitimist demonstration. There were, however, very fewLegitimists among us, though Orleanists and Republicans were numerous. 

I have mentioned that my first article was on the Claque, thatorganisation established to encourage applause in theatres, it being heldthat the Parisian spectator required to be roused by some such method. Brossard having introduced me to the _sous-chef_ of the Claque at theOpéra Comique, I often obtained admission to that house as a _claqueur_. I even went to a few other theatres in the same capacity. Further, Brossard knew sundry authors and journalists, and took me to the Café deSuède and the Café de Madrid, where I saw and heard some of thecelebrities of the day. I can still picture the great Dumas, loud of voiceand exuberant in gesture whilst holding forth to a band of young"spongers, " on whom he was spending his last napoleons. I can also seeGambetta--young, slim, black-haired and bearded, with a full sensualunderlip--seated at the same table as Delescluze, whose hair and beard, once red, had become a dingy white, whose figure was emaciated andangular, and whose yellowish, wrinkled face seemed to betoken that he waspossessed by some fixed idea. What that idea was, the Commune subsequentlyshowed. Again, I can see Henri Rochefort and Gustave Flourens together:the former straight and sinewy, with a great tuft of very dark curly hair, flashing eyes and high and prominent cheekbones; while the latter, talland bald, with long moustaches and a flowing beard, gazed at you in aneager imperious way, as if he were about to issue some command. 

Other men who helped to overthrow the Empire also became known to me. Myfather, whilst engaged in some costly litigation respecting a largecastellated house which he had leased at Le Vésinet, secured Jules Favreas his advocate, and on various occasions I went with him to Favre'sresidence. Here let me say that my father, in spite of all his interest inFrench literature, did not know the language. He could scarcely expresshimself in it, and thus he always made it a practice to have one of hissons with him, we having inherited our mother's linguistic gifts. Favre'scommand of language was great, but his eloquence was by no means rousing, and I well remember that when he pleaded for my father, the three judgesof the Appeal Court composed themselves to sleep, and did not awaken untilthe counsel opposed to us started banging his fist and shouting inthunderous tones. Naturally enough, as the judges never heard our side ofthe case, but only our adversary's, they decided against us. 

Some retrenchment then became necessary on my father's part, and he sentmy step-mother, her children and my brother Arthur, to Saint Servan inBrittany, where he rented a house which was called "La petite Amélia, "after George III's daughter of that name, who, during some interval ofpeace between France and Great Britain, went to stay at Saint Servan forthe benefit of her health. The majority of our family having repairedthere and my cousin Monty returning to England some time in 1869, Iremained alone with my father in Paris. We resided in what I may call abachelor's flat at No. 16, Rue de Miromesnil, near the Elysée Palace. Theprincipal part of the house was occupied by the Count and Countess deChateaubriand and their daughters. The Countess was good enough to takesome notice of me, and subsequently, when she departed for Combourg at theapproach of the German siege, she gave me full permission to make use, ifnecessary, of the coals and wood left in the Chateaubriand cellars. 

In 1869, the date I have now reached, I was in my sixteenth year, stillstudying, and at the same time giving more and more assistance to myfather in connection with his journalistic work. He has included in his"Glances Back" some account of the facilities which enabled him to secureadequate pictorial delineation of the Court life of the Empire. He hastold the story of Moulin, the police-agent, who frequently watched overthe Emperor's personal safety, and who also supplied sketches of Courtfunctions for the use of the _Illustrated London News_. Napoleon IIIresembled his great-uncle in at least one respect. He fully understood theart of advertisement; and, in his desire to be thought well of in England, he was always ready to favour English journalists. Whilst a certain partof the London Press preserved throughout the reign a very criticalattitude towards the Imperial policy, it is certain that some of the Pariscorrespondents were in close touch with the Emperor's Government, and thatsome of them were actually subsidized by it. 

The best-informed man with respect to Court and social events wasundoubtedly Mr. Felix Whiteburst of _The Daily Telegraph_, whom I wellremember. He had the _entrée_ at the Tuileries and elsewhere, and therewere occasions when very important information was imparted to him with aview to its early publication in London. For the most part, however, Whitehurst confined himself to chronicling events or incidents occurringat Court or in Bonapartist high society. Anxious to avoid giving offence, he usually glossed over any scandal that occurred, or dismissed it airily, with the _désinvolture_ of a _roué_ of the Regency. Withal, he was anextremely amiable man, very condescending towards me when we met, assometimes happened at the Tuileries itself. 

I had to go there on several occasions to meet Moulin, thedetective-artist, by appointment, and a few years ago this helped me towrite a book which has been more than once reprinted. [Note] I utilized init many notes made by me in 1869-70, notably with respect to the Emperorand Empress's private apartments, the kitchens, and the arrangements madefor balls and banquets. I am not aware at what age a young fellow isusually provided with his first dress-suit, but I know that mine was madeabout the time I speak of. I was then, I suppose, about five feet fiveinches in height, and my face led people to suppose that I was eighteen ornineteen years of age. 

[Note: The work in question was entitled "The Court of the Tuileries, 1852-1870, " by "Le Petit Homme Rouge"--a pseudonym which I have since usedwhen producing other books. "The Court of the Tuileries" was founded inpart on previously published works, on a quantity of notes and memorandamade by my father, other relatives, and myself, and on some of the privatepapers of one of my wife's kinsmen, General Mollard, who after greatlydistinguishing himself at the Tchernaya and Magenta, became for a time anaide-de-camp to Napoleon III. ]

In the autumn of 1869, I fell rather ill from over-study--I had alreadybegun to read up Roman law--and, on securing a holiday, I accompanied myfather to Compiègne, where the Imperial Court was then staying. We werenot among the invited guests, but it had been arranged that every facilityshould be given to the _Illustrated London News_ representatives in orderthat the Court _villegiatura_ might be fully depicted in that journal. Ineed not recapitulate my experiences on this occasion. There is an accountof our visit in my father's "Glances Back, " and I inserted many additionalparticulars in my "Court of the Tuileries. " I may mention, however, thatit was at Compiègne that I first exchanged a few words with Napoleon III. 

One day, my father being unwell (the weather was intensely cold), Iproceeded to the château [We slept at the Hôtel de la Cloche, buthad the _entrée_ to the château at virtually any time. ] accompanied onlyby our artist, young M. Montbard, who was currently known as "Apollo" inthe Quartier Latin, where he delighted the _habitués_ of the Bal Bullierby a style of choregraphy in comparison with which the achievementssubsequently witnessed at the notorious Moulin Rouge would have sunk intoinsignificance. Montbard had to make a couple of drawings on the day Ihave mentioned, and it so happened that, whilst we were going about withM. De la Ferrière, the chamberlain on duty, Napoleon III suddenly appearedbefore us. Directly I was presented to him he spoke to me in English, telling me that he often saw the _Illustrated London News_, and that theillustrations of French life and Paris improvements (in which he took sokeen an interest) were very ably executed. He asked me also how long I hadbeen in France, and where I had learnt the language. Then, remarking thatit was near the _déjeuner_ hour, he told M. De la Ferrière to see thatMontbard and myself were suitably entertained. 

I do not think that I had any particular political opinions at that time. Montbard, however, was a Republican--in fact, a future Communard--and Iknow that he did not appreciate his virtually enforced introduction to theso-called "Badinguet. " Still, he contrived to be fairly polite, andallowed the Emperor to inspect the sketch he was making. There was to be atheatrical performance at the château that evening, and it had alreadybeen arranged that Montbard should witness it. On hearing, however, thatit had been impossible to provide my father and myself with seats, onaccount of the great demand for admission on the part of local magnatesand the officers of the garrison, the Emperor was good enough to say, after I had explained that my father's indisposition would prevent himfrom attending: "Voyons, vous pourrez bien trouver une petite place pource jeune homme. Il n'est pas si grand, et je suis sûr que cela lui feraplaisir. " M. De la Ferrière bowed, and thus it came to pass that Iwitnessed the performance after all, being seated on a stool behind someextremely beautiful women whose white shoulders repeatedly distracted myattention from the stage. In regard to Montbard there was some littletrouble, as M. De la Ferrière did not like the appearance of his"revolutionary-looking beard, " the sight of which, said he, might greatlyalarm the Empress. Montbard, however, indignantly refused to shave it off, and ten months later the "revolutionary beards" were predominant, thepower and the pomp of the Empire having been swept away amidst all thedisasters of invasion. 

II

THE OUTBREAK OF THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR

Napoleon's Plans for a War with Prussia--The Garde Mobile and the FrenchArmy generally--Its Armament--The "White Blouses" and the Paris Riots--TheEmperor and the Elections of 1869--The Troppmann and Pierre BonaparteAffairs--Captain the Hon. Dennis Bingham--The Ollivier Ministry--FrenchCampaigning Plans--Frossard and Bazaine--The Negotiations with ArchdukeAlbert and Count Vimeroati--The War forced on by Bismarck--I shout "ABerlin!"--The Imperial Guard and General Bourbaki--My Dream of seeing aWar--My uncle Frank Vizetelly and his Campaigns--"The Siege of Pekin"--Organization of the French Forces--The Information Service--I witness thedeparture of Napoleon III and the Imperial Prince from Saint Cloud. 

There was no little agitation in France during the years 1868 and 1869. The outcome first of the Schleswig-Holstein war, and secondly of the warbetween Prussia and Austria in 1866, had alarmed many French politicians. Napoleon III had expected some territorial compensation in return for hisneutrality at those periods, and it is certain that Bismarck, as chiefPrussian minister, had allowed him to suppose that he would be able toindemnify himself for his non-intervention in the afore-mentionedcontests. After attaining her ends, however, Prussia turned an unwillingear to the French Emperor's suggestions, and from that moment aFranco-German war became inevitable. Although, as I well remember, there was a perfect "rage" for Bismarck "this" and Bismarck "that" inParis--particularly for the Bismarck colour, a shade of Havana brown--thePrussian statesman, who had so successfully "jockeyed" the Man of Destiny, was undoubtedly a well hated and dreaded individual among the Parisians, at least among all those who thought of the future of Europe. Prussianpolicy, however, was not the only cause of anxiety in France, for at thesame period the Republican opposition to the Imperial authority wassteadily gaining strength in the great cities, and the politicalconcessions by which Napoleon III sought to disarm it only emboldened itto make fresh demands. 

In planning a war on Prussia, the Emperor was influenced both by nationaland by dynastic considerations. The rise of Prussia--which had become headof the North German Confederation--was without doubt a menace not only toFrench ascendency on the Continent, but also to France's generalinterests. On the other hand, the prestige of the Empire having beenseriously impaired, in France itself, by the diplomatic defeats whichBismarck had inflicted on Napoleon, it seemed that only a successful war, waged on the Power from which France had received those successiverebuffs, could restore the aforesaid prestige and ensure the duration ofthe Bonaparte dynasty. 

Even nowadays, in spite of innumerable revelations, many writers continueto cast all the responsibility of the Franco-German War on Germany, or, tobe more precise, on Prussia as represented by Bismarck. That, however, isa great error. A trial of strength was regarded on both sides asinevitable, and both sides contributed to bring it about. Bismarck's sharein the conflict was to precipitate hostilities, selecting for them what hejudged to be an opportune moment for his country, and thereby preventingthe Emperor Napoleon from maturing his designs. The latter did not intendto declare war until early in 1871; the Prussian statesman brought itabout in July, 1870. 

The Emperor really took to the war-path soon after 1866. A great militarycouncil was assembled, and various measures were devised to strengthen thearmy. The principal step was the creation of a territorial force calledthe Garde Mobile, which was expected to yield more than half a millionmen. Marshal Niel, who was then Minister of War, attempted to carry outthis scheme, but was hampered by an insufficiency of money. Nowadays, Ioften think of Niel and the Garde Mobile when I read of Lord Haldane, Colonel Seely, and our own "terriers. " It seems to me, at times, as if theclock had gone back more than forty years. 

Niel died in August, 1869, leaving his task in an extremely unfinishedstate, and Marshal Le Boeuf, who succeeded him, persevered with it in avery faint-hearted way. The regular army, however, was kept in faircondition, though it was never so strong as it appeared to be on paper. There was a system in vogue by which a conscript of means could avoidservice by supplying a _remplaçant_. Originally, he was expected toprovide his _remplaçant_ himself; but, ultimately, he only had to pay asum of money to the military authorities, who undertook to find a man totake his place. Unfortunately, in thousands of instances, over a term ofsome years, the _remplaçants_ were never provided at all. I do not suggestthat the money was absolutely misappropriated, but it was diverted toother military purposes, and, in the result, there was always aconsiderable shortage in the annual contingent. 

The creature comforts of the men were certainly well looked after. Myparticular chum at Bonaparte was the son of a general-officer, and Ivisited more than one barracks or encampment. Without doubt, there wasalways an abundance of good sound food. Further, the men were well-armed. All military authorities are agreed, I believe, that the Chassepotrifle--invented in or about 1866--was superior to the Dreyse needle-gun, which was in use in the Prussian army. Then, too, there was Colonel deReffye's machine-gun or _mitrailleuse_, in a sense the forerunner of theGatling and the Maxim. It was first devised, I think, in 1863, and, according to official statements, some three or four years later therewere more than a score of _mitrailleuse_ batteries. With regard to otherordnance, however, that of the French was inferior to that of the Germans, as was conclusively proved at Sedan and elsewhere. In many respects thework of army reform, publicly advised by General Trochu in a famouspamphlet, and by other officers in reports to the Emperor and the Ministryof War, proceeded at a very slow pace, being impeded by a variety ofconsiderations. The young men of the large towns did not take kindly tothe idea of serving in the new Garde Mobile. Having escaped service in theregular army, by drawing exempting "numbers" or by paying for_remplaçants_, they regarded it as very unfair that they should be calledupon to serve at all, and there were serious riots in various parts ofFrance at the time of their first enrolment in 1868. Many of them failedto realize the necessities of the case. There was no great wave ofpatriotism sweeping through the country. The German danger was not yetgenerally apparent. Further, many upholders of the Imperial authorityshook their heads in deprecation of this scheme of enrolling and arming somany young men, who might suddenly blossom into revolutionaries and turntheir weapons against the powers of the day. 

There was great unrest in Paris in 1868, the year of Henri Rochefort'sfamous journal _La Lanterne_. Issue after issue of that bitterly-pennedeffusion was seized and confiscated, and more than once did I see vigilantdetectives snatch copies from people in the streets. In June, 1869, we hadgeneral elections, accompanied by rioting on the Boulevards. It was thenthat the "White Blouse" legend arose, it being alleged that many of therioters were _agents provocateurs_ in the pay of the Prefecture of Police, and wore white blouses expressly in order that they might be known to thesergents-de-ville and the Gardes de Paris who were called upon to quellthe disturbances. At first thought, it might seem ridiculous that anyGovernment should stir up rioting for the mere sake of putting it down, but it was generally held that the authorities wished some disturbances tooccur in order, first, that the middle-classes might be frightened by theprospect of a violent revolution, and thereby induced to vote forGovernment candidates at the elections; and, secondly, that some of themany real Revolutionaries might be led to participate in the rioting insuch wise as to supply a pretext for arresting them. 

I was with my mentor Brossard and my brother Edward one night in June whena "Madeleine-Bastille" omnibus was overturned on the Boulevard Montmartreand two or three newspaper kiosks were added to it by way of forming abarricade, the purpose of which was by no means clear. The great crowd ofpromenaders seemed to regard the affair as capital fun until the policesuddenly came up, followed by some mounted men of the Garde de Paris, whereupon the laughing spectators became terrified and suddenly fled fortheir lives. With my companions I gazed on the scene from the _entresol_of the Café Mazarin. It was the first affair of the kind I had everwitnessed, and for that reason impressed itself more vividly on my mindthan several subsequent and more serious ones. In the twinkling of an eyeall the little tables set out in front of the cafés were deserted, andtragi-comical was the sight of the many women with golden chignonsscurrying away with their alarmed companions, and tripping now and againover some fallen chair whilst the pursuing cavalry clattered noisily alongthe foot-pavements. A Londoner might form some idea of the scene bypicturing a charge from Leicester Square to Piccadilly Circus at the hourwhen Coventry Street is most thronged with undesirables of both sexes. 

The majority of the White Blouses and their friends escaped unhurt, andthe police and the guards chiefly expended their vigour on the spectatorsof the original disturbance. Whether this had been secretly engineered bythe authorities for one of the purposes I previously indicated, mustalways remain a moot point. In any case it did not incline the Parisiansto vote for the Government candidates. Every deputy returned for the cityon that occasion was an opponent of the Empire, and in later years I wastold by an ex-Court official that when Napoleon became acquainted with theresult of the pollings he said, in reference to the nominees whom he hadfavoured, "Not one! not a single one!" The ingratitude of the Parisians, as the Emperor styled it, was always a thorn in his side; yet he shouldhave remembered that in the past the bulk of the Parisians had seldom, ifever, been on the side of constituted authority. 

Later that year came the famous affair of the Pantin crimes, and I waspresent with my father when Troppmann, the brutish murderer of the Kinckfamily, stood his trial at the Assizes. But, quite properly, my fatherwould not let me accompany him when he attended the miscreant's executionoutside the prison of La Roquette. Some years later, however, I witnessedthe execution of Prévost on the same spot; and at a subsequent date Iattended both the trial and the execution of Caserio--the assassin ofPresident Carnot--at Lyons. Following Troppmann's case, in the early daysof 1870 came the crime of the so-called Wild Boar of Corsica, PrincePierre Bonaparte (grandfather of the present Princess George of Greece), who shot the young journalist Victor Noir, when the latter went withUlrich de Fonvielle, aeronaut as well as journalist, to call him out onbehalf of the irrepressible Henri Rochefort. I remember accompanying oneof our artists, Gaildrau, when a sketch was made of the scene of thecrime, the Prince's drawing-room at Auteuil, a peculiar semi-circular, panelled and white-painted apartment furnished in what we should call inEngland a tawdry mid-Victorian style. On the occasion of Noir's funeral myfather and myself were in the Champs Elysées when the tumultuousrevolutionary procession, in which Rochefort figured conspicuously, sweptdown the famous avenue along which the victorious Germans were to marchlittle more than a year afterwards. Near the Rond-point the _cortège_ wasbroken up and scattered by the police, whose violence was extreme. Rochefort, brave enough on the duelling-ground, fainted away, and wascarried off in a vehicle, his position as a member of the Legislative Bodymomentarily rendering him immune from arrest. Within a month, however, hewas under lock and key, and some fierce rioting ensued in the north ofParis. 

During the spring, my father went to Ireland as special commissioner ofthe _Illustrated London News_ and the _Pall Mall Gazette_, in order toinvestigate the condition of the tenantry and the agrarian crimes whichwere then so prevalent there. Meantime, I was left in Paris, virtually "onmy own, " though I was often with my elder brother Edward. About this time, moreover, a friend of my father's began to take a good deal of interest inme. This was Captain the Hon. Dennis Bingham, a member of the Clanmorrisfamily, and the regular correspondent of the _Pall Mall Gazette_ in Paris. He subsequently became known as the author of various works on theBonapartes and the Bourbons, and of a volume of recollections of Parislife, in which I am once or twice mentioned. Bingham was married to a verycharming lady of the Laoretelle family, which gave a couple of historiansto France, and I was always received most kindly at their home near theArc de Triomphe. Moreover, Bingham often took me about with him in myspare time, and introduced me to several prominent people. Later, duringthe street fighting at the close of the Commune in 1871, we had somedramatic adventures together, and on one occasion Bingham saved my life. 

The earlier months of 1870 went by very swiftly amidst a multiplicity ofinteresting events. Emile Ollivier had now become chief Minister, and anera of liberal reforms appeared to have begun. It seemed, moreover, as ifthe Minister's charming wife were for her part intent on reforming thepractices of her sex in regard to dress, for she resolutely set her faceagainst the extravagant toilettes of the ladies of the Court, repeatedlyappearing at the Tuileries in the most unassuming attire, which, however, by sheer force of contrast, rendered her very conspicuous there. Thepatronesses of the great _couturiers_ were quite irate at receiving such alesson from a _petite bourgeoise_; but all who shared the views expressedby President Dupin a few years previously respecting the "unbridled luxuryof women, " were naturally delighted. 

Her husband's attempts at political reform were certainly well meant, butthe Republicans regarded him as a renegade and the older Imperialists asan intruder, and nothing that he did gave satisfaction. The concession ofthe right of public meeting led to frequent disorders at Belleville andMontmartre, and the increased freedom of the Press only acted as anincentive to violence of language. Nevertheless, when there came aPlebiscitum--the last of the reign--to ascertain the country's opinionrespecting the reforms devised by the Emperor and Ollivier, a hugemajority signified approval of them, and thus the "liberal Empire" seemedto be firmly established. If, however, the nation at large had known whatwas going on behind the scenes, both in diplomatic and in militaryspheres, the result of the Plebiscitum would probably have been verydifferent. 

Already on the morrow of the war between Prussia and Austria (1866) theEmperor, as I previously indicated, had begun to devise a plan of campaignin regard to the former Power, taking as his particular _confidants_ inthe matter General Lebrun, his _aide-de-camp_, and General Frossard, thegovernor of the young Imperial Prince. Marshal Niel, as War Minister, wascognizant of the Emperor's conferences with Lebrun and Frossard, but doesnot appear to have taken any direct part in the plans which were devised. They were originally purely defensive plans, intended to provide for anyinvasion of French territory from across the Rhine. Colonel Baron Stoffel, the French military _attaché_ at Berlin, had frequently warned the WarOffice in Paris respecting the possibility of a Prussian attack and thestrength of the Prussian armaments, which, he wrote, would enable KingWilliam (with the assistance of the other German rulers) to throw a forceof nearly a million men into Alsace-Lorraine. Further, General Ducrot, whocommanded the garrison at Strasburg, became acquainted with many thingswhich he communicated to his relative, Baron de Bourgoing, one of theEmperor's equerries. 

There is no doubt that these various communications reached Napoleon III;and though he may have regarded both the statements of Stoffel and thoseof Ducrot as exaggerated, he was certainly sufficiently impressed by themto order the preparation of certain plans. Frossard, basing himself on theoperations of the Austrians in December, 1793, and keeping in mind themethods by which Hoche, with the Moselle army, and Pichegru, with theRhine army, forced them back from the French frontier, drafted a scheme ofdefence in which he foresaw the battle of Wörth, but, through followingerroneous information, greatly miscalculated the probable number ofcombatants. He set forth in his scheme that the Imperial Government couldnot possibly allow Alsace-Lorraine and Champagne to be invaded without atrial of strength at the very outset; and Marshal Bazaine, who, at someperiod or other, annotated a copy of Frossard's scheme, signified hisapproval of that dictum, but added significantly that good tacticalmeasures should be adopted. He himself demurred to Frossard's plans, saying that he was no partisan of a frontal defence, but believed infalling on the enemy's flanks and rear. Yet, as we know, MacMahon foughtthe battle of Wörth under conditions in many respects similar to thosewhich Frossard had foreseen. 

However, the purely defensive plans on which Napoleon III at first worked, were replaced in 1868 by offensive ones, in which General Lebrun took aprominent part, both from the military and from the diplomaticstandpoints. It was not, however, until March, 1870, that the ArchdukeAlbert of Austria came to Paris to confer with the French Emperor. Lebrun's plan of campaign was discussed by them, and Marshal Le Boeuf andGenerals Frossard and Jarras were privy to the negotiations. It wasproposed that France, Austria, and Italy should invade Germany conjointly;and, according to Le Boeuf, the first-named Power could place 400, 000 menon the frontier in a fortnight's time. Both Austria and Italy, however, required forty-two days to mobilize their forces, though the formeroffered to provide two army corps during the interval. When Lebrunsubsequently went to Vienna to come to a positive decision and arrangedetails, the Archduke Albert pointed out that the war ought to begin inthe spring season, for, said he, the North Germans would be able tosupport the cold and dampness of a winter campaign far better than theallies. That was an absolutely correct forecast, fully confirmed by allthat took place in France during the winter of 1870-1871. 

But Prussia heard of what was brewing. Austria was betrayed to her byHungary; and Italy and France could not come to an understanding on thequestion of Rome. At the outset Prince Napoleon (Jérome) was concerned inthe latter negotiations, which were eventually conducted by CountVimercati, the Italian military _attaché_ in Paris. Napoleon, however, steadily refused to withdraw his forces from the States of the Church andto allow Victor Emmanuel to occupy Rome. Had he yielded on those pointsItaly would certainly have joined him, and Austria--however much Hungarianstatesmen might have disliked it--would, in all probability, have followedsuit. By the policy he pursued in this matter, the French Emperor losteverything, and prevented nothing. On the one hand, France was defeatedand the Empire of the Bonapartes collapsed; whilst, on the other, Romebecame Italy's true capital. 

Bismarck was in no way inclined to allow the negotiations for ananti-Prussian alliance to mature. They dragged on for a considerable time, but the Government of Napoleon III was not particularly disturbed thereat, as it felt certain that victory would attend the French arms at theoutset, and that Italy and Austria would eventually give support. Bismarck, however, precipitated events. Already in the previous yearPrince Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen had been a candidate for thethrone of Spain. That candidature had been withdrawn in order to avert aconflict between France and Germany; but now it was revived at Bismarck'sinstigation in order to bring about one. 

I have said, I think, enough to show--in fairness to Germany--that the warof 1870 was not an unprovoked attack on France. The incidents--such as theEms affair--which directly led up to it were after all only of secondaryimportance, although they bulked so largely at the time of theiroccurrence. I well remember the great excitement which prevailed in Parisduring the few anxious days when to the man in the street the question ofpeace or war seemed to be trembling in the balance, though in reality thatquestion was already virtually decided upon both sides. Judging by allthat has been revealed to us during the last forty years, I do not thinkthat M. Emile Ollivier, the Prime Minister, would have been able to modifythe decision of the fateful council held at Saint Cloud even if he hadattended it. Possessed by many delusions, the bulk of the imperialcouncillors were too confident of success to draw back, and, besides, Bismarck and Moltke were not disposed to let France draw back. They wereready, and they knew right well that opportunity is a fine thing. 

It was on July 15 that the Duc de Gramont, the Imperial Minister ofForeign Affairs, read his memorable statement to the Legislative Body, andtwo days later a formal declaration of war was signed. Paris at oncebecame delirious with enthusiasm, though, as we know by all the telegramsfrom the Prefects of the departments, the provinces generally desired thatpeace might be preserved. 

Resident in Paris, and knowing at that time very little about the rest ofFrance--for I had merely stayed during my summer holidays at such seasideresorts as Trouville, Deauville, Beuzeval, St. Malo, and St. Servan--Iundoubtedly caught the Parisian fever, and I dare say that I sometimesjoined in the universal chorus of "À Berlin!" Mere lad as I was, in spiteof my precocity, I shared also the universal confidence in the Frencharmy. In that confidence many English military men participated. Onlythose who, like Captain Hozier of _The Times_, had closely watchedPrussian methods during the Seven Weeks' War in 1866, clearly realizedthat the North German kingdom possessed a thoroughly well organizedfighting machine, led by officers of the greatest ability, and capable ofeffecting something like a revolution in the art of war. 

France was currently thought stronger than she really was. Of the goodphysique of her men there could be no doubt. Everybody who witnessed thegreat military pageants of those times was impressed by the bearing of thetroops and their efficiency under arms. And nobody anticipated that theywould be so inferior to the Germans in numbers as proved to be the case, and that the generals would show themselves so inferior in mental calibreto the commanders of the opposing forces. The Paris garrison, it is true, was no real criterion of the French army generally, though foreigners wereapt to judge the latter by what they saw of it in the capital. The troopsstationed there were mostly picked men, the garrison being very largelycomposed of the Imperial Guard. The latter always made a brilliantdisplay, not merely by reason of its somewhat showy uniforms, recalling attimes those of the First Empire, but also by the men's fine _physique_ andtheir general military proficiency. They certainly fought well in some ofthe earlier battles of the war. Their commander was General Bourbaki, afine soldierly looking man, the grandson of a Greek pilot who acted asintermediary between Napoleon I and his brother Joseph, at the time of theformer's expedition to Egypt. It was this original Bourbaki who carried toNapoleon Joseph's secret letters reporting Josephine's misconduct in herhusband's absence, misconduct which Napoleon condoned at the time, thoughit would have entitled him to a divorce nine years before he decided onone. 

With the spectacle of the Imperial Guard constantly before their eyes, theParisians of July, 1870, could not believe in the possibility of defeat, and, moreover, at the first moment it was not believed that the SouthernGerman States would join North Germany against France. Napoleon III andhis confidential advisers well knew, however, what to think on that point, and the delusions of the man in the street departed when, on July 20, Bavaria, Würtemberg, Baden, and Hesse-Darmstadt announced their intentionof supporting Prussia and the North German Confederation. Still, this didnot dismay the Parisians, and the shouts of "To Berlin! To Berlin!" wereas frequent as ever. 

It had long been one of my dreams to see and participate in the greatdrama of war. All boys, I suppose, come into the world with pugnaciousinstincts. There must be few, too, who never "play at soldiers. " My owninterest in warfare and soldiering had been steadily fanned from myearliest childhood. In the first place, I had been incessantly confrontedby all the scenes of war depicted in the _Illustrated Times_ and the_Illustrated London News_, those journals being posted to me regularlyevery week whilst I was still only a little chap at Eastbourne. Further, the career of my uncle, Frank Vizetelly, exercised a strange fascinationover me. Born in Fleet Street in September, 1830, he was the youngest ofmy father's three brothers. Educated with Gustave Doré, he became anartist for the illustrated Press, and, in 1850, represented the_Illustrated Times_ as war-artist in Italy, being a part of the time withthe French and at other moments with the Sardinian forces. That was thefirst of his many campaigns. His services being afterwards secured by the_Illustrated London News_, he next accompanied Garibaldi from Palermo toNaples. Then, at the outbreak of the Civil War in the United States, herepaired thither with Howard Russell, and, on finding obstacles placed inhis way on the Federal side, travelled "underground" to Richmond andjoined the Confederates. The late Duke of Devonshire, the late LordWolseley, and Francis Lawley were among his successive companions. At onetime he and the first-named shared the same tent and lent socks and shirtsto one another. 

Now and again, however, Frank Vizetelly came to England after running theblockade, stayed a few weeks in London, and then departed for America oncemore, yet again running the blockade on his way. This he did on at leastthree occasions. His next campaign was the war of 1866, when he was withthe Austrian commander Benedek. For a few years afterwards he remained inLondon assisting his eldest brother James to run what was probably thefirst of the society journals, _Echoes of the Clubs_, to which MortimerCollins and the late Sir Edmund Monson largely contributed. However, FrankVizetelly went back to America once again, this time with Wolseley on theRed River Expedition. Later, he was with Don Carlos in Spain and with theFrench in Tunis, whence he proceeded to Egypt. He died on the field ofduty, meeting his death when Hicks Pasha's little army was annihilated inthe denies of Kashgil, in the Soudan. 

Now, in the earlier years, when Frank Vizetelly returned from Italy orAmerica, he was often at my father's house at Kensington, and I heardhim talk of Napoleon III, MacMahon, Garibaldi, Victor Emmanuel, Cialdini, Robert Lee, Longstreet, Stonewall Jackson, and Captain Semmes. Between-times I saw all the engravings prepared after his sketches, and Iregarded him and them with a kind of childish reverence. I can picture himstill, a hale, bluff, tall, and burly-looking man, with short dark hair, blue eyes and a big ruddy moustache. He was far away the best known memberof our family in my younger days, when anonymity in journalism was analmost universal rule. In the same way, however, as everybody had heard ofHoward Russell, the war correspondent of the _Times_, so most people hadheard of Frank Vizetelly, the war-artist of the _Illustrated_. He was, by-the-by, in the service of the _Graphic_ when he was killed. 

I well remember being alternately amused and disgusted by a Frenchtheatrical delineation of an English war correspondent, given in aspectacular military piece which I witnessed a short time after my firstarrival in Paris. It was called "The Siege of Pekin, " and had beenconcocted by Mocquard, the Emperor Napoleon's secretary. All the "comicbusiness" in the affair was supplied by a so-called war correspondent ofthe _Times_, who strutted about in a tropical helmet embellished with agreen Derby veil, and was provided with a portable desk and a hugeumbrella. This red-nosed and red-whiskered individual was for ever talkingof having to do this and that for "the first paper of the first country inthe world, " and, in order to obtain a better view of an engagement, hedeliberately planted himself between the French and Chinese combatants. Ishould doubtless have derived more amusement from his tomfoolery had I notalready known that English war correspondents did not behave in any suchidiotic manner, and I came away from the performance with strong feelingsof resentment respecting so outrageous a caricature of a professioncounting among its members the uncle whom I so much admired. 

Whatever my dreams may have been, I hardly anticipated that I should jointhat profession myself during the Franco-German war. The Lycées "broke up"in confusion, and my father decided to send me to join my stepmother andthe younger members of the family at Saint Servan, it being his intentionto go to the front with my elder brother Edward. But Simpson, the veteranCrimean War artist, came over to join the so-called Army of the Rhine, andmy brother, securing an engagement from the _New York Times_, set out onhis own account. Thus I was promptly recalled to Paris, where my fatherhad decided to remain. In those days the journey from Brittany to thecapital took many long and wearisome hours, and I made it in a third-classcarriage of a train crowded with soldiers of all arms, cavalry, infantry, and artillery. Most of them were intoxicated, and the grossness of theirlanguage and manners was almost beyond belief. That dreadful night spenton the boards of a slowly-moving and jolting train, [There were then nocushioned seats in French third-class carriages. ] amidst drunken andfoul-mouthed companions, gave me, as it were, a glimpse of the other sideof the picture--that is, of several things which lie behind the glamour ofwar. 

It must have been about July 25 when I returned to Paris. A decree hadjust been issued appointing the Empress as Regent in the absence of theEmperor, who was to take command of the Army of the Rhine. It hadoriginally been intended that there should be three French armies, butduring the conferences with Archduke Albert in the spring, that plan wasabandoned in favour of one sole army under the command of Napoleon III. The idea underlying the change was to avoid a superfluity ofstaff-officers, and to augment the number of actual combatants. Both LeBoeuf and Lebrun approved of the alteration, and this would seem toindicate that there were already misgivings on the French side in regardto the inferior strength of their effectives. The army was divided intoeight sections, that is, seven army corps, and the Imperial Guard. Bourbaki, as already mentioned, commanded the Guard, and at the head ofthe army corps were (1) MacMahon, (2) Frossard, (3) Bazaine, (4)Ladmerault, (5) Failly, (6) Canrobert, and (7) Félix Douay. Both Frossardand Failly, however, were at first made subordinate to Bazaine. The headof the information service was Colonel Lewal, who rose to be a general andMinister of War under the Republic, and who wrote some commendable workson tactics; and immediately under him were Lieut. -Colonel Fay, alsosubsequently a well-known general, and Captain Jung, who is bestremembered perhaps by his inquiries into the mystery of the Man with theIron Mask. I give those names because, however distinguished those threemen may have become in later years, the French intelligence service at theoutset of the war was without doubt extremely faulty, and responsible forsome of the disasters which occurred. 

On returning to Paris one of my first duties was to go in search ofMoulin, the detective-artist whom I mentioned in my first chapter. I foundhim in his somewhat squalid home in the Quartier Mouffetard, surrounded bya tribe of children, and he immediately informed me that he was one of the"agents" appointed to attend the Emperor on the campaign. The somewhatlavish Imperial _équipage_, on which Zola so frequently dilated in "TheDownfall, " had, I think, already been despatched to Metz, where theEmperor proposed to fix his headquarters, and the escort of Cent Gardeswas about to proceed thither. Moulin told me, however, that he and two ofhis colleagues were to travel in the same train as Napoleon, and it wasagreed that he should forward either to Paris or to London, as might provemost convenient, such sketches as he might from time to time contrive tomake. He suggested that there should be one of the Emperor's departurefrom Saint Cloud, and that in order to avoid delay I should accompany himon the occasion and take it from him. We therefore went down together onJuly 28, promptly obtained admittance to the château, where Moulin tookcertain instructions, and then repaired to the railway-siding in the park, whence the Imperial train was to start. 

Officers and high officials, nearly all in uniform, were constantly goingto and fro between the siding and the château, and presently the Imperialparty appeared, the Emperor being between the Empress and the youngImperial Prince. Quite a crowd of dignitaries followed. I do not recollectseeing Emile Ollivier, though he must have been present, but I tookparticular note of Rouher, the once all-powerful minister, currentlynicknamed the Vice-Emperor, and later President of the Senate. In spite ofhis portliness, he walked with a most determined stride, held his headvery erect, and spoke in his customary loud voice. The Emperor, who worethe undress uniform of a general, looked very grave and sallow. Thedisease which eventually ended in his death had already become serious, [I have given many particulars of it in my two books, "The Court of theTuileries, 1862-1870" (Chatto and Windus), and "Republican France, 1870-1912" (Holden and Hardingham). ] and only a few days later, that is, during the Saarbrucken affair (August 2), he was painfully affected by it. Nevertheless, he had undertaken to command the Army of France! TheImperial Prince, then fourteen years of age, was also in uniform, ithaving been arranged that he should accompany his father to the front, andhe seemed to be extremely animated and restless, repeatedly turning toexchange remarks with one or another officer near him. The Empress, whowas very simply gowned, smiled once or twice in response to some wordswhich fell from her husband, but for the most part she looked as seriousas he did. Whatever Emile Ollivier may have said about beginning this warwith a light heart, it is certain that these two sovereigns of Francerealized, at that hour of parting, the magnitude of the issues at stake. After they had exchanged a farewell kiss, the Empress took her eager youngson in her arms and embraced him fondly, and when we next saw her face wecould perceive the tears standing in her eyes. The Emperor was alreadytaking his seat and the boy speedily sprang after him. Did the Empress atthat moment wonder when, where, and how she would next see them again?Perchance she did. Everything, however, was speedily in readiness fordeparture. As the train began to move, both the Emperor and the Princewaved their hands from the windows, whilst all the enthusiastic Imperialdignitaries flourished their hats and raised a prolonged cry of "Vivel'Empereur!" It was not, perhaps, so loud as it might have been; but, then, they were mostly elderly men. Moulin, during the interval, hadcontrived to make something in the nature of a thumb-nail sketch; I hadalso taken a few notes myself; and thus provided I hastened back to Paris. 

III

ON THE ROAD TO REVOLUTION

First French Defeats--A Great Victory rumoured--The Marseillaise, Capouland Marie Sass--Edward Vizetelly brings News of Forbach to Paris--EmileOllivier again--His Fall from Power--Cousin Montauban, Comte de Palikao--English War Correspondents in Paris--Gambetta calls me "a Little Spy"--More French Defeats--Palikao and the Defence of Paris--Feats of a Siege--Wounded returning from the Front--Wild Reports of French Victories--TheQuarries of Jaumont--The Anglo-American Ambulance--The News of Sedan--Sala's Unpleasant Adventure--The Fall of the Empire. 

It was, I think, two days after the Emperor's arrival at Metz that thefirst Germans--a detachment of Badeners--entered French territory. Then, on the second of August came the successful French attack on Saarbrucken, a petty affair but a well-remembered one, as it was on this occasion thatthe young Imperial Prince received the "baptism of fire. " Appropriatelyenough, the troops, whose success he witnessed, were commanded by his lategovernor, General Frossard. More important was the engagement atWeissenburg two days later, when a division of the French under GeneralAbel Douay was surprised by much superior forces, and utterly overwhelmed, Douay himself being killed during the fighting. Yet another two dayselapsed, and then the Crown Prince of Prussia--later the EmperorFrederick--routed MacMahon at Wörth, in spite of a vigorous resistance, carried on the part of the French Cuirassiers, under General the Vicomtede Bonnemains, to the point of heroism. In later days the general's sonmarried a handsome and wealthy young lady of the bourgeoisie namedMarguerite Crouzet, whom, however, he had to divorce, and who afterwardsbecame notorious as the mistress of General Boulanger. 

Curiously enough, on the very day of the disaster of Wörth a rumour of agreat French victory spread through Paris. My father had occasion to sendme to his bankers in the Rue Vivienne, and on making my way to theBoulevards, which I proposed to follow, I was amazed to see theshopkeepers eagerly setting up the tricolour flags which they habituallydisplayed on the Emperor's fête-day (August 15). Nobody knew exactly howthe rumours of victory had originated, nobody could give any precisedetails respecting the alleged great success, but everybody believed init, and the enthusiasm was universal. It was about the middle of the daywhen I repaired to the Rue Vivienne, and after transacting my businessthere, I turned into the Place de la Bourse, where a huge crowd wasassembled. The steps of the exchange were also covered with people, andamidst a myriad eager gesticulations a perfect babel of voices wasascending to the blue sky. One of the green omnibuses, which in those daysran from the Bourse to Passy, was waiting on the square, unable to departowing to the density of the crowd; and all at once, amidst a scene ofgreat excitement and repeated shouts of "La Marseillaise!" "LaMarseillaise!" three or four well-dressed men climbed on to the vehicle, and turning towards the mob of speculators and sightseers covering thesteps of the Bourse, they called to them repeatedly: "Silence! Silence!"The hubbub slightly subsided, and thereupon one of the party on theomnibus, a good-looking slim young fellow with a little moustache, tookoff his hat, raised his right arm, and began to sing the war-hymn of theRevolution. The stanza finished, the whole assembly took up the refrain. 

Since the days of the Coup d'État, the Marseillaise had been banned inFrance, the official imperial air being "Partant pour la Syrie, " amilitary march composed by the Emperor's mother, Queen Hortense, withwords by Count Alexandre de Laborde, who therein pictured a handsome youngknight praying to the Blessed Virgin before his departure for Palestine, and soliciting of her benevolence that he might "prove to be the bravestbrave, and love the fairest fair. " During the twenty years of the thirdNapoleon's rule, Paris had heard the strains of "Partant pour la Syrie"many thousand times, and, though they were tuneful enough, had becomethoroughly tired of them. To stimulate popular enthusiasm in the war theOllivier Cabinet had accordingly authorized the playing and singing of thelong-forbidden "Marseillaise, " which, although it was well-remembered bythe survivors of '48, and was hummed even by the young Republicans ofBelleville and the Quartier Latin, proved quite a novelty to half thepopulation, who were destined to hear it again and again and again fromthat period until the present time. 

The young vocalist who sang it from the top of a Passy-Bourse omnibus onthat fateful day of Wörth, claimed to be a tenor, but was more correctly atenorino, his voice possessing far more sweetness than power. He wasalready well-known and popular, for he had taken the part of Romeo inGounod's well-known opera based on the Shakespearean play. Like manyanother singer, Victor Capoul might have become forgotten before verylong, but a curious circumstance, having nothing to do with vocalism, diffused and perpetuated his name. He adopted a particular way of dressinghis hair, "plastering" a part of it down in a kind of semi-circle over theforehead; and the new style "catching on" among young Parisians, the"coiffure Capoul" eventually went round the world. It is exemplified incertain portraits of King George V. 

In those war-days Capoul sang the "Marseillaise" either at the OpéraComique or the Théâtre Lyrique; but at the Opera it was sung by MarieSass, then at the height of her reputation. I came in touch with her a fewyears later when she was living in the Paris suburbs, and more than once, when we both travelled to the city in the same train, I had the honour ofassisting her to alight from it--this being no very easy matter, as laSass was the very fattest and heaviest of all the _prime donne_ that Ihave ever seen. 

On the same day that MacMahon was defeated at Wörth, Frossard was badlybeaten at Forbach, an engagement witnessed by my elder brother Edward, [Born January 1, 1847, and therefore in 1870 in his twenty-fourth year. ]who, as I previously mentioned, had gone to the front for an Americanjournal. Finding it impossible to telegraph the news of this seriousFrench reverse, he contrived to make his way to Paris on a locomotive-engine, and arrived at our flat in the Rue de Miromesnil looking as blackas any coal-heaver. When he had handed his account of the affair to Ryan, the Paris representative of the _New York Times_, it was suggested thathis information might perhaps be useful to the French Minister of War. Sohe hastened to the Ministry, where the news he brought put a finishingtouch to the dismay of the officials, who were already staggering underthe first news of the disaster of Wörth. 

Paris, jubilant over an imaginary victory, was enraged by the tidings ofWörth and Forbach. Already dreading some Revolutionary enterprise, theGovernment declared the city to be in a state of siege, thereby placing itunder military authority. Although additional men had recently beenenrolled in the National Guard the arming of them had been intentionallydelayed, precisely from a fear of revolutionary troubles, which the_entourage_ of the Empress-Regent at Saint Cloud feared from the verymoment of the first defeats. I recollect witnessing on the Place Venddmeone day early in August a very tumultuous gathering of National Guards whohad flocked thither in order to demand weapons of the Prime Minister, thatis, Emile Ollivier, who in addition to the premiership, otherwise the"Presidency of the Council, " held the offices of Keeper of the Seals andMinister of Justice, this department then having its offices in one of thebuildings of the Place Vendôme. Ollivier responded to the demonstration byappearing on the balcony of his private room and delivering a briefspeech, which, embraced a vague promise to comply with the popular demand. In point of fact, however, nothing of the kind was done during his term ofoffice. 

Whilst writing these lines I hear that this much-abused statesman has justpassed away at Saint Gervais-les-Bains in Upper Savoy (August 20, 1913). Born at Marseilles in July, 1825, he lived to complete his eighty-eighthyear. His second wife (née Gravier), to whom I referred in a previouschapter, survives him. I do not wish to be unduly hard on his memory. Hecame, however, of a very Republican family, and in his earlier years hepersonally evinced what seemed to be most staunch Republicanism. When hewas first elected as a member of the Legislative Body in 1857, he publiclydeclared that he would appear before that essentially Bonapartist assemblyas one of the spectres of the crime of the Coup d'Etat. But subsequentlyM. De Morny baited him with a lucrative appointment connected with theSuez Canal. Later still, the Empress smiled on him, and finally he tookoffice under the Emperor, thereby disgusting nearly every one of hisformer friends and associates. 

I believe, however, that Ollivier was sincerely convinced of thepossibility of firmly establishing a liberal-imperialist _regime_. Butalthough various reforms were carried out under his auspices, it is quitecertain that he was not allowed a perfectly free hand. Nor was he fullytaken into confidence with respect to the Emperor's secret diplomatic andmilitary policy. That was proved by the very speech in which he spoke ofentering upon the war with Prussia "with a light heart"; for in his verynext sentences he spoke of that war as being absolutely forced uponFrance, and of himself and his colleagues as having done all that washumanly and honourably possible to avoid it. Assuredly he would not havespoken quite as he did had he realized at the time that Bismarck hadmerely forced on the war in order to defeat the Emperor Napoleon'sintention to invade Germany in the ensuing spring. The public provocationon Prussia's part was, as I previously showed, merely her reply to thesecret provocation offered by France, as evidenced by all the negotiationswith Archduke Albert on behalf of Austria, and with Count Vimercati onbehalf of Italy. On all those matters Ollivier was at the utmost but veryimperfectly informed. Finally, be it remembered that he was absent fromthe Council at Saint Cloud at which war was finally decided upon. 

At a very early hour on the morning of Sunday, August 7--the day followingWörth and Forbach--the Empress Eugénie came in all haste and soredistress from Saint Cloud to the Tuileries. The position was very serious, and anxious conferences were held by the ministers. When the LegislativeBody met on the morrow, a number of deputies roundly denounced the mannerin which the military operations were being conducted. One deputy, acertain Guyot-Montpeyroux, who was well known for the outspokenness of hislanguage, horrified the more devoted Imperialists by describing the Frenchforces as an army of lions led by jackasses. On the following day Ollivierand his colleagues resigned office. Their position had become untenable, though little if any responsibility attached to them respecting themilitary operations. The Minister of War, General Dejean, had been merelya stop-gap, appointed to carry out the measures agreed upon before hispredecessor, Marshal Le Boeuf, had gone to the front as Major General ofthe army. 

It was felt; however, among the Empress's _entourage_ that the new PrimeMinister ought to be a military man of energy, devoted, moreover, to theImperial _régime_. As the marshals and most of the conspicuous generals ofthe time were already serving in the field, it was difficult to find anyprominent individual possessed of the desired qualifications. Finally, however, the Empress was prevailed upon to telegraph to an officer whomshe personally disliked, this being General Cousin-Montauban, Comte dePalikao. He was certainly, and with good reason, devoted to the Empire, and in the past he had undoubtedly proved himself to be a man of energy. But he was at this date in his seventy-fifth year--a fact often overlookedby historians of the Franco-German war--and for that very reason, althoughhe had solicited a command in the field at the first outbreak ofhostilities, it had been decided to decline his application, and to leavehim at Lyons, where he had commanded the garrison for five years past. 

Thirty years of Palikao's life had been spent in Algeria, contending, during most of that time, against the Arabs; but in 1860 he had beenappointed commander of the French expedition to China, where with a smallforce he had conducted hostilities with the greatest vigour, repeatedlydecimating or scattering the hordes of Chinamen who were opposed to him, and, in conjunction with the English, victoriously taking Pekin. A kind ofstain rested on the expedition by reason of the looting of the ChineseEmperor's summer-palace, but the entire responsibility of that affaircould not be cast on the French commander, as he only continued andcompleted what the English began. On his return to France, Napoleon IIIcreated him Comte de Palikao (the name being taken from one of his Chinesevictories), and in addition wished the Legislative Body to grant him a_dotation_. However, the summer-palace looting scandal prevented this, much to the Emperor's annoyance, and subsequent to the fall of the Empireit was discovered that, by Napoleon's express orders, the War Ministry hadpaid Palikao a sum of about £60, 000, diverting that amount of money (inaccordance with the practices of the time) from the purpose originallyassigned to it in the Estimates. 

This was not generally known when Palikao became Chief Minister. He wasthen what might be called a very well preserved old officer, but his lungshad been somewhat affected by a bullet-wound of long standing, and this hemore than once gave as a reason for replying with the greatest brevity tointerpellations in the Chamber. Moreover, as matters went from bad toworse, this same lung trouble became a good excuse for preserving absolutesilence on certain inconvenient occasions. When, however, Palikao waswilling to speak he often did so untruthfully, repeatedly adding the_suggestio falsi_ to the _suppressio veri_. As a matter of fact, he, likeother fervent partisans of the dynasty, was afraid to let the Parisiansknow the true state of affairs. Besides, he himself was often ignorant ofit. He took office (he was the third War Minister in fifty days) withoutany knowledge whatever of the imperial plan of campaign, or the steps tobe adopted in the event of further French reverses, and a herculean tasklay before this septuagenarian officer, who by experience knew right wellhow to deal with Arabs and Chinamen, but had never had to contend withEuropean troops. Nevertheless, he displayed zeal and activity in his newsemi-political and semi-military position. He greatly assisted MacMahon toreconstitute his army at Châlons, he planned the organization of threemore army corps, and he started on the work of placing Paris in a state ofdefence, whilst his colleague, Clément Duvernois, the new Minister ofCommerce, began gathering flocks and herds together, in order that thecity, if besieged, might have the necessary means of subsistence. 

At this time there were quite a number of English "war" as well as "own"correspondents in Paris. The former had mostly returned from Metz, whitherthey had repaired at the time of the Emperor's departure for the front. Atthe outset it had seemed as though the French would allow foreignjournalists to accompany them on their "promenade to Berlin, " but, onreverses setting in, all official recognition was denied to newspaper men, and, moreover, some of the representatives of the London Press had a veryunpleasant time at Metz, being arrested there as spies and subjected todivers indignities. I do not remember whether they were ordered back toParis or whether they voluntarily withdrew to the capital on theirposition with the army becoming untenable; but in any case they arrived inthe city and lingered there for a time, holding daily symposiums at theGrand Café at the corner of the Ruè Scribe, on the Boulevards. 

From time to time I went there with my father, and amongst, this galaxyof journalistic talent I met certain men with whom I had spoken in mychildhood. One of them, for instance, was George Augustus Sala, andanother was Henry Mayhew, the famous author of "London Labour and theLondon Poor, " he being accompanied by his son Athol. Looking back, itseems to me that, in spite of all their brilliant gifts, neither Sala norHenry Mayhew was fitted to be a correspondent in the field, and they werecertainly much better placed in Paris than at the headquarters of the Armyof the Rhine. Among the resident correspondents who attended thegatherings at the Grand Café were Captain Bingham, Blanchard (son ofDouglas) Jerrold, and the jaunty Bower, who had once been tried for hislife and acquitted by virtue of the "unwritten law" in connection withan _affaire passíonelle_ in which he was the aggrieved party. For morethan forty years past, whenever I have seen a bluff looking elderlygentleman sporting a buff-waistcoat and a white-spotted blue necktie, I have instinctively thought of Bower, who wore such a waistcoat and sucha necktie, with the glossiest of silk hats and most shapely ofpatent-leather boots, throughout the siege of Paris, when he was fond ofdilating on the merits of boiled ostrich and stewed elephant's foot, ofwhich expensive dainties he partook at his club, after the inmates of theJardin des Plantes had been slaughtered. 

Bower represented the _Morning Advertiser_. I do not remember seeing Bowesof the _Standard_ at the gatherings I have referred to, or Crawford of the_Daily News_, who so long wrote his Paris letters at a little caféfronting the Bourse. But it was certainly at the Grand Café that I firstset eyes on Labouchere, who, like Sala, was installed at the neighbouringGrand Hotel, and was soon to become famous as the _Daily News_' "BesiegedResident. " As for Mr. Thomas Gibson Bowles, who represented the _MorningPost_ during the German Siege, I first set eyes on him at the BritishEmbassy, when he had a beautiful little moustache (which I greatly envied)and wore his hair nicely parted down the middle. _Eheu! fugaces labunturanni_. 

Sala was the life and soul of those gatherings at the Grand Café, alwaysexuberantly gay, unless indeed the conversation turned on the prospects ofthe French forces, when he railed at them without ceasing. BlanchardJerrold, who was well acquainted with the spy system of the Empire, repeatedly warned Sala to be cautious--but in vain; and the eventualresult of his outspokenness was a very unpleasant adventure on the eve ofthe Empire's fall. In the presence of all those distinguished men of thepen, I myself mostly preserved, as befitted my age, a very discreetsilence, listening intently, but seldom opening my lips unless it were toaccept or refuse another cup of coffee, or some _sirop de groseille_ or_grenadine_. I never touched any intoxicant excepting claret at my meals, and though, in my Eastbourne days, I had, like most boys of my time, experimented with a clay pipe and some dark shag, I did not smoke. Myfather personally was extremely fond of cigars, but had he caught mesmoking one, he would, I believe, have knocked me down. 

In connection with those Grand Café gatherings I one day had a littleadventure. It had been arranged that I should meet my father there, andturning into the Boulevards from the Madeleine I went slowly past what wasthen called the Rue Basse du Rempart. I was thinking of something orother--I do not remember what, but in any case I was absorbed in thought, and inadvertently I dogged the footsteps of two black-coated gentlemen whowere deep in conversation. I was almost unconscious of their presence, andin any case I did not hear a word of what they were saying. But all atonce one of them turned round, and said to me angrily: "Veux-tu bien t'enaller, petit espion!" otherwise: "Be off, little spy!" I woke up as itwere, looked at him, and to my amazement recognized Gambetta, whom I hadseen several times already, when I was with my mentor Brossard at eitherthe Café de Suède or the Café de Madrid. At the same time, however, hiscompanion also turned round, and proved to be Jules Simon, who knew methrough a son of his. This was fortunate, for he immediately exclaimed:"Why, no! It is young Vizetelly, a friend of my son's, " adding, "Did youwish to speak to me?"

