[Transcriber's note: Obvious printer's errors have been corrected, all other inconsistencies are as in the original. The author'sspelling has been maintained. 

Words are missing at the end of page 265 / start of page 266. ]

 MEMOIRS

 OF THE

 PRIVATE LIFE, RETURN, AND REIGN

 OF

 NAPOLEON

 IN 1815. 

 _Ingrata patria, ne ossa quidem habes. _ SCIPIO. 

 BY M. FLEURY DE CHABOULON, Ex-Secretary of the Emperor Napoleon and of his Cabinets, Master of Requests to the Council of State, Baron, Officer of the Legion of Honour, and Knight of the Order of Reunion. 

 VOL. II. 

 LONDON: JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET. 1820. 

MEMOIRS, &c. &c. 

At the same period (May the 1st) the Emperor received a fresh proof ofthe little confidence, that men deserve, and of the horrible facility, with which they sacrifice their duties and their sentiments, to thesuggestions of their covetousness or their ambition. 

Of all the ministers of Napoleon there was not one, who, at the timeof his return, lavished on him so many protestations of fidelity anddevotion to his service, as the Duke of Otranto. "And this fidelity, if he could have doubted it, would have been guarantied by themandate, under which he (M. Fouché) groaned, at the moment when thereturn of Napoleon restored him to liberty, and perhaps to life[1]. "

 [Footnote 1: Fragment of a letter from M. Fouché to the Emperor, on the 21st of March. ]

Yet what was the astonishment of the Emperor, when the Duke of Vicenzacame to inform him, that a secret agent of M. De Metternich hadarrived at Paris from Vienna, and appeared to have had a mysteriousinterview with M. Fouché! The Emperor immediately ordered M. Réal, prefect of the police, to make search after this emissary. He wasarrested, and declared:

That, being employed by a banking-house at Vienna, to settle accountsof interest with several bankers at Paris, he had been sent for by M. De Metternich; and that this prince had entrusted him with a letterfor the French minister of police:

That he was ignorant of the contents of this letter; but knew it wasinterlined with sympathetic ink: and the prince had delivered to him apowder for making the hidden characters appear:

That Baron de Werner, diplomatic agent, was to be at Bâle on the 1stof May, to receive the answer of the Duke of Otranto:

That a fictitious statement of an account had been given him, whichwas to serve as a sign, to make known to M. Werner the agent sent bythe French minister:

In fine, that he had delivered the letter and the account to the Dukeof Otranto, who had told him, to attend quickly to his business, andreturn to Vienna as soon as possible. 

The Emperor immediately sent for M. Fouché, under pretence ofconversing with him on affairs of state. 

M. Fouché preserved the most profound silence on what had passed withthe envoy of M. De Metternich, and displayed no marks of embarrassmentor uneasiness. 

The first thought of Napoleon was, to seize the papers of histreacherous minister: but persuaded, that he was too adroit, and tooprudent, to retain any traces of his treason, he deemed it preferable, in order to come at the truth, to send some one to Bâle, who shouldintroduce himself to M. Werner as from the Duke. Napoleon attachedgreat importance to this mission. He condescended to cast his eyes onme to execute it; and, after having disclosed to me "_the perfidy ofthat infamous Fouché, _" he said to me: "You will go immediately to theDuke of Vicenza: he will give you passports both in the King's nameand in mine: you will learn at the frontier, which will avail youmost. Here is an order under my own hand, to all the generals, prefects, and lieutenants of police, who may be on the Rhine, tofurnish you with the means of leaving and returning to France, andwith all the assistance you may require, within the kingdom and evenwithout. I command them, strictly to conform to every thing you mayjudge proper to direct. I think you will pass. I have never heard ofthis M. Werner, but M. De Metternich is a man of honour: he would notbe concerned in a plot against my life. I do not believe the businessis to renew the attempts of Georges, or the snares of the 3d ofNivose. However, you will sound M. Werner on this head. I believe, they are desirous of fomenting disturbances, and forming a conspiracy, rather against my throne, than against my life. This point it isessential to ascertain. I give you no farther instructions: you willact as your own master: I rely entirely on you. If the safety of thestate be threatened, or if you discover any thing of importance, apprise me of it by the telegraph, and send off a courier with allspeed. If you find there is nothing in it but the commencement of anintrigue, nothing but a trial; waste no time in useless parleying, butfrankly avail yourself of the opportunity, to make M. De Metternichacquainted with my situation, and my pacific intentions; and endeavourto establish a reconciliation between me and Austria. I should alsolike to know, what the allies think of Eugene; and whether they wouldbe disposed to call him to the head of affairs in a regency, if Ishould lose my life on the field of battle. Go and see the Duke ofVicenza, talk with him, and return in half an hour. I will see if Ihave any thing more to say to you. " Half an hour after, I returned. The Emperor was in his saloon, surrounded by Marshal Ney and severalpersons of consequence. Making a motion with his hand, he said to me:"I rely upon you: fly. "

It was by such expressions, that he knew how to flatter self-love, andanimate zeal. I flew to Bâle. Had it been necessary for me, in orderto justify the expectations of Napoleon, to cross the Rhine under themouths of the enemy's cannon, I should have done it. 

I began to employ the unlimited powers given me by the Emperor, bydirecting provisionally, that no person coming from Paris should beallowed to quit France. I was not willing to be preceded by the realagent of the Duke of Otranto. 

The communication with Bâle was not yet interrupted: but it wasnecessary, to have a permit to enter the city, another to go out ofit, and, on the slightest suspicion, you were carried before thedirector of the police, who, without taking his pipe out of his mouth, gave orders, according to his own good pleasure, either to turn youout at the gate, or to throw you into prison, I had provided myselfwith a commission of inspector general of provision, and presentedmyself at Bâle under the pretence of making large purchases there. Money will always secure a good reception in Switzerland. 

I repaired without meeting any obstacle to the Three Kings inn, whereM. Werner had alighted. He was already arrived. I announced to him, that I had been commissioned by a person at Paris, to confer with him. He showed me the account he had as a token; and I showed him _at adistance_ that I had, for I knew it was good for nothing. It had beenwritten out from memory by our prisoner, the token having remained inthe hands of M. Fouché. 

M. Werner began by expressing to me with all the pomp of diplomaticpoliteness the pleasure, which he felt at seeing me; that he hadexpected me ever since the 1st of May (this was the 3d); and that hebegan to fear, that M. Fouché was indifferent about entering into aconference with the prince. This conjecture led me to suppose, thatnothing had yet been agreed upon or proposed. I answered M. Werner, that in fact the Duke of Otranto had shown a little hesitation, because the letter of M. De Metternich left _some uncertainty_; butthat, still filled with esteem and deference for this prince, he wouldbe eager to offer him every proof of his zeal, that should be in hispower; that he had chosen me for his interpreter, and that I shouldtake a pleasure in answering with unbounded confidence the _new_overtures, which M. Werner was no doubt commissioned to make to me. Iadded, that the Duke of Otranto had recommended to me, to lay asidediplomatic forms, and to explain myself with that complete _absence ofrestraint_, which M. De Metternich must inspire. That in consequence, I intreated him, to follow my example, and to tell me withoutcircumlocution, _what he expected of us_. 

He answered me, that M. De Metternich had retained the highest opinionof M. Fouché's merit: that he imagined, a man like him could notsuppose, that Napoleon would maintain himself on the throne: that hewas persuaded, he had accepted the ministry of police, only to spareFrance the calamities of a civil and a foreign war: and that, underthis persuasion, he hoped M. Fouché would not hesitate, to second theefforts the allies were about to make, to get rid of Bonaparte, andre-establish the Bourbons in France. 

I replied, that M. Fouché, whose patriotism was well known, had notbeen able to contemplate without pain the misfortunes, with whichFrance was threatened; but that hitherto he had not perceived thepossibility of remedying them. "Frequently, " I said, "people at adistance see more clearly, than those who are nigh: what are the viewsof M. De Metternich and the allies on this point? _what means do theyconceive may be employed, to get rid of Napoleon?_"

"M. De Metternich, " said he, "has not fully communicated to me hisviews in this respect. I have even reason to believe, that nothing hasyet been determined; and that it is in order to arrive at some certainresult, that he is desirous of concerting matters with M. Fouché, whomust be better acquainted with the true state of affairs than he is. As to the means of getting rid of Bonaparte, there is one, the issueof which cannot be doubtful: this is force: but the allies areunwilling to have recourse to it, unless in the last extremity; andthey would have wished, _that M. Fouché could have found means ofdelivering France from Bonaparte_, without shedding fresh torrents ofblood. "

This ambiguous answer giving me some uneasiness, I replied: "I know buttwo ways of overturning the throne of Napoleon: the first is, toassassinate him!" As I pronounced these words, I turned my eyes a littleaside, that I might not embarrass M. Werner, and might observe him at myease. "Assassinate him!" exclaimed he with indignation: "such a stepnever entered into the thoughts of M. De Metternich. "--"So I presume;and accordingly I began with expressing to you the high veneration, which I feel for M. De Metternich. The second way, " I continued, "is ofsecretly uniting, or, to speak plainly, of conspiring against Napoleon;and I do not see very clearly at present, _on whom we can reckon_: haveM. De Metternich and the allies _any connexions yet formed_?"

"They have none, " he answered: "scarcely have they had time to come toany mutual understanding at Vienna. It is for M. Fouché to prepare andarrange his plans: it is to him, that the allies are desirous ofconfiding the care and honour of saving France from the calamities ofa new war, and from the tyranny prepared for her by the Emperor. "

Convinced by the turn the conversation had taken, that there had beenno previous connexion between the Duke of Otranto and M. DeMetternich; convinced, that the life of the Emperor, and the safety ofthe state, were not threatened; I changed my style, and proceededstraight to the end, which I had principally in view; that ofendeavouring to establish, if not a reconciliation, at leastconferences between France and Austria. 

"Do the allies then imagine, " resumed I, "that it would be easy for M. Fouché to stir France against Napoleon? There was a time, it is true, when the Emperor was not liked; but the Bourbons have treated thenation so ill, that they succeeded in rendering him regretted, so thathis enemies are become his partisans. "

"What you tell me, " answered M. Werner with astonishment, "iscompletely the reverse of the reports, that reach us from Paris. "

"I can assure you, " continued I, "that they have deceived you. Theacclamations and good wishes, that accompanied Napoleon from the gulfof Juan to Paris, ought however to have informed you, that he had inhis favour the unanimous suffrages of the army, and of thenation. "--"Say of the army. "--"No: I persist in saying of the nation, and of the army. From the moment when Napoleon re-appeared on Frenchground, he was received with enthusiasm, not only by his soldiers, but by the citizens also. If he had the suffrages of only a fewregiments in a state of insubordination, would he have traversedFrance without any obstacle? Would he have received on his journeythat unanimous testimony of love and devotion, which the wholepopulation of Dauphiny, the Lyonese, and Burgundy, emulated each otherin displaying?"--"It is possible, that Bonaparte may have been wellreceived in some places; but a few solitary acclamations do notexpress the wishes of a whole nation; and, had it not been for thearmy, he would never have re-entered the Tuileries. "--"It is certain, that, if Napoleon had had the army against him, he could never havedethroned Louis XVIII. With eight hundred men: but we must notconclude, that, because the army declared for him, it was the armyalone, that re-established him on the throne. When he took Lyons, hehad with him only two thousand men; he had but eight thousand, when hemarched for Paris; and he had only eight hundred with him, when heentered the capital. Had not the nation entertained the samesentiments as the army, could he, with such a contemptible force, havegiven the law to two millions of individuals scattered on his road;and to the fifty thousand soldiers, national guards and volunteers, who were assembled under the walls of Paris? If indeed the nation hadopposed the proceedings and wishes of the army, and the army hadovercome the nation, it might have been asserted with reason, that therestoration of Napoleon was the work of the soldiers exclusively: butyou know, as well as I, that not a single act of violence wascommitted, not a single musket was fired, and that they were everywhere welcomed and feasted as friends and deliverers. I ask you, now, what ought we to conclude from this union, this unanimity ofsentiments and actions?"--

"We may infer, that the people, naturally weak and timid, were afraidof the army; and gave it a good reception, that they might not beexposed to its violence: but this does not prove, that in the bottomof their hearts they shared the sentiments of the army for Napoleon. "

"God alone knows what passes in the bottom of the heart: we mortalscan judge only by appearances, by men's words and actions. Nowactions, words, and appearances combine to prove evidently, that thenation approved and shared the enthusiasm of the army. Besides, youare wrong in thinking, that in France the people can entertainsentiments different from those of the army. Under the ancientmonarchy, when the army was composed of the dissolute reduced to want, of malefactors pursued by the hand of justice, there did not, andcould not, exist any affinity between the army and the nation: but nowthat the army is a national body, composed of the sons and brothers ofour best citizens; and that these sons, these brothers, thoughseparated from their families, remain united with them in heart, mind, and interests; the nation and the army are one. If the allies havefounded their hopes solely on a disagreement of opinions and wishesbetween the nation and the army, they have calculated erroneously: theapproach of their troops, far from dividing the French, will only drawtheir union closer. They will not fight for Napoleon, they will fightfor the honour and independence of the nation. "--"From what you tellme it would seem, that France is determined to run the hazard of war;and that it is ready, if Napoleon require it, to second as heretoforehis schemes of conquest. "--"No, sir: the glory of Napoleon has cost ustoo dear; we desire no more laurels at such a price. Napoleon has thewishes of the nation on his side, less from affection to his person, than because he is a man of the revolution, and his government willsecure us pledges, which we have demanded in vain from the Bourbons;but if the Emperor were to suffer himself to be led away by the thirstof conquest, France would abandon him; and then you might reckon on M. Fouché and all true patriots uniting, to get rid of Napoleon forever. "--

"You do not think, then, it appears to me, that M. Fouché is disposedat the present moment, to second the views of the allied sovereignsand M. Metternich?"--"I do not; M. Fouché is convinced, that theBourbons cannot reign: that the nation has an antipathy to them, whichnothing can remove. "--"The allies are not so much bent on restoringthe crown to Louis XVIII. , as on taking it from Napoleon, whoseremaining on the throne is incompatible with the safety and repose ofEurope: I am even authorized to think, that they would leave theFrench free to choose whatever sovereign, and whatever government, they might think proper. The Duke of Orleans, for instance, would nothe suit the nation? He served formerly in the republican armies; hehas been a partisan of the revolution; his father voted for the deathof Louis XVI. "--"The Duke of Orleans, no doubt, would offer thenation most of the pledges it requires: but his elevation to thethrone, far from annihilating our troubles, would increase them; hewould have against him the partisans of Louis XVIII. , of Napoleon, andof the regency; that is to say, almost the whole nation. "--"Well, then, the allies might consent to give you the young prince Napoleonand the regency, or perhaps a federal government. "--"At the time ofthe invasion in 1814, we had several times occasion to debate thequestion of the regency with M. Fouché. He thought, that, with aregency, France would experience the renovation of those discords, towhich minorities commonly give birth. A people, that has been at warwith itself, and with its neighbours, has need of being swayed by aman, who knows how to hold the reins of government with a firm hand, and to make himself respected at home and abroad. "--"But you have nowant of firm and able men; and a council of regency might be composedfor you, that would answer the wishes both of the allies and ofFrance. "--"I know well, that we have in the archchancellor, in theDuke of Vicenza, and in several of our principal functionaries, statesmen abounding in talents, wisdom, and moderation: but thedifficulty would be, to make a choice among the military men. Most ofthese have equal rights, and their pretensions, their jealousies, their rivalries, could not but be fatal to our tranquillity. "--"Weshould know how to keep them in order; and I do not see one among themwhose ambition could prove formidable. "--"Their ambition has notdisplayed itself for want of opportunity. I know but one military man, who could be placed at the head of the government with safety; this isEugene, the prince who said, in 1814, in his memorable proclamations, that 'they alone are immortal, who know how to live and die faithfulto their duty, faithful to gratitude and honour:' this prince, I say, far from aspiring to the throne, would be on the contrary its gloryand support: but his family ties, and the duties they impose on him, perhaps would not permit him to quit Bavaria. Perhaps too the allieswould not allow the direction of affairs in France, to be entrusted tohim: do you think they would?"--"I am perfectly ignorant of what mightbe the determination of the prince and his family. "--"But cannot youguess, what would be that of the allies?"--"Not in the least. "--"Whatmen, " said I to him jocularly, "you diplomatists are! why are not youas open with me, as I am with you? have I left one of your desiresunsatisfied? have I avoided answering one of your questions?"--"I amnot endeavouring to dissemble, I assure you: but, as the question youhave put to me was not foreseen, I cannot, and ought not, to allowmyself to answer it. "--"Well, we will say no more of it. As to afederal government, this would too much resemble our republic, and wehave paid so dear for the honour of being republicans, that we have nofarther inclination for it. A federal government may suit a countrywith a scanty population, like Switzerland; or a new nation, likeAmerica; but it would be a calamity to our old France: we are toovolatile, too impassioned; we want a ruler, a master who knows how tomake himself obeyed. Hark you, M. Werner, I must continue to speak toyou frankly: the only chief, that suits us, is Napoleon: no longerNapoleon the ambitious and the conqueror, but Napoleon corrected byadversity. The desire of reigning will render him docile to the willof France, and of Europe. He will give them both such pledges, as theymay require: and I believe the Duke of Otranto will then esteemhimself very happy, to be able to concur with M. De Metternich inpacifying Europe, re-establishing harmony between Austria and France, and so restricting the power of the Emperor, that it shall no longerbe possible for him, to disturb a second time the generaltranquillity. This, I believe, must be the object of the allies; itdepends on themselves alone to attain it: but if they reckon uponsubjugating us by means of our intestine divisions, they will bedeceived; of this you may assure M. De Metternich. 

"For the rest, I shall give the Duke of Otranto an account of theovertures you have made me, and particularly of those relating to aregency: but, suppose we should consent to accept either one or theother of your proposals, what is to be done with Napoleon? for, as itis neither your intention, nor ours, to kill him, he must live; andwhere shall he live? Have the allies come to any determination on thispoint?"--"I do not know: M. De Metternich did not explain himself onthis point: I will submit the question to him. I will acquaint himwith your opinion of the state of France, and the situation ofNapoleon, and of the possibility of a general arrangement: but Iforesee, that the present sentiments of M. Fouché will astonish himgreatly. He thought, that he detested Bonaparte. "--"Men change withcircumstances: M. Fouché may have detested the Emperor, when hetyrannized over France; yet be reconciled to him, since he has beenwilling to render it free and happy. "

We parted, after having exchanged a few supplementary questions, andagreed to return with all speed, he to Vienna, and I to Paris; and tomeet again at Bâle in the course of a week. 

As soon as I arrived at Paris, I presented myself before the Emperor. I had spent only four days in going and returning; and he imagined, onseeing me so quickly, that I had not been able to pass. He wassurprised and delighted to learn, that I had seen and conversed withM. Werner; led me into the garden (it was at the Élysée), and there wetalked together, if I may use the term, for near two hours. Ourconversation was so desultory, that it almost entirely escaped mymemory: I could retain only a few fragments of it. "I was fullypersuaded, " said Napoleon to me, "that M. De Metternich had plottednothing against my life: he does not like me, but he is a man ofhonour. If Austria chose it, every thing might be arranged: but shehas an expectant policy, that loses every thing: she never knew how totake a decided part at the proper moment. The Emperor is ill advised:he does not know Alexander; and is not aware, how crafty and ambitiousthe Russians are: if once they get the upper hand, all Germany willbe subverted. Alexander will set the good-natured Francis, and all thelittle kings, to whom I gave crowns, playing at catch-corners. TheRussians will become masters of the world when I have nothing to do init. Europe will not be sensible of my value, till she has lost me. There was no one but myself strong enough, to tame England with onehand, and restrain Russia with the other. I will spare them thetrouble of deliberating where they shall put me: if they dared, theywould cram me into an iron cage, and show me to their cockneys as awild beast: but they shall not have me; they shall find, that the lionis still alive, and will not suffer himself to be chained. They do notknow my strength: _if I were to put on the red cap, it would be allover with them. _ Did you inquire of M. Werner after the Empress and myson?"--"Yes, Sire: he told me, that the Empress was well, and theyoung prince a charming boy. "--The Emperor, with fire: "Did youcomplain, that the law of nations, and the first rights of nature, hadbeen violated in respect to me? Did you tell him how detestable it is, to deprive a husband of his wife, a father of his son? that such anaction is unworthy a civilized people?"--"Sire, I was only theambassador of M. Fouché. "

After a few moments' silence, the Emperor continued: "Fouché, duringyour absence, has come and told me the whole affair[2]: he hasexplained the whole to my satisfaction. It is his interest not todeceive me. He has always been fond of intriguing; we must let him doit. Go and see him, tell him all that has passed with M. Werner; showconfidence in him; and, if he question you about me, tell him, that Iam perfectly easy, and that I have no doubt of his attachment andfidelity. "

 [Footnote 2: I have since been assured, that M. Réal had warned him, by means of Madame Lacuée, his daughter, that the Emperor knew the whole affair. ]

Already the Emperor had had reason to complain of M. Fouché on severalimportant occasions; but, subjugated by I know not what charm, he hadalways placed more confidence in him than he wished. 

Few men, it is true, possess the gift of pleasing and persuading in ahigher degree than the Duke of Otranto: equally profound and witty, equally endowed with foresight and ability, his mind embraces at oncethe past, present, and future: he alternately seduces and astonishesby the boldness of his thoughts, the acuteness of his perception, andthe solidity of his judgment. 

Unhappily his mind, overstrained by the revolution, has contracted ahabit and taste for strong emotions: quiet is tiresome to him: hewants agitation, danger, convulsions: hence that desire of stirring, intriguing, I had almost said of conspiring, which has driven M. Fouché into errors so deplorable, and so fatal to his reputation. 

Conformably to the orders of Napoleon, I repaired immediately to theDuke of Otranto's, and told him laughing, that I was come to give himan account of the mission which he had confided to me. "A finemission, indeed!" said he to me. "It is just like the Emperor; he isalways suspicious of those who serve him best. Do you think, forexample, that you are sure of him? You deceive yourself. If you shouldinvoluntarily be guilty of the slightest inconsistency, and he knew it(these words he pronounced in such a way, as to give me to understand, that it was through him the Emperor might be informed of it), nothingmore would be wanting to ruin you. But let us have done with princes, and talk together. " Leading me to his sofa, he said: "Do you know, that you gave me some uneasiness? if you had been betrayed, you wouldprobably have been sent to some fortress, and kept there till a peacetook place. "--"Very true; I certainly ran that risk; but when anaffair of such importance is at stake, a man should not think ofhimself. "

I gave him a faithful account of what M. Werner said; but took care, not to let him know the time of our next interview; for I was afraid, that he would play me some trick with the Swiss, or would hasten toundeceive M. De Metternich. 

When I had finished my tale, he resumed: "I first thought the whole ofthis a hum, but I find I was mistaken. Your conference with M. Wernermay lead to a reconciliation between us and Austria; what you saidmust open the eyes of M. Metternich. To convince him completely, Iwill write to him; and depict with so much clearness and truth thereal situation of France, as will make him sensible, that the bestthing that can be done is, to abandon the Bourbons to their unluckyfate, and leave us to arrange matters with Bonaparte in our own way. When you are ready to set off, come to me, and I will give you myletter. "

He then said, "I did not speak to Napoleon about the letter of M. DeMetternich immediately, because his agent had not delivered to me thepowder, necessary to make the writing appear; I was obliged to haverecourse to chemical experiments, which required time. Here is theletter (he made me read it): you see it says nothing: however, if Icould have deciphered it immediately, Napoleon should have knownnothing of it; I would have served him, without saying any thing tohim. In affairs of this kind secrecy is necessary; and Napoleon isincapable of it: he would have been so much agitated, and have set somany men and so many pens in motion, that the whole would have takenwind. He ought to know my sentiments and opinions; and no person, buthimself, could have taken it into his head for a moment, that I couldbetray him for the Bourbons: I despise and detest them at least asmuch as he. "

The indirect threats of M. Fouché, and the whole of his discourse, persuaded me, that he was not sincere. I imparted my suspicions to theEmperor, who did not agree in them: he told me, that M. Fouché'sinsinuation of his having it in his power to ruin me was only meant, to give himself an air of importance. That, however, I had nothing tofear from him, or from any other person. In fact, I did not fear; for, when the Emperor had conceived a liking for any one, he took himunder his own protection, and no person whatever was allowed to hurthim. 

The next day but one I went to the Duke of Otranto's, to receive theletters he had promised me. He appeared surprised, to see me so soon. In fact I had made him believe, that I was not to return to Bâle tillthe 1st of June. To give a colour to this hasty departure, I informedhim, that M. Werner, whom I had requested to write to me, in case ofany unforeseen occurrence, under cover to M.  **** the banker, had justdesired me, to repair to Bâle immediately. He let me see, that he wasnot the dupe of this falsehood yet nevertheless delivered me with agood grace two letters for M. De Metternich. 

One of these, which has been published in the English newspapers, tended to show, that the throne of Napoleon, supported by the love andconfidence of the French, had nothing to fear from the attacks of thecoalition. 

In the other he went over the proposals of M. Werner: he discussedwith admirable sagacity the advantages and inconveniences, that mightresult from them to the interests of France and of Europe; and hefinished, by declaring, after having successively rejected a republic, a regency, and the Duke of Orleans, that Napoleon, whom he loadedwith extravagant praises, was evidently the chief best suited to theFrench, and to the interests of the allied monarchs rightlyunderstood. Nevertheless, he had contrived to turn his expressionswith so much art and address, that it was impossible not to perceive, that he thought in the bottom of his heart the Duke of Orleans theonly prince, capable of ensuring the happiness of France, and thetranquillity of foreign nations. 

I laid this letter before the Emperor, and endeavoured in vain to makehim sensible of the treachery. He could see nothing but the eulogiumsof his genius: the rest he overlooked. 

M. Werner had been punctual to his rendezvous and I hastened to hisresidence. "I was afraid, " said he to me obligingly, "that you hadbeen refused admission into Bâle: I have spoken about it to theauthorities, and, if you wish it, I will cause to be delivered to youthe necessary passport, to enable you to enter Switzerland, depart, orreside in it, without obstacle, and without danger. "

I thanked him for this offer, which convinced me, that the Swiss wereas well disposed towards our enemies, as they were the reverse to us. We afterwards entered on business. "I related to M. De Metternich, "said he to me, "the frank and loyal conversation, which I had thehonour of holding with you. He hastened to give an account of it tothe allied sovereigns: and the sovereigns have thought, that it oughtto produce no alteration in the resolution they have formed, never toacknowledge Napoleon as sovereign of France, or to enter into anynegotiation with him individually: _but at the same time, I amauthorized formally to declare to you, that they renounce the idea ofre-establishing the Bourbons on the throne, and that they consent togrant you the young Prince Napoleon. _ They know, that in 1814 aregency was the wish of France; and they would think themselves happy, to be able to accomplish it now. "

"This is direct, " answered I: "but what is to be done with theEmperor?"--"Begin you with deposing him: the allies will afterwardscome to a suitable determination, according to circumstances. They aregreat, generous, and humane; and you may depend on it, they will treatNapoleon with the respect due to his rank, his alliance, and hismisfortunes. "--"This answer does not explain, whether Napoleon will befree, to choose a place of retreat for himself; or remain a prisonerto France and the allies. "--"This is all I know. "--"I perceive, thatthe allies want Napoleon to be delivered up to them bound hand andfoot: never will the French be guilty of such a cowardly act. Sinceour interview, the public opinion in his favour has been expressedwith fresh strength; and I protest to you, that he never possessed thelove of the French to so high a degree. The electors convoked for the_Champ de Mai_, and the new representatives of France[3], are arrivingat Paris from all quarters. Do you think, that these electors, andthese deputies, who are the choice of the nation, would have embracedthe perilous cause of Napoleon, were it not the common cause of allFrance? Do you think, that, if they were not resolved to defend itagainst all the world, they would be so stupid, or so imprudent, as tocome forward in the face of that world, to swear fealty to theEmperor, and proscription and hatred to the Bourbons? The alliessubdued us in 1814, because we were then without union, without will, without the means of resistance. But a great nation is not to besubdued two years following; and every thing indicates, that, if acontest take place, it will turn out to the advantage of the Frenchthis time. "--"If you knew the force, that will be opposed to you, youwould hold a different language: you will have twelve hundred thousandmen to fight against, twelve hundred thousand men accustomed toconquer, and who already know the road to Paris. "--"They know it, because they were taught it by treachery. "--"Consider, too, that youare without artillery, without an army, without cavalry. "--"TheSpaniards resisted all the force of Bonaparte, though they had fewerresources than we have. "--"You have no money. "--"We shall procure itat the expense of the nobles and royalists, or do without it. Thearmies of the republic were paid with garlands of oak, yet were theythe less able, to overcome the armies of the coalition?"--"You arewrong, I assure you, in viewing your situation under such finecolours. This new war will be more cruel, and more obstinate, than theothers. The allies are determined, never to lay down their arms, whileNapoleon remains on the throne. "--"I by no means look withtranquillity on the war that is preparing. I cannot think of itwithout alarm. If Napoleon prove victorious, it is possible, thatsuccess may turn our brains, and inspire us anew with the desire ofrevisiting Vienna and Berlin. If he be unsuccessful, it is to befeared, that our defeats will animate the people with rage anddespair, and that the nobles and royalists will be massacred. "--"Theprospect is no doubt extremely distressing; but I have already toldyou, and I repeat it, nothing will alter the determination of theallied monarchs: they have learned to know the Emperor, and will notleave him the means of disturbing the world. Even would the sovereignsconsent, to lay down their arms, their people would oppose it: theyconsider Bonaparte as the scourge of the human race, and would allshed their blood to the last drop, to tear from him the sceptre, andperhaps his life. "--

 [Footnote 3: The greater part of the deputies were not yet named; but there was no harm in anticipating events. ]

"I know, that the Prussians have sworn him implacable animosity: butthe Russians and Austrians surely are not so exasperated as thePrussians. "--

"On the contrary, the Emperor Alexander was the first, to declareagainst Napoleon. "--

"Be it so: but the Emperor of Austria is too virtuous, and toopolitic, to sacrifice his son-in-law, and his natural ally, a secondtime to vain considerations. "--

"The Emperor is not guided by vain considerations: he had to choosebetween his affections as a father, and his duties as a sovereign; hehad to decide between the fate of a wife and child, and the fate ofEurope: the choice he would make could not be doubted, and themagnanimous resolution taken by the Emperor is incontestably a nobletitle to the gratitude of his contemporaries, and the admiration ofposterity. "--

"I am fully aware, how much it must have cost him, to overturn thethrone of his daughter, and of his grandson; and condemn them to leada painful life on the face of the earth, without father, withouthusband, without a country. Though a Frenchman, I do justice to thestrength of mind, that the Emperor has shown on this memorableoccasion: but if the part he then took were proper, it appears to me, that the path he now seems inclined to pursue will be as dangerous, asit is impolitic. Austria, in the critical situation in which it isplaced by the vicinity, ambition, and alliance of Prussia and Russia, has need of being protected and supported by a powerful ally; and noprince is more capable of succouring and defending it thanNapoleon. "--

"Austria has nothing to fear from its neighbours: such harmony reignsbetween them, as nothing can disturb: their sentiments and principlesare the same. M. De Metternich has charged me, to declare to youpositively, that he acted only in concert with the allies; and thathe would enter into no negotiation without their consent. "--

This word, negotiation, struck me. "Since we must not think, M. Werner, " answered I, "of re-establishing that union and friendshipbetween Austria and France separately, which their interests, andtheir family connexion, demand; at least let us not renounce the hopeof a general accommodation. Never perhaps was humanity threatened witha war so terrible: it will be a conflict to the death, not betweenarmy and army, but between nation and nation. The idea makes metremble. The name of M. De Metternich is already celebrated; but withwhat glory would it be surrounded, if M. De Metternich, in becomingthe mediator of Europe, should accomplish its pacification! And we, too, M. Werner, do you think we should not obtain a share in theblessings of the people? Let us lay aside our character ofnegotiators, and examine the situation of the belligerent powers, notas their agents, but as disinterested persons, as friends of humanity. You say, you have twelve hundred thousand fighting men; but we had amillion in 1794, and shall have still. The love of honour andindependence is not extinct in France; it will fire every heart, whenthe business is to repel the humiliating and unjust yoke, that youwould impose on us. 

"If the picture I have drawn you of the state of France, and thepatriotism with which she is animated, appear to you unfaithful, orexaggerated, come with me; I offer you a passport, and all the pledgesyou can require; we will travel together incognito; we will gowherever you please; we will hear, we will interrogate, the peasants, the townspeople, the soldiers, the rich, and the poor; and when youhave seen, seen every thing with your own eyes, you may aver to M. DeMetternich, that he has been deceived; and that the efforts of theallies, to impose upon us the law, can have no other result, than thatof watering the ground in vain with blood. "

The emotion, that I could not restrain, had transfused itself into M. Werner: "I wish, " said he to me with tenderness, "it was in my powerto second your wishes, and to concur with you in stopping the effusionof human blood: but I dare not indulge this hope. However, I will giveM. De Metternich an account of the energy, with which you have pleadedthe cause of humanity: and, if he can accept the office of a mediator, I know so well the loftiness of his soul, to pledge myself to you, that he will not refuse it. "

Thus far, in order to accustom M. De Metternich to treat directly withme, I had avoided bringing forward M. Fouché. However, as he haddirected me to make use of his letters, I took an opportunity ofmentioning them to M. Werner. I read them to him; and took care tocomment on them in such a way, as to destroy the unpleasantimpression, which I foresaw the partiality of the praises lavished onNapoleon would make upon him. When we came to the passage, where M. Fouché discussed the inconveniences of a republic, M. Werner stoppedme, and said, that I certainly had not conceived him rightly; that hehad spoken to me merely indirectly of a republic, as it never enteredinto the thoughts of the allied monarchs, to give way to itsre-establishment; for their endeavours would rather be exerted, tocrush the seeds of a republican spirit, than to favour their dangerousgermination. I reminded him of the conversation we had had on thesubject; but, as it was of little importance to me, to prove myself inthe right, I readily admitted myself to be in the wrong. 

"At any rate, " said he, taking the letters, "the language of M. Fouché will greatly surprise M. De Metternich. He repeated to meagain, the evening before I set out, that the Duke of Otranto had onall occasions expressed to him an inveterate hatred of Bonaparte; andthat even in 1814 he blamed him, for not having caused him to beconfined in some strong fortress; predicting to him, that he wouldreturn from the island of Elba, to ravage Europe anew. M. Fouché mustbe totally ignorant of what passes at Vienna, to believe in theEmperor's security: what he will learn from M. De Montron and M. Bresson will no doubt lead him to adopt a different opinion; and willmake him sensible, that it will be for his own interest, as well asthat of France, to second the efforts of the allies. "

"I know the connexions of the Duke of Otranto with those gentlemen, "answered I: "he will not pay much credit to what they tell him. Iregret that you were not commissioned to say so much to me on ourfirst interview, it would unquestionably have made a very differentimpression on him; but what has not yet been done may be done; and, ifyou wish it, I will readily be your interpreter. "

"M. De Metternich, " replied M. Werner, "did not positively inform mewhat he had commissioned those gentlemen to say to the Duke ofOtranto; but I presume it could only be a repetition of what hedirected me to say to you. "

"If this be the case, " rejoined I, "you would be wrong, to flatteryourself with the least success. If the question related to Napoleonalone, we should not hesitate to sacrifice the cause of one man tothat of a whole people: Napoleon, personally, is nothing to us; buthis continuance on the throne is so connected with the happiness andindependence of the nation, that we cannot betray him, withoutbetraying our country at the same time; and this is a crime, of whichM. Fouché and his friends will never render themselves guilty. 

"In short, M. Werner, I hope you will succeed in convincing ourenemies, that they would attempt in vain to dethrone Napoleon by forceof arms; and that the most prudent part that can be taken is, to becontented with tying his hands in such a manner, as to prevent himfrom oppressing France and Europe anew. 

"If M. De Metternich approve this step, he will find us disposed, secretly or openly to second his salutary views; and to join with himin rendering it morally and physically impossible for Napoleon, torecommence his tyranny. I will then return to Bâle, and I will go toVienna, if you desire it: and in a word I will do every thing, thatcan be done, to arrive promptly at a secure result. 

"But if M. De Metternich will not enter frankly into a conference, andhis sole intention be, to instigate treachery, his endeavours willprove fruitless; and M. Fouché requests, that M. De Metternich and theallies will spare him the trouble of convincing them of it. "

M. Werner assured me, that he would faithfully report to M. DeMetternich all he had heard; and we parted, after promising to meet atBâle again on the 1st of June. 

I gave the Emperor an account of this new conference. He appeared, toconceive some hopes from it. "These gentlemen, " said he, "begin tosoften, since they offer me the regency: my attitude imposes on them. Let them allow me another month, and I shall no longer have any fearof them. "

I did not forget to remark to him, that M. M. De Montron and Bressonhad been charged with fresh communications for M. Fouché. "He hasnever opened his mouth to me on the subject, " said Napoleon. "I am nowpersuaded, that he is betraying me. I am almost certain, that he isintriguing both at London and at Ghent: I regret, that I did notdismiss him, before he came to disclose to me the intrigues ofMetternich: at present, the opportunity is gone by; and he would everywhere proclaim me for a suspicious tyrant, who had sacrificed himwithout any cause. Go to him: say nothing to him of Montron orBresson; let him prate at his ease, and bring me a full account of allhe says. "

The Emperor imparted this second interview to the Duke of Vicenza; anddirected him, to send for M. De Montron, and M. Bresson, and endeavourto set them talking. The Duke de Vicenza having been able to getnothing out of them, the Emperor, as I have been informed, would seethem himself; and, after having questioned and sounded them for fourhours, he dismissed them both, without having heard any thing butaccounts of the hostile dispositions of the allies, and theconversations they had had at Vienna with M. De Talleyrand and M. DeMetternich, the substance of which was the same as that of myconferences with M. Werner. 

As the Emperor had rejected my first suspicions with so muchindifference, I was flattered to see him sharing my distrust: butthis gratification of self-love gave way to the most painfulreflexions. 

I had conceived the highest opinion of the character and patriotism ofthe Duke of Otranto; I considered him as one of the first statesmen inFrance; and I bitterly regretted, that such qualities, and suchtalents, instead of being devoted to the good of his country, shouldbe employed in favouring the designs of our enemies, and in coollycontriving with them the means of subjugating us. 

These reflexions, which ought to have inspired me with horror for M. Fouché, had on me an opposite effect: I was staggered by the enormityof the crime I ascribed to him. No, said I to myself, M. Fouché cannotbe guilty of such baseness: he has received too many benefits from theEmperor, to be capable of betraying him, and has given too many proofsof attachment and affection to his country, to conspire its dishonourand ruin. His propensity to intrigue may have led him astray; but hisintrigues, if reprehensible, are at least not criminal. 