I replied in the negative, saying that I had not even recognized him frombehind, and trying to explain that it was purely by chance that I had beenfollowing him and M. Gambetta. "You know me, then?" exclaimed the futuredictator somewhat sharply; whereupon I mentioned that he had been pointedout to me more than once, notably when he was in the company of M. Delescluze. "Ah, oui, fort bien, " he answered. "I am sorry if I spoke as Idid. But"--and here he turned to Simon--"one never knows, one can nevertake too many precautions. The Spaniard would willingly send both of us toMazas. " By "the Spaniard, " of course, he meant the Empress Eugénie, justas people meant Marie-Antoinette when they referred to "the Austrian"during the first Revolution. That ended the affair. They both shook handswith me, I raised my hat, and hurried on to the Grand Café, leaving themto their private conversation. This was the first time that I everexchanged words with Gambetta. The incident must have occurred just afterhis return from Switzerland, whither he had repaired fully anticipatingthe triumph of the French arms, returning, however, directly he heard ofthe first disasters. Simon and he were naturally drawn together by theiropposition to the Empire, but they were men of very different characters, and some six months later they were at daggers drawn. 

Events moved rapidly during Palikao's ministry. Reviving a formerproposition of Jules Favre's, Gambetta proposed to the Legislative Bodythe formation of a Committee of National Defence, and one was ultimatelyappointed; but the only member of the Opposition included in it wasThiers. In the middle of August there were some revolutionary disturbancesat La Villette. Then, after the famous conference at Châlons, whereRouher, Prince Napoleon, and others discussed the situation with theEmperor and MacMahon, Trochu was appointed Military Governor of Paris, where he soon found himself at loggerheads with Palikao. Meantime, theFrench under Bazaine, to whom the Emperor was obliged to relinquish thesupreme command--the Opposition deputies particularly insisting onBazaine's appointment in his stead--were experiencing reverse afterreverse. The battle of Courcelles or Pange, on August 14, was followed twodays later by that of Vionville or Mars-la-Tour, and, after yet anothertwo days, came the great struggle of Gravelotte, and Bazaine was thrownback on Metz. 

At the Châlons conference it had been decided that the Emperor shouldreturn to Paris and that MacMahon's army also should retreat towards thecapital. But Palikao telegraphed to Napoleon: "If you abandon Bazainethere will be Revolution in Paris, and you yourself will be attacked byall the enemy's forces. Paris will defend herself from all assault fromoutside. The fortifications are completed. " It has been argued that theplan to save Bazaine might have succeeded had it been immediately carriedinto effect, and in accordance, too, with Palikao's ideas; but theoriginal scheme was modified, delay ensued, and the French were outmarchedby the Germans, who came up with them at Sedan. As for Palikao's statementthat the Paris fortifications were completed at the time when hedespatched his telegram, that was absolutely untrue. The armament of theoutlying forts had scarcely begun, and not a single gun was in position onany one of the ninety-five bastions of the ramparts. On the other hand, Palikao was certainly doing all he could for the city. He had formed theaforementioned Committee of Defence, and under his auspices the fosse orditch in front of the ramparts was carried across the sixty-nine roadsleading into Paris, whilst drawbridges were installed on all these points, with armed lunettes in front of them. Again, redoubts were thrown up inadvance of some of the outlying forts, or on spots where breaks occurredin the chain of defensive works. 

At the same time, ships' guns were ordered up from Cherbourg, Brest, Lorient, and Toulon, together with naval gunners to serve them. Sailors, customhouse officers, and provincial gendarmes were also conveyed to Parisin considerable numbers. Gardes-mobiles, francs-tireurs, and even firemenlikewise came from the provinces, whilst the work of provisioning the cityproceeded briskly, the Chamber never hesitating to vote all the moneyasked of it. At the same time, whilst there were many new arrivals inParis, there were also many departures from the city. The general fear ofa siege spread rapidly. Every day thousands of well-to-do middle-classfolk went off in order to place themselves out of harm's way; and at thesame time thousands of foreigners were expelled on the ground that, in theevent of a siege occurring, they would merely be "useless mouths. " Incontrast with that exodus was the great inrush of people from the suburbsof Paris. They poured into the city unceasingly, from villas, cottages, and farms, employing every variety of vehicle to convey their furnitureand other household goods, their corn, flour, wine, and other produce. There was a block at virtually every city gate, so many were the folkeager for shelter within the protecting ramparts raised at the instigationof Thiers some thirty years previously. 

In point of fact, although the Germans were not yet really marching onParis--for Bazaine's army had to be bottled up, and MacMahon's disposedof, before there could be an effective advance on the French capital--itwas imagined in the city and its outskirts that the enemy might arrive atany moment. The general alarm was intensified when, on the night of August21, a large body of invalided men, who had fought at Weissenburg or Worth, made their way into Paris, looking battle and travel-stained, some withtheir heads bandaged, others with their arms in slings, and others limpingalong with the help of sticks. It is difficult to conceive by whataberration the authorities allowed the Parisians to obtain that woefulglimpse of the misfortunes of France. The men in question ought never tohave been sent to Paris at all. They might well have been cared forelsewhere. As it happened, the sorry sight affected all who beheld it. Some were angered by it, others depressed, and others well-nigh terrified. 

As a kind of set-off, however, to that gloomy spectacle, fresh rumours ofFrench successes began to circulate. There was a report that Bazaine'sarmy had annihilated the whole of Prince Frederick-Charles's cavalry, and, in particular, there was a most sensational account of how three Germanarmy-corps, including the famous white Cuirassiers to which Bismarckbelonged, had been tumbled into the "Quarries of Jaumont" and thereabsolutely destroyed! I will not say that there is no locality namedJaumont, but I cannot find any such place mentioned in Joanne's elaboratedictionary of the communes of France, and possibly it was as mythical aswas the alleged German disaster, the rumours of which momentarily revivedthe spirits of the deluded Parisians, who were particularly pleased tothink that the hated Bismarck's regiment had been annihilated. 

On or about August 30, a friend of my eldest brother Adrian, a medicalman named Blewitt, arrived in Paris with the object of joining anAnglo-American ambulance which was being formed in connection with the RedCross Society. Dr. Blewitt spoke a little French, but he was not wellacquainted with the city, and I was deputed to assist him whilst heremained there. An interesting account of the doings of the ambulance inquestion was written some sixteen or seventeen years ago by Dr. CharlesEdward Ryan, of Glenlara, Tipperary, who belonged to it. Its head men wereDr. Marion-Sims and Dr. Frank, others being Dr. Ryan, as alreadymentioned, and Drs. Blewitt, Webb, May, Nicholl, Hayden, Howett, Tilghmann, and last but not least, the future Sir William MacCormack. Dr. Blewitt had a variety of business to transact with the officials of theFrench Red Cross Society, and I was with him at his interviews with itsvenerable-looking President, the Count de Flavigny, and others. It is ofinterest to recall that at the outbreak of the war the society's onlymeans was an income of £5 6_s. _ 3_d. _, but that by August 28 its receiptshad risen to nearly £112, 000. By October it had expended more than£100, 000 in organizing thirty-two field ambulances. Its total outlayduring the war exceeded half a million sterling, and in its various field, town, and village ambulances no fewer than 110, 000 men were succoured andnursed. 

In Paris the society's headquarters were established at the Palace del'Industrie in the Champs Elysées, and among the members of its principalcommittee were several ladies of high rank. I well remember seeing therethat great leader of fashion, the Marquise de Galliffet, whose elaborateball gowns I had more than once admired at Worth's, but who, now thatmisfortune had fallen upon France, was, like all her friends, very plainlygarbed in black. At the Palais de l'Industrie I also found Mme. DeMacMahon, short and plump, but full of dignity and energy, as became adaughter of the Castries. I remember a brief address which she deliveredto the Anglo-American Ambulance on the day when it quitted Paris, and inwhich she thanked its members for their courage and devotion in comingforward, and expressed her confidence, and that of all her friends, in thekindly services which they would undoubtedly bestow upon every suffererwho came under their care. 

I accompanied the ambulance on its march through Paris to the EasternHallway Station. When it was drawn up outside the Palais de l'Industrie, Count de Flavigny in his turn made a short but feeling speech, andimmediately afterwards the _cortége_ started. At the head of it were threeyoung ladies, the daughters of Dr. Marion-Sims, who carried respectivelythe flags of France, England, and the United States. Then came the chiefsurgeons, the assistant-surgeons, the dressers and male nurses, with somewaggons of stores bringing up the rear. I walked, I remember, betweenDr. Blewitt and Dr. May. On either side of the procession were members ofthe Red Cross Society, carrying sticks or poles tipped with collectionbags, into which money speedily began to rain. We crossed the Place de laConcorde, turned up the Rue Royale, and then followed the main Boulevardsas far, I think, as the Boulevard de Strasbourg. There were crowds ofpeople on either hand, and our progress was necessarily slow, as it wasdesired to give the onlookers full time to deposit their offerings in thecollection-bags. From the Cercle Impérial at the corner of the ChampsElysées, from the Jockey Club, the Turf Club, the Union, the Chemins-de-Fer, the Ganaches, and other clubs on or adjacent to the Boulevards, cameservants, often in liveries, bearing with them both bank-notes and gold. Everybody seemed anxious to give something, and an official of the societyafterwards told me that the collection had proved the largest it had evermade. There was also great enthusiasm all along the line of route, criesof "Vivent les Anglais! Vivent les Américains!" resounding upon everyside. 

The train by which the ambulance quitted Paris did not start until a verylate hour in the evening. Prior to its departure most of us dined at arestaurant near the railway-station. No little champagne was consumed atthis repast, and, unaccustomed as I was to the sparkling wine of theMarne, it got, I fear, slightly into my head. However, my services asinterpreter were requisitioned more than once by some members of theambulance in connection with certain inquiries which they wished to makeof the railway officials; and I recollect that when some question arose ofgoing in and out of the station, and reaching the platform again withoutlet or hindrance--the departure of the train being long delayed--the_sous-chef de gare_ made me a most courteous bow, and responded: "À vous, messieurs, tout est permis. There are no regulations for you!" At last thetrain started, proceeding on its way to Soissons, where it arrived atdaybreak on August 29, the ambulance then hastening to join MacMahon, andreaching him just in time to be of good service at Sedan. I will only addhere that my friend Dr. Blewitt was with Dr. Frank at Balan and Bazeilles, where the slaughter was so terrible. The rest of the ambulance's dramaticstory must be read in Dr. Ryan's deeply interesting pages. 

Whilst the Parisians were being beguiled with stories of how the Prince ofSaxe-Meiningen had written to his wife telling her that the German troopswere suffering terribly from sore feet, the said troops were in point offact lustily outmarching MacMahon's forces. On August 30, General deFailly was badly worsted at Beaumont, and on the following day MacMahonwas forced to move on Sedan. The first reports which reached Parisindicated, as usual, very favourable results respecting the contest there. My friend Captain Bingham, however, obtained some correct information--from, I believe, the British Embassy--and I have always understood that itwas he who first made the terrible truth known to one of the deputies ofthe Opposition party, who hastened to convey it to Thiers. The battle ofSedan was fought on Thursday, September 1; but it was only on Saturday, September 3, that Palikao shadowed forth the disaster in the Chamber, stating that MacMahon had failed to effect a junction with Bazaine, andthat, after alternate reverses and successes--that is, driving a part ofthe German army into the Meuse!--he had been obliged to retreat on Sedanand Mézières, some portion of his forces, moreover, having been compelledto cross the Belgian frontier. 

That tissue of inaccuracies, devised perhaps to palliate the effect of theGerman telegrams of victory which were now becoming known to theincredulous Parisians, was torn to shreds a few hours later when theLegislative Body assembled for a night-sitting. Palikao was then obligedto admit that the French army and the Emperor Napoleon had surrendered tothe victorious German force. Jules Favre, who was the recognized leader ofthe Republican Opposition, thereupon brought forward a motion ofdethronement, proposing that the executive authority should be vested in aparliamentary committee. In accordance with the practice of the Chamber, Farve's motion had to be referred to its _bureaux_, or ordinarycommittees, and thus no decision was arrived at that night, it beingagreed that the Chamber should reassemble on the morrow at noon. 

The deputies separated at a very late hour. My father and myself wereamong all the anxious people who had assembled on the Place de la Concordeto await the issue of the debate. Wild talk was heard on every side, imprecations were levelled at the Empire, and it was already suggestedthat the country had been sold to the foreigner. At last, as the crowdbecame extremely restless, the authorities, who had taken theirprecautions in consequence of the revolutionary spirit which was abroad, decided to disperse it. During the evening a considerable body of mountedGardes de Paris had been stationed in or near the Palais de l'Industrie, and now, on instructions being conveyed to their commander, they suddenlycantered down the Champs Elysées and cleared the square, chasing peopleround and round the fountains and the seated statues of the cities ofFrance, until they fled by way either of the quays, the Rue de Rivoti, orthe Rue Royale. The vigour which the troops displayed did not seem of goodaugury for the adversaries of the Empire. Without a doubt Revolution wasalready in the air, but everything indicated that the authorities werequite prepared to contend with it, and in all probability successfully. 

It was with difficulty that my father and myself contrived to avoid thetroopers and reach the Avenue Gabriel, whence we made our way home. Meantime there had been disturbances in other parts of Paris. On theBoulevard Bonne Nouvelle a band of demonstrators had come into collisionwith the police, who had arrested several of them. Thus, as I have alreadymentioned, the authorities seemed to be as vigilant and as energetic asever. But, without doubt, on that night of Saturday, September 3, thesecret Republican associations were very active, sending the _mot d'ordre_from one to another part of the city, so that all might be ready forRevolution when the Legislative Body assembled on the morrow. 

It was on this same last night of the Empire that George Augustus Sala metwith the very unpleasant adventure to which I previously referred. Duringthe evening he went as usual to the Grand Café, and meeting BlanchardJerrold there, he endeavoured to induce him to go to supper at the Café duHelder. Sala being in an even more talkative mood than usual, and--nowthat he had heard of the disaster of Sedan--more than ever inclined toexpress his contempt of the French in regard to military matters, Jerrolddeclined the invitation, fearing, as he afterwards said to my father in mypresence, that some unpleasantness might well ensue, as Sala, in spite ofall remonstrances, would not cease "gassing. " Apropos of that expression, it is somewhat amusing to recall that Sala at one time designed forhimself an illuminated visiting-card, on which appeared his initials G. A. S. In letters of gold, the A being intersected by a gas-lamp diffusingmany vivid rays of light, whilst underneath it was a scroll bearing theappropriate motto, "Dux est Lux. "

But, to return to my story, Jerrold having refused the invitation; Salarepaired alone to the Café du Helder, an establishment which in thoseimperial times was particularly patronized by officers of the Parisgarrison and officers from the provinces on leave. It was the height offolly for anybody to "run down" the French army in such a place, unless, indeed, he wished to have a number of duels on his hands. It is true thaton the night of September 3, there may have been few, if any, military menat the Helder. Certain it is, however, that whilst Sala was supping in theprincipal room upstairs, he entered into conversation with other people, spoke incautiously, as he had been doing for a week past, and on departingfrom the establishment was summarily arrested and conveyed to the Poste dePolice on the Boulevard Bonne Nouvelle. The cells there were already moreor less crowded with roughs who had been arrested during the disturbanceearlier in the evening, and when a police official thrust Sala into theirmidst, at the same time calling him a vile Prussian spy, the patriotism ofthe other prisoners was immediately aroused, though, for the most part, they were utter scamps who had only created a disturbance for the purposeof filling their pockets. 

Sala was subjected not merely to much ill-treatment, but also toindignities which only Rabelais or Zola could have (in different ways)adequately described; and it was not until the morning that he was able tocommunicate with the manager of the Grand Hotel, where he had hisquarters. The manager acquainted the British Embassy with his predicament, and it was, I think, Mr. Sheffield who repaired to the Préfecture dePolice to obtain an order for Sala's liberation. The story told me at thetime was that Lord Lyons's representative found matters already in greatconfusion at the Préfecture. There had been a stampede of officials, scarcely any being at their posts, in such wise that he made his way tothe Prefect's sanctum unannounced. There he found M. Piétri engaged with aconfidential acolyte in destroying a large number of compromising papers, emptying boxes and pigeon-holes in swift succession, and piling theircontents on an already huge fire, which was stirred incessantly in orderthat it might burn more swiftly. Piétri only paused in his task in orderto write an order for Sala's release, and I have always understood thatthis was the last official order that emanated from the famous Prefect ofthe Second Empire. It is true that he presented himself at the Tuileriesbefore he fled to Belgium, but the Empress, as we know, was averse fromany armed conflict with the population of Paris. As a matter of fact, thePrefecture had spent its last strength during the night of September 3. Disorganized as it was on the morning of the 4th, it could not have foughtthe Revolution. As will presently appear, those police who on the night ofthe 3rd were chosen to assist in guarding the approaches to the PalaisBourbon on the morrow, were quite unable to do so. 

Disorder, indeed, prevailed in many places. My father had recently foundhimself in a dilemma in regard to the requirements of the _IllustratedLondon News_. In those days the universal snap-shotting hand-camera wasunknown. Every scene that it was desired to depict in the paper had to besketched, and in presence of all the defensive preparations which werebeing made, a question arose as to what might and what might not besketched. General Trochu was Governor of Paris, and applications were madeto him on the subject. A reply came requiring a reference from the BritishEmbassy before any permission whatever was granted. In due course a letterwas obtained from the Embassy, signed not, I think, by Lord Lyons himself, but by one of the secretaries--perhaps Sir Edward Malet, or Mr. Wodehouse, or even Mr. Sheffield. At all events, on the morning of September 4, myfather, being anxious to settle the matter, commissioned me to take theEmbassy letter to Trochu's quarters at the Louvre. Here I found greatconfusion. Nobody was paying the slightest attention to official work. The_bureaux_ were half deserted. Officers came and went incessantly, orgathered in little groups in the passages and on the stairs, all of themlooking extremely upset and talking anxiously and excitedly together. Icould find nobody to attend to any business, and was at a loss what to do, when a door opened and a general officer in undress uniform appeared onthe threshold of a large and finely appointed room. 

I immediately recognized Trochu's extremely bald head and determined jaw, for since his nomination as Governor, Paris had been flooded withportraits of him. He had opened the door, I believe, to look for anofficer, but on seeing me standing there with a letter in my hand heinquired what I wanted. I replied that I had brought a letter from theBritish Embassy, and he may perhaps have thought that I was an Embassymessenger. At all events, he took the letter from me, saying curtly:"C'est bien, je m'en occuperai, revenez cet après-midi. " With those wordshe stepped back into the room and carefully placed the letter on the topof several others which were neatly disposed on a side-table. 

The incident was trivial in itself, yet it afforded a glimpse of Trochu'scharacter. Here was the man who, in his earlier years, had organized theFrench Expedition to the Crimea in a manner far superior to that in whichour own had been organized; a man of method, order, precision, fullyqualified to prepare the defence of Paris, though not to lead her army inthe field. Brief as was that interview of mine, I could not help noticinghow perfectly calm and self-possessed he was, for his demeanour greatlycontrasted with the anxious or excited bearing of his subordinates. Yet hehad reached the supreme crisis of his life. The Empire was falling, afirst offer of Power had been made to him on the previous evening; and asecond offer, which he finally accepted, [See my book, "RepublicanFrance, " p. 8. ] was almost imminent. Yet on that morning ofRevolution he appeared as cool as a cucumber. 

I quitted the Louvre, going towards the Rue Royale, it having beenarranged with my father that we should take _déjeuner_ at a well-knownrestaurant there. It was called "His Lordship's Larder, " and waspre-eminently an English house, though the landlord bore the German nameof Weber. He and his family were unhappily suffocated in the cellars oftheir establishment during one of the conflagrations which marked theBloody Week of the Commune. At the time when I met my father, that isabout noon, there was nothing particularly ominous in the appearance ofthe streets along which I myself passed. It was a fine bright Sunday, and, as was usual on such a day, there were plenty of people abroad. Recentlyenrolled National Guards certainly predominated among the men, but thelatter included many in civilian attire, and there was no lack of womenand children. As for agitation, I saw no sign of it. 

As I was afterwards told, however, by Delmas, the landlord of the CaféGrétry, [Note] matters were very different that morning on the Boulevards, and particularly on the Boulevard Montmartre. By ten o'clock, indeed, great crowds had assembled there, and the excitement grew apace. The samewords were on all lips: "Sedan--the whole French army taken--the wretchedEmperor's sword surrendered--unworthy to reign--dethrone him!" Just as, inanother crisis of French history, men had climbed on to the chairs andtables in the garden of the Palais Royal to denounce Monsieur and MadameVéto and urge the Parisians to march upon Versailles, so now othersclimbed on the chairs outside the Boulevard cafés to denounce the Empire, and urge a march upon the Palais Bourbon, where the Legislative Body wasabout to meet. And amidst the general clamour one cry persistentlyprevailed. It was: "Déchéance! Déchéance!--Dethronement! Dethronement!"

[Note: This was a little café on the Boulevard des Italiens, and was notedfor its quietude during the afternoon, though in the evening it was, byreason of its proximity to the "Petite Bourse" (held on the side-walk infront of it), invaded by noisy speculators. Captain Bingham, my father, and myself long frequented the Café Grétry, often writing our "Parisletters" there. Subsequent to the war, Bingham and I removed to the CaféCardinal, where, however, the everlasting rattle of dominoes proved verydisturbing. In the end, on that account, and in order to be nearer to aclub to which we both belonged, we emigrated to the Café Napolitain. Onereason for writing one's copy at a café instead of at one's club was that, at the former, one could at any moment receive messengers bringing latenews; in addition to which, afternoon newspapers were instantlyavailable. ]

At every moment the numbers of the crowd increased. New-comers continuallyarrived from the eastern districts by way of the Boulevards, and from thenorth by way of the Faubourg Montmartre and the Rue Drouot, whilst fromthe south--the Quartier Latin and its neighbourhood--contingents madetheir way across the Pont St. Michel and the Pont Notre Dame, and thence, past the Halles, along the Boulevard de Sebastopol and the Rue Montmartre. Why the Quartier Latin element did not advance direct on the PalaisBourbon from its own side of the river I cannot exactly say; but it was, Ibelieve, thought desirable to join hands, in the first instance, with theRevolutionary elements of northern Paris. All this took place whilst myfather and myself were partaking of our meal. When we quitted the"Larder, " a little before one o'clock, all the small parties of NationalGuards and civilians whom we had observed strolling about at an earlierhour, had congregated on the Place de la Concorde, attracted thither bythe news of the special Sunday sitting, at which the Legislative Bodywould undoubtedly take momentous decisions. 

It should be added that nearly all the National Guards who assembled onthe Place de la Concorde before one o'clock were absolutely unarmed. Atthat hour, however, a large force of them, equivalent to a couple ofbattalions or thereabouts, came marching down the Rue Royale from theBoulevards, and these men (who were preceded by a solitary drummer)carried, some of them, chassepots and others _fusils-à-tabatière, _ havingmoreover, in most instances, their bayonets fixed. They belonged to thenorth of Paris, though I cannot say precisely to what particulardistricts, nor do I know exactly by whose orders they had been assembledand instructed to march on the Palais Bourbon, as they speedily did. Butit is certain that all the fermentation of the morning and all thatoccurred afterwards was the outcome of the night-work of the secretRepublican Committees. 

As the guards marched on, loud cries of "Déchéance! Déchéance!" aroseamong them, and were at once taken up by the spectators. Perfectunanimity, indeed, appeared to prevail on the question of dethroning theEmperor. Even the soldiers who were scattered here and there--a fewLinesmen, a few Zouaves, a few Turcos, some of them invalided fromMacMahon's forces--eagerly joined in the universal cry, and began tofollow the guards on to the Place de la Concorde. Never, I believe, hadthat square been more crowded--not even in the days when it was known asthe Place Louis Quinze, and when hundreds of people were crushed to deaththere whilst witnessing a display of fireworks in connection with theespousals of the future Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette, not even when ithad become the Place de la Révolution and was thronged by all who wishedto witness the successive executions of the last King and Queen of the oldFrench monarchy. From the end of the Rue Royale to the bridge conductingacross the Seine to the Palais Bourbon, from the gate of the Tuileriesgarden to the horses of Marly at the entrance of the Champs Elysées, around the obelisk of Luxor, and the fountains which were playing as usualin the bright sunshine which fell from the blue sky, along all thebalustrades connecting the seated statues of the cities of France, here, there, and everywhere, indeed, you saw human heads. And the clamour wasuniversal. The great square had again become one of Revolution, and yetit remained one of Concord also, for there was absolute agreement amongthe hundred thousand or hundred and fifty thousand people who had chosenit as their meeting-place, an agreement attested by that universal andnever-ceasing cry of "Dethronement!"

As the armed National Guards debouched from the Rue Royale, their solitarydrummer plied his sticks. But the roll of the drum was scarcely heard inthe general uproar, and so dense was the crowd that the men could advancebut very slowly. For a while it took some minutes to make only a fewsteps. Meantime the ranks of the men were broken here and there, otherpeople got among them, and at last my father and myself were caught in thestream and carried with it, still somewhat slowly, in the direction of thePont de la Concorde. I read recently that the bridge was defended bymounted men of the Garde de Paris (the forerunner of the GardeRépublicaine of to-day); a French writer, in recalling the scene, referring to "the men's helmets glistening in the sunshine. " But that ispure imagination. The bridge was defended by a cordon of police ranged infront of a large body of Gendarmerie mobile, wearing the familiar darkblue white-braided _képis_ and the dark blue tunics with whiteaiguillettes. At first, as I have already said, we advanced but slowlytowards that defending force; but, all at once, we were swept onward byother men who had come from the Boulevards, in our wake. A minute later anabrupt halt ensued, whereupon it was only with great difficulty that wewere able to resist the pressure from behind. 

I at last contrived to raise myself on tiptoes. Our first ranks hadeffected a breach in those of the sergents-de-ville, but before us werethe mounted gendarmes, whose officer suddenly gave a command and drew hissword. For an instant I saw him plainly: his face was intensely pale. Buta sudden rattle succeeded his command, for his men responded to it bydrawing their sabres, which flashed ominously. A minute, perhaps twominutes, elapsed, the pressure in our rear still and ever increasing. I donot know what happened exactly at the head of our column: the uproar wasgreater than ever, and it seemed as if, in another moment, we should becharged, ridden over, cut down, or dispersed. I believe, however, that inpresence of that great concourse of people, in presence too of theuniversal reprobation of the Empire which had brought defeat, invasion, humiliation upon France, the officer commanding the gendarmes shrank fromcarrying out his orders. There must have been a brief parley with theleaders of our column. In any case, the ranks of the gendarmes suddenlyopened, many of them taking to the footways of the bridge, over which ourcolumn swept at the double-quick, raising exultant shouts of "Vive laRépublique!" It was almost a race as to who should be the first to reachthe Palais Bourbon. Those in the rear were ever impelling the foremostonward, and there was no time to look about one. But in a rapid vision, asit were, I saw the gendarmes reining in their horses on either side of us;and, here and there, medals gleamed on their dark tunics, and it seemed tome as if more than one face wore an angry expression. These men had foughtunder the imperial eagles, they had been decorated for their valour in theCrimean, Italian, and Cochin-China wars. Veterans all, and faithfulservants of the Empire, they saw the _régime_ for which they had fought, collapsing. Had their commanding officer ordered it, they might well havecharged us; but, obedient to discipline, they had opened their ranks, andnow the Will of the People was sweeping past them. 

None of our column had a particularly threatening mien; the generaldemeanour was rather suggestive of joyful expectancy. But, the bridge oncecrossed, there was a fresh pause at the gates shutting off the steps ofthe Palais Bourbon. Here infantry were assembled, with their chassepots inreadiness. Another very brief but exciting interval ensued. Then theLinesmen were withdrawn, the gates swung open, and everybody rushed up thesteps. I was carried hither and thither, and at last from the portico intothe building, where I contrived to halt beside one of the statues in the"Salle des Pas Perdus. " I looked for my father, but could not see him, andremained wedged in my corner for quite a considerable time. Finally, however, another rush of invaders dislodged me, and I was swept with manyothers into the Chamber itself. All was uproar and confusion there. Veryfew deputies were present. The public galleries, the seats of the members, the hemicycle in front of the tribune, were crowded with National Guards. Some were standing on the stenographers' table and on the ushers' chairsbelow the tribune. There were others on the tribune stairs. And at thetribune itself, with his hat on his head, stood Gambetta, hoarselyshouting, amidst the general din, that Louis Napoleon Bonaparte and hisdynasty had for ever ceased to reign. Then, again and again, arose the cryof "Vive la République!" In the twinkling of an eye, however, Gambetta waslost to view--he and other Republican deputies betaking themselves, as Iafterwards learnt, to the palace steps, where the dethronement of theBonapartes was again proclaimed. The invaders of the chamber swarmed afterthem, and I was watching their departure when I suddenly saw my fatherquietly leaning back in one of the ministerial seats--perhaps that which, in the past, had been occupied by Billault, Rouher, Ollivier, and otherpowerful and prominent men of the fallen _régime_. 

At the outset of the proceedings that day Palikao had proposed theformation of a Council of Government and National Defence which was toinclude five members of the Legislative Body. The ministers were to beappointed by this Council, and he was to be Lieutenant-General of France. It so happened that the more fervent Imperialists had previously offeredhim a dictatorship, but he had declined it. Jules Favre met the General'sproposal by claiming priority for the motion which he had submitted at themidnight sitting, whilst Thiers tried to bring about a compromise bysuggesting such a Committee as Palikao had indicated, but placing thechoice of its members entirely in the hands of the Legislative Body, omitting all reference to Palikao's Lieutenancy, and, further, settingforth that a Constituent Assembly should be convoked as soon ascircumstances might permit. The three proposals--Thiers', Favre's, andPalikao's--were submitted to the _bureaux_, and whilst these _bureaux_were deliberating in various rooms the first invasion of the Chamber tookplace in spite of the efforts of Jules Ferry, who had promised Palikaothat the proceedings of the Legislature should not be disturbed. When thesitting was resumed the "invaders, " who, at that moment, mainly occupiedthe galleries, would listen neither to President Schneider nor to theirfavourite Gambetta, though both appealed to them for silence and order. Jules Favre alone secured a few moments' quietude, during which he beggedthat there might be no violence. Palikao was present, but did not speak. [Later in the day, after urging Trochu to accept the presidency of the newGovernment, as otherwise "all might be lost, " Palikao quitted Paris forBelgium. He stayed at Namur during the remainder of the war, andafterwards lived in retirement at Versailles, where he died in January, 1878. ] Amidst the general confusion came the second invasion of theChamber, when I was swept off my feet and carried on to the floor of thehouse. That second invasion precipitated events. Even Gambetta wished thedethronement of the dynasty to be signified by a formal vote, but the"invaders" would brook no delay. 

Both of us, my father and I, were tired and thirsty after our unexpectedexperiences. Accordingly we did not follow the crowd back to the stepsoverlooking the Place de la Concorde, but, like a good many other people, we went off by way of the Place de Bourgogne. No damage had been done inthe Chamber itself, but as we quitted the building we noticed severalinscriptions scrawled upon the walls. In some instances the words weremerely "Vive la République!" and "Mort aux Prussiens!" At other times, however, they were too disgusting to be set down here. In or near the Ruede Bourgogne we found a fairly quiet wine-shop, where we rested andrefreshed ourselves with _cannettes_ of so-called Bière de Strasbourg. We did not go at that moment to the Hôtel-de-Ville, whither a large partof the crowd betook itself by way of the quays, and where the Republicwas again proclaimed; but returned to the Place de la Concorde, where somethousands of people still remained. Everybody was looking very animatedand very pleased. Everybody imagined that, the Empire being overthrown, France would soon drive back the German invader. All fears for the futureseemed, indeed, to have departed. Universal confidence prevailed, andeverybody congratulated everybody else. There was, in any case, onegood cause for congratulation: the Revolution had been absolutelybloodless--the first and only phenomenon of the kind in all Frenchhistory. 

Whilst we were strolling about the Place de la Concorde I noticed that thechief gate of the Tuileries garden had been forced open and damaged. Thegilded eagles which had decorated it had been struck off and pounded topieces, this, it appeared, having been chiefly the work of an enterprisingTurco. A few days later Victorien Sardou wrote an interesting account ofhow he and others obtained admittance, first to the reserved garden, andthen to the palace itself. On glancing towards it I observed that the flagwhich had still waved over the principal pavilion that morning, had nowdisappeared. It had been lowered after the departure of the Empress. Ofthe last hours which she spent in the palace, before she quitted it withPrince Metternich and Count Nigra to seek a momentary refuge at theresidence of her dentist, Dr. Evans, I have given a detailed account, based on reliable narratives and documents, in my "Court of theTuileries. "

Quitting, at last, the Place de la Concorde, we strolled slowly homeward. Some tradespeople in the Rue Royale and the Faubourg St. Honoré, formerpurveyors to the Emperor or the Empress, were already hastily removing theimperial arms from above their shops. That same afternoon and during theensuing Monday and Tuesday every escutcheon, every initial N, every crown, every eagle, every inscription that recalled the Empire, was removed orobliterated in one or another manner. George Augustus Sala, whose recentadventure confined him to his room at the Grand Hotel, spent most of histime in watching the men who removed the eagles, crowns, and Ns from thethen unfinished Opera-house. Even the streets which recalled the imperial_regime_ were hastily renamed. The Avenue de l'Impératrice at once becamethe Avenue du Bois de Boulogne; and the Rue du Dix-Décembre (so called inmemory of Napoleon's assumption of the imperial dignity) was rechristenedRue du Quatre Septembre--this being the "happy thought" of a Zouave, who, mounted on a ladder, set the new name above the old one, whilst the platebearing the latter was struck off with a hammer by a young workman. 

As we went home on the afternoon of that memorable Fourth, we noticed thatall the cafés and wine-shops were doing a brisk trade. Neither then norduring the evening, however, did I perceive much actual drunkenness. Itwas rather a universal jollity, as though some great victory had beengained. Truth to tell, the increase of drunkenness in Paris was an effectof the German Siege of the city, when drink was so plentiful and food soscarce. 

My father and I had reached the corner of our street when we witnessed anincident which I have related in detail in the first pages of my book, "Republican France. " It was the arrival of Gambetta at the Ministry of theInterior, by way of the Avenue de Marigny, with an escort of red-shirtedFrancs-tireurs de la Presse. The future Dictator had seven companions withhim, all huddled inside or on the roof of a four-wheel cab, which wasdrawn by two Breton nags. I can still picture him alighting from thevehicle and, in the name of the Republic, ordering a chubby littleLinesman, who was mounting guard at the gate of the Ministry, to have thesaid gate opened; and I can see the sleek and elderly _concierge_, who hadbowed to many an Imperial Minister, complying with the said injunction, and respectfully doffing his tasselled smoking-cap and bending doublewhilst he admitted his new master. Then the gate is closed, and frombehind the finely-wrought ornamental iron-work Gambetta briefly addressesthe little throng which has recognized him, saying that the Empire isdead, but that France is wounded, and that her very wounds will inflameher with fresh courage; promising, too, that the whole nation shall bearmed; and asking one and all to place confidence in the new Government, even as the latter will place confidence in the people. 

In the evening I strolled with my father to the Place de l'Hôtel de Ville, where many people were congregated, A fairly large body of National Guardswas posted in front of the building, most of whose windows were lightedup. The members of the New Government of National Defence weredeliberating there. Trochu had become its President, and Jules Favre itsVice-President and Minister for Foreign Affairs. Henri Rochefort, releasedthat afternoon by his admirers from the prison of Sainte Pélagie, wasincluded in the administration, this being in the main composed of thedeputies for Paris. Only one of the latter, the cautious Thiers, refusedto join it. He presided, however, that same evening over a gathering ofsome two hundred members of the moribund Legislative Body, which then madea forlorn attempt to retain some measure of authority, by coming to someagreement with the new Government. But Jules Favre and Jules Simon, whoattended the meeting on the latter's behalf, would not entertain thesuggestion. It was politely signified to the deputies that their supportin Paris was not required, and that if they desired to serve their countryin any way, they had better betake themselves to their formerconstituencies in the provinces. So far as the Legislative Body and theSenate, [Note] also, were concerned, everything ended in adelightful bit of comedy. Not only were the doors of their respectivemeeting halls looked, but they were "secured" with strips of tape andseals of red wax. The awe with which red sealing-wax inspires Frenchmen isdistinctly a trait of the national character. Had there been, however, areal Bonaparte in Paris at that time, he would probably have cut off theaforesaid seals with his sword. 

[Note: The Senate, over which Rouher presided, dispensed quietly onhearing of the invasion of the Chamber. The proposal that it shouldadjourn till more fortunate times emanated from Rouher himself. A fewcries of "Vive l'Empereur!" were raised as the assembly dispersed. Almost immediately afterwards, however, most of the Senators, includingRouher, who knew that he was very obnoxious to the Parisians, quitted thecity and even France. ]

On the morning of September 5, the _Charivari_--otherwise the dailyParisian _Punch_--came out with a cartoon designed to sum up the wholeperiod covered by the imperial rule. It depicted France bound hand andfoot and placed between the mouths of two cannons, one inscribed "Paris, 1851, " and the other "Sedan, 1870"--those names and dates representing theAlpha and Omega of the Second Empire. 

IV

FROM REVOLUTION TO SIEGE

The Government of National Defence--The Army of Paris--The Returnof Victor Hugo--The German advance on Paris--The National Guardreviewed--Hospitable Preparations for the Germans--They draw nearerstill--Departure of Lord Lyons--Our Last Day of Liberty--On theFortifications--The Bois de Boulogne and our Live Stock--Mass beforethe Statue of Strasbourg--Devout Breton Mobiles--Evening on theBoulevards and in the Clubs--Trochu and Ducrot--The Fight and Panicof Chatillon--The Siege begins. 

As I shall have occasion in these pages to mention a good many membersof the self-constituted Government which succeeded the Empire, it may beas well for me to set down here their names and the offices they held. I have already mentioned that Trochu was President, and Jules FavreVice-President, of the new administration. The former also retained hisoffice as Governor of Paris, and at the same time became Generalissimo. Favre, for his part, took the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. With him andTrochu were Gambetta, Minister of the Interior; Jules Simon, Minister ofPublic Instruction; Adolphe Crémieux, Minister of Justice; Ernest Picard, Minister of Finance; Jules Ferry, Secretary-General to the Government, andlater Mayor of Paris; and Henri Rochefort, President of the Committee ofBarricades. Four of their colleagues, Emmanuel Arago, Garnier-Pagès, Eugène Pelletan, and Glais-Bizoin, did not take charge of any particularadministrative departments, the remainder of these being allotted to menwhose co-operation was secured. For instance, old General Le Flô becameMinister of War--under Trochu, however, and not over him. Vice-AdmiralFourichon was appointed Minister of Marine; Magnin, an iron-master, became Minister of Commerce and Agriculture; Frédéric Dorian, anotheriron-master, took the department of Public Works; Count Emile de Kératryacted as Prefect of Police, and Etienne Arago, in the earlier days, asMayor of Paris. 

The new Government was fully installed by Tuesday, September 6. It hadalready issued several more or less stirring proclamations, which werefollowed by a despatch which Jules Favre addressed to the Frenchdiplomatic representatives abroad. As a set-off to the arrival of a numberof dejected travel-stained fugitives from MacMahon's army, whoseappearance was by no means of a nature to exhilarate the Parisians, thedefence was reinforced by a large number of Gardes Mobiles, who pouredinto the city, particularly from Brittany, Trochu's native province, andby a considerable force of regulars, infantry, cavalry, and artillery, commanded by the veteran General Vinoy (then seventy years of age), whohad originally been despatched to assist MacMahon, but, having failed toreach him before the disaster of Sedan, retreated in good order on thecapital. At the time when the Siege actually commenced there were in Parisabout 90, 000 regulars (including all arms and categories), 110, 000 MobileGuards, and a naval contingent of 13, 500 men, that is a force of 213, 000, in addition to the National Guards, who were about 280, 000 in number. Thus, altogether, nearly half a million armed men were assembled in Parisfor the purpose of defending it. As all authorities afterwards admitted, this was a very great blunder, as fully 100, 000 regulars and mobiles mighthave been spared to advantage for service in the provinces. Of course theNational Guards themselves could not be sent away from the city, thoughthey were often an encumbrance rather than a help, and could not possiblyhave carried on the work of defence had they been left to their ownresources. 

Besides troops, so long as the railway trains continued running, additional military stores and supplies of food, flour, rice, biscuits, preserved meats, rolled day by day into Paris. At the same time, severalillustrious exiles returned to the capital. Louis Blanc and Edgar Quinetarrived there, after years of absence, in the most unostentatious fashion, though they soon succumbed to the prevailing mania of inditing manifestoesand exhortations for the benefit of their fellow-countrymen. Victor Hugo'sreturn was more theatrical. In those famous "Châtiments" in which he hadso severely flagellated the Third Napoleon (after, in earlier years, exalting the First to the dignity of a demi-god), he had vowed to keep outof France and to protest against the Empire so long as it lasted, penning, in this connection, the famous line:

 "Et s'il n'en reste qu'un, je serai celui-là!"

But now the Empire had fallen, and so Hugo returned in triumph to Paris. When he alighted from the train which brought him, he said to those whohad assembled to give him a fitting greeting, that he had come to do hisduty in the hour of danger, that duty being to save Paris, which meantmore than saving France, for it implied saving the world itself--Parisbeing the capital of civilization, the centre of mankind. Naturallyenough, those fine sentiments were fervently applauded by the great poet'sadmirers, and when he had installed himself with his companions in an opencarriage, two or three thousand people escorted him processionally alongthe Boulevards. It was night-time, and the cafés were crowded and thefootways covered with promenaders as the _cortége_ went by, the escortsinging now the "Marseillaise" and now the "Chant du Départ, " whilst onevery side shouts of "Vive Victor Hugo!" rang out as enthusiastically asif the appointed "Saviour of Paris" were indeed actually passing. Morethan once I saw the illustrious poet stand up, uncover, and wave his hatin response to the acclamations, and I then particularly noticed theloftiness of his forehead, and the splendid crop of white hair with whichit was crowned. Hugo, at that time sixty-eight years old, still lookedvigorous, but it was beyond the power of any such man as himself to savethe city from what was impending. All he could do was to indite perfervidmanifestoes, and subsequently, in "L'Année terrible, " commemorate thedoings and sufferings of the time. For the rest, he certainly enrolledhimself as a National Guard, and I more than once caught sight of himwearing _képi_ and _vareuse_. I am not sure, however, whether he ever dida "sentry-go. "

It must have been on the day following Victor Hugo's arrival that Imomentarily quitted Paris for reasons in which my youthful but precociousheart was deeply concerned. I was absent for four days or so, and onreturning to the capital I was accompanied by my stepmother, who, knowingthat my father intended to remain in the city during the impending siege, wished to be with him for a while before the investment began. I recollectthat she even desired to remain with us, though that was impossible, asshe had young children, whom she had left at Saint Servan; and, besides, as I one day jocularly remarked to her, she would, by staying in Paris, have added to the "useless mouths, " whose numbers the Republican, like theImperial, Government was, with very indifferent success, striving todiminish. However, she only quitted us at the last extremity, departing onthe evening of September 17, by the Western line, which, on the morrow, the enemy out at Conflans, some fourteen miles from Paris. 

Day by day the Parisians had received news of the gradual approach ofthe German forces. On the 8th they heard that the Crown Prince ofPrussia's army was advancing from Montmirail to Coulommiers--whereupon thecity became very restless; whilst on the 9th there came word that theblack and white pennons of the ubiquitous Uhlans had been seen at LaFerté-sous-Jouarre. That same day Thiers quitted Paris on a mission whichhe had undertaken for the new Government, that of pleading the cause ofFrance at the Courts of London, St. Petersburg, Vienna, and Rome. Then, onthe 11th, there were tidings that Laon had capitulated, though not withoutits defenders blowing up a powder-magazine and thereby injuring someGerman officers of exalted rank--for which reason the deed wasenthusiastically commended by the Parisian Press, though it would seem tohave been a somewhat treacherous one, contrary to the ordinary usages ofwar. On the 12th some German scouts reached Meaux, and a larger forceleisurely occupied Melun. The French, on their part, were busy after afashion. They offered no armed resistance to the German advance, but theytried to impede it in sundry ways. With the idea of depriving the enemy of"cover, " various attempts were made to fire some of the woods in thevicinity of Paris, whilst in order to cheat him of supplies, stacks andstanding crops were here and there destroyed. Then, too, several railwayand other bridges were blown up, including the railway bridge at Creil, sothat direct communication with Boulogne and Calais ceased on September 12. 

The 13th was a great day for the National Guards, who were then reviewedby General Trochu. With my father and my young stepmother, I went to seethe sight, which was in many respects an interesting one. A hundred andthirty-six battalions, or approximately 180, 000 men, of the so-called"citizen soldiery" were under arms; their lines extending, first, alongthe Boulevards from the Bastille to the Madeleine, then down the RueRoyale, across the Place de la Concorde and up the Champs Elysées as faras the Rond Point. In addition, 100, 000 men of the Garde Mobile wereassembled along the quays of the Seine and up the Champs Elysées from theRond Point to the Arc de Triomphe. I have never since set eyes on so largea force of armed men. They were of all sorts. Some of the Mobiles, notablythe Breton ones, who afterwards gave a good account of themselves, lookedreally soldierly; but the National Guards were a strangely mixed lot. Theyall wore _képis_, but quite half of them as yet had no uniforms, and wereattired in blouses and trousers of various hues. Only here and there couldone see a man of military bearing; most of them struck happy-go-luckyattitudes, and were quite unable to keep step in marching. A particularfeature of the display was the number of flowers and sprigs of evergreenwith which the men had decorated the muzzles of the _fusils-à-tabatière_which they mostly carried. Here and there, moreover, one and anotherfellow displayed on his bayonet-point some coloured caricature of theex-Emperor or the ex-Empress. What things they were, those innumerablecaricatures of the months which followed the Revolution! Now and againthere appeared one which was really clever, which embodied a smart, a witty idea; but how many of them were simply the outcome of a depraved, a lewd, a bestial imagination! The most offensive caricatures ofMarie-Antoinette were as nothing beside those levelled at that unfortunatewoman, the Empress Eugénie. 

Our last days of liberty were now slipping by. Some of the poorest folk ofthe environs of Paris were at last coming into the city, bringing theirchattels with them. Strange ideas, however, had taken hold of some of themore simple-minded suburban bourgeois. Departing hastily into theprovinces, so as to place their skins out of harm's reach, they had nottroubled to store their household goods in the city; but had left them intheir coquettish villas and pavilions, the doors of which were barelylooked. The German soldiers would very likely occupy the houses, butassuredly they would do no harm to them. "Perhaps, however, it might be aswell to propitiate the foreign soldiers. Let us leave something for them, "said worthy Monsieur Durand to Madame Durand, his wife; "they will behungry when they get here, and if they find something ready for them theywill be grateful and do no damage. " So, although the honest Durandscarefully barred--at times even walled-up--their cellars of choice wines, they arranged that plenty of bottles, at times even a cask, of _vinordinaire_ should be within easy access; and ham, cheese, sardines, _saucissons de Lyon_, and _patés de foie gras_ were deposited in thepantry cupboards, which were considerately left unlocked in order that thegood, mild-mannered, honest Germans (who, according to a proclamationissued by "Unser Fritz" at an earlier stage of the hostilities, "made waron the Emperor Napoleon and not on the French nation") might regalethemselves without let or hindrance. Moreover, the nights were "drawingin, " the evenings becoming chilly; so why not lay the fires, and placematches and candles in convenient places for the benefit of the unbiddenguests who would so soon arrive? All those things being done, M. And Mme. Durand departed to seek the quietude of Fouilly-les-Oies, never dreamingthat on their return to Montfermeil, Palaiseau, or Sartrouville, theywould find their _salon_ converted into a pigstye, their furnituresmashed, and their clocks and chimney-ornaments abstracted. Of course theM. Durand of to-day knows what happened to his respected parents; he knowswhat to think of the good, honest, considerate German soldiery; and, if hecan help it, he will not in any similar case leave so much as a woodenspoon to be carried off to the Fatherland, and added as yet another trophyto the hundred thousand French clocks and the million French nick-nackswhich are still preserved there as mementoes of the "grosse Zeit. "

On September 15, we heard of some petty skirmishes between Uhlans andFrancs-tireurs in the vicinity of Montereau and Melun; on the morrow theenemy captured a train at Senlis, and fired on another near Chantilly, fortunately without wounding any of the passengers; whilst on the same dayhis presence was signalled at Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, only ten milessouth of Paris. That evening, moreover, he attempted to ford the Seine atJuvisy. On the 16th some of his forces appeared between Créteil andNeuilly-sur-Marne, on the eastern side of the city, and only some fivemiles from the fort of Vincennes. Then we again heard of him on thesouth--of his presence at Brunoy, Ablon, and Athis, and of the pontoons bywhich he was crossing the Seine at Villeneuve and Choisy-le-Roi. 

Thus the advance steadily continued, quite unchecked by force of arms, save for just a few trifling skirmishes initiated by sundryFrancs-tireurs. Not a road, not a barricade, was defended by theauthorities; not once was the passage of a river contested. Here and therethe Germans found obstructions: poplars had been felled and laid across ahighway, bridges and railway tunnels had occasionally been blown up; butall such impediments to their advance were speedily overcome by the enemy, who marched on quietly, feeling alternately puzzled and astonished atnever being confronted by any French forces. As the invaders drew nearerto Paris they found an abundance of vegetables and fruit at theirdisposal, but most of the peasantry had fled, taking their live stock withthem, and, as a German officer told me in after years, eggs, cheese, butter, and milk could seldom be procured. 

On the 17th the French began to recover from the stupor which seemed tohave fallen on them. Old General Vinoy crossed the Marne at Charenton withsome of his forces, and a rather sharp skirmish ensued in front of thevillage of Mesly. That same day Lord Lyons, the British Ambassador, tookhis departure from Paris, proceeding by devious ways to Tours, whither, acouple of days previously, three delegates of the National Defence--twoseptuagenarians and one sexagenarian, Crémieux, Glais-Bizoin, andFourichon--had repaired in order to take over the general government ofFrance. Lord Lyons had previously told Jules Favre that he intended toremain in the capital, but I believe that his decision was modified byinstructions from London. With him went most of the Embassy staff, Britishinterests in Paris remaining in the hands of the second secretary, Mr. Wodehouse, and the vice-consul. The consul himself had very prudentlyquitted Paris, in order "to drink the waters, " some time previously. Colonel Claremont, the military attaché, still remained with us, but bydegrees, as the siege went on, the Embassy staff dwindled down to theconcierge and two--or was it four?--sheep browsing on the lawn. Mr. Wodehouse went off (my father and myself being among those who accompaniedhim, as I shall relate in a future chapter) towards the middle ofNovember; and before the bombardment began Colonel Claremont likewiseexecuted a strategical retreat. Nevertheless--or should I say for thatvery reason?--he was subsequently made a general officer. 

A day or two before Lord Lyons left he drew up a notice warning Britishsubjects that if they should remain in Paris it would be at their own riskand peril. The British colony was not then so large as it is now, nevertheless it was a considerable one. A good many members of itundoubtedly departed on their own initiative. Few, if any, saw LordLyons's notice, for it was purely and simply conveyed to them through themedium of _Galignani's Messenger_, which, though it was patronized bytourists staying at the hotels, was seldom seen by genuine Britishresidents, most of whom read London newspapers. 

The morrow of Lord Lyons's departure, Sunday, September 18, was our lastday of liberty. The weather was splendid, the temperature as warm as thatof June. All Paris was out of doors. We were not without women-folkand children. Not only were there the wives and offspring of theworking-classes; but the better halves of many tradespeople and bourgeoishad remained in the city, together with a good many ladies of highersocial rank. Thus, in spite of all the departures, "papa, mamma, and baby"were still to be met in many directions on that last day preceding theinvestment. There were gay crowds everywhere, on the Boulevards, on thesquares, along the quays, and along the roads skirting the ramparts. Theselast were the "great attraction, " and thousands of people strolled aboutwatching the work which was in progress. Stone casements were being roofedwith earth, platforms were being prepared for guns, gabions were being setin position at the embrasures, sandbags were being carried to theparapets, stakes were being pointed for the many _pièges-à-loups_, andsmooth earthworks were being planted with an infinity of spikes. Some gunswere already in position, others, big naval guns from Brest or Cherbourg, were still lying on the turf. Meanwhile, at the various city gates, thevery last vehicles laden with furniture and forage were arriving from thesuburbs. And up and down went all the promenaders, chatting, laughing, examining this and that work of defence or engine of destruction in such agood-humoured, light-hearted way that the whole _chemin-de-ronde_ seemedto be a vast fair, held solely for the amusement of the most volatilepeople that the world has ever known. 

Access to the Bois de Boulogne was forbidden. Acres of timber had alreadybeen felled there, and from the open spaces the mild September breezeoccasionally wafted the lowing of cattle, the bleating of sheep, and thegrunting of pigs. Our live stock consisted of 30, 000 oxen, 175, 000 sheep, 8, 800 pigs, and 6, 000 milch-cows. Little did we think how soon thoseanimals (apart from the milch-cows) would be consumed! Few of us wereaware that, according to Maxime Ducamp's great work on Paris, we hadhitherto consumed, on an average, every day of the year, 935 oxen, 4680sheep, 570 pigs, and 600 calves, to say nothing of 46, 000 head of poultry, game, etc. , 50 tons of fish, and 670, 000 eggs. 

Turning from the Bois de Boulogne, which had become our principal ranchand sheep-walk, one found companies of National Guards learning the"goose-step" in the Champs Elysées and the Cours-la-Reine. Regulars wereappropriately encamped both in the Avenue de la Grande Armée and on theChamp de Mars. Field-guns and caissons filled the Tuileries garden, whilstin the grounds of the Luxembourg Palace one again found cattle and sheep;yet other members of the bovine and ovine species being installed, singularly enough, almost cheek by jowl with the hungry wild beasts of theJardin des Plantes, whose mouths fairly watered at the sight of theirnatural prey. If you followed the quays of the Seine you there foundsightseers gazing at the little gunboats and floating batteries on thewater; and if you climbed to Montmartre you there came upon peoplewatching "The Neptune, " the captive balloon which Nadar, the aeronaut andphotographer, had already provided for purposes of military observation. Ishall have occasion to speak of him and his balloons again. 

Among all that I myself saw on that memorable Sunday, I was perhaps moststruck by the solemn celebration of Mass in front of the statue ofStrasbourg on the Place de la Concorde. The capital of Alsace had beenbesieged since the middle of August, but was still offering a firmresistance to the enemy. Its chief defenders, General Uhrich and EdmondValentin, were the most popular heroes of the hour. The latter had beenappointed Prefect of the city by the Government of National Defence, and, resolving to reach his post in spite of the siege which was being activelyprosecuted, had disguised himself and passed successfully through theGerman lines, escaping the shots which were fired at him. In Paris thestatue of Strasbourg had become a place of pilgrimage, a sacred shrine, asit were, adorned with banners and with wreaths innumerable. Yet Icertainly had not expected to see an altar set up and Mass celebrated infront of it, as if it had been, indeed, a statue of the Blessed Virgin. 

At this stage of affairs there was no general hostility to the Church inParis. The _bourgeoisie_--I speak of its masculine element--was assceptical then as it is now, but it knew that General Trochu, in whom itplaced its trust, was a practising and fervent Catholic, and that intaking the Presidency of the Government he had made it one of hisconditions that religion should be respected. Such animosity as was shownagainst the priesthood emanated from some of the public clubs where thefuture Communards perorated. It was only as time went on, and the defencegrew more and more hopeless, that Trochu himself was denounced as a_cagot_ and a _souteneur de soutanes_; and not until the Commune did theExtremists give full rein to their hatred of the Church and its ministers. 

In connection with religion, there was another sight which impressed me onthat same Sunday. I was on the point of leaving the Place de la Concordewhen a large body of Mobiles debouched either from the Rue Royale or theRue de Rivoli, and I noticed, with some astonishment, that not only werethey accompanied by their chaplains, but that they bore aloft severalprocessional religious banners. They were Bretons, and had been to Mass, Iascertained, at the church of Notre Dame des Victoires--the favouritechurch of the Empress Eugénie, who often attended early Mass there--andwere now returning to their quarters in the arches of the railway viaductof the Point-du-Jour. Many people uncovered as they thus went byprocessionally, carrying on high their banners of the Virgin, she who isinvoked by the Catholic soldier as "Auzilium Christianorum. " For a momentmy thoughts strayed back to Brittany, where, during my holidays theprevious year, I had witnessed the "Pardon" of Guingamp, In the evening I went to the Boulevards with my father, and we afterwardsdropped into one or two of the public clubs. The Boulevard promenaders hada good deal to talk about. General Ambert, who under the Empire had beenmayor of our arrondissement, had fallen out with his men, through speakingcontemptuously of the Republic, and after being summarily arrested by someof them, had been deprived of his command. Further, the _Official Journal_had published a circular addressed by Bismarck to the German diplomatistsabroad, in which he stated formally that if France desired peace she wouldhave to give "material guarantees. " That idea, however, was vigorouslypooh-poohed by the Boulevardiers, particularly as rumours of sudden Frenchsuccesses, originating nobody knew how, were once more in the air. Scandal, however, secured the attention of many of the people seated inthe cafés, for the _Rappel_--Victor Hugo's organ--had that day printed aletter addressed to Napoleon III by his mistress Marguerite Bellenger, whoadmitted in it that she had deceived her imperial lover with respect tothe paternity of her child. 

However, we went, my father and I, from the Boulevards to theFolies-Bergere, which had been turned for the time into a public club, andthere we listened awhile to Citizen Lermina, who, taking Thiers's missionand Bismarck's despatch as his text, protested against France concludingany peace or even any armistice so long as the Germans had not withdrawnacross the frontier. There was still no little talk of that description. The old agitator Auguste Blanqui--long confined in one of the cages ofMont Saint-Michel, but now once more in Paris--never wearied of opposingpeace in the discourses that he delivered at his own particular club, which, like the newspaper he inspired, was called "La Patrie en Danger. "In other directions, for instance at the Club du Maine, the Extremistswere already attacking the new Government for its delay in distributingcartridges to the National Guards, being, no doubt, already impatient toseize authority themselves. 

Whilst other people were promenading or perorating, Trochu, in his room atthe Louvre, was receiving telegram after telegram informing him that theGermans were now fast closing round the city. He himself, it appears, hadno idea of preventing it; but at the urgent suggestion of his old friendand comrade General Ducrot, he had consented that an effort should be madeto delay, at any rate, a complete investment. In an earlier chapter I hadoccasion to mention Ducrot in connexion with the warnings which NapoleonIII received respecting the military preparations of Prussia. At thistime, 1870, the general was fifty-three years old, and therefore still inhis prime. As commander of a part of MacMahon's forces he haddistinguished himself at the battle of Wörth, and when the Marshal waswounded at Sedan, it was he who, by right of seniority, at first assumedcommand of the army, being afterwards compelled, however, to relinquishthe poet to Wimpfen, in accordance with an order from Palikao whichWimpfen produced. Included at the capitulation, among the prisoners takenby the Germans, Ducrot subsequently escaped--the Germans contending thathe had broken his parole in doing so, though this does not appear to havebeen the case. Immediately afterwards he repaired to Paris to placehimself at Trochu's disposal. At Wörth he had suggested certain tacticswhich might have benefited the French army; at Sedan he had wished to makea supreme effort to cut through the German lines; and now in Paris heproposed to Trochu a plan which if successful might, he thought, retardthe investment and momentarily cut the German forces in halves. 

In attempting to carry out this scheme (September 19) Ducrot took with himmost of Vinoy's corps, that is four divisions of infantry, some cavalry, and no little artillery, having indeed, according to his own account, seventy-two guns with him. The action was fought on the plateau ofChâtillon (south of Paris), where the French had been constructing aredoubt, which was still, however, in a very unfinished state. At daybreakthat morning all the districts of Paris lying on the left bank of theSeine were roused by the loud booming of guns. The noise was at timesalmost deafening, and it is certain that the French fired a vast number ofprojectiles, though, assuredly, the number--25, 000--given in a copy of theofficial report which I have before me must be a clerical error. In anycase, the Germans replied with an even more terrific fire than that of theFrench, and, as had previously happened at Sedan and elsewhere, the Frenchordnance proved to be no match for that emanating from Krupp's renownedworkshops. The French defeat was, however, precipitated by a sudden panicwhich arose among a provisional regiment of Zouaves, who suddenly turnedtail and fled. Panic is often, if not always, contagious, and so it provedto be on this occasion. Though some of the Gardes Mobiles, notably theBretons of Ile-et-Vilaine, fought well, thanks to the support of theartillery (which is so essential in the case of untried troops), other menweakened, and imitated the example of the Zouaves. Duorot soon realizedthat it was useless to prolong the encounter, and after spiking the gunsset up in the Châtillon redoubt, he retired under the protection of theForts of Vanves and Montrouge. 

My father and I had hastened to the southern side of Paris as soon as thecannonade apprised us that an engagement was going on. Pitiful was thespectacle presented by the disbanded soldiers as they rushed down theChaussée du Maine. Many had flung away their weapons. Some went ondejectedly; others burst into wine-shops, demanded drink with threats, andpresently emerged swearing, cursing and shouting, "Nous sommes trahis!"Riderless horses went by, instinctively following the men, and here andthere one saw a bewildered and indignant officer, whose orders werescouted with jeers. The whole scene was of evil augury for the defence ofParis. 

At a later hour, when we reached the Boulevards, we found the wildestrumours in circulation there. Nobody knew exactly what had happened, butthere was talk of 20, 000 French troops having been annihilated by fivetimes that number of Germans. At last a proclamation emanating fromGambetta was posted up and eagerly perused. It supplied no details of thefighting, but urged the Parisians to give way neither to excitement nor todespondency, and reminded them that a court-martial had been instituted todeal with cowards and deserters. Thereupon the excitement seemed tosubside, and people went to dinner. An hour afterwards the Boulevards wereas gay as ever, thronged once more with promenaders, among whom were manyofficers of the Garde Mobile and the usual regiment of painted women. Cynicism and frivolity were once more the order of the day. But in themidst of it there came an unexpected incident. Some of the National Guardsof the district were not unnaturally disgusted by the spectacle which theBoulevards presented only a few hours after misfortune had fallen on theFrench arms. Forming, therefore, into a body, they marched along, loudlycalling upon the cafés to close. Particularly were they indignant when, onreaching Brébant's Restaurant at the corner of the Faubourg Montmartre, they heard somebody playing a lively Offenbachian air on a piano there. Aparty of heedless _viveurs_ and _demoiselles_ of the half-world wereenjoying themselves together as in the palmy imperial days. But the pianowas soon silenced, the cafés and restaurants were compelled to close, andthe Boulevardian world went home in a slightly chastened mood. The Siegeof Paris had begun. 

V

BESIEGED

The Surrender of Versailles--Captain Johnson, Queen's Messenger--No moreParis Fashions!--Prussians versus Germans--Bismarck's Hard Terms forPeace--Attempts to pass through the German Lines--Chartreuse Verte as anExplosive!--Tommy Webb's Party and the Germans--Couriers and EarlyBalloons--Our Arrangements with Nadar--Gambetta's Departure and BalloonJourney--The Amusing Verses of Albert Millaud--Siege Jokes and Satire--TheSpy and Signal Craze--Amazons to the Rescue!

It was at one o'clock on the afternoon of September 19 that the telegraphwires between Paris and Versailles, the last which linked us to theoutside world, were suddenly cut by the enemy; the town so closelyassociated with the Grand Monarque and his magnificence having thensurrendered to a very small force of Germans, although it had a couple ofthousand men--Mobile and National Guards--to defend it. The capitulationwhich was arranged between the mayor and the enemy was flagrantly violatedby the latter almost as soon as it had been concluded, tins being only oneof many such instances which occurred during the war. Versailles wasrequired to provide the invader with a number of oxen, to be slaughteredfor food, numerous casks of wine, the purpose of which was obvious, and alarge supply of forage valued at £12, 000. After all, however, that was amere trifle in comparison with what the present Kaiser's forces wouldprobably demand on landing at Hull or Grimsby or Harwich, should they someday do so. By the terms of the surrender of Versailles, however, the localNational Guards were to have remained armed and entrusted with theinternal police of the town, and, moreover, there were to have been nofurther requisitions. But Bismarck and Moltke pooh-poohed all suchstipulations, and the Versaillese had to submit to many indignities. 

In Paris that day the National Defence Government was busy in variousways, first in imposing fines, according to an ascending scale, on allabsentees who ought to have remained in the city and taken their share ofmilitary duty; and, secondly, in decreeing that nobody with any moneylodged in the Savings Bank should be entitled to draw out more than fiftyfrancs, otherwise two pounds, leaving the entire balance of his or herdeposit at the Government's disposal. This measure provoked no littledissatisfaction. It was also on September 19, the first day of the siege, that the last diplomatic courier entered Paris. I well remember theincident. Whilst I was walking along the Faubourg Saint Honoré I suddenlyperceived an open _calèche_, drawn by a pair of horses, bestriding one ofwhich was a postillion arrayed in the traditional costume--hair à laCatogan, jacket with scarlet facings, gold-banded hat, huge boots, and allthe other appurtenances which one saw during long years on the stage inAdolphe Adam's sprightly but "impossible" opéra-comique "Le Postillon deLongjumeau. " For an instant, indeed, I felt inclined to hum the famousrefrain, "Oh, oh, oh, oh, qu'il était beau"--but many National Guards andothers regarded the equipage with great suspicion, particularly as it wasoccupied by on individual in semi-military attire. Quite a number ofpeople decided in their own minds that this personage must be a Prussianspy, and therefore desired to stop his carriage and march him off toprison. As a matter of fact, however, he was a British officer, CaptainJohnson, discharging the duties of a Queen's Messenger; and as herepeatedly flourished a cane in a very menacing manner, and thedoor-porter of the British Embassy--a German, I believe--energeticallycame to his assistance, he escaped actual molestation, and drove intriumph into the courtyard of the ambassadorial mansion. 

At this time a great shock was awaiting the Parisians. During the sameweek the Vicomtesse de Renneville issued an announcement stating that inpresence of the events which were occurring she was constrained to suspendthe publication of her renowned journal of fashions, _La Gazette Rose_. This was a tragic blow both for the Parisians themselves and for all theworld beyond them. There would be no more Paris fashions! To what despairwould not millions of women be reduced? How would they dress, evensupposing that they should contrive to dress at all? The thought wasappalling; and as one and another great _couturier_ closed his doors, Paris began to realize that her prestige was indeed in jeopardy. 

A day or two after the investment the city became very restless on accountof Thiers's mission to foreign Courts and Jules Favre's visit to theGerman headquarters, it being reported by the extremists that theGovernment did not intend to be a Government of National Defence but oneof Capitulation. In reply to those rumours the authorities issued thefamous proclamation in which they said;

 "The Government's policy is that formulated in these terms: Not an Inch of our Territory. Not a Stone of our Fortresses. The Government will maintain it to the end. "

On the morrow, September 21, Gambetta personally reminded us that it wasthe seventy-eighth anniversary of the foundation of the first FrenchRepublic, and, after recalling to the Parisians what their fathers hadthen accomplished, he exhorted them to follow that illustrious example, and to "secure victory by confronting death. " That same evening the clubsdecided that a great demonstration should be made on the morrow by way ofinsisting that no treaty should be discussed until the Germans had beendriven out of France, that no territory, fort, vessel, or treasure shouldbe surrendered, that all elections should be adjourned, and that a _levéeen masse_ should be decreed. Jules Favre responded that he and hiscolleagues personified Defence and not Surrender, and Rochefort--poorRochefort!--solemnly promised that the barricades of Paris should be begunthat very night. That undertaking mightily pleased the agitators, thoughthe use of the said barricades was not apparent; and the demonstratorsdispersed with the usual shouts of "Vive la République! Mort auxPrussiens!"

In connexion with that last cry it was a curious circumstance that fromthe beginning to the end of the war the French persistently ignored thepresence of Saxons, Würtembergers, Hessians, Badeners, and so forth in theinvading armies. Moreover, on only one or two occasions (such as theBazeilles episode of the battle of Sedan) did they evince any particularanimosity against the Bavarians. I must have heard "Death to thePrussians!" shouted at least a thousand times; but most certainly I neveronce heard a single cry of "Death to the Germans!" Still in the sameconnexion, let me mention that it was in Paris, during the siege, that theeminent naturalist and biologist Quatrefages de Bréau wrote that curiouslittle book of his, "La Race Prussienne, " in which he contended that thePrussians were not Germans at all. There was at least some measure oftruth in the views which he enunciated. 

As I previously indicated, Jules Favre, the Foreign Minister of theNational Defence, had gone to the German headquarters in order to discussthe position with Prince (then Count) Bismarck. He met him twice, first atthe Comte de Rillac's Château de la Haute Maison, and secondly at Baron deRothschild's Château de Ferrières--the German staff usually installingitself in the lordly "pleasure-houses" of the French noble or financialaristocracy, and leaving them as dirty as possible, and, naturally, bereftof their timepieces. Baron Alphonse de Rothschild told me in later yearsthat sixteen clocks were carried off from Ferrières whilst King(afterwards the Emperor) William and Bismarck were staying there. Ipresume that they now decorate some of the salons of the schloss atBerlin, or possibly those of Varzin and Friedrichsruhe. Bismarckpersonally had an inordinate passion for clocks, as all who ever visitedhis quarters in the Wilhelmstrasse, when he was German Chancellor, willwell remember. 

But he was not content with the clocks of Ferrières. He told Jules Favrethat if France desired peace she must surrender the two departments of theUpper and the Lower Rhine, a part of the department of the Moselle, together with Metz, Chateau Salins, and Soissons; and he would only grantan armistice (to allow of the election of a French National Assembly todecide the question of War or Peace) on condition that the Germans shouldoccupy Strasbourg, Toul, and Phalsburg, together with a fortress, such asMont Valerien, commanding the city of Paris. Such conditions naturallystiffened the backs of the French, and for a time there was no more talkof negotiating. 

During the earlier days of the Siege of Paris I came into contact withvarious English people who, having delayed their departure until it wastoo late, found themselves shut up in the city, and were particularlyanxious to depart from it. The British Embassy gave them no help in thematter. Having issued its paltry notice in _Galignani's Messenger_, itconsidered that there was no occasion for it to do anything further. Moreover, Great Britain had not recognized the French Republic, so thatthe position of Mr. Wodehouse was a somewhat difficult one. However, a few"imprisoned" Englishmen endeavoured to escape from the city by devices oftheir own. Two of them who set out together, fully expecting to getthrough the German lines and then reach a convenient railway station, followed the course of the Seine for several miles without being able tocross it, and in spite of their waving pocket-handkerchiefs (otherwiseflags of truce) and their constant shouts of "English! Friends!" and soforth, were repeatedly fired at by both French and German outposts. Atlast they reached Rueil, where the villagers, on noticing how bad theirFrench was, took them to be Prussian spies, and nearly lynched them. Fortunately, the local commissary of police believed their story, and theywere sent back to Paris to face the horseflesh and the many otherhardships which they had particularly desired to avoid. 

I also remember the representative of a Birmingham small-arms factorytelling me of his unsuccessful attempt to escape. He had lingered in Parisin the hope of concluding a contract with the new Republican Government. Not having sufficient money to charter a balloon, and the Embassy, asusual at that time, refusing any help (O shades of Palmerston!), he setout as on a walking-tour with a knapsack strapped to his shoulders and anumbrella in his hand. His hope was to cross the Seine by the bridge ofSaint Cloud or that of Suresnes, but he failed in both attempts, and wasrepeatedly fired upon by vigilant French outposts. After losing his way inthe Bois de Boulogne, awakening both the cattle and the sheep there in thecourse of his nightly ramble, he at last found one of the little hutserected to shelter the gardeners and wood-cutters, and remained thereuntil daybreak, when he was able to take his bearings and proceed towardsthe Auteuil gate of the ramparts. As he did not wish to be fired uponagain, he deemed it expedient to hoist his pocket handkerchief at the endof his umbrella as a sign of his pacific intentions, and finding the gateopen and the drawbridge down, he attempted to enter the city, but wasimmediately challenged by the National Guards on duty. These vigilantpatriots observed his muddy condition--the previous day had been a wetone--and suspiciously inquired where he had come from at that early hour. His answer being given in broken French and in a very embarrassed manner, he was at once regarded as a Prussian spy, and dragged off to theguard-room. There he was carefully searched, and everything in his pocketshaving been taken from him, including a small bottle which the sergeant onduty regarded with grave suspicion, he was told that his after-fate wouldbe decided when the commanding officer of that particular _secteur_ of theramparts made his rounds. 

When this officer arrived he closely questioned the prisoner, who tried toexplain his circumstances, and protested that his innocence was shown bythe British passport and other papers which had been taken from him. "Oh!papers prove nothing!" was the prompt retort. "Spies are always providedwith papers. But, come, I have proof that you are an unmitigated villain!"So saying, the officer produced the small bottle which had been taken fromthe unfortunate traveller, and added: "You see this? You had it in yourpocket. Now, don't attempt to deceive me, for I know very well what is thenature of the green liquid which it contains--it is a combustible fluidwith which you wanted to set fire to our _chevaux-de-frise!_"

Denials and protests were in vain. The officer refused to listen to hisprisoner until the latter at last offered to drink some of the terriblefluid in order to prove that it was not at all what it was supposed to be. With a little difficulty the tight-fitting cork was removed from theflask, and on the latter being handed to the prisoner he proceeded toimbibe some of its contents, the officer, meanwhile, retiring to a shortdistance, as if he imagined that the alleged "spy" would suddenly explode. Nothing of that kind happened, however. Indeed, the prisoner drank theterrible stuff with relish, smacked his lips, and even prepared to take asecond draught, when the officer, feeling reassured, again drew near tohim and expressed his willingness to sample the suspected fluid himself. He did so, and at once discovered that it was purely and simply someauthentic Chartreuse verte! It did not take the pair of them long toexhaust this supply of the _liqueur_ of St. Bruno, and as soon as this wasdone, the prisoner was set at liberty with profuse apologies. 

Now and again some of those who attempted to leave the beleaguered citysucceeded in their attempt. In one instance a party of four or fiveEnglishmen ran the blockade in the traditional carriage and pair. They hadbeen staying at the Grand Hotel, where another seven or eight visitors, including Labouchere, still remained, together with about the same numberof servants to wait upon them; the famous caravanserai--then undoubtedlythe largest in Paris--being otherwise quite untenanted. The carriage inwhich the party I have mentioned took their departure was driven by an oldEnglish jockey named Tommy Webb, who had been in France for nearly half acentury, and had ridden the winners of some of the very first racesstarted by the French Jockey Club. Misfortune had overtaken him, however, in his declining years, and he had become a mere Parisian "cabby. " Theparty sallied forth from the courtyard of the Grand Hotel, taking with itseveral huge hampers of provisions and a quantity of other luggage; andall the participants in the attempt seemed to be quite confident ofsuccess. But a few hours later they returned in sore disappointment, having been stopped near Neuilly by the French outposts, as they wereunprovided with any official _laisser-passer_. A document of thatdescription having been obtained, however, from General Trochu on themorrow, a second attempt was made, and this time the party speedilypassed through the French lines. But in trying to penetrate those of theenemy, some melodramatic adventures occurred. It became necessary, indeed, to dodge both the bullets of the Germans and those of the FrenchFrancs-tireurs, who paid not the slightest respect either to the UnionJack or to the large white flag which were displayed on either side ofTommy Webb's box-seat. At last, after a variety of mishaps, the partysucceeded in parleying with a German cavalry officer, and after they hadaddressed a written appeal to the Crown Prince of Prussia (who was pleasedto grant it), they were taken, blindfolded, to Versailles, whereBlumenthal, the Crown Prince's Chief of Staff, asked them for informationrespecting the actual state of Paris, and then allowed them to proceed ontheir way. 

Captain Johnson, the Queen's Messenger of whom I have already spoken, alsocontrived to quit Paris again; but the Germans placed him under strictsurveillance, and Blumenthal told him that no more Queen's Messengerswould be allowed to pass through the German lines. About this same time, however, the English man-servant of one of Trochu's aides-de-campcontrived, not only to reach Saint Germain-en-Laye, where his master'sfamily was residing, but also to return to Paris with messages. This youngfellow had cleverly disguised himself as a French peasant, and on thePrefect of Police hearing of his adventures, he sent out severaldetectives in similar disguises, with instructions to ascertain all theycould about the enemy, and report the same to him. Meantime, the ParisPost Office was endeavouring to send out couriers. One of them, namedLétoile, managed to get as far as Evreux, in Normandy, and to return tothe beleaguered city with a couple of hundred letters. Success alsorepeatedly attended the efforts of two shrewd fellows named Gême andBrare, who made several journeys to Saint Germain, Triel, and evenOrleans. On one occasion they brought as many as seven hundred letterswith them on their return to Paris; but between twenty and thirty othercouriers failed to get through the German lines; whilst several othersfell into the hands of the enemy, who at once confiscated thecorrespondence they carried, but did not otherwise molest them. 

The difficulty in sending letters out of Paris and in obtaining news fromrelatives and friends in other parts of France led to all sorts ofschemes. The founder and editor of that well-known journal _Le Figaro_, Hippolyte de Villemessant, as he called himself, though I believe that hisreal Christian name was Auguste, declared in his paper that he wouldwillingly allow his veins to be opened in return for a few lines from hisbeloved and absent wife. Conjugal affection could scarcely have gonefurther. Villemessant, however, followed up his touching declaration byannouncing that a thousand francs (£40) a week was to be earned by acapable man willing to act as letter-carrier between Paris and theprovinces. All who felt qualified for the post were invited to presentthemselves at the office of _Le Figaro_, which in those days wasappropriately located in the Rue Rossini, named, of course, after theillustrious composer who wrote such sprightly music round the theme ofBeaumarchais' comedy. As a result of Villemessant's announcement, thestreet was blocked during the next forty-eight hours by men of allclasses, who were all the more eager to earn the aforesaid £40 a week asnearly every kind of work was at a standstill, and the daily stipend of aNational Guard amounted only to 1_s. _ 2-1/2_d. _

It was difficult to choose from among so many candidates, but we wereeventually assured that the right man had been found in the person of aretired poacher who knew so well how to circumvent both rural guards andforest guards, that during a career of twenty years or so he had neveronce been caught _in flagrante delicto_. Expert, moreover, in trackinggame, he would also well know how to detect--and to avoid--the tracks ofthe Prussians. We were therefore invited to confide our correspondence tothis sagacious individual, who would undertake to carry it through theGerman lines and to return with the answers in a week or ten days. Thecharge for each letter, which was to be of very small weight anddimensions, was fixed at five francs, and it was estimated that theex-poacher would be able to carry about 200 letters on each journey. 

Many people were anxious to try the scheme, but rival newspapers denouncedit as being a means of acquainting the Prussians with everything which wasoccurring in Paris--Villemessant, who they declared had taken bribes fromthe fallen Empire, being probably one of Bismarck's paid agents. Thus theenterprise speedily collapsed without even being put to the proof. However, the public was successfully exploited by various individuals whoattempted to improve on Villemessant's idea, undertaking to send lettersout of Paris for a fixed charge, half of which was to be returned to thesender if his letter were not delivered. As none of the letters handed inon these conditions was even entrusted to a messenger, the ingeniousauthors of this scheme made a handsome profit, politely returning half ofthe money which they received, but retaining the balance without makingthe slightest effort to carry out their contract. 

Dr. Rampont, a very clever man, who was now our postmaster-general, hadalready issued a circular bidding us to use the very thinnest paper andthe smallest envelopes procurable. There being so many failures among themessengers whom he sent out of Paris with correspondence, the idea of aballoon postal service occurred to him. Although ninety years or so hadelapsed since the days of the brothers Montgolfier, aeronautics had reallymade very little progress. There were no dirigible balloons at all. Dupuyde Lôme's first experiments only dated from the siege days, and Renard'sdirigible was not devised until the early eighties. We only had theordinary type of balloon at our disposal; and at the outset of theinvestment there were certainly not more than half a dozen balloons withinour lines. A great city like Paris, however, is not without resources. Everything needed for the construction of balloons could be found there. Gas also was procurable, and we had amongst us quite a number of menexpert in the science of ballooning, such as it then was. There was Nadar, there was Tissandier, there were the Godard brothers, Yon, Dartois, and agood many others. Both the Godards and Nadar established balloonfactories, which were generally located in our large disused railwaystations, such as the Gare du Nord, the Gare d'Orléans, and the GareMontparnasse; but I also remember visiting one which Nadar installed inthe dancing hall called the Elysée Montmartre. Each of these factoriesprovided work for a good many people, and I recollect being particularlystruck by the number of women who were employed in balloon-making. Suchwork was very helpful to them, and Nadar used to say to me that it grievedhim to have to turn away so many applicants for employment, for every dayten, twenty, and thirty women would come to implore him to "take them on. "Nearly all their usual workrooms were closed; some were reduced to live oncharity and only very small allowances, from fivepence to sevenpence aday, were made to the wives and families of National Guards. 

But to return to the balloon postal-service which the Governmentorganized, it was at once realized by my father and myself that it couldbe of little use to us so far as the work for the _Illustrated LondonNews_ was concerned, on account of the restrictions which were imposed inregard to the size and weight of each letter that might be posted. The weight, indeed, was fixed at no more than three grammes! Now, therewere a number of artists working for the _Illustrated_ in Paris, firstand foremost among them being M. Jules Pelcoq, who must personally havesupplied two-thirds of the sketches by which the British public was keptacquainted with the many incidents of Parisian siege-life. The weeklydiary which I helped my father to compile could be drawn up in smallhandwriting on very thin, almost transparent paper, and despatched inthe ordinary way. But how were we to circumvent the authorities in regardto our sketches, which were often of considerable size, and were alwaysmade on fairly substantial paper, the great majority of them beingwash-drawings? Further, though I could prepare two or three drafts of ourdiary or our other "copy" for despatch by successive balloons--to providefor the contingency of one of the latter falling into the hands of theenemy--it seemed absurd that our artists should have to recopy everysketch they made. Fortunately, there was photography, the thought of whichbrought about a solution of the other difficulty in which we were placed. 

I was sent to interview Nadar on the Place Saint Pierre at Montmartre, above which his captive balloon the "Neptune" was oscillating in theSeptember breeze. He was much the same man as I had seen at the CrystalPalace a few years previously, tall, red-haired, and red-shirted. He hadbegun life as a caricaturist and humorous writer, but by way of butteringhis bread had set up in business as a photographer, his establishment onthe Boulevard de la Madeleine soon becoming very favourably known. Therewas still a little "portrait-taking" in Paris during those early siegedays. Photographs of the celebrities or notorieties of the hour soldfairly well, and every now and again some National Guard with means wasanxious to be photographed in his uniform. But, naturally enough, thebusiness generally had declined. Thus, Nadar was only too pleased toentertain the proposal which I made to him on my father's behalf, thisbeing that every sketch for the _Illustrated_ should be taken to hisestablishment and there photographed, so that we might be able to send outcopies in at least three successive balloons. 

When I broached to Nadar the subject of the postal regulations in regardto the weight and size of letters, he genially replied: "Leave that to me. Your packets need not go through the ordinary post at all--at least, herein Paris. Have them stamped, however, bring them whenever a balloon isabout to sail, and I will see that the aeronaut takes them in his pocket. Wherever he alights they will be posted, like the letters in the officialbags. "

That plan was carried out, and although several balloons were lost or fellwithin the German lines, only one small packet of sketches, which, onaccount of urgency, had not been photographed, remained subsequentlyunaccounted for. In all other instances either the original drawing or oneof the photographic copies of it reached London safely. 

The very first balloon to leave Paris (in the early days of October) wasprecisely Nadar's "Neptune, " which had originally been intended forpurposes of military observation. One day when I was with Nadar on thePlace Saint Pierre, he took me up in it. I found the experience a novelbut not a pleasing one, for all my life I have had a tendency to vertigowhen ascending to any unusual height. I remember that it was a clear day, and that we had a fine bird's-eye view of Paris on the one hand and of theplain of Saint Denis on the other, but I confess that I felt out of-myelement, and was glad to set foot on _terra firma_ once more. 

From that day I was quite content to view the ascent of one and anotherballoon, without feeling any desire to get out of Paris by its aerialtransport service. I must have witnessed the departure of practically allthe balloons which left Paris until I myself quitted the city in November. The arrangements made with Nadar were perfected, and something verysimilar was contrived with the Godard brothers, the upshot being that wewere always forewarned whenever it was proposed to send off a balloon. Sometimes we received by messenger, in the evening, an intimation that aballoon would start at daybreak on the morrow. Sometimes we were roused inthe small hours of the morning, when everything intended for despatch hadto be hastily got together and carried at once to the starting-place, such, for instance, as the Northern or the Orleans railway terminus, bothbeing at a considerable distance from our flat in the Rue de Miromesnil. Those were by no means agreeable walks, especially when the cold weatherhad set in, as it did early that autumn; and every now and again at theend of the journey one found that it had been made in vain, for, the windhaving shifted at the last moment, the departure of the balloon had beenpostponed. Of course, the only thing to be done was to trudge back homeagain. There was no omnibus service, all the horses having beenrequisitioned, and in the latter part of October there were not more thana couple of dozen cabs (drawn by decrepit animals) still plying for hirein all Paris. Thus Shanks's pony was the only means of locomotion. 

In the earlier days my father accompanied me on a few of thoseexpeditions, but he soon grew tired of them, particularly as his healthbecame affected by the siege diet. We were together, however, whenGambetta took his departure on October 7, ascending from the Place SaintPierre in a balloon constructed by Nadar. It had been arranged that heshould leave for the provinces, in order to reinforce the three Governmentdelegates who had been despatched thither prior to the investment. JulesFavre, the Foreign Minister, had been previously urged to join thosedelegates, but would not trust himself to a balloon, and it was thereuponproposed to Gambetta that he should do so. He willingly assented to thesuggestion, particularly as he feared that the rest of the country wasbeing overlooked, owing to the prevailing opinion that Paris would sufficeto deliver both herself and all the rest of France from the presence ofthe enemy. Born in April, 1838, he was at this time in his thirty-thirdyear, and full of vigour, as the sequel showed. The delegates whom he wasgoing to join were, as I previously mentioned, very old men, well meaning, no doubt, but incapable of making the great effort which was made byGambetta in conjunction with Charles de Freycinet, who was just in hisprime, being the young Dictator's senior by some ten years. 

I can still picture Gambetta's departure, and particularly his appearanceon the occasion--his fur cap and his fur coat, which made him looksomewhat like a Polish Jew. He had with him his secretary, the devotedSpuller. I cannot recall the name of the aeronaut who was in charge of theballoon, but, if my memory serves me rightly, it was precisely to him thatNadar handed the packet of sketches which failed to reach the _IllustratedLondon News_. They must have been lost in the confusion of the aerialvoyage, which was marked by several dramatic incidents. Some accounts saythat Gambetta evinced no little anxiety during the preparations for theascent, but to me he appeared to be in a remarkably good humour, as if, indeed, in pleasurable anticipation of what he was about to experience. When, in response to the call of "Lachez tout!" the seamen released thelast cables which had hitherto prevented the balloon from rising, and thecrowd burst into shouts of "Vive la Republique!" and "Vive Gambetta!" the"youthful statesman, " as he was then called, leant over the side of thecar and waved his cap in response to the plaudits. [Another balloon, the"George Sand, " ascended at the same time, having in its car variousofficials who were to negotiate the purchase of fire-arms in the UnitedStates. ]

The journey was eventful, for the Germans repeatedly fired at the balloon. A first attempt at descent had to be abandoned when the car was at analtitude of no more than 200 feet, for at that moment some German soldierswere seen almost immediately beneath it. They fired, and before theballoon could rise again a bullet grazed Gambetta's head. At four o'clockin the afternoon, however, the descent was renewed near Roye in the Somme, when the balloon was caught in an oak-tree, Gambetta at one moment hangingon to the ropes of the car, with his head downward. Some countryfolk cameup in great anger, taking the party to be Prussians; but, on learning thetruth, they rendered all possible assistance, and Gambetta and hiscompanions repaired to the house of the mayor of the neighbouring villageof Tricot. Alluding in after days to his experiences on this journey, thegreat man said that the earth, as seen by him from the car of the balloon, looked like a huge carpet woven chance-wise with different coloured wools. It did not impress him at all, he added, as it was really nothing but "unevilaine chinoiserie. " It was from Rouen, where he arrived on the followingday, that he issued the famous proclamation in which he called on Franceto make a compact with victory or death. On October 9, he joined the otherdelegates at Tours and took over the post of Minister of War as well asthat of Minister of the Interior. 

His departure from the capital was celebrated by that clever versifier ofthe period, Albert Millaud, who contributed to _Le Figaro_ an amusingeffusion, the first verse of which was to this effect:

 "Gambetta, pale and gloomy, Much wished to go to Tours, But two hundred thousand Prussians In his project made him pause. To aid the youthful statesman Came the aeronaut Nadar, Who sent up the 'Armand Barbes' With Gambetta in its car. "

Further on came the following lines, supposed to be spoken by Gambettahimself whilst he was gazing at the German lines beneath him--

 "See how the plain is glistening With their helmets in a mass! Impalement would be dreadful On those spikes of polished brass!"

Millaud, who was a Jew, the son, I think--or, at all events, a nearrelation--of the famous founder of _Le Petit Journal_, the advent of whichconstituted a great landmark in the history of the French Press--sethimself, during several years of his career, to prove the truth of theaxiom that in France "tout finit par des chansons. " During those anxioussiege days he was for ever striving to sound a gay note, something which, for a moment, at all events, might drive dull care away. Here is anEnglish version of some verses which he wrote on Nadar:

What a strange fellow is Nadar, Photographer and aeronaut!He is as clever as Godard. What a strange fellow is Nadar, Although, between ourselves, as far As art's concerned he knoweth naught. What a strange fellow is Nadar, Photographer and aeronaut!

To guide the course of a balloon His mind conceived the wondrous screw. Some day he hopes unto the moon To guide the course of a balloon. Of 'airy navies' admiral soon, We'll see him 'grappling in the blue'--To guide the course of a balloon His mind conceived the wondrous screw. 

Up in the kingdom of the air He now the foremost rank may claim. If poor Gambetta when up there, Up in the kingdom of the air, Does not find good cause to stare, Why, Nadar will not be to blame. Up in the kingdom of the air He now the foremost rank may claim. 

At Ferrières, above the park, Behold him darting through the sky, Soaring to heaven like a lark. At Ferrières above the park;Whilst William whispers to Bismarck-- 'Silence, see Nadar there on high!'At Ferrières above the park Behold him darting through the sky. 

Oh, thou more hairy than King Clodion, Bearer on high of this report, Thou yellower than a pure Cambodian, And far more daring than King Clodion, We'll cast thy statue in collodion And mount it on a gas retort. Oh, thou more hairy than King Clodion, Bearer on high of this report!

Perhaps it may not be thought too pedantic on my part if I explain thatthe King Clodion referred to in Millaud's last verse was the legendary"Clodion the Hairy, " a supposed fifth-century leader of the Franks, reputed to be a forerunner of the founder of the, Merovingian dynasty. Nadar's hair, however, was not long like that of _les rois chevelue_, forit was simply a huge curly and somewhat reddish mop. As for hiscomplexion, Millaud's phrase, "yellow as a pure Cambodian, " was a happythought. 

These allusions to Millaud's sprightly verse remind me that throughout thesiege of Paris the so-called _mot pour rire_ was never once lost sight of. At all times and in respect to everything there was a superabundance ofjests--jests on the Germans, the National and the Mobile Guard, the fallendynasty, and the new Republic, the fruitless sorties, the wretchedrations, the failing gas, and many other people and things. One of theenemy's generals was said to have remarked one day: "I don't know how tosatisfy my men. They complain of hunger, and yet I lead them every morningto the slaughterhouse. " At another time a French colonel, of conservativeideas, was said to have replaced the inscription "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, " which he found painted on the walls of his barracks, by thewords, "Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery, " declaring that the latter were farmore likely to free the country of the presence of the hated enemy. As forthe "treason" mania, which was very prevalent at this time, it was relatedthat a soldier remarked one day to a comrade: "I am sure that the captainis a traitor!" "Indeed! How's that?" was the prompt rejoinder. "Well, "said the suspicious private, "have you not noticed that every time heorders us to march forward we invariably encounter the enemy?"

When Trochu issued a decree incorporating all National Guards, underforty-five years of age, in the marching battalions for duty outsidethe city, one of these Guards, on being asked how old he was, replied, "six-and-forty. " "How is that?" he was asked. "A few weeks ago, you toldeverybody that you were only thirty-six. " "Quite true, " rejoined theother, "but what with rampart-duty, demonstrating at the Hôtel-de-Ville, short rations, and the cold weather, I feel quite ten years older than Iformerly did. " When horseflesh became more or less our daily provender, many Parisian _bourgeois_ found their health failing. "What is the matter, my dearest?" Madame du Bois du Pont inquired of her husband, when he hadcollapsed one evening after dinner. "Oh! it is nothing, _mon amie_" hereplied; "I dare say I shall soon feel well again, but I used to thinkmyself a better horseman!"

Directly our supply of gas began to fail, the wags insinuated that HenriRochefort was jubilant, and if you inquired the reason thereof, you weretold that owing to the scarcity of gas everybody would be obliged to buyhundreds of "_Lanternes_. " We had, of course, plenty of sensations inthose days, but if you wished to cap every one of them you merely had towalk into a café and ask the waiter for--a railway time-table. 

Once before I referred to the caricatures of the period, notably to thoselibelling the Emperor Napoleon III and the Empress Eugénie, the latterbeing currently personified as Messalina--or even as something worse, andthis, of course, without the faintest shadow of justification. But thecaricaturists were not merely concerned with the fallen dynasty. One ofthe principal cartoonists of the _Charivari_ at that moment was "Cham, "otherwise the Vicomte Amédée de Noé, an old friend of my family's. It was he, by the way, who before the war insisted on my going to afencing-school, saying: "Look here, if you mean to live in France and be ajournalist, you must know how to hold a sword. Come with me to Ruzé's. I taught your uncle Frank and his friend Gustave Doré how to fence manyyears ago, and now I am going to have you taught. " Well, in one of hiscartoons issued during the siege, Cham (disgusted, like most Frenchmen, atthe seeming indifference of Great Britain to the plight in which Francefound herself) summed up the situation, as he conceived it, by depictingthe British Lion licking the boots of Bismarck, who was disguised as DavyCrockett. When my father remonstrated with Cham on the subject, remindinghim of his own connexion with England, the indignant caricaturist replied:"Don't speak of it. I have renounced England and all her works. " He, likeother Frenchmen of the time, contended that we had placed ourselves undergreat obligations to France at the period of the Crimean War. 

Among the best caricatures of the siege-days was one by Daumier, whichshowed Death appearing to Bismarck in his sleep, and murmuring softly, "Thanks, many thanks. " Another idea of the period found expression in acartoon representing a large mouse-trap, labelled "France, " into which acompany of mice dressed up as German soldiers were eagerly marching, theirofficer meanwhile pointing to a cheese fixed inside the trap, andinscribed with the name of Paris. Below the design ran the legend: "Ah! ifwe could only catch them all in it!" Many, indeed most, of the caricaturesof the time did not appear in the so-called humorous journals, but wereissued separately at a penny apiece, and were usually coloured by thestencilling process. In one of them, I remember, Bismarck was seen wearingseven-league boots and making ineffectual attempts to step from Versaillesto Paris. Another depicted the King of Prussia as Butcher William, knifein hand and attired in the orthodox slaughter-house costume; whilst in yetanother design the same monarch was shown urging poor Death, who hadfallen exhausted in the snow, with his scythe lying broken beside him, tocontinue on the march until the last of the French nation should beexterminated. Of caricatures representing cooks in connexion with catsthere was no end, the _lapin de gouttière_ being in great demand for thedinner-table; and, after Gambetta had left us, there were designs showingthe armies of succour (which were to be raised in the provinces)endeavouring to pass ribs of beef, fat geese, legs of mutton, and stringsof sausages over several rows of German helmets, gathered round a bastionlabelled Paris, whence a famished National Guard, eager for the profferedprovisions, was trying to spring, but could not do so owing to therestraining arm of General Trochu. 

Before the investment began Paris was already afflicted with a spy mania. Sala's adventure, which I recounted in an earlier chapter, was in a wayconnected with this delusion, which originated with the cry "We arebetrayed!" immediately after the first French reverses. The instances ofso-called "spyophobia" were innumerable, and often curious and amusing. There was a slight abatement of the mania when, shortly before the siege, 188, 000 Germans were expelled from Paris, leaving behind them only some700 old folk, invalids, and children, who were unable to obey theGovernment's decree. But the disease soon revived, and we heard ofrag-pickers having their baskets ransacked by zealous National Guards, who imagined that these receptacles might contain secret despatches orcontraband ammunition. On another occasion _Le Figaro_ wickedly suggestedthat all the blind beggars in Paris were spies, with the result thatseveral poor infirm old creatures were abominably ill-treated. Again, afugitive sheet called _Les Nouvelles_ denounced all the English residentsas spies. Labouchere was one of those pounced upon by a Parisian mob inconsequence of that idiotic denunciation, but as he had the presence ofmind to invite those who assailed him to go with him to the nearestpolice-station, he was speedily released. On two occasions my father andmyself were arrested and carried to guard-houses, and in the course ofthose experiences we discovered that the beautifully engraved butessentially ridiculous British passport, which recited all the honours anddignities of the Secretary of State or the Ambassador delivering it, butgave not the slightest information respecting the person to whom it hadbeen delivered (apart, that is, from his or her name), was of infinitelyless value in the eyes of a French officer than a receipt for rent or aParisian tradesman's bill. [That was forty-three years ago. The Britishpassport, however, remains to-day as unsatisfactory as it was then. ]

But let me pass to other instances. One day an unfortunate individual, working in the Paris sewers, was espied by a zealous National Guard, whoat once gave the alarm, declaring that there was a German spy in theaforesaid sewers, and that he was depositing bombs there with theintention of blowing up the city. Three hundred Guards at once volunteeredtheir services, stalked the poor workman, and blew him to pieces the nexttime he popped his head out of a sewer-trap. The mistake was afterwardsdeplored, but people argued (wrote Mr. Thomas Gibson Bowles, who sent thestory to The Morning Post) that it was far better that a hundred innocentFrenchmen should suffer than that a single Prussian should escape. Cham, to whom I previously alluded, old Marshal Vaillant, Mr. O'Sullivan, anAmerican diplomatist, and Alexis Godillot, the French army contractor, were among the many well-known people arrested as spies at one or anothermoment. A certain Mme: de Beaulieu, who had joined a regiment of Mobilesas a _cantiniere_, was denounced as a spy "because her hands were sowhite. " Another lady, who had installed an ambulance in her house, wascarried off to prison on an equally frivolous pretext; and I remember yetanother case in which a lady patron of the Societe de Secours aux Blesseswas ill-treated. Matters would, however, probably be far worse at thepresent time, for Paris, with all her apaches and anarchists, now includesin her population even more scum than was the case three-and-forty yearsago. 

There were, however, a few authentic instances of spying, one case beingthat of a young fellow whom Etienne Arago, the Mayor of Paris, engaged asa secretary, on the recommendation of Henri Rochefort, but who turned outto be of German extraction, and availed himself of his official positionto draw up reports which were forwarded by balloon post to an agent of theGerman Government in London. I have forgotten the culprit's name, but itwill be found, with particulars of his case, in the Paris journals of thesiege days. There was, moreover, the Hardt affair, which resulted in theprisoner, a former lieutenant in the Prussian army, being convicted ofespionage and shot in the courtyard of the Ecole Militaire. 

Co-existent with "spyophobia" there was another craze, that of suspectingany light seen at night-time in an attic or fifth-floor window to be asignal intended for the enemy. Many ludicrous incidents occurred inconnexion with this panic. One night an elderly _bourgeois_, who hadrecently married a charming young woman, was suddenly dragged from his bedby a party of indignant National Guards, and consigned to the watch-houseuntil daybreak. This had been brought about by his wife's maid placing acouple of lighted candles in her window as a signal to the wife's loverthat, "master being at home, " he was not to come up to the flat thatnight. On another occasion a poor old lady, who was patrioticallydepriving herself of sleep in order to make lint for the ambulances, waspounced upon and nearly strangled for exhibiting green and red signalsfrom her window. It turned out, however, that the signals in question weremerely the reflections of a harmless though charmingly variegated parrotwhich was the zealous old dame's sole and faithful companion. 

No matter what might be the quarter of Paris in which a presumed signalwas observed, the house whence it emanated was at once invaded by NationalGuards, and perfectly innocent people were often carried off and subjectedto ill-treatment. To such proportions did the craze attain that somepapers even proposed that the Government should forbid any kind of lightwhatever, after dark, in any room situated above the second floor, unlessthe windows of that room were "hermetically sealed"! Most victims of themania submitted to the mob's invasion of their homes without raising anyparticular protest; but a volunteer artilleryman, who wrote to theauthorities complaining that his rooms had been ransacked in his absenceand his aged mother frightened out of her wits, on the pretext that somefusees had been fired from his windows, declared that if there should beany repetition of such an intrusion whilst he was at home he would receivethe invaders bayonet and revolver in hand. From that moment similarprotests poured into the Hôtel-de-Ville, and Trochu ended by issuing aproclamation in which he said: "Under the most frivolous pretexts, numerous houses have been entered, and peaceful citizens have beenmaltreated. The flags of friendly nations have been powerless to protectthe houses where they were displayed. I have ordered an inquiry on thesubject, and I now command that all persons guilty of these abusivepractices shall be arrested. A special service has been organized in orderto prevent the enemy from keeping up any communication with any of itspartisans in the city; and I remind everybody that excepting in suchinstances as are foreseen by the law every citizen's residence isinviolable. "

We nowadays hear a great deal about the claims of women, but although thefollowers of Mrs. Pankhurst have carried on "a sort of a war" for aconsiderable time past, I have not yet noticed any disposition on theirpart to "join the colours. " Men currently assert that women cannot serveas soldiers. There are, however, many historical instances of womendistinguishing themselves in warfare, and modern conditions are even morefavourable than former ones for the employment of women as soldiers. Thereis splendid material to be derived from the golf-girl, the hockey-girl, the factory- and the laundry-girl--all of them active, and in innumerableinstances far stronger than many of the narrow-chested, cigarette-smoking"boys" whom we now see in our regiments. Briefly, a day may well come whenwe shall see many of our so-called superfluous women taking to the"career of arms. " However, the attempts made to establish a corps ofwomen-soldiers in Paris, during the German siege, were more amusing thanserious. Early in October some hundreds of women demonstrated outside theHôtel-de-Ville, demanding that all the male nurses attached to theambulances should be replaced by women. The authorities promised to grantthat application, and the women next claimed the right to share thedangers of the field with their husbands and their brothers. This questionwas repeatedly discussed at the public clubs, notably at one in the RuePierre Levée, where Louise Michel, the schoolmistress who subsequentlyparticipated in the Commune and was transported to New Caledonia, officiated as high-priestess; and at another located at the TriatGymnasium in the Avenue Montaigne, where as a rule no men were allowed tobe present, that is, excepting a certain Citizen Jules Allix, an eccentricelderly survivor of the Republic of '48, at which period he had devised asystem of telepathy effected by means of "sympathetic snails. "

One Sunday afternoon in October the lady members of this club, being inurgent need of funds, decided to admit men among their audience at thesmall charge of twopence per head, and on hearing this, my father andmyself strolled round to witness the proceedings. They were remarkablylively. Allix, while reading a report respecting the club's progress, began to libel some of the Paris convents, whereupon a National Guard inthe audience flatly called him a liar. A terrific hubbub arose, all thewomen gesticulating and protesting, whilst their _présidente_energetically rang her bell, and the interrupter strode towards theplatform. He proved to be none other than the Duc de Fitz-James, a linealdescendant of our last Stuart King by Marlborough's sister, ArabellaChurchill. He tried to speak, but the many loud screams prevented him fromdoing so. Some of the women threatened him with violence, whilst a fewothers thanked him for defending the Church. At last, however, he leapt onthe platform, and in doing so overturned both a long table covered withgreen baize, and the members of the committee who were seated behind it. Jules Allix thereupon sprang at the Duke's throat, they struggled and felltogether from the platform, and rolled in the dust below it. It was longbefore order was restored, but this was finally effected by a good-lookingyoung woman who, addressing the male portion of the audience, exclaimed:"Citizens! if you say another word we will fling what you have paid foradmission in your faces, and order you out of doors!"

Business then began, the discussion turning chiefly upon two points, thefirst being that all women should be armed and do duty on the ramparts, and the second that the women should defend their honour from the attacksof the Germans by means of prussic acid. Allix remarked that it would bevery appropriate to employ prussic acid in killing Prussians, andexplained to us that this might be effected by means of little indiarubberthimbles which the women would place on their fingers, each thimble beingtipped with a small pointed tube containing some of the acid in question. If an amorous Prussian should venture too close to a fair Parisienne, thelatter would merely have to hold out her hand and prick him. In anotherinstant he would fall dead! "No matter how many of the enemy may assailher, " added Allix, enthusiastically, "she will simply have to prick themone by one, and we shall see her standing still pure and holy in the midstof a circle of corpses!" At these words many of the women in the audiencewere moved to tears, but the men laughed hilariously. 

Such disorderly scenes occurred at this women's club, that the landlord ofthe Triat Gymnasium at last took possession of the premises again, and theejected members vainly endeavoured to find accommodation elsewhere. Nevertheless, another scheme for organizing an armed force of women wasstarted, and one day, on observing on the walls of Paris a green placardwhich announced the formation of a "Legion of Amazons of the Seine, " Irepaired to the Rue Turbigo, where this Legion's enlistment office hadbeen opened. After making my way up a staircase crowded with recruits, whowere mostly muscular women from five-and-twenty to forty years of age, theolder ones sometimes being unduly stout, and not one of them, in myyouthful opinion, at all good-looking, I managed to squeeze my way intothe private office of the projector of the Legion, or, as he calledhimself, its "Provisional Chef de Bataillon. " He was a wiry little man, with a grey moustache and a military bearing, and answered to the name ofFélix Belly. A year or two previously he had unjustly incurred a greatdeal of ridicule in Paris, owing to his attempts to float a Panama Canalscheme. Only five years after the war, however, the same idea was taken upby Ferdinand de Lesseps, and French folk, who had laughed it to scorn inBelly's time, proved only too ready to fling their hard-earned savingsinto the bottomless gulf of Lesseps' enterprise. 

I remember having a long chat with Belly, who was most enthusiasticrespecting his proposed Amazons. They were to defend the ramparts andbarricades of Paris, said he, being armed with light guns carrying some200 yards; and their costume, a model of which was shown me, was toconsist of black trousers with orange-coloured stripes down the outerseams, black blouses with capes, and black képis, also with orangetrimmings. Further, each woman was to carry a cartridge-box attached to ashoulder-belt. It was hoped that the first battalion would muster quite1200 women, divided into eight companies of 150 each. There was to be aspecial medical service, and although the chief doctor would be a man, itwas hoped to secure several assistant doctors of the female sex. Little M. Belly dwelt particularly on the fact that only women of unexceptionablemoral character would be allowed to join the force, all recruits having tosupply certificates from the Commissaries of Police of their districts, aswell as the consent of their nearest connexions, such as their fathers ortheir husbands. "Now, listen to this, " added M. Belly, enthusiastically, as he went to a piano which I was surprised to find, standing in arecruiting office; and seating himself at the instrument, he played for myespecial benefit the stirring strains of a new, specially-commissionedbattle-song, which, said he, "we intend to call the Marseillaise of theParis Amazons!"

Unfortunately for M. Belly, all his fine projects and preparationscollapsed a few days afterwards, owing to the intervention of the police, who raided the premises in the Rue Turbigo, and carried off all the papersthey found there. They justified these summary proceedings on the groundthat General Trochu had forbidden the formation of any more free corps, and that M. Belly had unduly taken fees from his recruits. I believe, however, that the latter statement was incorrect. At all events, nofurther proceedings were instituted. But the raid sufficed to kill M. Belly's cherished scheme, which naturally supplied the caricaturists ofthe time with more or less brilliant ideas. One cartoon represented theGerman army surrendering _en masse_ to a mere battalion of the Beauties ofParis. 

VI

MORE ABOUT THE SIEGE DAYS

Reconnaissances and Sorties--Casimir-Perier at Bagneux--Some of the ParisClubs--Demonstrations at the Hôtel-de-Ville--The Cannon Craze--The Fall ofMetz foreshadowed--Le Bourget taken by the French--The Government's Policyof Concealment--The Germans recapture Le Bourget--Thiers, the Armistice, and Bazaine's Capitulation--The Rising of October 31--The Peril and theRescue of the Government--Armistice and Peace Conditions--The GreatQuestion of Rations--Personal Experiences respecting Food--My father, infailing Health, decides to leave Paris. 

After the engagement of Châtillon, fought on September 19, variousreconnaissances were carried out by the army of Paris. In the first ofthese General Vinoy secured possession of the plateau of Villejuif, eastof Châtillon, on the south side of the city. Next, the Germans had toretire from Pierre-fitte, a village in advance of Saint Denis on thenorthern side. There were subsequent reconnaissances in the direction ofNeuilly-sur-Marne and the Plateau d'Avron, east of Paris; and onMichaelmas Day an engagement was fought at L'Hay and Chevilly, on thesouth. But the archangel did not on this occasion favour the French, whowere repulsed, one of their commanders, the veteran brigadier Guilhem, being killed. A fight at Châtillon on October 12 was followed on themorrow by a more serious action at Bagneux, on the verge of the Châtillonplateau. During this engagement the Mobiles from the Burgundian Côte d'Ormade a desperate attack on a German barricade bristling with guns, reinforced by infantry, and also protected by a number of sharp-shootersinstalled in the adjacent village-houses, whose window-shutters and wallshad been loop-holed. During the encounter, the commander of the Mobiles, the Comte de Dampierre, a well-known member of the French Jockey Club, fell mortally wounded whilst urging on his men, but was succoured by acaptain of the Mobiles of the Aube, who afterwards assumed the chiefcommand, and, by a rapid flanking movement, was able to carry thebarricade. This captain was Jean Casimir-Perier, who, in later years, became President of the Republic. He was rewarded for his gallantry withthe Cross of the Legion of Honour. Nevertheless, the French success wasonly momentary. 