Thus I repaired to the Duke of Otranto's in the persuasion, that I hadjudged him too severely. But his air of constraint, and his captiousendeavours, to penetrate what M. Werner might have said to me, convinced me, that his conscience was not at ease; and I felt my justprejudices revived and increased[4]. The time I staid with him wasspent in idle questions and dissertations on the probabilities ofpeace or war. It would be useless and tiresome, to recite them here. 

 [Footnote 4: When the Duke of Otranto became minister to the King, and was appointed to make out lists of proscription, I was desirous of knowing, what I had to expect from his resentment; and wrote to him, to sound his intentions. He sent for me, received me with much kindness, and assured me of his friendship and protection. "You did your duty, " said he to me, "and I did mine. I foresaw, that Bonaparte could not maintain his situation. He was a great man, but had grown mad. It was my duty, to do what I did, and prefer the good of France to every other consideration. "

 The Duke of Otranto behaved with the same generosity towards most of the persons, of whom he had any reason to complain; and, if he found himself obliged, to include some of them in the number of the proscribed, he had at least the merit of facilitating their escape from death, or the imprisonment intended for them, by assisting them with his advice, with passports, and frequently with the loan of money. ]

The rising of the King of Naples became afterwards the subject of ourconversation. "Murat is a lost man, " said M. Fouché to me: "he is notstrong enough, to contend with Austria. I had advised him, and I havewritten again lately to the Queen, to keep himself quiet, and wait thecourse of events: they would not listen to me, and have done wrong:they might have had it in their power to treat; now they cannot; theywill be sent about their business without pity, and without anyconditions. "

The Emperor, who had become uneasy, directed M. De Montron and M. Bresson to be watched. He was informed, that the latter had just beensent to England by order of the minister at war. 

The Prince of Eckmuhl, being questioned, said, that an English dealerhad forty thousand muskets to sell; and he had commissioned M. Bresson, to go and examine them, and treat for their purchase. Thismission, which did not at first excite the Emperor's attention, afterwards recurred to his mind: he first thought it strange, and thensuspicious. "If Davoust, " said he, "had not had some motive forconcealing this business from me, he would have mentioned it: it isnot natural: he is acting in concert with Fouché. "

This glimpse of light produced no effect. Napoleon contented himselfwith severely reprimanding the minister at war; and ordering him, never again to send any person whatever out of France, without hisconsent. 

A new incident occurred, to strengthen the Emperor's apprehensions. Hewas informed by the prefect of police, that M. Bor. . . , formerly one ofthe principal agents of the police, and one of the habitual confidantsof the minister, had set off for Switzerland with a passport from M. Fouché. An order for arresting M. Bor. . . Was transmitted by telegraphto General Barbanegre, who commanded at Huninguen: but it arrived toolate; M. Bor. . . , as quick as lightning, had already passed thefrontier. 

The Emperor no longer had any doubt of M. Fouché's treachery; but hewas afraid the disclosure of it would occasion alarm anddiscouragement. In fact, people would not have failed to infer, thatthe imperial cause was lost; since this minister, whose perspicacitywas well known, quitted it to join the Bourbons. 

Napoleon foresaw too the approaching commencement of hostilities; and, convinced, that the fate of France would not be decided by themanoeuvres of the Duke of Otranto, he resolved, to wait for a morefavourable opportunity of getting rid of him. If the victory ofFleurus had not been followed by the disasters of Waterloo, the firstdecree the Emperor would have signed, on his arrival at Brussels, would probably have been for displacing the Duke of Otranto. 

The time of the rendezvous given me by M. Werner being come, I askedNapoleon for orders. "Fouché, " said he to me, "will no doubt havewarned Metternich; and it is probable, that his agent will return nomore: it is even possible, that measures will be taken, to arrest you. I think, therefore, you may as well remain here. "--"I do not think, sire, that M. De Metternich is capable of such an action. Thepatriotism and frankness, which I displayed in my conferences with M. Werner, appear to have pleased the prince; and M. Werner informed me, that he was particularly directed, to express to me the good opinion(permit me to repeat the terms) which he had conceived of my characterand merit. Your Majesty would be wrong, I think, not to allow me tomake this last attempt. As the point in question was not a conspiracy, but to set on foot a negotiation, it is possible, that M. Werner mayreturn. "--"You have my consent very willingly; but I am afraid, theywill lay hold of you: be prudent. "

I was afraid so too. I set off. 

It happened as the Emperor foresaw. M. Werner appeared no more. 

Thus ended this negotiation, which might perhaps have realized manyhopes, had not M. Fouché occasioned its failure. 

At the period when it took place, England, in its celebrated Memoir ofthe 25th of April, and Austria, in that it published the 9th of Mayfollowing, had authentically declared, subsequently to my firstinterview at Bâle, that they had not engaged by the treaty of the 29thof March, to restore Louis XVIII. To the throne; and that theirintentions in pursuing the war were not, to impose on France anyparticular government whatever. 

These declarations gave great weight to the proposals of M. Werner. The Emperor thought them sincere; and in one of those moments ofopenness, which he was not always sufficiently master of himself tosuppress, he said at his levee: "Well, gentlemen, they offer me theregency already: it depends only on myself, whether I shall acceptit. " These inconsiderate words made some impression; and they whoremembered them have since asserted, that, if the Emperor had not beenenamoured of the crown, he might have placed his son on the throne, and spared France the carnage of Mont St. Jean. The Emperor descendingfrom his throne, to place on it his son, and peace, would have added, no doubt, a noble page to his history: but, ought he to have acceptedthe loose proposals of M. Werner, and trusted to the faith of hisenemies? I think not. The first question to be decided, beforetreating of a regency, was this: What is to be done with Napoleon? andit has been seen, that on this point the allies held the profoundestsilence. 

I am far from thinking, that the Emperor would have consented in anycase, to lay aside his crown, which he considered as the price oftwenty years toil and victory; I only maintain, that he cannot beblamed on this occasion, for having retained it. 

This confidential avowal to his courtiers is not the onlyindiscretion, of which they laid hold, to charge him with imaginaryfaults. What will appear surprising is, that, with the character fornegation and dissimulation ascribed to him, he was capable ofindiscretions. 

Napoleon conceived in secret, and conducted to their close in mystery, schemes, that did not call his passions into play, because then henever ceased to be master of himself: but it was excessively rare forhim, to preserve a continued, and complete dissimulation in affairs, that strongly agitated his soul. The object, on which he was thenoccupied, assailed his mind, and heated his imagination: his head, continually at work, abounded in ideas, that diffused themselves inspite of him, and displayed themselves externally by broken words, anddemonstrations of joy or anger, that afforded a clew to his designs, and entirely destroyed the mystery, in which he would have envelopedthem. 

This narration, which I would not interrupt, has made me lose sight ofNapoleon. I left him meditating the constitution he had promised theFrench, and now return to him. 

Napoleon had at first announced his intention of amalgamating theancient constitutions with the charter, and composing from the whole anew constitution, which should be subjected to the free discussion ofthe delegates of the nation. But he thought, that presentcircumstances, and the agitation of men's minds, would not permitsubjects of such high importance, to be debated publicly withoutdanger; and he resolved to confine himself for the moment, to sanctionby a particular act, supplementary to the constitutions of the empire, the new guarantees, that he had promised the nation. 

Napoleon was swayed also by another consideration. He considered theconstitutions of the empire as the title-deeds of his crown; and hewas afraid, if he annulled them, that he should effect a sort ofnovation, that would give him the appearance of beginning a new reign. For Napoleon, such is human weakness, after having devoted to ridiculethe pretensions of "_the King of Hartwell_, " was inclined to persuadehimself, that his own reign had not been interrupted by his residencein the island of Elba. 

The Emperor had entrusted to M. Benjamin Constant, and to a committeecomposed of ministers of state, the double task of preparing the basesof a new constitution. After having seen and amalgamated theirlabours, he subjected the result to the examination of the council ofstate, and of the council of ministers. Toward the end of thediscussion, Napoleon suggested the idea of not submitting thisconstitution to public debate, but presenting it only as an additionalact to the preceding constitutions. This idea was combatedunanimously. M. Benjamin Constant, the Duke Decrès, the Duke ofOtranto, the Duke of Vicenza, &c. &c. , remonstrated with the Emperor, that this was not what he had promised France; that a new constitutionwas expected from him, purged from the despotic acts of the senate;and that he must fulfil the expectations of the nation, or prepare tolose its confidence for ever. 

The Emperor promised to reflect on it: but, after having weighed inhis sagacity the observations, that had been submitted to him, hepersisted in his scheme; and the next day the additional act appearedin the Moniteur in the following form:

ADDITIONAL ACT. 

 Paris, April the 24th. 

Napoleon, by the grace of God and the constitutions, Emperor of theFrench, to all present and to come, health. 

Since we were called, fifteen years ago, by the wishes of France, tothe government of the empire, we have sought to bring to perfection, at different periods, the forms of the constitution, according to thewants and desires of the nation, and profiting by the lessons ofexperience. 

Thus the constitution of the empire has been formed by a series ofacts, which have been invested with the acceptance of the people. Wehad then for our object, to organize a grand European federal system, which we had adopted as conformable to the spirit of the age, andfavourable to the progress of civilization. To effect its completion, and give it all the extension and stability, of which it issusceptible, we had adjourned the establishment of several domesticinstitutions, more particularly designed to protect the liberty of thecitizens. Our object is nothing more henceforward, than to increasethe prosperity of France by the confirmation of public liberty; whenceresults the necessity of several important modifications of theconstitution, the decrees of the senate, and other acts, by which thisempire is governed. 

For these reasons, willing, on the one hand, to retain whatever isgood and salutary of the past, and on the other to render theconstitution of our empire conformable in every respect to the wishesand wants of the nation, as well as to that state of peace, which weare desirous of maintaining with Europe, we have resolved, to proposeto the people a series of arrangements, tending to modify and improveits acts, to surround the rights of citizens with all theirguarantees, to give to the representative system its full extent, toinvest the intermediate bodies with the respectability and powers thatare desirable; in a word, to combine the highest degree of politicalliberty, and personal security, with the strength and concentrationnecessary, to render the independence of the French people, and thedignity of our crown, respected by foreigners: in consequence, thefollowing articles, forming an act supplementary to the constitutionof the empire, will be submitted to the free and solemn acceptance ofall the citizens, throughout the whole extent of France[5]. 

 [Footnote 5: This preamble, which gave the death-blow to the additional act, was, I believe, the work of M. Benjamin Constant. ]

HEAD I. 

_General provisions. _

ART. 1. The constitution of the empire, consisting of theconstitutional act of the 22d of Frimaire, year 8; of the decrees ofthe senate of the 14th and 16th of Thermidor, year 10; and of that ofthe 28th of Floreal, year 12; will be modified by the provisionsfollowing: all the rest of their provisions are maintained andconfirmed. 

ART. 2. The legislative power is exercised by the Emperor and by twochambers. 

ART. 3. The first chamber, styled the chamber of peers, is hereditary. 

ART. 4. The Emperor names its members, who are irremovable, they andtheir male descendants, from eldest to eldest, in direct descent. Thenumber of peers is unlimited. Adoption does not transmit the dignityof the peerage to the person adopted. The peers take their seats atthe age of twenty-one; but have no deliberative voice before the ageof twenty-five. 

ART. 5. The chamber of peers has for its president the archchancellorof the empire, or, in the case provided for by article 5 of the decreeof the senate of the 28th of Floreal, year 12, by one of the membersof the chamber appointed by the Emperor. 

ART. 6. The members of the imperial family, in hereditary succession, are peers by right. They are seated next to the president. They taketheir seats at the age of eighteen, but have no deliberative voicebefore the age of twenty-one. 

ART. 7. The second chamber, styled the chamber of representatives, iselected by the people. 

ART. 8. The members of this chamber are to the number of six hundredand twenty-nine: they must be twenty-five years of age at least. 

ART. 9. The president of the chamber of representatives is appointedby the chamber at the opening of the session. He remains in office, till the chamber is renewed. His appointment is submitted to theapprobation of the Emperor. 

ART. 10. The chamber of representatives verifies the powers of itsmembers, and decides on the validity of contested elections. 

ART. 11. The members of the chamber of representatives receive fortravelling expenses, and during the session, the indemnity decreed bythe constituent assembly. 

ART. 12. They are re-eligible without limit. 

ART. 13. The chamber of representatives is entirely renewed, of right, every five years. 

ART. 14. No member of either chamber can be arrested, except in caseof being taken in the fact of committing a crime; or prosecuted for acriminal or correctional cause, during the sessions, except inconsequence of a resolution of the chamber to which he belongs. 

ART. 15. No one can be arrested or detained for debt, from the time ofconvening the meeting till forty days after the session. 

ART. 16. The peers are to be tried by their own chamber in criminal orcorrectional cases, according to the forms prescribed by the law. 

ART. 17. The quality of peer and of representative is compatible withall public functions, except those that are responsible(_comptables_). 

All prefects and subprefects are not eligible by the electoral collegeof the department or circle (_arrondissement_), for which they areserving. 

ART. 18. The Emperor sends to the chambers the ministers of state, andcounsellors of state, who sit, and take a part in the discussions, buthave no deliberative voice, unless they are members of the chamber, either as peers or being elected by the people. 

ART. 19. The ministers, who are members of the chamber of peers, or ofthat of representatives, or who sit in consequence of being sent bythe government, will give the chambers the information deemednecessary, when making it public does not compromise the interests ofthe state. 

ART. 20. The sittings of both chambers are public. Nevertheless, theymay resolve themselves into secret committees; the chamber of peers onthe demand of ten members, that of deputies on the demand oftwenty-five. The government also may demand secret committees for anycommunications it may have to make. In all cases deliberations andvotes can take place only in a public sitting. 

ART. 21. The Emperor may prorogue, adjourn, or dissolve, the chamberof representatives. The proclamation, that pronounces the dissolution, convokes the electoral colleges for a new election, and indicates there-assembling of representatives in six months at the latest. 

ART. 22. During the interval between the sessions of the chamber ofrepresentatives, or in case of the dissolution of this chamber, thechamber of peers cannot assemble. 

ART. 23. The government has the proposal of the law: the chambers maypropose amendments: if these amendments be not adopted by thegovernment, the chambers are bound to vote for or against the law, inthe form in which it was proposed. 

ART. 24. The chambers have the power of inviting the government topropose a law on a given subject, and to draw up what appears to themproper to be inserted in the law. This demand may be made by either ofthe two chambers. 

ART. 25. When a draught of a law is adopted by one of the twochambers, it is carried to the other; and, if it be approved there, it is carried to the Emperor. 

ART. 26. No written discourse, except the reports of committees, thereports of ministers on the laws that are presented, and the accountsthat are delivered, can be read in either of the chambers. 

HEAD II. 

_Of the electoral colleges, and the mode of election. _

ART. 27. The electoral colleges of the departments and circles areretained, conformably to the decree of the senate of the 16th ofThermidor, year 10, excepting the following modifications. 

ART. 28. The district assemblies (_les assemblées de canton_) willfill up every year, by annual elections, all the vacancies in theelectoral colleges. 

ART. 29. From the year 1816, a member of the chamber of peers, appointed by the Emperor, will be president of the electoral collegeof each department for life, and not removable. 

ART. 30. Dating from the same period, the electoral college of eachdepartment will appoint, from among the members of the college ofeach circle, the president and two vice-presidents: for this purposethe assembling of the electoral college of the department will precedethat of the college of the circle fifteen days. 

ART. 31. The colleges of departments and circles will appoint thenumber of representatives established for each by the annexed tableand act, No. 1. [6]

 [Footnote 6: This table, and that mentioned in Art. 33, being of no importance, are not inserted here. ]

ART. 32. The representatives may be chosen throughout the whole extentof France indifferently. 

Every college of a department or circle, that shall choose a membernot belonging to the department or circle, shall appoint a substitute(_suppléant_), who must necessarily be taken from the department orcircle. 

ART. 33. Manufacturing and commercial labour and property shall have aparticular representation. 

The election of commercial and manufacturing representatives shall bemade by the electoral college of the department from a list ofeligible persons, drawn up by the chambers of commerce and consultingchambers in conjunction, according to the annexed table and act, No. 2. 

HEAD III. 

_Of the law of taxation. _

ART. 34. Direct general taxes, whether on land or personal property, are voted only for one year: indirect taxes may be voted for severalyears. In case of a dissolution of the chamber of representatives, thetaxes voted in the preceding session are continued, till the chambermeets anew. 

ART. 35. No tax, direct or indirect, in money or in kind, can belevied; no loan can take place; no entry of credit in the great bookof the public debt can be made; no domain can be alienated orexchanged; no raising of men for the army can be ordered; no portionof territory can be exchanged; except by virtue of a law. 

ART. 36. No proposal of a tax, of a loan, or of a levy of men, can bemade, except in the chamber of representatives. 

ART. 37. It is in the chamber of representatives also, that, 1st, thegeneral budget of the state, containing an estimate of the receipts, and the proposal of the funds assigned for the year to eachdepartment of the ministry; and, 2dly, an account of the receipts andexpenses of the year, or years, preceding; are to be introduced in thefirst instance. 

HEAD IV. 

_Of ministers and their responsibility. _

ART. 38. All the acts of the government must be countersigned by aminister having some department. 

ART. 39. The ministers are responsible for the acts of governmentsigned by them, as well as for the execution of the laws. 

ART. 40. They may be accused by the chamber of representatives, andare to be tried by that of peers. 

ART. 41. Every minister, every commander of an army by land or sea, may be accused by the chamber of representatives, and tried by thechamber of peers, for having compromised the safety or honour of thenation. 

ART. 42. In this case the chamber of peers exercises a discretionarypower, both in assigning the character of the crime, and in thepunishment to be inflicted. 

ART. 43. Before it is decided, that a minister shall be put upon histrial, the chamber of representatives must declare, that there aregrounds for examining into the charge brought against him. 

ART. 44. This declaration can be made only on the report of acommittee of sixty members drawn by lot. This committee cannot makeits report till at least ten days after its nomination. 

ART. 45. When the chamber has declared, that there are grounds forexamination, it may summon the minister before it, to demand anexplanation of him. This summons cannot take place, till ten daysafter the committee has made its report. 

ART. 46. In all other cases, ministers having departments cannot besummoned or sent for by the chambers. 

ART. 47. When the chamber of representatives has declared, that thereare grounds for examination against a minister, a new committee is tobe formed, of sixty members, drawn by lot as the former; and thiscommittee makes a fresh report on the subject of bringing him totrial. This committee does not make its report till ten days after itsnomination. 

ART. 48. The bringing to trial cannot be decided upon, till ten daysafter the report has been read, and distributed among the members. 

ART. 49. The accusation being resolved upon, the chamber ofrepresentatives names five commissioners, chosen from among its ownmembers, to conduct the charge before the chamber of peers. 

ART. 50. Article 75 of head 8 of the constitutional act of the 22d ofFrimaire, year 8, declaring, that the agents of the government can beprosecuted only in consequence of a decision of the council of state, shall be modified by a law. 

HEAD V. 

_Of the judicial power. _

ART. 51. The Emperor appoints all the judges. They are for life, andirremovable, from the instant of their appointment; the nomination ofjudges of the peace, and of commerce, excepted, which will take placeas heretofore. 

The present judges, appointed by the Emperor agreeably to the decreeof the senate of the 12th of October, 1807, and whom he may thinkproper to retain, will receive appointments for life before the 1st ofJanuary next. 

ART. 52. The institution of juries is retained. 

ART. 53. The debating of criminal causes is to be public. 

ART. 54. Military crimes alone are amenable to military tribunals. 

ART. 55. All other crimes, even if committed by military men, areunder the jurisdiction of the civil tribunals. 

ART. 56. All crimes and offences, that were amenable to the highimperial court, and the trial of which is not reserved by the presentact for the chamber of peers, are to be carried before the ordinarytribunals. 

ART. 57. The Emperor has the right of pardoning, even in correctionalcases, and of granting amnesties. 

ART. 58. The interpretations of laws demanded by the court ofcassation shall be given in the form of a law. 

HEAD VI. 

_Rights of citizens. _

ART. 59. Frenchmen are equal in the eye of the law, both incontributing to the taxes and public expenses, and in regard toadmission to employments civil or military. 

ART. 60. No one can be taken out of the hands of the judges assignedhim by the law, on any pretence. 

ART. 61. No one can be prosecuted, arrested, detained in custody, orbanished, except in cases provided for by the law, and according tothe forms prescribed. 

ART. 62. Freedom in religious worship is guarantied to all. 

ART. 63. All property possessed or acquired agreeably to the laws, andall debts of the state, are inviolable. 

ART. 64. Every citizen has a right to print and publish his opinions, he signing them, without any previous censorship; saving that he islegally responsible, after publication, to be tried by a jury, eventhough the application of a correctional punishment only should berequisite. 

ART. 65. The right of petition is secured to all the citizens. Everypetition is that of an individual (_est individuelle_). Thesepetitions may be addressed, either to the government, or to the twochambers; nevertheless, even the latter must be superscribed "to hisMajesty the Emperor. " They must be presented to the chambers under theguarantee of a member, who recommends the petition. They are readpublicly; and, if the chamber take them into consideration, they arecarried to the Emperor by the president. 

ART. 66. No place, no part of the territory, can be declared in astate of siege, except in case of invasion by a foreign power, or ofcivil disturbance. 

In the former case, the declaration is made by an act of thegovernment. 

In the second case, it can be made only by the law. However, if thecase occur, when the chambers are not assembled, the act ofgovernment, declaring the state of siege, must be converted into aproposal for a law in the first fifteen days after the meeting of thechambers. 

ART. 67. The French people declare farther, that, in the delegation ithas made, and now makes, of its powers, it has not intended, and doesnot intend, to confer the right of proposing the re-establishment ofthe Bourbons, or of any prince belonging to that family, on thethrone, even in case of the extinction of the imperial dynasty; or theright of re-establishing either the ancient feudal nobility, or feudaland seigniorial rights, or tithes, or any privileged and predominantform of worship; or the power of making any infringement of theirrevocability of the sale of national domains: it formally prohibitsthe government, the chambers, and the citizens, from every proposalin respect to these. 

Done at Paris, the 22d of April, 1815. 

 (_Signed_) NAPOLEON. By the Emperor, _The minister secretary of state, _ (_Signed_) The Duke of BASSANO. 

 * * * * *

This additional act did not answer the general expectation. 

The public had hoped, to receive from Napoleon a new constitution, freed from the faults and abuses of the preceding constitutions; andit was surprised, grieved, dissatisfied, when it saw, by the verypreamble of the additional act, that it was nothing but a_modification_ of the former constitutions, decrees of the senate, andother acts, by which the empire was governed. 

What confidence, people cried, can such a production inspire? Whatguarantee can it afford the nation? Do we not know, that it was bymeans of these decrees of the senate, that Napoleon sported with ourmost sacred laws? and, since they are now maintained and confirmed, may he not employ them, as he formerly did, to interpret after hisown fashion his additional act, alter its nature, and render itillusory?

It had been to be wished, undoubtedly, that the additional act had notrevived the name, and borrowed the assistance, of all the senatorialacts, become on so many accounts objects of the public contempt andderision: but this was impossible[7]. They were the basis of ourinstitutions; and they could not have been proscribed in a body, without arresting the progress of government, and subverting theestablished order of things from top to bottom. 

 [Footnote 7: Notwithstanding the charter, and the laws daily passed, it is found necessary, to recur every day to rules established by the ancient legislation of the senate. ]

Besides, the fear of Napoleon's putting them in vigour was foundedonly on vague suppositions. The oppressive arrangements of the decreesof the senate were annulled, both in fact and in law, by theprinciples, which the additional act sanctioned: and Napoleon hadrendered it impossible for him to augment his authority, or to abuseit, by the immense power, with which he had invested the chambers, theresponsibility he had thrown on his agents and ministers, and theinviolable guarantees he had conferred on freedom of opinion andpersonal liberty. The slightest attempt would have betrayed his secretintentions; and a thousand voices would have been raised, to say tohim: "We, who are as good as you, have made you our King, oncondition, that you keep our laws: if not, not[8]. "

 [Footnote 8: The well-known words, in which the cortes of Arragon address the kings of Spain at their coronation. ]

The re-establishment of the chamber of peers, imported from England bythe Bourbons, excited no less vividly the public discontent. 

It was clear, in fact, that the privileges, and peculiar jurisdiction, which the peers exclusively enjoyed, constituted a manifest violationof the laws of equality; and that the hereditary state of the peeragewas a formal infraction of the right of all Frenchmen, to be equallyadmissible to the offices of the state. 

Accordingly the friends of liberty and equality with reason reproachedNapoleon for having falsified his promises; and given them, instead ofa constitution bottomed on the principles of equality and liberty, which he had solemnly professed, a shapeless act, more favourable thanthe charter, or any of the preceding constitutions, to the nobilityand their institutions. 

But Napoleon, when he promised the French a constitution, that mightbe termed _republican_, had rather followed the political suggestionsof the moment, than consulted the welfare of France. Restored tohimself, ought he to have adhered strictly to the letter of hispromises, or interpreted them merely as an engagement, to give Francea liberal constitution, as perfect as possible?

The answer cannot be doubtful. 

Now the testimony of the most learned civilians, the experience ofEngland for 125 years, had demonstrated to him, that the governmentbest adapted to the habits, manners, and social relations of a greatnation; that which affords the greatest pledge of happiness andstability; in fine, that which best reconciles political liberty withthe degree of power necessary to the chief of a state; is arepresentative monarchical government. It was Napoleon's duty, therefore, as a legislator, and a paternal sovereign, to give thismode of government the preference. 

This point granted, and it is incontestable, Napoleon was under thenecessity of establishing an hereditary and privileged chamber ofpeers; for a representative monarchy cannot subsist, without an upperchamber, or chamber of peers; as a chamber of peers cannot subsistwithout privileges, and without being hereditary. 

None therefore but the insincere; or men, who, though good patriots, unconsciously substitute their passions or prejudices in the place ofthe public welfare; can reproach Napoleon for having introduced thisinstitution into our political organization. 

The re-establishment of an intermediate chamber, perhaps, would nothave wounded them so deeply, if care had been taken, to give it a nameless sullied by feudal recollections: but the revolution had exhaustedthe nomenclature of public magistracies. Besides, the Emperor thought, that this was the only title answerable to its high destination. Perhaps, too, as Louis XVIII. Had had his peers, he was notdispleased, to have his also. 

A third accusation bore hard on Napoleon. He promised us, it wasurged, as a natural consequence of the fundamental truth, _the throneis made for the nation, and not the nation for the throne_, that ourdeputies, assembled at the _Champ de Mai_, should give to France, jointly with him, a constitution conformable to the interests andwishes of the nation; and by an odious breach of faith, he grants usan additional act, after the manner of Louis XVIII; and this heforces us to adopt in the lump, without allowing us to reject thoseparts, that may wound our dearest and most sacred rights. 

Napoleon had proclaimed, it is true, on the 1st of March, that thisconstitution should be the work of the nation: but since this periodcircumstances had altered. It was of importance to the preservation ofpeace at home, and to the relations between Napoleon and foreign powers, that the state should be speedily established and that Europe shouldfind in its new laws those safeguards against the ambition and despotismof the Emperor, _and perhaps too against the re-establishment of arepublic_, that it might deem desirable. 

Literally to comply with the words of Napoleon, it would have beennecessary, for the electoral colleges to give their deputies writteninstructions, as in 1789. The assembling of these colleges, thedrawing up of their instructions after discussion, the choosing ofdelegates, their journeying to Paris, the distribution of the labour, the preparation, examination, and discussion of the bases of theconstitution, the disputative conferences with the delegates of theEmperor, &c. &c. , would have consumed an incalculable portion oftime, and left France in a state of anarchy, that would have deprivedit of the means or possibility of making peace or war with foreigners. 

Thus, then, far from blaming the Emperor for deviating at the momentfrom this part of his promises, he on the contrary deserves credit forhaving voluntarily resigned the dictatorship, with which circumstanceshad invested him, and placed public liberty under the protection ofthe laws. Had he not been _sincere_; had he not been _honestly_disposed, to restore to the people their rights, and confine his ownwithin proper limits, he would not have been in haste, to publish theadditional act: he would have been for gaining time, in hopes thatvictory or peace, by consolidating the sceptre in his hands, wouldhave enabled him to dictate laws, instead of subjecting himself tothem. 

In fine, the additional act was reproached with having re-establishedthe confiscations abolished by the charter. 

The majority of the counsellors of state and ministers, and M. DeBassano more particularly, strongly opposed this renewed provision ofour revolutionary laws. But the Emperor considered the confiscation ofestates as the most efficacious means of bridling the royalists; andhe persisted obstinately in not giving it up; reserving the power ofrelinquishing it, when circumstances would permit. 

Upon the whole, the additional act was not without blemishes; butthese blemishes, easy to be removed, no way affected the beauty orgoodness of its basis. 

It acknowledged the principle of the sovereignty of the people. 

It secured to the three powers of the state the strength andindependence necessary, to render their actions free and efficacious. 

The independence of the representatives was guarantied by theirnumber, and the mode of their election. 

The independence of the peers, by their being hereditary. 

The independence of the sovereign by the imperial _veto_, and thehappy establishment of the other two powers, which serve him mutuallyas a safeguard. 

The liberties of the people, solidly established, were liberallyendowed with all the concessions granted by the charter, and all thosesubsequently claimed. 

The trial of all libels (_délits de la presse_) by a jury, protectedand secured freedom of opinion. It defended patriotic writers fromthe anger of the prince, and the complaisance of his agents. It evenassured them of impunity, whenever their writings are in harmony withthe secret opinions and wishes of the nation. 

Personal liberty was guarantied, not only by the old laws, and theirremoveableness of the judges, but also by two new provisions; one, the responsibility of ministers; the other, the approaching abolitionof the impunity, with which public functionaries of all classes hadbeen invested by the constitution of the year 8, and afterward by theregal government. 

It was still farther guarantied by the insurmountable barrier opposedto the abuse of the right of banishment, by reducing the jurisdictionof military courts within their natural limits, and by restricting thepower of declaring any portion of the country in a state of siege; apower hitherto arbitrary, and by help of which the sovereign suspendedat will the authority of the constitution, and placed the citizens, infact, out of the pale of the law. 

The additional act, in fine, by the obstacles it opposed to theusurpations of supreme power, and the innumerable guarantees itsecured to the nation, established public and private liberty onfoundations not to be shaken; yet, from the most whimsical of allinconsistencies, it was considered as _the work of despotism_, andoccasioned Napoleon the loss of his popularity. 

The writers most celebrated for their understanding and patriotismtook up the defence of Napoleon: but in vain did they quote Delolme, Blackstone, Montesquieu; and demonstrate, that no modern state, norepublic, had possessed such liberal and beneficial laws: theireloquence and their erudition were without success. The contemners ofthe additional act, deaf to the voice of reason, would judge of itonly from its title; and as this title displeased and alarmed them, they persisted in blackening and condemning the work on the score ofits name, according to the vulgar proverb, _Give a dog a bad name, andhang him_. 

Napoleon, far from foreseeing this fatal result, had persuadedhimself, on the contrary, that he should receive credit for having sopromptly and generously accomplished the hopes of the nation; and hehad prepared a long proclamation to the French people in his own hand, in which he sincerely congratulated himself and them on the happiness, that France was about to enjoy under the sway of his new laws. 

This proclamation, as may easily be guessed, came to nothing[9]. Inits place came a decree for convoking the electoral colleges, in whichNapoleon, informed of the public rumours, excused himself, on theground of the pressure of circumstances, for having abridged the formshe had promised to follow in composing the constitutional act; andannounced, that this act, containing in itself the principles of everyimprovement, might be modified in conformity to the wishes of thenation. By the terms of this decree, the electoral colleges werecalled on to choose the members of the approaching assembly ofrepresentatives; and Napoleon excused himself afresh, for beingcompelled by the state of affairs, to require them to proceed to theelection of deputies previous to the acceptance of the constitution. 

 [Footnote 9: The Emperor had ordered this proclamation to be burned; but I found it so excellent, that I thought it my duty to preserve it. At the moment when Napoleon set out for the army, I was not in Paris; and one of the principal clerks of the cabinet, M. Rathery, having found it among my papers, had the courage to throw it into the fire. ]

It was at the _Champ de Mai_, that the electors of all the departmentswere to assemble, and proceed to the collection of votes for itsrejection or adoption. 

The idea of renewing the ancient assemblies of the nation, as it wasfirst formed by the Emperor, was no doubt a grand and generousconception, and singularly calculated to restore to patriotism itsenergy and lustre; but at the same time, it must be confessed, it borethe stamp of imprudent daring, and might have given Napoleon anirreparable stroke. Was it not to be feared, that, in the equivocalsituation in which he was placed, the electors, having every thing todread from the Bourbons and foreign powers, would not accept sohazardous a mission, and leave the assembly unattended?

Was it not also probable, that no one would covet the dangerous honourof making part of the new national representation, the first act ofwhich must necessarily be, to proscribe for ever the dynasty of theBourbons, and acknowledge Napoleon, in spite of the foreign powers, the sole and legitimate sovereign of France?

However, so true it is, that with Napoleon events always belied themost sagacious conjectures, the electors hastened in crowds to Paris;and men most respectable for wealth and character entered the lists tobe chosen deputies, soliciting votes with as much ardour, as ifFrance had been tranquil and happy[10]. 

 [Footnote 10: I speak generally: I know there were departments, the electoral colleges of which, from various causes, were composed only of a small number of individuals. ]

And why was it so? Because, in the eyes of the electors and of thedeputies, the object at stake was not the fate of a particular man, but of their country. It was because the critical situation of France, instead of intimidating the partisans of the revolution, awakened intheir hearts the most courageous sentiments of patriotism. 

They, whom I here call the partisans of the revolution, were not, ascertain persons endeavour to persuade the world, those sanguinarybeings, who were branded with the title of Jacobins, but that immensebody of Frenchmen, who, since the year 1789, have concurred more orless in the destruction of the feudal system, with its privileges andabuses; of those Frenchmen, in fine, who are no strangers to the valueof liberty, and the dignity of man. 

But was the assembly of the _Champ de Mai_ to be deprived of its chiefornament, the Empress and her son? The Emperor was not ignorant, thatthis princess was carefully watched; and that she had been surprisedand threatened into an oath, to communicate all the letters she mightreceive. He knew, also, that she was surrounded by improper persons:but he thought, that he owed it to himself, and to his affection forthe Empress, to exhaust every means of putting an end to hercaptivity. At first he attempted by several letters, full of feelingand dignity, to move the justice and sensibility of the Emperor ofAustria. Entreaties and reclamations proving ineffectual, he resolved, to despatch an officer of the crown to Vienna, to negotiate, or demandpublicly, in the name of nature and the law of nations, thedeliverance of the Empress and her son. This mission was entrusted tothe Count de Flahaut, one of his aides-de-camp. No person was morecapable of fulfilling it worthily than this officer. He was a trueFrenchman, spirited, amiable, and brave. He shone equally in the fieldof battle, in a diplomatic conference, and in the drawing-roompleasing every where by the agreeableness and firmness of hischaracter. 

M. De Flahaut set out, but could not advance beyond Stutgard. Thisdisgrace converted into painful regret the joy, to which the hope ofseeing again the young prince and his august mother had already givenbirth. 

The people who resided near the road they would pass had already madepreparations for testifying their love and their respect. 

The return of Napoleon had been celebrated by enthusiastic shouts, that resembled the intoxication of victory: that of the Empress wouldhave inspired only tender emotions. Acclamations tempered by tears ofjoy, the roads strewed with flowers, the village maidens adorned intheir best attire and happy looks, would have given this sight theappearance of a family festival; and Marie Louise would have seemed, not the daughter of the Cæsars returning to her territories, but abeloved mother, who, after a long and painful absence, is at lengthrestored to the wishes of her children. 

Her son, over whose head such high destinies were then depending, would have excited transports not less vivid, or less affecting. Tornfrom a throne, and from his country, while yet in his cradle, he hadnot ceased to turn his eyes and his remembrances toward the land thathad given him birth: a number of bold and ingenious expressions haddisclosed his regrets and his hopes; and these expressions, repeatedand learned by heart, had rendered this august infant the object ofthe dearest thoughts and affections. 

With strange inconsistency, the French had deplored the imperioustemper and warlike disposition of Napoleon; yet they loved the son, precisely because he gave promise of possessing the genius andaudacity of his father; and because they hoped, that he would at somefuture day restore to France "the lustre of victories, and thelanguage of a master[11]. "

 [Footnote 11: The following anecdote of the young Napoleon I have never seen published. When he came into the world, he was believed to be dead; he was without warmth, without motion, without respiration. M. Dubois (the accoucheur of the Empress) had made reiterated attempts, to recall him to life, when a hundred guns were discharged in succession, to celebrate his birth. The concussion and agitation produced by this firing acted so powerfully on the organs of the royal infant, that his senses were reanimated. ]

The Emperor was deeply afflicted at the arbitrary detention of hiswife and her son. He felt all the importance of it. Offers had beenmade him several times, to carry them off: I myself was employed, by avery great personage, to make him an offer of this nature. But heobstinately persisted in listening to no proposal of the kind. Perhapshis affection, or his pride, forbade him, to expose to the hazards ofsuch an enterprise persons so dear to him, and whom he felt assured ofobtaining in a manner more worthy of him by victory, or by a peace. Perhaps he was apprehensive of endangering their fate, should hesuccumb in the struggle, that was about to take place between him andEurope; for unhappily this struggle, that had so long remained amatter of doubt, had now ceased to be questionable even to himself. 

The indirect overtures made to foreign cabinets, and those renewed inevery form by the Emperor, and by the Duke of Vicenza, had completelymiscarried. 

The efforts made in favour of France in the British parliament, by thegenerous defenders of the independence and rights of nations, hadremained without success. 

M. De St. L. . . . And M. De Mont. . . . , who were returned from Vienna, hadannounced, that the allies would never depart from the principlesmanifested in their declaration and treaty of the 13th and 25th ofMarch. 

M. De Talleyrand, on whom Napoleon had depended, convinced of thetriumph of the Bourbons, had refused to betray or abandon them. 

M. De Stassard had been stopped at Lintz, and obliged to return. Hisdespatches, which were seized and sent to the Emperor of Austria, hadbeen shown to the foreign monarchs; and these monarchs had unanimouslydecreed, that they should not be taken into consideration, and thatthey adhered anew, and more formally than ever, to their declaration. 

The Princess Hortense had received from the Emperor of Russia thislaconic answer: "No peace, no truce, with that man: any thing excepthim[12]. "

 [Footnote 12: The Emperor Alexander, at the time of the affair of Fontainebleau, had guarantied to the Duke of Vicenza, for Napoleon, the possession of the island of Elba. M. De Talleyrand and the foreign ministers remonstrated to him strongly, on the danger of leaving the Emperor on a spot so near to France and Italy; and conjured him, not to oppose their compelling him to choose another place of retreat. Alexander, faithful to his engagements, would not consent to this. When the Emperor returned, Alexander made it a point of honour, to repair the noble fault he had committed; and became, rather from duty than from animosity, the most inveterate enemy of Napoleon and of France. ]

The agents maintained by the Emperor in foreign countries informedhim, that the troops of all the powers were in arms; and that thearrival of the Russians alone was waited for, to commence thecampaign[13]. 