That same night the sky westward of Paris was illumined by a great ruddyglare. The famous Château of Saint Cloud, associated with many memories ofthe old _régime_ and both the Empires, was seen to be on fire. The causeof the conflagration has never been precisely ascertained. Present-dayFrench reference-books still declare that the destruction of the châteauwas the wilful act of the Germans, who undoubtedly occupied Saint Cloud;but German authorities invariably maintain that the fire was caused by ashell from the French fortress of Mont Valérien. Many of the sumptuouscontents of the Château of Saint Cloud--the fatal spot where that same warhad been decided on--were consumed by the flames, while the remainder wereappropriated by the Germans as plunder. Many very valuable paintings ofthe period of Louis XIV were undoubtedly destroyed. 

By this time the word "reconnaissance, " as applied to the engagementsfought in the environs of the city, had become odious to the Parisians, who began to clamour for a real "sortie. " Trochu, it may be said, had atthis period no idea of being able to break out of Paris. In fact, he hadno desire to do so. His object in all the earlier military operations ofthe siege was simply to enlarge the circle of investment, in the hope ofthereby placing the Germans in a difficulty, of which he mightsubsequently take advantage. An attack which General Ducrot made, with afew thousand men, on the German position near La Malmaison, west of Paris, was the first action which was officially described as a "sortie. " It tookplace on October 21, but the success which at first attended Ducrot'sefforts was turned into a repulse by the arrival of German reinforcements, the affair ending with a loss of some four hundred killed and wounded onthe French side, apart from that of another hundred men who were takenprisoners by the enemy. 

This kind of thing did not appeal to the many frequenters of the publicclubs which were established in the different quarters of Paris. Alltheatrical performances had ceased there, and there was no more dancing. Even the concerts and readings given in aid of the funds for the woundedwere few and far between. Thus, if a Parisian did not care to while awayhis evening in a cafe, his only resource was to betake himself to one ofthe clubs. Those held at the Folies-Bergère music-hall, the Valentinodancing-hall, the Porte St. Martin theatre, and the hall of the Collège deFrance, were mostly frequented by moderate Republicans, and attempts wereoften made there to discuss the situation in a sensible manner. But folly, even insanity, reigned at many of the other clubs, where men like FélixPyat, Auguste Blanqui, Charles Delescluze, Gustave Flourens, and the threeMs--Mégy, Mottu, and Millière--raved and ranted. Go where you would, youfound a club. There was that of La Reine Blanche at Montmartre and that ofthe Salle Favié at Belleville; there was the club de la Vengeance on theBoulevard Rochechouart, the Club des Montagnards on the Boulevard deStrasbourg, the Club des Etats-Unis d'Europe in the Rue Cadet, the Club duPréaux-Clercs in the Rue du Bac, the Club de la Cour des Miracles on theIle Saint Louis, and twenty or thirty others of lesser note. At times thedemagogues who perorated from the tribunes at these gatherings, broughtforward proposals which seemed to have emanated from some madhouse, but which were nevertheless hailed with delirious applause by theirinfatuated audiences. Occasionally new engines of destruction wereadvocated--so-called "Satan-fusees, " or pumps discharging flamingpetroleum! Another speaker conceived the brilliant idea of keeping all thewild beasts in the Jardin des Plantes on short commons for some days, thenremoving them from Paris at the next sortie, and casting them adrift amongthe enemy. Yet another imbecile suggested that the water of the Seine andthe Marne should be poisoned, regardless of, the fact that, in any suchevent, the Parisians would suffer quite as much as the enemy. 

But the malcontents were not satisfied with ranting at the clubs. OnOctober 2, Paris became very gloomy, for we then received from outside thenews that both Toul and Strasbourg had surrendered. Three days later, Gustave Flourens gathered the National Guards of Belleville together andmarched with them on the Hôtel-de-Ville, where he called upon theGovernment to renounce the military tactics of the Empire which had setone Frenchman against three Germans, to decree a _levée en masse_, to makefrequent sorties with the National Guards, to arm the latter withchassepots, and to establish at once a municipal "Commune of Paris. " Onthe subject of sorties the Government promised to conform to the generaldesire, and to allow the National Guards to co-operate with the regulararmy as soon as they should know how to fight and escape being simplybutchered. To other demands made by Flourens, evasive replies werereturned, whereupon he indignantly resigned his command of the Bellevillemen, but resumed it at their urgent request. 

The affair somewhat alarmed the Government, who issued a proclamationforbidding armed demonstrations, and, far from consenting to theestablishment of any Commune, postponed the ordinary municipal electionswhich were soon to have taken place. To this the Reds retorted by makingyet another demonstration, which my father and myself witnessed. Thousandsof people, many of them being armed National Guards, assembled on thePlace de l'Hôtel de Ville, shouting: "La Commune! La Commune! Nous voulonsla Commune!" But the authorities had received warning of their opponents'intentions, and the Hôtel-de-Ville was entirely surrounded by NationalGuards belonging to loyal battalions, behind whom, moreover, was stationeda force of trusty Mobile Guards, whose bayonets were already fixed. Thusno attempt could be made to raid the Hôtel-de-Ville with any chance ofsuccess. Further, several other contingents of loyal National Guardsarrived on the square, and helped to check the demonstrators. 

While gazing on the scene from an upper window of the Cafe de la GardeNationale, at one corner of the square, I suddenly saw Trochu ride outof the Government building, as it then was, followed by a couple ofaides-de-camp, His appearance was attended by a fresh uproar. The yells of"La Commune! La Commune!" rose more loudly than ever, but were nowanswered by determined shouts of "Vive la Republique! Vive Trochu! Vive leGouvernement!" whilst the drums beat, the trumpets sounded, and all theGovernment forces presented arms. The general rode up and down the lines, returning the salute, amidst prolonged acclamations, and presently hiscolleagues, Jules Favre and the others--excepting, of course, Gambetta, who had already left Paris--also came out of the Hotel-de-Ville andreceived an enthusiastic greeting from their supporters. For the time, theReds were absolutely defeated, and in order to prevent similardisturbances in future, Keratry, the Prefect of Police, wished to arrestFlourens, Blanqui, Milliere, and others, which suggestion was countenancedby Trochu, but opposed by Rochefort and Etienne Arago. A few days later, Rochefort patched up a brief outward reconciliation between the contendingparties. Nevertheless, it was evident that Paris was already sharplydivided, both on the question of its defence and on that of its internalgovernment. 

On October 23, some of the National Guards were at last allowed to join ina sortie. They were men from Montmartre, and the action, or ratherskirmish, in which they participated took place at Villemomble, east ofParis, the guards behaving fairly well under fire, and having five oftheir number wounded. Patriotism was now taking another form in the city. There was a loud cry for cannons, more and more cannons. The Governmentreplied that 227 mitrailleuses with over 800, 000 cartridges, 50 mortars, 400 carriages for siege guns, several of the latter ordnance, and 300seven-centimetre guns carrying 8600 yards, together with half a millionshells of different sizes, had already been ordered, and in partdelivered. Nevertheless, public subscriptions were started in order toprovide another 1500 cannon, large sums being contributed to the fund bypublic bodies and business firms. Not only did the newspapers offer tocollect small subscriptions, but stalls were set up for that purpose indifferent parts of Paris, as in the time of the first Revolution, andpeople there tendered their contributions, the women often offeringjewelry in lieu of money. Trochu, however, deprecated the movement. Therewere already plenty of guns, said he; what he required was gunners toserve them. 

On October 25 we heard of the fall of the little town of Châteaudun inEure-et-Loir, after a gallant resistance offered by 1200 National Guardsand Francs-tireurs against 6000 German infantry, a regiment of cavalry, and four field batteries. Von Wittich, the German general, punished thatresistance by setting fire to Châteaudun and a couple of adjacentvillages, and his men, moreover, massacred a number of non-combatantcivilians. Nevertheless, the courage shown by the people of Châteaudunrevived the hopes of the Parisians and strengthened their resolution tobrave every hardship rather than surrender. Two days later, however, FélixPyat's journal _Le Combat_ published, within a mourning border, thefollowing announcement: "It is a sure and certain fact that the Governmentof National Defence retains in its possession a State secret, which wedenounce to an indignant country as high treason. Marshal Bazaine has senta colonel to the camp of the King of Prussia to treat for the surrender ofMetz and for Peace in the name of Napoleon III. "

The news seemed incredible, and, indeed, at the first moment, very fewpeople believed it. If it were true, however, Prince Frederick Charles'sforces, released from the siege of Metz, would evidently be able to marchagainst D'Aurelle de Paladines' army of the Loire just when it was hopedthat the latter would overthrow the Bavarians under Von der Tann andhasten to the relief of Paris. But people argued that Bazaine was surelyas good a patriot as Bourbaki, who, it was already known, had escaped fromMetz and offered his sword to the National Defence in the provinces. Anumber of indignant citizens hastened to the office of _Le Combat_ inorder to seize Pyat and consign him to durance, but he was an adept in theart of escaping arrest, and contrived to get away by a back door. At theHôtel-de-Ville Rochefort, on being interviewed, described Pyat as a cur, and declared that there was no truth whatever in his story. Publicconfidence completely revived on the following morning, when the officialjournal formally declared that Metz had not capitulated; and, in theevening, Paris became quite jubilant at the news that General Carré deBellemare, who commanded on the north side of the city, had wrested fromthe Germans the position of Le Bourget, lying to the east of Saint Denis. 

Pyat, however, though he remained in hiding, clung to his story respectingMetz, stating in _Le Combat_, on October 29, that the news had beencommunicated to him by Gustave Flourens, who had derived it fromRochefort, by whom it was now impudently denied. It subsequently becameknown, moreover, that another member of the Government, Eugène Pelletan, had confided the same intelligence to Commander Longuet, of the NationalGuard. It appears that it had originally been derived from certain membersof the Red Cross Society, who, when it became necessary to bury the deadand tend the wounded after an encounter in the environs of Paris, oftencame in contact with the Germans. The report was, of course, limited tothe statement that Bazaine was negotiating a surrender, not that he hadactually capitulated. The Government's denial of it can only be describedas a quibble--of the kind to which at times even British Governments stoopwhen faced by inconvenient questions in the House of Commons--and, as weshall soon see, the gentlemen of the National Defence spent a _trèsmauvais quart d'heure_ as a result of the _suppressio veri_ of which theywere guilty. Similar "bad quarters of an hour" have fallen uponpoliticians in other countries, including our own, under somewhat similarcircumstances. 

On October 30, Thiers, after travelling all over Europe, pleading hiscountry's cause at every great Court, arrived in Paris with a safe-conductfrom Bismarck, in order to lay before the Government certain proposals foran armistice, which Russia, Great Britain, Austria, and Italy wereprepared to support. And alas! he also brought with him the news that Metzhad actually fallen--having capitulated, indeed, on October 27, the veryday on which Pyat had issued his announcement. There was consternation atthe Hôtel-de-Ville when this became known, and the gentlemen of theGovernment deeply but vainly regretted the futile tactics to which theyhad so foolishly stooped. To make matters worse, we received in theevening intelligence that the Germans had driven Carré de Bellemare's menout of Le Bourget after some brief but desperate fighting. Trochu declaredthat he had no need of the Bourget position, that it had never enteredinto his scheme of defence, and that Bellemare had been unduly zealous inattacking and taking it from the Germans. If that were the case, however, why had not the Governor of Paris ordered Le Bourget to be evacuatedimmediately after its capture, without waiting for the Germans to re-takeit at the bayonet's point? Under the circumstances, the Parisians werenaturally exasperated. Tumultuous were the scenes on the Boulevards thatevening, and vehement and threatening were the speeches at the clubs. 

When the Parisians quitted their homes on the morning of Monday, the 31st, they found the city placarded with two official notices, one respectingthe arrival of Thiers and the proposals for an armistice, and the secondacknowledging the disaster of Metz. A hurricane of indignation at onceswept through the city. Le Bourget lost! Metz taken! Proposals for anarmistice with the detested Prussians entertained! Could Trochu's plan andBazaine's plan be synonymous, then? The one word "Treachery!" was on everylip. When noon arrived the Place de l'Hôtel-de-Ville was crowded withindignant people. Deputations, composed chiefly of officers of theNational Guard, interviewed the Government, and were by no means satisfiedwith the replies which they received from Jules Ferry and others. Meantime, the crowd on the square was increasing in numbers. Severalmembers of the Government attempted to prevail on it to disperse; but noheed was paid to them. 

At last a free corps commanded by Tibaldi, an Italian conspirator ofImperial days, effected an entrance into the Hotel-de-Ville, followed by agood many of the mob. In the throne-room they were met by Jules Favre, whose attempts to address them failed, the shouts of "La Commune! LaCommune!" speedily drowning his voice. Meantime, two shots were fired bysomebody on the square, a window was broken, and the cry of the invadersbecame "To arms! to arms! Our brothers are being butchered!" In vain didTrochu and Rochefort endeavour to stem the tide of invasion. In vain, also, did the Government, assembled in the council-room, offer to submititself to the suffrages of the citizens, to grant the election ofmunicipal councillors, and to promise that no armistice should be signedwithout consulting the population. The mob pressed on through one roomafter another, smashing tables, desks, and windows on their way, and allat once the very apartment where the Government were deliberating was, inits turn, invaded, several officers of the National Guard, subsequentlyprominent at the time of the Commune, heading the intruders and demandingthe election of a Commune and the appointment of a new administrationunder the presidency of Dorian, the popular Minister of Public Works. 

Amidst the ensuing confusion, M. Ernest Picard, a very corpulent, jovial-looking advocate, who was at the head of the department ofFinances, contrived to escape; but all his colleagues were surrounded, insulted by the invaders, and summoned to resign their posts. They refusedto do so, and the wrangle was still at its height when Gustave Flourensand his Belleville sharpshooters reached the Place de l'Hôtel-de-Ville. Flourens entered the building, which at this moment was occupied by someseven or eight thousand men, and proposed that the Commune should beelected by acclamation. This was agreed upon; Dorian's name--though, bythe way, he was a wealthy ironmaster, and in no sense a Communard--beingput at the head of the list. This included Flourens himself, Victor Hugo, Louis Blanc, Raspail, Mottu, Delescluze, Blanqui, Ledru-Rollin, Rochefort, Félix Pyat, Ranvier, and Avrial. Then Flourens, in his turn, entered thecouncil-room, climbed on to the table, and summoned the captive members ofthe Government to resign; Again they refused to do so, and were thereforeplaced under arrest. Jules Ferry and Emmanuel Arago managed to escape, however, and some friendly National Guards succeeded in entering thebuilding and carrying off General Trochu. Ernest Picard, meanwhile, hadbeen very active in devising plans for the recapture of the Hôtel-de-Villeand providing for the safety of various Government departments. Thus, whenFlourens sent a lieutenant to the treasury demanding the immediate paymentof _£600, 000(!)_ the request was refused, and the messenger placed underarrest. Nevertheless, the insurgents made themselves masters of severaldistrict town-halls. 

But Jules Ferry was collecting the loyal National Guards together, and athalf-past eleven o'clock that night they and some Mobiles marched on theHôtel-de-Ville. The military force which had been left there by theinsurgents was not large. A parley ensued, and while it was still inprogress, an entire battalion of Mobiles effected an entry by asubterranean passage leading from an adjacent barracks. Delescluze andFlourens then tried to arrange terms with Dorian, but Jules Ferry wouldaccept no conditions. The imprisoned members of the Government werereleased, and the insurgent leaders compelled to retire. About this timeTrochu and Ducrot arrived on the scene, and between three and four o'clockin the morning I saw them pass the Government forces in review on thesquare. 

On the following day, all the alleged conventions between M. Dorian andthe Red Republican leaders were disavowed. There was, however, a conflictof opinion as to whether those leaders should be arrested or not, somemembers of the Government admitting that they had promised Delescluze andothers that they should not be prosecuted. In consequence of this dispute, several officials, including Edmond Adam, Keratry's successor as Prefectof Police, resigned their functions. A few days later, twenty-one of theinsurgent leaders were arrested, Pyat being among them, though nothing wasdone in regard to Flourens and Blanqui, both of whom had figuredprominently in the affair. 

On November 3 we had a plebiscitum, the question put to the Parisiansbeing: "Does the population of Paris, yes or no, maintain the powers ofthe Government of National Defence?" So far as the civilian element--whichincluded the National Guards--was concerned, the ballot resulted asfollows: Voting "Yes, " 321, 373 citizens; voting "No, " 53, 585 citizens. Thevote of the army, inclusive of the Mobile Guard, was even more pronounced:"Yes, " 236, 623; "No, " 9063, Thus the general result was 557, 996 votes infavour of the Government, and 62, 638 against it--the proportion being 9 to1 for the entire male population of the invested circle. This naturallyrendered the authorities jubilant. 

But the affair of October 31 had deplorable consequences with regard tothe armistice negotiations. This explosion of sedition alarmed the Germanauthorities. They lost confidence in the power of the National Defence tocarry out such terms as might be stipulated, and, finally, Bismarckrefused to allow Paris to be revictualled during the period requisite forthe election of a legislative assembly--which was to have decided thequestion of peace or war--unless one fort, and possibly more than one, were surrendered to him. Thiers and Favre could not accept such acondition, and thus the negotiations were broken off. Before Thiersquitted Bismarck, however, the latter significantly told him that theterms of peace at that juncture would be the cession of Alsace to Germany, and the payment of three milliards of francs as an indemnity; but thatafter the fall of Paris the terms would be the cession of both Alsace andLorraine, and a payment of five milliards. 

In the earlier days of the siege there was no rationing of provisions, though the price of meat was fixed by Government decree. At the end ofSeptember, however, the authorities decided to limit the supply to amaximum of 500 oxen and 4000 sheep per diem. It was decided also that thebutchers' shops should only open on every fourth day, when four days' meatshould be distributed at the official prices. During the earlier periodthe daily ration ranged from 80 to 100 grammes, that is, about 2-2/3 oz. To 3-1/3 oz. In weight, one-fifth part of it being bone in the case ofbeef, though, with respect to mutton, the butchers were forbidden to makeup the weight with any bones which did not adhere to the meat. At theoutset of the siege only twenty or thirty horses were slaughtered eachday; but on September 30 the number had risen to 275. A week later therewere nearly thirty shops in Paris where horseflesh was exclusively sold, and scarcely a day elapsed without an increase in their number. Eventuallyhorseflesh became virtually the only meat procurable by all classes of thebesieged, but in the earlier period it was patronized chiefly by thepoorer folk, the prices fixed for it by authority being naturally lowerthan those edicted for beef and mutton. 

With regard to the arrangements made by my father and myself respectingfood, they were, in the earlier days of the siege, very simple. We werekeeping no servant at our flat in the Rue de Miromesnil. The concierge ofthe house, and his wife, did all such work as we required. This concierge, whose name was Saby, had been a Zouave, and had acted as orderly to hiscaptain in Algeria. He was personally expert in the art of preparing"couscoussou" and other Algerian dishes, and his wife was a thoroughlygood cook _à la française_. Directly meat was rationed, Saby said to me:"The allowance is very small; you and Monsieur votre père will be able toeat a good deal more than that. Now, some of the poorer folk cannot affordto pay for butchers' meat, they are contented with horseflesh, which isnot yet rationed, and are willing to sell their ration cards. You can wellafford to buy one or two of them, and in that manner secure extraallowances of beef or mutton. "

That plan was adopted, and for a time everything went on satisfactorily. On a few occasions I joined the queue outside our butcher's in the Rue dePenthièvre, and waited an hour or two to secure our share of meat, We werenot over-crowded in that part of Paris. A great many members of thearistocracy and bourgeoisie, who usually dwelt there, had left the citywith their families and servants prior to the investment; and thus thequeues and the waits were not so long as in the poorer and more denselypopulated districts. Saby, however, often procured our meat himself oremployed somebody else to do so, for women were heartily glad of theopportunity to earn half a franc or so by acting as deputy for otherpeople. 

We had secured a small supply of tinned provisions, and would haveincreased it if the prices had not gone up by leaps and bounds, in suchwise that a tin of corned beef or something similar, which one saw pricedin the morning at about 5 francs, was labelled 20 francs a few hourslater. Dry beans and peas were still easily procurable, but freshvegetables at once became both rare and costly. Potatoes failed us at anearly date. On the other hand, jam and preserved fruit could be readilyobtained at the grocer's at the corner of our street. The bread slowlydeteriorated in quality, but was still very fair down to the date of mydeparture from Paris (November 8 [See the following chapter. ]). Milk andbutter, however, became rare--the former being reserved for the hospitals, the ambulances, the mothers of infants, and so forth--whilst one sighed invain for a bit of Gruyère, Roquefort, Port-Salut, Brie, or indeed anyother cheese. 

Saby, who was a very shrewd fellow, had conceived a brilliant idea beforethe siege actually began. The Chateaubriands having quitted the houseand removed their horses from the stables, he took possession of thelatter, purchased some rabbits--several does and a couple of bucks--laidin a supply of food for them, and resolved to make his fortune byrabbit-breeding. He did not quite effect his purpose, but rabbits are soprolific that he was repaid many times over for the trouble which he tookin rearing them. For some time he kept the affair quite secret. More thanonce I saw him going in and out of the stables, without guessing thereason; but one morning, having occasion to speak to him, I followed himand discovered the truth. He certainly bred several scores of rabbitsduring the course of the siege, merely ceasing to do so when he found itimpossible to continue feeding the animals. On two or three occasionswe paid him ten francs or so for a rabbit, and that was certainly"most-favoured-nation treatment;" for, at the same period, he was chargingtwenty and twenty-five francs to other people. Cooks, with whom hecommunicated, came to him from mansions both near and far. He sold quite anumber of rabbits to Baron Alphonse de Rothschild's _chef_ at the rate of£2 apiece, and others to Count Pillet-Will at about the same price, sothat, so far as his pockets were concerned, he in no wise suffered by thesiege of Paris. 

We were blessed with an abundance of charcoal for cooking purposes, and ofcoals and wood for ordinary fires, having at our disposal not only thestore in our own cellars, but that which the Chateaubriand family had leftbehind. The cold weather set in very soon, and firing was speedily ingreat demand. Our artist Jules Pelcoq, who lived in the Rue Lepic atMontmartre, found himself reduced to great straits in this respect, nothing being procurable at the dealers' excepting virtually green woodwhich had been felled a short time previously in the Bois de Boulogne andBois de Vincennes. On a couple of occasions Pelcoq and I carried somecoals in bags to his flat, and my father, being anxious for his comfort, wished to provide him with a larger supply. Saby was thereforerequisitioned to procure a man who would undertake to convey some coals ina handcart to Montmartre. The man was found, and paid for his services inadvance. But alas! the coals never reached poor Pelcoq. When we next sawthe man who had been engaged, he told us that he had been intercepted onhis way by some National Guards, who had asked him what his load was, and, on discovering that it consisted of coals, had promptly confiscated themand the barrow also, dragging the latter to some bivouac on the ramparts. I have always doubted that story, however, and incline to the opinion thatour improvised porter had simply sold the coals and pocketed the proceeds. 

One day, early in November, when our allowance of beef or mutton wasgrowing small by degrees and beautifully less and infrequent--horsefleshbecoming more and more _en évidence_ at the butchers' shops, [Only 1-1/2oz. Of beef or mutton was now allowed per diem, but in lieu thereof youcould obtain 1/4 lb. Of horseflesh. ] I had occasion to call on one of ourartists, Blanchard, who lived in the Faubourg Saint Germain. When we hadfinished our business he said to me: "Ernest, it is my _fête_ day. I amgoing to have a superb dinner. My brother-in-law, who is an official ofthe Eastern Railway Line, is giving it in my honour. Come with me;I invite you. " We thereupon went to his brother-in-law's flat, where I wasmost cordially received, and before long we sat down at table in a warmand well-lighted dining-room, the company consisting of two ladies andthree men, myself included. 

The soup, I think, had been prepared from horseflesh with the addition ofa little Liebig's extract of meat; but it was followed by a beautiful legof mutton, with beans a la Bretonne and--potatoes! I had not tasted apotato for weeks past, for in vain had the ingenious Saby endeavoured toprocure some. But the crowning triumph of the evening was the appearanceof a huge piece of Gruyère cheese, which at that time was not to be seenin a single shop in Paris. Even Chevet, that renowned purveyor ofdainties, had declared that he had none. 

My surprise in presence of the cheese and the potatoes being evident, Blanchard's brother-in-law blandly informed me that he had stolen them. "There is no doubt, " said he, "that many tradespeople hold secret storesof one thing and another, but wish prices to rise still higher than theyare before they produce them. I did not, however, take those potatoes orthat cheese from any shopkeeper's cellar. But, in the store-places of therailway company to which I belong, there are tons and tons of provisions, including both cheese and potatoes, for which the consignees never apply, preferring, as they do, to leave them there until famine prices arereached. Well, I have helped myself to just a few things, so as to giveBlanchard a good dinner this evening. As for the leg of mutton, I bribedthe butcher--not with money, he might have refused it--but with cheese andpotatoes, and it was fair exchange. " When I returned home that evening Icarried in my pockets more than half a pound of Gruyère and two or threepounds of potatoes, which my father heartily welcomed. The truth about theprovisions which were still stored at some of the railway dépôts was soonafterwards revealed to the authorities. 

Although my father was then only fifty years of age and had plenty ofnervous energy, his health was at least momentarily failing him. He hadled an extremely strenuous life ever since his twentieth year, when mygrandfather's death had cast great responsibilities on him. He had alsosuffered from illnesses which required that he should have an ample supplyof nourishing food. So long as a fair amount of ordinary butcher's meatcould be procured, he did not complain; but when it came to eatinghorseflesh two or three times a week he could not undertake it, although, only a year or two previously, he had attended a great _banquethippophagique_ given in Paris, and had then even written favourably of_viande de cheval_ in an article he prepared on the subject. For my ownpart, being a mere lad, I had a lad's appetite and stomach, and I did notfind horseflesh so much amiss, particularly as prepared with garlic andother savouries by Mme. Saby's expert hands. But, after a day or two, myfather refused to touch it. For three days, I remember, he tried to liveon bread, jam, and preserved fruit; but the sweetness of such a dietbecame nauseous to him--even as it became nauseous to our soldiers whenthe authorities bombarded them with jam in South Africa. It was verydifficult to provide something to my father's taste; there was no poultryand there were no eggs. It was at this time that Saby sold us a fewrabbits, but, again, _toujours lapin_ was not satisfactory. 

People were now beginning to partake of sundry strange things. Bats werecertainly eaten before the siege ended, though by no means in suchquantities as some have asserted. However, there were already places wheredogs and cats, skinned and prepared for cooking, were openly displayed forsale. Labouchere related, also, that on going one day into a restaurantand seeing _cochon de lait_, otherwise sucking-pig, mentioned in the menu, he summoned the waiter and cross-questioned him on the subject, as hegreatly doubted whether there were any sucking-pigs in all Paris. "Is itsucking-pig?" he asked the waiter. "Yes, monsieur, " the man replied. But Labby was not convinced. "Is it a little pig?" he inquired. "Yes, monsieur, quite a little one. " "Is it a young pig?" pursued Labby, whowas still dubious. The waiter hesitated, and at last replied, "Well, Icannot be sure, monsieur, if it is quite young. " "But it must be young ifit is little, as you say. Come, what is it, tell me?" "Monsieur, it is aguinea-pig!" Labby bounded from his chair, took his hat, and fled. He didnot feel equal to guinea-pig, although he was very hungry. 

Perhaps, however, Labouchere's best story of those days was that of theold couple who, all other resources failing them, were at last compelledto sacrifice their little pet dog. It came up to table nicely roasted, andthey both looked at it for a moment with a sigh. Then Monsieur summoned uphis courage and helped Madame to the tender viand. She heaved anothersigh, but, making a virtue of necessity, began to eat, and whilst she wasdoing so she every now and then deposited a little bone on the edge of herplate. There was quite a collection of little bones there by the time shehad finished, and as she leant back in her chair and contemplated them shesuddenly exclaimed: "Poor little Toto! If he had only been alive what afine treat he would have had!"

To return, however, to my father and myself, I must mention that there wasa little English tavern and eating-house in the Rue de Miromesnil, kept bya man named Lark, with whom I had some acquaintance. We occasionallyprocured English ale from him, and one day, late in October, when I waspassing his establishment, he said to me: "How is your father? He seems tobe looking poorly. Aren't you going to leave with the others?" I inquiredof Lark what he meant by his last question; whereupon he told me that if Iwent to the Embassy I should see a notice in the consular officerespecting the departure of British subjects, arrangements having beenmade to enable all who desired to quit Paris to do so. I took the hint andread the notice, which ran as Lark had stated, with this addendum: "TheEmbassy _cannot_, however, charge itself with the expense of assistingBritish subjects to leave Paris. " Forthwith I returned home and impartedthe information I had obtained to my father. 

Beyond setting up that notice in the Consul's office, the Embassy took nosteps to acquaint British subjects generally with the opportunity whichwas offered them to escape bombardment and famine. It is true that it wasin touch with the British Charitable Fund and that the latter made thematter known to sundry applicants for assistance. But the British colonystill numbered 1000 people, hundreds of whom would have availed themselvesof this opportunity had it only come to their knowledge. My fatherspeedily made up his mind to quit the city, and during the next few daysarrangements were made with our artists and others so that the interestsof the _Illustrated London News_ might in no degree suffer by his absence. Our system had long been perfected, and everything worked well after ourdeparture. I may add here, because it will explain something whichfollows, that my father distributed all the money he could possibly spareamong those whom he left behind, in such wise that on quitting Paris wehad comparatively little, and--as the sequel showed--insufficient moneywith us. But it was thought that we should be able to secure whatever wemight require on arriving at Versailles. 

VII

FROM PARIS TO VERSAILLES

I leave Paris with my Father--Jules Favre, Wodehouse, and Washburne--Through Charenton to Créteil--At the Outposts--First Glimpses of theGermans--A Subscription to shoot the King of Prussia--The Road toBrie-Comte-Robert--Billets for the Night--Chats with German Soldiers--TheDifficulty with the Poorer Refugees--Mr. Wodehouse and my Father--On theWay to Corbeil--A Franco-German Flirtation--Affairs at Corbeil--On theRoad in the Rain--Longjumeau--A Snow-storm--The Peasant of Champlan--Arrival at Versailles. 

Since Lord Lyons's departure from Paris, the Embassy had remained inthe charge of the second Secretary, Mr. Wodehouse, and the Vice-Consul. In response to the notice set up in the latter's office, and circulatedalso among a tithe of the community by the British Charitable Fund, it wasarranged that sixty or seventy persons should accompany the Secretary andVice-Consul out of the city, the military attacheé, Colonel Claremont, alone remaining there. The provision which the Charitable Fund made forthe poorer folk consisted of a donation of £4 to each person, togetherwith some three pounds of biscuits and a few ounces of chocolate to munchon the way. No means of transport, however, were provided for thesepeople, though it was known that we should have to proceed toVersailles--where the German headquarters were installed--by a verycircuitous route, and that the railway lines were out. 

We were to have left on November 2, at the same time as a number ofAmericans, Russians, and others, and it had been arranged that everybodyshould meet at an early hour that morning at the Charenton gate on thesouth-east side of Paris. On arriving there, however, all the English whojoined the gathering were ordered to turn back, as information had beenreceived that permission to leave the city was refused them. This causedno little consternation among the party, but the order naturally hadto be obeyed, and half angrily and half disconsolately many a disappointedBriton returned to his recent quarters. We afterwards learnt that JulesFavre, the Foreign Minister, had in the first instance absolutely refusedto listen to the applications of Mr. Wodehouse, possibly because GreatBritain had not recognized the French Republic; though if such were indeedthe reason, it was difficult to understand why the Russians received verydifferent treatment, as the Czar, like the Queen, had so far abstainedfrom any official recognition of the National Defence. On the other hand, Favre may, perhaps, have shared the opinion of Bismarck, who about thistime tersely expressed his opinion of ourselves in the words: "England nolonger counts"--so low, to his thinking, had we fallen in the comity ofnations under our Gladstone _cum_ Granville administration. 

Mr. Wodehouse, however, in his unpleasant predicament, sought theassistance of his colleague, Mr. Washburne, the United States Minister, and the latter, who possessed more influence in Paris than any otherforeign representative, promptly put his foot down, declaring that hehimself would leave the city if the British subjects were still refusedpermission to depart. Favre then ungraciously gave way; but no sooner hadhis assent been obtained than it was discovered that the British ForeignOffice had neglected to apply to Bismarck for permission for the Englishleaving Paris to pass through the German lines. Thus delay ensued, and itwas only on the morning of November 8 that the English departed at thesame time as a number of Swiss citizens and Austrian subjects. 

The Charenton gate was again the appointed meeting-place. On our waythither, between six and seven o'clock in the morning, we passed many along queue waiting outside butchers' shops for pittances of meat, andoutside certain municipal dépôts where after prolonged waiting a fewthimblesful of milk were doled out to those who could prove that they hadyoung children. Near the Porte de Charenton a considerable detachment ofthe National Guard was drawn up as if to impart a kind of solemnity to theapproaching exodus of foreigners. A couple of young staff-officers werealso in attendance, with a mounted trumpeter and another trooper carryingthe usual white flag on a lance. 

The better-circumstanced of our party were in vehicles purchased for theoccasion, a few also being mounted on valuable horses, which it wasdesired to save from the fate which eventually overtook most of theanimals that remained in Paris. Others were in hired cabs, which were notallowed, however, to proceed farther than the outposts; while a good manyof the poorer members of the party were in specially engaged omnibuses, which also had to turn back before we were handed over to a German escort;the result being that their occupants were left to trudge a good manymiles on foot before other means of transport were procured. In thatrespect the Swiss and the Austrians were far better cared-for than theEnglish. Although the weather was bitterly cold, Mr. Wodehouse, my father, myself, a couple of Mr. Wodehouse's servants, and a young fellow who hadbeen connected, I think, with a Paris banking-house, travelled in an openpair-horse break. The Vice-Consul and his wife, who were also accompanyingus, occupied a small private omnibus. 

Before passing out of Paris we were all mustered and our _laisser-passers_were examined. Those held by British subjects emanated invariably from theUnited States Embassy, being duly signed by Mr. Washburne, so that wequitted the city virtually as American citizens. At last the processionwas formed, the English preceding the Swiss and the Austrians, whilst inthe rear, strangely enough, came several ambulance vans flaunting the redcross of Geneva. Nobody could account for their presence with us, but asthe Germans were accused of occasionally firing on flags of truce, theywere sent, perhaps, so as to be of service in the event of any mishapoccurring. All being ready, we crossed the massive drawbridge of the Portede Charenton, and wound in and out of the covered way which an advancedredoubt protected. A small detachment of light cavalry then joined us, andwe speedily crossed the devastated track known as the "military zone, "where every tree had been felled at the moment of the investment. Immediately afterwards we found ourselves in the narrow winding streets ofCharenton, which had been almost entirely deserted by their inhabitants, but were crowded with soldiers who stood at doors and windows, watchingour curious caravan. The bridge across the Marne was mined, but stillintact, and defended at the farther end by an entrenched and loopholedredoubt, faced by some very intricate and artistic chevaux-de-frise. Onceacross the river, we wound round to the left, through the village ofAlfort, where all the villas and river-side restaurants had been turnedinto military posts; and on looking back we saw the huge Charentonmadhouse surmounting a wooded height and flying a large black flag. At theoutset of the siege it had been suggested that the more harmless inmatesshould be released rather than remain exposed to harm from chance Germanshells; but the director of the establishment declared that in manyinstances insanity intensified patriotic feeling, and that if his patientswere set at liberty they would at least desire to become members of theGovernment. So they were suffered to remain in their exposed position. 

We went on, skirting the estate of Charentonneau, where the park wall hadbeen blown down and many of the trees felled. On our right was the fort ofCharenton, armed with big black naval guns. All the garden walls on ourline of route had been razed or loopholed. The road was at timesbarricaded with trees, or intersected by trenches, and it was not withoutdifficulty that we surmounted those impediments. At Petit Créteil we wereastonished to see a number of market-gardeners working as unconcernedly asin times of peace. It is true that the village was covered by the fire ofthe Charenton fort, and that the Germans would have incurred great risk inmaking a serious attack on it. Nevertheless, small parties of themoccasionally crept down and exchanged shots with the Mobiles who werestationed there, having their headquarters at a deserted inn, on reachingwhich we made our first halt. 

The hired vehicles were now sent back to Paris, and after a brief intervalwe went on again, passing through an aperture in a formidable-lookingbarricade. We then readied Créteil proper, and there the first serioustraces of the havoc of war were offered to our view. The once pleasantvillage was lifeless. Every house had been broken into and plundered, every door and every window smashed. Smaller articles of furniture, and soforth, had been removed, larger ones reduced to fragments. An infernalspirit of destruction had swept through the place; and yet, mark this, wewere still within the French lines. 

Our progress along the main street being suddenly checked by another hugebarricade, we wound round to the right, and at last reached a house whereless than a score of Mobiles were gathered, protected from sudden assaultby a flimsy barrier of planks, casks, stools, and broken chairs. This wasthe most advanced French outpost in the direction we were following. Wepassed it, crossing some open fields where a solitary man was calmlydigging potatoes, risking his life at every turn of his spade, but knowingthat every pound of the precious tuber that he might succeed in takinginto Paris would there fetch perhaps as much as ten francs. 

Again we halted, and the trumpeter and the trooper with the white flagrode on to the farther part of the somewhat scattered village. Suddenlythe trumpet's call rang out through the sharp, frosty air, and then weagain moved on, passing down another village street where several gauntstarving cats attempted to follow us, with desperate strides and piteousmews. Before long, we perceived, standing in the middle of the road beforeus, a couple of German soldiers in long great-coats and boots reaching tothe shins. One of them was carrying a white flag. A brief conversationensued with them, for they both spoke French, and one of them knew Englishalso. Soon afterwards, from behind a stout barricade which we saw ahead, three or four of their officers arrived, and somewhat stiff andceremonious salutes were exchanged between them and the French officers incharge of our party. 

Our arrival had probably been anticipated. At all events, a big andvery welcome fire of logs and branches was blazing near by, and whilstone or two officers on either side, together with Colonel Claremont andsome officials of the British Charitable Fund, were attending to thesafe-conducts of her then Majesty's subjects, the other French and Germanofficers engaged in conversation round the fire I have mentioned. Thelatter were probably Saxons; at all events, they belonged to the forces ofthe Crown Prince, afterwards King, of Saxony, who commanded this part ofthe investing lines, and with whom the principal English war-correspondentwas Archibald Forbes, freshly arrived from the siege of Metz. The recentfall of that stronghold and the conduct of Marshal Bazaine supplied thechief subject of the conversation carried on at the Créteil outpostsbetween the officers of the contending nations. Now and then, too, came areference to Sedan and the overthrow of the Bonapartist Empire. The entireconversation was in French--I doubt, indeed, if our French custodianscould speak German--and the greatest courtesy prevailed; though the Frenchsteadily declined the Hamburg cigars which their adversaries offered them. 

I listened awhile to the conversation, but when the safe-conduct for myfather and myself had been examined, I crossed to the other side of theroad in order to scan the expanse of fields lying in that direction. Allat once I saw a German officer, mounted on a powerful-looking horse, galloping over the rough ground in our direction. He came straight towardsme. He was a well-built, middle-aged man of some rank--possibly a colonel. Reining in his mount, he addressed me in French, asking several questions. When, however, I had told him who we were, he continued the conversationin English and inquired if I had brought any newspapers out of Paris. Now, we were all pledged not to give any information of value to the enemy, butI had in my pockets copies of two of the most violent prints thenappearing in the city--that is to say, _La Patrie en Danger_, inspired byBlanqui, and _Le Combat_, edited by Felix Pyat. The first-named was allsound and fury, and the second contained a subscription list for apecuniary reward and rifle of honour to be presented to the Frenchman whomight fortunately succeed in killing the King of Prussia. As the Germanofficer was so anxious to ascertain what the popular feeling in Parismight be, and whether it favoured further resistance, it occurred to me, in a spirit of devilment as it were, to present him with the aforesaidjournals, for which he expressed his heartfelt thanks, and then gallopedaway. 

As I never met him again, I cannot say how he took the invectives and the"murder-subscription. " Perhaps it was not quite right of me to foist onhim, as examples of genuine Parisian opinion, two such papers as those Igave him; but, then, all is fair not merely in love but in war also, andin regard to the contentions of France and Germany, my sympathies wereentirely on the side of France. 

We had not yet been transferred to the German escort which was waiting forus, when all at once we heard several shots fired from the bank of theMarne, whereupon a couple of German dragoons galloped off in thatdirection. The firing ceased as abruptly as it had begun, and then, everything being in readiness so far as we were concerned, ColonelClaremont, the Charitable Fund people, the French officers and cavalry, and the ambulance waggons retraced their way to Paris, whilst our caravanwent on in the charge of a detachment of German dragoons. Not for long, however, for the instructions received respecting us were evidentlyimperfect. The reader will have noticed that we left Paris on itssoutheastern side, although our destination was Versailles, which liessouth-west of the capital, being in that direction only some eleven milesdistant. Further, on quitting Créteil, instead of taking a direct routeto the city of Louis Quatorze, we made, as the reader will presently see, an immense _détour, _ so that our journey to Versailles lasted three fulldays. This occurred because the Germans wished to prevent us from seeinganything of the nearer lines of investment and the preparations which hadalready begun for the bombardment of Paris. 

On our departure from Créteil, however, our route was not yet positivelyfixed, so we presently halted, and an officer of our escort rode off totake further instructions, whilst we remained near a German outpost, wherewe could not help noticing how healthy-looking, stalwart, and well-cladthe men were. Orders respecting our movements having arrived, we set outagain at a walking pace, perhaps because so many of our party were onfoot. Troops were posted near every side-road that we passed. Officersconstantly cantered up, inquiring for news respecting the position ofaffairs in Paris, wishing to know, in particular, if the National Defenceministers were still prisoners of the populace, and whether there was nowa Red Republic with Blanqui at its head. What astounded them most was tohear that, although Paris was taking more and more to horseflesh, it was, as yet, by no means starving, and that, so far as famine might beconcerned, it would be able to continue resisting for some months longer. In point of fact, this was on November 8, and the city did not surrenderuntil January 28. But the German officers would not believe what we saidrespecting the resources of the besieged; they repeated the same questionsagain and again, and still looked incredulous, as if, indeed, they thoughtthat we were fooling them. 

At Boissy-Saint Léger we halted whilst the British, Austrian, and Swissrepresentatives interviewed the general in command there. He was installedin a trim little, château, in front of which was the quaintest sentry-boxI have ever seen, for it was fashioned of planks, logs, and all sorts ofscraps of furniture, whilst beside it lay a doll's perambulator and alittle boy's toy-cart. But we again set out, encountering near Gros-Bois along line of heavily-laden German provision-wagons; and presently, withoutaddressing a word to any of us, the officer of our escort gave a command, his troopers wheeled round and galloped away, leaving us to ourselves. 

By this time evening was approaching, and the vehicles of our party droveon at a smart trot, leaving the unfortunate pedestrians a long way in therear. Nobody seemed to know exactly where we were, but some passingpeasants informed us that we were on the road to Basle, and that thenearest locality was Brie-Comte-Robert. The horses drawing the conveyancesof the Swiss and Austrian representatives were superior to those harnessedto Mr. Wodehouse's break, so we were distanced on the road, and onreaching Brie found that all the accommodation of the two inns--I canscarcely call them hotels--had been allotted to the first arrivals. Mr. Wodehouse's party secured a lodging in a superior-looking private house, whilst my father, myself, and about thirty others repaired to the _mairie_for billets. 

A striking scene met my eyes there. By this time night had fallen. In aroom which was almost bare of furniture, the mayor was seated at a littletable on which two candles were burning. On either side of him stood aGerman infantryman with rifle and fixed bayonet. Here and there, too, wereseveral German hussars, together with ten or a dozen peasants of thelocality. And the unfortunate mayor, in a state of semi-arrest, wasstriving to comply with the enemy's requisitions of food, forage, wine, horses, and vehicles, the peasants meanwhile protesting that they hadalready been despoiled of everything, and had nothing whatever left. "Soyou want me to be shot?" said the mayor to them, at last. "You know verywell that the things must be found. Go and get them together. Do the bestyou can. We will see afterwards. "

When--acting as usual as my father's interpreter--I asked the mayor forbillets, he raised his arms to the ceiling. "I have no beds, " said he. "Every bit of available bedding, excepting at the inns, has beenrequisitioned for the Prussian ambulances. I might find some straw, andthere are outhouses and empty rooms. But there are so many of you, and Ido not know how I can accommodate you all. "

It was not, however, the duty of my father or myself to attend to therequirements of the whole party. That was the duty rather of the Embassyofficials, so I again pressed the mayor to give me at least a couple ofdecent billets. He thought for a moment, then handed me a paper bearing aname and address, whereupon we, my father and myself, went off. But it waspitch-dark, and as we could not find the place indicated, we returned tothe _mairie_, where, after no little trouble, a second paper was given me. By this time the poorer members of the party had been sent to sheds and soforth, where they found some straw to lie upon. The address on my secondpaper was that of a basket-maker, whose house was pointed out to us. Wewere very cordially received there, and taken to a room containing a bedprovided with a _sommier élastique_. But there was no mattress, no sheet, no blanket, no bolster, no pillow--everything of that kind having beenrequisitioned for the German ambulances; and I recollect that two or threehours later, when my father and myself retired to rest in that icychamber, the window of which was badly broken, we were glad to lay ourheads on a couple of hard baskets, having left our bags in Mr. Wodehouse'scharge. 

Before trying to sleep, however, we required food; for during the day wehad consumed every particle of a cold rabbit and some siege-bread which wehad brought out of Paris. The innkeepers proved to be extremelyindependent and irritable, and we could obtain very little from them. Fortunately, we discovered a butcher's, secured some meat from him, andprevailed on the wife of our host, the basket-maker, to cook it for us. Wethen went out again, and found some cafés and wine-shops which werecrowded with German soldiery. Wine and black coffee were obtainable there, and whilst we refreshed ourselves, more than one German soldier, knowingeither French or English, engaged us in conversation. My own German was atthat time very limited, for I had not taken kindly to the study of thelanguage, and had secured, moreover, but few opportunities to attempt toconverse in it. However, I well remember some of the German soldiersdeclaring that they were heartily sick of the siege, and expressing a hopethat the Parisians would speedily surrender, so that they, the Germans, might return to the Fatherland in ample time to get their Christmas treesready. A good-looking and apparently very genial Uhlan also talked to meabout the Parisian balloons, relating that, directly any ascent wasobserved, news of it was telegraphed along all the investing lines, thatevery man had orders to fire if the aerial craft came approximately withinrange, and that he and his comrades often tried to ride a balloon down. 

After a wretched night, we washed at the pump in the basket-maker's yard, and breakfasted off bread and _café noir_. Milk, by the way, was as scarceat Brie as in Paris itself, the Germans, it was said, having carried offall the cows that had previously supplied France with the far-famed Briecheese. We now discovered that, in order to reach Versailles, we shouldhave to proceed in the first instance to Corbeil, some fifteen milesdistant, when we should be within thirty miles of the German headquarters. That was pleasant news, indeed! We had already made a journey of overtwenty miles, and now another of some five-and-forty miles lay before us. And yet, had we only been allowed to take the proper route, we should havereached Versailles after travelling merely eleven miles beyond Paris!

Under the circumstances, the position of the unfortunate pedestrians was avery unpleasant one, and my father undertook to speak on their behalf toMr. Wodehouse, pointing out to him that it was unfair to let theseunfortunate people trudge all the way to Versailles. 

"But what am I to do?" Mr. Wodehouse replied. "I am afraid that novehicles can be obtained here. "

"The German authorities will perhaps help you in the matter, " urged myfather. 

"I doubt it. But please remember that everybody was warned before leavingParis that he would do so at his own risk and peril, and that the Embassycould not charge itself with the expense. "

"That is exactly what surprised me, " said my father. "I know that theCharitable Fund has done something, but I thought that the Embassy wouldhave done more. "

"I had no instructions, " replied Mr. Wodehouse. 

"But, surely, at such a time as this, a man initiates his owninstructions. "

"Perhaps so; but I had no money. "

On hearing this, my father, for a moment, almost lost his temper. "Surely, Mr. Wodehouse, " said he, "you need only have gone to Baron deRothschild--he would have let you have whatever money you required. "[I have reconstructed the above dialogue from my diary, which I posted upon reaching Versailles. ]

Mr. Wodehouse looked worried. He was certainly a most amiable man, but hewas not, I think, quite the man for the situation. Moreover, like myfather, he was in very poor health at this time. Still, he realized thathe must try to effect something, and eventually, with the assistance ofthe mayor and the German authorities, a few farm-carts were procured forthe accommodation of the poorer British subjects. During the long intervalwhich had elapsed, however, a good many men had gone off of their ownaccord, tired of waiting, and resolving to try their luck in one andanother direction. Thus our procession was a somewhat smaller one when weat last quitted Brie-Comte-Robert for Corbeil. 

We met many German soldiers on our way--at times large detachments ofthem--and we scarcely ever covered a mile of ground without beingquestioned respecting the state of affairs in Paris and the probableduration of its resistance, our replies invariably disappointing thequestioners, so anxious were they to see the war come to an end. This wasparticularly the case with a young non-commissioned officer who jumped onthe step of Mr. Wodehouse's break, and engaged us in conversation whilstwe continued on our way. Before leaving us he remarked, I remember, thathe would very much like to pay a visit to England; whereupon my fatheranswered that he would be very much pleased to see him there, provided, however, that he would come by himself and not with half a million ofarmed comrades. 

While the German soldiers were numerous, the peasants whom we met on theroad were few and far between. On reaching the little village ofLieusaint, however, a number of people rushed to the doors of their housesand gazed at us in bewilderment, for during the past two months the onlystrangers they had seen had been German soldiers, and they could notunderstand the meaning of our civilian caravan of carriages and carts. Atlast we entered Corbeil, and followed the main street towards the oldstone bridge by which we hoped to cross the Seine, but we speedilydiscovered that it had been blown up, and that we could only get to theother side of the river by a pontoon-bridge lower down. This having beeneffected, we drove to the principal hotel, intending to put up there forthe night, as it had become evident that we should be unable to reachVersailles at a reasonable hour. 

However, the entire hotel was in the possession of German officers, several of whom we found flirting with the landlady's good-lookingdaughter--who, as she wore a wedding ring, was, I presume, married. I wellrecollect that she made some reference to the ladies of Berlin, whereuponone of the lieutenants who were ogling her, gallantly replied that theywere not half so charming as the ladies of Corbeil. The young womanappeared to appreciate the compliment, for, on the lieutenant rising totake leave of her, she graciously gave him her hand, and said to him witha smile: "Au plaisir de vous revoir, monsieur. "

But matters were very different with the old lady, her mother, who, directly the coast was clear, began to inveigh against the Germans in goodset terms, describing them, I remember, as semi-savages who destroyedwhatever they did not steal. She was particularly irate with them for notallowing M. Darblay, the wealthy magnate of the grain and flour trade, andat the same time mayor of Corbeil, to retain a single carriage or a singlehorse for his own use. Yet he had already surrendered four carriages andeight horses to them, and only wished to keep a little gig and a cob. 

We obtained a meal at the hotel, but found it impossible to secure a bedthere, so we sallied forth into the town on an exploring expedition. Onall sides we observed notices indicating the rate of exchange of Frenchand German money, and the place seemed to be full of tobacconists' shops, which were invariably occupied by German Jews trading in Hamburg cigars. On inquiring at a café respecting accommodation, we were told that weshould only obtain it with difficulty, as the town was full of troops, including more than a thousand sick and wounded, fifteen or twenty of whomdied every day. At last we crossed the river again, and found quarters atan inferior hotel, the top-floor of which had been badly damaged by somefalling blocks of stone at the time when the French blew up the townbridge. However, our beds were fairly comfortable, and we had a goodnight's rest. 

Black coffee was again the only available beverage in the morning. No milkwas to be had, nor was there even a scrap of sugar. In these respectsCorbeil was even worse off than Paris. The weather had now changed, andrain was falling steadily. We plainly had a nasty day before us. Nevertheless, another set of carts was obtained for the poorer folk of ourparty, on mustering which one man was found to be missing. He had fallenill, we were told, and could not continue the journey. Presently, moreover, the case was discovered to be one of smallpox, which disease hadlately broken out in Paris. Leaving the sufferer to be treated at thealready crowded local hospital, we set out, and, on emerging from thetown, passed a drove of a couple of hundred oxen, and some three hundredsheep, in the charge of German soldiers. We had scarcely journeyed anothermile when, near Essonnes, noted for its paper-mills, one of our cartsbroke down, which was scarcely surprising, the country being hilly, theroads heavy, and the horses spavined. Again, the rain was now pouring intorrents, to the very great discomfort of the occupants of the carts, aswell as that of Mr. Wodehouse's party in the break. But there was no helpfor it, and so on we drove mile after mile, until we were at lastabsolutely soaked. 

The rain had turned to sleet by the time we reached Longjumeau, famous forits handsome and amorous postilion. Two-thirds of the shops there wereclosed, and the inns were crowded with German soldiers, so we drove on inthe direction of Palaiseau. But we had covered only about half thedistance when a snow-storm overtook us, and we had to seek shelter atChamplan. A German officer there assisted in placing our vehicles undercover, but the few peasants whom we saw eyeing us inquisitively from thedoors of their houses declared that the only thing they could let us haveto eat was dry bread, there being no meat, no eggs, no butter, no cheese, in the whole village. Further, they averred that they had not even a pintof wine to place at our disposal. "The Germans have taken everything, "they said; "we have 800 of them in and around the village, and there arenot more than a dozen of us left here, all the rest having fled to Pariswhen the siege began. "

The outlook seemed bad, but Mr. Wodehouse's valet, a shrewd and energeticman of thirty or thereabouts, named Frost, said to me, "I don't believeall this. I dare say that if some money is produced we shall be able toget something. " Accordingly we jointly tackled a disconsolate-lookingfellow, who, if I remember rightly, was either the village wheelwright orblacksmith; and, momentarily leaving the question of food on one side, weasked him if he had not at least a fire in his house at which we mightwarm ourselves. Our party included a lady, the Vice-Consul's wife, andalthough she was making the journey in a closed private omnibus, she wassuffering from the cold. This was explained to the man whom we addressed, and when he had satisfied himself that we were not Germans in disguise, hetold us that we might come into his house and warm ourselves until thestorm abated. Some nine or ten of us, including the lady I have mentioned, availed ourselves of this permission, and the man led us upstairs to afirst-floor room, where a big wood-fire was blazing. Before it sat hiswife and his daughter, both of them good specimens of French rusticbeauty. With great good-nature, they at once made room for us, and addedmore fuel to the fire. 

Half the battle was won, and presently we were regaled with all that theycould offer us in the way of food--that is, bread and baked pears, whichproved very acceptable. Eventually, after looking out of the window inorder to make quite sure that no Germans were loitering near the house, our host locked the door of the room, and turning towards a big pile ofstraw, fire-wood, and household utensils, proceeded to demolish it, untilhe disclosed to view a small cask--a half hogshead, I think--which, saidhe, in a whisper, contained wine. It was all that he had been able tosecrete. On the arrival of the enemy in the district a party of officershad come to his house and ordered their men to remove the rest of hiswine, together with nearly all his bedding, and every fowl and every pigthat he possessed. "They have done the same all over the district, " theman added, "and you should see some of the châteaux--they have beenabsolutely stripped of their contents. "

His face brightened when we told him that Paris seemed resolved on nosurrender, and that, according to official reports, she would have asufficiency of bread to continue resisting until the ensuing month ofFebruary. In common with most of his countrymen, our host of Champlan heldthat, whatever else might happen, the honour of the nation would at leastbe saved if the Germans could only be kept out of Paris; and thus he wasright glad to hear that the city's defence would be prolonged. 

He was well remunerated for his hospitality, and on the weather slightlyimproving we resumed our journey to Versailles, following the main road byway of Palaiseau and Jouy-en-Josas, and urging the horses to theirquickest pace whilst the light declined and the evening shadows gatheredaround us. 

VIII

FROM VERSAILLES TO BRITTANY

War-correspondents at Versailles--Dr. Russell--Lord Adare--David DunglasHome and his Extraordinary Career--His _Séances_ at Versallies--An AmusingInterview with Colonel Beauchamp Walker--Parliament's Grant for BritishRefugees--Generals Duff and Hazen, U. S. A. --American Help--Glimpses ofKing William and Bismarck--Our Safe-Conducts--From Versailles to SaintGermain-en-Laye--Trouble at Mantes--The German Devil of Destructiveness--From the German to the French Lines--A Train at Last--Through Normandy andMaine--Saint Servan and its English Colony--I resolve to go to the Front. 

It was dark when we at last entered Versailles by the Avenue de Choisy. Wesaw some sentries, but they did not challenge us, and we went on until westruck the Avenue de Paris, where we passed the Prefecture, every one ofwhose windows was a blaze of light. King, later Emperor, William had hisquarters there; Bismarck, however, residing at a house in the Rue deProvence belonging to the French General de Jessé. Winding round the Placed'Armes, we noticed that one wing of Louis XIV's famous palace had itswindows lighted, being appropriated to hospital purposes, and that fourbatteries of artillery were drawn up on the square, perhaps as a hint tothe Versaillese to be on their best behaviour. However, we drove on, and afew moments later we pulled up outside the famous Hôtel des Réservoirs. 

There was no possibility of obtaining accommodation there. From itsground-floor to its garrets the hotel was packed with German princes, dukes, dukelets, and their suites, together with a certain number ofEnglish, American, and other war-correspondents. Close by, however--indeed, if I remember rightly, on the other side of the way--there was acafé, whither my father and myself directed our steps. We found it crowdedwith officers and newspaper men, and through one or other of the latter wesucceeded in obtaining comfortable lodgings in a private house. The_Illustrated London News_ artist with the German staff was Landells, sonof the engraver of that name, and we speedily discovered his whereabouts. He was sharing rooms with Hilary Skinner, the _Daily News_ representativeat Versailles; and they both gave us a cordial greeting. 

The chief correspondent at the German headquarters was William HowardRussell of the _Times_, respecting whom--perhaps because he kept himselfsomewhat aloof from his colleagues--a variety of scarcely good-naturedstories were related; mostly designed to show that he somewhatover-estimated his own importance. One yarn was to the effect thatwhenever the Doctor mounted his horse, it was customary for the CrownPrince of Prussia--afterwards the Emperor Frederick--to hold his stirrupleather for him. Personally, I can only say that, on my father callingwith me on Russell, he received us very cordially indeed (he hadpreviously met my father, and had well known my uncle Frank), and thatwhen we quitted Versailles, as I shall presently relate, he placed hiscourier and his private omnibus at our disposal, in after years one of mycousins, the late Montague Vizetelly, accompanied Russell to SouthAmerica. I still have some letters which the latter wrote me respectingZola's novel "La Débâcle, " in which he took a great interest. 

Another war-correspondent at Versailles was the present Earl of Dunraven, then not quite thirty years of age, and known by the courtesy title ofLord Adare. He had previously acted as the _Daily Telegraph's_representative with Napier's expedition against Theodore of Abyssinia, andwas now staying at Versailles, on behalf, I think, of the same journal. His rooms at the Hôtel des Réservoirs were shared by Daniel Dunglas Home, the medium, with whom my father and myself speedily became acquainted. Very tall and slim, with blue eyes and an abundance of yellowish hair, Home, at this time about thirty-seven years of age, came of the old stockof the Earls of Home, whose name figures so often in Scottish history. Hisfather was an illegitimate son of the tenth earl, and his mother belongedto a family which claimed to possess the gift of "second sight. " Homehimself--according to his own account--began to see visions and receivemysterious warnings at the period of his mother's death, and as timeelapsed his many visitations from the other world so greatly upset theaunt with whom he was living--a Mrs. McNeill Cook of Greeneville, Connecticut [He had been taken from Scotland to America when he was aboutnine years old. ]--that she ended by turning him out-of-doors. Otherpeople, however, took an unhealthy delight in seeing their furnituremove about without human agency, and in receiving more or less ridiculousmessages from spirit-land; and in folk of this description Home found someuseful friends. 

He came to London in the spring of 1855, and on giving a _séance_ at Cox'sHotel, in Jermyn Street, he contrived to deceive Sir David Brewster (thenseventy-four years old), but was less successful with anotherseptuagenarian, Lord Brougham. Later, he captured the imaginative SirEdward Bulwer (subsequently Lord Lytton), who as author of "Zanoni" wasperhaps fated to believe in him, and he also impressed Mrs. Browning, butnot Browning himself The latter, indeed, depicted Home as "Sludge, theMedium. " Going to Italy for a time, the already notorious adventurer gave_séances_ in a haunted villa near Florence, but on becoming converted tothe Catholic faith in 1856 he was received in private audience by thathandsome, urbane, but by no means satisfactory pontiff, Pio Nono, who, however, eight years later caused him to be summarily expelled from Romeas a sorcerer in league with the Devil. 

Meantime, Home had ingratiated himself with a number of crowned heads--Napoleon III and the Empress Eugénie, in whose presence he gave _séances_at the Tuileries, Fontainebleau, and Biarritz; the King of Prussia, bywhom he was received at Baden-Baden; and Queen Sophia of Holland, who gavehim hospitality at the Hague. On marrying a Russian lady, the daughter ofGeneral Count de Kroll, he was favoured with presents by the CzarAlexander II, and after returning to England became one of the"attractions" of Milner-Gibson's drawing-room--Mrs. Gibson, a daughter ofthe Rev. Sir Thomas Gery Cullum, being one of the early Englishpatronesses of so-called spiritualism, to a faith in which she was"converted" by Home, whom she first met whilst travelling on theContinent. I remember hearing no little talk about him in my younger days. Thackeray's friend, Robert Bell, wrote an article about him in _TheCornhill_, which was the subject of considerable discussion. Bell, Ithink, was also mixed up in the affair of the "Davenport Brothers, " one ofwhose performances I remember witnessing. They were afterwards effectivelyshown up in Paris by Vicomte Alfred de Caston. Home, for his part, wasscarcely taken seriously by the Parisians, and when, at a _séance_ givenin presence of the Empress Eugénie, he blundered grossly and repeatedlyabout her father, the Count of Montijo, he received an intimation that hispresence at Court could be dispensed with. He then consoled himself bygoing to Peterhof and exhibiting his powers to the Czar. 

Certain Scotch and English scientists, such as Dr. Lockhart Robertson, Dr. Robert Chambers, and Dr. James Manby Gully--the apostle of hydropathy, whocame to grief in the notorious Bravo case--warmly supported Home. So didSamuel Carter Hall and his wife, William Howitt, and Gerald Massey; and heended by establishing a so-called "Spiritual Athenaeum" in Sloane Street. A wealthy widow of advanced years, a Mrs. Jane Lyon, became a subscriberto that institution, and, growing infatuated with Home, made him a presentof some £30, 000, and settled on him a similar amount to be paid at herdeath. But after a year or two she repented of her infatuation, and tooklegal proceedings to recover her money. She failed to substantiate some ofher charges, but Vice-Chancellor Giffard, who heard the case, decided itin her favour, in his judgment describing Home as a needy and designingman. Home, I should add, was at this time a widower and at loggerheadswith his late wife's relations in Russia, in respect to her property. 

Among the arts ascribed to Home was that called levitation, in practisingwhich he was raised in the air by an unseen and unknown force, andremained suspended there; this being, so to say, the first step towardshuman flying without the assistance of any biplane, monoplane, or othermechanical contrivance. The first occasion on which Home is said to havedisplayed this power was in the late fifties, when he was at a châteaunear Bordeaux as the guest of the widow of Théodore Ducos, the nephew ofBonaparte's colleague in the Consulate. In the works put forward on Home'sbehalf--one of them, called "Incidents in my Life, " was chiefly written, it appears, by his friend and solicitor, a Mr. W. M. Wilkinson--it is alsoasserted that his power of levitation was attested in later years by LordLindsay, subsequently Earl of Crawford and Balcarres, and by the presentEarl of Dunraven. We are told, indeed, that on one occasion the last-namedactually saw Home float out of a room by one window, and into it again byanother one. I do not know whether Home also favoured Professor Crookeswith any exhibition of this kind, but the latter certainly expressed anopinion that some of Home's feats were genuine. 

When my father and I first met him at Versailles he was constantly in thecompany of Lord Adare. He claimed to be acting as the correspondent of aCalifornian journal, but his chief occupation appeared to be the giving of_séances_ for the entertainment of all the German princes and princeletsstaying at the Hôtel des Réservoirs. Most of these highnesses andmightinesses formed part of what the Germans themselves sarcasticallycalled their "Ornamental Staff, " and as Moltke seldom allowed them anyreal share in the military operations, they doubtless found in Home'sperformances some relief from the _taedium vitae_ which overtook themduring their long wait for the capitulation of Paris. Now that Metz hadfallen, that was the chief question which occupied the minds of all theGermans assembled at Versailles, [Note] and Home was called upon toforetell when it would take place. On certain occasions, I believe, heevoked the spirits of Frederick the Great, Napoleon, Blücher, and others, in order to obtain from them an accurate forecast. At another time heendeavoured to peer into the future by means of crystal-gazing, in whichhe required the help of a little child. "My experiments have notsucceeded, " he said one day, while we were sitting with him at the cafénear the Hôtel des Réservoirs; "but that is not my fault. I need anabsolutely pure-minded child, and can find none here, for this French raceis corrupt from its very infancy. " He was fasting at this time, takingapparently nothing but a little _eau sucrée_ for several days at astretch. "The spirits will not move me unless I do this, " he said. "Tobring them to me, I have to contend against the material part of mynature. "

[Note: The Germans regarded it as the more urgent at the time of myarrival at Versailles, as only a few data previously (November 9), the newFrench Army of the Loire under D'Aurelle de Paladines had defeated theBavarians at Coulmiers, and thereby again secured possession of Orleans. ]

A couple of years later, after another visit to St. Petersburg, where, it seems, he was again well received by the Czar and again married a ladyof the Russian nobility, Home's health began to fail him, perhaps onaccount of the semi-starvation to which at intervals he subjected himself. I saw him occasionally during his last years, when, living at Auteuil, hewas almost a neighbour of mine. He died there in 1886, being then aboutfifty-three years old. Personally, I never placed faith in him. I regardedhim at the outset with great curiosity, but some time before the warI had read a good deal about Cagliostro, Saint Germain, Mesmer, andother charlatans, also attending a lecture about them at the Salle desConferences; and all that, combined with the exposure of the DavenportBrothers and other spiritualists and illusionists, helped to prejudice meagainst such a man as Home. At the same time, this so-called "wizard ofthe nineteenth century" was certainly a curious personality, possessed, Ipresume, of considerable suggestive powers, which at times enabled him tomake others believe as he desired. We ought to have had Charcot's opinionof his case. 

As it had taken my father and myself three days to reach Versailles fromParis, and we could not tell what other unpleasant experiences the futuremight hold in store for us, our pecuniary position gave rise to someconcern. I mentioned previously that we quitted the capital withcomparatively little money, and it now seemed as if our journey mightbecome a long and somewhat costly affair, particularly as the German staffwished to send us off through Northern France and thence by way ofBelgium. On consulting Landells, Skinner, and some other correspondents, it appeared that several days might elapse before we could obtainremittances from England. On the other hand, every correspondent clung tosuch money as he had in his possession, for living was very expensive atVersailles, and at any moment some emergency might arise necessitating anunexpected outlay. It was suggested, however, that we should apply toColonel Beauchamp Walker, who was the official British representative withthe German headquarters' staff, for, we were told, Parliament, in itsgenerosity, had voted a sum of £4000 to assist any needy British subjectswho might come out of Paris, and Colonel Walker had the handling of themoney in question. 

Naturally enough, my father began by demurring to this suggestion, sayingthat he could not apply _in formâ pauperis_ for charity. But it waspointed out that he need do no such thing. "Go to Walker, " it was said, "explain your difficulty, and offer him a note of hand or a draft on the_Illustrated_, and if desired half a dozen of us will back it. " Some suchplan having been decided on, we called upon Colonel Walker on the secondor third day of our stay at Versailles. 

His full name was Charles Pyndar Beauchamp Walker. Born in 1817, he hadseen no little service. He had acted as an _aide-de-camp_ to Lord Lucan inthe Crimea, afterwards becoming Lieutenant-Colonel of the 2nd DragoonGuards. He was in India during the final operations for the suppression ofthe Mutiny, and subsequently in China during the Franco-British expeditionto that country. During the Austro-Prussian war of 1866 he was attached asBritish Commissioner to the forces of the Crown Prince of Prussia, andwitnessed the battle of Königgratz. He served in the same capacity duringthe Franco-German War, when he was at Weissenburg, Wörth, and Sedan. Inlater years he became a major-general, a lieutenant-general, a K. C. B. , andColonel of the 2nd Dragoon Guards; and from 1878 until his retirement in1884 he acted as Inspector General of military education. I have set outthose facts because I have no desire to minimise Walker's services andabilities. But I cannot help smiling at a sentence which I found in theaccount of him given in the "Dictionary of National Biography. " It refersto his duties during the Franco-German War, and runs as follows: "Theirritation of the Germans against England, and the number of rovingEnglishmen, made his duty not an easy one, but he was well qualified forit by his tact and geniality, and his action met with the full approval ofthe Government. "

The Government in question would have approved anything. But let thatpass. We called on the colonel at about half-past eleven in the morning, and were shown into a large and comfortably furnished room, wheredecanters and cigars were prominently displayed on a central table. In tenminutes' time the colonel appeared, arrayed in a beautiful figureddressing-gown with a tasselled girdle. I knew that the British officer wasfond of discarding his uniform, and I was well aware that French officersalso did so when on furlough in Paris, but it gave my young mind quite ashock to see her Majesty's military representative with King Williamarrayed in a gaudy dressing-gown in the middle of the day. He seatedhimself, and querulously inquired of my father what his business was. Itwas told him very briefly. He frowned, hummed, hawed, threw himself backin his armchair, and curtly exclaimed, "I am not a money-lender!"

The fact that the _Illustrated London News_ was the world's premierjournal of its class went for nothing. The offers of the othercorrespondents of the English Press to back my father's signature weredismissed with disdain. When the colonel was reminded that he held aconsiderable amount of money voted by Parliament, he retorted: "That isfor necessitous persons! But you ask me to _lend_ you money!" "Quite so, "my father replied; "I do not wish to be a charge on the Treasury. I simplywant a loan, as I have a difficult and perhaps an expensive journey beforeme. " "How much do you want?" snapped the colonel. "Well, " said my father, "I should feel more comfortable if I had a thousand francs (£40) in mypocket. " "Forty pounds!" cried Colonel Walker, as if lost in amazement. And getting up from his chair he went on, in the most theatrical mannerpossible: "Why, do you know, sir, that if I were to let you have fortypounds, I might find myself in the greatest possible difficulty. To-morrow--perhaps, even to-night--there might be hundreds of oursuffering fellow-countrymen outside the gates of Versailles, and I unableto relieve them!" "But, " said my father quietly, "you would still beholding £3960, Colonel Walker. " The colonel glared, and my father, notcaring to prolong such an interview, walked out of the room, followed bymyself. 

A good many of the poorer people who quitted Paris with us never repairedto Versailles at all, but left us at Corbeil or elsewhere to make theirway across France as best they could. Another party, about one hundredstrong, was, however, subsequently sent out of the capital with theassistance of Mr. Washburne, and in their case Colonel Walker had toexpend some money. But every grant was a very niggardly one, and it wouldnot surprise me to learn that the bulk of the money voted by Parliamentwas ultimately returned to the Treasury--which circumstance would probablyaccount for the "full approval" which the Government bestowed on thecolonel's conduct at this period. He died early in 1894, and soonafterwards some of his correspondence was published in a volume entitled"Days of a Soldier's Life. " On reading a review of that work in one of theleading literary journals, I was struck by a passage in which Walker wasdescribed as a disappointed and embittered man, who always felt that hismerits were not sufficiently recognized, although he was given aknighthood and retired with the honorary rank of general. I presumethat his ambition was at least a viscounty, if not an earldom, and afield-marshal's _bâton_. 

On leaving the gentleman whose "tact and geniality" are commemorated inthe "Dictionary of National Biography, " we repaired--my father and I--tothe café where most of the English newspaper men met. Several were there, and my father was at once assailed with inquiries respecting his interviewwith Colonel Walker. His account of it led to some laughter and a varietyof comments, which would scarcely have improved the colonel's temper. Iremember, however, that Captain, afterwards Colonel Sir, Henry Hozier, theauthor of "The Seven Weeks' War, " smiled quietly, but otherwise kept hisown counsel. At last my father was asked what he intended to do under thecircumstances, and he replied that he meant to communicate with England asspeedily as possible, and remain in the interval at Versailles, althoughhe particularly wished to get away. 

Now, it happened that among the customers at the café there were twoAmerican officers, one being Brigadier-General Duff, a brother of AndrewHalliday, the dramatic author and essayist, whose real patronymic was alsoDuff. My father knew Halliday through their mutual friends Henry Mayhewand the Broughs. The other American officer was Major-General WilliamBabcook Hazen, whose name will be found occasionally mentioned in thatpopular record of President Garfield's career, "From Log Cabin to WhiteHouse. " During the Civil War in the United States he had commanded adivision in Sherman's march to the sea. He also introduced the cold-wavesignal system into the American army, and in 1870-71 he was following theoperations of the Germans on behalf of his Government. 

I do not remember whether General Duff (who, I have been told, is stillalive) was also at Versailles in an official capacity, but in the courseof conversation he heard of my father's interview with Colonel Walker, andspoke to General Hazen on the subject. Hazen did not hesitate, but came tomy father, had a brief chat with him, unbuttoned his uniform, produced acase containing bank-notes, and asked my father how much he wanted, telling him not to pinch himself. The whole transaction was completed in afew minutes. My father was unwilling to take quite as much as he had askedof Colonel Walker, but General Hazen handed him some £20 or £30 in notes, one or two of which were afterwards changed, for a handsome consideration, by one of the German Jews who then infested Versailles and profited by thescarcity of gold. We were indebted, then, on two occasions to therepresentatives of the United States. The _laisser-passer_ enabling us toleave Paris had been supplied by Mr. Washburne, and the means ofcontinuing our journey in comfort were furnished by General Hazen. I raisemy hat to the memory of both those gentlemen. 

During the few days that we remained at Versailles, we caught glimpses ofKing William and Bismarck, both of whom we had previously seen in Paris in1867, when they were the guests of Napoleon III. I find in my diary amemorandum, dictated perhaps by my father: "Bismarck much fatter andbloated. " We saw him one day leaving the Prefecture, where the King hadhis quarters. He stood for a moment outside, chatting and laughing noisilywith some other German personages, then strode away with a companion. Hewas only fifty-five years old, and was full of vigour at that time, eventhough he might have put on flesh during recent years, and therefore haverenounced dancing--his last partner in the waltz having been Mme. Carette, the Empress Eugénie's reader, whom he led out at one of the '67 balls atthe Tuileries. Very hale and hearty, too, looked the King whom Bismarckwas about to turn into an Emperor. Yet the victor of Sedan was alreadyseventy-three years old. I only saw him on horseback during my stay atVersailles. My recollections of him, Bismarck, and Moltke, belong moreparticularly to the year 1872, when I was in Berlin in connexion with thefamous meeting of the three Emperors. 

My father and myself had kept in touch with Mr. Wodehouse, from whom welearnt that we should have to apply to the German General commandingat Versailles with respect to any further safe-conducts. At first we wereinformed that there could be no departure from the plan of sending us outof France by way of Epernay, Reims, and Sedan, and this by no meanscoincided with the desires of most of the Englishmen who had come out ofParis, they wishing to proceed westward, and secure a passage across theChannel from Le Hâvre or Dieppe. My father and myself also wanted to gowestward, but in order to make our way into Brittany, my stepmother andher children being at Saint Servan, near Saint Malo. At last the Germanauthorities decided to give us the alternative routes of Mantes and Dreux, the first-named being the preferable one for those people who were boundfor England. It was chosen also by my father, as the Dreux route wouldhave led us into a region where hostilities were in progress, and where wemight suddenly have found ourselves "held up. "

The entire party of British refugees was now limited to fifteen or sixteenpersons, some, tired of waiting, having taken themselves off by the Sedanroute, whilst a few others--such as coachmen and grooms--on securingemployment from German princes and generals, resolved to stay atVersailles. Mr. Wodehouse also remained there for a short time. Previouslyin poor health, he had further contracted a chill during our three days'drive in an open vehicle. As most of those who were going on to England atonce now found themselves almost insolvent, it was arranged to pay theirexpenses through the German lines, and to give each of them a sum of fiftyshillings, so that they might make their way Channelwards when they hadreached an uninvaded part of France. Colonel Walker, of course, partedwith as little money as possible. 

At Versailles it was absolutely impossible to hire vehicles to take us asfar as Mantes, but we were assured that conveyances might be procured atSaint Germain-en-Laye; and it was thus that Dr. Russell lent my father hislittle omnibus for the journey to the last-named town, at the same timesending his courier to assist in making further arrangements. I do notrecollect that courier's nationality, but he spoke English, French, andGerman, and his services were extremely useful. We drove to Saint Germainby way of Rocquencourt, where we found a number of country-folk gatheredby the roadside with little stalls, at which they sold wine and fruit tothe German soldiers. This part of the environs of Paris seemed to havesuffered less than the eastern and southern districts. So far, there hadbeen only one sortie on this side--that made by Ducrot in the direction ofLa Malmaison. It had, however, momentarily alarmed the investing forces, and whilst we were at Versailles I learnt that, on the day in question, everything had been got ready for King William's removal to Saint Germainin the event of the French achieving a real success. But it proved to be asmall affair, Ducrot's force being altogether incommensurate with theeffort required of it. 

At Saint Germain, Dr. Russell's courier assisted in obtaining conveyancesfor the whole of our party, and we were soon rolling away in the directionof Mantes-la-Jolie, famous as the town where William the Conqueror, whilstbent on pillage and destruction, received the injuries which caused hisdeath. Here we had to report ourselves to the German Commander, who, tothe general consternation, began by refusing its permission to proceed. Hedid so because most of the safe-conducts delivered to us at Versailles, had, in the first instance, only stated that we were to travel by way ofSedan; the words "or Mantes or Dreux" being afterwards added between thelines. That interlineation was irregular, said the General at Mantes; itmight even be a forgery; at all events, he could not recognize it, so wemust go back whence we had come, and quickly, too--indeed, he gave us justhalf an hour to quit the town! But it fortunately happened that in a fewof the safe-conducts there was no interlineation whatever, the words"Sedan or Mantes or Dreux" being duly set down in the body of thedocument, and on this being pointed out, the General came to theconclusion that we were not trying to impose on him. He thereuponcancelled his previous order, and decided that, as dusk was alreadyfalling, we might remain at Mantes that night, and resume our journey onthe morrow at 5. 45 a. M. , in the charge of a cavalry escort. 

Having secured a couple of beds, and ordered some dinner at one of theinns, my father and I strolled about the town, which was full of Uhlansand Hussars. The old stone bridge across the Seine had been blown up bythe French before their evacuation of the town, and a part of the railwayline had also been destroyed by them. But the Germans were responsible forthe awful appearance of the railway-station. Never since have I seenanything resembling it. A thousand panes of glass belonging to windows orroofing had been shivered to atoms. Every mirror in either waiting orrefreshment-rooms had been pounded to pieces; every gilt frame broken intolittle bits. The clocks lay about in small fragments; account-books andprinted forms had been torn to scraps; partitions, chairs, tables, benches, boxes, nests of drawers, had been hacked, split, broken, reducedto mere strips of wood. The large stoves were overturned and broken, andthe marble refreshment counter--some thirty feet long, and previously oneof the features of the station--now strewed the floor in particles, suggesting gravel. It was, indeed, an amazing sight, the more amazing asno such work of destruction could have been accomplished without extremelabour. When we returned to the inn for dinner, I asked some questions. "Who did it?" "The first German troops that came here, " was the answer. "Why did they do it?--was it because your men had cut the telegraph wiresand destroyed some of the permanent way?" "Oh no! They expected to findsomething to drink in the refreshment-room, and when they discovered thateverything had been taken away, they set about breaking the fixtures!"Dear, nice, placid German soldiers, baulked, for a few minutes, of some ofthe wine of France!

In the morning we left Mantes by moonlight at the appointed hour, unaccompanied, however, by any escort. Either the Commandant had forgottenthe matter, or his men had overslept themselves. In the outskirts, we werestopped by a sentry, who carried our pass to a guard-house, where anoncommissioned officer inspected it by the light of a lantern. Then on wewent again for another furlong or so, when we were once more challenged, this time by the German advanced-post. As we resumed our journey, weperceived, in the rear, a small party of Hussars, who did not follow us, but wheeled suddenly to the left, bent, no doubt, on some reconnoiteringexpedition. We were now beyond the German lines, and the dawn wasbreaking. Yonder was the Seine, with several islands lying on its bosom, and some wooded heights rising beyond it. Drawing nearer to the river, wepassed through the village of Rolleboise, which gives its name to thechief tunnel on the Western Line, and drove across the debatable groundwhere French Francstireurs were constantly on the prowl for venturesomeUhlans. At last we got to Bonnières, a little place of some seven or eighthundred inhabitants, on the limits of Seine-et-Oise; and there we had toalight, for the vehicles, which had brought us from Saint Germain, couldproceed no further. 

Fortunately, we secured others, and went on towards the village ofJeufosse, where the nearest French outposts were established. We weredisplaying the white flag, but the first French sentries we met, youngfellows of the Mobile Guard, refused for a little while to let us pass. Eventually they referred the matter to an officer, who, on discoveringthat we were English and had come from Paris, began to chat with us in avery friendly manner, asking all the usual questions about the state ofaffairs in the capital, and expressing the usual satisfaction that thecity could still hold out. When we took leave, he cordially wished us _bonvoyage_, and on we hastened, still following the course of the Seine, tothe little town of Vernon. Its inquisitive inhabitants at once surroundedus, eager to know who we were, whence we had come, and whither we weregoing. But we did not tarry many minutes, for we suddenly learnt that therailway communication with Rouen only began at Gaillon, several leaguesfurther on, and that there was only one train a day. The question whichimmediately arose was--could we catch it?

On we went, then, once more, this time up, over, and down a succession ofsteep hills, until at last we reached Gaillon station, and found to ourdelight that the train would not start for another twenty minutes. All ourcompanions took tickets for Rouen, whence they intended to proceed toDieppe or Le Hâvre. But my father and I branched off before reaching theNorman capital, and, after, arriving at Elbeuf, travelled through thedepartments of the Eure and the Orne, passing Alençon on our way to LeMans. On two or three occasions we had to change from one train toanother. The travelling was extremely slow, and there were innumerablestoppages. The lines were constantly encumbered with vans laden withmilitary supplies, and the stations were full of troops going in one andanother direction. In the waiting-rooms one found crowds of officers lyingon the couches, the chairs, and the tables, and striving to snatch a fewhours' sleep; whilst all over the floors and the platforms soldiers hadstretched themselves for the same purpose. Very seldom could any food beobtained, but I luckily secured a loaf, some cheese, and a bottle of wineat Alençon. It must have been about one o'clock in the morning when we atlast reached Le Mans, and found that there would be no train going toRennes for another four or five hours. 

The big railway-station of Le Mans was full of reinforcements for the Armyof the Loire. After strolling about for a few minutes, my father and Isat down on the platform with our backs against a wall, for not a bench ora stool was available. Every now and again some train prepared to start, men were hastily mustered, and then climbed into all sorts of carriagesand vans. A belated general rushed along, accompanied by eager_aides-de-camp_. Now and again a rifle slipped from the hand of someMobile Guard who had been imbibing too freely, and fell with a clatter onthe platform. Then stores were bundled into trucks, whistles sounded, engines puffed, and meanwhile, although men were constantly departing, thestation seemed to be as crowded as ever. When at last I got up to stretchmyself, I noticed, affixed to the wall against which I had been leaning, aproclamation of Gambetta's respecting D'Aurelle de Paladines' victory overVon der Tann at Orleans. In another part of the station were lithographednotices emanating from the Prefect of the department, and reciting avariety of recent Government decrees and items of war news, skirmishes, reconnaissances, and so forth. At last, however, our train came in. It wascomposed almost entirely of third-class carriages with wooden seats, andwe had to be content with that accommodation. 

Another long and wearisome journey then began. Again we travelled slowly, again there were innumerable stoppages, again we passed trains crowdedwith soldiers, or crammed full of military stores. At some place where westopped there was a train conveying some scores of horses, mostly poor, miserable old creatures. I looked and wondered at the sight of them. "Theyhave come from England, " said a fellow-passenger; "every boat fromSouthampton to Saint Malo brings over quite a number. " It was unpleasantto think that such sorry-looking beasts had been shipped by one's owncountrymen. However, we reached Rennes at last, and were there able to geta good square meal, and also to send a telegram to my stepmother, notifying her of our early arrival. It was, however, at a late hour thatwe arrived at Saint Malo, whence we drove to La Petite Amelia at SaintServan. 

The latter town then contained a considerable colony of English people, among whom the military element predominated. Quite a number of half-payor retired officers had come to live there with their families, findingJersey overcrowded and desiring to practise economy. The colony alsoincluded several Irish landlords in reduced circumstances, who had quittedthe restless isle to escape assassination at the hands of "Rory of theHills" and folk of his stamp. In addition, there were several maidenladies of divers ages, but all of slender means; one or two courtesy lordsof high descent, but burdened with numerous offspring; together with ariding-master who wrote novels, and an elderly clergyman appointed by theBishop of Gibraltar. I dare say there may have been a few black sheep inthe colony; but the picture which Mrs. Annie Edwardes gave of it in hernovel, "Susan Fielding, " was exaggerated, though there was truth in theincidents which she introduced into another of her works, "Ought We toVisit Her?" On the whole, the Saint Servan colony was a very respectableone, even if it was not possessed of any great means. Going there duringmy holidays, I met many young fellows of my own age or thereabouts, andmostly belonging to military families. There were also several charminggirls, both English and Irish. With the young fellows I boated, with theyoung ladies I played croquet. 

Now, whilst my father and I had been shut up in Paris, we had frequentlywritten to my stepmother by balloon-post, and on some of our letters beingshown to the clergyman of the colony, he requested permission to read themto his congregation--which he frequently did, omitting, of course, themore private passages, but giving all the items of news and comments onthe situation which the letters contained. As a matter of fact, thishelped the reverend gentleman out of a difficulty. He was an excellentman, but, like many others of his cloth, he did not know how to preach. Infact, a year or two later, I myself wrote one or two sermons for him, working into them certain matters of interest to the colony. During theearlier part of the siege of Paris, however, the reading of my father'sletters and my own from the pulpit at the close of the usual service savedthe colony's pastor from the trouble of composing a bad sermon, or ofpicking out an indifferent one from some forgotten theological work. Myfather, on arriving at Saint Servan, secluded himself as far as possible, so as to rest awhile before proceeding to England; but I went about muchas usual; and my letters read from the pulpit, and sundry other matters, having made me a kind of "public character, " I was at once pounced upon inthe streets, carried off to the club and to private houses, and therequestioned and cross-questioned by a dozen or twenty Crimean and Indianveteran officers who were following the progress of the war with apassionate interest. 

A year or two previously, moreover, my stepmother had formed a closefriendship with one of the chief French families of the town. The father, a retired officer of the French naval service, was to have commanded alocal Marching Battalion, but he unfortunately sickened and died, leavinghis wife with one daughter, a beautiful girl who was of about my own age. Now, this family had been joined by the wife's parents, an elderly couple, who, on the approach of the Germans to Paris, had quitted the suburb wherethey resided. I was often with these friends at Saint Servan, and onarriving there from Paris, our conversation naturally turned on the war. As the old gentleman's house in the environs of the capital was wellwithin the French lines, he had not much reason to fear for its safety, and, moreover, he had taken the precaution to remove his valuables intothe city. But he was sorely perturbed by all the conflicting newsrespecting the military operations in the provinces, the reportedvictories which turned out to be defeats, the adverse rumours concerningthe condition of the French forces, the alleged scandal of the Camp ofConlie, where the more recent Breton levies were said to be dying off likerotten sheep, and many other matters besides. Every evening when I calledon these friends the conversation was the same. The ladies, thegrandmother, the daughter, and the granddaughter, sat there makinggarments for the soldiers or preparing lint for the wounded--those beingthe constant occupations of the women of Brittany during all the hoursthey could spare from their household duties--and meanwhile the oldgentleman discussed with me both the true and the spurious news of theday. The result of those conversations was that, as soon as my fatherhad betaken himself to England, I resolved to go to the front myself, ascertain as much of the truth as I could, and become, indeed, awar-correspondent on "my own. " In forming that decision I was influenced, moreover, by one of those youthful dreams which life seldom, if ever, fulfils. 

IX

THE WAR IN THE PROVINCES

First Efforts of the National Defence Delegates--La Motte-Rouge and hisDyed Hair--The German Advance South of Paris--Moltke and King William--Bourges, the German Objective--Characteristics of Beauce, Perche, andSologne--French Evacuation of Orleans--Gambetta arrives at Tours--HisCoadjutor, Charles Louis de Saulces de Freycinet--Total Forces of theNational Defence on Gambetta's Arrival--D'Aurelle de Paladines supersedesLa Motte-Rouge--The Affair of Châteaudun--Cambriels--Garibaldi--JessieWhite Mario--Edward Vizetelly--Catholic Hatred of Garibaldi--The Germansat Dijon--The projected Relief of Paris--Trochu's Errors and Ducrot'sSchemes--The French Victory of Coulmiers--Change of Plan in Paris--MyNewspaper Work--My Brother Adrian Vizetelly--The General Position. 

When I reached Brittany, coming from Paris, early in the second fortnightof November, the Provincial Delegation of the Government of NationalDefence was able to meet the Germans with very considerable forces. Butsuch had not been the case immediately after Sedan. As I pointed outpreviously--quite apart from the flower of the old Imperial Army, whichwas beleaguered around Metz--a force far too large for mere purposes ofdefence was confined within the lines with which the Germans investedParis. In the provinces, the number of troops ready to take the field wasvery small indeed. Old Crémieux, the Minister of Justice, was sent out ofParis already on September 12, and took with him a certain General Lefort, who was to attend to matters of military organization in the provinces. But little or no confidence was placed in the resources there. Themilitary members of the National Defence Government--General Trochu, itsPresident, and General Le Flò, its Minister of War, had not the slightestidea that provincial France might be capable of a great effort. Theyrelied chiefly on the imprisoned army of Paris, as is shown by all theirdespatches and subsequent apologies. However, Glais-Bizoin followedCrémieux to Tours, where it had been arranged that the GovernmentDelegation should instal itself, and he was accompanied by AdmiralFourichon, the Minister of Marine. On reaching the Loire region, the newauthorities found a few battalions of Mobile Guards, ill-armed andill-equipped, a battalion of sharpshooters previously brought fromAlgeria, one or two batteries of artillery, and a cavalry division of fourregiments commanded by General Reyau. This division had been gatheredtogether in the final days of the Empire, and was to have been sent toMezieres, to assist MacMahon in his effort to succour Bazaine; but onfailing to get there, it had made just a few vain attempts to check theGermans in their advance on Paris, and had then fallen back to the southof the capital. 

General Lefort's first task was to collect the necessary elements for anadditional army corps--the 15th--and he summoned to his assistance theveteran General de la Motte-Rouge, previously a very capable officer, butnow almost a septuagenarian, whose particular fad it was to dye his hair, and thereby endeavour to make himself look no more than fifty. No doubt, hi the seventeenth century, the famous Prince de Condé with the eagleglance took a score of wigs with him when he started on a campaign; buteven such a practice as that is not suited to modern conditions ofwarfare, though be it admitted that it takes less time to change one's wigthan to have one's hair dyed. The latter practice may, of course, help aman to cut a fine figure on parade, but it is of no utility in the field. In a controversy which arose after the publication of Zola's novel "LaDébâole, " there was a conflict of evidence as to whether the cheeks ofNapoleon III were or were not rouged in order to conceal his ghastlypallor on the fatal day of Sedan. That may always remain a moot point; butit is, I think, certain that during the last two years of his rule hismoustache and "imperial" were dyed. 

But let me return to the National Defence. Paris, as I formerly mentioned, was invested on September 19. On the 22nd a Bavarian force occupied thevillage of Longjumeau, referred to in my account of my journey toVersailles. A couple of days later, the Fourth Division of German cavalry, commanded by Prince Albert (the elder) of Prussia, started southwardthrough the departments of Eure-et-Loir and Loiret, going towards Artenayin the direction of Orleans. This division, which met at first with littleopposition, belonged to a force which was detached from the main armyof the Crown Prince of Prussia, and placed under the command of theGrand-Duke Frederick Francis of Mecklenburg-Schwerin. Near this"Armée-Abtheilung, " as the Germans called it, was the first Bavarian armycorps, which had fought at Bazeilles on the day of Sedan. It was commandedby General von und zu der Tann-Rathsamhausen, commonly called Von derTann, _tout court_. 

As Prince Albert of Prussia, on drawing near to Artenay, found a good manyFrench soldiers, both regulars and irregulars, that is Francs-tireurs, located in the district, he deemed it best to retire on Toury andPithiviers. But his appearance so far south had sufficed to alarm theFrench commander at Orleans, General de Polhès, who at once, ordered hismen to evacuate the city and retire, partly on Blois, and partly on LaMotte-Beuvron. This pusillanimity incensed the Delegates of the NationalDefence, and Polhès was momentarily superseded by General Reyau, and later(October 5) by La Motte-Rouge. 

It is known, nowadays, that the Germans were at first perplexed as to thebest course to pursue after they had completed the investment of Paris. Moltke had not anticipated a long siege of the French capital. He hadimagined that the city would speedily surrender, and that the war wouldthen come to an end. Fully acquainted with the tract of country lyingbetween the Rhine and Paris, he had much less knowledge of other parts ofFrance; and, moreover, although he had long known how many men could beplaced in the field by the military organisation of the Empire, heundoubtedly underestimated the further resources of the French, and didnot anticipate any vigorous provincial resistance. His sovereign, KingWilliam, formed a more correct estimate respecting the prolongation of thestruggle, and, as was mentioned by me in my previous book--"RepublicanFrance"--he more than once rectified the mistakes which were made by thegreat German strategist. 

The invader's objective with respect to central France was Bourges, theold capital of Berry, renowned for its ordnance and ammunition works, and, in the days when the troops of our Henry V overran France, the scene ofCharles VII's retirement, before he was inspirited either by Agnes Sorelor by Joan of Arc. To enable an army coming from the direction of Paris toseize Bourges, it is in the first instance necessary--as a reference toany map of France will show--to secure possession of Orleans, which issituated at the most northern point, the apex, so to say, of the course ofthe Loire, and is only about sixty-eight miles from Paris. At the sametime it is advisable that any advance upon Orleans should be covered, westward, by a corresponding advance on Chartres, and thence onChâteaudun. This became the German plan, and whilst a force under Generalvon Wittich marched on Chartres, Von der Tann's men approached Orleansthrough the Beauce region. 

From the forest of Dourdan on the north to the Loire on the south, andfrom the Chartres region on the west to the Gatinais on the east, thisgreat grain-growing plateau (the scene of Zola's famous novel "La Terre")is almost level. Although its soil is very fertile there are fewwatercourses in Beauce, none of them, moreover, being of a nature toimpede the march of an army. The roads are lined with stunted elms, andhere and there a small copse, a straggling farm, a little village, may beseen, together with many a row of stacks, the whole forming in late autumnand in winter--when hurricanes, rain, and snow-storms sweep across thegreat expanse--as dreary a picture as the most melancholy-mindedindividual could desire. Whilst there is no natural obstacle to impede theadvance of an invader, there is also no cover for purposes of defence. Allthe way from Chartres to Orleans the high-road is not once intersected bya river. Nearly all of the few streams which exist thereabouts run fromsouth to north, and they supply no means of defence against an army comingfrom the direction of Paris. The region is one better suited for theemployment of cavalry and artillery than for that of foot-soldiers. 

The Chartres country is better watered than Beaude. Westward, in bothof the districts of Perche, going either towards Mortagne or towardsNogent-le-Rotrou, the country is more hilly and more wooded; and hedges, ditches, and dingle paths abound there. In such districts infantry canwell be employed for defensive purposes. Beyond the Loir--not the Loire--S. S. W. Of Chartres, is the Pays Dunois, that is the district ofChâteaudun, a little town protected on the north and the west by the Loirand the Conie, and by the hills between which those rivers flow, but opento any attack on the east, from which direction, indeed, the Germansnaturally approached it. 

Beyond the Loire, to the south-east of Beauce and Orleans, lies thesheep-breeding region called Sologne, which the Germans would have had tocross had they prosecuted their intended march on Bourges. Here cavalryand artillery are of little use, the country abounding in streams, ponds, and marshes. Quite apart, however, from natural obstacles, no advance onBourges could well be prosecuted so long as the French held Orleans; andeven when that city had fallen into the hands of the Germans, the presenceof large French forces on the west compelled the invaders to carryhostilities in that direction and abandon their projected march southward. Thus the campaign in which I became interested was carried on principallyin the departments of Eure-et-Loir, Loiret, Loir-et-Cher, and Sarthe, toterminate, at last, in Mayenne. 

Great indiscipline prevailed among the troops whom La Motte-Rouge hadunder his orders. An attack by Von der Tann to the north of Orleans onOctober 10, led to the retreat of a part of the French forces. On thefollowing day, when the French had from 12, 000 to 13, 000 men engaged, theywere badly defeated, some 1800 of their men being put _hors de combat_, and as many being taken prisoners. This reverse, which was due partly tosome mistakes made by La Motte-Rouge, and partly to the inferior qualityof his troops, led to the immediate evacuation of Orleans. Now, it wasprecisely at this moment that Gambetta appeared upon the scene. He hadleft Paris, it will be remembered, on October 7; on the 8th he was atRouen, on the 9th he joined the other Government delegates at Tours, andon the 10th--the eve of La Motte-Rouge's defeat--he became Minister of Waras well as Minister of the Interior. 

Previously the portfolio for war had been held in the provinces by AdmiralFourichon, with General Lefort as his assistant; but Fourichon hadresigned in connexion with a Communalist rising which had taken place atLyons towards the end of September, when the Prefect, Challemel-Lacour, was momentarily made a prisoner by the insurgents, but was afterwardsreleased by some loyal National Guards. [See my book, "The Anarchists:Their Faith and their Record, " John Lane, 1911. ] Complaining that GeneralMazure, commander of the garrison, had not done his duty on this occasion, Challemel-Lacour caused him to be arrested, and Fourichon, siding with thegeneral, thereupon resigned the War Ministry, Crémieux taking it overuntil Gambetta's arrival. It may well be asked how one could expect themilitary affairs of France to prosper when they were subordinated to suchwretched squabbles. 

Among the men whom Gambetta found at Tours, was an engineer, who, after the Revolution of September 4, had been appointed Prefect ofTarn-et-Garonne, but who, coming into conflict with the extremists ofMontauban, much as Challemel-Lacour had come into conflict with those ofLyons, had promptly resigned his functions. His name was Charles Louis deSaulces de Freycinet, and, though he was born at Foix near the Pyrenees, he belonged to an ancient family of Dauphiné. At this period (October, 1870), Freycinet had nearly completed his forty-second year. Afterqualifying as an engineer at the Ecole Polytechnique, he had held variousposts at Mont-de-Marsan, Chartres, and Bordeaux, before securing in 1864the position of traffic-manager to the Chemin de Fer du Midi. Subsequentlyhe was entrusted with various missions abroad, and in 1869 the Instituteof France crowned a little work of his on the employment of women andchildren in English factories. Mining engineering was his speciality, buthe was extremely versatile and resourceful, and immediately attracted thenotice of Gambetta. Let it be said to the latter's credit that in thathour of crisis he cast all prejudices aside. He cared nothing for theantecedents of any man who was willing to cooperate in the defence ofFrance; and thus, although Freycinet came of an ancient-aristocratichouse, and had made his way under the Empire, which had created him firsta chevalier and then an officer of the Legion of Honour, Gambetta at onceselected him to act as his chef-de-cabinet, and delegate in militaryaffairs. 

At this moment the National Defence had in or ready for the field only40, 000 regular infantry, a like number of Mobile Guards, from 5000 to 6000cavalry, and about 100 guns, some of antiquated models and with very fewmen to serve them. There were certainly a good many men at variousregimental dépôts, together with Mobile Guards and National Guards in allthe uninvaded provinces of France; but all these had to be drilled, equipped, and armed. That was the first part of the great task which laybefore Gambetta and Freycinet. Within a month, however--leaving aside whatwas done in other parts of the country--France had on the Loire alone anarmy of 100, 000 men, who for a moment, at all events, turned the tide ofwar. At the same time I would add that, before Gambetta's arrival on thescene, the National Defence Delegates had begun to concentrate some smallbodies of troops both in Normandy and in Picardy and Artois, the latterforming the first nucleus of the Army of the North which Faidherbeafterwards commanded. Further, in the east of France there was a forceunder General Cambriels, whose object was to cut the German communicationsin the Vosges. 

Von der Tann, having defeated La Motte-Rouge, occupied Orleans, whilst theFrench withdrew across the Loire to La Motte-Beuvron and Gien, south andsouth-east of their former position. Gambetta had to take actionimmediately. He did so by removing La Motte-Rouge from his command, whichhe gave to D'Aurelle de Paladines. The latter, a general on the reservelist, with a distinguished record, was in his sixty-sixth year, havingbeen born at Languedoc in 1804. He had abilities as an organiser, and wasknown to be a disciplinarian, but he was growing old, and lookedconfidence both in himself and in his men. At the moment of D'Aurelle'sappointment, Von der Tann wished to advance on Bourges, in accordance withMoltke's instructions, and, in doing so, he proposed to evacuate Orleans;but this was forbidden by King William and the Crown Prince, and in theresult the Bavarian general suffered a repulse at Salbris, which checkedhis advance southward. Still covering Bourges and Vierzon, D'Aurelle soonhad 60, 000 men under his orders, thanks to the efforts of Gambetta andFreyeinet. But the enemy were now making progress to the west of Orleans, in which direction the tragic affair of Châteaudun occurred on October 18. The German column operating on that side under General von Wittich, consisted of 6000 infantry, four batteries, and a cavalry regiment, whichadvanced on Châteaudun from the east, and, on being resisted by thevillagers of Varize and Civry, shot them down without mercy, and set alltheir houses (about 130 in number) on fire. Nevertheless, that punishmentdid not deter the National Guards of Châteaudun, and the Francs-tireurswho had joined them, from offering the most strenuous opposition to theinvaders, though the latter's numerical superiority alone was as sevento one. The fierce fight was followed by terrible scenes. Most of theFrancs-tireurs, who had not fallen in the engagement, effected a retreat, and on discovering this, the infuriated Germans, to whom the mere name ofFranc-tireur was as a red rag to a bull, did not scruple to shoot down anumber of non-combatants, including women and children. 

I remember the excitement which the news of the Châteaudun affairoccasioned in besieged Paris; and when I left the capital a few weekslater I heard it constantly spoken of. In vain did the Germans strive togloss over the truth. The proofs were too numerous and the reality was toodreadful. Two hundred and thirty-five of the devoted little town's houseswere committed to the flames. For the first time in the whole course ofthe war women were deliberately assaulted, and a couple of German Princesdisgraced their exalted station in a drunken and incendiary orgie. 

Meantime, in the east of France, Cambriels had failed in his attempt tocut the German communications, and had been compelled to beat a retreat. It must be said for him that his troops were a very sorry lot, who couldnot be depended upon. Not only were they badly disciplined and addicted todrunkenness, but they took to marauding and pillage, and were in no degreea match for the men whom the German General von Werder led against them. Garibaldi, the Italian Liberator, had offered his sword to France, soonafter the fall of the Second Empire. On October 8--that is, a day beforeGambetta--he arrived at Tours, to arrange for a command, like that ofCambriels, in the east of France. The little Army of the Vosges, which waseventually constituted under his orders, was made up of very heterogeneouselements. Italians, Switzers, Poles, Hungarians, Englishmen, as well asFrenchmen, were to be found in its ranks. The general could not be calleda very old man, being indeed only sixty-three years of age, but he had ledan eventful and arduous life; and, as will be remembered, ever since theaffair of Aspromonte in 1862, he had been lame, and had gradually becomemore and more infirm. He had with him, however, two of his sons, Menottiand Ricoiotti (the second a more competent soldier than the first), and several, able men, such as his compatriot Lobbia, and the Pole, Bosak-Hauké. His chief of staff, Bordone, previously a navy doctor, was, however, a very fussy individual who imagined himself to be a militarygenius. Among the Englishmen with Garibaldi were Robert Middleton and mybrother Edward Vizetelly; and there was an Englishwoman, Jessie WhiteMario, daughter of White the boat-builder of Cowes, and widow of Mario, Garibaldi's companion in arms in the glorious Liberation days. My brotheroften told me that Mme. Mario was equally at home in an ambulance or in acharge, for she was an excellent nurse and an admirable horsewoman as wellas a good shot. She is one of the women of whom I think when I hear orread that the members of the completing sex cannot fight. But that ofcourse is merely the opinion of some medical and newspaper men. 

Mme. Mario contributed a certain number of articles to the _Daily News_. So did my brother--it was indeed as _Daily News_ correspondent that hefirst joined Garibaldi's forces--but he speedily became an orderly to thegeneral, and later a captain on the staff. He was at the battles of Dijonand Autun, and served under Lobbia in the relief of Langres. Some Frenchhistorians of these later days have written so slightingly of the littleArmy of the Vosges, that I am sorry my brother did not leave any permanentrecord of his experiences. Garibaldi's task was no easy one. In the firstinstance, the National Defence hesitated to employ him; secondly, theywished to subordinate him to Cambriels, and he declined to take any suchposition; not that he objected to serve under any superior commanderwho would treat him fairly, but because he, Garibaldi, was a freethinker, and knew that he was bitterly detested by the fervently Catholic generals, such as Cambriels. As it happened, he secured an independent command. Butin exercising it he had to co-operate with Cambriels in various ways, andin later years my brother told me how shamefully Cambriels acted more thanonce towards the Garibaldian force. It was indeed a repetition of what hadoccurred at the very outset of the war, when such intense jealousy hadexisted among certain marshals and generals that one had preferred to letanother be defeated rather than march "at the sound of the guns" to hisassistance. 

I also remember my brother telling me that when Langres (which is in theHaute Marne, west of the Aube and the Côte d'Or) was relieved by Lobbia'scolumn, the commander of the garrison refused at first to let theGaribaldians enter the town. He was prepared to surrender to the Germans, if necessary; but the thought that he, a devout Catholic, should owe anyassistance to such a band of unbelieving brigands as the Garibaldianenemies of the Pope was absolutely odious to him. Fortunately, this kindof feeling did not show itself in western France. There was, at onemoment, some little difficulty respecting the position of Cathélineau, thedescendant of the famous Vendéen leader, but, on the whole, Catholics, Royalists, and Republicans loyally supported one another, fired by acommon patriotism. 

The failure of Cambriel's attempts to cut the German communications, andthe relatively small importance of the Garibaldian force, inspiredGambetta with the idea of forming a large Army of the East which, withLangres, Belfort, and Besançon as its bases, would vigorously assume theoffensive in that part of France. Moltke, however, had already sentGeneral von Werder orders to pursue the retreating Cambriels. Variousengagements, late in October, were followed by a German march on Dijon. There were at this time 12, 000 or 13, 000 Mobile Guards in the Côte d'Or, but no general in command of them. Authority was exercised by a civilian, Dr. Lavalle. The forces assembled at Dijon and Beaune amounted, inclusiveof regulars and National Guards, to about 20, 000 men, but they were verybadly equipped and armed, and their officers were few in number and ofvery indifferent ability. Werder came down on Dijon in a somewhathesitating way, like a man who is not sure of his ground or of thestrength of the enemy in front of him. But the French were alarmed by hisapproach, and on October 30 Dijon was evacuated, and soon afterwardsoccupied by Werder with two brigades. 

Three days previously Metz had surrendered, and France was reeling underthe unexpected blow in spite of all the ardent proclamations with whichGambetta strove to impart hope and stimulate patriotism. Bazaine'scapitulation naturally implied the release of the forces under PrinceFrederick Charles, by which he had been invested, and their transfer toother parts of France for a more vigorous prosecution of the invasion. Werder, after occupying Dijon, was to have gone westward through theNivernais in order to assist other forces in the designs on Bourges. Butsome days before Metz actually fell, Moltke sent him differentinstructions, setting forth that he was to take no further account ofBourges, but to hold Dijon, and concentrate at Vesoul, keeping a watch onLangres and Besançon. For a moment, however, 3600 French under an officernamed Fauconnet suddenly recaptured Dijon, though there were more than10, 000 Badeners installed there under General von Beyer. UnfortunatelyFauconnet was killed in the affair, a fresh evacuation of the Burgundiancapital ensued, and the Germans then remained in possession of the cityfor more than a couple of months. 

In the west the army of the Loire was being steadily increased andconsolidated, thanks to the untiring efforts of Gambetta, Freycinet, and D'Aurelle, the last of whom certainly contributed largely to theorganization of the force, though he was little inclined to quit his linesand assume the offensive. It was undoubtedly on this army that Gambettabased his principal hopes. The task assigned to it was greater than thoseallotted to any of the other armies which were gradually assumingshape--being, indeed, the relief of beleaguered Paris. 