 [Footnote 13: He had agents in Germany and in England, who informed him, with perfect accuracy, of every thing going on there. It is true, that these agents made him pay dearly for their services. In London, for instance, he had two persons, who cost him two thousand guineas a month. "If my Germans, " said he on this subject, "were so dear, I must give them up. "]

Thus every hope of conciliation was annihilated: the friends ofNapoleon began to doubt his safety: he alone contemplated withimperturbable firmness the dangers, with which he was menaced. 

The events of 1814 had disclosed to him the importance of the capital;and it may well be presumed, that he did not neglect the means ofputting it into a state of defence. When the moment was arrived, fordefinitively resolving on the work of the fortifications, which he hadalready sketched out, M. Fontaine, his favourite architect, was withhim, and was going to withdraw. "No, " said the Emperor to him, "stayhere: you shall help me to fortify Paris. " He ordered the map oflevels to be brought him; examined the sinuosities of the ground;consulted M. Fontaine on the placing of redoubts, and the erection ofcrown-works, triple crown-works, lunettes, &c. &c. ; and in less thanhalf an hour he conceived and settled, under the approbation of hisarchitect, a definitive plan of defence, that obtained the suffragesof the most experienced engineers. 

A swarm of workmen soon covered the vicinity of Paris: but to increasethe effect, that the fortification of this city would produce both inFrance and in foreign countries, Napoleon caused it to be suggested tothe national guard, to join in the work. Immediately detachments fromthe legions, accompanied by a number of citizens and federates fromthe suburbs of St. Antoine, and St. Marceau, repaired to Montmartreand Vincennes, and proceeded to the opening of the trenches withsongs. The grenadiers of the guard would not remain idle; and came totake their part in the labour with their band of music at their head. The Emperor, accompanied only by a few of the officers of hishousehold, frequently went to encourage the zeal of the workmen. Hispresence and his words fired their imagination: they fancied they sawThermopylæ in every pass they fortified and, like new Spartans, sworewith enthusiasm, to defend them till death. 

The federates did not stop at these demonstrations of their zeal, empty as they often are; they called for arms, and were angry, at thedilatoriness with which they were given them. They complained no lesseagerly, that they had not yet been reviewed by the Emperor. 

To pacify them, the Emperor hastened to announce to them, that hewould admit them with pleasure to file off before him on the firstparade day. 

On the 24th of May, they presented themselves at the Tuileries. Theirbattalions were composed in great part of old soldiers and laboriouswork people: but some of those vagabonds, who abound in great cities, had crept in among them; and these, with their jailbird countenances, and ragged clothes, recalled to mind but too forcibly those murderousbands, who formerly stained the dwelling of the unfortunate Louis XVI. With blood. 

When Louis XIII. , and the arrogant Richelieu, invoked the assistanceof the corporations of arts and trades, they admitted their deputiesto a solemn audience, took them by the hand, and embraced them all, history says, down to the very cobblers. Napoleon, though in a farmore critical situation, would not humble himself before necessity: hepreserved his dignity, and, in spite of himself, suffered symptoms toescape him of what he felt, at being obliged by circumstances toaccept such assistance. 

The chiefs of the confederation addressed him in a speech, in whichthe following passages were principally remarked. 

"You, sire, are the man of the nation, the defender of our country:from you we expect independence, and a sage liberty. You will secureto us these two precious possessions; you will render sacred for everthe rights of the people: you will reign according to the constitutionand the laws. We come to offer you our arms, our courage, and ourblood, for the safety of the capital. 

"Ah! sire, why had we not arms at the time when foreign kings, emboldened by treason, advanced up to the walls of Paris? . . . We shedtears of rage, at seeing our hands useless to the common cause: . . . Weare almost all of us old defenders of our country; our country shouldgive arms with confidence to those, who have shed their blood for her. Give us arms in her name . . . We are not the instruments of any party, the agents of any faction. . . . As citizens, we are obedient to ourmagistrates, and to the laws; as soldiers, we are obedient to ourchiefs. . . . 

"Long live the nation, long live liberty, long live the Emperor!"

The Emperor answered them in the following terms:

"Soldiers, federates of the suburbs of St. Antoine and St. Marceau: Ireturned alone, because I reckoned on the people of the towns, theinhabitants of the country, and the soldiers of the army, whoseattachment to the honour of the nation I well knew. You have alljustified my confidence. I accept your offer. I will give you arms; tolead you, I will give you officers covered with honourable scars, andaccustomed to see the enemy flee before them. Your robust limbs, inured to the most laborious work, are better adapted than any other, to handle arms. As to courage, you are Frenchmen: you shall be theskirmishers (_éclaireurs_) of the national guard. I shall be withoutany anxiety for the capital, while the national guard and you areemployed in its defence: and if it be true, that foreigners persist inthe impious design of attacking our independence and our honour, I mayavail myself of victory, without being checked by any solicitude. 

"Soldiers, federates; if there be men among the higher classes ofsociety, who have dishonoured the French name; the love of ourcountry, and the sentiment of national honour, have been preservedentire among the people of our towns, the inhabitants of the country, and the soldiers of the army. I am glad to see you. I have confidencein you: long live the nation!"

Notwithstanding his promise, however, the Emperor, under the pretence, that there was not a sufficient number of muskets, only gave arms tothose federates who were on duty; so that they passed daily from onehand to another, and consequently did not remain in the possession ofany one. Various motives induced him, to take this precaution. Hewished to preserve to the national guard a superiority, which it wouldhave lost, if the whole of the federates had been armed. He wasafraid, also, that the republicans, whom he ever considered as hismost implacable enemies, would obtain sway over the minds of thefederates; and induce them, in the name of liberty, to turn againsthimself those arms, that he had put into their hands. Fatal prejudice!that induced him to place his reliance elsewhere than on the people, and consequently deprived him of his firmest support. 

At the moment when the population of Paris was testifying the mostfaithful attachment to the Emperor and their country, the alarm-bellof insurrection resounded through the plains of la Vendée. 

As early as the 1st of May, some symptoms of commotion had beenobserved in le Bocage[14]. The brave but unfortunate Travot hadeffected by his firmness, and by his persuasions, the restoration oforder; and every thing appeared quiet, when emissaries arrived fromEngland, to kindle the flames anew. 

 [Footnote 14: A small county in Lower Normandy, the common focus of the rebellion. ]

MM. De la Roche-jaquelin, d'Autichamp, Suzannet, Sapineau, Daudigné, and some others of the chiefs of la Vendée, re-assembled. A civil warwas determined on. On the 15th of May, the day appointed, thealarm-bell was heard; energetic proclamations called the inhabitantsof Anjou, la Vendée, and Poitou, to arms; and the assembling of aconfused body of seven or eight thousand peasants was effected. 

The English agents had announced, that the Marquis Louis de laRoche-jaquelin was bringing to the provinces in the West arms, ammunition, and money. The insurgents immediately repaired to Croix deVic, to favour his landing. A few custom-house officers, assembled inhaste, opposed them in vain: la Roche-jaquelin triumphantly deliveredinto the hands of the unfortunate Vendeans the fatal presents ofEngland[15]. 

 [Footnote 15: The succours, so pompously announced by the royalist emissaries, amounted only to 2400 muskets, and a few barrels of gunpowder. The chiefs of the insurrection, disappointed in their expectations, bitterly reproached M. De la Roche-jaquelin with having deceived and implicated them by false promises. ]

The news of this insurrection, considerably exaggerated by inaccurateaccounts, reached the Emperor in the night of the 17th. He called meto his bedside; made me set down on the map the positions of theFrench and of the insurgents; and dictated to me his commands. 

He directed a part of the troops stationed in the neighbouringdivisions, to march with all possible speed for Niort and Poitiers;General Brayer, to hasten post to Angers, with two regiments of theyoung guard; and General Travot, to call in his detachments, andconcentrate his force, till he received fresh orders. Experiencedofficers _d'ordonnances_ were appointed, to go and reconnoitre thecountry; and General Corbineau, whose talents, moderation, andfirmness were known to the Emperor, was sent to the spot, to appeasethe revolt, or preside over the military operations in case of need. All these arrangements being made, the Emperor quietly closed hiseyes; for the faculty of tasting at pleasure the sweets of sleep wasone of the prerogatives conferred on him by nature. 

Telegraphic despatches soon brought more circumstantial and moreheartening accounts. "It was known, that the peasants, who had beenordered to furnish merely four men from each parish, had shownhesitation and ill will; and that the chiefs had found great troublein collecting four or five thousand men, consisting in great part ofvagabonds, and workmen out of employ. " In fine it was known, thatGeneral Travot, having been informed of the landing, and the road theconvoy had taken, went in pursuit of the insurgents, came up with themin advance of St. Gilles, killed about three hundred men, and seizedthe greater part of the arms and ammunition. 

The Emperor thought, that this insurrection might be quashed by othermeans than by force; and, adopting in this respect the conciliatoryviews proposed by General Travot, he directed the minister of policeto invite MM. De Malartie and two other Vendean chiefs, MM. De laBeraudiere and de Flavigny, to repair in the character of pacificatorsto their ancient companions in arms; and remonstrate with them, thatit was not in the plains of the West, the fate of the throne would bedecided; and that, the final expulsion or restoration of Louis XVIII. Depending neither on their efforts, nor on their defeat, the Frenchblood, which they were about to shed in la Vendée, would be spilt tono purpose. 

He sent orders to General Lamarque, whom he had just invested with thesupreme direction of this war[16], to favour the negotiations of M. DeMalartie to the utmost of his power: at the same time he directed him, to declare formally to la Roche-jaquelin, and to the other chiefs ofthe insurgents, that, if they persisted in continuing the civil war, quarter would no longer be given them, and their houses andpossessions should be sacked and burned[17]. 

 [Footnote 16: The Emperor had intended this command in chief for the Duke of Rovigo, or General Corbineau: but he foresaw, that it might perhaps be necessary, to proceed to rigorous measures; and he was unwilling, that these should be conducted by an officer attached to his own person. ]

 [Footnote 17: The Emperor considered this rigorous measure as a just reprisal for the means employed by the Vendean chiefs, to recruit their army. They are the following:

 When the families, that reign in la Vendée, have resolved on war, they send orders to their agents, to travel over the country, preaching up revolt, and indicating to every parish the number of men, that it must furnish. The chiefs of the insurrection in each parish then point out the peasants, who are to go; and enjoin them, to be at such an hour, on such a day, at the place appointed for assembling. If they fail, armed bands are sent in quest of them, generally composed of the men most dreaded in the country: if they resist, they are threatened with being shot, or having their houses burnt; and as this is never an empty threat, the unhappy peasants obey, and set out. 

 It has been asserted, that the Emperor had given orders, to set a price on the heads of the chiefs of the insurgents. The instructions given to the ministers at war were transcribed by me, and I have not the least recollection of any such order having been given. ]

He likewise recommended to him, to press as closely as possible on thebands of la Vendée, in order to leave them no hope of safety but inprompt submission. But this recommendation was superfluous. Byunexpected attacks, skilful marches, and continually increasingsuccesses, General Travot had already struck such terror and alarminto the insurgents, that they took much more pains to shun than tofight him. 

In pursuing the movement of concentration, that had been prescribedhim, this general accidentally fell in with the royal army by night, at Aisenay. A few musket shots spread dismay and disorder throughtheir ranks; they rushed one upon another, and dispersed socompletely, that MM. De Sapineau and Suzannet were several dayswithout soldiers. M. D'Autichamp, though distant from the place ofengagement, experienced the same fate. His troops abandoned him withno less readiness, than he had found difficulty in assembling them. 

This defection was not solely the effect of the terror, with which theimperial army could not fail naturally to inspire a body of wretchedpeasants; it was promoted by several other circumstances. In the firstplace it resulted from the little confidence of the insurgents in theexperience and capacity of their General in chief, the Marquis de laRoche-jaquelin. They did justice to his conspicuous bravery; but hehad forfeited their good opinion, by incessantly endangering themthrough false manoeuvres, and by endeavouring to subject them to aregular service, incompatible with their domestic habits, and withtheir mode of making war. 

In the next place it arose from the dissension, that had introduceditself among their generals from the commencement of the war. TheMarquis de la Roche-jaquelin, ardent and ambitious, had arrogated tohimself the supreme command; and the old founders of the royal army, the Autichamps, Suzannets, and Sapineaus, did not obey without regretthe imperious orders of a young officer, hitherto without experienceor reputation. 

But the first, the fundamental cause of the slackness or inactivity ofthe Vendeans, was still more the change, that had taken place in thepolitical and military state of France since the coronation ofNapoleon. They knew, that the time when they struck terror into theblues, and made themselves masters of their artillery with clubs, wasno more. They knew, that the days of terror, of anarchy, wereterminated for ever; and that they had no longer to dread thoseabuses, or those excesses, or those crimes, which had provoked andfomented their first insurrection. As to the attachment for theBourbon family, which they had inherited from their fathers, this, though not banished from their hearts, was balanced by the fear ofseeing the calamities and devastations of the late civil war revived;by the uneasiness they felt from the renewal of the double despotismof the nobles and priests; and perhaps also by the remembrance of thekindness of Napoleon. It was he, who had restored to them theirchurches and their ministers; who had raised from their ruins theirdesolate habitations[18]; and who had freed them at once fromrevolutionary exactions, and from the plunderings of chouanry. 

 [Footnote 18: Fourteen millions of francs had been appropriated to the rebuilding of the houses burned down. ]

The Emperor, having no doubt of the approaching termination and happyissue of this war, announced it openly at a public audience. "Everything will soon be finished, " said he, "in la Vendée. The Vendeanswill not fight any more. They are retiring to their homes one by one;and the fight will be at an end for want of combatants. "

The news he received from the King of Naples by no means inspired himwith the same satisfaction. 

This prince, as I have said above, after having obtained severaltolerably brilliant advantages, had advanced to the gates ofPlacentia; and was preparing, to march through the Piedmonteseterritory to Milan; when Lord Bentinck notified to him, that Englandwould declare against him, if he did not respect the dominions of theKing of Sardinia. Joachim, apprehensive of the English making adiversion against Naples, consented to alter his course. TheAustrians had time to come up, and Milan was saved. 

While these things were going on, a Neapolitan army, that hadpenetrated into Tuscany, and driven General Nugent before it, wassurprised, and forced to retire precipitately to Florence. 

This unexpected check, and the considerable reinforcements, that theAustrians received, determined Joachim to fall back. He retreatedslowly to Ancona. 

The English, who had hitherto remained neutral, now declared againsthim, and joined Austria and the Sicilians. Joachim, menaced andpressed on all sides, concentrated his forces. A general engagementtook place at Tolentino. The Neapolitans, animated by the presence andvalour of their king, briskly attacked General Bianchi, and everything foreboded victory, when the arrival of General Neipperg, at thehead of fresh troops, changed the aspect of affairs. The Neapolitanarmy was broken, quitted the field of battle, and fled to Macerata. 

A second battle, equally disastrous, was fought at Caprano; and thecapture of this city by the Austrians opened them an entrance into thekingdom of Naples, while the corps of General Nugent, which hadmarched from Florence to Rome, penetrated into the Neapolitanterritory by another road. 

The rumour of the defeat and death of the king, the approach of theAustrian armies, and the proclamations[19] issued by them, excited asedition at Naples. The Lazaroni, after having assassinated a fewFrenchmen, and massacred the minister of police, repaired to the royalpalace, with the design of murdering the Queen. This princess, worthyof the blood that circulated in her veins, was not affrighted by theirshouts and threats; she courageously made head against them, andobliged them, to return to their obedience. 

 [Footnote 19: These announced and promised to the Neapolitans the restoration of Ferdinand, their former king, to the throne. ]

Joachim, remaining erect amid the ruins of his army, sustained withheroic firmness the efforts of his enemies. Resolved to fall with armsin his hand, he rushed on the battalions, and carried terror and deathinto the midst of their ranks. But his valour could only ennoble hisfall. Still repulsed, still invulnerable, he relinquished the hope ofmeeting death or victory. In the night of the 19th of March hereturned to Naples: the Queen appeared indignant at seeing him. "Madame, " said he to her, "I was not able to find death. " He departedimmediately, that he might not fall into the hands of the Austrians, and came to take refuge in France. The Queen, notwithstanding thedangers, that threatened her life, resolved to remain at Naples, tillher fate and that of the army were decided. When the treaty wassigned, she withdrew on board an English vessel and repaired toTrieste. 

The catastrophe of the King made the most profound impression on thesuperstitious mind of Napoleon; but the French it inspired with littleregret, and no fear. I say no fear, for the nation was familiarisedwith the idea of war. The patriotism and energy, with which it feltitself animated, filled it with such confidence, that it deemed itselfsufficiently strong, to dispense with the support of the Neapolitans, and struggle alone against the coalition. It recalled to mind thecampaign of 1814; and, if at that period Napoleon, with sixty thousandsoldiers, had beaten and held in check the victorious foreign armies, what might it not hope now, when an army of three hundred thousandfighting men would form, in case of need, only the advanced guard ofFrance? The royalists and their newspapers, by repeating themanifestoes of Ghent and Vienna, enumerating the foreign armies, andexaggerating our dangers, had indeed succeeded in abating the courageof a few, and shaking their opinions; but the sentiments of the bulkof the nation had lost nothing of their vigour and energy. Every dayfresh offerings[20] were deposited on the altar of their country; andevery day new corps of volunteers, equally numerous and formidable, were establishing, under the names of lancers, partisans, federates, mountain chasseurs, and tirailleurs. 

 [Footnote 20: The departments of the Centre, and of the East, particularly distinguished themselves. A great number of their inhabitants gave considerable sums, and equipped at their own expense companies, battalions, whole regiments, of partisans or national guards. 

 A single citizen of Paris, Mr. Delorme, proprietor of the fine _passage_ of the same name, offered his country a hundred thousand francs. 

 Another, one day when the national guard was reviewed, caused a roll of paper, tied with a ribbon of the legion of honour, to be delivered to the Emperor. On opening it, it was found to contain twenty-five thousand francs, in notes on the Bank, with these words: "for Napoleon, for my country. " The Emperor was desirous of knowing the person, who had made this delicate and mysterious offering; and at length discovered, that it was M. Gevaudan, whose noble sentiments and patriotism had already been proved by several actions of a similar kind. ]

The Parisians, so frequently peaceable spectators of events, participated in this burst of patriotism: not contented with erectingtheir intrenchments with their own hands, they solicited the honour ofdefending them; and twenty thousand men, composed of national guards, federates of the suburbs, and citizens of all ranks, were formed intobattalions for actual service under the denomination of tirailleurs ofthe national guard. 

Napoleon applauded the noble efforts of the great nation: butunfortunately our arsenals had been plundered in 1814; and, notwithstanding the activity of our workmen, he was grieved to theheart at his inability, to arm every hand raised in his defence. Thiswould have required six hundred thousand muskets; and scarcely couldenough be supplied, to arm the troops of the line, and the nationalguards, that were sent to garrison the fortified towns. 

But while Paris was contemplating its ramparts on the one hand, on theother it saw the preparations for the festival of the _Champ de Mai_completing. On both there was an equal crowd; and the French, alwaysthe same, always brave and frivolous, traversed with equal pleasurethe spots where they were to fight, and those where they expected toamuse themselves. 

At length the assembly of the _Champ de Mai_, which several unforeseencircumstances had delayed, took place on the 1st of June. The Emperorbelieved, that he ought to display at it all the imperial pomp; but inthis he was wrong. He was about to appear before old patriots, whom hehad deceived; and he should have avoided awakening their memories, andclouding their brows. 

His dress, and that of his brothers and his court, made at first adisagreeable impression; but it soon vanished, and gave place to thesensations, that this grand union of the nation excited. What in factcould be more impressive, than the aspect of a people, threatened witha tremendous war, forming peaceably a solemn compact with thesovereign, of whom its enemies were desirous of depriving it; andjoining with him, to defend together the honour and independence ofits country, in life or death?

An altar was erected in the midst of the vast and superb enclosure ofthe _Champ de Mars_; and the ceremony commenced with the invocation ofthe Supreme Being. The homage paid to God in the presence of natureseems more fully to inspire man with religion, confidence, andrespect. At the instant of the elevation of the host, this crowd ofcitizens, soldiers, officers, magistrates, and princes, prostratedthemselves in the dust, and implored for France, with a tender andreligious emotion, the tutelary protection of the sovereign Arbiter ofkings and people. The Emperor himself, usually so absent, displayed agreat deal of inward devotion. All eyes were fixed on him: peoplecalled to mind his victories and his disasters, his greatness and hisfall; they were softened by the fresh dangers, that accumulated roundhis head; and they put up prayers, truly sincere prayers, that hemight triumph over his implacable enemies. 

A deputation, composed of five hundred electors, advanced to the footof the throne; and one of them, in the name of the French people, addressed him in the following terms:

"Sire, "The French people had decreed you the crown; you laid it down, without their consent their suffrages impose on you the duty ofresuming it. 

"A new compact is formed between the nation and your Majesty. 

"Assembled from all parts of the empire round the tables of the law, on which we are come to inscribe the wish of the people, the wish thatconstitutes the only legitimate source of power, it is impossible forus, not to proclaim aloud the voice of France, of which we are theimmediate organs; and not to say, in the face of Europe, to the augustchief of the nation, what it expects of him, and what he has to expectof it. 

"Our words are as serious, as the circumstances by which they areinspired. 

"What means this league of allied kings, with that preparation forwar, with which it appals Europe, and grieves humanity?

"By what act, what transgression, have we provoked their vengeance, orgiven cause for an attack?

"Have we attempted, to impose laws on them, since the peace? We onlywish, to make and follow such, as are adapted to our manners. 

"We refuse the chief, whom our enemies choose for us; and we choosehim, whom they refuse us. 

"They dare to proscribe you personally: you, sire, who, so many timesmaster of their capitals, had generously confirmed them on theirtottering thrones! This hatred of our enemies adds to our love of you:were they to proscribe the most insignificant of our citizens, itwould be our duty, to defend him with the same energy; he would be, like you, under the aegis of the laws and power of France. 

"We are threatened with an invasion; yet, confined within frontiers, which nature did not impose on us; and which victory, and even peace, had extended, long before your reign; we have not overstepped thisnarrow boundary, out of regard to treaties, which you did not sign, yet have offered to respect. 

"Do they demand only guarantees? They have them in our institutions;and in the will of the French people, henceforward united with yours. 

"Are they not afraid of reminding us of times, of a state of things, but lately so different, and which may again return?

"It would not be the first time, that we have vanquished Europe inarms against us. 

"It is to the French nation, that they dare refuse a second time, inthe nineteenth century; in the face of the civilised world, thosesacred, imprescriptible rights, which the smallest tribe neverclaimed in vain at the tribunal of history and justice. 

"Because France resolves to be France, must it be degraded, torn topieces, dismembered and is the fate of Poland reserved for us? Vainlywould they conceal their fatal intentions, under the appearance of thesole design of separating you from us, to give us to masters, withwhom we have no longer any thing in common, and who can no longerunderstand us. 

"The three branches of the legislature are about to enter into a stateof activity: one sentiment will animate them. Confiding in thepromises of your Majesty, we resign to you, we resign to ourrepresentatives and to the chamber of peers, the care of revising, consolidating, and perfecting in concert, without precipitancy, without concussion, maturely, and with wisdom, our constitutionalsystem, and the institutions that must guaranty it. 

"And if, however, we be compelled to fight, let one sole voice resoundfrom every heart. Let us march against the enemy, that would treat usas the lowest of nations. Let us all press around the throne, on whichis seated the father and chief of the people and of the army. 

"Sire, nothing is impossible: nothing shall be spared, to ensure ourhonour and independence, possessions dearer than life: every thingshall be attempted, every thing done, to repel an ignominious yoke. Wesay it to the nations, may their rulers hear us! if they accept youroffers of peace, the French people will expect from your strong, liberal, and paternal government, motives of consolation for thesacrifices, which the peace has cost them: but if they leave us noother alternative, than war or disgrace, the whole nation is for war;it is ready to absolve you from the offers, perhaps too moderate, thatyou have made, in order to spare Europe fresh convulsions. EveryFrenchman is a soldier: victory will follow your eagles; and ourenemies, who have reckoned on a division, will soon regret theirhaving provoked us. "

This speech being ended, the result of the votes[21] was proclaimed, and the acceptance of the constitutional act. 

 [Footnote 21:

 Votes, Affirmative 1, 288, 357 Negative 4, 207 Armies, Affirmative 222, 000 Negative 320 Navy, Affirmative 22, 000 Negative 275

 Eleven departments did not send their registers in time. A great number of soldiers, unable to write their names, did not vote; and the registers of fourteen regiments did not arrive, till the votes had been summed up. ]

The Emperor then, turning toward the electors, said:

"Gentlemen, electors of the colleges of departments and circles;

"Gentlemen, deputies of the armies by sea and land to the _Champ deMai_:

"Emperor, consul, soldier, I hold every thing from the people. Inprosperity, in adversity; on the field of battle, in the councilchamber; on the throne, and in exile; France has been the sole andconstant object of my thoughts, and of my actions. 

"Like the King of Athens, I sacrificed myself for my people, in thehope of seeing the promise realized, that had been given, to preserveto France its natural integrity, its honours, and its rights. 

"Indignation at seeing these sacred rights, acquired by five andtwenty years of victory, disregarded, and lost for ever; the cryraised by, French honour disgraced; and the wishes of the nation;have brought me back to the throne, which is dear to me, because it isthe palladium of the independence, the honour, and the rights of thepeople. 

"Frenchmen, from the public joy, amid which I traversed the differentprovinces of the empire, to arrive at my capital, I could not butreckon on a long peace; for nations are bound by the treatiesconcluded with their governments, be these what they may. 

"My thoughts were then turned wholly on the means of establishing ourliberty by a constitution conformable to the will and the interests ofthe people. I convened the _Champ de Mai_. 

"It was not long before I learned, that the princes, who havedisregarded all principles, and wounded the opinions and dearestinterests of so many nations, resolved to make war on us. Theypurpose, to enlarge the kingdom of the Netherlands, to give it forbarriers all our strong places on the North, and to reconcile thedifferences, which still keep them at variance, by dividing among themLorraine and Alsace. 

"It was necessary, to prepare for war. 

"However, before incurring personally the dangers of battle, my firstcare necessarily was, to consult the nation without delay. The peoplehas accepted the act I have laid before it. 

"Frenchmen, when we have repelled these unjust aggressions, and Europeis convinced of what is due to the rights and independence oftwenty-eight millions of Frenchmen, a solemn law, made according tothe forms willed by the constitutional act, shall combine thedifferent arrangements of our constitutions, that are at presentscattered. 

"Frenchmen, you are about to return to your departments. Tell thecitizens, that the present circumstances are important! That withunion, energy, and perseverance, we shall rise victorious from thisstruggle of a great people against its oppressors; that generations tocome will severely scrutinize our conduct; and that a nation has lostevery thing, when it has lost its independence. Tell them, that theforeign kings, whom I raised to a throne, or who are indebted to mefor the preservation of their crowns; all of whom, in the days of myprosperity, courted my alliance, and the protection of the Frenchpeople; now direct their blows against my person. Did I not see, thatit is our country at which they really aim, I would place at theirmercy this life, against which they appear so exasperated. But tellthe citizens also, that, as long as the French retain for me thosesentiments of affection, of which they have given me so manytestimonies, this rage of our enemies will prove impotent. 

"Frenchmen, my will is that of the people: my rights are its rights;my honour, my glory, my happiness, can be no others than the honour, the glory, and the happiness of France. "

These words of Napoleon, pronounced with a strong and emphatic voice, produced the most lively sensation. A cry of "Long live the Emperor!"resounded in an instant throughout the immense space of the Champ deMars, and was repeated from one to another in the places around. 

The Emperor, after having sworn on the Gospels, to observe, and causeto be observed, the constitutions of the empire, made thearchchancellor proclaim the oath of fealty of the French people, represented by the electors. This oath was spontaneously repeated bythousands and thousands of voices. 

The ministers of war and of the navy, in the name of the armies byland and sea, and at the head of their deputations; the minister ofthe interior, in the name of the national guards of France, and atthe head of the electors; the staff of the imperial guard, and that ofthe national guard; afterwards advanced to take the oath, and receivefrom the hands of the Emperor the eagles intended for them. 

This ceremony ended, the troops, making about fifty thousand men, filed off before Napoleon and the festival concluded, as it hadcommenced, amid the acclamations of the people, the soldiers, and themajority of the electors: but to the discontent of a certain number ofthem, who complained, and with reason, that the Emperor hadsubstituted a steril distribution of colours, instead of the grandnational congress, which he had convened. 

The parties too, that already began to pullulate, were not bettersatisfied with the issue of the _Champ de Mai_. 

The old revolutionists would have wished Napoleon, to have abolishedthe empire, and re-established a republic. 

The partisans of the regency reproached him for not having proclaimedNapoleon II. 

And the liberals maintained, that he ought to have laid down thecrown, and left to the sovereign nation the right of restoring it tohim, or offering it to the most worthy. 

Were these different pretensions well founded? No. 

The re-establishment of the republic would have ruined France. 

The abdication in favour of Napoleon II. Would not have saved it. Theallies had explained their intentions at Bâle: they would not havelaid down their arms, till the Emperor had consented, to deliverhimself up. "A circumstance, that, being to a prince the greatest ofmisfortunes, can never form a condition of peace[22]?"

 [Footnote 22: Montesquieu. Greatness and Decline of the Romans. ]

As to the latter proposition, I confess, that Napoleon, if on the 21stof March, or the 12th of April[23], he had returned into the hands ofthe French the sceptre, which he had just torn from those of theBourbons, would have stamped a character completely heroic on therevolution of the 20th of March. He would have disconcerted theforeign powers, augmented his popularity, centuplicated his forces:but on the first of June it was too late: the additional act hadappeared. 

 [Footnote 23: The day on which the Act of Congress appeared. ]

Unhappily for himself, therefore, Napoleon could do nothing better atthe _Champ de Mai_, than what he did: namely, to endeavour to concealthe emptiness of the day under the pomp of a religious and militarysolemnity, calculated to move the heart, and strengthen by fresh bandsthe union, already subsisting between him, the people, and the army. 

The Emperor had not been able to deliver with his own hands to theelectors the eagles of their departments. It had not been concealedfrom him, that some among them appeared dissatisfied; and he wished toattempt to dissipate their ill-humour, and revive their zeal. Tenthousand persons were assembled in the vast galleries of the Louvre;on one side were seen the deputies and electors of the nation; on theother, its glorious defenders. The eagle of each department, and thatof each deputation from the armies, were placed at the head of groupsof citizens or warriors; and nothing could exhibit a more animated, and more impressive picture, than this confused assembly of Frenchmen, of all the orders of the state, crowding mutually around the standardsand the hero, that were to conduct them to victory and to peace. 

The Emperor was polite, affectionate, amiable: with infinite art heaccommodated his manners to every body, and almost every body wasenchanted with him. He was convinced of the mischief he had donehimself by the additional act: and, in order to regain the goodopinion of the public, he repeated to satiety, to the representativesand electors, that he would employ himself in concurrence with the twochambers, to collect together those provisions of the constitutionallaws, that were not abrogated, and form the whole into one soleconstitution, that should become the fundamental law of the nation. 

This retraction was the consequence of the remonstrances of hisministers, and particularly of M. Carnot. "Sire, " he was incessantlyrepeating to him, "do not strive, I conjure you, against publicopinion. Your additional act has displeased the nation. Promise it, that you will modify it, and render it conformable to its wishes. Irepeat to you, Sire, I have never deceived you; your safety and oursdepend on your deference to the national will. This is not all, Sire;the French are become a free people. The appellation of 'subject, 'which you are continually giving them, wounds and humbles them. Callthem citizens, or your children. Neither suffer your ministers, yourmarshals, your great officers, to be called '_monseigneur_:' there isno _seigneur_ in a country, where equality forms the basis of thelaws; there are none but citizens. "

The Emperor, however, did not see the opening of the chambersapproach, without a certain degree of apprehension. His intention was, frankly to submit to the principles and consequences of arepresentative government; in the first place, because he wished toreign, and was convinced, that he could not retain the throne, unlesshe governed as the nation demanded. 

In the second place, because he was persuaded, that the nation nowplaced its ideas of happiness on a representative government; andbecause, greedy of every kind of celebrity, he found, as he told me atLyons, that it was glorious, to render a great people happy. But, whatever were the sentiments and good inclinations of Napoleon, he hadnot had time, to divest himself completely of his old notions andancient prejudices. The remembrance of our preceding assembliesbesieged him still in spite of himself: and he appeared to fear, thatthe French had too much warmth of imagination, instability of will, and propensity to abuse their rights, to be capable of enjoying on asudden, without any preparation, the benefits of absolute liberty. Hefeared, too, that the opposition inherent in representativegovernments would not be rightly comprehended in France, and wouldmake a bad impression; that it would degenerate into resistance; andthat it would clog the action of the sovereign power, take from it itsillusion, its moral strength, and make of it nothing but an instrumentof oppression[24]. 

 [Footnote 24: At the time of the discussion of the additional act, M. De Bassano, conversing with the Emperor on the chamber of deputies, said to him, that the muteness of the legislative body, was one of the things, that had contributed most to discredit the imperial government. "My mute legislative body, " answered Napoleon, with a smile, "was never well understood. It was a grand legislative jury. If it be thought right, that twelve jurymen shall pronounce on the life and honour of their fellow citizens by a simple yes, or no; why deem it strange or tyrannical, that five hundred jurymen, selected from the most eminent men in the nation, should pronounce in a similar manner on the simple interests of society?"]

Independently of these general considerations, Napoleon had stillother motives, to dread the approaching assembly of the chambers. Theywere going to meet under circumstances, in which it was indispensable, that the chief of the state should govern without contradiction: yethe foresaw, that the representatives, misled by their ardent love ofliberty, and by the fear of despotism, would seek to fetter hisexercise of authority, instead of seconding its full display. 

"When a war has commenced, " said he one day, "the presence of adeliberative body is as embarrassing, as it is fatal. _It must havevictories. _ If the monarch meet with any check, fear seizes the timid, and renders them unconsciously the instruments and accomplices of theaudacious. The apprehension of danger, and the desire of withdrawingfrom it, derange every head. Reason has no longer any sway: _physicalfeelings are everything_. The turbulent, the ambitious, greedy ofrule, of popularity, of making a noise, erect themselves of their ownauthority into advocates of the people, and advisers of the prince:they want to know all, regulate all, direct all. If no regard be paidto their counsels, from advisers they become censors, from censorsfactionaries, and from factionaries rebels. The necessary consequencethen is, that the prince must either submit to their yoke, or expelthem; and in either case he almost always compromises his crown andthe state. "

Napoleon, tormented by the anxiety, which the sudden and inconsiderateapplication of the popular system, and the dispositions of thedeputies, inspired, rested all his security on the chamber of peers. He hoped, that this chamber would influence the representatives by itsexample, or check them by its firmness. 

The ministers received orders, each to present to him a list ofcandidates. 

M. Delavalette, in whom the Emperor had particular confidence, wasalso desired to furnish him with a list. 

Formerly an aide-de-camp of Napoleon, and connected with him bymarriage[25], M. Delavalette had vowed to him an attachment proofagainst all temptations. Phocion said to Antipater, "I cannot be atonce thy flatterer, and thy friend:" and M. Delavalette, thinking likePhocion, had abjured every kind of flattery, to adhere to the rigidlanguage of friendship. Endowed with a cool head, and sound judgment, he appreciated events with skill and sagacity. Reserved in the world, frank and open with Napoleon, he avowed his opinions to him with thefreedom of an affectionate, pure, and upright heart. AccordinglyNapoleon set much value on his advice; and confessed with noblecandour, that he had frequently had to congratulate himself forhaving followed it. 

 [Footnote 25: He had married a Miss Beauharnais, since so celebrated for her generously risking her own life to save his. ]

The lists presented to the Emperor exhibited a complete assortment ofancient nobles, senators, generals, land-holders, and merchants[26]. The Emperor, it is right to say, had only the trouble of choosing, butthis was great. 

 [Footnote 26: It was the Duke of Vicenza, who first conceived the idea of conferring the peerage on great land-holders, and distinguished merchants. He was not of opinion, that the peerage should be hereditary, and that the choice of peers should be left exclusively to the crown. He would have wished, that men of great landed property, manufacturers, merchants of the first rank, the men of letters, civilians, and lawyers, who had acquired a great name, should be allowed to propose a list of candidates, out of which the Emperor should be at liberty to choose a certain number of peers. ]

On the one hand he could have wished, both from self-love and a spiritof conciliation, to have had in the chamber of peers some of thosegreat names, that sound so gratefully to the ear. On the other hand hewas desirous, as I have said above, that this chamber should hold thedeputies in check; and he could not conceal from himself, that, if heintroduced into it any of the ancient nobility, it would have noinfluence over that of the representatives, and probably be on verybad terms with it. 

He decided, therefore, to sacrifice his inclinations to the good ofthe cause; and, instead of granting the peerage to that crowd ofparchment nobles, who had humbly solicited it, he conferred it only ona few of them, noted for their patriotism, and their attachment toliberal principles. Many of these illustrious solicitors have sinceboasted of having refused it. This is very natural, but is it true? Ileave it to their own hearts, their own consciences, to answer thequestion. 

The Emperor, fearful of refusals, had taken the precaution to have theinclinations of the doubtful candidates previously sounded. Somehesitated; others plainly refused. Of all these refusals, direct andindirect, which amounted but to five or six at most, no one morepainfully disappointed Napoleon, than that of Marshal Macdonald. Hehad not forgotten the noble fidelity that the Marshal preservedtowards him in 1814, to the last moment; and he regretted, that hisscruples deprived him of a dignity, to which he was called by hisrank, his services, and the public esteem. 

The 3d of June being come, the chamber of representatives assembled inthe ancient palace of the legislative body, and formed itselfprovisionally under the presidency of the oldest of its members. 

The constitution had left to the representatives the right of choosingtheir president. The Emperor hoped, that their suffrages would begiven in favour of his brother Lucien; and in this hope he did notpublish immediately the list of peers, that he might retain the powerof comprising this prince in it, or not, according as he should orshould not be appointed to the _presidency_[27]. But the chamber, notwithstanding the esteem and confidence, with which the principlesand character of Prince Lucien inspired it, thought, that his electionwould be considered as a deference to the will of the Emperor; andresolved therefore, to make a different choice, in order to prove toFrance, and to the foreign powers, that it was, and would remain, freeand independent. M. Lanjuinais was elected: and Napoleon, who knewthat M. Lanjuinais, a malecontent by nature, had never been able toagree with any government[28], was doubly vexed, that Prince Lucienhad been rejected, and that such a successor had been given him. 

 [Footnote 27: Lucien Bonaparte had not been acknowledged as a prince of the imperial family by the ancient statutes. Consequently he might be considered, as not making a part of the chamber of peers by right. ]

 [Footnote 28: This opinion did not prevent the Emperor from doing justice to the courage and patriotism, which M. Lanjuinais had displayed on some trying occasions. ]

The sitting of the day following gave Napoleon another subject ofdissatisfaction. The assembly had expressed its wish the day before, to be acquainted with the list of the members of the Chamber of Peers. The Emperor, from the motive I have mentioned, made answer, that thislist would not be fixed, till after the opening of the session. Thisanswer excited violent murmurs: one member proposed, to declare, thatthe chamber would not proceed to constitute itself definitively, tillit was furnished with the list, which it had required. Thus from itsentrance on its career, and even before it was installed, the chamberannounced its design, of establishing itself in a state ofinsurrection against the head of the government. 

The third sitting witnessed an opprobrium, hitherto unheard of in ournational assemblies. The same member, M. Dupin[29], advanced, thatthe oath to be taken to the sovereign by the nation, in order to bevalid and legitimate, should not be administered by virtue of adecree, that emanated from the will of the prince alone, but by virtueof a law, which is the will of the nation constitutionally expressed. In consequence he proposed, to resolve, that no oath could be requiredof it, but in execution of a law; and that this oath should no wayprejudice its right, subsequently to improve the constitution. 

 [Footnote 29: A celebrated counsel, who defended Marshal Ney, and the three generous liberators of M. Delavalette, Wilson, Bruce, and Hutchinson. ]

This proposal, seconded by M. Roi[30], tended to declare null in lawand fact the oath, which the nation and army, represented by theirelectors and deputies, had just taken to the Emperor and theconstitution in the solemnity of the _Champ de Mai_: and as it wasthis oath, that hitherto formed the only tie binding the nation to theEmperor, and Napoleon to the nation, it followed that the annulling itdeprived the Emperor of that character of sovereignty and legitimacy, with which he had been invested, and rendered his rights a subject ofdeliberation. 

 [Footnote 30: Since minister of finance to the king. ]

The motion of M. Dupin was rejected unanimously: but the chamber, incomplaisantly permitting a man, to dare within its walls, to call inquestion the legitimacy of the Emperor and his authority, andendeavour to render him foreign to the nation, was guilty of an act ofweakness and indifference, that deeply grieved Napoleon. "I perceivewith sorrow, " he said, "that the deputies are not disposed, to act inunion with me; and that they let no opportunity escape of seeking aquarrel. Of what have they to complain? What have I done to them? Ihave given them liberty with an unsparing hand; I have given themperhaps too much; for kings in the present day have more need thannations of guarantees. I will act with them as long as I can: but ifthey think to make of me a King Log, or a second Louis XVI. , they aremistaken; I am not a man to receive the law from counsellors[31], orto allow my head to be cut off by factionaries. "

 [Footnote 31: MM. Dupin and Roi, who appeared to him the heads of the party of insurgents. ]

The hostile disposition of the representatives would have given him nouneasiness at any other time: the constitution conferred on him theright of dissolving the chamber, and he would have availed himself ofit: but on the eve of a war, and in the critical situation in which hewas placed, he could not have recourse to such an expedient, withoutendangering the fate of France. He resolved, therefore, to conceal hisvexation and ill humour, and permit what he could not prevent. 

On the 7th of June he repaired to the legislative body, to open thechambers; and, after having received the oaths of the peers anddeputies, delivered the following speech:

"Gentlemen of the chamber of peers, and gentlemen of the chamber ofrepresentatives:

"Circumstances, and the confidence of the people, have invested methese three months with unlimited power. To-day the most urgent desireof my heart is accomplished: I come to commence the constitutionalmonarchy. 

"Men are too feeble, to ensure the future: institutions alone fix thefate of nations. Monarchy is necessary in France, to guaranty theliberty, the independence, and the rights of the people. 

"Our constitution is made up of scattered parts: one of our mostimportant occupations will be, to unite them within one frame, andarrange them in one simple design. This labour will transmit the fameof the present period to future generations. 

"I am ambitious of seeing France enjoy all the liberty possible: I saypossible, because anarchy always leads to an absolute government. 

"A formidable coalition of kings aims at our independence: theirarmies are arriving on our frontiers. 

"The frigate _la Melpomène_ has been attacked and taken in theMediterranean, after a bloody engagement, by an English seventy-four. Blood has been shed during peace[32]. 

 [Footnote 32: She was attacked and taken near the island of Ischia, on the 30th of April. ]

"Our enemies reckon upon our intestine divisions. They are excitingand fomenting civil war. Meetings have taken place; and acommunication is kept up with Ghent, as in 1792 it was with Coblentz. Legislative measures are indispensable: to your patriotism, yourintelligence, and your attachment to my person, I confide myselfwithout reserve. 

"The liberty of the press is inherent in our present constitution: nochange can be made in this, without altering our whole politicalsystem: but we want repressive laws, particularly in the presentstate of the nation. I recommend this important subject to yourconsideration. 

"The ministers will make known to you the state of our affairs. 

"The finances would be in a satisfactory condition, were it not forthe increased expense, which the present circumstances have required. 

"Still we might answer the whole, if the sums to be received, includedin the budget, could all be realised in the course of the year; and myminister of finance will turn your attention to the means of attainingthis result. 

"It is possible, that the first duty of a prince may soon call me, tofight for our country at the head of the children of the nation. Thearmy and I will do our duty. 

"Do you, peers and representatives, set the nation an example ofconfidence, energy, and patriotism: and, like the senate of the greatpeople of antiquity, resolve rather to die, than to survive thedishonour and degradation of France. The sacred cause of our countrywill be triumphant!"

This speech, full of moderation and reason, made a profoundimpression on the assembly. Shouts of "Long live the Emperor!" muchmore numerous than had burst out at his arrival, were heard, andcontinued long after his departure. 

The next day, the chamber of representatives was employed in drawingup its address. 

An indiscreet admirer of Napoleon, after having observed, thatflattery had decreed the surname of Desired to a prince, whom thenation had neither called nor expected, moved, that the title ofSaviour should be decreed to Napoleon, who had come to save Francefrom regal slavery. This ridiculous motion, smothered by ironicallaughter, gave rise to a multitude of sarcasms and offensivereflections, which were reported to Napoleon, and which, withoutpersonally wounding him, for he had too high a sense of his glory, tothink it affected by such clamours, injured him in the opinion ofFrance. 

Napoleon, like all great men, loved praise: public censure, when hethought it unjust, made no impression on him. This indifference didnot arise from the pride of the diadem; it was the result of thecontempt he felt for the judgment of men in general. "He wasaccustomed to look for the reward of the pains and labours of lifeonly in the opinion of posterity. "

The assembly rejected the adulatory proposal of M.  *****; and in thisit did right. But it did wrong, not to express its decision so as tosoften what there was in it of harsh, unjust, and disagreeable to theEmperor, who had not provoked it. 

This rudeness did not surprise him: experience had already convincedhim, that the chamber would let no opportunity of vexing him escapeit. 

This chamber, notwithstanding, was composed entirely of partisans ofthe 20th of March: but all the deputies were not partisans ofNapoleon, if they were of the revolution; some in consequence ofpersonal enmity, others from remembrance of his despotism, and fear ofits return. 

The enemies of Napoleon, disguising their hatred under the cloak of alove of liberty, had insinuated themselves into the minds of thepatriots; and, with the additional act in their hands, had drawn theminto their ranks, under the apparent pretence of combating andbridling the incurable tyranny of the Emperor. 

On the other hand, the friends of Napoleon, while they refused to joinin this coalition, did not attempt to break it; because they inwardlydreaded the encroachments of the imperial power, and were not sorry toleave to others the task of opposing it. 

Thus the whole assembly, though instigated by different motives, joined to set themselves in a state of hostile opposition to the headof the government; without perceiving, that this inconsiderate, unjust, and ill-timed opposition, would occasion anxiety, mistrust, and irresolution, in the minds of all; and destroy that nationalharmony, that union of interests, wills, and sentiments, the onlysource of strength to Napoleon, of safety to France. 

Be this as it may, the chamber of deputies, after having spent twodays in discussing the substance and style of its address, wasadmitted, as well as the chamber of peers, to appear at the foot ofthe throne. 

The chamber of peers spoke first, and said:

"Sire; your readiness to subject to constitutional forms and rulesthat absolute power, which circumstances, and the confidence of thepeople, had imposed on you; the past guarantee given to the rights ofthe nation; the devotion, that leads you into the midst of the perils, which the army is about to brave; penetrate every heart with profoundgratitude. The peers of France are come to offer to your Majesty thehomage of this sentiment. 

"You have manifested, Sire, principles, that are those of the nation:they must necessarily be ours. Yes, all power proceeds from thepeople, is instituted far the people; a constitutional monarchy isnecessary for the French nation, as a guarantee of its liberty, and ofits independence. 

"Sire, while you shall be on the frontiers, at the head of thechildren of the country, the chamber of peers will concur with zeal inall the legislative measures, that circumstances may require, tocompel foreigners to acknowledge the independence of the nation, andrender the principles sanctioned by the will of the people triumphantat home. 

"The interest of France is inseparable from yours. If fortune shoulddeceive your efforts, disasters, Sire, will not weaken ourperseverance, and would redouble our attachment to you. 

"If success should correspond to the justice of our cause, and thehopes; we are accustomed to conceive from your genius and the valourof our armies, France desires no other fruit from it than peace. Ourinstitutions are a pledge to Europe, that the French government cannever be hurried on by the seductions of victory. "

The Emperor answered:

"The contest in which we are engaged is serious. The ardour ofprosperity is not the danger that threatens us at present. Foreignersare desirous of making us pass under the _Caudine forks_!

"The justice of our cause, the public spirit of the nation, and thecourage of the army, are potent grounds, to hope for success; but, ifwe should experience disasters, then in particular I should wish, tosee all the energy of this great people displayed; then I should findin the chamber of peers proofs of attachment to their country, and tomyself. 

"It is in times of difficulty, that great nations, like great men, display all the energy of their character, and become an object ofadmiration to posterity[33]. 

 [Footnote 33: This is a remarkable sentence; as it expresses a sound principle: events have shown, how little the French deserve the name of a _great nation_. _Tr. _]

"Mr. President and gentlemen deputies of the chamber of peers, I thankyou for the sentiments which you have expressed to me in the name ofthe chamber. "

Count Lanjuinais, at the head of the deputation of the chamber ofrepresentatives, then delivered the following speech:

"Sire, the chamber of representatives received with profound emotionthe words pronounced from the throne at the solemn sitting, when yourMajesty, laying down the extraordinary power you were exercising, proclaimed the commencement of a constitutional monarchy. 

"The principal bases of this monarchy, the guardian of the liberty, equality, and happiness of the people, have been acknowledged by yourMajesty, who, voluntarily meeting every scruple, as well as everywish, has declared, that the care of collecting together our scatteredconstitutions, and arranging them in one whole, was among the mostimportant occupations reserved for the legislature. Faithful to itsmission, the chamber of representatives will fulfil the task that isdevolved to it, in this noble work: it demands, that, to satisfy thewill of the public, as well as the wishes of your Majesty, thedeliberations of the nation shall rectify, as soon as possible, whatthe urgency of our situation may have produced defective, or leftimperfect, in the whole of our constitutions. 

"But at the same time, Sire, the chamber of representatives will notshow itself less eager, to proclaim its sentiments and its principleswith regard to the terrible conflict, that threatens to ensanguine thefields of Europe. After a series of disastrous events, invaded Franceappeared listened to for a moment on the establishment of itsconstitution, only to see itself almost immediately subjected to aroyal charter, emanating from absolute power, to a system ofreformation, in its nature always revocable. . . . 

"Resuming now the exercise of its rights; rallying round the hero, whom its confidence invests anew with the government of the state;France is astonished and grieved, to see sovereigns in arms demand ofit the reason of an internal change, which is the result of thenational will, and affects neither its existing connexions with othergovernments, nor their security. France cannot admit the distinctions, under which the coalized powers endeavour to cloak their aggression. To attack the monarch of its choice is to attack the independence ofthe nation. It is entirely in arms, to defend this independence; andto repel every family, and every prince, that they may dare wish toimpose on it. No ambitious project enters into the thoughts of theFrench people: even the will of a victorious prince would beimpotent, to carry the nation beyond the limits of its own defence. But to protect its territory, to maintain its liberty, its honour, itsdignity, it is ready to make any sacrifice. Why are we not allowed, Sire, still to hope, that these preparations for war, caused perhapsby the irritations of pride, and by illusions that every day mustweaken, will vanish before the want of a peace necessary to all thenations of Europe; and which would restore to your Majesty yourconsort, to the French the heir to the throne? But already blood hasbeen shed: the signal of battles, prepared against the independenceand liberty of the French, has been given in the name of a people, whocarry to the highest point their zeal for independence and liberty. Nodoubt among the communications, which your Majesty has promised us, the chambers will find proofs of the efforts you have made, tomaintain the peace of the world. If all these efforts must remainuseless, may the calamities of the war fall on those, by whom it hasbeen provoked!

"The chamber of deputies waits only for the documents, that have beenannounced to it, to concur with all its power in the measures, thatthe success of a war so legitimate may demand. It is eager, to beacquainted with the wants and resources of the state, in order toenunciate its wishes: and while your Majesty, opposing to the mostunjust aggression the valour of our national armies, and the force ofyour genius, seeks in victory only the means of arriving at a durablepeace, the chamber of representatives is persuaded, that it shall beproceeding toward the same end, by labouring unremittingly at thecompact, the perfecting of which must cement still more closely theunion between the people and the throne; and strengthen in the eyes ofEurope the pledge of our engagements, by the improvement of ourinstitutions. "

The Emperor answered:

"I find with satisfaction my own sentiments, in those you express tome. Under our present weighty circumstances, my thoughts are absorbedby the imminent war, to the success of which are attached the honourand independence of France. 

"I shall set out this night, to place myself at the head of my armies:the movements of the different corps of the enemy render my presencethere indispensable. During my absence, I shall see with pleasure, that a committee named by each chamber is meditating on ourconstitution. 

"The constitution is our rallying point: it should be our pole-star inthis season of tempests. Every public discussion, that would tend, directly or indirectly, to diminish the confidence we ought to have inits arrangements, would be a misfortune to the state: we should findourselves in the midst of shoals, without a compass, and without achart. The crisis in which we are engaged is violent. Let us notimitate the example of the Lower Empire, which, pressed on all sidesby the barbarians, rendered itself the laughing-stock of posterity, byengaging in abstract discussions, at the moment when the battering ramwas bursting open the gates of the city. 

"Independently of the legislative measures, which internalcircumstances require, you will deem it useful perhaps, to occupyyourselves on regulating laws, calculated to render the constitutionactive. These may be subjects of your public labours without anyinconvenience. 

"Mr. President, and gentlemen deputies of the chamber ofrepresentatives, the sentiments expressed in your address sufficientlydemonstrate the attachment of the chamber to my person, and all thepatriotism, with which it is animated. In all events my course willever be straight and firm. Assist me to save our country. The firstrepresentative of the people, I have contracted the obligation, whichI renew, of employing, in times of greater tranquillity, all theprerogatives of the crown, and the little experience I have acquired, to second you in the improvement of our institutions. "

The voice of Napoleon, naturally emphatic, gave prominence to themasculine thoughts, that sparkled throughout both these speeches: andwhen he arrived at this passage, "every public discussion, that wouldtend to diminish the confidence, " &c. ; and at this, "let us notimitate the Lower Empire;" he gave these salutary exhortations with apenetrating look, that made the instigators of discord cast down theireyes. The sound part of the representatives approved the Emperor'sanswer: the rest considered it as a lecture offensive to the dignityof the chamber. There are some men, who think they may be allowed topush remonstrance to insult, yet cannot listen to the most prudent andtemperate advice, without being offended. 

The Emperor set out, as he had announced, in the night of the 12th ofMay. 

The question of deciding, whether he ought to be the first, to givethe signal for hostilities, or not, had frequently recurred to hisreflections. 

By attacking the enemy, he had the advantage of engaging before thearrival of the Russians, and of carrying the war out of the Frenchterritories. If he were victorious, he might raise up Belgium, anddetach from the coalition a part of the old confederation of theRhine, and perhaps Austria. 

By waiting to be attacked, he retained it in his power to choose hisfield of battle, to increase his means of resistance in an infinitedegree, and of carrying the strength and devotion of his army to thehighest pitch. An army of Frenchmen, fighting under the eyes of theirmothers, their wives, and their children, for the preservation oftheir well-being, and in defence of the honour and independence oftheir country, would have been invincible. It was the latteralternative, to which Napoleon gave the preference: it agreed with thehope he involuntarily cherished of coming to an agreement with theforeign powers, and with his fear of gaining the ill-will of thechamber, if he commenced the war without previously exhausting allmeans of obtaining peace. 

But Napoleon felt, that, to render a war national, all the citizensmust be united in heart and will with their chief: and convinced, that the untoward disposition of the chamber would increase daily, andintroduce division and trouble into the state, he resolved to commencethe war; hoping, that fortune would favour his arms, and that victorywould reconcile him to the deputies, or furnish him with the means ofreducing them to order. 

The Emperor entrusted the government during his absence to a council, composed of the fourteen persons following:

 Prince Joseph, president. Prince Lucien. 

 _Ministers. _ Prince Cambacérès. The prince of Eckmuhl. The duke of Vicenza. The duke of Gaëta. The duke of Decrès. The duke of Otranto. Count Mollien. Count Carnot. 

 _Ministers of State_[34]. Count Défermon. Count Regnaud de St. Jean d'Angeli. Count Boulay de la Meurthe. Count Merlin. 

 [Footnote 34: Ministers without any ostensible office, for their conduct in which they would be responsible. We have had members somewhat similar in our privy council. _Tr. _]

He said to them: "To-night I set off: do your duty: the French armyand I will do ours: I recommend to you union, zeal, and energy. "

It appeared strange, in a representative monarchy, whereresponsibility bore hard on ministers, to see ministers of state, whowere not responsible, associated in the government. 

This was remarked to the Emperor, and he answered, that he had addedministers of state to the council, that they might be the interpretersof the government to the chamber of deputies; that he wished theministers at the head of particular offices, to appear in this chamberas little as possible, as long as their constitutional education wasincomplete; that they were not familiarized to the tribune[35]; thatthey might there disclose opinions or principles, without intendingit, that government could not avow; and that it would be inconvenientand difficult, to contradict the words of a minister, while those of aminister of state might be disavowed, without implicating thegovernment, or wounding its dignity. 

 [Footnote 35: The members of the French chambers do not speak in their places, but from a pulpit erected for the purpose. _Tr. _]

Were these the only motives? I think not. He distrusted the perfidy ofthe Duke of Otranto, and the indifference of more ministers than one;and he was glad to find a reason, or a pretence, for introducing intothe council of regency the four ministers of state, whose devotion andunshaken fidelity appeared to him an additional guarantee. When hemade known his intention of commencing the war, the Duke of Vicenzasolicited the favour of attending him to the army, "If I do not leaveyou at Paris, " answered Napoleon, "on whom can I depend?" How much isexpressed in these few words!

The day after his departure, the ministers of the interior and forforeign affairs repaired to the chamber of peers. M. Carnot laidbefore it a statement of the situation of the Emperor and the empire. 

"His Majesty, " said he, "enlightened by past events, has returned, having at heart the full desire and hope of preserving peace abroad, and of governing paternally at home. . . . 

"If the Emperor were less secure of the firmness of his character, and the purity of his resolutions, he might consider himself as placedbetween two shoals, the partisans of the expelled dynasty, and thoseof the _republican system_. But the former, having been unable toretain what they possessed, must be still less capable of seizing onit anew: the latter, undeceived by long experience, and bound bygratitude to the prince, who has been their deliverer, are become hismost zealous defenders; their candour, as well known as theirphilanthropic ardour, surround the throne occupied by the augustfounder of a new dynasty, who glories in having issued from the ranksof the people. "

After this declaration, to which the republican opinions of M. Carnotgave great weight, he entered into an examination of the severalbranches of the public administration in succession. 

He disclosed the state, to which the calamities of the times, and themismanagement of the regal government, had reduced the finances of thecommunes, the hospitals, religious worship, public works, mines, manufactures, commerce, and public instruction; and made known thesystem of improvement, which the Emperor had formed, and alreadycommenced, to restore to the communes and hospitals their formerresources, to public works their activity, to commerce its scope, tothe university its lustre, to manufactures their prosperity, to theclergy that respect and easiness of circumstances, which it hadforfeited through the persecutions, directed by it, at the instigationof the emigrants, against the pretended spoilers of their property. 

When come to the war department, he announced, that the Emperor hadre-established on its old foundations the army, the elements of whichhad been intentionally dispersed by the late government. That sincethe 20th of March our forces had been raised by voluntary enlistments, and the recall of the ancient soldiery, from a hundred thousand men, to three hundred and seventy-five thousand. That the imperial guard, the noblest ornament of France during peace, and its strongest rampartduring war, would soon amount to forty thousand men. That theartillery, notwithstanding the twelve thousand six hundred pieces ofordnance delivered to the enemy by the fatal convention of the 23d ofApril, 1814, had risen from its ruins, and now reckoned a hundredbatteries, and twenty thousand horses. That our disorganised arsenalshad resumed their labours, and were replacing the army stores. Thatour manufactories of arms, lately abandoned and empty, had made orrepaired four hundred thousand muskets in the course of two months. That a hundred and seventy fortified towns, or fortresses, both on thefrontiers and in the interior, had been provisioned, repaired, and putinto a condition, to resist an enemy. That the national guard, completely re-organised, had already supplied for the defence of thefrontiers two hundred and forty battalions, or a hundred and fiftythousand men; and that the successive formation of the otherbattalions of flank companies would produce more than two hundredthousand men. That the volunteers in the walled towns, and the pupilsof the Lyceums and _special_ schools[36], had been formed intocompanies of artillery, and constituted a body of more thantwenty-five thousand excellent gunners. So that eight hundred andfifty thousand Frenchmen would defend the independence, the liberty, and the honour of the country; while the sedentary national guardswere preparing themselves in the interior, to furnish fresh resourcesfor the triumph of the national cause. 

 [Footnote 36: These were schools intended for finishing public education. --_Tr. _]

In fine, after having taken a hasty view of the hostile dispositionsof our enemies, of the interior disturbances they had excited, and ofthe means the Emperor had adopted to suppress them, M. Carnotconcluded his report by expressing a wish, that the two chambers mightsoon bestow on France, in concert with the Emperor, those organisinglaws, which were necessary _to prevent licentiousness from assumingthe place of liberty, and anarchy that of order_. 

This report, in which M. Carnot did not totally conceal theapprehensions, with which the progress of that spirit ofinsubordination and demagogism, manifested by certain members of thechamber, inspired the Emperor and the nation, was immediately followedby one from the Duke of Vicenza, on the menacing dispositions offoreign powers, and the fruitless efforts, that the Emperor had made, to bring them to moderate and pacific sentiments. Their hostileresolutions he ascribed chiefly to the suggestions of the cabinet ofLondon. He afterward made known the military preparations of the fourgreat powers, the leagues renewed or recently formed against us, andconcluded thus:

"To believe it possible, to maintain peace, at present, therefore, would be a dangerous blindness: war surrounds us on all sides, and itis on the field of battle alone, that peace can be regained by France. The English, the Prussians, the Austrians, are in line of battle; theRussians are in full march. It becomes a duty, to hasten the day ofengagement, when too long hesitation might endanger the welfare of thestate. "

These two reports were presented to the chamber of deputies byministers of state, at the same time when the ministers were makingthem known to the chamber of peers. Instead of impressing upon therepresentatives the necessity of frankly joining the Emperor, and, asone of them observed, of not entering into a contest with thegovernment, at a moment when the blood of Frenchmen was about to beshed, they suggested to them only steril discussions of theimpropriety of the connexion of ministers of state with the chamber, and of the urgency of appointing a committee, to remould theadditional act. An immoderate desire of speechifying, and of makinglaws, had seized the greater number of the deputies: but a state isnot to be saved by empty words, and schemes of a constitution. TheRomans, when their country was in danger, instead of deliberating, suspended the sway of the laws, and gave themselves a dictator. 

The next day, the 17th, a new report, made to the Emperor by theminister of police, on the moral state of France, was communicated tothe two chambers. 

"Sire, " said this minister, "it is my duty, to tell you the wholetruth. Our enemies are emboldened by instruments without, andsupporters within. They wait only for a favourable moment, to realizethe plan they conceived twenty years ago, and which during thesetwenty years has been continually frustrated, of uniting the camp ofJalès to Vendée, and seducing a part of the multitude into thatconfederacy which extends from the Mediterranean to the Channel. 

"In this system, the plains on the left bank of the Loire, thepopulation of which it is most easy to mislead, are the principalfocus of the insurrection; which, by the help of the wandering bandsof Britanny, is to spread into Normandy, where the vicinity of theislands, and the disposition of the coasts, will render communicationmore easy. On the other side it rests on the Cevennes, to extendthence to the banks of the Rhone by the revolts, that may be excitedin some parts of Languedoc and Provence. Bordeaux has been the centreof the direction of these movements from the beginning. 

"This plan is not abandoned. Nay more: the party has been increased, at every change in our revolution, by all the malecontents, thatevents have produced; by all the factious, that a certainty of amnestyhas encouraged; and by all the ambitious, who have been desirous ofacquiring some political importance in the changes they foreboded. 

". . . . . . It is this party, that now disturbs the interior. Marseilles, Toulouse, and Bordeaux, are agitated by it. Marseilles, where thespirit of sedition animates even the lowest classes of the population;where the laws have been disregarded: Toulouse, which seems stillunder the influence of that revolutionary organisation, which wasimparted to it some months ago: Bordeaux, where all the germs ofrevolt are deposited, and intensely fermenting. 

"It is this party, which by false alarms, false hopes, distribution ofmoney, and the employment of threats, has succeeded in stirring uppeaceable agriculturists, throughout the territory included betweenthe Loire, la Vendée, the ocean, and the Rhone. Arms and ammunitionhave been landed there. The hydra of rebellion revives, re-appearswherever it formerly exercised its ravages, and is not destroyed byour successes at St. Gilles and Aisenay. On the other side of theLoire, bands are desolating the department of Morbihan, and some partsof those of Isle and Vilaine, the Coasts of the North, and Sarthe. They have invaded in a moment the towns of Aurai, Rhedon, andPloermel, and the plains of Mayenne as far as the gates of Laval; theystop the soldiers and sailors, that are recalled; they disarm theland-holders; increase their numbers by peasants, whom they compel tomarch with them; pillage the public treasures, annihilate theinstruments of administration, threaten the persons in office, seizethe stage coaches, stop the couriers, and for a moment intercepted thecommunication between Mans and Angers, Angers and Nantes, Nantes andRennes, and Rennes and Vannes. 

"On the borders of the Channel, Dieppe and Havre have been agitated byseditious commotions. Throughout the whole of the 15th division, thebattalions of the national militia have been formed only with thegreatest difficulty. The soldiers and sailors have refused, to answertheir call; and have obeyed it only by compulsion. Caen has twice beendisturbed by the resistance of the royalists; and in some of thecircles of the Orne bands are formed as in Britanny and Mayenne. 

"In fine, all kinds of writings, that can discourage the weak, embolden the factious, shake confidence, divide the nation, bring thegovernment into contempt; all the pamphlets, that issue from theprinting-offices of Belgium, or the clandestine presses of France; allthat the foreign newspapers publish against us, all that theparty-writers compose; are distributed, hawked about, and diffusedwith impunity, for want of restrictive laws, and from the abuse of theliberty of the press. 

"Firm in the system of moderation, which your Majesty had adopted, youhave thought it right, to wait for the meeting of the chambers, thatlegal precautions only might be opposed to manoeuvres, which by theordinary course of law are not always punishable, and which it couldneither foresee, nor prevent. . . . . . "

The Duke of Otranto, entering on the subject, then discussed the laws, which, issued under analogous circumstances, might have been appliedon the present occasion; and, as these laws appeared to him, impolitic, dangerous, and inadequate, he concluded, that it wasindispensable for the chambers, immediately to set about framing newlaws, which were necessary to check the licentiousness of the press, and circumscribe personal liberty, till internal peace and order wererestored. 

This report did not make the impression, that might have been expectedfrom it. The deputies, accurately acquainted with what was passing intheir departments, knew, that facts had been misrepresented. Theypersuaded themselves, that the melancholy picture of the situation ofFrance, presented to them by M. Fouché, had been drawn up by order ofthe Emperor, with the view to alarm them, and render them more docileto his will. 

The separate committees of the chamber rung with the contradictions, more or less direct, that each representative gave to the assertionsof the minister. One of the members of the deputation from Calvados, would not rest satisfied with this civil way of giving him the lie, but declared openly from the tribune, that the agents of the ministerhad deceived their principal, by describing to him a personal quarrelof no consequence, and quelled on the spot, as a general insurrectionof the royalists. They might have spared themselves the trouble oftelling M. Fouché, that his report exaggerated the truth, andtransformed private occurrences into public events: he knew this. Already devoted to the cause of the Bourbons, he had intentionallydistorted facts, with the design of giving hope and consistency to theroyalists, and of intimidating, cooling, and dividing, the partisansof Napoleon[37]. 

 [Footnote 37: The Duke of Otranto excelled in the art of bending facts to his own liking. He exaggerated or extenuated them with so much skill, grasped them with so much address, and deduced consequences from them so naturally, that he was often able, to fascinate Napoleon. More securely to deceive and seduce him, he loaded him in his reports with protestations of attachment and fidelity; and he took care to contrive occasions of adding marginal notes with his own hand, in which he adroitly displayed in a distinguished manner his devotion, discernment, and activity. All his reports in general bore the same stamp: with much of cunning, and much of talent, they offered to the eye a rare and valuable assemblage of quickness and judgment, of moderation and firmness: at every word you might discover the able minister, the profound politician, the consummate statesman: in short, M. Fouché would have wanted nothing, to place him in the rank of great ministers, had he been what I shall call an honest statesman (_un ministre honnête homme. _)]

The chamber, instead of occupying itself on laws and measures forpromoting the public safety, the introduction of which had beenreferred to them, left to the minister the task of proposing them. Itpreferred the resumption of its discussions on its favourite subject, the additional act; and I shall leave it, to waste its time inabstract dissertations, while I return to Napoleon. 

The Emperor, who set out on the 12th at three in the morning, had goneover the fortifications of Soissons and Laon in his way, and arrivedat Avesnes on the 13th. His anxious thoughts were incessantly turnedtoward Paris. Placed as it were between two fires, he seemed less todread the enemies he had before him, than those he left behind. 

On the 14th of June the whole of his forces amounted to three hundredthousand men; of which only a hundred and fifty thousand infantry, andthirty-five thousand cavalry, were in a state to take the field. 

These hundred and eighty-five thousand men he had formed into fourarmies, and four corps of observation. 

The first, under the name of the grand army, was intended to actimmediately under his own orders. This was subdivided into fiveprincipal corps, commanded

The 1st by Count d'Erlon;

The 2d by Count Reille;

The 3d by Count Vandamme;

The 4th by Count Gérard;

The 5th (called the 6th) by Count de Lobau[38]:

 [Footnote 38: The 5th corps became the army of the Rhine, and the 6th, which at first was only a corps of reserve, took its place, without changing its number. ]

And into a corps of cavalry commanded by Marshal Grouchy. 

This army, exclusive of the imperial guard, which was 4500 horse, and14, 000 foot, amounted to a hundred thousand men, or thereabouts, ofwhom sixteen thousand were cavalry. 

The second, entitled the army of the Alps, was commanded by Marshalthe Duke of Albuféra. It was to occupy the passes of Italy, and theborder country of the Pays de Gex. Its strength might be twelvethousand men. 

The third, styled the army of the Rhine, had at its head General CountRapp; and its business was, to protect the frontiers of Alsace. It wasestimated at eighteen thousand men. 

The fourth, called the army of the West, was employed in La Vendée;and, after that country was quieted, it was to be incorporated in thegrand army. It consisted of seventeen thousand men; and GeneralLamarque was its commander-in-chief. 

The first corps of observation, stationed at Béford, was commanded byGeneral Lecourbe. It had to defend the passages from Switzerland, andFranche Comté; and to form a communication, according tocircumstances, by its left with the army of the Alps, or by its rightwith the army of the Rhine[39]. 

 [Footnote 39: Surely the army of the Alps must have been on its right, and that of the Rhine on its left, unless it was stationed with its rear to the enemy. --_Tr. _]

The other three corps, the commanders of which were Marshal Brune atMarseilles, General Clausel at Bordeaux, and General Decaen atToulouse, were to maintain the tranquillity of the country; and, incase of need, to oppose any invasion, that the Spaniards might attempton the one side, or the Piedmontese and English on the other. 

These four corps of observation amounted together to about twentythousand men. 

They were to be supported and reinforced by ten thousand soldiers, andfifty thousand national guards receiving pay. 

The two armies of the Rhine and of the Alps were to be the same, fifty thousand men of the line, and a hundred thousand chasseurs andgrenadiers of the national guard. 

In fine, the army commanded by the Emperor in person was to beaugmented by a hundred thousand national guards, who would have beenstationed in a second line; and by sixty thousand regulars, who, aswell as those mentioned above, were daily forming in the _dépôts_. 

All these resources, when they should be disposable, and they might bebefore the end of the campaign, would have mounted the strength of theacting army to more than three hundred thousand fighting men; and thatof the army of reserve, namely the national guards in the second line, or in the fortified towns, to four hundred thousand men. They wouldhave been recruited, the first by levies from the conscriptions of1814 and 1815; the second, by calling into service fresh battalions ofthe flank companies. 

The whole army was superb, and full of ardour: but the Emperor, more aslave, than could have been believed, to his remembrances andhabitudes, committed the fault of replacing it under the command ofits former chiefs. Most of these, notwithstanding their addresses tothe King, had not ceased to pray for the triumph of the imperialcause; yet they did not appear disposed to serve it with the ardourand devotion, that circumstances demanded. They were not now the men, who, full of youth and ambition, were generously prodigal of theirlives, to acquire rank and fame; they were men tired of war, and who, having reached the summit of promotion, and being enriched by thespoils of the enemy or the bounty of Napoleon, had no further wish, than peaceably to enjoy their good fortune under the shade of theirlaurels. 

The colonels and generals, who entered on their career subsequent tothem, murmured at finding themselves placed under their tutelage. Thesoldiers themselves were dissatisfied: but this dissatisfaction didnot abate their confidence of victory, for Napoleon was at theirhead[40]. 

 [Footnote 40: The ascendancy he possessed over the minds and courage of the soldiers was truly incomprehensible. A word, a gesture, was sufficient, to inspire them with enthusiasm, and make them face with joyful blindness the most terrible dangers. If he ordered them mal-à-propos, to rush to such a point, to attack such another, the inconsistency or temerity of the manoeuvre at first struck the good sense of the soldiers: but immediately they thought, that their general would not have given such an order, without a motive for it, and would not have exposed them wantonly. "He knows what he is about, " they would say, and immediately rush on death, with shouts of "Long live the Emperor!"]

On the 14th the Emperor directed the following proclamation, to beissued in the orders of the day. 

 "Avesnes, June 14, 1815. 

"Soldiers, "This is the anniversary of Marengo and of Friedland, which twicedecided the fate of Europe: then, as after Austerlitz, as afterWagram, we were too generous! We trusted to the protestations andoaths of the princes, whom we left on the throne! Now, however, incoalition against us, they aim at the independence and the most sacredrights of France, They have commenced the most unjust of aggressions. Let us then march to meet them: are not they and we still the samemen?

"Soldiers, at Jena, against these same Prussians, now so arrogant, youwere but one to three, and at Montmirail one to six! Let those amongyou, who were prisoners to the English, give you an account of theirhulks (_pontons_), and of the dreadful miseries they endured. 

"The Saxons, the Belgians, the Hanoverians, the soldiers of theconfederation of the Rhine, groan at being obliged to lend their armsto the cause of princes, who are enemies to justice, and to therights common to all people. They know, that this coalition isinsatiate. After having devoured twelve millions of Polanders, twelvemillions of Italians, a million of Saxons, six millions of Belgians, it would devour all the states of the second order in Germany. 

"Madmen! a moment of prosperity has blinded them. The oppression andhumiliation of the French people are out of their power! If they enterFrance, they will find in it their graves. 

"Soldiers, we have forced marches to make, battles to fight, hazardsto run; but, with firmness, victory will be ours: the rights, thehonour, and the happiness of our country will be reconquered. 

"To every Frenchman, who has any heart, the moment is come, to conqueror die!"

The plan of the campaign adopted by the Emperor was worthy the courageof the French, and the high reputation of their chief. 

Information given by a hand to be depended upon, and agents furnishedby the Duke of Otranto[41], had made known the position of the alliesin all its particulars. Napoleon knew, that the army of Wellington wasdispersed over the country from the borders of the sea to Nivelles:that the right of the Prussians rested on Charleroy; and that the restof their army was stationed in échélon indefinitely as far as theRhine. He judged, that the enemies' lines were too much extended; andthat it would be practicable for him, by not giving them time to closeup, to separate the two armies, and fall in succession on their troopsthus surprised. 

 [Footnote 41: These agents, paid by the king, went and came from Ghent to Paris, and from Paris to Ghent. The Duke of Otranto, who, no doubt, had good reasons for knowing them, offered the Emperor, to procure him news of what passed beyond the frontiers; and it was by their means the Emperor knew in great part the position of the enemies' armies. Thus the Duke of Otranto, if we may credit appearances, with one hand betrayed to the enemy the secrets of France, and with the other to Napoleon the secrets of the Bourbons and the foreign powers. ]

For this purpose he had united all his cavalry into a single body oftwenty thousand horse, with which he intended to dart like lightninginto the midst of the enemies' cantonments. 

If victory favoured this bold stroke, the centre of our army wouldoccupy Brussels on the second day, while the corps of the right and ofthe left drove the Prussians to the Meuse, and the English to theScheldt. Belgium being conquered, he would have armed themalecontents, and marched from success to success as far as the Rhine, where he would have solicited peace anew. 

On the 14th, in the night, our army, the presence of which the Emperorhad taken care to conceal, was to commence its march: nothingindicated, that the enemy had foreseen our irruption, and every thingpromised us grand results; when Napoleon was informed, that GeneralBourmont, Colonels Clouet and Villoutreys, and two other officers, hadjust deserted to the enemy. 

He knew from Marshal Ney, that M. De Bourmont, at the time of theoccurrences at Besançon, had shown some hesitation, and was backwardto employ him. But M. De Bourmont, having given General Gérard hisword of honour, to serve the Emperor faithfully; and this general, whom Napoleon highly valued, having answered for Bourmont; the Emperorconsented, to admit him into the service. How could he have supposed, that this officer, who had covered himself with glory in 1814, would, in 1815, go over to the enemy on the eve of a battle?

Napoleon immediately made such alterations in his plan of attack, asthis unexpected treason rendered necessary, and then marched forward. 

On the 15th, at one in the morning, he was in person at Jumiguan onthe Eure. 

At three, his army moved in three columns, and debouched suddenly atBeaumont, Maubeuge, and Philippeville. 