Trochu's own memoirs show that at the outset of the siege his one thoughtwas to remain on the defensive. In this connexion it is held, nowadays, that he misjudged the German temperament, that remembering the vigorousattempts of the Allies on Sebastopol--he was, as we know, in the Crimea, at the time--he imagined that the Germans would make similarly vigorousattempts on Paris. He did not expect a long and so to say passive siege, amere blockade during which the investing army would simply content itselfwith repulsing the efforts of the besieged to break through its lines. Heknew that the Germans had behaved differently in the case of Strasbourgand some other eastern strongholds, and anticipated a similar line ofaction with respect to the French capital. But the Germans preferred tofollow a waiting policy towards both Metz and Paris. It has been said thatthis was less the idea of Moltke than that of Bismarck, whose famousphrase about letting the Parisians stew in their own juice will beremembered. But one should also recollect that both Metz and Paris weredefended by great forces, and that there was little likelihood of any_coup de main_ succeeding; whilst, as for bombardment, though it mighthave some moral, it would probably have very little material effect. Metzwas not really bombarded, and the attempt to bombard Paris was deferredfor several months. When it at last took place a certain number ofbuildings were damaged, 100 persons were killed and 200 persons wounded--amaterial effect which can only be described as absolutely trivial in thecase of so great and so populous a city. 

Trochu's idea to remain merely on the defensive did not appeal to hiscoadjutor General Ducrot. The latter had wished to break through theGerman lines on the day of Sedan, and he now wished to break through themround Paris. Various schemes occurred to him. One was to make a sortie inthe direction of Le Bourget and the plain of Saint Denis, but it seemeduseless to attempt to break out on the north, as the Germans held Laon, Soissons, La Fère, and Amiens. There was also an idea of making an attempton the south, in the direction of Villejuif, but everything seemed toindicate that the Germans were extremely strong on this side of the cityand occupied no little of the surrounding country. The question of asortie on the east, across the Marne, was also mooted and dismissed forvarious reasons; the idea finally adopted being to break out by way ofthe Gennevilliers peninsula formed by the course of the Seine on thenorth-west, and then (the heights of Cormeil having been secured) to crossthe Oise, and afterwards march on Rouen, where it would be possible tovictual the army. Moreover, instructions were to be sent into theprovinces in order that both the forces on the Loire and those in thenorth might bear towards Normandy, and there join the army from Paris, insuch wise that there would be a quarter of a million men between Dieppe, Rouen, and Caen. Trochu ended by agreeing to this scheme, and evenentertained a hope that he might be able to revictual Paris by way of theSeine, for which purpose a flotilla of boats was prepared. Ducrot and heexpected to be ready by November 15 or 20, but it is said that they werehampered in their preparations by the objections raised by Guiod andChabaud-Latour, the former an engineer, and the latter an artillerygeneral. Moreover, the course of events in the provinces suddenly caused acomplete reversal of Ducrot's plans. 

On November 9, D'Aurelle de Paladines defeated Von der Tann at Coulmiers, west of Orleans. The young French troops behaved extremely well, but thevictory not being followed up with sufficient vigour by D'Aurelle, remained somewhat incomplete, though it constrained the Germans toevacuate Orleans. On the whole this was the first considerable successachieved by the French since the beginning of the war, and it did much torevive the spirits which had been drooping since the fall of Metz. Anotherof its results was to change Ducrot's plans respecting the Paris sortie. He and Trochu had hitherto taken little account of the provincial armies, and the success of Coulmiers came to them as a surprise and a revelation. There really was an army of the Loire, then, and it was advancing on Parisfrom Orleans. The Parisian forces must therefore break out on thesouth-east and join hands with this army of relief in or near the forestof Fontainebleau. Thus, all the preparations for a sortie by way ofGennevilliers were abandoned, and followed by others for an attempt in thedirection of Champigny. 

Such was roughly the position at the time when I reached Brittany andconceived the idea of joining the French forces on the Loire andforwarding some account of their operations to England. During my stay inParis with my father I had assisted him in preparing several articles, andhad written others on my own account. My eldest brother, Adrian Vizetelly, was at this time assistant-secretary at the Institution of NavalArchitects. He had been a student at the Royal School of NavalArchitecture with the Whites, Elgars, Yarrows, Turnbulls, and other famousshipbuilders, and on quitting it had taken the assistant-secretaryship inquestion as an occupation pending some suitable vacancy in the Governmentservice or some large private yard. The famous naval constructor, E. J. Reed, had started in life in precisely the same post, and it was, indeed, at his personal suggestion that my brother took it. A year or two later heand his friend Dr. Francis Elgar, subsequently Director of Dockyards andone of the heads of the Fairfield Shipbuilding Company, were assistingReed to run his review _Naval Science_. At the time of the Franco-Germanwar, however, my brother, then in his twenty-sixth year, was writing onnaval subjects for the _Daily News_ and the _Pall Mall Gazette, _ editedrespectively by John Robinson and Frederick Greenwood. A few articleswritten by me during my siege days were sent direct to the latter byballoon-post, but I knew not what their fate might be. The _Pall Mall_might be unable to use them, and there was no possibility of their beingreturned to me in Paris. My father, whom I assisted in preparing a varietyof articles, suggested that everything of this kind--that is, work notintended for the _Illustrated London News_--should be sent to my brotherfor him to deal with as opportunity offered. He placed a few articles with_The Times_--notably some rather long ones on the fortifications andarmament of Paris, whilst others went to the _Daily News_ and the _PallMall_. 

When, after coming out of Paris, I arrived in Brittany, I heard thatvirtually everything sent from the capital by my father or myself had beenused in one or another paper, and was not a little pleased to receive adraft on a Saint Malo banking-house for my share of the proceeds. Thismoney enabled me to proceed, in the first instance, in the direction of LeMans, which the Germans were already threatening. Before referring, however, to my own experiences I must say something further respecting thegeneral position. The battle of Coulmiers (November 9) was followed by aperiod of inaction on the part of the Loire Army. Had D'Aurelle pursuedVon der Tann he might have turned his barren victory to good account. Buthe had not much confidence in his troops, and the weather was bad--sleetand snow falling continually. Moreover, the French commander believed thatthe Bavarian retreat concealed a trap. At a conference held between him, Gambetta, Freyoinet, and the generals at the head of the various armycorps, only one of the latter---Chanzy--favoured an immediate march onParis. Borel, who was chief of D'Aurelle's staff, proposed to confineoperations to an advance on Chartres, which would certainly have been agood position to occupy, for it would have brought the army nearer to thecapital, giving it two railway lines, those of Le Mans and Granville, forrevictualling purposes, and enabling it to retreat on Brittany in theevent of any serious reverse. But no advance at all was made. The Germanswere allowed all necessary time to increase their forces, the Frenchremaining inactive within D'Aurelle's lines, and their _morale_ steadilydeclining by reason of the hardships to which they were subjected. Thegeneral-in-chief refused to billet them in the villages--for fear, saidhe, of indiscipline--and compelled them to bivouack, under canvas, in themud; seldom, moreover, allowing any fires to be kindled. For a score ofdays did this state of affairs continue, and the effect of it was seen atthe battle of Beaune-la-Rolande. 

The responsibility for the treatment of the troops rests on D'Aurelle'smemory and that of some of his fellow-generals. Meantime, Gambetta andFreycinet were exerting themselves to improve the situation generally. They realized that the release of Prince Frederick Charles's forces fromthe investment of Metz necessitated the reinforcement of the Army of theLoire, and they took steps accordingly. Cambriels had now been replaced ineastern France by a certain General Michel, who lost his head and wassuperseded by his comrade Crouzat. The last-named had with him 30, 000 menand 40 guns to contend against the 21, 000 men and the 70 guns of Werder'sarmy. In order to strengthen the Loire forces, however, half of Crouzat'smen and he himself received orders to approach Orleans by way of Neversand Gien, the remainder of his army being instructed to retire on Lyons, in order to quiet the agitation prevailing in that city, which regardeditself as defenceless and complained bitterly thereof, although there wasno likelihood at all of a German attack for at least some time to come. 

The new arrangements left Garibaldi chief commander in eastern France, though the forces directly under his orders did not at this time exceed5000 men, and included, moreover, no fewer than sixty petty free-corps, who cared little for discipline. [There were women in several of thesecompanies, one of the latter including no fewer than eighteen amazons. ]A month or two previously the advent of from twenty to thirty thousandItalian volunteers had been confidently prophesied, but very few of thesecame forward. Nevertheless, Ricciotti Garibaldi (with whom was my brotherEdward) defeated a German force in a sharp engagement at Chatillon-sur-Seine (November 19), and a week later the Garibaldians made a gallantattempt to recapture the city of Dijon. Five thousand men, however, wereof no avail against an army corps; and thus, even if the Garibaldianattack had momentarily succeeded, it would have been impossible to holdDijon against Werder's troops. The attempt having failed, the Germancommander resolved to crush the Army of the Vosges, which fled andscattered, swiftly pursued by a brigade under General von Keller. Greatjealousy prevailed at this moment among the French generals in command ofvarious corps which might have helped the Garibaldians. Bressolles, Crevisier, and Cremer were at loggerheads. On November 30 the last-namedfought an indecisive action at Nuits, followed nearly three weeks later byanother in which he claimed the victory. 

Meantime, Crouzat's force, now known as the 20th Army Corps, had beenmoving on Nevers. To assist the Loire Army yet further, General Bourbakihad been summoned from the north-west of France. At the fall of the Empirethe defence in that part of the country had been entrusted to Fririon, whom Espinet de la Villeboisnet succeeded. The resources at the disposalof both those generals were very limited, confined, indeed, to men of theregimental dépôts and some Mobile Guards. There was a deficiency both ofofficers and of weapons, and in the early skirmishes which took place withthe enemy, the principal combatants were armed peasants, rural firemen, and the National Guards of various towns. It is true that for a while theGerman force consisted only of a battalion of infantry and some Saxoncavalry. Under Anatole de la Forge, Prefect of the Aisne, the open town ofSaint Quentin offered a gallant resistance to the invader, but althoughthis had some moral effect, its importance was not great. Bourbaki, whosucceeded La Villeboisnet in command of the region, was as diffidentrespecting the value of his troops as was D'Aurelle on the Loire. He hadpreviously commanded the very pick of the French army, that is theImperial Guard, and the men now placed under his orders were by no meansof the same class. Bourbaki was at this time only fifty-four years of age, and when, after being sent out of Metz on a mission to the Empress Eugénieat Hastings, he had offered his services to the National Defence, thelatter had given him the best possible welcome. But he became one of thegreat military failures of the period. 

After the fall of Metz the Germans despatched larger forces underManteuffel into north-west France. Altogether there were 35, 000 infantryand 4000 cavalry, with 174 guns, against a French force of 22, 000 men whowere distributed with 60 guns over a front of some thirty miles, theirobject being to protect both Amiens and Rouen. When Bourbaki was summonedto the Loire, he left Farre as chief commander in the north, withFaidherbe and Lecointe as his principal lieutenants. There was badstrategy on both sides, but La Fère capitulated to the Germans on November26, and Amiens on the 29th. 

Meantime, the position in beleaguered Paris was becoming very bad. Someten thousand men, either of the regular or the auxiliary forces, were laidup in hospital, less on account of wounds than of disease. Charcoal--forcooking purposes according to the orthodox French system--was beingstrictly rationed, On November 20 only a certain number of milch cows anda few hundred oxen, reserved for hospital and ambulance patients, remainedof all the bovine live stock collected together before the siege. At theend of November, 500 horses were being slaughtered every day. On the otherhand, the bread allowance had been raised from 750 grammes to a kilogrammeper diem, and a great deal of bread was given to the horses as food. Somewhat uncertain communications had been opened with the provinces bymeans of pigeon-post, the first pigeon to bring despatches into the cityarriving there on November 15. The despatches, photographed on thesmallest possible scale, were usually enclosed in quills fastened underone or another of the birds' wings. Each balloon that left the city nowtook with it a certain number of carrier-pigeons for this service. Owing, however, to the bitter cold which prevailed that winter, many of the birdsperished on the return journey, and thus the despatches they carried didnot reach Paris. Whenever any such communications arrived there, they hadto be enlarged by means of a magic-lantern contrivance, in order that theymight be deciphered. Meantime, the aeronauts leaving the city conveyedGovernment despatches as well as private correspondence, and in this wiseTrochu was able to inform Gambetta that the army of Paris intended to makea great effort on November 29. 

X

WITH THE "ARMY OF BRITTANY"

The German Advance Westward--Gambetta at Le Mans--The "Army of Brittany"and Count de Kératry--The Camp of Conlie--The Breton Marching Division--Kératry resigns--The Champigny Sortie from Paris--The dilatory D'Aurelle--The pitiable 20th Army Corps--Battles of Beaune-la-Rolande and Loigny--Loss of Orleans--D'Aurelle superseded by Chanzy--Chanzy's Slow Retreat--The 21st Corps summoned to the Front--I march with the Breton Division--Marchenoir and Fréteval--Our Retreat--Our Rearguard Action at Droué--Behaviour of the Inhabitants--We fight our Way from Fontenelle to SaintAgil--Guns and Quagmires--Our Return to Le Mans--I proceed to Bennes andSaint Malo. 

After the Châteaudun affair the Germans secured possession of Chartres, whence they proceeded to raid the department of the Eure. Going by way ofNogent-le-Roi and Châteauneuf-en-Thimerais, they seized the oldecclesiastical town of Evreux on November 19, whereupon the French hastilyretreated into the Orne. Some minor engagements followed, all to theadvantage of the Germans, who on the 22nd attacked and occupied theancient and strategically important town of Nogent-le-Rotrou--the lordshipof which, just prior to the great Revolution, belonged to the family ofthe famous Count D'Orsay, the lover of Lady Blessington and the friend ofNapoleon III. The occupation of Nogent brought the Germans to a favourablepoint on the direct railway-line between Paris and Le Mans, the capital ofMaine. The region had been occupied by a somewhat skeleton French armycorps--the 21st--commanded by a certain General Fiereck. On the loss ofNogent, Gambetta immediately replaced him by one of the many navalofficers who were now with the French armies, that is Post-Captain (laterAdmiral) Constant Jaurès, uncle of the famous Socialist leader of morerecent times. Jaurès at once decided to retreat on Le Mans, a distance ofrather more than a hundred miles, and this was effected within two days, but under lamentable circumstances. Thousands of starving men deserted, and others were only kept with the columns by the employment of cavalryand the threat of turning the artillery upon them. 

Directly Gambetta heard of the state of affairs, he hastened to Le Mans toprovide for the defence of that extremely important point, where no fewerthan five great railway lines converged, those of Paris, Alençon, Rennes, Angers, and Tours. The troops commanded by Jaurès were in a verydeplorable condition, and it was absolutely necessary to strengthen them. It so happened that a large body of men was assembled at Conlie, sixteenor seventeen miles away. They formed what was called the "Army ofBrittany, " and were commanded by Count Emile de Kératry, the son of adistinguished politician and literary man who escaped the guillotineduring the Reign of Terror. The Count himself had sat in the LegislativeBody of the Second Empire, but had begun life as a soldier, serving bothin the Crimea and in Mexico, in which latter country he had acted as oneof Bazaine's orderly officers. At the Revolution Kératry was appointedPrefect of Police, but on October 14 he left Paris by balloon, beingentrusted by Trochu and Jules Favre with a mission to Prim, in the hopethat he might secure Spanish support for France. Prim and his colleaguesrefused to intervene, however, and Kératry then hastened to Tours, wherehe placed himself at the disposal of Gambetta, with whom he was on termsof close friendship. It was arranged between them that Kératry shouldgather together all the available men who were left in Brittany, and trainand organize them, for which purposes a camp was established at Conlie, north-west of Le Mans. 

Conlie was the first place which I decided to visit on quitting SaintServan. The most appalling rumours were current throughout Brittanyrespecting the new camp. It was said to be grossly mismanaged and to be ahotbed of disease. I visited it, collected a quantity of information, andprepared an article which was printed by the _Daily News_ and attractedconsiderable attention, being quoted by several other London papers andtaken in two instances as the text for leading articles. So far as thecamp's defences and the arming of the men assembled within it wereconcerned, my strictures were fully justified, but certain officialdocuments, subsequently published, indicate that I was in error on somepoints. The whole question having given rise to a good deal of controversyamong writers on the Franco-German War--some of them regarding Conlie as aflagrant proof of Gambetta's mismanagement of military affairs--I willhere set down what I believe to be strictly the truth respecting it. 

The camp was established near the site of an old Roman one, locatedbetween Conlie and Domfront, the principal part occupying some risingground in the centre of an extensive valley. It was intended to be atraining camp rather than an entrenched and fortified one, though aredoubt was erected on the south, and some works were begun on thenorthern and the north-eastern sides. When the Grand Duke of Mecklenburgreached Conlie after the battle of Le Mans, he expressed his surprise thatthe French had not fortified so good a position more seriously, anddefended it with vigour. Both the railway line and the high-road betweenLaval and Le Mans were near at hand, and only a few miles away there wasthe old town of Sillé-le-Guillaume, one of the chief grain and cattlemarkets of the region. There was considerable forest-land in the vicinity, and wood was abundant. But there was no watercourse, and the wells of thevarious adjacent little farms yielded but a very inadequate supply ofwater for a camp in which at one moment some 40, 000 men were assembled. Thus, at the outset, the camp lacked one great essential, and such was thecase when I visited it in November. But I am bound to add that a sourcewas soon afterwards found in the very centre of the camp, and tapped sosuccessfully by means of a steam-pumping arrangement that it ended byyielding over 300, 000 litres of water per diem. The critics of the camphave said that the spot was very damp and muddy, and therefore necessarilyunhealthy, and there is truth in that assertion; but the same might beremarked of all the camps of the period, notably that of D'Aurelle dePaladines in front of Orleans. Moreover, when a week's snow was followedby a fortnight's thaw, matters could scarcely be different. [From first tolast (November 12 to January 7) 1942 cases of illness were treated in thefive ambulances of the camp. Among them were 264 cases of small-pox. Therewere a great many instances of bronchitis and kindred affections, but notmany of dysentery. Among the small-pox cases 88 proved fatal. ]

I find on referring to documents of the period that on November 23, theday before Gambetta visited the camp, as I shall presently relate, thetotal effective was 665 officers with 23, 881 men. By December 5 (althougha marching division of about 12, 000 men had then left for the front) theeffective had risen to 1241 officers with about 40, 000 men. [The rationingof the men cost on an average about 7_d. _ per diem. ] There were 40 gunsfor the defence of the camp, and some 50 field-pieces of various types, often, however, without carriages and almost invariably without teams. At no time, I find, were there more than 360 horses and fifty mules in thecamp. There was also a great scarcity of ammunition for the guns. On November 23, the 24, 000 men assembled in the camp had between them thefollowing firearms and ammunition:--

	 _Weapons_ _Cartridges_

 Spencers (without bayonets) .. 5, 000 912, 080 Chassepots .. .. .. .. 2, 080 100, 000 Remingtons .. .. .. .. 2, 000 218, 000 Snyders .. .. .. .. 1, 866 170, 000 Muskets of various types .. .. 9, 684 _Insufficient_ Revolvers .. .. .. .. 500 _Sufficient_				 ______				 21, 130

Such things as guns, gun-carriages, firearms, cartridges, bayonets, and soforth formed the subject of innumerable telegrams and letters exchangedbetween Kératry and the National Defence Delegation at Tours. The formerwas constantly receiving promises from Gambetta, which were seldom kept, supplies at first intended for him being at the last moment sent in otherdirections, according to the more pressing requirements of the hour. Moreover, a good many of the weapons which Kératry actually received weredefective. In the early days of the camp, many of the men were givenstaves--broom-sticks in some instances--for use at drill. 

When Gambetta arrived at Le Mans after Jaurès had retreated thither, helearnt that action had become the more urgent as the Germans were steadilyprosecuting their advance. By orders of the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg, to whose army these forces belonged, the French were followed to LaFerté-Bernard; and whilst one German column then went west towards SaintCosme, another advanced southward to Vibraye, thus seriously threateningLe Mans. Such was the position on November 23. Fortunately, Freycinet wasable to send Jaurès reinforcements which brought his effective to about35, 000 men, and at the same time Gambetta urged Kératry to prepare amarching division of the men at Conlie. Early on the 24th, Gambetta (who, by the way, had travelled from Tours to Le Mans at full speed on a railwayengine) visited the camp, and expressed his approval of all he saw there. I caught a glimpse of him, muffled in his fur coat, and looking, as wellhe might, intensely cold. His orders to Kératry were to proceed to SaintCalais, and thence to the forest of Vibraye, so as to cover Le Mans on theeast. It took fourteen hours and twenty-one trains to convey the marchingdivision to Yvré l'Evêque on the Huisne, just beyond Le Mans. Theeffective of the division was roughly 12, 000 men, nearly all of them beingBreton Mobilisés. The artillery consisted of one battery of 12's, and oneof 4's, with the necessary horses, two batteries of 4's dragged by navalvolunteers, and several Gatling guns, which had only just been delivered. These Gatlings, which at that time were absolutely unknown in France, werenot mounted, but packed in sections in sealed zinc cases, which wereopened in the railway vans on the journey, the guns being there puttogether by a young naval officer and a couple of civilian engineers. Alittle later the artillery of the force was augmented. 

After these troops had taken up position at Yvré, in order to prevent theenemy from crossing the Huisne, various conferences were held betweenGambetta, Jaurès, and Kératry. General Le Bouëdec had been left in commandat Conlie, and General Trinité had been selected to command the marchingdivision of the Bretons. From the very outset, however, Kératry objectedto the plans of Gambetta and Jaurès, and, for the moment, the duties ofthe Bretons were limited to participating in a reconnaissance on asomewhat large scale--two columns of Jaurès' forces, under Generals Colinand Rousseau, joining in this movement, which was directed chiefly onBouloire, midway between Le Mans and Saint Calais on the east. WhenBouloire was reached, however, the Germans who had momentarily occupied ithad retired, and the French thereupon withdrew to their former positionsnear Le Mans. 

Then came trouble. Gambetta placed Kératry under the orders of Jaurès, andKératry would not accept the position. Great jealousy prevailed betweenthese two men; Kératry, who had served ten years in the French Army, claiming that he knew a good deal more about military matters than Jaurès, who, as I previously mentioned, had hitherto been a naval officer. In theend Kératry threw up his command. Le Bouëdec succeeded him at Conlie, andFrigate-Captain Gougeard (afterwards Minister of Marine in Gambetta'sGreat Ministry) took charge of the Bretons at Yvré, where he exertedhimself to bring them to a higher state of efficiency. 

I must now refer to some other matters. Trochu had informed Gambetta ofhis intention to make a sortie on the south-eastern side of Paris. Theplans adopted were mainly those of Ducrot, who took chief command. Adiversion made by Vinoy to the south of the city on November 29 gave theGermans an inkling of what was intended, and proved a fruitless venturewhich cost the French 1000 men. Another diversion attempted by GeneralSusbielle on November 30 led to a similar result, with a loss of 1200 men. Ducrot, however, crossed the Marne, and very desperate fighting ensued atChampigny and neighbouring localities. But Ducrot's force (less than100, 000 men) was insufficient for his purpose. The weather, moreover, wasextremely cold, the men had brought with them neither tents nor blankets, and had to bivouac without fires. According to Trochu's memoirs there wasalso an insufficiency of ammunition. Thus the Champigny sortie failed, and the French retired to their former lines. [From November 30 toDecember 3 the French lost 9482 men; and the Germans 5288 men. ]

At the very moment when the Army of Paris was in full retreat, the secondbattle of Orleans was beginning. Gambetta and Freyoinet wished D'Aurelleto advance with the Loire Army in order to meet the Parisians, who, ifvictorious, were expected to march on Fontainebleau by way of Melun. Inthe latter days of November D'Aurelle was still covering Orleans on thenorth with the 15th and 16th army corps (Generals Martin des Pallieres andChanzy). On his left was the 17th under Durrieu, who, a few days later, was succeeded by a dashing cavalry officer, General de Sonis. Near athand, also, there was the 18th army corps, to command which Bourbaki hadbeen summoned from northern France, his place being taken temporarily byyoung General Billot, who was appointed to be his chief of staff. Theformer Army of the East under Crouzat [This had now become the 20th ArmyCorps. ] was on the southern side of the Loire, somewhere between Gien andNevers, and it was in a very deplorable condition. Boots were wanted for10, 000 men, tents for a like number, and knapsacks for 20, 000. In somebattalions there were only sufficient knapsacks for a quarter of the men, the others carrying their clothes, provisions, and cartridges allhiggledy-piggledy in canvas bags. I once heard an eyewitness relate thatmany of Crouzat's soldiers marched with their biscuits (four days' supply)strung together like chaplets, which hung from their necks or shoulders. 

The Germans had heard of the removal of Crouzat's force to the Loirecountry, and by way of creating a diversion the Grand Duke of Mecklenburgwas ordered to march on Beaugenoy, southwest of Orleans. Meantime, Gambetta and Freyoinet were vainly imploring D'Aurelle to advance. He madeall sorts of excuses. At one moment he offered to consider their plans--not to comply with them; at another he wished to wait for decisive newsfrom Trochu and Ducrot. Finally, instead of the five army corps resolutelyadvancing in the direction of Paris, it was resolved just to open the waywith the 18th (Billot), the 20th (Crouzat), and some detachments of the15th (Martin des Pallieres). The result was the sharp battle and seriousdefeat of Beaune-la-Rolande (November 28), when the 18th corps behavedextremely well, whilst the 20th, to whose deplorable condition I have justreferred, retreated after a little fighting; the men of the 15th on theirside doing little or nothing at all. In this engagement the French, whoseforces ought to have been more concentrated, lost 4000 men in killed andwounded, and 1800 who were taken prisoners; the German loss not exceeding1000 men. Four days later (December 2) came the very serious repulse ofLoigny-Poupry, in which the 15th, 16th, and 17th army corps were engaged. The French then lost from 6000 to 7000 men (2500 of them being takenprisoners), and though the German losses exceeded 4000, the engagementended by quite demoralising D'Aurelle's army. 

Under those conditions came the battle of Orleans on December 3 and 4--theGermans now being under the chief command of that able soldier, PrinceFrederick Charles of Prussia, father of the Duchess of Connaught. On thisoccasion D'Aurelle ordered the corps engaged at Loigny to retreat on hisentrenched camp. The 18th and 20th could not cooperate in this movement, however; and on the three others being driven back, D'Aurelle instructedChanzy to retire on Beaugency and Marchenoir, but sent no orders toBourbaki, who was now on the scene of action. Finally, the commander-in-chief decided to abandon his entrenched camp, the troops disbanded andscattered, and Orleans was evacuated, the flight being so precipitate thattwo of the five bridges across the Loire were left intact, at the enemy'sdisposal. Moreover, the French Army was now dislocated, Bourbaki, with the18th, and Des Pallières, with the 15th corps, being on the south of theriver, whilst the other three corps were on the northern side. The formerretired in the direction of Bourges and Nevers, whilst Chanzy, who was nowplaced in chief command of the others, D'Aurelle being removed from hispost, withdrew gradually towards the forest of Marchenoir. In that secondbattle of Orleans the French lost 20, 000 men, but 18, 000 of them weretaken prisoners. On their side, the Germans (who captured 74 guns) lostfewer than 1800 men. 

For three days (December 8 to 10) Chanzy contested the German advance atVillorceau, but on December 12 Blois had to be evacuated, and the armywithdrew to the line of the Loir in the neighbourhood of Vendôme. Meantime, at the very moment when the fate of Orleans was being sealed, orders reached Jaurès at Le Mans to advance to the support of the LoireArmy. I was lodging at an inn in the town, my means being too slender toenable me to patronize any of the big hotels on the Place des Halles, which, moreover, were crowded with officers, functionaries, and so forth. I had become acquainted with some of the officers of the Breton divisionunder Gougeard, and on hearing that they were going to the front, Imanaged to obtain from Colonel Bernard, Gougeard's chief of staff, permission to accompany the column with one of the ambulance parties. Nowand again during the advance I rode in one of the vans, but for the mostpart I marched with the men, this, moreover, being the preferable course, as the weather was extremely cold. Even had I possessed the means (and atmost I had about £10 in my pocket), I could not have bought a horse at LeMans. I was stoutly clad, having a very warm overcoat of grey Irishfrieze, with good boots, and a pair of gaiters made for me by Nicholas, the Saint Malo bootmaker, younger brother (so he himself asserted) ofNiccolini the tenor, sometime husband of Mme. Patti. 

There were from 10, 000 to 12, 000 men in our force, which now ranked as thefourth division of the 21st army corps. Nearly all the men of bothbrigades were Breton Mobilisés, adjoined to whom, however, perhaps for thepurpose of steadying them, were three or four very small detachments offormer regiments of the line. There was also a small contingent of theFrench Foreign Legion, which had been brought from Algeria. Starting fromYvré l'Evêque towards, noon on December 4, we marched to Ardenay, wherewe spent the night. The weather was fine and dry, but intensely cold. On the 5th we camped on some hills near the town of Saint Calais, movedonly a mile or two farther on the 6th--there being a delay in the receiptof certain orders--then, at seven o'clock on the 7th, started in thedirection of Vendôme, marching for about twelve hours with only thebriefest halts. We passed from the department of the Sarthe into thatof Loir-et-Cher, going on until we reached a little place calledVille-aux-Cleros, where we spent the night under uncomfortable conditions, for it snowed. Early the following day we set out again, and, leavingVendôme a couple of miles or so away on our right, we passed Fréteval andcamped on the outskirts of the forest of Marchenoir. 

The night proved bitterly cold, the temperature being some fourteendegrees (centigrade) below freezing-point. I slept huddled up in a van, but the men generally were under canvas, and there was very little strawfor them to lie upon, in such wise that in the morning some of themactually found their garments frost-bound to the ground! Throughout thenight of the 10th we heard guns booming in the distance. On the 11th, the12th, and the 13th December we were continually marching, always going inthe direction of the guns. We went from Ecoman to Morée, to SaintHilaire-la-Gravelle, and thence to the Chateau de Rougemont nearFréteval, a spot famous as the scene of a victory gained by our RichardCoeur-de-Lion over Philip Augustus. The more or less distant artilleryfire was incessant both by day and by night; but we were only supportingother divisions of the corps, and did not find ourselves actually engaged. On the 15th, however, there was very sharp fighting both at Fréteval andMorée, and on the morning of the 16th our Gatlings went forward to supportthe second division of our army corps, which was being hard pressed by theGermans. 

All at once, however, orders for a general retreat arrived, Chanzy havingat last decided to fall back on Le Mans. There was considerable confusion, but at last our men set out, taking a north-westerly direction. Fairlygood order prevailed on the road, and the wiry little Bretons at leastproved that their marching powers were unimpaired. We went on incessantlythough slowly during the night, and did not make a real halt until aboutseven o'clock on the following morning, when, almost dead-beat, we reacheda little town called Droué. 

Jaurès, I should mention, had received the order to retreat at about fouro'clock on the afternoon of December 16, and had speedily selected threedifferent routes for the withdrawal of the 21st army corps. Our division, however, was the last to quit its positions, it being about eight o'clockat night when we set out. Thus our march lasted nine hours. The countrywas a succession of sinuous valleys and stiff slopes, and banks oftenoverlooked the roads, which were edged with oaks and bushes. There wereseveral streams, a few woods, and a good many little copses. Farms oftenlay close together, and now and again attempts were made to buy food anddrink of the peasantry, who, upon hearing our approach, came at times withlights to their thresholds. But they were a close-fisted breed, anddemanded exorbitant prices. Half a franc was the lowest charge for a pieceof bread. Considering how bad the men's boots were, the marching was verygood, but a number of men deserted under cover of the night. Generallyspeaking, though there was a slight skirmish at Cloyes and an engagementat Droué, as I shall presently relate, the retreat was not greatlyhampered by the enemy. In point of fact, as the revelations of more recentyears have shown, Moltke was more anxious about the forces of Bourbakithan about those of Chanzy, and both Prince Frederick Charles and theGrand Duke of Mecklenburg had instructions to keep a strict watch on themovements of Bourbaki's corps. Nevertheless, some of the Grand Duke'stroops--notably a body of cavalry--attempted to cut off our retreat. When, however, late on the 16th, some of our men came in contact with adetachment of the enemy near Cloyes, they momentarily checked itsprogress, and, as I have indicated, we succeeded in reaching Droué withoutloss. 

That morning, the 17th, the weather was again very cold, a fog followingthe rain and sleet of the previous days. Somewhat later, however, snowbegan to fall. At Droué--a little place of about a thousand inhabitants, with a ruined castle and an ancient church--we breakfasted as best wecould. About nine o'clock came marching orders, and an hour later, when alarge number of our men were already on their way towards Saint Agil, ournext halting-place, General Gougeard mounted and prepared to go off withhis staff, immediately in advance of our rear-guard. At that precisemoment, however, we were attacked by the Germans, whose presence near uswe had not suspected. 

It was, however, certainly known to some of the inhabitants of Droué, who, terrified by all that they had heard of the harshness shown by the Germanstowards the localities where they encountered any resistance, shrank frominforming either Gougeard or any of his officers that the enemy was athand. The artillery with which our rear was to be protected was at thismoment on the little square of Droué. It consisted of a mountain batteryunder Sub-Lieutenant Gouesse of the artillery, and three Gatlings underSub-Lieutenant De la Forte of the navy, with naval lieutenant Rodellec duPorzic in chief command. Whilst it was being brought into position, Colonel Bernard, Gougeard's chief of staff, galloped off to stop theretreat of the other part of our column. The enemy's force consisted ofdetachments of cavalry, artillery, and Landwehr infantry. Before ourlittle guns could be trained on them, the Landwehr men had already seizedseveral outlying houses, barns, and sheds, whence they strove to pick offour gutiners. For a moment our Mobilisés hesitated to go forward, butGougeard dashed amongst them, appealed to their courage, and then led themagainst the enemy. 

Not more than three hundred yards separated the bulk of the contendingforces, indeed there were some Germans in the houses less than two hundredyards away. Our men at last forced these fellows to decamp, killing andwounding several of them; whilst, thanks to Colonel Bernard's promptintervention, a battalion of the 19th line regiment and two companies ofthe Foreign Legion, whose retreat was hastily stopped, threatened theenemy's right flank. A squadron of the Second Lancers under a younglieutenant also came to our help, dismounting and supporting Gougeard'sMobilises with the carbines they carried. Realizing that we were in force, the enemy ended by retreating, but not until there had been a good deal offighting in and around the outlying houses of Droué. 

Such, briefly, was the first action I ever witnessed. Like others, I wasunder fire for some time, being near the guns and helping to carry awaythe gunners whom the Germans shot from the windows of the houses in whichthey had installed themselves. We lost four or five artillerymen in thatmanner, including the chief officer, M. De Rodelleo du Porzic, whom abullet struck in the chest. He passed away in a little café whither wecarried him. He was, I believe, the last of his family, two of hisbrothers having previously been killed in action. 

We lost four or five other officers in this same engagement, as well as aBreton chaplain of the Mobilisés. Our total losses were certainly largerthan Gougeard subsequently stated in his official report, amounting inkilled and wounded, I think, to from 120 to 150 men. Though the officersas a rule behaved extremely well--some of them, indeed, splendidly--therewere a few lamentable instances of cowardice. By Gougeard's orders, fourwere placed under arrest and court-martialled at the end of the retreat. Of these, two were acquitted, whilst a third was shot, and a fourthsentenced to two years' imprisonment in a fortress. [From the formation ofthe "Army of Brittany" until the armistice the total number of executionswas eleven. They included one officer (mentioned above) for cowardice inpresence of the enemy; five men of the Foreign Legion for murderingpeasants; one Franc-titeur for armed robbery, and four men (Line andMobile Guards) for desertion in presence of the enemy. The number wouldhave been larger had it been possible to identify and punish those whowere most guilty in the stampede of La Tuilerie during the battle ofLe Mans. ]

The enemy's pursuit having been checked, we eventually quitted Droué, butwhen we had gone another three miles or so and reached a village calledFontenelle, the Germans came on again. It was then about two o'clock inthe afternoon, and for a couple of hours or so, whilst we continued ourretreat, the enemy kept up a running cannonade, repeatedly endeavouringto harass our rear. We constantly replied to their fire, however, andsteadily kept them off, losing only a few men before the dusk fell, whenthe pursuit ceased. We afterwards plodded on slowly--the roads being in aterrible condition--until at about half-past six o'clock we reached thevillage of Saint Agil, where the staff installed itself at Count deSaint-Maixent's stately renaissance château. 

The weather was better on December 18, for, though it was extremely cold, the snow ceased falling. But we still had a formidable task before us. The roads, as I have said, were wretched, and at Saint Agil we had tocontend with some terrible quagmires, across which we found it at firstimpossible to get our guns, ammunition-vans, and baggage train. It becamenecessary to lop and fell trees, and form with them a kind of bed overwhich our impedimenta might travel. Hour after hour went by amidstincessant labour. An ammunition waggon containing only half its properload required the efforts of a dozen horses to pull it over that morass, whilst, as for the guns, each of the 12's required even more horses. It was three o'clock on the afternoon of the 18th when the last gun wasgot across. Three gun-carriages were broken during those efforts, but ourmen managed to save the pieces. Late in the operations the Germans againput in an appearance, but were held in respect by our Gatlings andmountain-guns. Half an hour, however, after our departure from Saint Agil, they entered the village. 

In a very wretched condition, half-famished and footsore, we went on, through the sudden thaw which had set in, towards Vibraye, whose forest, full in those days of wild boars and deer, stretched away on our left. We were now in the department of the Sarthe, and, cutting across countryin the direction of the Huisne, we at last reached the ancient little_bourg_ of Connerré, on the high-road running (left of the river) towardsLe Mans. There I took leave of our column, and, after buying a shirt andsome socks, hastened to the railway station--a mile and a half distant--hoping, from what was told me, that there might be some means of gettingto Le Mans by train, instead of accompanying our men along the highway. At Connerré station I found a very good inn, where I at once partook ofthe best meal that I had eaten since leaving Le Mans, sixteen dayspreviously. I then washed, put on my new shirt and socks, and went tointerview the station-master. After a great deal of trouble, as I had apermit signed by Colonel Bernard, and wore an ambulance armlet, I wasallowed to travel to Le Mans in a railway van. There was no regularservice of trains, the only ones now running so far north being used formilitary purposes. I got to Le Mans a few hours before our column reachedYvré l'Evêque on the night of December 20, and at once sought a trainwhich would convey me to Rennes, if not as far as Saint Malo. Then cameanother long, slow, dreary journey in a villainous wooden-seatedthird-class carriage. It was between ten and eleven o'clock in the morningwhen we reached Rennes. I still had about five-and-twenty francs in mypocket, and knowing that it would not cost me more than a quarter of thatamount to get to Saint Malo, I resolved to indulge in a good _dejeuner_ atthe Hôtel de France. 

There was nobody excepting a few waiters in the long dining-room, but thetables were already laid there. When, however, I seated myself at one ofthem, the head-waiter came up declaring that I could not be accommodated, as the tables were reserved for _ces messieurs_. I was inquiring who_ces messieurs_ might be, when some of them entered the room in a veryswaggering manner. All were arrayed in stylish and brand-new uniforms, with beautiful boots, and looked in the pink of condition. They belonged, I found, to a free corps called the "Eclaireurs d'Ille-et-Vilaine, " andtheir principal occupations were to mess together copiously and thenstroll about the town, ogling all the good-looking girls they met. Thecorps never went to the front. Three or four weeks afterwards, when Iagain passed through Rennes--this second time with my father--Messieursles Eclaireurs were still displaying their immaculate uniforms and highlypolished boots amidst all the misery exhibited by the remnants of one ofChanzy's _corps d'armée_. 

Though I was little more than a boy, my blood fairly boiled when I wasrequested to give up my seat at table for these arrogant young fops. I went to complain at the hotel _bureau_, but, being confronted there bythe landlady instead of by the landlord, I did not express my feelings sostrongly as I might have done. "Madame" sweetly informed me that the first_déjeuner_ was entirely reserved for Messieurs les Eclaireurs, but that, if I would wait till the second _déjeuner_ at noon, I should find ampleaccommodation. However, I was not inclined to do any such thing. I thoughtof all the poor, famished, shivering men whom I had left less thantwenty-four hours previously, and some of whom I had more than once helpedto buy bread and cheese and wine during our long and painful marches. They, at all events, had done their duty as best they could, and I felthighly indignant with the swaggering young bloods of Rennes, who werecontent to remain in their native town displaying their uniforms andenjoying themselves. Fortunately, such instances were very rare. 

Returning to the railway station, I obtained something to eat at therefreshment-room, where I presently heard somebody trying to makea waiter understand an order given in broken French. Recognizing afellow-countryman, I intervened and procured what he desired. I found thathe was going to Saint Malo like myself, so we made the journey together. He told me that, although he spoke very little French, he had come toFrance on behalf of an English boot-making firm in order to get a contractfrom some of the military authorities. Many such people were to be foundin Brittany, at Le Mans, at Tours, and elsewhere, during the latter periodof the war. An uncle of mine, Frederick Vizetelly, came over, I remember, and interviewed Freyeinet and others on behalf of an English small-armfirm. I forget whether he secured a contract or not; but it is alamentable and uncontrovertible fact that many of the weapons and many ofthe boots sold by English makers to the National Defence were extremelydefective. Some of the American weapons were even worse than ours. As forthe boots, they often had mere "composition soles, " which were soon wornout. I saw, notably after the battle of Le Mans, hundreds--I believe Imight say, without, exaggeration, thousands--of men whose boots were mereremnants. Some hobbled through the snow with only rags wrapped round theirbleeding feet. On the other hand, a few of our firms undoubtedly suppliedsatisfactory boots, and it may have been so in the case of the travellerwhom I met at Rennes. 

A few days after my return to Saint Malo, my cousin, Montague Vizetelly, arrived there with a commission from the _Daily News_ to join Chanzy'sforces at Le Mans. Mr. Robinson, I was afterwards told, had put somequestions about me to my brother Adrian, and, on hearing how young I was, had thought that I might not be equal to the occasion if a decisive battlebetween Prince Frederick Charles and Chanzy should be fought. My cousin--then four-and-twenty years of age--was accordingly sent over. From thattime nearly all my war letters were forwarded to the _Pall Mall Gazette_, and, as it happened, one of them was the first account of the great battleof Le Mans, from the French side, to appear in an English paper. 

XI

BEFORE LE MANS

The War in various Regions of France--General Faidherbe--Battle ofPont-Noyelles--Unreliability of French Official News--Engagement ofNuits--Le Bourget Sortie--Battles of Bapaume and Villersexel--Chanzy'sPlan of Operations--The Affair of Saint Calais--Wretched State of someof Chanzy's Soldiers--Le Mans and its Historical Associations--TheSurrounding Country--Chanzy's Career--Positions of his Forces--Advanceof Prince Frederick Charles--The first Fighting before Le Mans and itsResult. 

Whilst Chanzy was retreating on Le Mans, and there reorganizing andreinforcing his army, a variety of operations went on in other partsof France. After the German occupation of Amiens, Moltke instructedManteuffel to advance on Rouen, which he did, afterwards despatching acolumn to Dieppe; the result being that on December 9 the Germans, forthe first time, reached the sea-coast. Since December 3 Faidherbe hadtaken the chief command of the Army of the North at Lille. He wasdistinctly a clever general, and was at that time only fifty-two years ofage. But he had spent eleven years in Senegal, organizing and developingthat colony, and his health had been impaired by the tropical West Africanclimate. Nevertheless, he evinced no little energy, and never despaired, however slender might be the forces under him, and however cramped hisposition. As soon as he had reorganized the army entrusted to his charge, he moved towards Amiens, and on December 23 and 24 a battle was fought atPont-Noyelles, in the vicinity of that town. In some respects Faidherbegained the advantage, but his success was a barren one, and his losseswere far greater than those of the Germans, amounting, indeed, to 2300 men(apart from many deserters), whereas the enemy's were not more than athousand. Gambetta, however, telegraphed to the Prefects that a greatvictory had been gained; and I remember that when a notice to that effectwas posted at the town-hall of Saint Servan, everybody there becamejubilant. 

Most of our war-news, or, at least, the earliest intelligence of anyimportant engagement, came to us in the fashion I have indicated, townsfolk constantly assembling outside the prefectures, subprefectures, and municipal buildings in order to read the day's news. At times it wasentirely false, at others some slight success of the French arms wasmagnified into a victory, and a petty engagement became a pitched battle. The news in the French newspapers was usually very belated and often quiteunreliable, though now and again telegrams from London were published, giving information which was as near to the truth as the many English warcorrespondents on both sides could ascertain. After the war, bothFrenchmen and Germans admitted to me that of all the newspaperintelligence of the period there was nothing approaching in accuracythat which was imparted by our British correspondents. I am convinced, from all I heard in Paris, in Berlin, in Vienna, and elsewhere, duringthe two or three years which followed the war, that the reputation of theBritish Press was greatly enhanced on the Continent by the news it gaveduring the Franco-German campaign. Many a time in the course of the nextfew years did I hear foreigners inquire: "What do the London papers say?"or remark: "If an English paper says it, it must be true. " I do not wishto blow the trumpet too loudly on behalf of the profession to which Ibelonged for many years, but what I have here mentioned is strictly true;and now that my days of travel are over, I should be glad to know thatforeigners still hold the British Press in the same high esteem. 

But, to return to my narrative, whilst the events I have mentioned weretaking place in Normandy and Northern France, Gambetta was vainly tryingto persuade Bourbaki to advance in the direction of Montargis. He alsowished to reinforce Garibaldi; but the enmity of many French officerstowards the Italian Liberator was so great that they would not serve withhim. General von Werder was at this time covering the siege of Belfort andwatching Langres. On December 18 there was an engagement at Nuits betweensome of his forces and those led by the French commander Cremer, whoclaimed the victory, but afterwards retreated towards Beaune. The French, however, were now able to re-occupy Dijon. On the 21st another sortie wasmade from Paris, this time on the north, in the direction of Le Bourgetand Ville-Evrard. Ducrot was again in command, and 200, 000 men were gottogether, but only 5000 were brought into action. There were a great manydesertions, and no fewer than six officers of one brigade alone werecourt-martialled and punished for lack of courage. The affair appears tohave been arranged in order to quiet the more reckless elements in Paris, who were for ever demanding "a great, a torrential sortie. " In thisinstance, however, there was merely "much ado about nothing. " The truthis, that ever since the Champigny affair both Trochu and Ducrot had lostall confidence. 

On January 2 and 3, the French under Faidherbe, and the Germans underGoeben, fought a battle at Bapaume, south of Arras. The former were by farthe more numerous force, being, indeed, as three to one, and Faidherbe iscredited with having gained a victory. But, again, it was only a barrenone, for although the Germans fell back, the French found it quite asnecessary to do the same. About a week previously the 16th French ArmyCorps, with which Bourbaki had done little or nothing on the Loire, hadbeen removed from Vierzon and Bourges to join the Army of the East, ofwhich Bourbaki now assumed the chief command. The transport of the troopsproved a very difficult affair, and there was great disorder and, again, many desertions. Nevertheless, on January 9, Bourbaki fought Werder atVillersexel, in the vicinity of Vesoul, Montbéliard, and Belfort. In thisengagement there appear to have been serious mistakes on both sides, andthough Bourbaki claimed a success, his losses were numerically doublethose of the Germans. 

Meantime Chanzy, at Le Mans, was urging all sorts of plans on Gambetta andFreyeinet. In the first place he desired to recruit and strengthen hisforces, so sorely tried by their difficult retreat; and in order that hemight have time to do so, he wished Bourbaki to execute a powerfuldiversion by marching in the direction of Troyes. But Gambetta andFreyeinet had decided otherwise. Bourbaki's advance was to be towards theVosges, after which he was to turn westward and march on Paris with150, 000 men. Chanzy was informed of this decision on and about January 5(1871), and on the 6th he made a last attempt to modify the Governmentplan in order that Bourbaki's march might be directed on a point nearer toParis. In reply, he was informed that it was too late to modify thearrangements. 

With regard to his own operations, Chanzy's idea was to march towards thecapital when his forces were reorganized. His bases were to be the riverSarthe, the town of Le Mans, and the railway-line running northward toAlençon. Thence he proposed to advance to some point on the river Eurebetween Dreux and Chartres, going afterwards towards Paris by such a routeas circumstances might allow. He had 130, 000 men near Le Mans, andproposed to take 120, 000 with 350 field-pieces or machine-guns, andcalculated that he might require a week, or to be precise eight days, tocarry this force from Le Mans to Chartres, allowing for fighting on theway. Further, to assist his movements he wished Faidherbe, as well asBourbaki, to assume the offensive vigorously as soon as he was ready. Thecarrying out of the scheme was frustrated, however, in part by themovements which the Government ordered Bourbaki to execute, and in part bywhat may be called the sudden awakening of Prince Frederick Charles, who, feeling more apprehensive respecting Bourbaki's movements, had hitherto, in a measure, neglected Chanzy's doings. 

On December 22 Captain, afterwards General, de Boisdeffre [He was Chief ofthe French Staff during the famous Dreyfus Case, in which his name wasfrequently mentioned. ] reached Le Mans, after quitting Paris in one of theballoons, and gave Chanzy certain messages with which Trochu had entrustedhim. He brought nothing in writing, as what he had to communicate wasconsidered too serious to be committed to paper. Yet both my father andmyself could have imparted virtually the same information, which was but a_secret de Polichinelle_. It concerned the date when the fall of Pariswould become inevitable. We--my father and myself--had said repeatedly atVersailles and elsewhere that the capital's supply of food would lastuntil the latter days of January, and that the city (unless in themeanwhile it were relieved) must then surrender. Authentic information tothat effect was available in Paris before we quitted it in November. Of course Trochu's message to Chanzy was official, and carried greaterweight than the assertions of journalists. It was to the effect that itwould be necessary to negotiate a capitulation on January 20, in order togive time for the revictualling of the city's two million inhabitants. As it happened, the resistance was prolonged for another week or so. However, Boisdeffre's information was sufficiently explicit to show Chanzythat no time must be lost if Paris was to be saved. 

Some German cavalry--probably the same men who had pursued Gougeard'scolumn--showed themselves at Saint Calais, which is only some thirtymiles north-east of Le Mans, as early as December 18, but soon retired, and no further advance of the enemy in that direction took place forseveral days. Chanzy formed two flying columns, one a division underGeneral Jouffroy, and one a body of 4000 men under General Rousseau, forthe purpose of worrying the enemy and keeping him at a distance. Thesetroops, particularly those of Jouffroy, who moved towards Montoire andVendôme, had several small but none the less important engagements withthe Germans. Prince Frederick Charles, indeed, realised that Jouffroy'soperations were designed to ensure the security of Chanzy's main armywhilst it was being recruited and reorganized, and thereupon decided tomarch on Le Mans and attack Chanzy before the latter had attained hisobject. 

On Christmas Day a force of German cavalry, artillery, and infantrydescended upon Saint Calais (then a town of about 3500 inhabitants), levied a sum of 17, 000 francs, pillaged several of the houses, andill-treated a number of the townsfolk. When some of the latter ventured toprotest, pointing out, among other things, that after various littleengagements in the vicinity several wounded Germans had been brought intothe town and well cared for there, the enemy's commanding officer calledthem a pack of cowards, and flung them 2000 francs of his recent levy, topay them, he said, for their so-called services. The affair was reportedto Chanzy, who thereupon wrote an indignant letter to the German generalcommanding at Vendôme. It was carried thither by a certain M. De Vézian, acivil engineer attached to Chanzy's staff, who brought back the followingreply:

"Reçu une lettre du Général Chanzy. Un général prussien ne sachant pasécrire une lettre de tel genre, ne saurait y faire une réponse par écrit. 

"Au quartier-général à Vendôme, 28 Décembre 1870. "

Signature (_illegible_). 

It was, perhaps, a pity that Chanzy ever wrote his letter of protest. French generals were too much given to expressing their feelings inwriting daring that war. Deeds and not words were wanted. 

Meantime, the army was being slowly recruited. On December 13, Gambettahad issued--none too soon--a decree authorising the billeting of the men"during the winter campaign. " Nevertheless, when Gougeard's troopsreturned to Yvreé l'Evêque, they were ordered to sleep under canvas, likemany other divisions of the army. It was a great mistake. In that severeweather--the winter was one of the coldest of the nineteenth century--themen's sufferings were very great. They were in need, too, of many things, new shoes, linen, great-coats, and other garments, and there was muchdelay in providing for their more urgent requirements. Thus the number ofdesertions was not to be wondered at. The commander-in-chief did his bestto ensure discipline among his dispirited troops. Several men were shot byway of example. When, shortly before the battle of Le Mans, the 21st ArmyCorps crossed the Huisne to take up positions near Montfort, severalofficers were severely punished for riding in ambulance and baggagewaggons instead of marching with their men. 

Le Mans is not easily defended from an enemy advancing upon it fromeastern, north-eastern, and south-eastern directions. A close defence isimpossible by reason of the character of the country. At the time of whichI write, the town was one of about 37, 000 inhabitants. Very ancient, already in existence at the time of the Romans, it became the capital ofMaine. William the Conqueror seized it, but it was snatched from his son, Robert, by Hélie de La Flêche. Later, Geoffrey, the First of thePlantagenets, was buried there, it being, moreover, the birthplace of hisson, our Henry II. In after years it was taken from Richard Coeur-de-Lionby Philip-Augustus, who assigned it, however, to Richard's widow, QueenBerengaria. A house in the town is wrongly said to have been herresidence, but she undoubtedly founded the Abbaye de l'Epau, near Yvrél'Evêque, and was buried there. It was at Le Mans that King John ofFrance, who surrendered to the Black Prince at Poitiers, was born; and inthe neighbouring forest, John's grandson, Charles VI, first gave signs ofinsanity. Five times during the Anglo-French wars of the days of Henry Vand Henry VI, Le Mans was besieged by one or another of the contendingparties. The town again suffered during the Huguenot wars, and yet againduring the Revolution, when the Vendéens seized it, but were expelled byMarceau, some 5000 of them being bayoneted on the Place de l'Epéron. 

Rich in associations with the history of England as well as that ofFrance, Le Mans, in spite of its accessibility--for railway lines comingfrom five different directions meet there--is seldom visited by ourtourists. Its glory is its cathedral, strangely neglected by the numerousEnglish writers on the cathedrals of France. Here are exemplified thearchitectural styles of five successive centuries, and, as Mérimée oncewrote, in passing from one part of the edifice to another, it is as if youpassed from one to another religion. But the supreme features of thecathedral are its stained-glass windows, which include some of the veryoldest in the world. Many years ago, when they were in a more perfectcondition than they are now, Hucher gave reproductions of them in a rarefolio volume. Here, too, is the tomb of Queen Berengaria of England, removed from the Abbaye de l'Epau; here, also, was formerly that of herhusband's grandfather, Geoffrey Plantagenet. But this was destroyed bythe Huguenots, and you must go to the museum to see all that remains ofit--that is, the priceless enamel _plaque_ by which it was formerlysurmounted, and which represents Geoffrey grasping his sword and his azureshield, the latter bearing a cross and lions rampant--not the leopardedlions passant of his English descendants. Much ink has flowed respectingthat shield during squabbles among heraldists. 