A corps of infantry, under General Ziethen, attempted to dispute thepassage of the Sambre. The fourth corps of chasseurs, supported by theninth, broke it sword in hand, and took three hundred prisoners. Thesappers and mariners of the guard, sent after the enemy, to repair thebridges, did not allow them time to destroy them. They followed themas sharp shooters, and penetrated with them into the great square. Thebrave Pajol soon arrived with his cavalry, and Charleroy was ours. Theinhabitants, happy at seeing the French once more, saluted themunanimously with continued shouts of "Long live the Emperor! Francefor ever!"

General Pajol immediately sent the hussars of General Clary in pursuitof the Prussians, and this brave regiment finished its day by thecapture of a standard, and the destruction of a battalion, thatventured to resist it. 

During this time, the second corps passed the Sambre at Marchiennes, and overthrew every thing before it. The Prussians, having at lengthrallied, attempted to oppose some resistance to it; but General Reillebroke them with his light cavalry, took two hundred prisoners, andkilled or dispersed the rest. Beaten in every part, they retired tothe heights of Fleurus, which had been so fatal to the enemies ofFrance twenty years before[42]. 

 [Footnote 42: The Emperor, before he quitted Paris, had conceived the design of rendering the plains of Fleurus witnesses to new battles. He had sent for Marshal Jourdan, and had obtained from him a great deal of very important strategical information. ]

Napoleon reconnoitred the ground at a glance. Our troops rushed on thePrussians full gallop. Three squares of infantry, supported by severalsquadrons and some artillery, sustained the shock with intrepidity. Wearied of their immoveableness, the Emperor ordered General Letort, to charge them at the head of the dragoons of the guard. At the samemoment General Excelmans fell upon the left flank of the enemy; andthe twentieth of dragoons, commanded by the brave and youngBriqueville, rushed on the Prussians on one side, while Letortattacked them on the other. They were broken, annihilated; but theysold us the victory dear: Letort was killed. 

This affair, of little importance in its results, for it cost theenemy only five pieces of artillery, and three thousand men killed ortaken prisoners, produced the happiest effects on the army. Thesciatica of Marshal Mortier[43], and the treason of General Beaumont, had given birth to sentiments of doubt and fear, which were entirelydissipated by the successful issue of this first battle. 

 [Footnote 43: The Duke of Treviso, to whom Napoleon had entrusted the command of the young guard, was attacked at Beaumont with a sciatica, that obliged him to take to his bed. ]

Hitherto each chief of a corps had retained its immediate command, andit is easy to suppose, what their ardour and emulation must have been:but the Emperor fell into the error of overturning the hopes of theircourage and their ambition; he placed General Erlon and Count Reilleunder the orders of Marshal Ney, whom he brought forward too late; andCount Gérard, and Count Vandamme, under those of Marshal Grouchy, whomit would have been better to have left at the head of the cavalry. 

On the 16th, in the morning, the army, thus distributed, occupied thefollowing positions. 

Marshal Ney, with the 1st and 2d corps, the cavalry of GeneralLefevre-Desnouettes, and that of General Kellerman, had his advancedguard at Frasnes, and the other troops disseminated roundGosselies[44]. 

 [Footnote 44:

 LEFT. 

 _Under Marshal Ney. _ 1st Corps. Infantry 16, 500 Cavalry 1, 500

 2d Corps. Infantry 21, 000 Cavalry 1, 500 Cavalry of Desnouettes 2, 100 Cuirassiers of Kellerman 2, 600 ------ 45, 200 Artillery, horse and foot 2, 400 And 116 pieces of ordnance. 

 RIGHT. 

 _Under Marshal Grouchy. _ 3d Corps. Infantry 13, 000 Cavalry 1, 500

 4th Corps. Infantry 12, 000 Cavalry 1, 500 Cavalry of Pajol 2, 500 ------ 30, 500

 Cavalry of Excelmans 2, 600 Cuirassiers of Milhaud 2, 600

 35, 700

 Artillery, horse and foot 2, 250 And 112 pieces of ordnance. 

 CENTRE AND RESERVE. 

 _Under the Emperor. _ 6th Corps. 

 Infantry 11, 000 Old guard 5, 000 Middle guard 5, 000 Young guard 4, 000 Horse grenadiers 1, 200 Dragoons 1, 200 27, 400 Artillery, horse and foot 2, 700 And 134 pieces of ordnance. 

 _Recapitulation. _

 Infantry 87, 500 Cavalry 20, 800 Artillery, horse and foot 7, 350 Engineers 2, 200

 Total 111, 850 Pieces of ordnance 362]

Marshal Grouchy, with the 3d and 4th corps, and the cavalry ofGenerals Pajol, Excelmans, and Milhaud, was placed on the heights ofFleurus, and in advance of them. 

The 6th corps and the guard were in échélon between Fleurus andCharleroi. 

The same day the army of Marshal Blucher, ninety thousand strong, collected together with great skill, was posted on the heights of Bryand Sombref, and occupied the villages of Ligny and St. Amand, whichprotected his front. His cavalry extended far in advance on the roadto Namur[45]. 

 [Footnote 45: General Blucher had not had time to collect the whole of his forces. ]

The army of the Duke of Wellington, which this general had not yet hadtime to collect, was composed of about a hundred thousand menscattered between Ath, Nivelle, Genappe, and Brussels. 

The Emperor went in person, to reconnoitre Blucher's position; andpenetrating his intentions, resolved to give him battle, before hisreserves, and the English army, for which he was endeavouring to wait, should have time to unite, and come and join him. 

He immediately sent orders to Marshal Ney, whom he supposed to havebeen on the march for Quatre Bras, _where he would have found veryfew forces_, to drive the English briskly before him, and then fallwith his main force on the rear of the Prussian army. 

At the same time he made a change in the front of the imperial army:General Grouchy advanced toward Sombref, General Gérard toward Ligny, and General Vandamme toward St. Amand. 

General Gérard, with his division, five thousand strong, was detachedfrom the 2d corps, and placed in the rear of General Vandamme's left, so as to support him, and at the same time form a communicationbetween Marshal Ney's army and that of Napoleon. 

The guard, and Milhaud's cuirassiers, were disposed as a reserve inadvance of Fleurus. 

At three o'clock the 3d corps reached St. Amand, and carried it. ThePrussians, rallied by Blucher, retook the village. The French, entrenched in the churchyard, defended themselves there withobstinacy; but, overpowered by numbers, they were about to give way, when General Drouot, who has more than once decided the fate of abattle, galloped up with four batteries of the guard, took the enemyin the rear, and stopped his career. 

At the same moment Marshal Grouchy was fighting successfully atSombref, and General Gérard made an impetuous attack on the villageof Ligny. Its embattled walls, and a long ravine, rendered theapproaches to it not less difficult than dangerous: but theseobstacles did not intimidate General Lefol, or the brave fellows underhis command; they advanced with the bayonet, and in a few minutes thePrussians, repulsed and annihilated, quitted the ground. 

Marshal Blucher, conscious that the possession of Ligny rendered usmasters of the event of the battle, returned to the charge with chosentroops: and here, to use his own words, "commenced a battle, that maybe considered as one of the most obstinate mentioned in history. " Forfive hours two hundred pieces of ordnance deluged the field withslaughter, blood, and death. For five hours the French and Prussians, alternately vanquished and victors, disputed this ensanguined posthand to hand, and foot to foot, and seven times in succession was ittaken and lost. 

The Emperor expected every instant, that Marshal Ney was coming totake part in the action. From the commencement of the affair, he hadreiterated his orders to him, to manoeuvre so as to surround the rightof the Prussians; and he considered this diversion of such highimportance, as to write to the marshal, and cause him to berepeatedly told, _that the fate of France was in his hands_. Neyanswered, that "he had the whole of the English army to encounter, yethe would promise him, to hold out the whole day, but nothing more. "The Emperor, better informed, assured him, "that it was Wellington'sadvanced guard alone, that made head against him;" and ordered himanew, "to beat back the English, and make himself master of QuatreBras, cost what it might. " The marshal persisted in his fatal error. Napoleon, deeply impressed with the importance of the movement, thatMarshal Ney refused to comprehend and execute, sent directly to thefirst corps an order, to move with all speed on the right of thePrussians; but, after having lost much valuable time in waiting forit, he judged, that the battle could not be prolonged without danger, and directed General Gérard, who had with him but five thousand men, to undertake the movement, which should have been accomplished by thetwenty thousand men of Count Erlon; namely, to turn St Amand, and fallon the rear of the enemy. 

This manoeuvre, ably executed, and seconded by the guard attacking infront, and by a brilliant charge of the cuirassiers of GeneralDelore's brigade and of the horse grenadier guards, decided thevictory. The Prussians, weakened in every part, retired in disorder, and left us, with the field of battle, forty cannons and severalstandards. 

On the left, Marshal Ney, instead of rushing rapidly on Quatre Bras, and effecting the diversion, that had been recommended to him, hadspent twelve hours in useless attempts, and given time to the Princeof Orange to reinforce his advanced guard. The pressing orders ofNapoleon not allowing him, to remain meditating any longer; anddesirous, no doubt, of repairing the time he had lost; he did notcause either the position or the forces of the enemy, to be thoroughlyreconnoitred, and rushed on them headlong. The division of General Foycommenced the attack, and drove in the sharpshooters, and the advancedposts. Bachelu's cavalry, aided, covered, and supported by thisdivision, pierced and cut to pieces three Scotch battalions: but thearrival of fresh reinforcements, led by the Duke of Wellington, andthe shining bravery of the Scotch, the Belgians, and the Prince ofOrange, suspended our success. This resistance, far from discouragingMarshal Ney, revived in him an energy, which he had not before shown. He attacked the Anglo-Hollanders with fury; and drove them back tothe skirts of the wood of Bassu. The 1st of chasseurs and 6th oflancers overthrew the Brunswickers; the 8th of cuirassiers defeatedtwo Scotch battalions, and took from them a flag. The 11th, equallyintrepid, pursued them to the entrance of the wood: but the wood, which had not been examined, was lined with English infantry. Ourcuirassiers were assailed by a fire at arm's length, which at oncecarried dismay and confusion into their ranks. Some of the officers, lately incorporated with them, instead of appeasing the disorder, increased it by shouts of "Every one for himself (_sauve qui peut!_)"This disorder, which in a moment spread from one to another as far asBeaumont, might have occasioned greater disasters, if the infantry ofGeneral Foy, remaining unshaken, had not continued to sustain theconflict with equal perseverance and intrepidity. 

Marshal Ney, who had with him only twenty thousand men, was desirousof causing the first corps, which he had left in the rear, to advance:but the Emperor, as I have said above, had sent immediate orders toCount Erlon, who commanded it, to come and join him, and this generalhad commenced his march. Ney, when he heard this, was amid a crossfire from the enemy's batteries. "Do you see those bullets?"exclaimed he, his brow clouded with despair: "I wish they would allpass through my body. ". Instantly he sent with all speed after CountErlon, and directed him, whatever orders he might have received fromthe Emperor himself, to return, Count Erlon was so unfortunate andweak as to obey. He brought his troops back to the marshal; but it wasnine o'clock in the evening, and the marshal, dispirited by the checkshe had received, and dissatisfied with himself, and others, haddiscontinued the engagement. 

The Duke of Wellington, whose forces had increased successively tomore than fifty thousand men, retired in good order during the nightto Genappe. 

Marshal Ney was indebted to the great bravery of his troops, and thefirmness of his generals, for the honour of not being obliged, toabandon his positions. 

The desperation, with which this battle was fought, made those menshudder, who were most habituated to contemplate with coolness thehorrors of war. The smoking ruins of Ligny and St. Amand were heapedwith the dead and dying: the ravine before Ligny resembled a river ofblood, on which carcasses were floating: at Quatre Bras there was asimilar spectacle! the hollow way, that skirted the wood, haddisappeared under the bloody corses of the brave Scotch and of ourcuirassiers. The imperial guard was every where distinguished by itsmurderous rage: it fought with shouts of "The Emperor for ever! Noquarter!" The corps of General Gérard displayed the same animosity. Itwas this, that, having expended all its ammunition, called out aloudfor more cartridges and more Prussians. 

The loss of the Prussians, rendered considerable by the tremendousfire of our artillery, was twenty-five thousand men. Blucher, unhorsedby our cuirassiers, escaped them only by a miracle. 

The English and Dutch lost four thousand five hundred men. ThreeScotch regiments, and the black legion of Brunswick, were almostentirely exterminated. The Prince of Brunswick himself, and a numberof other officers of distinction, were killed. 

We lost, in the left wing, near five thousand men, and severalgenerals. Prince Jerome, who had already been wounded at the passageof the Sambre, had his hand slightly grazed by a musket shot. Heremained constantly at the head of his division, and displayed agreat deal of coolness and valour. 

Our loss at Ligny, estimated at six thousand five hundred men, wasrendered still more to be regretted by General Gérard's receiving amortal wound. Few officers were endued with a character so noble, andan intrepidity so habitual. More greedy of glory than of wealth, hepossessed nothing but his sword; and his last moments, instead ofresting with delight on the remembrance of his heroic actions alone, were disturbed by the pain of leaving his family exposed to want. 

The victory of Ligny did not entirely fulfil the expectations of theEmperor. "If Marshal Ney, " said he, "had attacked the English with allhis forces, he would have crushed them, and have come to give thePrussians the finishing blow: and if, after having committed thisfirst fault, he had not been guilty of his second folly, in preventingthe movement of Count Erlon, the intervention of the 1st corps wouldhave shortened the resistance of Blucher, and rendered his defeatirreparable: his whole army would have been taken or destroyed. "

This victory, though imperfect, was not the less considered by thegenerals as of the highest importance. It separated the English armyfrom the Prussians, and left us hopes of being able to vanquish it inits turn. 

The Emperor, _without losing time_, was for attacking the English onone side at daybreak, and pursuing Blucher's army without respite onthe other. It was objected to him, that the English army was intact, and ready to accept battle; while our troops, harassed by theconflicts and fatigue of Ligny, would not perhaps be in a condition, to fight with the necessary vigour. In fine, such numerous objectionswere made, that he consented to let the army take rest. Ill successinspires timidity. If Napoleon, as of old, had listened only to thesuggestions of his own audacity, it is probable, it is certain, and Ihave heard General Drouot say it, that he might, according to hisplan, have led his troops to Brussels on the 17th; _and who cancalculate what would have been the consequences of his occupying thatcapital?_

On the 17th therefore, the Emperor contented himself with forming hisarmy into two columns; one of sixty-five thousand men, headed by theEmperor, after having joined to it the left wing, followed the stepsof the English. The light artillery, the lancers of General AlphonseColbert, and of the intrepid Colonel Sourd, kept dose after them tothe entrance of the forest of Soignes, where the Duke of Wellingtontook up his position. 

The other, thirty-six thousand strong, was detached under the ordersof Marshal Grouchy, to observe and pursue the Prussians. It did notproceed beyond Gembloux. 

The night of the 17th was dreadful, and seemed to presage thecalamities of the day. A violent and incessant rain did not allow thearmy, to take a single moment's rest. To increase our misfortunes, thebad state of the roads retarded the arrival of our provision, and mostof the soldiers were without food: however, they gaily endured thisdouble ill luck; and at daybreak announced to Napoleon by repeatedacclamations, that they were ready to fly to a fresh victory. 

The Emperor had thought, that Lord Wellington, separated from thePrussians, and foreseeing the march of General Grouchy, who, onpassing the Dyle, might fall on his flank, or on his rear, would notventure to maintain his position, but would retire to Brussels[46]. Hewas surprised, when daylight discovered to him, that the English armyhad not quitted its positions, and appeared disposed, to acceptbattle. He made several generals reconnoitre these positions; and, touse the words of one of them, he learned, that they were defended "byan army of cannons, and mountains of infantry. "

 [Footnote 46: This conjecture was well founded: but Blucher, who had escaped Grouchy, had formed a communication with Wellington through Ohaim, and promised him to make a diversion on our right. Thus Wellington, who had prepared to retreat, was induced to remain. ]

Napoleon immediately sent advice to Marshal Grouchy, that he wasprobably about to engage in a grand battle with the English, andordered him, to push the Prussians briskly, to approach the grand armyas speedily as possible, and to direct his movements so as to be ableto connect his operations with it[47]. 

 [Footnote 47: I have heard, that the officer, who carried this order, instead of taking the direct road, thought proper to take an immense circuit, in order to avoid the enemy. ]

He then sent for his principal officers, to give them hisinstructions. 

Some of them, confident and daring, asserted, that the enemy'sposition should be attacked and carried by main force. Others, notless brave, but more prudent, remonstrated, that the ground wasdeluged by the rain; that the troops, the cavalry in particular, could not manoeuvre without much difficulty and fatigue; that theEnglish army would have the immense advantage of awaiting us on firmground in its intrenchments; and that it would be better, to endeavourto turn these. All did justice to the valour of our troops, andpromised, that they would perform prodigies; but they differed inopinion with regard to the resistance, that the English would make. Their cavalry, said the generals who had fought in Spain, are notequal to ours; but their infantry are more formidable, than issupposed. When intrenched, they are dangerous from their skill infiring: in the open field, they stand firm, and, if broken, rallyagain within a hundred yards, and return to the charge. Fresh disputesarose; and, what is remarkable, _it never entered into any one'shead_, that the Prussians, pretty numerous parties of whom had beenseen towards Moustier, might be in a situation to make a seriousdiversion on our right. 

The Emperor, after having heard and debated the opinions of all, determined, on considerations to which all assented, to attack theEnglish in front. Reiterated orders were despatched to MarshalGrouchy; and Napoleon, to give him time to execute the movement hehad enjoined, spent the whole morning in arranging his army. 

The English army was reconnoitred anew by the Emperor in person. Itscentral position, resting on the village of Mont St. Jean, wassupported on the right by the farm of Hougoumont, on the left by thatof La Haie Sainte. Its two wings extended beyond the hamlets of Terrela Haie and Merkebraine. Hedges, woods, ravines, an immense quantityof artillery, and eighty-five or ninety thousand men, defended thisformidable position. 

The Emperor disposed his army[48] in the following order. 

 [Footnote 48:

 2d Corps. 

 Infantry 16, 500} } 18, 000 Cavalry 1, 500}

 1st Corps. 

 Infantry 12, 500} } 13, 700 Cavalry 1, 200}

 6th Corps. 

 Infantry 7, 000 {4, 000 had} 7, 000 {been joined to Grouchy}

 Division of Domont and Suberwick 2, 500

 Cuirassiers 4, 800

 Foot guards 2, 500} Light cavalry 2, 100} 16, 600 Grenadiers and dragoons 2, 000}

 Artillery 4, 500 ------ 67, 100

 Gérard's division 3000 men. ]

The 2d corps, of which Prince Jerome always made a part, was postedopposite the woods, that surrounded Hougoumont. 

The 1st corps opposite La Haie Sainte. 

The 6th corps was sent to the extremity of the right, so as to be ableto form a communication with Marshal Grouchy, when he should appear. 

The light cavalry and cuirassiers were flanked in a second line, behind the first and second corps. 

The guard and cavalry were kept in reserve on the heights ofPlanchenois. 

The old division of General Gérard was left at Fleurus. 

The Emperor, with his staff, took his station on a little knap, nearthe farm of La Belle Alliance, which commanded the plain, and whencehe could easily direct the movements of the army, and observe those ofthe English. 

At half after twelve, the Emperor, persuaded that Marshal Grouchymust be in motion, caused the signal for battle to be given. 

Prince Jerome, with his division, proceeded against Hougoumont. Theapproaches were defended by hedges and a wood; in which the enemy hadposted a number of artillery. The attack, rendered so difficult by thestate of the ground, was conducted with extreme impetuosity. The woodwas alternately taken and retaken. Our troops and the English, mostfrequently separated by a single hedge, fired on each otherreciprocally, their muskets almost touching, without retreating asingle step. The artillery made fearful ravages on both sides. Theevent was doubtful, till General Reille ordered Foy's division tosupport the attack of Prince Jerome, and thus succeeded in compellingthe enemy, to abandon the woods and orchards, which they had hithertoso valiantly defended and kept possession of. 

It was one o'clock. A few moments before, an intercepted despatchinformed the Emperor of the near approach of thirty thousandPrussians, commanded by Bulow[49]. 

 [Footnote 49: This corps had joined the Prussian array since the battle of Ligny. ]

Napoleon thought, that the strength of this corps, some of theskirmishers of which had appeared on the heights of St. Lambert, wasexaggerated; and persuaded too, that Grouchy's army was following it, and that it would soon find itself between two fires, it gave him butlittle uneasiness. However, rather from precaution than from fear, hegave orders to General Domont, to advance with his cavalry and that ofGeneral Suberwick, to meet the Prussians and directed Count de Lobau, to be ready to support General Domont in case of necessity. Orderswere despatched at the same time to Marshal Grouchy, to inform him ofwhat was passing, and enjoin him _anew_, to hasten his march, topursue, attack, and crush Bulow. 

Thus by drawing off the divisions of Domont and Suberwick, and by theparalyzation of the 6th corps, our army was reduced to less thanfifty-seven thousand men: but it displayed so much resolution, thatthe Emperor did not doubt its being sufficient, to beat the English. 

The second corps, as I have already said, had effected the dislodgmentof the English from the woods of Hougoumont; but the first corps, notwithstanding the continual play of several batteries, and theresolution of our infantry and of the light horse of General LefevreDesnouettes and Guyot, had been unable to force either La HaieSainte, or Mont St. Jean. The Emperor ordered Marshal Ney, toundertake a fresh attack, and to support it by eighty pieces ofcannon. A tremendous fire of musketry and artillery then took placethroughout the whole line. The English, insensible to danger, supported the charges of our foot and of our horse with greatfirmness. The more resistance they displayed, the more furiously didour soldiers engage. At length the English, driven from one positionto another, evacuated La Haie Sainte and Mont St. Jean, and our troopsseized on them with shouts of "Long live the Emperor!"

To sustain them there, Count d'Erlon immediately sent the secondbrigade of General Alix. A body of English horse intercepted thepassage, threw the brigade into disorder, and then, falling on ourbatteries, succeeded in dismounting several pieces of artillery. Thecuirassiers of General Milhaud set off at a gallop, to repulse theEnglish horse. A fresh division of these came and fell upon ourcuirassiers. Our lancers and chasseurs were sent to their assistance. A general charge ensued, and the English, broken, overthrown, cutdown, were forced to retire in disorder. 

Hitherto the French army, or, to speak more properly, the fortythousand men of Generals Reille and d'Erlon, had obtained andpreserved a marked superiority. The enemy, driven back, appearedhesitating on their movements. Dispositions had been observed, thatseemed to indicate an approaching retreat. The Emperor, satisfied, joyfully exclaimed: "They are ours: I have them:" and Marshal Soult, and all the generals, considered, as he did, the victory certain[50]. The guard had already received orders to put itself in motion, tooccupy the ground we had gained, and finish the enemy, when GeneralDomont sent to inform the Emperor, that Bulow's corps had just formedin line, and was advancing rapidly on the rear of our right. Thisinformation changed the design of Napoleon; and, instead of employinghis guard to support the first and second corps, he kept it inreserve; ordering Marshal Ney to maintain his ground in the woods ofHougoumont, at La Haie Sainte, and at Mont St. Jean, till the event ofthe movement, which Count Lobau was about to make against thePrussians, was known. 

 [Footnote 50: The enemy themselves confess, that at this moment they thought the battle lost. "The ranks of the English, " says Blucher, "were thrown into disorder; the loss had been considerable; the reserves had been advanced into the line; the situation of the Duke was extremely critical, the fire of musketry continued along the front, the artillery had retired to the second line. "

 I will add, that still greater disorder prevailed in the rear of the English army: the roads of the forest of Soignes were encumbered with waggons, artillery, and baggage, deserted by the drivers; and numerous bands of fugitives had spread confusion and affright through Brussels and the neighbouring roads. 

 Had not our successes been interrupted by the march of Bulow; or had Marshal Grouchy, as the Emperor had reason to hope, followed at the heels of the Prussians; never would a more glorious victory have been obtained by the French. Not a single man of the Duke of Wellington's army would have escaped. ]

The English, informed of the arrival of Bulow, resumed the offensive;and endeavoured to drive us from the positions, that we had taken fromthem. Our troops repulsed them victoriously. Marshal Ney, carried awayby his boiling courage, forgot the orders of the Emperor. He chargedthe enemy at the head of Milhaud's cuirassiers and the light cavalryof the guard, and succeeded, amid the applauses of the army, inestablishing himself on the heights of Mont St. Jean, till theninaccessible. 

This ill-timed and hazardous movement did not escape the Duke ofWellington. He caused his infantry to advance, and fell upon us withall his cavalry. 

The Emperor immediately ordered General Kellerman and his cuirassiers, to hasten to extricate our first line. The horse grenadiers anddragoons of the guard, either from a misconception of Marshal Ney, orspontaneously, put themselves in motion, and followed the cuirassiers, without its being possible to stop them. A second conflict, morebloody than the first, took place at all points. Our troops, exposedto the incessant fire of the enemy's batteries and infantry, heroically sustained and executed numerous brilliant charges duringtwo hours, in which we had the glory of taking six flags, dismountingseveral batteries, and cutting to pieces four regiments; but in whichwe also lost the flower of our intrepid cuirassiers, and of thecavalry of the guard. 

The Emperor, whom this desperate engagement vexed to the heart, couldnot remedy it. Grouchy did not arrive: and he had already been obligedto weaken his reserves by four thousand of the young guard, in orderto master the Prussians, whose numbers and whose progress were stillincreasing. 

Mean time our cavalry, weakened by a considerable loss, and unequalcontests incessantly renewed, began to be disheartened, and to giveground. The issue of the battle appeared to become doubtful. It wasnecessary to strike a grand blow by a desperate attack. 

The Emperor did not hesitate. 

Orders were immediately given to Count Reille, to collect all hisforces, and to fall with impetuosity on the right of the enemy, whileNapoleon in person proceeded, to attack the front with his reserves. The Emperor had already formed his guard into a column of attack, whenhe heard, that our cavalry had just been forced, to evacuate in partthe heights of Mont St. Jean. Immediately he ordered Marshal Ney, totake with him four battalions of the middle guard, and hasten with allspeed to the fatal height, to support the cuirassiers by whom it wasstill occupied. 

The firm countenance of the guard, and the harangues of Napoleon, inflamed their minds: the cavalry, and a few battalions, who hadfollowed his movement to the rear, faced about towards the enemy, shouting "The Emperor for ever!"

At this moment the firing of musketry was heard[51]. "There'sGrouchy!" exclaimed the Emperor: "the day is ours!" Labedoyère flewto announce this happy news to the army: in spite of the enemy, hepenetrated to the head of our columns: "Marshal Grouchy is arriving, the guard is going to charge: courage! courage! 'tis all over with theEnglish. "

 [Footnote 51: It was afterwards known, that it was General Ziethen, who, on his arrival in line, had taken the troops commanded by the Prince of Saxe Weimar for Frenchmen, and compelled them, after a brisk fire, to abandon a little village, which they were appointed to defend. ]

One last shout of hope burst from every rank: the wounded, who werestill capable of taking a few steps, returned to the combat; andthousands of voices eagerly repeated, "Forward! forward!"

The column commanded by the bravest of the brave, on his arrival inface of the enemy, was received by discharges of artillery, thatoccasioned it a terrible loss. Marshal Ney, weary of bullets, orderedthe batteries to be carried by the bayonet. The grenadiers rushed onthem with such impetuosity, that they neglected the admirable order, to which they had been so often indebted for victory. Their leader, intoxicated with intrepidity, did not perceive this disorder. He andhis soldiers rushed on the enemy tumultuously. A shower of balls andgrape burst on their heads. Ney's horse was shot under him, GeneralsMichel and Friant fell wounded or dead, and a number of brave fellowswere stretched on the ground. Wellington did not allow our grenadierstime to recollect themselves. He caused them to be attacked in flankby his cavalry, and compelled them to retire in the greatest disorder. At the same instant the thirty thousand Prussians under Ziethen, whohad been taken for Grouchy's army, carried by assault the village ofLa Haye, and drove our men before them. Our cavalry, our infantry, already staggered by the defeat of the middle guard, were afraid ofbeing cut off, and precipitately retreated. The English horse, skilfully availing themselves of the confusion, which this unexpectedretreat had occasioned, pierced through our ranks, and rendered themcompletely disordered and disheartened. The other troops of the right, who continued to resist with great difficulty the attacks of thePrussians, and who had been in want of ammunition above an hour, seeing some of our squadrons pell mell, and some of the guards runningaway, thought all was lost, and quitted their position. Thiscontagious movement was communicated in an instant to the left; andthe whole army, after having so valiantly carried the enemy'sstrongest posts, abandoned them with as much eagerness, as they haddisplayed ardour in conquering them. 

The English army, which had advanced in proportion as we retreated, and the Prussians, who had not ceased to pursue us, fell at once onour scattered battalions; night increased the tumult and alarm; andsoon the whole army was nothing but a confused crowd, which theEnglish and Prussians routed without effort, and massacred withoutpity. 

The Emperor, witnessing this frightful defection, could scarcelybelieve his eyes. His aides-de-camp flew to rally the troops in alldirections. He also threw himself into the midst of the crowd. But hiswords, his orders, his entreaties, were not heard. How was it possiblefor the army to form anew under the guns, and amid the continualcharges of eighty thousand English, and sixty thousand Prussians, whocovered the field, of battle?

However, eight battalions, which the Emperor had previously collected, formed in squares, and stopped the way against the Prussian andEnglish armies. These brave fellows, resolute and courageous as theywere, could not long resist the efforts of an enemy twenty times theirnumber. Surrounded, assaulted, cannonaded on all sides, most of themat length fell. Some sold their lives dearly: others, exhausted withfatigue, hunger, and thirst, had no longer strength to fight, andsuffered themselves to be killed, without being able to make anydefence. Two battalions[52] alone, whom the enemy were unable tobreak, retreated disputing the ground, till, thrown into disorder andhurried along by the general movement, they were obliged themselves tofollow the stream. 

 [Footnote 52: They had at their head Generals Petit and Pelet de Morvan. ]

One last battalion of reserve, the illustrious and unfortunate remainsof the granite column of the fields of Marengo, had remained unshakenamid the tumultuous waves of the army. The Emperor retired into theranks of these brave fellows, still commanded by Cambronne! He formedthem into a square, and advanced at their head, to meet the enemy. Allhis generals, Ney, Soult, Bertrand, Drouot, Corbineau, de Flahaut, Labedoyère, Gourgaud, &c. Drew their swords, and became soldiers. Theold grenadiers, incapable of fear for their own lives, were alarmed atthe danger that threatened the life of the Emperor. They conjured himto withdraw. "Retire, " said one of them: "you see, that Death shunsyou. " The Emperor resisted, and ordered them to fire. The officersaround him seized his bridle, and dragged him away. Cambronne and hisbrave fellows crowded round their expiring eagles, and bade Napoleonan eternal adieu. The English, moved by their heroic resistance, conjured them to surrender. "No, " said Cambronne, "the guard can die, but not yield!" At the same moment they all rushed on the enemy, withshouts of "Long live the Emperor!" Their blows were worthy of theconquerors of Austerlitz, Jena, Wagram, and Montmirail. The Englishand Prussians, from whom they still detained the field of victory, united against this handful of heroes, and cut them down. Some, covered with wounds, fell to the ground weltering in their blood;others, more fortunate, were killed outright: in fine, they whosehopes were not answered by death, shot one another, that they mightnot survive their companions in arms, or die by the hands of theirenemies. 

Wellington and Blucher, thus become quiet possessors of the field ofbattle, traversed it as masters. But at what expense of blood was thisunjust triumph purchased! Never, no never, were the blows of theFrench more formidable or more deadly to their adversaries. Thirstingafter blood and glory, they rushed daringly on the blazing batteriesof their enemy; and seemed to multiply in number, to seek, attack, andpursue them in their inaccessible intrenchments. Thirty thousandEnglish or Prussians[53] were sacrificed by their hands on that fatalday; and when it is considered, that this horrible carnage was thework of fifty thousand men[54], dying with fatigue and hunger, andstriving in miry ground against an impregnable position and a hundredand thirty thousand fighting men, we cannot but be seized withsorrowful admiration, and decree to the vanquished the palm ofvictory. 

 [Footnote 53:

 Men. 

 The general loss of the army of the Duke of Wellington, in killed and wounded, was about 25, 000

 And that of Prince Blucher 35, 000 ------ 60, 000 ------ That of the French may be estimated as follows:

 The 15th and 16th, killed and wounded 11, 000 The 18th, killed and wounded 18, 000 Prisoners 8, 000 ------ 37, 000

 The loss of the French would have been greater, had it not been for the generous care taken of them by the inhabitants of Belgium. After the victory of Fleurus and of Ligny, they hastened to the field of battle, to console the wounded, and give them every assistance. Nothing could be more affecting, than the sight of a number of women and girls endeavouring to revive, by cordial liquors, the extinguished lives (_la vie éteinte_) of our unfortunate soldiers, while their husbands and brothers supported our wounded in their arms, stanched their blood, and closed their wounds. 

 The precipitancy of our march had not allowed us, to prepare conveyances and field hospitals, to receive our wounded. The good and feeling inhabitants of Belgium supplied the deficiency with eagerness. They carried our poor Frenchmen from the field of battle, and offered them an asylum, and all the attention necessary. 

 At the time of our retreat, they lavished on us proofs of their regard not less affecting, and not less valuable. Braving the rage of the ferocious Prussians, they quitted their houses, to show us the paths, that would favour our escape, and guide our course through the enemy's columns. When they parted from us, they still followed us with their eyes, and expressed from a distance how happy they were at having been able to save us. 

 When they knew, that a great number of Frenchmen remained prisoners with the conqueror, they were eager to offer, and to lavish on them, consolation and assistance. The Prince of Orange himself, as formidable in the heat of battle, as magnanimous after victory, became the protector of a number of brave fellows, who, having learned how to esteem him on the field of battle, had nobly invoked his support. 

 In fine, completely to acquit the debt of gratitude, at that period so painful to remember, when persecution, exile, death, compelled so many Frenchmen to flee their native land, the inhabitants of Belgium, always tender-hearted, always benevolent, opened their hospitable doors to our unfortunate proscribed countrymen, and more than one brave man, already preserved by them from the vengeance of foreigners, was a second time saved by their generous hands from the fury of enemies still more implacable. ]

 [Footnote 54: I say fifty thousand men, for more than ten thousand of the guard took no share in the action. ]

At the moment, when Bulow's corps penetrated our right, I was athead-quarters at the farm of Caillou. 

One of the grand marshal's aides-de-camp came from him, to inform theDuke of Bassano, that the Prussians were proceeding in that direction. The duke, having received orders from the Emperor to remain there, would not quit the place, and we resigned ourselves to wait the event. In fact, the enemy's dragoons soon made themselves masters of thelittle wood, that covered the farm, and attacked our people sword inhand. Our guard repulsed them with their muskets; but, returning ingreater number, they assailed us anew, and compelled us, in spite ofthe stoicism of M. De Bassano, to yield up the place to them veryspeedily. The imperial carriages, furnished with able horses, carriedus rapidly from the enemy's pursuit. The duke was not so fortunate:his carriage, having poor horses, received several shots; and he wasat length forced to escape on foot, and take refuge in mine. 

The cessation of the firing, and the precipitate retreat of the wreckof the army, too powerfully confirmed to us the fatal issue of thebattle. We inquired on all sides after the Emperor, but no one couldsatisfy our painful anxiety. Some assured us, that he had been takenprisoner; others, that he was killed. To put an end to the anxietythat overwhelmed us, I took the horse of the principal of ourattendants (_chef de nos équipages_), and, accompanied by one of ourprincipal _piqueurs_, named Chauvin, who had returned with Napoleonfrom the island of Elba, I hastened back toward Mont St. Jean. Afterhaving in vain wearied a multitude of officers with questions, I met apage, young Gudin, who assured me, that the Emperor must have quittedthe field of battle. I still pushed on. Two cuirassiers, raising theirsabres, stopped me. "Where are you going?"--"I am going to meet theEmperor. "--"You lie; you are a royalist; you are going to rejoin theEnglish. " I know not how the business would have ended, had not asuperior officer of the guard, sent by heaven, fortunately known me, and extricated me from the difficulty. He assured me, that theEmperor, whom he had escorted a long way, must be before. I returnedto the Duke of Bassano. The certainty, that the Emperor was safe andsound, alleviated our sorrows for a few moments: but they soon resumedall their strength. He must have been no Frenchman, who could beholdwith dry eyes our dreadful catastrophe. The army itself, afterrecovering from its first impressions, forgot the perils with which itwas still menaced, to meditate with sadness on the future. Its stepswere dejected, its looks dismayed; not a word, not a complaint, washeard to interrupt its painful meditations. You would have said it wasaccompanying a funeral procession, and attending the obsequies of itsglory and of its country. 

The capture and plundering of the baggage of the army had suspendedfor a moment the enemy's pursuit. They came up with us at Quatre Bras, and fell upon our equipage. At the head of the convoy marched themilitary chest, and after it our carriage. Five other carriages, thatimmediately followed us, were attacked and sabred. Ours, by miracle, effected its escape. Here were taken the Emperor's clothes: the superbdiamond necklace, that the princess Borghese had given him; and hislandau, that in 1813 had escaped the disasters of Moscow. 

The Prussians, raging in pursuit of us, treated with unexampledbarbarity those unfortunate beings, whom they were able to overtake. Except a few steady old soldiers, most of the rest had thrown awaytheir arms, and were without defence; but they were not the lessmassacred without pity. Four Prussians killed General . . . . . . In coldblood, after having taken from him his arms. Another general, whosename also I cannot call to mind, surrendered to an officer: and thisofficer had the cowardice still more than the cruelty, to run himthrough the body. A colonel, to avoid falling into their hands, blewout his brains. Twenty other officers, of various ranks, imitated theexample. An officer of cuirassiers, seeing them approach, said: "Theyshall have neither me, nor my horse. " With one of his pistols he shothis horse dead; with the other, himself[55]. A thousand acts ofdespair, not less heroic, illustrate this fatal day. 

 [Footnote 55: This circumstance was told to me, but the following I witnessed myself. A cuirassier, in the heat of the battle, had both his arms disabled with sabre wounds: "I will go and get myself dressed, " said he, foaming with rage: "if I cannot use my arms, I'll use my teeth--I'll eat them. "]

We continued our retreat to Charleroi. The further we advanced, themore difficult it became. They who preceded us, whether to impede theenemy, or through treachery, obstructed the way, and at every step wehad to break through barricades. When halting for a moment, I heardcries and moanings at our side. I went to the place, and found theycame from a ditch on the road-side, into which two large waggon-loadsof wounded men had been overturned. These unfortunate people, tumbledin a heap under the waggons, that were upset upon them, implored thecompassion of those who passed by; but their feeble voices, drowned bythe noise of the carriages, had not been heard. We all set to work, and succeeded in extricating them from their tombs. Some were stillbreathing; but the greater number were stifled. The joy of these poorwretches affected us to tears; but it was of short duration--we wereforced to leave them. 

Still pursued and harassed by the enemy, we arrived at Charleroi, which place was so encumbered, and in such confusion, that we wereobliged to leave behind us our carriage and our baggage. The secretportfolio of the cabinet was carried off by the keeper of theportfolio; the other important papers were destroyed; and we leftonly some letters and reports of no moment, which were afterwardsprinted at Brussels[56]. The Duke of Bassano and I were continuing ourjourney on foot, when I saw some _piqueurs_ with led horses of theEmperor's, and I ordered them, to bring them to us. Such was therespect of the duke for every thing belonging to Napoleon, that hehesitated to avail himself of this good fortune. Happily for him, Isucceeded in overcoming his scruples; for the Prussians had come upwith us, and the firing of musketry informed us, that they wereengaging only a few paces behind us. We were equally obliged toabandon the military chest. The gold in it was distributed among theEmperor's domestics; all of whom faithfully delivered it to him. 

 [Footnote 56: Among these letters printed was one of mine, written from Bâle to the Emperor on the subject of M. Werner. ]

The Emperor, accompanied by his aides-decamp and a few orderlyofficers, on quitting the field of battle, had taken the road toCharleroi. On his arrival at this place, he attempted to rally a fewtroops; but his efforts were vain, and, after having given orders toseveral generals, he continued his course. 

Count Lobau, the generals of the guards Petit and Pelet de Morvan, and a number of other officers, equally endeavoured to form the armyanew. With swords drawn, they stopped the troops on their way, andforced them, to draw up in order of battle; but scarcely were theyformed, when they dispersed again immediately. The artillery, that hadbeen able to be brought off, alone preserved its structure unshaken. The brave gunners, feeling the same attachment to their guns assoldiers to their colours, followed them quietly. Obliged by the roadsbeing so much encumbered, to halt at every step, they saw the tide ofthe army flow by them without regret: it was their duty, to remain bytheir guns; and they remained, without considering, that theirdevotion might cost them their liberty or their lives. 

By chance M. De Bassano and I took the road to Philippeville. Welearned, with a joy of which we did not think ourselves any longersusceptible, that the Emperor was in the town. We ran to him. When hesaw me, he condescended to present me his hand. I bathed it with mytears. The Emperor himself could not suppress his emotion: a largetear, escaping from his eyes, betrayed the efforts of his soul. 

The Emperor caused orders to be despatched to generals Rapp, Lecourbe, and Lamarque, to proceed by forced marches to Paris, and to thecommanders of fortified towns, to defend themselves to the lastextremity. He afterward dictated to me two letters to Prince Joseph. One, intended to be communicated to the council of ministers, relatedbut imperfectly the fatal issue of the battle: the other, for theprince alone, gave him a recital, unhappily too faithful, of the routof the army. He concluded however: "All is not lost. I suppose I shallhave left, on re-assembling my forces, a hundred and fifty thousandmen. The federates and national guards, who have heart, will supply mewith a hundred thousand men; the _dépôt_ battalions, with fiftythousand. Thus I shall have three hundred thousand soldiers, to opposeto the enemy immediately. I shall supply the artillery with horses bymeans of those kept as articles of luxury. I shall levy a hundredthousand conscripts. I shall arm them with the muskets of theroyalists and ill-disposed national guards. Dauphiny, the Lyonese, Burgundy, Lorraine, and Champagne, I shall levy in mass. I shalloverwhelm the enemy: but it is necessary for me to be assisted, andnot perplexed. I am going to Laon. No doubt I shall find men there. Ihave heard nothing of Grouchy; if he be not taken, as I am afraid heis, in three days time I may have fifty thousand men. With these Icould keep the enemy employed, and give time to Paris and France, todo their duty. The English march slowly. The Prussians are afraid ofthe peasantry, and dare not advance too far. Every thing may yet berepaired. Write me word of the effect, that the horrible result ofthis rash enterprise produces in the chamber. I believe the deputieswill feel, that it is their duty on this great occasion, to join withme, in order to save France. Prepare them, to second me worthily. "

The Emperor added with his own hand: "Courage, and firmness. "

While I was despatching these letters, he dictated to M. De Bassanoinstructions for the major-general. When he had finished, he threwhimself on a sorry bed, and ordered preparations to be made for ourdeparture. 

A postchaise half broken to pieces, a few waggons and some straw, hadjust been prepared, as nothing better was to be had, for Napoleon andus; when some carriages belonging to Marshal Soult entered the town. These we seized upon. The enemy having already some scouts in theneighbourhood of Philippeville and Marienbourg, two or three hundredfugitives of all sorts were collected, to form an escort for theEmperor. He set off with General Bertrand in a calash. It was thusCharles XII. Fled before his conquerors after the battle of Pultowa. 

The Emperor's suite was in two other calashes. One, in which I was, contained M. De Bassano, General Drouot, General Dejean, and M. DeCanisy, first equerry: the other was occupied by Messrs. De Flahaut, Labedoyère, Corbineau, and de Bissi, aides-de-camp. 

The Emperor stopped beyond Rocroi, to take some refreshment. We wereall in a pitiable state: our eyes swelled with tears, our countenanceshaggard, our clothes covered with blood or dust, rendered us objectsof compassion and horror to one another. We conversed on the criticalsituation, in which the Emperor and France would find themselves. Labedoyère, in the abundant candour of a young and inexperiencedheart, persuaded himself, that our dangers would unite all parties, and that the chambers would display a grand and salutary energy. "TheEmperor, " said he, "without stopping on the road, should repairdirectly to the seat of the national representation; frankly avow hisdisasters; and, like Philip Augustus, offer to die as a soldier, andresign the crown to the most worthy. The two chambers will revolt atthe idea of abandoning Napoleon, and join with him, to saveFrance. "--"Do not imagine, " answered I, "that we live still in thosedays, when misfortune was sacred. The chamber, far from pityingNapoleon, and generously coming to his assistance, will accuse him ofhaving ruined France, and endeavour to save it by sacrificinghim. "--"Heaven preserve us from such a misfortune!" exclaimedLabedoyère: "if the chambers separate themselves from the Emperor, allis over with us. The enemy will be at Paris in a week. The next day weshall see the Bourbons; and then what will become of liberty, and ofall those who have embraced the national cause? As for me, my fate isnot doubtful. _I shall be the first man shot. _"--"The Emperor is alost man, if he set his foot in Paris:" replied M. De Flahaut: "thereis but one step he can take, to save himself and France; and this is, to treat with the allies, and cede the crown to his son. But, in orderto treat, he must have an army; and perhaps at this _very_ moment, while we are talking, most of the generals are already thinking ofsending in their submissions to the king[57]. "--"So much the morereason is there, " resumed Labedoyère, "why he should hasten to makecommon cause with the chambers and the nation; and set out withoutloss of time. "--"And I maintain with M. De Flahaut, " rejoined I, "thatthe Emperor is lost, if he set foot in Paris. He has never beenforgiven for having abandoned his army in Egypt, in Spain, at Moscow:still less would he be pardoned for leaving it here, in the centre ofFrance. "

 [Footnote 57: M. De Flahaut saw truly, for it appears certain, that Marshal Grouchy had held parleys with the allies, and that an arrangement on the plan of the Duke of Ragusa was about to be signed, when General Excelmans arrested the Prussian colonel, who was sent to the marshal, to conclude the treaty already agreed upon. ]

These different opinions, blamed or approved, supplied us withsubjects for discussion; when a person came to inform us, that theEnglish were at la Capelle[58], four or five leagues from us. Withthis General Bertrand was instantly made acquainted: but the Emperorcontinued talking with the Duke of Bassano, and we had infinitetrouble, to make him resume his journey. 

 [Footnote 58: This information was false. ]

We arrived at Laon. The Emperor alighted at the foot of the walls. Ourdefeat was already known. A detachment of the national guard came tomeet the Emperor. "Our brothers and sons, " said the commandingofficer to him, "are in the garrison towns, but dispose of us, sire;we are ready to die for our country, and for you. " The Emperor thankedhim heartily. Some peasants came round us, and gaped at us with stupidlooks: they often shouted, "Long live the Emperor!" but these shoutsannoyed us. In prosperity they are pleasing; after a battle lost theywound the heart. 

The Emperor was informed, that a considerable number of troops wereperceived at a distance. He sent one of his aides-de-camp, toreconnoitre them. They were about three thousand Frenchmen, horse andfoot, whom Prince Jerome, Marshal Soult, General Morand, and GeneralsColbert, Petit, and Pelet de Morveau, had succeeded in rallying. "Then, " said Napoleon, "I will remain at Laon, till the rest of thearmy joins. I have given orders for all the scattered soldiers to besent to Laon and Rheims. The gendarmerie and national guard shallscour the country, and collect the laggers; the good soldiers willjoin of themselves; in four and twenty hours we shall have a nucleusof ten or twelve thousand men. With this little army I will keep theenemy in check, and give Grouchy time to arrive, and the nation toface about. " This resolution was strongly combated. "Your Majesty, "it was urged, "has seen with your own eyes the complete rout of thearmy. You know, that the regiments were confounded together; and it isnot the work of a few hours, to form them anew. Even supposing, that anucleus of ten thousand soldiers could be collected, what could yourMajesty do with such a handful of men, for the most part destitute ofarms and stores? You might stop the enemy at one point; but you couldnot prevent their advancing at another, as all the roads are open tothem. The corps of Marshal Grouchy, if he have crossed the Dyle, musthave fallen into the hands of Blucher or of Wellington: if he have notcrossed it, and attempt to effect his retreat by way of Namur, thePrussians must necessarily arrive at Gembloux or at Temploux beforehim, and oppose his passage; while the English will proceed throughTilly and Sombref to his right flank, and cut off all hopes of hissaving himself. In this state of things, your Majesty cannotreasonably reckon upon any assistance from his army: he has none. France can only be saved by herself. It is necessary, that all thecitizens take arms: and your Majesty's presence at Paris is requisite, to repress your enemies, and animate and direct the zeal of thepatriots. The Parisians, when they see your Majesty, will fightwithout hesitation. If your Majesty remain at a distance from them, athousand false reports concerning you will be spread: now it will besaid, that you are killed; anon, that you are made prisoner, orsurrounded. The national guard and federates, disheartened by the fearof being abandoned or betrayed, as they were in 1814, will fightheartlessly, or not at all. "

These considerations induced the Emperor, to change his resolution. "Well!" said he, "since you deem it necessary, I will go to Paris; butI am persuaded, that you make me act foolishly. My proper place ishere. Hence I could direct what is to be done at Paris, and mybrothers would see to the rest. "

The Emperor then retired into another room with M. De Bassano and me;and, after having despatched fresh orders to Marshal Soult on therallying and movements of the army, he put the finishing hand to thebulletin of Mont St. Jean, which had been already sketched atPhilippeville. When it was ended, he sent for the grand marshal, General Drouot, and the other aides-de-camp. "Here, " said he, "is thebulletin of Mont St. Jean: I wish you to hear it read: if I haveomitted any essential circumstances, you will remind me of them; it isnot my intention, to conceal any thing. Now, as after the affair ofMoscow, the whole truth[59] must be disclosed to France. I might havethrown on Marshal Ney, " continued Napoleon, "the blame of part of themisfortunes of that day: but the mischief is done; no more is to besaid about it. " I read this new twenty-ninth bulletin: a few slightchanges, suggested by General Drouot, were assented to by the Emperor;but, from what whim I know not, he would not confess, that hiscarriages had fallen into the hands of the enemy. "When you get toParis, " said M. De Flahaut to him, "it will be plainly seen, that yourcarriages have been taken. If you conceal this, you will be chargedwith disguising truths of more importance; and it is necessary, totell the whole, or say nothing. " The Emperor, after some demur, finally acceded to this advice. 

 [Footnote 59: This shows how unjustly Napoleon has been reproached with having falsified the truth, and calumniated the army, in that bulletin. ]

I then read the bulletin a second time; and, every person agreeing inits accuracy, M. De Bassano sent it off to Prince Joseph by a courierextraordinary. 

At the moment when it arrived, Paris was resounding with transportsof joy, to which the splendid victory of Ligny, and the good newsreceived from the armies of the West and of the Alps, had given rise. 

Marshal Suchet, always fortunate, always able, had made himself masterof Montmelian, and from one triumph had proceeded to another, till hehad driven the Piedmontese from the passes and valleys of Mount Cenis. 

General Desaix, one of his lieutenants, had driven back from the sideof Jura the enemy's advanced posts, taken Carrouge, crossed the Arva, and, in spite of the difficulty of the country, made himself master ofall the defiles in the twinkling of an eye. 

The war of la Vendée had justified the Emperor's conjectures. 

The Marquis of Roche-jaquelin, ashamed of the defeat at Aisenay, awaited with impatience an opportunity for redeeming the disgrace. Informed, that a fresh English fleet was bringing him arms and stores, he thought this opportunity was arrived; and immediately madepreparations to favour the landing announced, and, if necessary, togive battle to the imperialists. 

These preparations, badly contrived, and badly ordered, did not obtainthe unanimous assent of the army. Part of the generals, and of thetroops, already wearied and disgusted by marches and countermarcheswithout end and without utility, executed with ill will the ordersgiven them. Another part, questioning the reality of thedisembarkation, hesitated. In fine, the corps of M. D'Autichamp, oneof the most considerable, plainly refused, to take any part in thishazardous expedition; and this example, for which the other divisionswaited, was soon imitated by MM. De Sapineau and Suzannet. LaRoche-jaquelin, too proud to retract, too presumptuous to be sensibleof the danger and folly of his resolutions, saw in the resistanceopposed to him nothing but odious treachery; and, in the delirium ofhis anger, announced, as master, the dismissal of the rebelliousgenerals. One division alone, that of his brother, remaining faithfulto him, he put himself at its head, and rashly plunged into theMarsh[60], where fresh disasters and death awaited him. 

 [Footnote 60: The general name of that part of the country, which borders the coast. ]

General Lamarque had penetrated at a glance the designs of hisimprudent adversary, and given orders to the formidable Travot, toquit Nantes, and advance with all speed on the rear of the royalarmy. This bold scheme was ably executed. Travot's advanced guard boredown every thing that opposed its way, made itself master of St. Gilles, kept off the English fleet, and obstructed the disembarkation. Travot, with the rest of his troops, at the same time crossed theriver Vic at Bas-Oupton, and closed the road against LaRoche-jaquelin. The Vendeans, pressed on all sides, retreated, andtook post at St. Jean de Mont. Orders were given to General Esteve, toattack them. They awaited him with firmness; and Esteve, knowing theinexperience of their leader, feigned a retreat. The Vendeans, deceived by this, came out of the intrenchments, by which they wereprotected. The imperialists suddenly faced about, and soon dispersedtheir credulous and unfortunate enemies with the bayonet. LaRoche-jaquelin, his brains turned, and in despair, ran about everywhere to give orders, to which no one would listen, which no one wouldfollow, and at length got himself killed[61]. 

 [Footnote 61: This affair, and the death of La Roche-jaquelin, took place on the 11th of June, and were not known at Paris till the 19th. ]

La Roche-jaquelin had been the principal instigator of this war fromzeal and from ambition; and it was supposed, that his death would befollowed by peace: but news of the approaching commencement ofhostilities revived the courage of the Vendeans, restored concordamong their chiefs, and they prepared for fresh battles. 

General Lamarque, informed that MM. De Sapineau, de Suzannet, andd'Autichamp, were united to favour a third disembarkation, went inpursuit of them, at the head of the divisions of General Brayer andTravot. He came up with them at la Roche Servière. Their positionappeared impregnable: but the imperial troops, animated to fight bythe news of the battle of Ligny received by the telegraph, performedprodigies of valour; and had it not been for their generals, who weresparing of French blood, it is probable, that the royal army, drivenfrom its intrenchments, defeated, and put to the rout, would have beenentirely annihilated. 

This fratricidal victory, the last France should have to deplore, leftthe Vendeans no other resource than peace. This they demanded, and ina few days obtained. If the talents, the vigour, of Generals Lamarque, Travot, and Brayer, &c. , added new lustre to their militaryreputation, their humanity and moderation acquired them still moreglorious claims to national gratitude. In hands less truly French, this war would have covered the insurgent country with a funeral pall;in their tutelary hands, it deprived the nation only of a few of itssons. 

So many joint successes, magnified too by report, had diffusedconfidence and intoxication throughout Paris. The fears disseminatedby malevolence, or conceived by the anxious solicitude of thepatriots, were diminished. People began to contemplate the future withsecurity; they gave themselves up to the hope, that fortune wasbecoming once more propitious to France; when this deceitful dream wassuddenly broken by the news of the misfortunes of our army, and by thearrival of the Emperor. 

On alighting at the Elyseum, the Emperor was received by the Duke ofVicenza, his censor in prosperity, his friend in adversity. Heappeared sinking under grief and fatigue: his breast was affected, hisrespiration difficult. After a painful sigh, he said to the duke: "Thearmy performed prodigies; a panic terror seized it; all was lost. . . . Ney conducted himself like a madman; he got my cavalry massacred forme. . . . I can say no more. . . . I must have two hours rest, to enable meto set about business: I am choking here:" and he laid his hand uponhis heart. 

He gave orders for a bath to be prepared for him; and, after a fewmoments' silence, resumed: "My intention is, to assemble the twochambers in an imperial sitting. I will describe to them themisfortunes of the army: I will demand from them the means of savingtheir country: after that, I will set out again. "--"Sire, " answeredthe Duke of Vicenza, "the news of your disasters has alreadytranspired. Men's minds are in great agitation: the dispositions ofthe deputies appear more hostile than ever: and, since your Majestydeigns to listen to me, it is my duty to say, that it is to be fearedthe chamber will not act agreeably to your expectations. I am sorry, Sire, to see you in Paris. It would have been better, not to haveseparated from your army: that constitutes your strength, yoursafety. "--"I have no longer an army, " replied the Emperor: "I havenothing but fugitives. I shall find men, but how are they to be armed?I have no muskets left. However, with unanimity every thing may berepaired. I hope the deputies will second me; that they will feel theresponsibility, that will rest upon them. I think you have formed awrong judgment of their spirit: the majority is good; it is French. Ihave against me only Lafayette, Lanjuinais, Flaugergues, and a fewothers. These would fain have nothing to do with me, I know. I am arestraint upon them. They would labour for themselves . . . I will notlet them. My presence here will control them. "

The arrival of Prince Joseph and Prince Lucien in successioninterrupted this discourse. They confirmed the Duke of Vicenza'sopinion respecting the ill disposition of the chamber; and advised theEmperor, to defer the convocation of an imperial session, and allowhis ministers to act first. 

While the Emperor was in the bath, the ministers and great officers ofstate hastened to the Elyseum, and eagerly questioned theaides-de-camp and officers, who were returned from Mont St. Jean. Thespectacle of the rout and destruction of the army was still present totheir eyes: they omitted no particular, and imprudently conveyedterror and discouragement into every heart. They said aloud, that itwas all over with Napoleon; and whispered, that he had no other meansof saving France than by his abdication. 

The Emperor, recovered from his fatigue, assembled his council. Hemade the Duke of Bassano read the bulletin of the battle of Mont St. Jean, and said: "Our misfortunes are great. I am come to repair them:to impress on the nation, on the army, a great and noble movement. Ifthe nation rise, the enemy will be crushed: if disputation besubstituted instead of levies, instead of extraordinary measures, allis lost. The enemy is in France. To save the country it is necessary, that I should be invested with great power, _with a temporarydictatorship_. For the good of the country I might seize on thispower: but it would be advantageous, and more national, that it shouldbe given me by the chambers. " The ministers held down their heads, andmade no answer. The Emperor then called upon them, to give theiropinion on the measures, that circumstances required to be taken forthe public safety. 

M. Carnot was of opinion, that it was necessary, to declare thecountry in danger, call the federates and national guards to arms, place Paris in a state of siege, defend it, at the last extremityretire behind the Loire, form intrenchments there, recall the army ofLa Vendée and the corps of observation in the South, and keep theenemy in check, till a sufficient force had been collected andorganized, to resume acting on the offensive, and drive them out ofFrance. 

The Duke of Vicenza recalled to mind the events of 1814, andmaintained, that the occupation of the capital by the enemy woulddecide the fate of the throne a second time. That it was necessary forthe nation to make a grand effort, to preserve its independence: thatthe safety of the state did not depend on this or that measure; thequestion was in the chambers, and their union with the Emperor. 

The Duke of Otranto, and several other ministers, joined in thisopinion; and thought, that by acting towards the chambers withconfidence and good faith, they would be brought to feel, that it wastheir duty to join with the Emperor, that by energetic measures theymight together preserve the honour and independence of the nation. 

The Duke Decrès declared plainly, that they were wrong to flatterthemselves with the hope of gaining the deputies; that they wereill-disposed, and appeared decided, to proceed to the most violentextremes. 

Count Regnault added, he did not think, that the representatives wouldconsent to second the views of the Emperor; they seemed persuaded, that it was no longer in his power, to save the country; and he wasafraid, that a great sacrifice would be necessary. --"Speak plainly, "said the Emperor to him: "it is my abdication they want, is itnot?"--"I believe so, Sire, " replied M. Regnault: "painful as it is tome, it is my duty, to open your Majesty's eyes to your true situation. I will add, it is even possible, that, if your Majesty should notresolve to offer your abdication of your own accord, the chamber wouldventure to demand it. "

Prince Lucien warmly replied: "I have already found myself placed incircumstances of difficulty; and I have seen, that, the more importantthe crisis, the greater the energy we ought to display. If the chamberwill not second the Emperor, he will dispense with its assistance. Thesafety of our country ought to be the first law of the state; andsince the chamber does not appear disposed, to join the Emperor insaving France, he must save it alone. He must declare himselfdictator, place France in a state of siege, and call to its defenceall the patriots, and all good Frenchmen. "

Count Carnot declared, it appeared to him indispensable, that, duringthis crisis, the Emperor should be invested with great and imposingauthority. 

The Emperor then took up the discourse, and said: "The presence of theenemy on their native land will, I hope, bring the deputies to asense of their duty. The nation did not send them to displace, but tosupport me. I do not fear them. Let them do what they will, I shallstill be the idol of the people and of the army. Were I to say asingle word, they would be all knocked on the head. But, while I fearnothing on my own account, I fear every thing for France. If wequarrel, instead of preserving a good understanding with each other, we shall experience the fate of the Lower Empire: all will be lost. . . . The patriotism of the nation, its hatred to the Bourbons, itsattachment to myself, offer us still immense resources: our cause isnot desperate. "

He then, with admirable skill and strength of expression, passedsuccessively in review the means of repairing the disasters of MontSt. Jean; and delineated with a bold pencil the innumerablecalamities, with which discord, the foreigners, and the Bourbonsthreatened France. Every thing he said carried conviction to the mindsof his ministers; their opinions, hitherto divided, were tending to anagreement; when the council was interrupted by a message from thechamber of representatives, containing the following resolutions. 

"The chamber of representatives declares, that the independence of thenation is threatened. 

"The chamber declares itself in a state of permanence. Any attempt todissolve it is a crime of high treason: whoever shall be guilty ofsuch an attempt will be a traitor to his country, and immediatelycondemned as one. 

"The army of the line and national guard, who have fought, and stillfight, in defence of the liberty, the independence, and the territoryof France, have deserved well of their country. 

"The ministers at war, of foreign affairs, and of the interior, aredesired, to repair immediately to the assembly[62]. "

 [Footnote 62: These resolutions were sent to the chamber of peers also: but this chamber, knowing, that it had no right, to send for the Ministers, contented itself, _considering the present circumstances_, with giving its approbation to the first three articles. ]

These resolutions had been adopted, almost at the first dash, on theproposal of M. De Lafayette. Each of the articles was an infringementof the constitution, and an usurpation of sovereign authority. TheEmperor at once foresaw all the consequences. "I was right inthinking, " said he with vexation, "that I ought to dismiss thosefellows, before I departed. It is all over; they are on the point ofruining France. " He broke up the sitting, adding: "I see Regnault didnot deceive me: _If it must be so, I will abdicate. _" This imprudentand fatal speech, which was reported immediately to the enemies ofNapoleon, strengthened their designs, and increased their boldness. Scarcely had the Emperor uttered the words, however, but he was awareof their impropriety; and, returning, announced, that, previously totaking any decided step, it would be proper, to know, _where all thiswould end_. Accordingly he directed M. Regnault, to repair to thechamber, endeavour to calm it, and feel the ground. "You will announceto them, that I am returned; that I have just convened the council ofministers; that the army, after a signal victory, has fought a greatbattle; that all was going on well; that the English were beaten; andthat we had taken from them six pair of colours; when someill-disposed persons excited a panic. That the army is assemblingtogether; that I have given orders, to stop the fugitives; that I amcome, to concert measures with my ministers, and with the chambers;and that I am this moment engaged on those steps, which circumstancesrequire for the public safety. "

By the Emperor's orders, M. Carnot set out at the same moment, to makea similar communication to the chamber of peers. It was listened tothere with suitable calmness: but M. Regnault, with his utmostefforts, could not moderate the impatience of the representatives; andthey imperiously renewed their desire to the ministers, by a secondmessage, to appear at their bar. 

The Emperor, offended at the chamber's arrogating to itself anauthority over his ministers, forbade them to stir. The deputies, finding they did not come, considered their delay as _a contempt forthe nation_. Some, to whom contempt both of the Emperor and ofconstitutional principles was already familiar, moved, that theministers should be ordered to attend the assembly, setting all otherbusiness aside. Others, alarmed by their own consciences, and, fearinga politic stroke, created phantoms of their own imagination. Persuaded, that Napoleon was marching troops, to maim and dissolve thenational representation, they demanded with loud cries, that thenational guard should be summoned, to protect the chamber. Othersmoved, that the command of this guard should be taken from the Emperorand General Durosnel, and conferred on General Lafayette. 

The Emperor, weary of all this noise, authorised his ministers, toinform the president, that they should soon be with him: but notchoosing to let it be thought, that they obeyed the injunctions of thechamber, he deputed them to it as bearers of an imperial message drawnup for the purpose. Prince Lucien was appointed to accompany them, under the title of commissioner general. That this innovation mightnot hurt the feelings of the ministers, the Emperor said to them, thatPrince Lucien, by means of his temporary office of commissionergeneral, might answer the interrogatories of the representatives, without its having any future consequences, and without giving thechamber a right to assert, that their power of sending for theministers and interrogating them had been acknowledged and conceded. But this was not the real motive. The Emperor had not been satisfiedwith the lukewarmness, which the majority of the ministers haddisplayed; and he was desirous of placing in hands more to be dependedon the task of defending his person and his throne. At six o'clock theministers, with Prince Lucien at their head, were introduced into thechamber. 

The Prince announced, that the Emperor had appointed him commissionerextraordinary, to concert with the representatives prudentialmeasures: he laid on the president's desk the commission and messageof the Emperor, and demanded, that the assembly would think proper toform itself into a secret committee. 

This message contained a brief sketch of the disasters experienced atMont St. Jean. It recommended to the representatives, to join the headof the state to preserve their country from the misfortune of fallingagain under the yoke of the Bourbons, or becoming, like the Poles, theprey of foreigners. In fine it announced, that it appeared necessaryfor the two chambers, to appoint each a committee of five members, toconcert with ministers the proper measures for securing the publicsafety, and treating for a peace with the combined powers. 

Scarcely was the reading finished, when questions put to the ministersfrom all parts of the hall instantly threw the deliberations of theassembly into confusion. All the deputies, who had risen, addressed tothem at once questions as absurd as they were arrogant, and wereastonished, indignant, that they did not satisfy their eager andinsatiable curiosity. 

The disturbance being calmed, one member, M. Henry Lacoste, was ableto make himself heard. "The veil then is torn, " said he: "ourmisfortunes are made known; but, fearful as these disasters are, perhaps they are not yet entirely disclosed to us. I shall not discussthe communications made to us: the moment is not come, to call thehead of the state to account for the blood of our brave soldiers, andthe loss of the honour of the nation: but I require him, in the nameof the public safety, to disclose to us the secret of his thoughts, ofhis policy; to teach us the means of closing the abyss, that yawnsbeneath our feet. Ministers of Napoleon, you talk to us of thenational independence, you talk to us of peace; but what new basiswill you give to your negotiations? What new means of communicationhave you in your power? You know, as well as we, that Europe hasdeclared war against Napoleon alone! Will you henceforth separate thenation from Napoleon? For my part, I declare, that I see but one manbetween us and peace. Let him speak, and the country will be saved. "

Prince Lucien attempted, to answer this violent attack. "What!" saidhe, "shall we still have the weakness to believe the words of ourenemies? When victory was for the first time faithless to us, did theynot swear, in the presence of God and man, that they would respectour independence and our laws? Let us not fall a second time into thesnare, that they have set for our confidence, for our credulity. Theiraim, in their endeavour to separate the nation from the Emperor, is, to disunite us, in order to vanquish us, and replunge us more easilyinto that degradation and slavery, from which his return delivered us. I conjure you, citizens, by the sacred name of our country, rally allof you round the chief, whom the nation has so solemnly replaced atits head. Consider, that our safety depends on our union; and that youcannot separate yourselves from the Emperor, and abandon him to hisenemies, without ruining the state, without being faithless to youroaths, without tarnishing for ever the national honour. "

This speech, uttered amid the coil of parties, was drowned, interrupted, by the tumultuous noise of the assembly: few of thedeputies listened to it, or heard it: their minds, however, astonishedby the blow aimed at Napoleon, appeared disquieted and irresolute. TheDuke of Vicenza, and the Prince of Eckmuhl, had given satisfactoryexplanations, one of the means of coming to an understanding with theallies, the other of the imaginary approach of troops intended to actagainst the national representation. The friends of the Emperor hadsucceeded in bringing over to his cause a majority of the assembly, and every thing seemed to presage a favourable issue, when one of theEmperor's enemies, M. De la Fayette, obtained a hearing. "You accuseus, " said he, addressing Prince Lucien, "of failing in our dutiestowards our honour, and towards Napoleon. Have you forgotten all thatwe have done for him? have you forgotten, that we followed him in thesands of Africa, in the deserts of Russia, and that the bones of oursons and brothers every where attest our fidelity? For him we havedone enough: it is our duty now, to save our country. " A number ofvoices rose together in confusion, to accuse or defend Napoleon. M. Manuel, M. Dupin, displayed the dangers, with which France wasthreatened. They hinted at the means of preserving it, but durst notpronounce the word abdication: so difficult it is to overcome therespect, that a great man inspires. 

In fine, after a long debate, it was agreed, conformably to theconclusions of the message, that a committee of five members, consisting of the president and vice-presidents of the chamber, Monsieur Lanjuinais, and MM. De la Fayette, Dupont de l'Eure, Flaugergues, and Grenier, should concert measures with the council ofministers, and with a committee of the chamber of peers (if thischamber should think proper to appoint one), to collect everyinformation respecting the state of France, and propose every meansthat might be conducive to the public safety. 

Prince Lucien, in the same capacity of commissioner extraordinary, repaired immediately to the chamber of peers; and this chamber, afterhaving heard the imperial message, hastened also to appoint acommittee; which was composed of Generals Drouot, Dejean, andAndréossy, and MM. Boissy d'Anglas, and Thibaudeau. 

On his return to the Elyseum, the prince did not conceal from theEmperor, that the chamber had declared itself too strongly, to allowany hope of ever reclaiming it: _and that it was necessary, either todissolve it immediately, or submit to an abdication. _ Two of theministers present, the Duke of Vicenza and the Duke of Bassano, remonstrated, that the chamber had acquired too great hold of thepublic opinion, for an act of authority to be attempted against it. They respectfully hinted to Napoleon, that it was more prudent tosubmit: that, if he hesitated, the chamber would indubitably decreehis deposition, and perhaps he would not have it in his power, toabdicate in favour of his son. 

Napoleon, without promising, without refusing, without giving anyindication of his resolves, contented himself with the answer of theDuke of Guise: "They dare not. " But it was easy to perceive, that hestood in fear of the chamber; that he thought his abdicationinevitable; and that he only sought, in the hope of some favourableevent, to put off the catastrophe as long as possible. 

The committees of the two chambers, the ministers, and the ministersof state, met the same day at eleven in the evening, Prince Lucienbeing present. 

It was decided by a majority of sixteen against five:

1st, That the safety of the country required the Emperor to consent, that the two chambers should appoint a committee, to negotiatedirectly with the combined powers, on the condition of theirrespecting the independence of the nation, and the right every peoplehave, to give themselves such a constitution, as they may deem proper. 

2dly, That it was advisable, to back these negotiations by thecomplete display of the national force. 

3dly, That the ministers of state should propose suitable measures forsupplying men, horses, and money; as well as those necessary forcurbing and repressing domestic enemies. 

This resolution was combated by M. De la Fayette. He stated, that itdid not answer the general expectation; that the most certain, themost speedy means of putting an end to the state of crisis, in whichFrance found itself, rested solely and exclusively in the abdicationof Napoleon; and that it was necessary to call upon him, in the nameof the country, to lay down the crown. 

Prince Lucien declared, that the Emperor was ready, to make anysacrifice, which the safety of France might require: but that the timefor recurring to this desperate resource was not yet arrived; and thatit was advisable, with a view to the interests of France itself, towait the result of the overtures, that should be made to the alliedpowers. 

The assembly agreed in this opinion, and broke up from weariness atthree o'clock in the morning. 

General Grenier was appointed by his colleagues, to give the chamberan account of the result of this conference: an embarrassing mission, since the principal object of the conference, which, in the opinionof the representatives, ought to have been, to determine on theabdication of Napoleon, had been eluded, and left out of sight. M.  ***, whom I refrain from naming, advised him, to speak out plainly, and to declare, that the committee, though it had not formallydeclared it, felt the necessity of desiring the Emperor to abdicate. But the inflexible and virtuous Dupont de l'Eure, always the friend ofrectitude and sincerity, raised his voice like a man of honour againstthis shameful suggestion; and protested, that he would ascend thetribune, to declare the truth, if the reporter dared to disregard orfalsify it. Accordingly General Grenier confined himself, to giving afaithful account of the sitting of the committee: but he added, frominstructions just given him by the ministers of state, that thechamber would presently receive a message, by which the Emperor woulddeclare, that he approved of the assembly's appointing ambassadors, tosend to the allies; and that, if he were an insuperable obstacle tothe nation's being admitted to treat of its independence, he shouldalways be ready, to make the sacrifice required of him. 

This explanation answered every end: but, instead of calming theminds of the representatives, it excited the irascibility of allthose, who, from fear of the enemy, from ambition, or from a mistakenpatriotism, considered Napoleon's immediate abdication necessary. Theydid not perceive, that on the contrary it was of importance, to leaveNapoleon nominally on the throne, in order to give the negotiators anopportunity of bartering with the foreign powers his abdication inexchange for peace. 

M. Regnault, witnessing the irritation that prevailed, went toacquaint the Emperor, that the chamber appeared disposed, to pronouncehis deposition, if he did not abdicate immediately. The Emperor, notaccustomed to receive the law, was indignant at the force attempted tobe put upon him: "Since this is the case, " said he, "I will notabdicate. The chamber is composed of Jacobins, fanatics, and ambitiousmen, who thirst after places and disturbance. I ought to havedenounced them to the nation, and expelled them: the time lost may berepaired. . . . "

The Emperor's agitation was extreme. He strode about his closet, andmuttered broken phrases, that it was impossible to comprehend. "Sire, "at length answered M. Regnault, "do not endeavour, I conjure you, tostruggle any longer against the stream of events. Time passes on: theenemy is advancing. Do not give the chamber, do not give the nation, room to accuse you of having prevented it from obtaining peace. In1814 you sacrificed yourself for the common safety; repeat to-day thisgreat, this generous sacrifice. "

The Emperor pettishly replied: "I shall see: it has never been myintention, to refuse to abdicate. I was a soldier; I will become oneagain: but I want to be allowed, to think of it calmly, with a view tothe interests of France and of my son: tell them to wait. "

During this conversation, the chamber was extremely agitated. Thepresident, informed by M. Regnier of the disposition of the Emperor, announced, that a message would presently satisfy the wishes of all. But, impatient to enjoy its work, it was unwilling, even to leaveNapoleon the merit of sacrificing himself freely for the safety of hiscountry. 

M. Duchène, who was the first to interrupt General Grenier's report byhis murmurs, moved, that the Emperor should be desired, in the name ofthe safety of the state, to declare his abdication. 

General Solignac proposed, to send a deputation to him, to express theurgency of his decision. 

M. De la Fayette, who seems called by fate to be the scourge of kings, exclaimed, that, if Napoleon did not decide, he would move for hisdeposition. 

A number of members, among whom General Sébastiani rendered himselfconspicuous by his violence, insisted, that Napoleon should becompelled, to abdicate immediately. 

At length it was agreed, "in order to save the honour of the head ofthe state, " to grant him an hour's grace; and the sitting wassuspended. 

Fresh importunities immediately assailed the Emperor. GeneralSolignac, I believe, and other deputies, came to summon him toabdicate. Prince Lucien, who had never ceased to conjure the Emperor, to make head against the storm, now thought the time was passed, andthat it was necessary to submit. Prince Joseph united with him, andtheir joint advice at length overcame the resistance of the Emperor. This determination he announced to the ministers, and said to the Dukeof Otranto with an ironical smile, "Write to those gentlemen, to makethemselves easy: they shall soon be satisfied[63]. "

 [Footnote 63: In fact, the Duke of Otranto did write to M. Manuel. ]

Prince Lucien then took up the pen, and wrote, from the dictation ofhis august brother, the following declaration. 

"_Declaration to the French People. _

"In commencing a war, to maintain the independence of the nation, Ireckoned on the joint efforts of all, the unanimity of all, and theconcurrence of all the national authorities. From these I had reason, to hope for success; and I set at defiance all the declarations offoreign powers against me. 

"Circumstances appear to me to be changed: I offer up myself as asacrifice to the animosity of the enemies of France: may they provethemselves sincere in their declarations, and that they really aimedat me personally alone! My political life is at an end: and I proclaimmy son, under the title of Napoleon II. , Emperor of the French. 

"The present ministers will form provisionally the council ofgovernment. The interest I feel in what concerns my son induces me, to desire the chambers, to form a regency without delay by a law. 

"Unite, all of you, for the public safety, and to remain anindependent nation. 

 (Signed) "NAPOLEON. "

 "Palace of the Elyseum, June the 22d, 1815. "

The minute of Prince Lucien was put into my hands by the Duke ofBassano, to make two copies of it. When they were presented to theEmperor, they still exhibited traces of my sorrow. He perceived them, and said to me, with a very expressive look, "They would have it so. "

The Duke of Bassano observed to him, that he made a great sacrifice topeace; but that perhaps the allies would not deem it sufficientlycomplete. --"What do you mean?" asked the Emperor. --"It is possible, they may require the renunciation of the crown by your Majesty'sbrothers. "--"What! by my brothers Ah, Maret, then you would dishonourus all!"

The Duke of Otranto, the Duke of Vicenza, the Duke Decrès, wereimmediately employed, to carry the Emperor's declaration to thechamber of deputies; and the Duke of Gaëta, Count Mollien, and M. Carnot, to carry it to that of the peers. 