Judging by recent plans of Le Mans, a good many changes have taken placethere since the time of the Franco-German War. Various new, broad, straight streets have been substituted for some of the quaint old windingones. The Pont Napoléon now appears to have become the Pont Gambetta, andthe Place, des Minimes is called the Place de la République. I notice alsoa Rue Thiers which did not exist in the days when Le Mans was familiar tome as an old-world town. In this narrative I must, of course, take it asit was then, not as it is now. 

The Sarthe, flowing from north to south, where it is joined by itstributary the Huisne, coming from the north-east, still divides the towninto two unequal sections; the larger one, on the most elevated part ofwhich stands the cathedral, being that on the river's left bank. At thetime I write of, the Sarthe was spanned by three stone bridges, asuspension bridge, and a granite and marble railway viaduct, some 560 feetin length. The German advance was bound to come from the east and thesouth. On the east is a series of heights, below which flow the waters ofthe Huisne. The views range over an expanse of varying elevation, steephills and deep valleys being frequent. There are numerous watercourses. The Huisne, which helps to feed the Sarthe, is itself fed by a number oflittle tributaries. The lowest ground, at the time I have in mind, wasgenerally meadow-land, intersected here and there with rows of poplars, whilst the higher ground was employed for the cultivation of crops. Everylittle field was circumscribed by ditches, banks, and thick hedges. 

The loftiest point of the eastern heights is at Yvré l'Evêque, which wasonce crowned by a renaissance chateau, where Henry of Navarre resided whenhe reduced Le Mans to submission. Northward from Yvré, in the direction ofSavigné, stretches the high plateau of Sargé, which on the west slopesdown towards the river Sarthe, and forms one of the most important of thenatural defences of Le Mans. Eastward, from Yvré, you overlook first theHuisne, spanned at various neighbouring points by four bridges, but havingmuch of the meadow-land in its valley cut up by little water-channels forpurposes of irrigation--these making the ground additionally difficult foran attacking force to traverse. Secondly, you see a long plateau calledAuvours, the possession of which must necessarily facilitate an enemy'soperations. Following the course of the railway-line coming from thedirection of Paris, you notice several pine woods, planted on formerheaths. Still looking eastward, is the village of Champagné, where theslopes are studded with vines, whilst the plain is arable land, dottedover with clumps of chestnut trees. North-east of Champagné is Montfort, where Chanzy at first stationed the bulk of the 21st Army Corps underJaurès, this (leaving his flying columns on one side) being the mosteastern position of his forces at the time when the German advance began. The right of the 21st Corps here rested on the Huisne. Its extreme leftextended northward towards the Sarthe, but a division of the 17th Corpsunder General de Colomb guarded the Alençon (N. ) and Conlie (N. W. ) railwaylines. 

Confronted by the Huisne, the heights of Yvré and the plateaux of Sargéand Auvours, having, for the most part, to keep to the high-roads--for, bad as their state might be at that season, it was nothing compared withthe condition of the many narrow and often deep lanes, whose high banksand hedges, moreover, offered opportunities for ambush--the Germans, itwas obvious, would have a difficult task before them on the eastern sideof Le Mans, even should they drive the 21st Corps from Montfort. Theapproach to the town is easier, however, on the south-east and the south, Here are numerous pine woods, but on going towards Le Mans, after passingParigné-l'Evêque (S. E. ) and Mulsanne (S. ), the ground is generally muchless hilly than on the east. There are, however, certain positionsfavourable for defence. There is high ground at Changé, midway between theroad from Saint Calais to Le Mans, _viâ_ Yvré, and the road from GrandLucé to Le Mans _viâ_ Parigné. Over a distance of eight miles, moreover, there extends--or extended at the time I refer to--a track called theChemin des Boeufs, suitable for defensive purposes, with high ground at atleast two points--Le Tertre Rouge, south-east of Le Mans, and La Tuilerie, south of the town. The line of the Chemin des Boeufs and the position ofChangé was at first entrusted by Chanzy to the 16th Corps, whosecommander, Jauréguiberry, had his headquarters at the southern suburb ofPontlieue, an important point affording direct access to Le Mans by astone bridge over the Huisne. 

When I returned to Le Mans from Saint Servan in the very first days ofJanuary, Chanzy's forces numbered altogether about 130, 000 men, but a verylarge proportion of them were dispersed in different directions, formingdetached columns under Generals Barry, Curten, Rousseau, and Jouffroy. Thetroops of the two first-named officers had been taken from the 16th Corps(Jauréguiberry), those of Rousseau were really the first division of the21st Corps (Jaurès), and those of Jouffroy belonged to the 17th, commandedby General de Colomb. [The 16th and 17th comprised three divisions each, the 21st including four. The German Corps were generally of only twodivisions, with, however, far stronger forces of cavalry than Chanzydisposed of. ] It is a curious circumstance that, among the Germantroops which opposed the latter's forces at this stage of the war, therewas a division commanded by a General von Colomb. Both these officers hadsprung from the same ancient French family, but Von Colomb came from aHuguenot branch which had quitted France when the Edict of Nantes wasrevoked. 

Chanzy's other chief coadjutors at Le Mans were Jaurès, of whom I havealready spoken, and Rear-Admiral Jauréguiberry, who, after the general-in-chief, was perhaps the most able of all the commanders. Of Basque originand born in 1815, he had distinguished himself as a naval officer in theCrimean, Chinese, and Cochin China expeditions; and on taking service inthe army under the National Defence, he had contributed powerfully toD'Aurelle's victory at Coulmiers. He became known among the Loire forcesas the man who was always the first to attack and the last to retreat. [He looked somewhat older than his years warranted, being very bald, withjust a fringe of white hair round the cranium. His upper lip and chin wereshaven, but he wore white whiskers of the "mutton-chop" variety. Slim andfairly tall, he was possessed of no little nervous strength and energy. Inlater years he became Minister of Marine in the Waddington, the secondFreycinet, and the Duclerc cabinets. ]

Having referred to Chanzy's principal subordinates, it is fitting that Ishould give a brief account of Chanzy himself. The son of an officer ofthe First Empire, he was born at Nouart in the Argonne, and from hispersonal knowledge of that region it is certain that his services wouldhave proved valuable during the disastrous march on Sedan, when, as Zolahas rightly pointed out in "La Débâcle, " so many French commandingofficers were altogether ignorant of the nature and possibilities of thecountry through which they advanced. Chanzy, however, like many others whofigured among the Loire forces, had begun life in the navy, enlisting inthat service when sixteen years of age. But, after very brief experienceafloat, he went to the military school of St. Cyr, passed out of it as asub-lieutenant in 1843, when he was in his twenty-first year, wasappointed to a regiment of Zouaves, and sent to Algeria. He served, however, in the Italian campaign of 1859, became lieutenant-colonel of aline regiment, and as such took part in the Syrian expedition of 1860-61. Later, he was with the French forces garrisoning Rome, acquired acolonelcy in 1864, returned to Algeria, and in 1868 was promoted to therank of general of brigade. 

At the outset of the Franco-German War, he applied for active service, butthe imperial authorities would not employ him in France. In spite of theassociations of his family with the first Empire, he was, like Trochu, accounted an Orleanist, and it was not desired that any Orleanist generalshould have an opportunity to distinguish himself in the contemplated"march on Berlin. " Marshal MacMahon, however, as Governor of Algeria, hadformed a high opinion of Chanzy's merits, and after Sedan, anxious as hewas for his country in her predicament, the Marshal, then a prisoner ofwar, found a means of advising the National Defence to make use ofChanzy's services. That patriotic intervention, which did infinite creditto MacMahon, procured for Chanzy an appointment at the head of the 16thArmy Corps, and later the chief command of the Second Loire Army. 

When I first saw him in the latter days of 1870, he was in hisfifty-eighth year, well built, and taller than the majority of Frenchofficers. His fair hair and fair moustache had become grey; but his blueeyes had remained bright, and there was an expression of quiet resolutionon his handsome, well-cut face, with its aquiline nose and energetic jaw. Such, physically, was the general whom Moltke subsequently declared tohave been the best that France opposed to the Germans throughout the war. I never once saw Chanzy excited, in which respect he greatly contrastedwith many of the subordinate commanders. Jauréguiberry was sometimescarried away by his Basque, and Gougeard by his Celtic, blood. So it waswith Jaurès, who, though born in Paris, had, like his nephew the Socialistleader, the blood of the Midi in his veins. Chanzy, however, belonged to acalmer, a more quietly resolute northern race. 

He was inclined to religion, and I remember that, in addition to thechaplains accompanying the Breton battalions, there was a chief chaplainattached to the general staff. This was Abbé de Beuvron, a member ofan old noble family of central France. The Chief of the Staff wasMajor-General Vuillemot; the Provost-General was Colonel Mora, and theprincipal aides-de-camp were Captains Marois and de Boisdeffre. Speciallyattached to the headquarters service there was a rather numerous pickedforce under General Bourdillon. It comprised a regiment of horse gendarmesand one of foot gendarmes, four squadrons of Chasseurs d'Afrique, someartillery provided chiefly with mountain-guns, an aeronautical companyunder the brothers Tissandier, and three squadrons of Algerian lightcavalry, of the Spahi type, who, with their flowing burnouses and theirswift little Arab horses, often figured conspicuously in Chanzy's escort. A year or two after the war, I engaged one of these very men--he wascalled Saad--as a servant, and he proved most devoted and attentive;but he had contracted the germs of pulmonary disease during that cruelwinter of 1870-71, and at the end of a few months I had to take him to theVal-de-Grâce military hospital in Paris, where he died of gallopingconsumption. 

The German forces opposed to Chanzy consisted of a part of the so-called"Armée-Abtheilung" under the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg, and the "SecondArmy" under Prince Frederick Charles of Prussia, the latter including the3rd, 9th, 10th, and 13th Army Corps, and disposing of numerous cavalryand nearly four hundred guns. The Prince ascertained that the Frenchforces were, in part, extremely dispersed, and therefore resolved to actbefore they could be concentrated. At the outset the Germans came down onNogent-le-Rotrou, where Rousseau's column was stationed, inflicted areverse on him, and compelled him (January 7) to fall back on Connerré--adistance of thirty miles from Nogent, and of less than sixteen from LeMans. On the same day, sections of Jouffroy's forces were defeated atEpuisay and Poirier (mid-way between Le Mans and Vendôme), and alsoforced to retreat. The French detachments (under Jouffroy, Curten, andBarry) which were stationed along the line from Saint Calais to Montoire, and thence to Saint Amand and Château-Renault--a stretch of somefive-and-twenty miles--were not strong enough to oppose the Germanadvance, and some of them ran the risk of having their retreat cut off. Chanzy realized the danger, and on the morning of January 8 he despatchedJauréguiberry to take command of all the troops distributed from the southto the south-east, between Château-du-Loir and Château-Renault, and bringthem to Le Mans. 

But the 10th German Corps was advancing in these directions, and, afteran engagement with Barry's troops at Ruillé, secured positions round LaChartre. This seriously threatened the retreat of the column under GeneralCurten, which was still at Saint Amand, and, moreover, it was a furthermenace to Barry himself, as his division was distributed over a front offourteen miles near Château-du-Loir. Jauréguiberry, however, entreatedBarry to continue guarding the river Loir, in the hope of Curten beingable to retreat to that point. 

Whilst, however, these defensive attempts were being made to the south ofLe Mans, the Germans were pressing forward on the north-east and theeast, Prince Frederick Charles being eager to come in touch with Chanzy'smain forces, regardless of what might happen on the Loir and at SaintAmand. On the north-east the enemy advanced to La Ferté Bernard; on theeast, at Vancé, a brigade of German cavalry drove back the Frenchcuirassiers and Algerians, and Prince Frederick Charles then proceeded asfar as Saint Calais, where he prepared for decisive action. One army corpswas sent down the line of the Huisne, another had orders to advance onArdenay, a third on Bouloire, whilst the fourth, leaving Barry on its leftflank, was to march on Parigné-l'Evêque. Thus, excepting a brigade ofinfantry and one of cavalry, detached to observe the isolated Curten, andhold him in check, virtually the whole of the German Second Army marchedagainst Chanzy's main forces. 

Chanzy, on his side, now ordered Jaurès (21st Corps) to occupy thepositions of Yvré, Auvours, and Sargé strongly; whilst Colomb (17th Corps)was instructed to send General Pâris's division forward to Ardenay, thusreducing Colomb's actual command to one division, as Jouffroy's column hadpreviously been detached from it. On both sides every operation wasattended by great difficulties on account of the very severe weather. A momentary thaw had been followed by another sudden frost, in such wisethat the roads had a coating of ice, which rendered them extremelyslippery. On January 9 violent snowstorms set in, almost blinding one, andyet the rival hosts did not for an hour desist from their respectiveefforts. At times, when I recall those days, I wonder whether many whohave read of Napoleon's retreat from Moscow have fully realized what thatmeant. Amidst the snowstorms of the 9th a force of German cavalry attackedour extreme left and compelled it to retreat towards the Alençon line. Rousseau's column being in a dangerous position at Connerré, Colin'sdivision of the 21st Corps was sent forward to support it in the directionof Montfort, Gougeard with his Bretons also advancing to support Colin. But the 13th German Corps attacked Rousseau, who after two engagementswas driven from Connerré and forced to retreat on Montfort andPont-de-Gennes across the Huisne, after losing in killed, wounded, andmissing, some 800 of his men, whereas the enemy lost barely a hundred. At the same time Gougeard was attacked, and compelled to fall back onSaint-Mars-la-Bruyére. 

But the principal event of the day was the defeat of General Paris's forceat Ardenay by a part of the 3rd German Corps. The latter had a superiorityin numbers, but the French in their demoralised condition scarcely put upa fight at all, in such wise that the Germans took about 1000 prisoners. The worst, however, was that, by seizing Ardenay, the enemy drove as itwere a wedge between the French forces, hampering their concentration. Meantime, the 9th German Corps marched to Bouloire, which became PrinceFrederick Charles's headquarters. The 10th Corps, however, had not yetbeen able to advance to Parigné l'Evêque in accordance with the Prince'sorders, though it had driven Barry back on Jupilles and Grand Lucé. Thesole advantage secured by the French that day was that Curten managed toretreat from Château-Renault; but it was only on the night of the 10th, when he could be of little or no use to Chanzy, that he was able to reachChâteau-du-Loir, where, in response to Chanzy's urgent appeals, Jauréguiberry had succeeded in collecting a few thousand men to reinforcethe troops defending Le Mans. 

For four days there had been fighting on one and another point, from thenorth-east to the south of the town, the result being unfavourable to theFrench. Chanzy, it is true, was at this critical moment in bad health. According to one account which I heard at the time, he had had an attackof dysentery; according to another, he was suffering from some throatcomplaint, combined with violent neuralgic pains in the head. I do notthink, however, that his ill-health particularly affected the issue, whichdepended so largely on the manner in which his plans and instructions werecarried out. The strategy adopted by the Germans at Sedan and in thebattles around Metz had greatly impressed the generals who commanded theFrench armies during the second period of the war. One might really saythat they lived in perpetual dread of being surrounded by the enemy. Ifthere was a lack of concentration on Chanzy's part, if he sent out one andanother flying column, and distributed a considerable portion of his armyover a wide area, it was precisely because he feared some turning movementon the part of the Germans, which might result in bottling him up atLe Mans. 

The earlier instructions which Prince Frederick Charles forwarded to hissubordinates certainly seem to indicate that a turning movement wasprojected. But after the fighting on January 9, when, as I have indicated, the 3rd German Army Corps penetrated wedge-like into the French lines, thePrince renounced any idea of surrounding Chanzy's forces, and resolved tomake a vigorous frontal attack before they could be reinforced by any ofthe still outlying columns. In coming to this decision, the Prince maywell have been influenced by the result of the recent fighting, which hadsufficiently demonstrated the superiority of the German troops to showthat, under the circumstances, a frontal attack would be attended with farless risk than if he had found himself faced by a really vigorousantagonist. Captain Hozier, whom I had previously seen at Versailles, wasat this time acting as _Times_ correspondent with the Prince's army, and, in subsequently reviewing the fighting, he expressed the opinion that theissue of the Prince's operations was never for a moment doubtful. Still, on all points but one, the French put up a fairly good defence, as I willnow show. 

XII

LE MANS AND AFTER

The real Battle of Le Mans begins (January 10)--Jouffroy and Pârisare driven back--Gougeard's Fight at Champagné--The Breton Mobilisésfrom Conlie--Chanzy's Determination--His Orders for January 11--Heinspects the Lines--Pâris driven from the Plateau of Auvours--Gougeard'sgallant re-capture of the Plateau--My Return to Le Mans--The Panic at LaTuilerie--Retreat inevitable--Withdrawal of the French--Entry of theGermans--Street Fighting--German Exactions--My Escape from Le Mans--TheFrench Retreat--Rear-Guard Engagements--Laval--My Arrest as a Spy--ADramatic Adventure. 

Some more snow fell on the morning of January 10, when the decisivefighting in front of Le Mans really began. On the evening of the 9th theFrench headquarters was still without news of Generals Curten, Barry, and Jouffroy, and even the communications with Jauréguiberry were of anintermittent character. Nevertheless, Chanzy had made up his mind to givebattle, and had sent orders to Jauréguiberry to send Jouffroy towardsParigné-l'Evêque (S. E. ) and Barry towards Ecommoy (S. Of Le Mans). Butthe roads were in so bad a condition, and the French troops had been soseverely tried, and were so ill-provided for, that several of thecommander-in-chief's instructions could not be carried out. 

Jouffroy at least did his best, and after a hard and tiring march fromGrand Lucé, a part of his division reached Parigné in time to join in theaction fought there. But it ended disastrously for the French, one oftheir brigades losing as many as 1400 men, and the Germans takingaltogether some 2000 prisoners. Jouffroy's troops then fell back toPontlieue, the southern suburb of Le Mans, in a lamentable condition, andtook care to place the Huisne between themselves and the Germans. In thesame direction Paris's demoralised, division, already worsted at Ardenayon the previous day, was driven from Changé by the 3rd German Corps, whichtook no fewer than 5000 prisoners. It had now almost cut the Frencheastern and southern lines apart, threatening all direct communicationbetween the 21st and the 16th French Corps. Nevertheless, it was in adangerous position, having both of its flanks exposed to attack, one fromYvré and Auvours, and the other from Pontlieue and the Chemin des Boeufs, which last line was held by the 16th French Corps. 

Meantime, Gougeard's Bretons had been engaged at Champagné, quite a closeencounter taking place in the fields and on the vineyard slopes, followedby a house-to-house fight in the village streets. The French were at lastdriven back; but somewhat later, on the Germans retiring from Champagné, they reoccupied the place. The result of the day was that, apart from thesomewhat hazardous success achieved by the 3rd German Corps, the enemy hadgained no great advantage. His 13th Corps had made but little progress, his 9th had not been brought into action, and his 10th was as yet nonearer than Grand Lucé. On the French side, Barry had at last reachedMulsanne, thus covering the direct southern road to Le Mans, Jauréguiberrybeing lower down at Ecommoy with some 9000 men of various arms andregiments, whom he had managed to get together. As for Curten's division, as it could not possibly reach the immediate neighbourhood of Le Mans intime for the fighting on the 11th, it received orders to march on La Suze, south-west of the imperilled town. During the 10th, moreover, Chanzy wasstrengthened by the welcome arrival of several additional field-pieces anda large number of horses. He had given orders to raise the Camp of Conlie, but instead of the forty or fifty thousand men, which at an earlier periodit was thought that camp would be able to provide, he now only derivedfrom it some 9000 ill-equipped, badly armed, and almost undrilledBreton Mobilisés. [On the other hand, as I previously related, the camphad already provided the bulk of the men belonging to Gougeard'sdivision. ] They were divided into six battalions--one of which camefrom Saint Malo, the others from Rennes and Redon--and were commanded bya general named Lalande. They proved to be no accession of strength; theybecame, on the contrary, a source of weakness, and disaster, for it wastheir behaviour which eventually sealed the fate of the Second Loire Army. 

But Chanzy, whatever his ailments might be, was personally full of energyand determination. He knew, moreover, that two new army corps (the 19thand the 25th) were being got ready to reinforce him, and he was stillresolved to give battle and hold on for another four or five days, when herelied on compelling Prince Frederick Charles to retreat. Then, with hisreinforced army, he hoped to march once more in the direction of Paris. Curiously enough, it was precisely on that critical day, January 10, thatGambetta sent Trochu a despatch by pigeon-post, telling him that on the20th, at the latest, both Chanzy and Bourbaki would be moving on thecapital, having between them over 400, 000 men. 

But if Chanzy's spirits did not fail him, those of his men were at a verylow ebb indeed. He was repeatedly told so by subordinate commanders;nevertheless (there was something Napoleonic in his character), he wouldnot desist from his design, but issued instructions that there was to be aresolute defence of the lines on the 11th, together with a determinedeffort to regain all lost positions. At the same time, the statements ofthe divisional generals respecting the low _morale_ of some of the troopswere not left unheeded, for a very significant order went forth, namely, that cavalry should be drawn up in the rear of the infantry wherever thismight appear advisable. The inference was obvious. 

Three divisions and Lalande's Breton Mobilisés were to hold thesouth-eastern lines from Arnage along the track known as the Chemin desBoeufs, and to link up, as well as possible, with Pâris's and Gougeard'sdivisions, to which fell the duty of guarding the plateau of Auvours andthe banks of the Huisne. The rest of the 21st Corps (to which Gougeard'sdivision belonged) was to defend the space between the Huisne and theSarthe. Colomb's fragmentary force, apart from Pâris's division, was stillto cover Le Mans towards the north-east. Barry's men, on their expectedarrival, were to serve as reserves around Pontlieue. 

The morning of January 11 was bright. The snow had ceased falling, but laysome inches thick upon the ground. In order to facilitate the passage oftroops, and particularly of military waggons, through the town, the Mayorof Le Mans ordered the inhabitants to clear away as much of this snow aspossible; but it naturally remained undisturbed all over the countryside. Little had been seen of Chanzy on the two previous days, but that morninghe mounted horse and rode along the lines from the elevated position knownas Le Tertre Rouge to the equally elevated position of Yvré. I saw himthere, wrapped in a long loose cloak, the hood of which was drawn over hisképi. Near him was his picturesque escort of Algerian Spahis, and while hewas conversing with some officers I pulled out a little sketch-book whichI carried, and tried to outline the group. An aide-de-camp who noticed meat once came up to inquire what I was doing, and I therefore had toproduce the permit which, on returning to the front, I had obtained fromthe Chief of the Staff. It was found to be quite in order, and I went onwith my work. But a few minutes later the general, having given hisorders, gathered up his reins to ride away. As he slowly passed me, hegave me just one little sharp glance, and with a faint suspicion of asmile remarked, "I will look at that another time. " The aide-de-camp hadpreviously told him what my purpose was. 

That day the 3rd German Corps again resumed the offensive, and once moredrove Gougeard out of Champagné. Then the enemy's 9th Corps, which onJanuary 10 had done little or nothing, and was therefore quite fresh, wasbrought into action, and made a resolute attack on the plateau of Auvours. There was a fairly long fight, which could be seen from Yvré. But theGermans were too strong for Pâris's men, who at last disbanded, and came, helter-skelter, towards the bridge of Yvré in terrible confusion. Flightis often contagious, and Gougeard, who had fallen back from Champagné infairly good order, feared lest his men should imitate their comrades. He therefore pointed two field-pieces on the runaways, and by that meanschecked their stampede. 

Having established themselves at the farther end of the plateau, theGermans advanced very cautiously, constantly seeking cover behind thevarious hedges. General de Colomb, to whose command Pâris's runawaydivision belonged, insisted, however, that the position must be retaken. Gougeard thereupon collected a very miscellaneous force, which includedregular infantry, mobiles, mobilisés, and some of Charette's Volontairesde l'Ouest--previously known in Borne as the Pontifical Zouaves. Placinghimself at the head of these men, he made a vigorous effort to carry outColomb's orders. The French went forward almost at the charge, the Germanswaiting for them from behind the hedges, whence poured a hail of lead. Gougeard's horse was shot under him, a couple of bullets went through hiscoat, and another--or, as some said, a splinter of a shell--knocked offhis képi. Still, he continued leading his men, and in the fast failinglight the Germans, after repeated encounters, were driven back to theverge of the plateau. 

That was told me afterwards, for at the moment I was already on my wayback to Le Mans, which I wished to reach before it was absolutely night. On coming from the town early in the morning, I had brought a few eatablesin my pockets, but they had soon been consumed, and I had found itimpossible to obtain any food whatever at Yvré, though some of the veryindifferent local wine was procurable. Thus I was feeling very hungry as Iretraced my steps through the snow towards the little hostelry in the Ruedu Gué de Maulny, where I had secured accommodation. It was a walk of somefour or five miles, but the cold urged me on, and, in spite of the snow, I made the journey fairly rapidly, in such wise that little more than anhour later I was seated in a warm room in front of some steaming soup, answering all sorts of questions as to what I had seen during the day, and particularly whether _les nôtres_ had gained a victory. I could onlyanswer that the "Prussians" had taken Auvours, but that fighting was stillgoing on, as Gougeard had gone to recapture the position. At the moment, indeed, that was the extent of my information. The landlord looked ratherglum and his daughter somewhat anxious, and the former, shaking his head, exclaimed: "Voyez-vous, Monsieur l'Anglais, nous n'avons pas de chance--pas de chance du tout! Je ne sais pas à quoi ca tient, mais c'est commeca. Et, tenez, cela ne me surprendrait pas de voir ces sales Prussiensdans la ville d'ici à demain!" ["We have no luck, no luck at all. I don't know why, but there it is. And, do you know, it would not surpriseme to see those dirty Prussians in the town between now and to-morrow. "]Unfortunately for Le Mans and for France also, his forebodings wereaccurate. At that very moment, indeed, a great disaster was occurring. 

Jauréguiberry had reached the southern suburb of Pontlieue at about nineo'clock that morning after a night march from Ecommoy. He had divided hismiscellaneous force of 9000 men into three brigades. As they did not seemfit for immediate action, they were drafted into the reserves, so thattheir arrival was of no particular help that day. About eleven o'clock the3rd German Corps, coming from the direction of Changé, attacked Jouffroy'slines along the more northern part of the so-called Chemin des Boeufs, and, though Jouffroy's men fought fairly well, they could not preventtheir foes from capturing the position of the Tertre Rouge. Still, theenemy gained no decisive success in this direction; nor was any markedresult attained by the 13th German Corps which formed the extreme right ofthe attacking forces. But Prince Frederick Charles had sent orders toVoigts Rhetz, who was at Grand Lucé, [A brigade of cavalry kept upcommunications between him and the 3rd Army Corps. ] advance with the10th Corps on Mulsanne, which the French had evacuated; and on reachingMulsanne, the same general received instructions to come to the support ofthe 3rd Corps, which was engaged with Jouffroy's force. Voigts Rhetz's menwere extremely fatigued; nevertheless, the 20th Division of Infantry, commanded by General Kraatz-Koschlau, went on towards the Chemin desBoeufs, following the direct road from Tours to Le Mans. 

Here there was an elevated position known as La Tuilerie--otherwise thetile-works--which had been fortified expressly to prevent the Germans frombursting upon Le Mans from the direct south. Earth-works for guns had beenthrown up, trenches had been dug, the pine trees, so abundant on thesouthern side of Le Mans, had been utilised for other shielding works, aswell as for shelter-places for the defending force. Unfortunately, at themoment of the German advance, that defending force consisted of theill-equipped, badly armed, and almost untrained Breton Mobilisés, [There were just a few old soldiers among them. ] who, as I have alreadyrelated, had arrived the previous day from the camp of Conlie under thecommand of General Lalande. It is true that near these men was stationedan infantry brigade of the 6th Corps d'Armée, whose duty it was to supportand steady them. They undoubtedly needed to be helped, for the greatmajority had never been in action before. Moreover, in addition to theinfantry brigade, there were two batteries of artillery; but I fear thatfor the most part the gunners were little better than recruits. Exaggerated statements have been made respecting the quality of thefirearms with which the Mobilisés were provided. Many of the weapons wereafterwards found to be very dirty, even rusty, but that was the result ofneglect, which their officers should have remedied. It is true, however, that these weapons were for the most part merely percussion guns. Again, it has been said that the men had no ammunition, but that statement wascertainly inaccurate. On the other hand, these Mobilisés were undoubtedlyvery cold and very hungry--even as I myself was that day--no rationshaving been served to them until late in the afternoon, that is, shortlybefore they were attacked, at which moment, indeed, they were actuallypreparing the meal for which they had so long been waiting. 

The wintry night was gathering round when Kraatz-Kosohlau found himselfwith his division before the position of La Tuilerie. He could see that itwas fortified, and before attempting any further advance he fired a fewshells. The Mobilisés were immediately panic-stricken. They made noattempt at defence; hungry though they were, they abandoned even theirpots and pans, and fled in the direction of Pontlieue, which formed, as itwere, a long avenue, fringed with factories, textile mills, bleachingworks, and so forth. In vain did their officers try to stop the fugitives, even striking them with the flats of their swords, in vain did Lalande andhis staff seek to intercept them at the Rond Point de Pontlieue. Nothingcould induce them to stop. They threw away their weapons in order to runthe faster. At La Tuilerie not a gun was fired at the Germans. Even theinfantry brigade fell back, without attempting to fight. 

All this occurred at a moment when everybody thought that the day'sfighting was over. But Jauréguiberry appeared upon the scene, and orderedone of his subordinates, General Lebouëdeo, to retake the lost position. Lebouëdeo tried to do so with 1000 tired men, who had been in actionduring the day, and failed. A second attempt proved equally futile. Noeffort apparently was made to secure help from Barry, who was at Arnagewith 5000 infantry and two brigades of cavalry, and who might have fallenon the left flank of the German Corps. La Tuilerie was lost, and with itLe Mans was lost also. 

I was quietly sipping some coffee and reading the local newspapers--threeor four were published at Le Mans in those days--when I heard of thatdisastrous stampede. Some of the men had reached the town, spreading thecontagion of fear as they came. Tired though I was, I at once went towardsthe Avenue de Fontlieue, where the excitement was general. Gendarmes werehurrying hither and thither, often arresting the runaways, and at othertimes picking up weapons and cartridge-cases which had been flung away. Sonumerous were the abandoned weapons and equipments that cartloads of themwere collected. Every now and then an estafette galloped to or from thetown. The civilians whom one met wore looks of consternation. It wasevident, indeed, to everybody who knew how important was the position ofLa Tuilerie, that its capture by the Germans placed Le Mans in jeopardy. When the two attempts to retake it had failed, Jauréguiberry urgedimmediate retreat. This was rendered the more imperative by other eventsof the night and the early morning, for, inspirited by their capture of LaTuilerie, the Germans made fresh efforts in other directions, so thatBarry had to quit Arnage, whilst Jouffroy lost most of his positions nearthe Chemin des Boeufs, and the plateau d'Auvours had again to beevacuated. 

At 8 a. M. On January 12, Chanzy, after suggesting a fresh attempt torecover La Tuilerie, which was prevented by the demoralisation of thetroops, was compelled to give a reluctant assent to Jauréguiberry'sproposals of retreat. At the same time, he wished the retreat to becarried out slowly and methodically, and informed Gambetta that heintended to withdraw in the direction of Aleneon (Orne) and Pré-en-Pail(Mayenne). This meant moving into Normandy, and Gambetta pointed out thatsuch a course would leave all Brittany open to the enemy, and enable himto descend without opposition even to the mouth of the Loire. Chanzy wastherefore instructed to retreat on Laval, and did so; but as he hadalready issued orders for the other route, great confusion ensued, the neworders only reaching the subordinate commanders on the evening of the12th. 

From January 6 to 12 the French had lost 6000 men in killed and wounded. The Germans had taken 20, 000 prisoners, and captured seventeen guns and alarge quantity of army materiel. Further, there was an incalculable numberof disbanded Mobiles and Mobilisés. If Prince Frederick Charles had knownat the time to what a deplorable condition Chanzy's army had been reduced, he would probably have acted more vigorously than he did. It is true thathis own men (as Von Hoenig has admitted) were, generally speaking, in astate of great fatigue after the six days' fighting, and also often badlycircumstanced in regard to clothing, boots, and equipments. [Even when thearmistice arrived I saw many German soldiers wearing French sabots. ] Suchthings cannot last for ever, and there had been little or no opportunityto renew anything since the second battle of Orleans early in December. In the fighting before Le Mans, however, the German loss in killed andwounded was only 3400--200 of the number being officers, whom the Frenchpicked off as often as possible. 

On the morning of the 12th all was confusion at Pontlieue. Guns, waggons, horsemen, infantrymen, were congregated there, half blocking up the bridgewhich connects this suburb with Le Mans. A small force under General deRoquebrune was gallantly striving to check the Germans at one part of theChemin des Boeufs, in order to cover the retreat. A cordon of gendarmeshad been drawn up at the railway-station to prevent it from being invadedby all the runaways. Some hundreds of wounded men were allowed access, however, in order that they might, if possible, get away in one of themany trains which were being sent off as rapidly as possible. This servicewas in charge of an official named Piquet, who acted with the greatestenergy and acumen. Of the five railway-lines meeting at Le Mans only twowere available, that running to Rennes _viâ_ Laval, and that running toAngers. I find from a report drawn up by M. Piquet a little later, that hemanaged to send off twenty-five trains, some of them drawn by two andthree engines. They included about 1000 vans, trucks, and coaches; that is558 vans laden with provisions (in part for the relief of Paris); 134 vansand trucks laden with artillery _matériel_ and stores, 70 vans ofammunition, 150 empty vans and trucks, and 176 passenger carriages. Onsecuring possession of the station, however, the Germans still found thereabout 200 vans and carriages, and at least a dozen locomotive engines. Thelast train left at 2. 45 p. M. I myself got away (as I shall presentlyrelate) shortly after two o'clock, when the station was already beingbombarded. 

General de Roquebrune having, at last, been compelled to withdraw from thevicinity of the Chemin des Boeufs, the Germans came on to the long avenueof Pontlieue. Here they were met by most of the corps of gendarmes, which, as I previously related, was attached to the headquarters-staff underGeneral Bourdillon. These men, who had two Gatlings with them, behavedwith desperate bravery in order to delay the German entry into the town. About a hundred of them, including a couple of officers, were killedduring that courageous defence. It was found impossible, however, to blowup the bridge. The operation had been delayed as long as possible in orderto facilitate the French retreat, and when the gendarmes themselveswithdrew, there no longer remained sufficient time to put it intoexecution. 

The first Germans to enter the town belonged to the 38th Brigade ofInfantry, and to part of a cavalry force under General von Schmidt. Aftercrossing the bridge of Pontlieue, they divided into three columns. One ofthem proceeded up the Rue du Quartier de Cavalerie in the direction of thePlace des Jacobins and the cathedral. The second also went towards theupper town, marching, however, by way of the Rue Basse, which conducted tothe Place des Halles, where the chief hotels and cafés were situated. Meantime, the third column turned to the left, and hastened towards therailway station. But, to their great amazement, their advance wasrepeatedly checked. There were still a number of French soldiers in thetown, among them being Mobile Guards, Gendarmes, Franc-tireurs, and aparty of Marine Fusiliers. The German column which began to ascend the RueBasse was repeatedly fired at, whereupon its commanding officer halted hismen, and by way of punishment had seven houses set on fire, beforeattempting to proceed farther. Nevertheless, the resistance was prolongedat various points, on the Place des Jacobins, for instance, and again onthe Place des Halles. Near the latter square is--or was--a little streetcalled the Rue Dumas, from which the French picked off a dozen or twentyGermans, so infuriating their commander that he sent for a couple offield-pieces, and threatened to sweep the whole town with projectiles. 

Meantime, a number of the French who had lingered at Le Mans weregradually effecting their escape. Many artillery and commissariat waggonsmanaged to get away, and a local notability, M. Eugène Caillaux--fatherof M. Joseph Caillaux who was French Prime Minister during the latter halfof 1911, and who is now (Dec. , 1913) Minister of Finances--succeeded insending out of the town several carts full of rifles, which some of theFrench troops had flung away. However, the street-fighting could not beindefinitely prolonged. It ceased when about a hundred Germans and alarger number of French, both soldiers and civilians, had been killed. The Germans avenged themselves by pillaging the houses in the Rue Dumas, and several on the Place des Halles, though they spared the Hôtel deFrance there, as their commander, Voigts Rhetz, reserved it for his ownaccommodation. Whilst the bombardment of a part of the lower towncontinued--the railway station and the barracks called the Caserne dela Mission being particularly affected--raids were made on the Frenchambulances, in one of which, on the Boulevard Négrier, a patient wasbarbarously bayoneted in his bed, on the pretext that he was aFranc-tireur, whereas he really belonged to the Mobile Guard. At theambulance of the École Normale, the sisters and clergy were, according totheir sworn statements, grossly ill-treated. Patients, some of whom weresuffering from smallpox, were turned out of their beds--which wererequired, it was said, for the German wounded. All the wine that could befound was drunk, money was stolen, and there was vindictive destruction onall sides. 

The Mayor [The Prefect, M. Le Chevalier, had followed the army in itsretreat, considering it his duty to watch over the uninvaded part of thedepartment of the Sartha. ] of Le Mans, M. Richard, and his two _adjoints_, or deputies, went down through the town carrying a towel as a flag oftruce, and on the Place de la Mission they at last found Voigts Rhetzsurrounded by his staff. The General at once informed the Mayor that, inconsequence of the resistance of the town, it would have to pay awar-levy of four millions of francs (£160, 000) within twenty-four hours, and that the inhabitants would have to lodge and feed the German forces aslong as they remained there. All the appeals made against these hardconditions were disregarded during nearly a fortnight. When both the Mayorand the Bishop of Le Mans solicited audiences of Prince Frederick Charles, they were told by the famous Count Harry von Arnim--who, curiously enough, subsequently became German Ambassador to France, but embroiled himselfwith Bismarck and died in exile--that if they only wished to tender theirhumble duty to the Prince he would graciously receive them, but that herefused to listen to any representations on behalf of the town. 

A first sum of £20, 000 and some smaller ones were at last got together inthis town of 37, 000 inhabitants, and finally, on January 23, the totallevy was reduced, as a special favour, to £80, 000. Certain Germanrequisitions were also to be set off against £20, 000 of that amount; butthey really represented about double the figure. A public loan had to beraised in the midst of continual exactions, which lasted even after thepreliminaries of peace had been signed, the Germans regarding Le Mans as amilch cow from which too much could not be extracted. 

The anxieties of the time might well have sufficed to make the Mayor ill, but, as a matter of fact, he caught small-pox, and his place had to betaken by a deputy, who with the municipal council, to which several localnotabilities were adjoined, did all that was possible to satisfy the greedof the Germans. Small-pox, I may mention, was very prevalent at Le Mans, and some of the ambulances were specially reserved for soldiers who hadcontracted that disease. Altogether, about 21, 000 men (both French andGermans), suffering from wounds or diseases of various kinds, were treatedin the town's ambulances from November 1 to April 15. 

Some thousands of Germans were billeted on the inhabitants, whom theyfrequently robbed with impunity, all complaints addressed to the GermanGovernor, an officer named Von Heiduck, being disregarded. This individualordered all the inhabitants to give up any weapons which they possessed, under penalty of death. Another proclamation ordained the same punishmentfor anybody who might give the slightest help to the French army, orattempt to hamper the German forces. Moreover, the editors, printers, andmanagers of three local newspapers were summarily arrested and kept indurance on account of articles against the Germans which they had written, printed, or published _before_ Chanzy's defeat. 

On January 13, which chanced to be a Friday, Prince Frederick Charles madehis triumphal entry into Le Mans, the bands of the German regimentsplaying all their more popular patriotic airs along the route whichhis Royal Highness took in order to reach the Prefecture--a formereighteenth-century convent--where he intended to install himself. On thefollowing day the Mayor received the following letter:

"Mr. Mayor, "I request you to send to the Prefecture by half-past five o'clock thisafternoon 24 spoons, 24 forks, and 36 knives, as only just sufficient forthe number of people at table have been sent, and there is no means ofchanging the covers. For dinner you will provide 20 bottles of Bordeaux, 30 bottles of Champagne, two bottles of Madeira, and 2 bottles ofliqueurs, which must be at the Prefecture at six o'clock precisely. The wine previously sent not being good, neither the Bordeaux nor theChampagne, you must send better kinds, otherwise I shall have to inflicta fine upon the town. 

(Signed) "Von Kanitz. "

This communication was followed almost immediately afterwards by another, emanating from the same officer, who was one of the Prince'saides-de-camp. He therein stated (invariably employing, be it said, execrable French) that the _café-au-lait_ was to be served at thePrefecture at 8 a. M. ; the _déjeuner_ at noon; and the dinner at 7. 30 p. M. At ten o'clock every morning, the Mayor was to send 40 bottles ofBordeaux, 40 bottles of Champagne, 6 bottles of Madeira, and 3 bottles ofliqueurs. He was also to provide waiters to serve at table, and kitchen-and scullery-maids. And Kanitz concluded by saying: "If the least thingfails, a remarkable (_sic_) fine will be inflicted on the town. "

On January 15 an order was sent to the Mayor to supply at once, for thePrince's requirements, 25 kilogrammes of ham; 13 kilos. Of sausages;13 kilos. Of tongues; 5 dozen eggs; vegetables of all sorts, particularlyonions; 15 kilos. Of Gruyère cheese; 5 kilos. Of Parmesan; 15 kilos. Of best veal; 20 fowls; 6 turkeys; 12 ducks; 5 kilos. Of powdered sugar. [All the German orders and requisitions are preserved in the municipalarchives of Le Mans. ] No wine was ever good enough for Prince FrederickCharles and his staff. The complaints sent to the town-hall wereincessant. Moreover, the supply of Champagne, by no means large in such aplace as Le Mans, gave out, and then came all sorts of threats. Themunicipal councillors had to trot about trying to discover a few bottleshere and there in private houses, in order to supply the requirements ofthe Princely Staff. There was also a scarcity of vegetables, and yet therewere incessant demands for spinach, cauliflowers, and artichokes, and evenfruit for the Prince's tarts. One day Kanitz went to the house where theunfortunate Mayor was lying in bed, and told him that he must get up andprovide vegetables, as none had been sent for the Prince's table. TheMayor protested that the whole countryside was covered with snow, and thatit was virtually impossible to satisfy such incessant demands; but, as heafterwards related, ill and worried though he was, he could not refrainfrom laughing when he was required to supply several pounds of truffles. Truffles at Le Mans, indeed! In those days, too! The idea was quiteridiculous. 

Not only had the demands of Prince Frederick Charles's staff to besatisfied, but there were those of Voigts Rhetz, and of all the officerslodging at the Hôtel de France, the Hôtel du Dauphin, the Hôtel de laBoule d'Or and other hostelries. These gentlemen were very fond of givingdinners, and "mine host" was constantly being called upon to provide allsorts of delicacies at short notice. The cellars of the Hôtel de Francewere drunk dry. The common soldiers also demanded the best of everythingat the houses where they were billeted; and sometimes they playedextraordinary pranks there. Half a dozen of them, who were lodged at awine-shop in, I think, the Rue Dumas, broached a cask of brandy, pouredthe contents into a tub, and washed their feet in the spirituous liquor. It may be that a "brandy bath" is a good thing for sore feet; and thatmight explain the incident. However, when I think of it, I am alwaysreminded of how, in the days of the Second Empire, the spendthrift Due deGramont-Caderousse entered the. Café Anglais in Paris, one afternoon, called for a silver soup-tureen, had two or three bottles of champagnepoured into it, and then made an unrepentant Magdalen of the Boulevards, whom he had brought with him, wash his feet in the sparkling wine. Fromthat afternoon until the Café Anglais passed out of existence no silversoup-tureens were ever used there. 

I have given the foregoing particulars respecting the German occupationof Le Mans--they are principally derived from official documents--just toshow the reader what one might expect if, for instance, a German forceshould land at Hull or Grimsby and fight its way successfully to--let ussay--York or Leeds or Nottingham. The incidents which occurred at Le Manswere by no means peculiar to that town. Many similar instances occurredthroughout the invaded regions of France. I certainly do not wish toimpute gluttony to Prince Frederick Charles personally. But during theyears which followed the Franco-German War I made three fairly longstays at Berlin, putting up at good hotels, where officers--sometimesgenerals--often lunched and dined. And their appetites frequently amazedme, whilst their manners at table were repulsive. In those days mostGerman officers were bearded, and I noticed that between the courses atluncheon and at dinner it was a common practice of theirs to producepocket-glasses and pocket-combs, and comb their beards--as well as thehair on their heads--over the table. As for their manner of eating and thenoise they made in doing so, the less said the better. In regard tomanners, I have always felt that the French of 1870-71 were in somerespects quite entitled to call their enemies "barbarians"; but that wasforty-three years ago, and as time works wonders, the manners of theGerman military element may have improved. 

In saying something about the general appearance of Le Mans, I pointed outthat the town now has a Place de la République, a Gambetta Bridge, a RueThiers, and a statue of Chanzy; but at the period of the war and for along time afterwards it detested the Republic (invariably returningBonapartist or Orleanist deputies), sneered at Gambetta, and hotlydenounced the commander of the Loire Army. Its grievance against Chanzywas that he had made it his headquarters and given battle in its immediatevicinity. The conflict having ended disastrously for the French arms, thetownsfolk lamented that it had ever taken place. Why had Chanzy broughthis army there? they indignantly inquired. He might very well have goneelsewhere. So strong was this Manceau feeling against the general--afeeling inspired by the sufferings which the inhabitants experienced atthe time, notably in consequence of the German exactions--that fifteenyears later, when the general's statue (for which there had been anational subscription) was set up in the town, the displeasure there wasvery great, and the monument was subjected to the most shamefulindignities. [At Nouart, his native place, there is another statue ofChanzy, which shows him pointing towards the east. On the pedestal is theinscription; "The generals who wish to obtain the bâton of Marshal ofFrance must seek it across the Rhine"--words spoken by him in one of hisspeeches subsequent to the war. ] But all that has passed. Nowadays, bothat Auvours and at Pontlieue, there are monuments to those who fellfighting for France around Le Mans, and doubtless the town, in becomingmore Republican, has become more patriotic also. 

Before relating how I escaped from Le Mans on the day when the retreat wasordered, there are a few other points with which I should like to dealbriefly. It is tolerably well known that I made the English translation ofEmile Zola's great novel, "La Débâcle, " and a good many of my presentreaders may have read that work either in the original French or in theversion prepared by me. Now, I have always thought that some of thecharacters introduced by Zola into his narrative were somewhatexceptional. I doubt if there were many such absolutely neuroticdegenerates as "Maurice" in the French Army at any period of the war. Icertainly never came across such a character. Again, the psychology ofStephen Crane's "Red Badge of Courage, " published a few years after "LaDébâcle, " and received with acclamations by critics most of whom had neverin their lives been under fire, also seems to me to be of an exceptionalcharacter. I much prefer the psychology of the Waterloo episode inStendhal's "Chartreuse de Parme, " because it is of more generalapplication. "The Red Badge of Courage, " so the critics told us, showedwhat a soldier exactly felt and thought in the midst of warfare. UnlikeStendhal, however, its author had never "served. " No more had Zola; and Ifeel that many of the pictures which novelists have given us of asoldier's emotions when in action apply only to exceptional cases, and areeven then somewhat exaggerated. 

In action there is no time for thought. The most trying hours for a manwho is in any degree of a sensitive nature are those spent in night-dutyas a sentry or as one of a small party at some lonely outpost. Thenthoughts of home and happiness, and of those one loves, may well arise. There is one little point in connexion with this subject which I mustmention. Whenever letters were found on the bodies of men who fell duringthe Franco-German War, they were, if this man was a Frenchman, moreusually letters from his mother, and, if he was a German, more usuallyletters from his sweetheart. Many such letters found their way into printduring the course of the war. It is a well-known fact that a Frenchman'scult for his mother is a trait of the national character, and that aFrenchwoman almost always places her child before her husband. 

But what struck me particularly during the Franco-German War was thatthe anxieties and mental sufferings of the French officers were muchkeener than those of the men. Many of those officers were married, somehad young children, and in the silent hours of a lonely night-watch theirthoughts often travelled to their dear ones. I well remember how anofficer virtually unbosomed himself to me on this subject one night nearYvré-l'Evêque. The reason of it all is obvious. The higher a man'sintelligence, the greater is his sense of responsibility and the force ofhis attachments. But in action the latter are set aside; they only obtrudeat such times as I have said or else at the moment of death. 

Of actual cowardice there were undoubtedly numerous instances during thewar, but a great deal might be said in defence of many of the men who hereand there abandoned their positions. During the last months theirsufferings were frequently terrible. At best they were often onlypartially trained. There was little cohesion in many battalions. There wasa great lack of efficient non-commissioned officers. Instead of draftingregular soldiers from the _dépôts_ into special regiments, as was oftendone, it might have been better to have distributed them among the Mobilesand Mobilisés, whom they would have steadied. Judging by all that Iwitnessed at that period, I consider it essential that any territorialforce should always contain a certain number of trained soldiers who havepreviously been in action. And any such force should always have thesupport of regulars and of efficient artillery. I have related how certainBreton Mobilisés abandoned La Tuilerie. They fled before the regulars orthe artillery could support them; but they were, perhaps, the very rawestlevies in all Chanzy's forces. Other Breton Mobilisés, on other points, fought very well for men of their class. For instance, no reproach couldbe addressed to the battalions of St. Brieuo, Brest, Quimper, Lorient, andNantes. They were better trained than were the men stationed at LaTuilerie, and it requires some time to train a Breton properly. Thateffected, he makes a good soldier. 

Respecting my own feelings during that war, I may say that the paramountone was curiosity. To be a journalist, a man must be inquisitive. It isa _sine quâ non_ of his profession. Moreover, I was very young; I had noresponsibilities; I may have been in love, or have thought I was, but Iwas on my own, and my chief desire was to see as much as I could. Iwillingly admit that, when Gougeard's column was abruptly attacked atDroué, I experienced some trepidation at finding myself under fire; butfirmness may prove as contagious as fear, and when Gougeard rallied hismen and went forward to repel the Germans, interest and a kind ofexcitement took possession of me. Moreover, as I was, at least nominally, attached to the ambulance service, there was duty to be done, and thatleft no opportunity for thought. The pictures of the ambulances in or nearSedan are among the most striking ones contained in "La Débâcle, " and, judging by what I saw elsewhere, Zola exaggerated nothing. The ambulanceis the truly horrible side of warfare. To see men lying dead on the groundis, so to say, nothing. One gets used to it. But to see them amputated, and to see them lying in bed suffering, often acutely, from dreadfulwounds, or horrible diseases--dysentery, typhus, small-pox--that is thething which tries the nerves of all but the doctors and the trainednurses. On several occasions I helped to carry wounded men, and felt noemotion in doing so; but more than once I was almost overcome by the sightof all the suffering in some ambulance. 

When, on the morning of January 12, I heard that a general retreat hadbeen ordered, I hesitated as to what course I should pursue. I did notthen anticipate the street-fighting, and the consequent violence of theGermans. But journalistic instinct told me that if I remained in the townuntil after the German entry I might then find it very difficult to getaway and communicate with my people. At the same time, I did not think theGerman entry so imminent as proved to be the case; and I spent aconsiderable time in the streets watching all the tumult which prevailedthere. Now and again a sadly diminished battalion went by in fairly goodorder. But numbers of disbanded men hurried hither and thither inconfusion. Here and there a street was blocked with army vans and waggons, whose drivers were awaiting orders, not knowing which direction to take. Officers and estafettes galloped about on all sides. Then a number ofwounded men were carried in carts, on stretchers, and on trucks towardsthe railway-station. Others, with their heads bandaged or their arms inslings, walked painfully in the same direction. Outside the station therewas a strong cordon of Gendarmes striving to resist all the pressure of agreat mob of disbanded men who wished to enter and get away in the trains. At one moment, when, after quite a struggle, some of the wounded wereconveyed through the mob and the cordon, the disbanded soldiers followed, and many of them fought their way into the station in spite of all theefforts of the Gendarmes. The _mêlée_ was so desperate that I did notattempt to follow, but, after watching it for some time, retraced my stepstowards my lodging. All was hubbub and confusion at the little inn, andonly with difficulty could I get anything to eat there. A little later, however, I managed to tell the landlord--his name was Dubuisson--that Imeant to follow the army, and, if possible, secure a place in one of thetrains which were frequently departing. After stowing a few necessariesaway in my pockets, I begged him to take charge of my bag until somefuture day, and the worthy old man then gave me some tips as to how Imight make my way into the station, by going a little beyond it, andclimbing a palisade. 

We condoled with one another and shook hands. I then went out. Thecannonade, which had been going on for several hours, had now become moreviolent. Several shells had fallen on or near the Caserne de la Missionduring the morning. Now others were falling near the railway-station. I went my way, however, turned to the right on quitting the Rue duGué-de-Maulny, reached some palings, and got on to the railway-line. Skirting it, I turned to the left, going back towards the station. I passed one or two trains, which were waiting. But they were composed oftrucks and closed vans. I might perhaps have climbed on to one of theformer, but it was a bitterly cold day; and as for the latter, of courseI could not hope to enter one of them. So I kept on towards the station, and presently, without let or hindrance, I reached one of the platforms. 

Le Mans being an important junction, its station was very large, in somerespects quite monumental. The principal part was roofed with glass andsuggested Charing Cross. I do not remember exactly the number of lines ofmetals running through it, but I think there must have been four or five. There were two trains waiting there, one of them, which was largelycomposed of passenger carriages, being crammed with soldiers. I tried toget into one carriage, but was fiercely repulsed. So, going to the rear ofthis train, I crossed to another platform, where the second train was. This was made up of passenger coaches and vans. I scrambled into one ofthe latter, which was open. There were a number of packing-cases insideit, but there was at least standing room for several persons. Two railwaymen and two or three soldiers were already there. One of the former helpedme to get in. I had, be it said, a semi-military appearance, for my greyfrieze coat was frogged, and besides, what was more important, I wore thered-cross armlet given me at the time when I followed Gougeard's column. 

Almost immediately afterwards the train full of soldiers got away. Thecannonade was now very loud, and the glass roof above us constantlyvibrated. Some minutes elapsed whilst we exchanged impressions. Then, allat once, a railway official--it may have been M. Piquet himself--rushedalong the platform in the direction of the engine, shouting as he went:"Dépêchez! Dépêchez! Sauvez-vous!" At the same moment a stray artillerymanwas seen hastening towards us; but suddenly there came a terrific crash ofglass, a shell burst through the roof and exploded, and the unluckyartilleryman fell on the platform, evidently severely wounded. We werealready in motion, however, and the line being dear, we got fairly swiftlyacross the viaduct spanning the Sarthe. This placed us beyond the reach ofthe enemy, and we then slowed down. 

One or two more trains were got away after ours, the last one, I believe, being vainly assailed by some Uhlans before it had crossed the viaduct. The latter ought then to have been blown up, but an attempt to do soproved ineffectual. We went on very slowly on account of the many trainsin front of us. Every now and again, too, there came a wearisome stop. Itwas bitterly cold, and it was in vain that we beat the tattoo with ourfeet in the hope of thereby warming them. The men with me were alsodesperately hungry, and complained of it so bitterly and so frequently, that, at last, I could not refrain from producing a little bread and meatwhich I had secured at Le Mans and sharing it with them. But it merelymeant a bite for each of us. However, on stopping at last at Conliestation--some sixteen or seventeen miles from Le Mans--we all hastilyscrambled out of the train, rushed into a little inn, and almost foughtlike wild beasts for scraps of food. Then on we went once more, still veryslowly, still stopping again and again, sometimes for an hour at astretch, until, half numbed by the cold, weary of stamping our feet, andstill ravenous, we reached the little town of Sillé-le-Guillaume, which isnot more than eight or nine miles from Conlie. 