The Prince of Eckmuhl had been sent previously to the former by theEmperor, to give it information respecting the army, and amuse it tillthe abdication should arrive. 

Scarcely was the abdication sent off, when the Count de la Borde, adjutant-general of the national guard, ran to inform the Emperor, that there was not a moment to be lost, as they were going to put thedeposition to the vote. The Emperor, tapping him on the shoulder, said: "These good people are in great haste, then: tell them to beeasy; I sent them my abdication a quarter of an hour ago. " Theministers and M. De la Borde had passed each other on the way. 

When they appeared before the chamber, the president, apprehensivethat the enemies of Napoleon would insult his misfortunes by cowardlyapplauses, reminded it, that its regulations prohibited every sign ofapprobation or disapprobation: he then read the declaration. 

The Duke of Otranto, who had been in secret one of the instigators ofthe rage of certain deputies, pretended to be affected at the fate ofNapoleon, and recommended him to the attention and protection of thechambers. This simulation of generosity disgusted every pure heart inthe assembly; it was reserved for the unfortunate Regnault, to rousetheir feelings. He reminded them of the benefits and victories ofNapoleon with so much eloquence and sensibility; he drew them apicture so true, so affecting, so pathetic, of the misfortunes, towhich this great man, the hero of the nation, was about to devotehimself without reserve, and without conditions, to ransom hiscountry; that the eyes of his most obdurate enemies were moistenedwith tears, and the whole assembly remained for some moments plungedin a sad and painful silence. This silence, perhaps the noblesthomage, that Napoleon ever obtained, was at length interrupted; andthe chamber unanimously decreed, that a solemn deputation should waiton Napoleon, to express to him, in the name of the nation, "therespect and gratitude, with which they accepted the noble sacrifice hehad made to the independence and happiness of the French people. "

Napoleon received coldly the congratulations of the deputies of thechamber. What value could empty words have in his eyes? He answeredthem[64]:

 [Footnote 64: This answer was cut short by the president: I give it here entire. ]

"I thank you for the sentiments you express towards me: I wish, thatmy abdication may procure the happiness of France; _but I have noexpectation of it_; it leaves the state without a head, withoutpolitical existence. The time wasted in overturning the monarchy mighthave been employed in putting France into a condition to crush theenemy. I recommend to the chamber, speedily to reinforce the armies:whoever is desirous of peace ought to prepare for war. Do not leavethis great nation at the mercy of foreigners: be on your guard againstbeing deceived by your hopes. _There lies the danger. _ In whateversituation I may find myself, I shall always be at ease, if France behappy. I recommend my son to France. I hope it will not forget, that Iabdicated only for him. I have made this great sacrifice also for thegood of the nation; it is only with my dynasty, that it can expect tobe free, happy, and independent. "

The Emperor delivered this answer in such a noble and affecting tone, that all present were deeply moved, and M. Lanjuinais himself couldnot refrain from tears. 

Count Regnault was congratulating himself on being the firstinterpreter of the sentiments and gratitude of the nation; when theEmperor interrupted him: "Since this deliberation is your work, " saidhe to him, "you ought to have remembered, that the title of Emperor isnever lost[65]:" and he turned his back upon him. 

 [Footnote 65: The title of Emperor had not been given him in this deliberation. He had been called merely Napoleon Bonaparte. ]

The chamber of peers hastened, to follow the example of the deputies. The Emperor received it with kindness, and recommended to it, not toforget that he had abdicated only in favour of his son. 

The abdication of Napoleon gave free scope to the politicalspeculations of the representatives every one of them thought himselfcalled upon, to give the state a government and a head. 

The republicans, still the dupes of their own illusions, flatteredthemselves with the hope of introducing a federal government intoFrance. 

The Bonapartists, confident in the wishes of the nation, and thepromises of foreign powers, reckoned on decreeing the crown toNapoleon II. , and the regency to Maria Louisa. 

The partisans of the Duke of Orleans, in whose ranks were found themost distinguished personages and the ablest orators of the assembly, secretly flattered themselves with seating on the throne the son ofkings and of the republic. 

Some of the deputies, seduced by the brilliant reputation of the one, or by the valour and family connexions of the other, inclined for thePrince of Sweden, or the Prince of Orange. . . . In a word, they wouldhave any body, except the legitimate sovereign. 

A small number of the deputies only remained neutral. Free fromambition and personal interest, attentive to their country alone, theythought of availing themselves of the passing events, only to turnthem to the advantage of liberty and the nation. 

The parties, that thus divided the chamber, were not slow in enteringon their career. 

M. Dupin, too skilful to manifest directly the intention of notacknowledging Napoleon II. , and declaring the throne vacant, took acircuitous course. He proposed to the chamber, to form itself into anational assembly to send ambassadors to negotiate for peace; to forman executive committee, selected from the members of the two chambers;and to give it in charge to another committee, to prepare the plan ofthe new constitution, and to settle the conditions, on which thethrone might be filled by the prince, whom the people should choose. 

M. Scipio Morgues, though not sitting under the same banners with M. Dupin, took up the proposition; and, carrying it still farther, moved, that the chamber should form itself into a constituent assembly: thatthe government of the state should be entrusted provisionally to theministers, who should act in conjunction with a committee of fivemembers belonging to the chamber, with the president at theirhead[66]; and that the throne should be declared vacant, till the willof the people was known: so that the sovereign people would have hadthe power of changing the established form of government, andrendering France a republic, or a monarchy, as they pleased. 

 [Footnote 66: The chamber of peers was of course thus annihilated, and excluded from any share in the government. ]

M. Regnault represented, that either of these propositions would tendto throw the state into the labyrinth of a complete disorganization;that they could not be adopted, without announcing to the foreignpowers, that there was no established order of things in France, noacknowledged rights, no fixed principles, no basis for a government:yet, soon falling himself into the error of his opponents, heproposed, 1st, to name, instead of the council of regency, prescribedby the fundamental laws, to which he had just referred, an executivecommittee of five members, two from the chamber of peers, and threefrom that of deputies, who should exercise the functions of governmentprovisionally. 

2dly. In order not to disturb the unity of power, to leave to thiscommittee the choice and direction of the commissioners, to be sent tonegotiate with the allies. 

In times of doubt and fear, a middle course is always most agreeableto the majority; and the majority of the chamber adopted the sort ofconduct proposed by M. Regnier, without perceiving its inconsistency:for, to elude the acknowledgment of the Emperor Napoleon II. Was todeclare to foreigners, _what it had been desirous of avoiding_, thatthere were no established rights in France, and that the throne andeven the government were vacant. 

In the existing state of things there were only two courses to bepursued: either to proclaim Napoleon II. Constitutionally, as itsessence, its duty, its interest, prescribed:

Or, if, from a cowardly condescension, it would not decide any thingwithout the assent of the allies, to unite the two chambers into anational assembly, and wait the course of events. In this case itwould not have placed the fate of the revolution of the 20th of Marchin the hands of five individuals; it would have acquired an imposingand national character, which would have given to its acts, itsnegotiations, and even its resistance, a degree of strength anddignity, that the unusual kind of government, to which it had justgiven birth, could never obtain. 

The resolution taken by the representatives was immediately carried tothe chamber of peers. 

Prince Lucien was the first who rose to combat it. He eloquentlyexposed the principles, on which hereditary monarchies are founded. Heinvoked the constitution, the solemn oaths taken in the _Champ deMai_, and conjured the peers, the faithful guardians of the fealtysworn, and of the constituent laws of the monarchy, to reject thisunconstitutional resolution, and proclaim Napoleon II. Emperor of theFrench. 

M. De Pontécoulant strongly resisted this proposal; declaring, that henever would consent to acknowledge as sovereign a Prince not inFrance, and a captive as regent. "Besides, " added he, "by what rightdoes the Prince of Cannino come to speak within these walls? is he aFrenchman?"

"If I be not a Frenchman in your eyes, " exclaimed Prince Lucien, "I amin the eyes of the whole nation. "

Labedoyère darted rapidly to the tribune. "I have seen, " said he, "round the throne of the prosperous sovereign, men, who now shun it, because he is in adversity. They are at this moment ready to receiveany prince, that foreigners may think proper to impose on them. But, if they reject Napoleon II. , the Emperor ought to have recourse to hissword, and to those brave men, who, covered as they are with blood andscars, still cry 'Long live the Emperor!' It was, in favour of hisson, that he abdicated: his abdication is void, if Napoleon II. Be notacknowledged. Shall French blood have been spilt again, only to makeus pass a second time under a foreign yoke? to bow the head beneath adegraded government? to see our brave warriors drink the cup ofbitterness and humiliation, and deprived of the rewards due to theirservices, their wounds, their glory? There are still here perhapsgenerals, " turning his eyes toward Marshal Ney, "who meditate newtreasons; but woe to all traitors: may they be devoted to infamy! maytheir houses be rased, their families proscribed!" At these words themost lively expressions of displeasure burst out in the assembly. Labedoyère, interrupted, impiously exclaimed: "_Great God!_ is it thendecreed, that the voices of baseness alone shall be heard within thesewalls?"

This exclamation excited fresh murmurs. "We have already a foreignwar, " said M. Boissy d'Anglas: "must we have a civil war also?Unquestionably the Emperor has made the greatest of sacrifices to ourcountry, but the proposal, to proclaim Napoleon II. Is unseasonableand impolitic. I move the order of the day. "

Messrs. De Ségur, de Flahaut, and Roederer, opposed this, andstrenuously maintained the rights of Napoleon II. "If the Emperor hadbeen killed, " said they, "his son would succeed him as a matter ofright. He is politically deceased why should not his son succeed him?The monarchy is composed of three branches: one of these branches isdead; it must be replaced. We are strong only within the sphere of ourduties: let us not step out of the constitution, let us not give theforeign powers a right to say to us, you are no longer any thing! Theyhave declared, that Napoleon alone was the obstacle to a peace: let usput their good faith to the test. It is besides as advantageous, as itis just and politic, to acknowledge Napoleon II. , and to govern in hisname. Look at the soldiers, look at the people of Alsace, FrancheComté, Lorraine, Burgundy, and Champagne, for whom, and in whose name, have they lavished their generous blood? At home, the acknowledgmentof Napoleon II. Would justify the nation and the army; abroad it wouldreconcile us to Austria. Could the Emperor view us with the eyes of anenemy, when we had adopted for our sovereign a child of his ownblood?"

"The 67th article of the constitution, " said M. Thibaudeau, "is stillthe law of the two chambers: neither the chamber, nor the nation, northe provisional government we shall form, thinks of bringing back thegovernment, under which we groaned a whole year; but the proposal foracknowledging Napoleon II. Cannot be discussed at the present moment. Let us leave things as they are, and adopt the resolution of thechamber of deputies, _without prejudging any thing in regard to theentirety of the abdication of Napoleon_. "

The chamber, delighted at having discovered a method of preserving therights of Napoleon, without placing itself in manifest opposition tothe representatives, adopted this suggestion, and proceededimmediately to the nomination of the two members to the committee ofgovernment. 

The Duke of Vicenza and Baron Quinette had the suffrages in theirfavour. 

M. Carnot, the Duke of Otranto, and General Grenier, were at the sametime chosen by the other chamber. 

The committee of government immediately entered on its functions underthe presidency of the Duke of Otranto. 

Though the question of the entirety of the abdication remaineduntouched upon, the Emperor nevertheless considered the creation of acommittee of government as a manifest violation of its conditions. Hereproached the ministers of state, and particularly M. Regnault, withnot having maintained the rights of his son: and made them sensible, that it was incumbent on them, as they regarded their honour andduty, to oblige the chambers to declare themselves. "I have notabdicated, " said he, "in favour of a new directory. I abdicated infavour of my son. If they do not proclaim him, my abdication must benull, and not made. The chambers well know, that the people, the army, public opinion, desire it, will it; but the foreigners check them. Itis not by presenting themselves before the allies with their earshanging down, and their knee on the ground, that they will compel themto acknowledge the independence of the nation. Had they been sensibleof their situation, they would spontaneously have proclaimed NapoleonII. The foreign powers would then have seen, that you know how to havebut one will, one object, one rallying point: they would have seen, that the 20th of March was not a party affair, the attempt of afaction; but the result of the attachment of the French to me and tomy dynasty. The unanimity of the nation would have had more effectupon them, than all your mean and degrading deference. "

The effect produced by the sitting of the chamber of peers, in spiteof the pains taken to misrepresent it, roused the attention of theDuke of Otranto, and of the Anti-Napoleon faction, of which he wasbecome the director and the head. 

On the other hand the army of Marshal Grouchy, which was supposed tobe destroyed, had just re-entered France[67]. Prince Jerome, MarshalSoult, Generals Morand, Colbert, Poret, Petit, and a number of otherofficers, whom I regret not being able to name, had succeeded inrallying the wreck of Mont St. Jean; and the army already formed abody of fifty or sixty thousand men, whose sentiments in favour of theEmperor had undergone no alteration. 

 [Footnote 67: Conformably to the orders given him, Marshal Grouchy had confined himself on the 17th, to observing the Prussians: but this he had not done with the ardour and sagacity, that might have been expected of such a consummate general of horse. The timidity, with which he followed them, no doubt inspired them with the idea, that they might fall on the Emperor's rear with impunity. 

 On the 18th, at nine in the morning only, he quitted his cantonments to march to Wavres: when he reached Walhain, he heard the cannonading at Mont St. Jean. Its continually increasing briskness left no doubt, that it was an extremely serious affair. General Excelmans proposed, to march to the guns by the right bank of the Dyle. "Do you not feel, " said he to the marshal, "that the firing makes the ground tremble under our feet? let us march straight to the spot where they are fighting. " This advice, had it been followed up, would have saved the army: but it was not. The marshal slowly continued his movements: at two o'clock he arrived before Wavres. The corps of General Vandamme and that of Gérard endeavoured to open a passage, and wasted time and men to no purpose. At seven o'clock he received, according to his own declaration, the order from the major-general, to march to St. Lambert and attack Bulow; which step ought to have been suggested to him before that time by the tremendous cannonading at Waterloo, and by the order _given in the first despatch received in the morning_, to draw near to the grand army, and place himself in a situation to co-operate with it. He did so then. He crossed the Dyle at the bridge of Limale, and made himself master of the heights, without meeting any resistance; but night being come, he halted. 

 At three in the morning General Thielman attempted, to drive our troops back across the Dyle: but he was victoriously repulsed. The division of Teste, the cavalry of General Pajol, obliged him to evacuate Bielge and Wavres. The whole of the corps of Vandamme crossed the Dyle, took Rosieren, and became master of the road from Wavres to Brussels. 

 Marshal Grouchy, though the Emperor had recommended to him, to keep open the communications, and to send him frequent accounts of himself, had given himself no concern about what was passing at Mont St. Jean; and was preparing blindly to pursue his own movements, when an aide-de camp of General Gressot came to announce to him (this was at noon) the disasters of the preceding day. The marshal was then sensible, but too late, of the horrible fault he had committed in remaining unconcerned on the right bank of the Dyle. He effected his retreat, in two columns, by Temploux and Namur. 

 On the 20th in the morning, his rear-guard was attacked, and thrown into disorder. The division of Teste, the cavalry of Excelmans, extricated it from its confusion. The 20th of dragoons, and its worthy colonel, the young Briqueville, retook from the enemy two pieces of artillery, which they had captured. General Clary and his hussars cut down the horse; and the army reached Namur in tranquillity. The indefatigable division of General Teste was appointed to defend this town; and it maintained its post gloriously, till our wounded and baggage had evacuated it, and our troops were in safety on the heights of Dinan and Bouvine. 

 On the 22d the whole of the army was assembled at Rocroi. On the 24th it formed a junction with the wreck of Mont St, Jean, which the Emperor had ordered, to bend its course towards Rheims. On the 25th it marched for the capital. During its retreat, it was exposed to the exasperated attacks of the Prussians. It repulsed them all with firmness and vigour. The noble desire of repairing the involuntary evil, that it had done us at Mont St. Jean, inflamed the minds of the soldiers with the most spirited ardour; and perhaps this army of brave fellows would have changed the fate of France under the walls of Paris, had not the inspirations of its patriotism, and generous despair, been repressed or betrayed. ]

The Duke of Otranto and his party then perceived the necessity ofkeeping terms with Napoleon and in a secret conference, which tookplace at the house of the minister of police, and at which M. Manueland the deputies of most weight in the party of the Duke of Otrantowere present, it was confessed, that it appeared neither prudent norpossible, to prevent the acknowledgment of Napoleon II. ; and that theywould exert themselves merely to retain the authority in the hands ofthe committee. 

The next day, as had been foreseen, Count Defermont, dexterouslyavailing himself of a debate on the oath to be taken by the committee, asked the assembly, in whose name the committee was to act? how thetitles of its acts should run? and, in fine, whether Napoleon II. Were, or were not, Emperor of the French? (_Yes, yes, yes!_) "Theabdication of Napoleon I. Calls to the succession him, " said he, "whoin the order established by the constitution is designated beforehandas his heir. " (Here a single voice called out, _The order of theday!_) "On this fundamental point the slightest hesitation cannotexist. If it did exist, it would be our duty, to put an end to it. Wemust not allow people, to go and persuade the national guard of Paris, or the armies, that we are waiting for Louis XVIII. , and that we allshare the same sentiment. " (_A great majority of the members rose, andexclaimed, "Long live Napoleon II. !" These shouts were repeated withtransport by the tribunes, and by the officers of the line and of thenational guard, who were at the entrance of the hall. _)

"It must frankly be confessed, " said another member, M. Boulay de laMeurthe, "that doubts have been started: some newspaper writers havegone so far as to say, that the throne is vacant. Were such ourmisfortune, this assembly, and our liberties, would be at an end. Infact, what should we be? By what mandate are we here? We exist onlythrough the constitution. . . . It is the same constitution, thatproclaims Napoleon II. Emperor. His father has abdicated: you haveaccepted his abdication without restriction the contract is formed, Napoleon II. Is Emperor by the course of events. " (_Yes, yes! we oughtnot even to deliberate. _) "Besides, the Emperor gave his abdicationonly under the express condition (_murmurs_). . . . These murmurs do notterrify me: I have long made the sacrifice of my life. I will speakthe whole truth in presence of the nation. There exists a faction, that would persuade us we have declared the throne vacant, in the hopeof filling up this vacancy immediately by the Bourbons. (_No, no!never, never!_) This faction is that of the Duke of Orleans. It hasseduced some patriots, not too clear-sighted, who do not perceive, that the Duke of Orleans would accept the throne only to resign it toLouis XVIII. The assembly must speak out, and instantly declare, thatit acknowledges Napoleon II. As Emperor of the French. "

Count Regnault spoke to the same purpose; but threw cold water on thedebate, by unskilfully introducing the mention of the foreign powers, and asking in whose name the army was to fight. 

The members of the opposition, who had hitherto confined themselves toa few murmurs, and calling for the order of the day, now began tospeak. M. Dupin first endeavoured to prove, that the safety of thecountry was the first thing to be considered. "Why, " said heafterward, "has the Emperor abdicated? Because he felt, that it was nolonger in his power, to save France. Now, I ask you, if Napoleon I. Could not save the state, how can Napoleon II. Save it? Besides, arenot this prince and his mother captives? Have you any hope, that theywill be restored to you?

"What have been our ideas? We have wished, instead of a name, whichour enemies object to us, as the sole motive of the war, to bringforward the French nation. Yes, it is in the name of the nation, thatwe would fight, and that we would treat. It is from the nation weawait the choice of a sovereign. The nation precedes all governments, and survives them all. "

"Why do you not propose a republic?" a single voice exclaimed. 

Numerous and violent murmurs had often interrupted M. Dupin. M. Manuel, more adroit, felt the necessity of being also more temperate. He appeared at first uncertain on the determination it would be properto take; and, after having brought all the parties on the stage, andplaced in the balance the hopes and fears, with which each mightinspire the nation, he exclaimed: "But is it an individual, then, isit a family, that is in question? No; it is our country. Why should wedeprive ourselves of the means of saving it? Already we have made onegreat stride[68]: but do we know, whether it will be great enough, whether it will be sufficiently complete, to obtain from it theresults we wish? Let us leave it to time to act. In accepting theabdication of Napoleon, you accepted the condition it carries with it;and we ought to acknowledge Napoleon II. , since the forms of theconstitution require it: but, in conforming to them in this respect, it is impossible for us not to deviate from them, when the object isto secure our independence; and it is to attain this object, that youhave thought proper, to place authority in the hands of men, whoparticularly possess your confidence; in order that this or thatprince, appointed by the laws the guardian of the sovereign during aminority, may not claim his rights, and become the arbiter of the fateof France. 

 [Footnote 68: That of forcing Napoleon to abdicate. ]

"I move, therefore, the order of the day, for the following reasons:1st, that Napoleon II. Is become Emperor of the French, by the fact ofthe abdication of Napoleon I. , and by virtue of the constitution ofthe empire. 

"2dly, That the two chambers have willed and intended, by naming acommittee of government, to secure to the nation the guarantees itrequires, under the extraordinary circumstances, in which it isplaced, to preserve its liberty and tranquillity. "

This specious proposal seduced the assembly. It was adopted amid themost vociferous acclamations, and shouts of "Long live Napoleon II. " athousand times repeated; without its suspecting, that this order ofthe day, which appeared to it so decisive, signified nothing, exceptthat it proclaimed Napoleon II. Because the constitution required it;but that it declared, at the same time, that it was merely a matter ofform, and that it would be ready to give it up, when the provisionalgovernment should deem it necessary. 

This was the second time of the chamber's being the dupe of itseagerness: yet it reckoned among its members men of great judgment andtalents; but the greater number, and it is the majority always thatgives the law, never having had a seat in our assemblies, allowedthemselves to be subjugated by the illusions of eloquence, and with somuch the more facility, because there existed in the assembly no fixednotion, no paramount will, that might serve it as a beacon and guide. 

The provisional government, influenced by M. Fouché, soon evinced, that it had caught the true sense of M. Manuel's proposal. Two daysafter, its acts were issued in the name of the French people. Thisinsult to the sincerity of the chamber, and to the sovereign it hadacknowledged, excited its astonishment, and its complaints. Thecapital and the patriots murmured. The president of the government wassummoned, to explain and justify this strange proceeding. He answered:"That it had never been the intention of the committee, to disavowNapoleon II. ; but this prince not having been yet acknowledged assovereign of France by any of the foreign powers, they could not treatwith them in his name; and the committee had thought it its duty, toact provisionally in the name of the French people, in order todeprive the enemy of every pretext for refusing to admit thenegotiation. "

This explanation, strengthened by the hacknied support of the potentwords, our country, the public safety, foreign armies, appearedplausible; and no more was said. 

The Emperor himself, stunned by the force and rapidity of the blows, that his enemies inflicted on him, thought no longer of defendinghimself; and seemed to leave to Providence the care of watching overhim and his son. He complained: but his dissatisfaction expired on hislips, and excited in him none of those resolutions, that might havebeen expected from the fire and energy of his character. 

The Duke of Otranto, however, and the deputies who had concurred withhim in pulling down Napoleon from his throne, did not look on hisresidence at the Elyseum without alarm. They dreaded, lest, emboldenedby the daring counsels of Prince Lucien, by the attachment the armyretained for him, by the acclamations of the federates, and citizensof all classes, who assembled daily under the walls of his palace, heshould attempt to renew a second 18th Brumaire. They demanded of thechamber, therefore, by the mouth of M. Duchesne, that the _ex-Emperor_should be desired, in the name of their country, to remove from thecapital. This demand having no effect, recourse was had to othermeans. Endeavours were made to frighten him. Every day officiousadvisers warned him, that attempts were making against his life: andto give more probability to this clumsy scheme, his guard was suddenlyreinforced. Nay, one night, we were roused out of our beds by amessenger from the commandant of Paris, General Hulin, who warned usto be on our guard, as the Elyseum was going to be attacked, &c. Butso great was our contempt for these wretched impositions, we did noteven think it necessary, to mention it to Napoleon; and saw the returnof day, without having lost a single moment's rest. Nothing howevercould have been more easy, than to carry off or assassinate Napoleon. His palace, which ten days before could scarcely contain the bustlingcrowd of ambitious men and courtiers, was now one vast solitude. Allthose men, destitute of faith and honour, whom power attracts, andadversity keeps at a distance, had deserted it. His guard had beenreduced to a few old grenadiers: and a single sentry, scarcely inuniform, watched the gate of that Napoleon, that king of kings, wholately reckoned millions of soldiers under his banners. 

Napoleon himself, however, was aware, that his presence at Paris, and inan imperial palace, might give the allies room to question the sincerityof his abdication, and be detrimental to the re-establishment of peace. He determined, therefore, to remove. 

His private correspondence with the sovereigns, and some originalletters, concealed from their search in 1814, he caused to bedelivered into his own hands. He then directed us to burn thepetitions, letters, and addresses, that had been received since the20th of March. I was employed in this business one day, when Napoleonpassed through the closet. He came up to me, and took a letter I hadin my hand. It was one from the Duke of . . . . He ran it over, and saidto me with a smile: "Don't burn this: keep it for yourself. It will bean excellent recommendation, if you find yourself in anytrouble.  * * * [TN: Missing words in the book] will not fail toswear to those people, that he has maintained his fidelity toward theminviolate; and when he knows, that you have in your hands substantialproof of his having laid himself at my feet, and that I refused bothhim and his services, he will be ready to quarter himself to serveyou, for fear you should blab. " I thought the Emperor was jesting: heperceived it, and resumed: "No, I tell you; don't burn that letter, orany of those from persons of the same description: I give them to youfor your protection. "--"But, Sire, they will accuse me of havingstolen them. "--"If they complain, threaten, that you will print themall as they are, and they will say no more: I know them. "--"Since itis your Majesty's desire, I will keep them. " I did, in fact, set asidea certain number of these letters. After the return of the king, I hadthe complaisance, to restore some of them to the writers. This is notsaid gratuitously: scarcely had their authors, whom I could name, these letters in their possession, when they extolled their pretendedfidelity to the skies; and became the most virulent detractors, bothin their conversation and writing, of all who had embraced or servedthe cause of the 20th of March. 

On the 25th, at noon, Napoleon set off for Malmaison. He was receivedthere by the Princess Hortensia. This princess, so odiouslycalumniated, and so worthy of respect, set us an example of courageand resignation. Her situation, and that of Napoleon, must havewounded her to the heart: yet she found sufficient strength of mind, to suppress her sorrows, and console ours. She was attentive to theEmperor, she was attentive to us, with such constant solicitude, suchperfect courteousness, that you would have supposed, she had nothingto think of but the misfortunes of others. If the fate of Napoleon andof France drew from us groans or imprecations, she ran to us; and, restraining her own tears, reminded us with the wisdom of aphilosopher, and the sweetness of an angel, that we should surmountour sorrows and regrets, and submit with docility to the decrees ofProvidence. 

Napoleon was roused by the shock, that his departure from the Elyseumgave him. At Malmaison he recovered his spirit, his activity, hisenergy. Accustomed to see all his wishes, all his enterprises, crownedwith success, he had not learned, to contend against the suddenattacks of misfortune; and, notwithstanding the firmness of hischaracter, they threw him occasionally into a state of irresolution, during which a thousand thoughts, a thousand designs, jostled eachother in his mind, and deprived him of the possibility of coming toany decision. But this moral catalepsy was not the effect of acowardly dejection, as has been asserted. His great mind remainederect amid the temporary numbness of his faculties; and Napoleon, whenhe awoke, was but so much the more terrible, and the more formidable. 

A few minutes after his arrival, he was desirous of addressing oncemore his old companions in arms, and expressing to them for the lasttime his sentiments and regrets. The affection he bore them, and hisdespair at being unable to avenge at their head the affront receivedat Mont St. Jean, made him forget in his first sketch of aproclamation, that he had broken with his own hands his sceptre andhis sword. He soon perceived, that the impassioned style, in which headdressed his army, was not such, as his abdication imposed on him:and accordingly he substituted the following address in the place ofthe too animated effusions of his heart. 

"_Napoleon to the brave Soldiers of the Army before Paris. _

 "Malmaison, June the 25th, 1815. 

"Soldiers, "While I yield to the necessity, that compels me to retire from thebrave French army, I carry with me the pleasing certainty, that itwill justify, by the eminent services its country expects from it, those praises, which our enemies themselves cannot refuse it. 

"Soldiers, though absent, I shall mark your steps. I know all thecorps; and no one of them can obtain a signal advantage over theenemy, without my doing justice to the courage it displays. Both youand I have been calumniated. Men not worthy to judge of your actionshave seen, in the proofs of attachment you have given me, a zeal, ofwhich I was the sole object: let your future successes teach them, that it was your country you served more especially in obeying me; andthat, if I had any share in your affection, I owe it to my ardent lovefor France, our common mother. 

"Soldiers, yet a few efforts, and the coalition is dissolved. Napoleonwill know you by the blows you strike. 

"Save the honour, the independence of France: continue to the end suchas I have known you these twenty years, and you will be invincible. "

The Emperor, who perhaps had intended by this proclamation, to turnthe remembrance and concern of his ancient soldiers toward himself, inquired after the effect it had produced. He was informed, as was thetruth, that it had not been published in the Moniteur, and that thearmy knew nothing of it. He showed no mark of vexation or discontent, and began to talk of the two chambers. 

Since the abdication, the peers and deputies had rivalled each other, in their zeal and endeavours, to put France into a state, to awe itsenemies at home and abroad. 

They had declared the war national, and summoned all Frenchmen totheir common defence. 

They had authorized the government, to make requisitions in kind, forvictualling the army, and the conveyance of subsistence. 

To raise the conscription of 1815. 

To suspend the laws respecting personal liberty; and to arrest, orplace under inspection, every person charged with excitingdisturbances, or conveying intelligence to the enemy. 

In fine, they had voted it an immense credit, for defrayingprovisionally the expense of equipping and paying the army. 

The committee, on its part, took, and executed with indefatigablecare, every measure, that circumstances demanded. Its task, it must beconfessed, was as difficult as perilous. Never was a government placedin similar circumstances. They required, at least in the majority ofits members, great courage, great devotion, great patriotism: theyrequired an heroic disregard of ease, of liberty, of life, to assumethe responsibility incurred by power, and by events, towards thenation, and towards the king. 

The first act of the committee was, to replace in the hands of thePrince of Essling the command in chief of the national guard, whichhad before devolved on the Emperor. The Duke of Otranto was desirousof taking the post of second in command from General Durosnel, whoserectitude was embarrassing to him, in order to bestow it on M. T**, who appeared to him no doubt more tractable. The Duke of Vicenza andM. Carnot opposed this; and it was left with General Durosnel, to thesatisfaction of the national guard, which had already learned how tovalue the excellent character of this officer. 

Marshal Soult not choosing to accept the command, and General Rapphaving resigned his, the committee appointed Marshal Grouchy commanderof the army of the North. 

General Reille was appointed commander of the 1st, 2d, and 6th corps, united into one:

General Drouot commander of the guards:

Marshal Jourdan commander of the army of the Rhine. 

Orders were given in all quarters, to replace the stores of the army, remount the cavalry, march out the dépôts, and oblige the stragglingsoldiers, to return to their colours. 

In fine, the committee, after having had recourse to every possiblemeans of supporting the negotiations, by the simultaneous display ofthe national forces, appointed MM. De la Fayette, de Pontécoulant, dela Forêt, d'Argenson, Sébastiani, and Benjamin Constant, the lastbeing added in the character of secretary, to repair to the alliedsovereigns and their generals, to negotiate a suspension ofhostilities, and treat of peace. 

The day on which these plenipotentiaries departed, M. S*** came tocongratulate Napoleon. "The allies, " answered the Emperor, "are toodeeply interested in imposing the Bourbons on you, to give you my son. My son will reign over France, but his time is not yet arrived. Theinstructions given the deputies, I have been assured, are in favour ofmy dynasty: if this be true, other persons should have been chosen todefend it. La Fayette, Sébastiani, Pontécoulant, and BenjaminConstant, have conspired against me. They are my enemies: and theenemies of the father will never be the friends of the son. Besides, the chambers have not sufficient energy, to display an independentwill: they obey the directions of Fouché. If they had bestowed on mewhat they lavish on him, I would have saved France. My presence aloneat the head of the army would have done more, than all yournegotiations. I would have obtained my son, as the price of myabdication: you will not obtain him. Fouché is not sincere: he hassold himself to the Duke of Orleans. He will make fools of thechambers; the allies will make a fool of him; and you will have LouisXVIII. He thinks himself able, to manage every thing as he pleases;but he is mistaken. He will find, that it requires a hand of adifferent stamp from his, to guide the reins of a nation, particularly when an enemy is in the land. . . . The chamber of peers hasnot done its duty: it has behaved like a chicken. It has sufferedLucien to be insulted, and my son to be dethroned. If it had stoodfirm, it would have had the army on its side: the generals there wouldhave given it to it[69]. Its order of the day has ruined France, andbrought you back the Bourbons, I alone could repair all: but yourparty-leaders will never consent to it: they would rather be swallowedup in the gulf, than join with me to close it. "

 [Footnote 69: Most of the peers held commands in the army. ]

The complaints, the regrets, the menaces, that Napoleon allowedcontinually to escape him, alarmed the promoters of his fall more andmore. In the first moments of their warmth they had displayed someboldness; but after their heads had grown cool, they appearedthemselves to be astonished at their own courage. They turned pale atthe very name of Napoleon and conjured the government night and day, to make him embark as speedily as possible. 

From the very day of his abdication, the Emperor had thought ofseeking an asylum in a foreign country. Accustomed to powerfulemotions, to extraordinary events, he familiarized himself to thisidea without difficulty; and appeared to take a momentary pleasure incalculating the hazards of the present, and the chances of the future;and balancing the fictions of hope against the dangers of reality. 

The Emperor had never confounded the English nation with the politicalsystem of its government. He considered the heart of a Briton as theinviolable sanctuary of honour, generosity, and all the public andprivate virtues, that stamp on man loftiness and dignity. This highopinion prevailed in his mind over the fears, with which the knownprinciples and sentiments of the cabinet of London could not fail toinspire him: and his first intention was, to retire to England, andthere place himself under the protection of hospitality and the laws. He opened his mind to the Dukes of Bassano and Vicenza. The former didnot appear to relish this determination. The latter, withoutcondemning of approving it, advised him, if he persisted in takingthis step, to go on board a smuggling vessel; and, as soon as helanded, to present himself to the magistrate of the place, anddeclare, that he came with confidence to invoke the protection of theEnglish nation. Napoleon appeared, to relish this advice; but thecounsels of other persons induced him, to incline to the UnitedStates. He then sent to the minister of marine for an account of theAmerican vessels, that were in our ports. The minister sent it to himimmediately. "Take notice, Sire, " he wrote, "of the vessel at Havre. Her captain is in my antechamber; his postchaise at my door. He isready to depart. I will answer for him. To-morrow, if you please, youmay be out of the reach of your enemies. "

M. De Vicenza pressed the Emperor, to avail himself of thisopportunity. "I am well aware, " answered the Emperor, "that there arepeople, who wish me already gone; who want to get rid of me, and tohave me taken prisoner. " The duke gave signs of surprise and reproach. "Ah! Caulincourt, it is not you I am speaking of. " The Duke of Vicenzareplied, that his advice came from his heart; and that he had no othermotive, than to see him safe from the dangers, with which he wasthreatened by the approach of the allies. --The Emperor stopped him. "What have I to fear? I have abdicated; _it is the business of Franceto protect me!_"

Several Americans, who were at Paris, wrote of their own accord toNapoleon, to offer him their services, and assure him, in the name oftheir fellow-citizens, that he would be received at Washington withthe sentiments of respect, admiration, and devotion, that were hisdue. Napoleon refused their offers. Not that he had any intention ofwithdrawing himself from the effects of his abdication: but he hadchanged his opinion; and considered, that it was his duty, not to quitthe country, unless it were exacted of him, till it was no longer indanger. 

The government, however, yielding to the continual importunities ofthe deputies, and of M. Fouché, caused it to be hinted to him, that itwas proper he should come to some decision. The Emperor then declared, that he was ready to repair with his family to the United States; andthat he would embark, as soon as two frigates were placed at hisdisposal. The minister of marine was immediately authorized, to fitout these two frigates. Baron Bignon received orders, to demand fromLord Wellington the necessary passports and safeconducts: but thecommittee, under pretence of not exposing the _frigates_ to fall intothe enemy's hands, decreed, that they should not put to sea, till thesafeconducts were arrived: a singular condition, that cannot beexplained honourably but by the supposition, that the government wasnot desirous at bottom of letting Napoleon depart; no doubtconsidering his presence in France as a circumstance, that wouldrender the allies more docile, and less exacting. 

The promise made by the Emperor, and the measures taken to ensure hisdeparture, were not sufficient, to quiet the apprehensions of hisenemies. They were afraid, that he would avail himself of the delay, which must take place before the safeconducts could arrive, to seizeon the sovereign authority by main force. Accordingly, they returnedto the charge; and the government, to put an end to their importunatefears, and answer by anticipation the objections of the foreignpowers, consented to appoint a guardian to the late head of the state. General Count Beker, a member of the chamber of deputies, was namedcommander of the Emperor's guard; and, under this pretext, directed, to repair to Malmaison, "to watch over the preservation(_conservation_) of the person of Napoleon, and the respect due tohim; and to prevent ill-disposed persons from making use of his name, to excite disturbances[70]. "

 [Footnote 70: These are the literal terms of General Beker's commission. ]

When the general made his appearance at Malmaison, it was supposed, that he came to arrest Napoleon. An exclamation of sorrow escaped fromevery heart. Gourgaud and some other officers swore, that no oneshould lay a sacrilegious hand off the Emperor. I ran to informNapoleon of what was passing. He came out of his closet, and appearedto our eyes

 Avec cet air serein, ce front majestueux, Tels que dans les combats, maître de son courage, Tranquille, il arrêtait ou pressait le carnage[71]. 

 [Footnote 71: With air majestic, and with brow serene, As, master of his fire, amid the fray, He coolly urges, or restrains the sword. ]

The Emperor ordered us, to respect the person and mission of GeneralBeker, and let him know, that he might appear without scruple, andwithout fear. But this officer had already explained the purpose ofhis journey; and a person came to inform the Emperor, that the objectof his mission was, not to arrest him, but to watch over the safety ofhis person, placed under the protection of the national honour[72]. 

 [Footnote 72: I am eager here to pay the general the homage he merits. He knew perfectly well, how to reconcile his duty with the attentions and respect, that were due to Napoleon, and to his misfortune. ]

This declaration deceived no one. It grieved us profoundly. ThePrincess Hortensia's heart was torn by it. "O, my God!" said she, sorrowfully lifting her eyes to Heaven; "was I born, to see theEmperor a prisoner to the French in Malmaison?"