At Sillé I secured a tiny garret-like room at the crowded Hôtel de laCroix d'Or, a third-rate hostelry, which was already invaded by officers, soldiers, railway officials, and others who had quitted Le Mans before Ihad managed to do so. My comparatively youthful appearance won for me, however, the good favour of the buxom landlady, who, after repeatedlydeclaring to other applicants that she had not a corner left in the wholehouse, took me aside and said in an undertone: "listen, I will put you ina little _cabinet_ upstairs. I will show you the way by and by. But don'ttell anybody. " And she added compassionately: "_Mon pauvre garçon_, youlook frozen. Go into the kitchen. There is a good fire there, and you willget something to eat. "

Truth to tell, the larder was nearly empty, but I secured a little cheeseand some bread and some very indifferent wine, which, however, in my thencondition, seemed to me to be nectar. I helped myself to a bowl, Iremember, and poured about a pint of wine into it, so as to soak my bread, which was stale and hard. Toasting my feet at the fire whilst I regaledmyself with that improvised _soupe-au-vin_, I soon felt warm andinspirited once more. Hardship sits on one but lightly when one is onlyseventeen years of age and stirred by early ambition. All the world thenlay before me, like mine oyster, to be opened by either sword or pen. 

At a later hour, by the light of a solitary guttering candle, in thelittle _cabinet_ upstairs, I wrote, as best I could, an account of therecent fighting and the loss of Le Mans; and early on the followingmorning I prevailed on a railway-man who was going to Rennes to post mypacket there, in order that it might be forwarded to England _viâ_ SaintMalo. The article appeared in the _Pall Mall Gazette_, filling a page ofthat journal, and whatever its imperfections may have been, it wasundoubtedly the first detailed account of the battle of Le Mans, from theFrench side, to appear in the English Press. It so happened, indeed, thatthe other correspondents with the French forces, including my cousinMontague Vizetelly of _The Daily News_, lingered at Le Mans until it wastoo late for them to leave the town, the Germans having effected theirentry. 

German detachments soon started in pursuit of the retreating Army of theLoire. Chanzy, as previously mentioned, modified his plans, in accordancewith Gambetta's views, on the evening of January 12. The new orders werethat the 16th Army Corps should retreat on Laval by way of Chassillé andSaint Jean-sur-Erve, that the 17th, after passing Conlie, should comedown to Sainte Suzanne, and that the 21st should proceed from Conlie toSillé-le-Guillaume. There were several rear-guard engagements during, theretreat. Already on the 13th, before the 21st Corps could modify itsoriginal line of march, it had to fight at Ballon, north of Le Mans. On the next day one of its detachments, composed of 9000 Mobilisés of theMayenne, was attacked at Beaumont-sur-Sarthe, and hastily fell back, leaving 1400 men in the hands of the Germans, who on their side lost only_nine_! Those French soldiers who retreated by way of Conlie partiallypillaged the abandoned stores there. A battalion of Mobiles, on passingthat way, provided themselves with new trousers, coats, boots, andblankets, besides carrying off a quantity of bread, salt-pork, sugar, andother provisions. These things were at least saved from the Germans, whoon reaching the abandoned camp found there a quantity of military_matériel_, five million cartridges, 1500 cases of biscuits and extract ofmeat, 180 barrels of salt-pork, a score of sacks of rice, and 140puncheons of brandy. 

On January 14 the 21st Corps under Jaurès reached Sillé-le-Guillaume, andwas there attacked by the advanced guard of the 13th German Corps underthe Grand Duke of Mecklenburg. The French offered a good resistance, however, and the Germans retreated on Conlie. I myself had managed toleave Sillé the previous afternoon, but such was the block on the linethat our train could get no farther than Voutré, a village of about athousand souls. Railway travelling seeming an impossibility, I prevailedon a farmer to give me a lift as far as Sainte Suzanne, whence I hoped tocut across country in the direction of Laval. Sainte Suzanne is an ancientand picturesque little town which in those days still had a rampart andthe ruins of an early feudal castle. I supped and slept at an inn there, and was told in the morning (January 14) that it would be best for me togo southward towards Saint Jean-sur-Erve, where I should strike the directhighway to Laval, and might also be able to procure a conveyance. I didnot then know the exact retreating orders. I hoped to get out of the wayof all the troops and waggons encumbering the roads, but in this I wasdoomed to disappointment, for at Saint Jean I fell in with them again. 

That day a part of the rear-guard of the 16th Corps (Jauréguiberry)--thatis, a detachment of 1100 men with a squadron of cavalry under GeneralLe Bouëdec--had been driven out of Chassillé by the German cavalry underGeneral von Schmidt. This had accelerated the French retreat, whichcontinued in the greatest confusion, all the men hastening precipitatelytowards Saint Jean, where, after getting the bulk of his force on to theheights across the river Erve, which here intersects the highway, Jauréguiberry resolved on attempting to check the enemy's pursuit. Thoughthe condition of most of the men was lamentable, vigorous defensivepreparations were made on the night of the 14th and the early morning ofthe following day. On the low ground, near the village and the river, trees were felled and roads were barricaded; while on the slopes batterieswere disposed behind hedges, in which embrasures were cut. The enemy'sforce was, I believe, chiefly composed of cavalry and artillery. Thelatter was already firing at us when Jauréguiberry rode along our lines. A shell exploded near him, and some splinters of the projectile struckhis horse in the neck, inflicting a ghastly, gaping wound. The poor beast, however, did not fall immediately, but galloped on frantically for morethan a score of yards, then suddenly reared, and after doing so came down, all of a heap, upon the snow. However, the Admiral, who was a goodhorseman, speedily disengaged himself, and turned to secure anothermount--when he perceived that Colonel Beraud, his chief of staff, who hadbeen riding behind him, had been wounded by the same shell, and had fallenfrom his horse. I saw the Colonel being carried to a neighbouringfarmhouse, and was afterwards told that he had died there. 

The engagement had no very decisive result, but Schmidt fell back to theroad connecting Sainte Suzanne with Thorigné-en-Charnie, whilst wewithdrew towards Soulge-le-Bruant, about halfway between Saint Jean andLaval. During the fight, however, whilst the artillery duel was inprogress, quite half of Jauréguiberry's men had taken themselves offwithout waiting for orders. I believe that on the night of January 15 hecould not have mustered more than 7000 men for action. Yet only two dayspreviously he had had nearly three times that number with him. 

Nevertheless, much might be pleaded for the men. The weather was stillbitterly cold, snow lay everywhere, little or no food could be obtained, the commissariat refraining from requisitioning cattle at the farms, forall through the departments for Mayenne and Ille-et-Vilaine cattle-plaguewas raging. Hungry, emaciated, faint, coughing incessantly, at timesaffected with small-pox, the men limped or trudged on despairingly. Theirboots were often in a most wretched condition; some wore sabots, others, as I said once before, merely had rags around their poor frost-bittenfeet. And the roads were obstructed by guns, vans, waggons, vehicles ofall kinds. Sometimes an axle had broken, sometimes a horse had fallen deadon the snow, in any case one or another conveyance had come to astandstill, and prevented others from pursuing their route. I recollectseeing hungry men cutting steaks from the flanks of the dead beasts, sometimes devouring the horseflesh raw, at others taking it to somecottage, where the avaricious peasants, who refused to part with a scrapof food, at least had to let these cold and hungry men warm themselves ata fire, and toast their horseflesh before it. At one halt three soldiersknocked a peasant down because he vowed that he could not even give them apinch of salt. That done, they rifled his cupboards and ate all they couldfind. 

Experience had taught me a lesson. I had filled my pockets with ham, bread, hard-boiled eggs, and other things, before leaving Sainte Suzanne. I had also obtained a meal at Saint Jean, and secured some brandy there, and I ate and drank sparingly and surreptitiously whilst I went on, overtaking one after another batch of weary soldiers. However, thedistance between Saint Jean and Laval is not very great. Judging by themap, it is a matter of some twenty-five miles at the utmost. Moreover, Iwalked only half the distance. The troops moved so slowly that I reachedSoulge-le-Bruant long before them, and there induced a man to drive me toLaval. I was there on the afternoon of January 16, and as from this pointtrains were still running westward, I reached Saint Servan on thefollowing day. Thus I slipped through to my goal, thereby justifying thenickname of L'Anguille--the Eel--which some of my young French friends hadbestowed on me. 

A day or two previously my father had returned from England, and I foundhim with my stepmother. He became very much interested in my story, andtalked of going to Laval himself. Further important developments mightsoon occur, the Germans might push on to Chanzy's new base, and I feltthat I also ought to go back. The life I had been leading either makes ormars a man physically. Personally, I believe that it did me a world ofgood. At all events, it was settled that my father and myself should go toLaval together. We started a couple of days later, and managed to travelby rail as far as Rennes. But from that point to Laval the line was nowvery badly blocked, and so we hired a closed vehicle, a ramshackle affair, drawn by two scraggy Breton nags. The main roads, being still crowded withtroops, artillery, and baggage waggons, and other impedimenta, were oftenimpassable, and so we proceeded by devious ways, amidst which our driverlost himself, in such wise that at night we had to seek a shelter at thefamous Chateau des Bochers, immortalized by Mme. De Sévigné, and repletewith precious portraits of herself, her own and her husband's families, inaddition to a quantity of beautiful furniture dating from her time. 

It took us, I think, altogether two days to reach Laval, where, aftersecuring accommodation at one of the hotels, we went out in search ofnews, having heard none since we had started on our journey. Perceiving anewspaper shop, we entered it, and my father insisted on purchasing a copyof virtually every journal which was on sale there. Unfortunately for us, this seemed highly suspicious to a local National Guard who was in theshop, and when we left it he followed us. My father had just then begun tospeak to me in English, and at the sound of a foreign tongue the man'ssuspicions increased. So he drew nearer, and demanded to know who and whatwe were. I replied that we were English and that I had previously beenauthorised to accompany the army as a newspaper correspondent. Mystatements, however, were received with incredulity by this suspiciousindividual, who, after one or two further inquiries, requested us toaccompany him to a guard-house standing near one of the bridges thrownover the river Mayenne. 

Thither we went, followed by several people who had assembled during ourparley, and found ourselves before a Lieutenant of Gendarmes, on thecharge of being German spies. Our denouncer was most positive on thepoint. Had we not bought at least a dozen newspapers? Why a dozen, whensensible people would have been satisfied with one? Such extensivepurchases must surely have been prompted by some sinister motive. Besides, he had heard us conversing in German. English, indeed! No, no! He wascertain that we had spoken German, and was equally certain of our guilt. 

The Lieutenant looked grave, and my explanations did not quite satisfyhim. The predicament was the more awkward as, although my father wasprovided with a British passport, I had somehow left my precious militarypermit at Saint Servan, Further, my father carried with him some documentswhich might have been deemed incriminating, They were, indeed, safe-conducts signed by various German generals, which had been used by usconjointly while passing, through the German lines after making our wayout of Paris in November. As for my correspondent's permit, signed sometime previously by the Chief of the Staff, I had been unable to find itwhen examining my papers on our way to Laval, but had consoled myself withthe thought that I might get it replaced at headquarters. [The red-crossarmlet which had repeatedly proved so useful to me, enabling me to comeand go without much interference, was at our hotel, in a bag we hadbrought with us. ] Could I have shown it to the Lieutenant, he might haveordered our release. As it happened, he decided to send us to the ProvostMarshal. I was not greatly put out by that command, for I remembered theofficer in question, or thought I did, and felt convinced that everythingwould speedily be set right. 

We started off in the charge of a brigadier-otherwise a corporal--ofGendarmes, and four men, our denouncer following closely at our heels. Myfather at once pointed out to me that the brigadier and one of the menwore silver medals bearing the effigy of Queen Victoria, so I said to theformer, "You were in the Crimea. You are wearing our Queen's medal. "

"Yes, " he replied, "I gained that at the Alma. "

"And your comrade?"

"He won his at the Tohernaya. "

"I dare say you would have been glad if French and English had fought sideby side in this war?" I added. "Perhaps they ought to have done so. "

"_Parbleu!_ The English certainly owed us a _bon coup de main_, instead ofwhich they have only sold us broken-down horses and bad boots. "

I agreed that there had been some instances of the kind. A few more wordspassed, and I believe that the brigadier became convinced of our Englishnationality. But as his orders were to take us to the Provost's, thitherwe were bound to go. An ever increasing crowd followed. Shopkeepers andother folk came to their doors and windows, and the words, "They arespies, German spies!" rang out repeatedly, exciting the crowd andrendering it more and more hostile. For a while we followed a quay withgranite parapets, below which flowed the Mayenne, laden with drifting ice. All at once, however, I perceived on our left a large square, where abouta hundred men of the Laval National Guard were being exercised. They sawus appear with our escort, they saw the crowd which followed us, and theyheard the cries, "Spies! German spies!" Forthwith, with that disregard fordiscipline which among the French was so characteristic of the period, they broke their ranks and ran towards us. 

We were only able to take a few more steps. In vain did the Gendarmes tryto force a way through the excited mob. We were surrounded by angry, scowling, vociferating men. Imprecations burst forth, fists were clenched, arms were waved, rifles were shaken, the unruly National Guards being themost eager of all to denounce and threaten us. "Down with the spies!" theyshouted. "Down with the German pigs! Give them to us! Let us shoot them!"

A very threatening rush ensued, and I was almost carried off my feet. Butin another moment I found myself against the parapet of the quay, with myfather beside me, and the icy river in the rear. In front of us stood thebrigadier and his four men guarding us from the angry citizens of Laval. 

"Hand them over to us! We will settle their affair, " shouted an excitedNational Guard. "You know that they are spies, brigadier. "

"I know that I have my orders, " growled the veteran. "I am taking them tothe Provost. It is for him to decide. "

"That is too much ceremony, " was the retort. "Let us shoot them!"

"But they are not worth a cartridge!" shouted another man. "Throw theminto the river!"

That ominous cry was taken up. "Yes, yes, to the river with them!" Thencame another rush, one so extremely violent that our case seemeddesperate. 

But the brigadier and his men had managed to fix bayonets during the briefparley, and on the mob being confronted by five blades of glisteningsteel, its savage eagerness abated. Moreover, the old brigadier behavedmagnificently. "Keep back!" cried he. "I have my orders. You will have tosettle me before you take my prisoners!"

Just then I caught the eye of one of the National Guards, who was shakinghis fist at us, and I said to him, "You are quite mistaken. We are notGermans, but English!"

"Yes, yes, _Anglais, Anglais_!" my father exclaimed. 

While some of the men in the crowd were more or less incredulouslyrepeating that statement, a black-bearded individual--whom I can, at thisvery moment, still picture with my mind's eye, so vividly did the affairimpress me--climbed on to the parapet near us, and called out, "You sayyou are English? Do you know London? Do you know Regent Street? Do youknow the Soho?"

"Yes, yes!" we answered quickly. 

"You know the Lei-ces-terre Square? What name is the music-hall there?"

"Why, the Alhambra!" The "Empire, " let me add, did not exist in thosedays. 

The man seemed satisfied. "I think they are English, " he said to hisfriends. But somebody else exclaimed, "I don't believe it. One of them iswearing a German hat. "

Now, it happened that my father had returned from London wearing a felthat of a shape which was then somewhat fashionable there, and which, curiously enough, was called the "Crown Prince, " after the heir to thePrussian throne--that is, our Princess Royal's husband, subsequently theEmperor Frederick. The National Guard, who spoke a little English, wishedto inspect this incriminating hat, so my father took it off, and one ofthe Gendarmes, having placed it on his bayonet, passed it to the man onthe parapet. When the latter had read "Christy, London, " on the lining, heonce more testified in our favour. 

But other fellows also wished to examine the suspicious headgear, and itpassed from hand to hand before it was returned to my father in a more orless damaged condition, Even then a good many men were not satisfiedrespecting our nationality, but during that incident of the hat--alaughable one to me nowadays, though everything looked very ugly when itoccurred--there had been time for the men's angry passions to cool, to aconsiderable extent at all events; and after that serio-comical interlude, they were much less eager to inflict on us the summary law of Lynch. Afurther parley ensued, and eventually the Gendarmes, who still stood withbayonets crossed in front of us, were authorized, by decision of theSovereign People, to take us to the Provost's. Thither we went, then, amidst a perfect procession of watchful guards and civilians. 

Directly we appeared before the Provost, I realized that our troubles werenot yet over. Some changes had taken place during the retreat, and eitherthe officer whom I remembered having seen at Le Mans (that is, ColonelMora) had been replaced by another, or else the one before whom we nowappeared was not the Provost-General, but only the Provost of the 18thCorps. At all events, he was a complete stranger to me. After hearing, first, the statements of the brigadier and the National Guard who haddenounced us, and who had kept close to us all the time, and, secondly, the explanations supplied by my father and myself, he said to me, "If youhad a staff permit to follow the army, somebody at headquarters must beable to identify you. "

"I think that might be done, " I answered, "by Major-General Feilding, who--as you must know--accompanies the army on behalf of the BritishGovernment. Personally, I am known to several officers of the 21st Corps--General Gougeard and his Chief of Staff, for instance--and also to some ofthe aides-de-camp at headquarters. "

"Well, get yourselves identified, and obtain a proper safe-conduct, " saidthe Provost. "Brigadier, you are to take these men to headquarters. Ifthey are identified there, you will let them go. If not, take them to thechâteau (the prison), and report to me. "

Again we all set out, this time climbing the hilly ill-paved streets ofold Laval, above which the town's great feudal castle reared its dark, round keep; and presently we came to the local college, formerly anUrsuline convent, where Chanzy had fixed his headquarters. 

In one of the large class-rooms were several officers, one of whomimmediately recognized me. He laughed when he heard our story. "I wasarrested myself, the other day, " he said, "because I was heard speaking inEnglish to your General Feilding. And yet I was in uniform, as I am now. "

The Gendarmes were promptly dismissed, though not before my father hadslipped something into the hand of the old brigadier for himself and hiscomrades. Their firmness had saved us, for when a mob's passions areinflamed by patriotic zeal, the worst may happen to the objects of itswrath. 

A proper safe-conduct (which I still possess) was prepared by anaide-de-camp on duty, and whilst he was drafting it, an elderly butbright-eyed officer entered, and went up to a large circular stove to warmhimself. Three small stars still glittered faintly on his faded cap, and six rows of narrow tarnished gold braid ornamented the sleeves of hissomewhat shabby dolman. It was Chanzy himself. 

He noticed our presence, and our case was explained to him. Looking at mekeenly, he said, "I think I have seen you before. You are the youngEnglish correspondent who was allowed to make some sketches atYvré-l'Evêque, are you not?"

"Yes, _mon genéral_, " I answered, saluting. "You gave me permissionthrough, I think, Monsieur le Commandant de Boisdeffre. "

He nodded pleasantly as we withdrew, then lapsed into a thoughtfulattitude. 

Out we went, down through old Laval and towards the new town, my fathercarrying the safe-conduct in his hand. The Gendarmes must have alreadytold people that we were "all right, " for we now encountered only pleasantfaces. Nevertheless, we handed the safe-conduct to one party of NationalGuards for their inspection, in order that their minds might be quite atrest. That occurred outside the hospital, where at that moment I littleimagined that a young Englishman--a volunteer in the Sixth Battalion ofthe Côtes-du-Nord Mobile Guards (21st Army Corps)--was lying invalided bya chill, which he had caught during an ascent in our army balloon withGaston Tissandier. Since then that young Englishman has become famous asField-Marshal Viscount Kitchener of Khartoum. 

But the National Guards insisted on carrying my father and myself to thechief café of Laval. They would take no refusal. In genuine Frenchfashion, they were all anxiety to offer some amends for their misplacedpatriotic impulsiveness that afternoon, when they had threatened, first, to shoot, and, next, to drown us. In lieu thereof they now deluged us withpunch _à la française_, and as the café soon became crowded with otherfolk who all joined our party, there ensued a scene which almost suggestedthat some glorious victory had been gained at last by invaded andunfortunate France. 

XIII

THE BITTER END

Battues for Deserters--End of the Operations against Chanzy--Faidherbe'sBattles--Bourbaki's alleged Victories and Retreat--The Position in Paris--The terrible Death Rate--State of the Paris Army--The Sanguinary BuzenvalSortie--Towards Capitulation--The German Conditions--The ArmisticeProvisions--Bourbaki's Disaster--Could the War have been prolonged?--TheResources of France--The general Weariness--I return to Paris--TheElections for a National Assembly--The Negotiations--The State of Paris--The Preliminaries of Peace--The Triumphal Entry of the Germans--The War'sAftermath. 

We remained for a few days longer at Laval, and were not again interferedwith there. A painful interest attached to one sight which we witnessedmore than once. It was that of the many processions of deserters whom thehorse Gendarmerie of the headquarters staff frequently brought into thetown. The whole region was scoured for runaways, many of whom were foundin the villages and at lonely farms. They had generally cast off theiruniform and put on blouses, but the peasantry frequently betrayed them, particularly as they seldom, if ever, had any money to spend in bribes. Apart from those _battues_ and the measures of all kinds which Chanzy tookto reorganise his army, little of immediate import occurred at Laval. Gambetta had been there, and had then departed for Lille in order toascertain the condition of Faidherbe's Army of the North. The Germanpursuit of Chanzy's forces ceased virtually at Saint Jean-sur-Erve. Therewas just another little skirmish at Sainte Mélaine, but that was all. [I should add that on January 17 the Germans under Mecklenburg securedpossession of Alengon (Chanty's original objective) alter an ineffectualresistance offered by the troops under Commandant Lipowski, who wasseconded in his endeavours by young M. Antonin Dubost, then Prefect of theOrne, and recently President of the French Senate. ] Accordingly my fatherand I returned to Saint Servan, and, having conjointly prepared somearticles on Chanzy's retreat and present circumstances, forwarded them toLondon for the _Pall Mall Gazette_. 

The war was now fast drawing to an end. I have hitherto left severalimportant occurrences unmentioned, being unwilling to interrupt mynarrative of the fighting at Le Mans and the subsequent retreat. I feel, however, that I now ought to glance at the state of affairs in other partsof France. I have just mentioned that after visiting Chanzy at Laval(January 19), Gambetta repaired to Lille to confer with Faidherbe. Let ussee, then, what the latter general had been doing. He was no longeropposed by Manteuffel, who had been sent to the east of France in the hopethat he would deal more effectually than Werder with Bourbaki's army, which was still in the field there. Manteuffel's successor in the northwas General von Goeben, with whom, on January 18, Faidherbe fought anengagement at Vermand, followed on the morrow by the battle of SaintQuentin, which was waged for seven hours amidst thaw and fog. Though itwas claimed as a French victory, it was not one. The Germans, it is true, lost 2500 men, but the French killed and wounded amounted to 3500, andthere were thousands of men missing, the Germans taking some 5000prisoners, whilst other troops disbanded much as Chanzy's men disbandedduring his retreat. From a strategical point of view the action at SaintQuentin was indecisive. 

Turning to eastern France, Bourbaki fought two indecisive engagements nearVillersexel, south-east of Vesoul, on January 9 and 10, and claimed thevictory on these occasions. On January 13 came another engagement atArcey, which he also claimed as a success, being congratulated upon it byGambetta. The weather was most severe in the region of his operations, andthe sufferings of his men were quite as great as--if not greater than--those of Chanzy's troops. There were nights when men lay down to sleep, and never awoke again. On January 15, 16, and 17 there was a succession ofengagements on the Lisaine, known collectively as the battle of Héricourt. These actions resulted in Bourbaki's retreat southward towards Besançon, where for the moment we will leave him, in order to consider the positionof Paris at this juncture. 

Since the beginning of the year, the day of the capital's surrender hadbeen fast approaching. Paris actually fell because its supply of food wasvirtually exhausted. On January 18 it became necessary to ration thebread, now a dark, sticky compound, which included such ingredients asbran, starch, rice, barley, vermicelli, and pea-flour. About ten ounceswas allotted per diem to each adult, children under five years of agereceiving half that quantity. But the health-bill of the city was also acontributory cause of the capitulation. In November there were 7444 deathsamong the non-combatant population, against 3863 in November, 1869. Thedeath-roll of December rose to 10, 665, against 4214 in December theprevious year. In January, between sixty and seventy persons died fromsmall-pox every day. Bronchitis and pneumonia made an ever-increasingnumber of victims. From January 14 to January 21 the mortality rose to noless than 4465; from the latter date until January 28, the day of thecapitulation, the figures were 4671, whereas in normal times they hadnever been more than 1000 in any week. 

Among the troops the position was going from bad to worse. Thousands ofmen were in the hospitals, and thousands contrived to desert and hidethemselves in the city. Out of 100, 705 linesmen, there were, on January 1, no fewer than 23, 938 absentees; while 23, 565 units were absent from theMobile Guard, which, on paper, numbered 111, 999. Briefly, one man out ofevery five was either a patient or a deserter. As for the Germanbombardment, this had some moral but very little material effect. Apartfrom the damage done to buildings, it killed (as I previously said) aboutone hundred and wounded about two hundred persons. 

The Government now had little if any confidence in the utility of anyfurther sorties. Nevertheless, as the extremist newspapers still clamouredfor one, it was eventually decided to attack the German positions acrossthe Seine, on the west of the city. This sortie, commonly called that ofBuzenval, took place on January 10, the day after King William of Prussiahad been proclaimed German Emperor in Louis XIV's "Hall of Mirrors" atVersailles. [The decision to raise the King to the imperial dignity hadbeen arrived at on January 1. ] Without doubt, the Buzenval sortie wasdevised chiefly in order to give the National Guard the constantlydemanded opportunity and satisfaction of being led against the Germans. Trochu, who assumed chief command, establishing himself at the fort ofMont Valérien, divided his forces into three columns, led by GeneralsVinoy, Bellemare, and Ducrot. The first (the left wing) comprised22, 000 men, including 8000 National Guards; the second (the centralcolumn) 34, 500 men, including 16, 000 Guards; and the third (the rightwing) 33, 500 men, among whom were no fewer than 18, 000 Guards. Thus thetotal force was about 90, 000, the National Guards representing about athird of that number. Each column had with it ten batteries, representingfor the entire force 180 guns. The French front, however, extended over adistance of nearly four miles, and the army's real strength was therebydiminished. There was some fairly desperate fighting at Saint Cloud, Montretout, and Longboyau, but the French were driven back after losing4000 men, mostly National Guards, whereas the German losses were onlyabout six hundred. 

The affair caused consternation in Paris, particularly as severalprominent men had fallen in the ranks of the National Guard. On the nightof January 21, some extremists forced their way into the prison of Mazasand delivered some of their friends who had been shut up there since therising of October 31. On the morrow, January 22, there was a demonstrationand an affray on the Place de l'Hôtel de Ville, shots being exchanged withthe result that people were killed and wounded. The Government gained theday, however, and retaliated by closing the revolutionary clubs andsuppressing some extremist newspapers. But four hours later Trochuresigned his position as Military Governor of Paris (in which he wasreplaced by General Vinoy), only retaining the Presidency of theGovernment. Another important incident had occurred on the very eveningafter the insurrection: Jules Favre, the Foreign Minister, had thenforwarded a letter to Prince Bismarck. 

The Government's first idea had been merely to surrender--that is to openthe city-gates and let the Germans enter at their peril. It did not wishto negotiate or sign any capitulation. Jules Favre indicated as much when, writing to Bismarck, and certainly the proposed course might have placedthe Germans--with the eyes of the world fixed upon them--in a difficultposition. But Favre was no match for the great Prussian statesman. Formalnegotiations were soon opened, and Bismarck so contrived affairs that, asGambetta subsequently and rightly complained, the convention which Favresigned applied far more to France as a whole than to Paris itself. Inregard to the city, the chief conditions were that a war indemnity of£8, 000, 000 should be paid; that the forts round the city should beoccupied by the Germans; that the garrison--Line, Mobile Guard, and NavalContingent (altogether about 180, 000 men)--should become prisoners of war;and that the armament (1500 fortress guns and 400 field pieces) should besurrendered, as well as the large stores of ammunition. On the other hand, a force of 12, 000 men was left to the French Government for "police duty"in the city, and the National Guards were, at Favre's urgent but foolishrequest, allowed to retain their arms. Further, the city was to beprovisioned. In regard to France generally, arrangements were made for anarmistice of twenty-one days' duration, in order to allow of the electionof a National Assembly to treat for peace. In these arrangements Favre andVinoy (the new Governor of Paris) were out-jockeyed by Bismarck andMoltke. They were largely ignorant of the real position in the provinces, and consented to very disadvantageous terms in regard to the lines whichthe Germans and the French should respectively occupy during the armisticeperiod. Moreover, although it was agreed that hostilities should cease onmost points, no such stipulation was made respecting the east of France, where both Bourbaki and Garibaldi were in the field. 

The latter had achieved some slight successes near Dijon on January 21 and23, but on February 1--that is, two days after the signing of thearmistice--the Garibaldians were once more driven out of the Burgundiancapital. That, however, was as nothing in comparison with what befellBourbaki's unfortunate army. Manteuffel having compelled it to retreatfrom Besançon to Pontarlier, it was next forced to withdraw intoSwitzerland [Before this happened, Bourbaki attempted his life. ](neutral territory, where it was necessarily disarmed by the Swissauthorities) in order to escape either capture or annihilation by theGermans. The latter took some 6000 prisoners, before the other men (about80, 000 in number) succeeded in crossing the Swiss frontier. A portion ofthe army was saved, however, by General Billot. With regard to theposition elsewhere, Longwy, I should mention, surrendered three daysbefore the capitulation of Paris; but Belfort prolonged its resistanceuntil February 13, when all other hostilities had ceased. Its garrison, so gallantly commanded by Colonel Denfert-Bochereau, was accorded thehonours of war. 

As I wrote in my book, "Republican France, " the country generally wasweary of the long struggle; and only Gambetta, Freycinet, and a fewmilitary men, such as Chanzy and Faidherbe, were in favour of prolongingit. From the declaration of war on July 15 to the capitulation of Parisand the armistice on January 28, the contest had lasted twenty-eightweeks. Seven of those weeks had sufficed to overthrow the Second Empire;but only after another one-and-twenty weeks had the Third Republic laiddown her arms. Whatever may have been the blunders of the NationalDefence, it at least saved the honour of France, It may well be doubted whether the position could have been retrieved hadthe war been prolonged, though undoubtedly the country was still possessedof many resources. In "Republican France, " I gave a number of figureswhich showed that over 600, 000 men could have been brought into actionalmost immediately, and that another 260, 000 could afterwards have beenprovided. On February 8, when Chanzy had largely reorganized his army, he, alone, had under his orders 4952 officers and 227, 361 men, with 430 guns. That careful and distinguished French military historian, M. PierreLehautcourt, places, however, the other resources of France at even ahigher figure than I did. He also points out, rightly enough, thatalthough so large a part of France was invaded, the uninvaded territorywas of greater extent, and inhabited by twenty-five millions of people. Heestimates the total available artillery on the French side at 1232 guns, each with an average allowance of 242 projectiles. In addition, there were443 guns awaiting projectiles. He tells us that the French ordnancefactories were at this period turning out on an average 25, 000 chassepotsevery month, and delivering two million cartridges every day; whilst otherlarge supplies of weapons and ammunition were constantly arriving fromabroad. On the other hand, there was certainly a scarcity of horses, themortality of which in this war, as in all others, was very great. Chanzyonly disposed of 20, 000, and the remount service could only supply another12, 000. However, additional animals might doubtless have been found invarious parts of France, or procured from abroad. 

But material resources, however great they may be, are of little availwhen a nation has practically lost heart. In spite, moreover, of all theefforts of commanding officers, insubordination was rampant among thetroops in the field. There had been so many defeats, so many retreats, that they had lost all confidence in their generals. During the period ofthe armistice, desertions were still numerous. I may add, that if at theexpiration of the armistice the struggle had been renewed, Chanzy's plan--which received approval at a secret military and Government council heldin Paris, whither he repaired early in February--was to place Generalde Colomb at the head of a strong force for the defence of Brittany, whilst he, Chanzy, would, with his own army, cross the Loire and defendsouthern France. 

Directly news arrived that an armistice had been signed, and that Pariswas once more open, my father arranged to return there, accompanied bymyself and my younger brother, Arthur Vizetelly. We took with us, Iremember, a plentiful supply of poultry and other edibles for distributionamong the friends who had been suffering from the scarcity of provisionsduring the latter days of the siege. The elections for the new NationalAssembly were just over, nearly all of the forty-three deputies returnedfor Paris being Republicans, though throughout the rest of FranceLegitimist and Orleanist candidates were generally successful. I rememberthat just before I left Saint Servan one of our tradesmen, an enthusiasticRoyalist, said to me, "We shall have a King on the throne by the time youcome back to see us in the summer. " At that moment it certainly seemed asif such would be the case. As for the Empire, one could only regard it asdead. There were, I think, merely five recognized Bonapartist members inthe whole of the new National Assembly, and most of them came fromCorsica. Thus, it was by an almost unanimous vote that the Assemblydeclared Napoleon III and his dynasty to be responsible for the "invasion, ruin, and dismemberment of France. "

The Assembly having called Thiers to the position of "Chief of theExecutive Power, " peace negotiations ensued between him and Bismarck. Theybegan on February 22, Thiers being assisted by Jules Favre, who retainedthe position of Minister of Foreign Affairs, mainly because nobody elsewould take it and append his signature to a treaty which was bound to bedisastrous for the country. The chief conditions of that treaty will beremembered. Germany was to annex Alsace-Lorraine, to receive a warindemnity of two hundred million pounds sterling (with interest inaddition), and secure commercially "most favoured nation" treatment fromFrance. The preliminaries were signed on February 26, and accepted by theNational Assembly on March 1, but the actual treaty of Frankfort was notsigned and ratified until the ensuing month of May. 

Paris presented a sorry spectacle during the weeks which followed thearmistice. There was no work for the thousands of artisans who had becomeNational Guards during the siege. Their allowance as such was prolonged inorder that they might at least have some means of subsistence. But theunrest was general. By the side of the universal hatred of the Germans, which was displayed on all sides, even finding vent in the notices set upin the shop-windows to the effect that no Germans need apply there, oneobserved a very bitter feeling towards the new Government. Thiers had beenan Orleanist all his life, and among the Paris working-classes there was ageneral feeling that the National Assembly would give France a king. Thisfeeling tended to bring about the subsequent bloody Insurrection of theCommune; but, as I wrote in "Republican France, " it was precisely theCommune which gave the French Royalists a chance. It placed a weapon intheir hands and enabled them to say, "You see, by that insurrection, byall those terrible excesses, what a Republic implies. Order, quietude, fruitful work, are only possible under a monarchy. " As we know, however, the efforts of the Royalists were defeated, in part by the obstinacy oftheir candidate, the Comte de Chambord, and in part by the good behaviourof the Republicans generally, as counselled both by Thiers and byGambetta. 

On March 1, the very day when the National Assembly ratified thepreliminaries of peace at Bordeaux, the Germans made their triumphal entryinto Paris. Four or five days previously my father had sent me on aspecial mission to Bordeaux, and it was then that after long years I againset eyes on Garibaldi, who had been elected as a French deputy, but whoresigned his seat in consequence of the onerous terms of peace. Others, notably Gambetta, did precisely the same, by way of protesting against theso-called "Devil's Treaty. " However, I was back in Paris in time towitness the German entry into the city. My father, my brother Arthur, andmyself were together in the Champs Elysées on that historical occasion. Ihave related elsewhere [In "Republican France. "] how a number of women ofthe Paris Boulevards were whipped in the Champs Elysées shrubberies byyoung roughs, who, not unnaturally, resented the shameless overtures madeby these women to the German soldiery. There were, however, someunfortunate mistakes that day, as, for instance, when an attempt wasmade to ill-treat an elderly lady who merely spoke to the Germans in thehope of obtaining some information respecting her son, then still aprisoner of war. I remember also that Archibald Forbes was knocked downand kicked for returning the salute of the Crown Prince of Saxony. Some ofthe English correspondents who hurried to the scene removed Forbes to alittle hotel in the Faubourg St. Honoré, for he had really been hurt bythat savage assault, though it did not prevent him from penning a graphicaccount of what he witnessed on that momentous day. 

The German entry was, on the whole, fairly imposing as a military display;but the stage-management was very bad, and one could not imagine thatNapoleon's entry into Berlin had in any way resembled it. Nor could it besaid to have equalled the entry of the Allied Sovereigns into Paris in1814. German princelings in basket-carriages drawn by ponies did not addto the dignity of the spectacle. Moreover, both the Crown Prince of Saxonyand the Crown Prince of Germany (Emperor Frederick) attended it invirtually an _incognito_ manner. As for the Emperor William, hiscouncillors dissuaded him from entering the city for fear lest thereshould be trouble there. I believe also that neither Bismarck nor Moltkeattended, though, like the Emperor, they both witnessed the preliminaryreview of troops in the Bois de Boulogne. The German occupation waslimited to the Champs Elysées quarter, and on the first day the Parisiansgenerally abstained from going there; but on the morrow--when news thatthe preliminaries of peace had been accepted at Bordeaux had reached thecapital--they flocked to gaze upon _nos amis les ennemis_, and greatlyenjoyed, I believe, the lively music played by the German regimentalbands. "Music hath charms, " as we are all aware. The departure of theGerman troops on the ensuing evening was of a much more spectacularcharacter than their entry had been. As with their bands playing, whilstthey themselves sang the "Wacht am Rhein" in chorus, they marched up theChamps Elysées on their way back to Versailles, those of their comradeswho were still billeted in the houses came to the balconies with as manylighted candles as they could carry. Bivouac fires, moreover, were burningbrightly here and there, and the whole animated scene, with its play oflight and shade under the dark March sky, was one to be long remembered. 

The Franco-German War was over, and a new era had begun for Europe. Thebalance of power was largely transferred. France had again ceased to bethe predominant continental state. She had attained to that position fora time under Louis XIV, and later, more conspicuously, under Napoleon I. But in both of those instances vaulting ambition had o'er-leapt itself. The purposes of Napoleon III were less far-reaching. Such ideas ofaggrandisement as he entertained were largely subordinated to his desireto consolidate the _régime_ he had revived, and to ensure the continuityof his dynasty. But the very principle of nationality which he more thanonce expounded, and which he championed in the case of Italy, broughtabout his ruin. He gave Italy Venetia, but refused her Rome, and therebyalienated her. Further, the consolidation of Germany--from his ownnationalist point of view--became a threat to French interests. Thus hewas hoist chiefly by his own _pétard_, and France paid the penalty for hiserrors. 

The Franco-German War was over, I have said, but there came a terribleaftermath--that is, the rising of the Commune, some of the introductoryfeatures of which were described by me in "Republican France. " There isonly one fairly good history of that formidable insurrection in theEnglish language--one written some years ago by Mr. Thomas March. It is, however, a history from the official standpoint, and is consequentlyone-sided as well as inaccurate in certain respects. Again, the Englishversion of the History of the Commune put together by one of itspartisans, Lissagaray, sins in the other direction. An impartial accountof the rising remains to be written. If I am spared I may, perhaps, beprivileged to contribute to it by preparing a work on much the same linesas those of this present volume. Not only do I possess the greater part ofthe literature on the subject, including many of the newspapers of thetime, but throughout the insurrection I was in Paris or its suburbs. 

I sketched the dead bodies of Generals Clément Thomas and Lecomte only afew hours after their assassination. I saw the Vendôme column fall whileAmerican visitors to Paris were singing, "Hail, Columbia!" in the hotelsof the Rue de la Paix. I was under fire in the same street when ademonstration was made there. Provided with passports by both sides, Iwent in and out of the city and witnessed the fighting at Asnières andelsewhere. I attended the clubs held in the churches, when women oftenperorated from the pulpits. I saw Thiers's house being demolished; andwhen the end came and the Versailles troops made their entry into thecity, I was repeatedly in the street-fighting with my good friend, CaptainBingham. I recollect sketching the attack on the Elysée Palace from abalcony of our house, and finding that balcony on the pavement a few hourslater when it had been carried away by a shell from a Communard battery atMontmartre. Finally, I saw Paris burning. I gazed on the sheaves of flamesrising above the Tuileries. I saw the whole front of the Ministry ofFinances fall into the Rue de Rivoli. I saw the now vanished Carrefour dela Croix Rouge one blaze of fire. I helped to carry water to put out theconflagration at the Palais de Justice. I was prodded with a bayonet when, after working in that manner for some hours, I attempted to shirk duty atanother fire which I came upon in the course of my expeditions. All thatperiod of my life flashes on my mind as vividly as Paris herself flashedunder the wondering stars of those balmy nights in May. 

My father and my brother Arthur also had some remarkable adventures. There was one occasion when they persuaded a venturesome Paris cabman todrive them from conflagration to conflagration, and this whilst thestreet-fighting was still in progress. Every now and then, as they droveon, men and women ran eagerly out of houses into which wounded combatantshad been taken, imagining that they must belong to the medical profession, as nobody else was likely to go about Paris in such a fashion at such amoment. Those good folk forgot the journalists. The service of the Presscarries with it obligations which must not be shirked. Journalism hasbecome, not merely the chronicle of the day, but the foundation ofhistory. And now I know not if I should say farewell or _au revoir_ to myreaders. Whether I ever attempt a detailed account of the Commune of Parismust depend on a variety of circumstances. After three-and-forty years"at the mill, " I am inclined to feel tired, and with me health is not whatit has been. Nevertheless, my plans must depend chiefly on the receptiongiven to this present volume. 

INDEX

 Adam, Edmond Adare, Lord Albert, Archduke Albert, Prince (the elder), of Prussia Alencon taken Alexander II of Russia Alexandra, Queen Allix, Jules Amazons of Paris Ambert, General Ambulances, Anglo-American at Conlie at Le Mans author's impression of Amiens Arabs with Chanzy Arago, Emmanuel Etienne Ardenay, Armistice, conditions for an concluded Army, French, under the Empire of Paris, _see also_ Paris of Brittany at the outset of National Defence of the Vosges, _see also_ Garibaldi of the East, _see also_ Bourbaki of the Loire, _see also_ D'Aurelle, Goulmiers, 	Chanzy, Le Mans, etc. Of the North, _see_ Faidheibe at the end of war _for German army see_ German _and names of commanders_ Arnim, Count von Artists, French newspaper Assembly, _see_ National Aurelle, _see_ D'Aurelle Auvours plateau (Le Mans)

 Balloon service from Paris Bapauine, battle of Barry, General Battues for deserters Bazaine, Marshal Beauce country Beaumont, fight at Beaune-la-Rolande, battle of Belfort, siege of Bellemare, General Carré de Bellenger, Marguerite Belly, Félix Beraud, Colonel Bernard, Colonel Berezowski Beuvron, Abbé de Billot, General Bingham, Captain Hon. D. A. Bismarck, Prince Blano, Louis Blanchard, P. Blanqui, Augusta, Blewitt, Dr. Byron Boisdeffre, Captain, later General de Bonaparte, Lycée, _see_ Lycée Bonaparte, Prince Pierre, _See also_ Napoleon Bonnemains, General de Boots, army Bordone, General Borel, General Boulanger, General, his mistress Bourbaki, General Charles Bourbon, Palais, _see_ Legislative Body Bourdillon, General Bourges, Bourget, Le, Bower, Mr. , Bowles, T. Gibson, Brie-Comte-Robert, Brownings, the, Bulwer, Sir E. , Caillaux, E. And J. , Cambriels, General, Canrobert, Marshal, Capitulations, see Amiens, Belfort, Longwy, Metz, Paris, Sedan, Strasbourg, Toul, etc. Capoul, Victor, Caricatures of the period, Casimir-Perler, J. P. , Cathelineau, Colonel, Chabaud-Latour, General, Challemel-Lacour, Cham (M. De Noé), Chambord, Comte de, Champagné, fighting at, Champigny, sortie of, Changé, fighting at, Chanzy, General Alfred, his early career and appearance, his orders and operations with the Loire forces, Charette, General Baron, Chartres, "Chartreuse de Parme, La", Chassillé, fight at, Chateaubriand, Count and Countess de Châteaudun, fight at, Châtillon, fight at, Chemin des Boeufs (Le Mans), "Claque, " the, Claremont, Colonel, Clocks, German love of, Clubs, Paris, social revolutionary Colin, General, Collins, Mortimer, Colomb, General de, Colomb, General von, Commune of Paris, attempts to set up a rising of the Condé, Prince de, Conlie, camp of, Connerré, Corbeil, Germans at, Correspondents, English, in Paris, Coulmiers, battle of, Couriers from Paris, Cousin-Montauban, see Palikao. Cowardice and panic, cases of, Crane, Stephen, Cremer, General, Crémieux, Adolphe, Crouzat, General, Crown Prince of Prussia (Emperor Frederick), Curten, General, Daily News, Daily Telegraph, Daumier, Honoré, D'Aurelle de Paladines, General, Davenport brothers, "Débâcle, La, " Zola's, Dejean, General, Delescluze, Charles, Denfert-Rochereau, Colonel, Des Pallières, General Martin, Devonshire, late Duke of, Dieppe, Germans reach, Dijon, fighting at, Doré, Gustave, Dorian, Frédéric, D'Orsay, Count, Douay, General Abel; General Félix, "Downfall, the, " see Débâcle. Droué, fight at, Dubost, Antonin, Ducrot, General, Duff, Brigadier-General (U. S. A. ), Dumas, Alexandre, Dunraven, Lord, see Adare. Duvernois, Clément, "Echoes of the Clubs" Edwardes, Mrs. Annie Elgar, Dr. Francis Elysée Palace Emotions in war Empress, _see_ Eugénie. English attempts to leave Paris exodus from Eugénie, Empress

 Faidherbe, General Failly, General de Fashions, Paris Favre, Jules Feilding, Major-General Fennell family Ferry, Jules Fitz-James, Duc de Flourens, Gustave Forbach, battle of Forbes, Archibald Forge, Anatole de la Fourichon, Admiral Franco-German War cause and origin of preparations for outbreak of first French armies departure of Napoleon III for Germans enter France first engagements news of Sedan troops gathered in Paris German advance on Paris Châtillon affair investment of Paris French provincial armies the fighting near Le Mans the retreat to Laval armistice and peace negotiations _See also Paris, and names of battles and commanders_. Frederick, Emperor, _see_ Crown Prince, Frederick Charles, Prince, of Prussia Freyoinet, Charles de Saulces de, Frossard, General

 Galliffet, Mme. De Gambetta, Léon Garde, _see_ Imperial, Mobile, _and_ National. Garibaldi, General Garibaldi, Riciotti Garnier-Pagès Germans early victories alleged overthrow at Jaumont Sedan advance on Paris expelled from Paris love of clocks Princes strategy exactions at Le Mans officers' manners entry into Paris Glais-Bizoin Godard brothers Goeben, General von Gougeard, General Gramont, Duc Agénor de Gramont-Cadèrousse, Duc de Greenwood, Frederick Guard, _see_ Imperial, Mobile, National. 

 Halliday, Andrew Hazen, General W. B. (U. S. A. ) Heiduck, General von Héricourt, battle of Home, David Dunglass Horses in the War Hozier, Captain, later Colonel, Sir H. Hugo, Victor

 _Illustrated London News_ _Illustrated Times_ Imperial Guard Imperial Prince

 Jarras, General Jaumont quarries Jaurégulberry, Admiral Jaurès, Admiral Jerrold, Blanchard Johnson, Captain Jouffroy, General Jung, Captain

 Kanitz, Colonel von Kean, Edmund Kératry, Comte de Kitchener, Lord Kraatz-Koschlau, General von

 Laboughere, Henry, Ladmirault, General de La Ferté-Bernard Lalande, General La Malmaison sortie La Motte-Rouge, General de Landells Langres Laon, capitulation of Laval, retreat on adventure at Leboeuf, Marshal Lebouëdec, General Lebrun, General Lecomte, General Ledru-Rollin Le Flô, General Lefort, General Legislative Body, French (Palais Bourbon) Le Mans Chanzy at town described country around fighting near decisive fighting begins retreat from battle losses at street fighting at Germans at their exactions Chanzy's statue at Lermina, Jules Lewal, Colonel Lipowski, Commandant Lobbia, Colonel Loigny-Poupry, battle Longwy, capitulation Lycée Bonaparte, now Condorcet Lyons, Lord

 MacMahon, Marshal Mme. De Magnin, M. Maine country Malmaison, _see_ La Malmaison Mans, _see_ Le Mans Mantes, Germans at Manteuffel, General von Marchenoir forest Mario, Jessie White Marseillaise, the Mayhew, brothers Mazure, General Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Frederick Francis, Grand Duke of Metz Michel, General Millaud, A. , his verses Middleton, Robert Mobile Guard, in Paris Moltke, Marshal von Monson, Sir Edmund Montbard, artist Mora, Colonel Morny, Duc de Motte Rouge, _see_ La Motte-Rouge Moulin, artist

 Nadar, Jules Tournachon, called Napoleon I Napoleon III, Napoleon (Jérôme), Prince National Assembly elected National Defence Government confirmed by a plebiscitum in the provinces National Guard (Paris) of Châteaudun of Laval _New York Times_ Niel, Marshal Noé, Vicomte de, _see_ Cham. Nogent-le-Rotrou Noir, Victor, assassinated Nuits, fighting at

 Ollivier, Emile; Madame Orleans; battle of

 Paladines, see D'Aurelle Palikao, General de _Pall Mall Gazette_ Parigné l'Eveque Paris, cafés in; riots in; elections in; early in the war; defensive preparations; fugitives and refugees; wounded soldiers in; Anglo-American ambulance in; army and armament of; Hugo's return to; German advance on; last day of liberty in; live-stock in; customary meat supply of; clubs in; defence of Châtillon; siege begins; attempts to leave; first couriers from; balloon and pigeon post; siege jests; spyophobia and signal craze in; amazons of; reconnaissances and sorties from; news of Metz in; demonstrations and riots in; plebiscitum in; food and rations in; English people leave; state of environs of; steps to relieve; bombardment of; health of; deserters in; affray in; capitulation of; author returns to; aspect after the armistice; Germans enter; rising of the Commune, _See also_ Revolution. Paris, General "Partant pour la Syrie" Peace conditions "Pekin, Siege of" Pelcoq, Jules, artist Pelletan, Eugène Picard, Ernest Pietri, Prefect Pigeon-Post Piquet, M. Pius IX Pollard family Pontifical Zouaves Pontlieue (Le Mans) Pont-Noyelles, battle of Postal-services, _see_ Balloon, Courier, Pigeon. Prim, General Prussians, not Germans Pyat, Félix

 Quatrefages de Bréau Quinet, Edgar

 Rampont, Dr. "Red Badge of Courage" Red Cross Society, French Reed, Sir E. J. Rennes Retreat, Chanzy's, on Marchenoir forest; on Le Mans; on Laval; Revolution of September 4. Reyau, General Richard, Mayor of Le Mans Robinson, Sir John Rochefort, Henri Rochers, Château des Rodellee du Ponzic, Lieutenant Roquebrune, General de Rothschild, Baron Alphonse de Rouen, Germans reach Rouher, Eugène Rousseau, General Russell, Sir William Howard Ryan, Dr. C. E. 

 Saint Agil Saint Calais Saint Cloud château destroyed Saint Jean-sur-Erve Saint Malo Saint Quentin, defence of; battle of Saint Servan Sainte Suzanne Sala, G. A. Sardou, Victorien Sass, Marie Saxe-Meiningen, Prince of Saxony, Crown Prince of Schmidt, General von Sedan, news of Napoleon at Senate, Imperial Shackle Sieges, _see_ Paris _and other places_ Signal craze in Paris Sillé-le-Guillaume Simon, Jules Skinner, Hilary Sologne region Songs, some Victorian Sophia, Queen of Holland Spuller, Eugène Spyophobia in Paris at Laval Stendhal Stoffel, Colonel Strasbourg, siege of Susbielle, General

 Tann, General von der Tertre Rouge position (Le Mans) Thackeray, W. M. Thiers, Adolphe Thomas, General Clément Tibaldi _Times_, the Tissandier brothers Toul capitulates Treaty, _see_ Peace Trochu, General Troppmann Tuilerie position (Le Mans) Tuileries palace

 Uhrich, General

 Vaillant, Marshal Valentin, Edmond Vendôme column Versailles during Paris siege Villemessant, H. De Villersexel, battle of Villorceau, fighting at Vimercati, Count Vinoy, General Vizetelly family Vizetelly, Adrian ------, Arthur ------, Edward Henry ------, Elizabeth Anne ------, Ellen Elizabeth ------, Ernest Alfred, parentage men he saw in childhood his passionate temper at school at Eastbourne at London sights sees Garibaldi and Nadar goes to France at the Lycée Bonaparte his tutor Brassard sees an attempt on Alexander H. Assists his father his first article sees famous Frenchmen visits the Tuileries goes to Compiègne is addressed by Napoleon III sees Paris riots visits Prince Pierre's house is befriended by Captain Bingham dreams of seeing a war has a glimpse of its seamy side sees Napoleon III set out for the war hears Capoul sing the "Marseillaise" sees a demonstration meets English newspaper correspondents is called a little spy by Gambetta with the Anglo-American ambulance witnesses the Revolution takes a letter to Trochu sees Victor Hugo's return to Paris witnesses a great review describes Parish last day of liberty sees Captain Johnson arrive visits balloon factories ascends in Nadar's captive balloon sees Gambetta leave in a balloon learns fencing goes to a women's club interviews the Paris Amazons witnesses the demonstration of October 21 and that of October 31 food arrangements of his father and himself leaves Paris at Brie Comte-Robert at Corbeil at Champlan at Versailles visits Colonel Walker with his father leaves Versailles at Mantes reaches Saint Servan visits the Camp of Conlie accompanies Gougeard's division to the front in the retreat on Le Mans receives the baptism of fire has an amusing experience at Rennes returns to Le Mans sees and sketches Chanzy witnesses part of the battle of Le Mans sees the stampede from the tile-works and the confusion at Le Mans his views on German officers on a soldier's emotions on ambulances escapes from Le Mans at Sillé-le-Guillaume at the fight of Saint Jean-sur-Erve follows the retreat returns to Laval has a dramatic adventure there returns to Paris sees the Germans enter Paris some of his experiences during the Commune Vizetelly, Frank ----, Francis (Frank) Horace ----, Frederick Whitehead ----, Henry ----, Henry Richard (author's father) ----, James Thomas George ----, James Henry ----, Montague Voigts Rhetz, General von Vosges, _see_ Army of the Voules, Horace

 Walker, Colonel Beauchamp War, emotions in war-news in 1870 _See also_ Franco-German War Washburne, Mr. Werder, General von Whitehurst, Felix William, King of Prussia, later Emperor Wimpfen, General de Wittich, General von Wodehouse, Hon. Mr. Wolseley, Field-Marshal Lord

 Yvré-l'Evéque

 Zola, Emile, his "La Débâcle"

THE END