M. Fouché and his followers did not stop at this first precautionarystep; and, to deprive the Emperor of the means "of forming plots, "they took from him in succession, under one pretence or other, most ofthe officers, on whose attachment he could depend. Some were sent forto be about the government, others received missions or commands. Allwere spoken to in the sacred name of their country, and all obeyed. Itoo was not forgotten and I received orders, as well as my colleague, Baron Fain, to repair to Paris. I informed the Emperor of it. "Go, "said he: "you have my consent. You will know what passes there, andwill acquaint me with it. I am sorry, that we did not think of sendingyou in the suite of the plenipotentiaries: you would have remindedMetternich of what was said at Bâle: you would have informed him, thatFouché is labouring for the Duke of Orleans, &c. &c. Perhaps it maynot yet be too late. See Caulincourt from me, and tell him, to giveyou some mission. "

As soon as I arrived at the Tuileries, I expressed to the president ofthe committee, and to M. De Vicence, a wish to make part of theembassy. I reminded them of the proposals of M. Werner, &c. &c. M. DeVicence thought, that my services might be very useful. The Duke ofOtranto answered me, that I must give up all thoughts of that; andnothing more was said about it. 

Thus Napoleon remained at Malmaison almost alone[73]; and thereretired, as Achilles to his tent, he was cursing his state ofidleness, when the minister of marine came to announce to him, in thename of the government, that the enemy was at Compiègne; that thecommittee, apprehensive for his safety, dispensed with his waiting forthe safeconducts, and requested him to depart incognito. The Emperorpromised to depart: but, when he heard at a distance the first reportof a cannon, his whole body thrilled, and he lamented in a tone ofdespair, that he was condemned to remain far from the field of battle. He ordered General Beker to be called: "The enemy is at Compiègne; atSenlis!" said he to him: "to-morrow he will be at the gates of Paris. I cannot conceive the blindness of the government. A man must be mad, or a traitor to his country, to question the bad faith of the foreignpowers. These people understand nothing of affairs. " General Bekermade a motion with his head, which Napoleon took for a sign ofapprobation, and he went on: "All is lost: is it not so? In this case, let them make me general; I will command the array; I will immediatelydemand this (_speaking in an authoritative tone_): General, you shallcarry my letter; set off immediately a carriage is ready for you. Explain to them, that it is not my intention, to seize again thesovereign power: that I will fight the enemy, beat them, and compelthem by victory, to give a favourable turn to the negotiations: thatafterward, this great point obtained, I will pursue my journey. Go, general, I depend on you; you shall quit me no more. "

 [Footnote 73: His court, formerly so numerous, was now customarily composed only of the Duke of Bassano, Count Lavalette, General Flahaut, and the persons who were to go with him, as the following orderly officers, General Gourgaud, Counts Montholon and de Lascases, and the Duke of Rovigo. The attachment, that induced the latter to attend Napoleon, was so much the more to his honour, as Napoleon, when he returned from the island of Elba, reproached him very harshly with having neglected him. He passes however in the opinion of the public, though very erroneously, for being one of the contrivers of the 20th of March: but he had always to complain of the public opinion. It imputes to him a number of wicked actions, in which he had really no share, and which he frequently indeed had endeavoured to prevent. The Emperor employed him on all occasions; because he found him possessed of a bold and clear judgment, an acute understanding, and great skill in perceiving the consequences of a thing, and acting with spirit. Unfavourable suspicions have been thrown on the motives, that induced Napoleon, to entrust to him the administrations of the police: but he was called to this important office solely because the Emperor had experience of the infidelity of the Duke of Otranto, who deserted him on all occasions of difficulty; and wished to supply his place by a man of tried attachment, a man who, unconnected with the revolution, and having no party to keep terms with, could serve him alone, and do his duty without tergiversation. ]

General Beker, overcome by the ascendancy of his prisoner, set offimmediately. The letter, the former part of which I am sorry I cannotwarrant to be exact, was in substance as follows:

"_To the Committee of Government. _

"In abdicating the sovereign authority, I did not renounce the noblestright of a citizen, the right of defending my country. 

"The approach of the enemy to the capital leaves no doubt of theirintentions, of their bad faith. 

"Under these weighty circumstances, I offer my services as general, still considering myself as the first soldier of my country. "

The Duke of Otranto read this letter aloud, and exclaimed: "Is he_laughing_ at us?"

M. Carnot appeared to be of opinion, that the Emperor should bereplaced at the head of the army. 

The Duke of Otranto replied, that the Emperor no doubt had spared thecommittee this trouble; that he had probably _stolen away_, the momentGeneral Beker departed; and was already haranguing the soldiers, andreviewing them. 

General Beker pledged himself, that Napoleon would await his return. 

The president of the committee observed then, that the recall ofNapoleon would destroy for ever all hope of conciliation: that theenemy, indignant at our Punic faith, would no longer grant us eithertruce or quarter: that the character of Napoleon would not allow anyconfidence, to be placed in his promises; and that, if he should meetwith any success, he would re-ascend the throne, and bury himselfunder its ruins, rather than descend from it a second time, &c. 

These observations united all their suffrages, and the members of thecommittee answered the Emperor, "That their duty toward their country, and the engagements the plenipotentiaries had entered into with theforeign powers, did not permit them, to accept his offer. " Theyappointed M. Carnot, to go to Malmaison; explain to the Emperor hissituation, and that of France; and conjure him, to spare thosecalamities, that he appeared desirous of bringing upon France and uponhimself. 

The proposal of Napoleon was soon known all over Paris. It was firstreported, that he had wished, to resume the command; and at last, thathe had resumed it. In fact, immediately after the departure of GeneralBeker, Napoleon ordered his chargers to be saddled; and for threehours it was supposed, that he was going to the army. But he had nothought of basely availing himself of the absence of his guardian, tomake his escape. Such an idea was beneath a man, who had come toattack and invade a kingdom with eight hundred soldiers. 

General Beker returned to Malmaison. The Emperor snatched the answerof the committee, ran it hastily through, and exclaimed: "I was sureof it; these people have no energy. Well, general, since it is so, letus be gone, let us be gone. " He ordered M. De Flahaut to be called;and directed him, to go to Paris immediately, and concert measures forhis departure and embarkation with the members of the committee. 

The Prince of Eckmuhl was at the Tuileries when M. De Flahaut made hisappearance there. In the mission of this general he saw nothing but asubterfuge of the Emperor, to defer his departure. "This Bonaparte ofyours, " said he to him in a tone of anger and contempt, "will notdepart: but we must get rid of him: his presence hampers us, istroublesome to us; it is injurious to the success of our negotiations. If he hope, that we shall take him again, he deceives himself: we willhave nothing more to do with him. Tell him from me, that he must go;and if he do not depart instantly, I will have him arrested, _I willarrest him myself_. " M. De Flahaut, burning with indignation, answered: "I could not have believed, M. Marshal, that a man, who wasat the knees of Napoleon but a week ago, could to-day hold suchlanguage. I have too much respect for myself, I have too much respectfor the person and misfortunes of the Emperor, to report to him yourwords; go yourself, M. Marshal, it will befit you better thanme. "--The Prince of Eckmuhl, irritated at this, reminded him, that hewas speaking to the minister at war, to the general in chief of thearmy: and enjoined him, to repair to Fontainebleau, where he shouldreceive his orders. --"No, sir, " replied Count de Flahaut briskly, "Iwill not go; I will not abandon the Emperor I will preserve to thelast moment that fidelity to him, which so many others havesworn. "--"I will have you punished for your disobedience. "--"You haveno longer the right to do so. From this moment I give in myresignation. I can no longer serve under your orders, withoutdisgracing my epaulettes. "

He went away. The Emperor perceived on his return, that something hadcut him to the heart. He questioned him; and at length brought him toconfess all that had passed. Accustomed since his abdication, to besurprised at nothing, and to endure every thing without complaint, Napoleon appeared neither astonished nor displeased at the insults ofhis former minister. "Let him come, " answered he coolly: "_I am ready, if he desire it, to hold out my throat to him. _ Your conduct, my dearFlahaut, touches me; but your country wants you: remain in the army, and forget, like me, the Prince of Eckmuhl and his dastardly menaces. "

History, more rigid, will not forget them. Respect for misfortune hasalways been placed in the foremost rank of military virtues. If thewarrior, who insults his disarmed enemy, lose the esteem of the brave, what sentiment should he inspire, who abuses, insults, and threatens, his friend, his benefactor, his prince, when under misfortunes?

In the bosom of faithful friendship the Emperor disburdened his mind ofthe chagrin, that the refusal of his services by the committeeoccasioned him. "Those people, " said he to M. De Bassano, "are blindedby their avidity of enjoying power, and continuing to act the sovereign. They feel, that, if they replaced me at the head of the army, they wouldbe no longer any thing more than my shadow; and they are sacrificing meand their country to their pride, to their vanity. They will ruin everything. " After a few moments silence he added: "But why should I let themreign? I abdicated, to save France, to save the throne of my son. Ifthis throne must be lost, I had rather lose it in the field of battlethan here. I can do nothing better for all of you, for my son, and formyself, than throw myself into the arms of my soldiers. My presencewill electrify the army, will be a clap of thunder to the foreignpowers. They will be aware, that I return to the field, to conquer ordie: and, to get rid of me, they will grant all you ask. If, on thecontrary, you leave me to gnaw my sword here; they will laugh at you, and you will be forced to receive Louis XVIII. _cap in hand_. We mustcome to a close: if your five Emperors will not have me, to save France, I must dispense with their consent. It will be sufficient for me, toshow myself, and Paris and the army will receive me a second time, astheir deliverer. "--"I do not doubt it, Sire, " answered M. De Bassano:"but the chamber will declare against you: perhaps it will even venture, to declare you outlawed. On the other hand, Sire, if fortune should notprove favourable to your efforts; if the army, after performingprodigies of valour, should be overpowered by numbers; what will becomeof France? what will become of your Majesty? The enemy will be justifiedin abusing their victory; and perhaps your Majesty would have toreproach yourself with having caused the ruin of France forever. "--"Come, I see, I must always give way. " The Emperor remained someminutes, without uttering another word. He then said: "You are right: Iought not to take upon myself the responsibility of so great an event. I ought to wait, till the voice of the people, of the soldiers, of thechambers recall me. But how is it, that Paris does not call for me? Donot the people then perceive, that the allies give you no credit for myabdication?"--"Sire, so much uncertainty pervades their minds, that theycannot come to an understanding with each other. If they were fullyconvinced, that it is the intention of the allies, to restore LouisXVIII. , perhaps they would not hesitate to speak out; but they entertainhopes, that the allies will keep their promises. "--"That infamous Fouchédeceives you. The committee suffers itself, to be led by him. It willhave severe reproaches to make itself. There is nobody in it worth anything, except Caulincourt and Carnot: and they are badly fitted withassociates. What can they do with a traitor, a couple of blockheads[74], and two chambers, that do not know what they would be at? You allbelieve, like innocents, the fine promises of the foreign powers. Youbelieve, that they will give you a fowl in the pot, and a prince ofyour own liking, do you not? You deceive yourselves. Alexander, in spiteof his magnanimous sentiments, suffers himself to be influenced by theEnglish: he is afraid of them; and the Emperor of Austria will do, as hedid in 1814, what others think proper. "

 [Footnote 74: This epithet was not an insult in the mouth of Napoleon. He even applied it commonly to his ministers, when they showed any irresolution. ]

This conversation was interrupted by the arrival of Generals P. AndChartran. They had already been refused admittance twice: but thistime they declared, that they would not go away, till they had spokenwith the Emperor. Their business was, to get money from him. GeneralChartran, as fatally inspired as Labedoyère, told him, that he hadruined himself in his service; that the Bourbons were on the point ofreturning; that he should be shot, if he had not money to make hisescape; and that money he must have. Napoleon caused a thousandcrowns, to be given to each; and they went away. The PrincessHortensia, afraid that these illustrious Cossacks should do theEmperor some ill turn, would generously have given them whatever theyasked. I had infinite difficulty in tranquillising her, and making herunderstand, that they had more design on the purse than the person ofNapoleon. 

After they were departed, Napoleon gave me some commands for Paris. Ireturned thither. The moment I entered the Tuileries, the committeehad just been informed, that the enemy, after having beaten ourtroops, was advancing with all speed to Paris. This news rendered thegovernment uneasy; and, as there was no orderly officer then at hand, the Duke of Vicenza requested me, to go and reconnoitre. I set off. Onmy arrival at the entrance of Bourget, I met General Reille with hisarmy. He informed me, that the enemy was following him; but that therewas no reason, to be in fear for the capital. "I know not what ispassing there, " said he to me; "but this very moment the brother of M. De Talleyrand was brought before me. He had with him a false passport, under the name of Petit. I had an inclination, to send him before thecommittee of government: but he declared to me, that he was employedby it on a mission as important as it was urgent; and as, at allevents, one enemy more can do us no injury, I thought it better to lethim pass, than risk the frustrating of his mission by useless delays. "I hastened to return, to calm the anxiety of the government. 

As soon as I was at liberty, I flew to Malmaison. Napoleon, who felthimself obliged by this continual posting, always condescended toreceive me immediately. I gave him an account of every thing, thatcould be interesting to him. I did not omit to inform him, that theenemy was already master of part of the environs of Paris; and that itwas important for him, to be on his guard. "I shall have no fear ofthem to-morrow, " said he to me; "I have promised Decrès to set out, and I will be gone to-night. I am tired of myself, of Paris, ofFrance. Make your preparations, and do not be out of theway. "--"Sire, " answered I, "when I promised yesterday, to attend yourMajesty, I consulted only my attachment; but when I imparted thisresolution to my mother, she conjured me by her gray hairs, not todesert her. Sire, she is seventy-four years old[75]: she is blind; mybrothers have perished in the field of honour; she has only me, mealone in the world, to protect her: and I confess to your Majesty, that I had not the heart to refuse her. "--"You have done well, " saidNapoleon to me, "you owe yourself to your mother: remain with her. Ifat some future time you should be master of your own actions, come tome: you will always be well received. "--"Your Majesty is resolved, then, " I replied, "to depart?"--"What would you have me do herenow?"--"Your Majesty is right: but. . . . "--"But what? would you have meremain?"--"Sire, I confess to your Majesty, I cannot look on yourdeparture without alarm. "--"In fact the path is difficult; but fortuneand a fair wind. . . . "--"Ah, Sire! fortune is no longer in our favour:besides, whither will your Majesty go?"--"I will go to the UnitedStates. They will give me land, or I will buy some, and we willcultivate it. I will end, where mankind began: I will live on theproduce of my fields and my flock. "--"That will be very well, Sire:but do you think, that the English will suffer you, to cultivate yourfields in peace?"--"Why not? what harm could I do them?"--"What harm, Sire! Has your Majesty then forgotten, that you have made Englandtremble? As long as you are alive, Sire, or at least at liberty, shewill dread the effects of your hatred and your genius. You wereperhaps less dangerous to her on the degraded throne of Louis XVIII. , than you would be in the United States. The Americans love and admireyou: you have a great influence over them; and you would perhapsexcite them to enterprises fatal to England. "--"What enterprises? TheEnglish well know, that the Americans would lose their lives to a manin defence of their native soil; but they are not fond of making warabroad. They are not yet arrived at a pitch, to give the English anyserious uneasiness. Some future day perhaps, they will be the avengersof the seas; but this period, which I might have had it in my power toaccelerate, is now at a distance. The Americans advance to greatnessbut slowly. "--"Admitting, that the Americans can give England noserious uneasiness at this moment, your presence in the United Stateswill at least furnish it with an occasion, to stir up Europe againstthem. The combined powers will consider their work as imperfect, tillyou are in their possession; and they will compel the Americans, ifnot to deliver you up, at least to expel you from theirterritory. "--"Well! then I will go to Mexico. I shall there findpatriots, and will put myself at their head. "--"Your Majesty forgets, that they have leaders already: people bring about revolutions forthemselves, not for others; and the chiefs of the independents wouldbe disconcerted by your Majesty's presence, if they did not obligeyou, to seek an asylum elsewhere. . . . "--"Well, I will leave them asthey are; and go to Caracas; if I do not find myself well receivedthere, I will go to Buenos Ayres; I will go to California; in fine, Iwill go from shore to shore, till I meet with an asylum against themalignancy and persecutions of men. "--"Supposing your Majesty to speakseriously, can you reasonably flatter yourself with continuallyescaping the snares and fleets of the English?"--"If I cannot escapethem, they will take me: their government is good for nothing, but thenation is great, noble, generous; they will treat me as I ought to betreated. After all, what would you have me do? Do you wish, that Ishould suffer myself to be taken here like a dolt by Wellington, andgive him the pleasure of parading me in triumph through the streets ofLondon like King John? Since my services are refused, there is but onestep I can take: to depart. The destinies will do the rest. "--"Thereis still another, Sire, if I dared suggest it to you: your Majesty isnot a man to run away. "--"What do you call running away?" saidNapoleon with a proud and angry look: "where do you see me runningaway?"--"I entreat your Majesty not to dwell on that expression. "--"Goon, go on. "--"I think then, Sire, that your Majesty ought not thus toquit France, first, for your safety's sake, next for your honour's. The English are informed, that you have the intention of going to theUnited States; and no doubt our coasts already swarm with theircruisers. This is not all: your Majesty is aware of the hatred andperfidy of the Duke of Otranto: and who can say, whether secret ordershave not been issued, to delay your departure, or retard the progressof the vessels, that you may be taken by the English? I consider itimpossible, therefore, that your Majesty should escape them; or, ifyou should escape, but that you must ultimately fall into their hands, sooner or later. In this dilemma, it is right, at least, to endeavourto fall as nobly as possible. "--"What are you driving at?" saidNapoleon peevishly, thinking I meant to propose suicide to him: "Iknow, I might say, like Hannibal, 'Let us deliver them from the terrormy name inspires:' but suicide is the business only of minds notthoroughly steeled, or of distempered brains. _Whatever my destiny maybe, I will never hasten my end a single moment. _"--"Such is not mymeaning, Sire; and, since your Majesty condescends to listen to me, were I in your place, I would renounce the chimerical hope of findingan asylum in a foreign country; and I would say to the chambers: Iabdicated, in order to disarm our enemies; I learn, that they are notsatisfied; if they must have my liberty, or my life, I am ready, toplace myself in their hands, happy to be able at this price, to saveFrance and my son. How noble it would be, " exclaimed I, "to seeNapoleon the Great, after having laid down the crown placed on hishead by twenty years of victory, offering himself as a sacrifice tothe independence of his country!"--"Yes, yes, " said Napoleon, "thesacrifice would be noble; but a nation of thirty millions of souls, that could suffer it, would be dishonoured for ever. Besides, to whomshall I surrender myself? to Blucher? to Wellington? They have not thepower necessary, to treat with me on such conditions. They would beginwith making me their prisoner; and then would do with me, and withFrance, whatever they took into their heads. "--"I would surrendermyself, Sire, to the Emperor Alexander. "--"To Alexander! you knownothing of those Russians. It would cost the lives of both of us. However, your idea deserves consideration: I will reflect upon it. Before taking a step, that cannot be retracted, it is proper to lookat it twice. The sacrifice of myself would be nothing on my ownaccount; but perhaps it would be lost to France. The faith of anenemy is never to be trusted. See if Maret and Lavalette be here, andsend them to me. "

 [Footnote 75: The uneasiness given her by the terrors of 1815 conducted her to the grave. I hope the reader will pardon me these particulars, and this note. ]

Every thing, that bears the stamp of greatness of mind, seduces andtransports me. I confess, that my imagination was fired at the idea ofNapoleon generously devoting himself for France, and for his son. Butthis remark of Napoleon's, "A nation of thirty millions of men, thatcould suffer such a sacrifice, would be for ever dishonoured, " aremark that I had not foreseen, dissipated the enchantment. Onquitting the closet, I was stopped by the Duke of Rovigo, who said tome: "You have been talking a long while with the Emperor, has anything new passed?"--"No, " answered I; "we have been talking of hisdeparture:" and I gave him an account of our conversation. "Youradvice was noble, " replied he; "but what I gave him was, I think, preferable. It was, to come and fall with us before the walls ofParis. He will not do so; because, in the first place, Fouché will notleave it in his power; and, in the next, because the fear ofendangering every thing has laid hold of him. He will set offto-night. God knows whither we shall go: but no matter, I will followhim. My first object is, to know that he is out of danger. Besides, Iwould rather ramble at a venture with him, than remain here. Fouchéthinks, that he shall get himself out of the scrape: he is mistaken;he will be hanged like the rest, and more richly deserve it. France issunk, lost! I wish I was dead!"

While I was conversing with the Duke of Rovigo, Napoleon wasdiscussing the proposal, which I had ventured to submit to him. Several times he was on the point of adopting it; but still recurredto his prevailing idea, that such a sacrifice was unworthy a greatnation; and that France probably would derive no more advantage fromit, than had been derived from his abdication. All things considered, therefore, Napoleon resolved, to entrust his fate "to fortune and thewinds. " But the committee, advised by a despatch from ourplenipotentiaries, which I shall transcribe farther on, "that theescape of Napoleon, before the conclusion of the negotiations, wouldbe considered by the allies as an act of bad faith on our part, andwould compromise the safety of France, " directed him to be informed, that unforeseen political circumstances compelled it, to subject hisdeparture anew to the arrival of the safeconduct. Thus Napoleon wasobliged to remain. 

I returned to Paris. Here I learned, that the enemy had made immenseprogress; and, according to custom, I was desirous of getting off, toacquaint Napoleon with it. The barriers were strictly closed, and noone could go out without permission. I endeavoured to obtain one. TheDuke of Otranto answered me, that my presence with the cabinet wasnecessary; and ordered me to remain. I knew, that one Chauvin, who wasto go with the Emperor, was setting out for Malmaison. I ran toacquaint him with what was passing; and directed him, to give theinformation to Count Bertrand. At the same moment M. G. D. [76], informed, I know not by what means, that the Prussians designed, tocarry off the Emperor; that Blucher had said, "If I can catchBonaparte, I will hang him up at the head of my army;" and thatWellington had strenuously opposed this cowardly and criminal design, M. G. D. Hastened, to transmit this information to Napoleon; and soonafter found means, by favour of his employment in the national guard, to repair in person to Malmaison. Napoleon made him relate at largeall he knew. When he was acquainted with the position of thePrussians, he laid it down on the map[77], and said with a smile:"Aha! so I have suffered myself in fact to be turned. " He then sent anorderly officer, to see whether the bridges of Bezons and Peck hadbeen broken down. He found, that the latter was not. "I desired it, however: but I am not surprised at it. "

 [Footnote 76: From accounts communicated to me. ]

 [Footnote 77: That is, be marked out the enemy's positions with pins. ]

The Emperor then made some arrangements, to secure himself against asurprise: but these precautions were superfluous; he had found, without calling for it, an inviolable rampart against the enterprisesof his enemies in the devotion of his old companions in arms. Thesoldiers, officers, and generals, posted in the direction ofMalmaison, sent him assurances, that they would watch over him, andwere ready to pour out their blood to the last drop in his defence. One of the commanders of the red lancers of the guard, the young deBrock, rendered himself particularly distinguished by hisindefatigable zeal. 

The schemes of Blucher, and the proximity of our troops to the placewhere the Emperor was detained, gave the committee the most seriousalarms. 

They had at once to fear:

That Napoleon, roused by the sound of arms, and the acclamations ofhis faithful soldiers, would be unable to repress the desire of comingto fight at their head:

That the army, still idolizing its ancient general, would come to tearhim from his state of repose, and oblige him to lead it against theenemy:

Or, lastly, that the enemy would contrive to seize his person bysurprise, or by force. 

The removal of the Emperor to a distance would quiet at once thisstate of anxiety: but the despatch of the plenipotentiaries stood inthe way; and the committee, restrained by the fear of offending theallies, dared not either oblige, or even authorize Napoleon to remove. Meantime the Duke of Wellington informed M. Bignon, "that he had noauthority from his government, to give any answer whatever to thedemand of a passport and safeconduct for Napoleon Bonaparte. " Havingno longer any plausible pretence for detaining him, and unwilling totake on itself the disgrace and responsibility of events, thecommittee no longer hesitated on the path it had to pursue: itdirected the Duke Decrès and Count Boulay, to go immediately to theEmperor (it was half after three in the morning); to inform him, thatLord Wellington had refused the safeconducts; and to notify to himthe injunction, to depart immediately. 

The Emperor received this communication without any emotion, andpromised to be gone in the course of the day. 

Orders were immediately given to General Beker, not to allow him toreturn:

To the prefect of the Lower Charente, to prevent his stay atRochefort, as far as possible:

To the commandant of the marine, not to suffer him to set foot onshore, from the moment he should embark, &c. &c. &c. 

Never was criminal surrounded with precautions more numerous, and atthe same time more useless. 

If Napoleon, instead of yielding to the fear of compromising theindependence and existence of the nation, had wished to revive asecond 20th of March, neither the instructions of General Beker, northe threats of Marshal Davoust, nor the intrigues of M. Fouché, couldhave prevented him: it would have been sufficient for him to make hisappearance. The people, the army, would have received him withenthusiasm and not one of his enemies, the Prince of Eckmuhl at theirhead, would have dared to lift their eyes, and oppose his triumph. 

The moments preceding his departure were exceedingly affecting. Heconversed with the few friends, who had not deserted him, on thegreat vicissitudes of fortune. He deplored the evils, which theirdevotion to his person, and to his dynasty, would accumulate on theirheads; and exhorted them, to oppose their strength of mind, and thepurity of their consciences, to the persecutions of their enemies. Thefate of France, who can doubt it? was also the object of his anxiousand tender solicitude: he put up ardent prayers for its repose, itshappiness, and its prosperity. 

When information was brought him, that all was ready, he pressed thePrincess Hortensia affectionately to his bosom; tenderly embraced hisfriends, melting into tears; and recommended to them a new unity, courage, and resignation. His demeanour was firm, his voice calm, hiscountenance serene: not a complaint, not a reproach, escaped his lips. 

On the 29th of June, at five in the afternoon, he threw himself into acarriage prepared for his suite; and made General Gourgaud, and hisorderly officers, take that intended for himself. His eyes wereseveral times turned towards that last abode, so long the witness ofhis happiness and his power. He thought, no doubt, that he should seeit again no more!

He had demanded, that an advice-boat should be placed under hisorders; and that rear-admiral Violette should have the command of hisconvoy. The committee, which, in all its intercourse with the Emperor, had not ceased to pay him the most respectful attention, readilycomplied with these demands. Admiral Violette being absent, it wasagreed, that the command should be given to the senior captain of thetwo frigates; and the following are the instructions given him. 

"_Instructions for Captain Philibert, commanding the Saale, and Poncé, commanding the Medusa. _

"VERY SECRET. 

"The two frigates are appointed, to carry him, who was lately ourEmperor, to the United States of America. 

"He will embark in the Saale, with such persons of his suite as heshall choose. The rest will embark in the Medusa. 

"The baggage will be distributed between the two frigates agreeably tohis directions. 

"If, previous to sailing, or on the voyage, the Medusa shall be foundto be a swifter sailer than the Saale, he will go on board the Medusa, and captains Philibert and Poncé will exchange their commands. 

"The profoundest secrecy is to be kept respecting the embarkation, which will be conducted under the care of the maritime prefect, aswell as respecting the person on board. 

"Napoleon travels, incognito; and he will make known himself the nameand title, by which he chooses to be called. 

"Immediately after his embarkation, all communication with the shoremust cease. 

"The commanders of the frigates, the officers, and the crews, will beinformed by their own hearts, that it is their duty, to treat himpersonally with all the attention and respect due to his situation, and to the crown he has worn. 

"When on board, the highest honours will be paid him, unless refusedby himself. He will dispose of the interior of the frigates for hisown accommodation, in whatever manner he may deem most convenient, without detriment to their means of defence. His table, and theservice of his person, will be conducted as he shall direct. 

"Every thing that can contribute to his accommodation on the voyagewill be prepared, without regard to the expense; and the prefect hasreceived orders for this purpose. 

"Such provision for himself and suite will be sent on board by theprefect, as is compatible with the profound secrecy to be observedrespecting his abode and his embarkation. 

"When Napoleon has embarked, the frigates will put to sea withinfour-and-twenty hours at farthest, if the wind permit, and the enemy'scruisers do not prevent their sailing. 

"They will not remain in the road twenty-four hours after theembarkation of Napoleon, unless he desire it; for it is of importance, to depart as soon as possible. 

"The frigates will proceed with all possible speed to the UnitedStates of America; and will land Napoleon and his suite either atPhiladelphia, or at Boston, or at any other port of the United States, that they can most easily and speedily reach. 

"The commanders of the two frigates are forbidden to enter anyroadsteads, from which they might find difficulty or delay indeparting. They are authorized to do so, only if it should benecessary for the safety of the vessels. 

"They will avoid all the ships of war they may fall in with: if theyshould be obliged to engage a superior force, the frigate, that hasnot Napoleon on board, will sacrifice herself to detain the enemy; andto give that, on board of which he is, an opportunity of escaping. 

"I need not remind you, that the chambers and the government haveplaced Napoleon under the protection of French loyalty. 

"When arrived at the United States, the disembarkation will take placewith all possible celerity; and the frigates will not remain theremore than four-and-twenty hours, under any pretence whatever, unlessthey be prevented from sailing by a superior force; and they willreturn directly to France. 

"The laws and regulations respecting the police of vessels at sea, andthe military subordination of the persons embarked as passengers tothe commanders of the vessels, will be strictly observed. 

"I recommend to the captains' own sense of duty, as well as to theirdelicacy, every circumstance not provided for by these presents. 

"I have nothing to add to what I have said already, that the person ofNapoleon is placed under the safeguard of the loyalty of the Frenchpeople; and this trust is confided specially, on the present occasion, to the captains of the Saale and the Medusa, and the officers andcrews of these two vessels. 

"Such are the orders, which the committee of government has directedme to transmit to captains Philibert and Poncé. 

 (Signed) "The Duke DECRÈS. "

On the 29th of June, the committee informed the two chambers by amessage, that "the approach of the enemy, and the fear of an internalcommotion, had imposed on it the sacred duty, of causing Napoleon todepart. "

The terms, in which this message was couched, gave reason to suppose, that the Emperor had shown some resistance. M. De Lavalette called onthe Duke Decrès to explain the facts; and it was then known, that theEmperor had not hesitated for a moment, to submit to the fate imposedupon him by his abdication; and that, if he did not set out before, itwas because the committee had judged it proper to defer his departure, till the arrival of the safeconducts demanded. 

The Emperor had at first expressed his intention of not stopping onthe road. When he arrived at Rambouillet, he alighted from hiscarriage, and said, that he would pass the night at the castle. Hemade the grand marshal write to the keeper of the moveables of thecrown, to require him to send to Rochefort, where they would beembarked, the necessary beds and furniture for seven or eightprincipal apartments. He had previously claimed the library of PetitTrianon, M. De Visconti's Greek Iconography, and a copy of the grandwork of the Egyptian Institute. The faculty of associating thoughtsthe most serious with ideas of the greatest simplicity, occupationsthe most vast with cares the most minute, was one of thedistinguishing features of the character of Napoleon. 

At daybreak he received a courier from M. De ****. He read hisdespatches, and then said to General Beker, casting a sorrowful looktoward Heaven: "The business is finished! it is all over with France!let us begone!"

He was received on his journey with the most lively testimonies ofinterest and attachment: but nothing could equal the transports, whichthe troops and inhabitants of Niort expressed at seeing him. Herecommended to General Beker, to inform the government of this. "Tellthem, general, that they knew little of the spirit of France; thatthey were too hasty in sending me away; that, if they had accepted myproposal, the face of affairs would have been changed; that I mightstill, in the name of the nation, exert a great influence on thecourse of political transactions, in backing the negotiations ofgovernment by an army, to which my name would serve as a rallyingpoint. "

The general was preparing, to forward to the committee the words ofthe Emperor; and had just finished his despatch, when information wasbrought that a heavy cannonade had been heard on the 30th. The Emperorimmediately made him add the following postscript, which the generalwrote from his dictation: "We hope, that the enemy will allow youtime, to cover Paris, and to see the issue of the negotiations. If, under these circumstances, the English cruisers should prevent theEmperor's departure, he is at your disposal as a soldier. "

The Emperor continued his course; and, his journey from Niort toRochefort affording no remarkable incident, I resolved, though withregret, to lose sight for a moment of this august victim, and returnto the government, that had succeeded him. 

The government, impressed with the importance of its functions, hadnot ceased, since its formation, to use its utmost endeavours, tojustify the confidence of the chambers. Its politics, which wereperfectly open, were included in these few words: no war, no Bourbons:and its double resolve was, to make every concession to the allies, necessary to obtain a peace conformable to the wishes of the nation;or to oppose to them an inflexible resistance, if they resolved tointrench on the independence of the nation, and impose on it asovereign not of its own choice. 

The Duke of Otranto, president of the committee, appeared in thecouncil, and in public, to approve the principles and determinationsof his colleagues. In private, it was a different affair. Devoted inappearance to all parties, he flattered and deceived them in turn, bypretended confidential communications, and chimerical hopes. He spokeof liberty to the republicans, of glory and Napoleon II. To theBonapartists, of legitimacy to the friends of the King, of guaranteesand a general peace to the partizans of the Duke of Orleans; and thuscontrived to secure himself on all sides, in case of need, favourablechances and supporters[78]. Men familiar with his practices were notthe dupes of his artifices, and endeavoured to unmask them: but hisapparent conduct was so irreproachable, that their warnings wereconsidered as the result of personal prejudice, or unjust suspicion. 

 [Footnote 78: The Emperor, informed of the manoeuvres of M. Fouché, said: "He is ever the same; always ready to thrust his foot into every one's slipper. "]

Besides, it was agreed on all hands, that the fate of France dependedon the negotiations with foreign powers: and it was hoped, that theplenipotentiaries, and particularly Messrs. D'Argenson and la Fayette, whose principles were inflexible, would render every kind of surpriseor treachery impracticable. 

These plenipotentiaries had left Paris on the 25th of June. Theirinstructions were as follows:

_Instructions for Messieurs the Plenipotentiaries of the Committee ofGovernment to the Allied Powers. _

 "Paris, June the 23d, 1815. 

"The object of the mission of messieurs the plenipotentiaries, appointed to repair to the allied powers, has no farther need of beingdeveloped. It is in their hearts, as it is in the hearts of allFrenchmen: the business is, to save their country. 

"The salvation of the country is connected with two essentialsubjects: the independence of the nation, and the integrity of itsterritories. 

"The independence of the nation cannot be complete, except theconstituent principles of the present organization of France be securefrom every foreign attack. One of the principles of this organizationis the inheritance of the throne in the imperial family. The Emperorhaving abdicated, his rights have devolved on his son. The foreignpowers cannot make the least attack on this principle of inheritance, established by our constitutions, without violating our independence. 

"The declaration of the 13th, and the treaty of the 25th of March, have received an important modification by the explanatory article, which the British cabinet annexed to the ratification of this treaty:an article, by which this cabinet announces, _that it has no intentionof pursuing the war for the purpose of imposing a particulargovernment on France_. This modification has been adopted by theallies; it has been sanctioned by Lord Clancarty's letter of the 6thof May, to the drawing up of which all the other plenipotentiariesgave their assent; it has been sanctioned by a note of PrinceMetternich's, dated the 9th; and finally by the declaration of thecombined powers dated the 12th of the same month. 

"It is this grand principle, acknowledged by the combined powers, towhich messieurs the plenipotentiaries ought particularly to appeal. 

"We cannot conceal, that it is much to be feared, that the combinedpowers will think themselves at present bound more by thedeclarations, which they made before the commencement of hostilities. They will not fail to object, "That, if, previous to the war, they set up a distinction between thenation and the Emperor, this distinction no longer exists, when thenation, by uniting all its forces in the hands of this prince, has infact united his fate with its own:

"That, though, previous to the war, they were sincere in theirintention of not interfering in the internal concerns of France, theyare compelled to interfere in them now, precisely for the preventionof any similar recurrence of war, and for ensuring tranquillity forthe future. 

"It would be superfluous, to point out to messieurs theplenipotentiaries the answers they may make to these objections. Theywill find their best refutation in the sentiments of national honour, which, after the whole nation had joined the Emperor, could not butfight with him and for him; and could not separate from him, till someact, such as that of an abdication, dissolved the ties between thenation and its sovereign. It will be easy to them to demonstrate, that, if this sacred duty of honour compelled the French nation, tomake war for its own defence, as well as that of the head, that wasattempted to be taken from it; the abdication of this head replacesthe nation in a state of peace with all the powers, since it was thishead alone, that they wished to remove: and that, if the declarationmade by the combined powers, of having no intention to impose onFrance a particular government, were frank and sincere, thissincerity, and this frankness, ought now to be manifested by theirrespect for the national independence, when recent circumstances haveremoved the only grievance, of which they thought themselvesauthorised to complain. 

"There is an objection of a more serious nature, which the combinedpowers might bring forward first, if they be determined to availthemselves of all the advantages, which their military position seemsto offer them. This objection would be that of an inclination torefuse to acknowledge the committee of government, and theplenipotentiaries, and the acts of the national representatives, asproceeding from a state of things illegal in their eyes, because theyhave constantly refused, to admit the principle, on which it isfounded. This objection, if it be strongly urged, and the combinedpowers will not wave it, will leave little prospect of the possibilityof an accommodation. However messieurs the plenipotentiaries willassuredly neglect no endeavour, to combat such objections; and theywill be in no want of arguments, to combat them with success, particularly with respect to the British government, the presentdynasty of which reigns solely in virtue of those principles, theapplication of which we in our turn have occasion to claim. 

"Perhaps, too, without disavowing the independence of the Frenchnation, the allied sovereigns will persist in declaring, that theyhave no proof, that the wishes of the nation are the wishes expressedby the government, or even by the chambers; and that thus, in order toknow the real wishes of the nation, they must begin by restoringthings to the state in which they were before the month of March, 1815; leaving to the nation afterwards to decide, whether it ought toretain its old government, or give itself a new one. 

"The answer to these objections also will be found in that whichEngland itself formerly gave to the enemies, who were for disputingits right of changing its government and its dynasty. England thenanswered, that the simple fact of the possession of the sovereignauthority authorised foreign powers, to treat with him, who wasinvested with it. Thus, in case the authorities actually existing inFrance were not, what in fact they are, clothed in the most perfectlegality, the refusal to treat with them can be supported by no solidargument. It would be declaring, that they are resolved to try, howfar they can carry the claims of force; and announcing to France, thatthere is no security for her but in the resources of desperation. 

"In fine, there is one less obnoxious chance, against which also weought to be provided. It is, that the combined powers, faithful atleast in part to their declaration, do not absolutely insist onimposing the Bourbon family on France; but that, on the other hand, they require the exclusion of the son of the Emperor Napoleon, underpretence, that a long minority might give rise either to a dangerousdisplay of ambitious views on the part of the principal memberspossessing the authority in France, or to internal commotions, theshock of which would be felt abroad. Were the question brought to thispoint, messieurs the plenipotentiaries would find in the principles ofthe objection itself the principle of its answer; since the divisionof power in the hands of a council commonly renders its authorityweaker, and the minority of a prince is always a period of slacknessand languor in the government. They would find it particularly in thepresent temper of the French nation, in the want it feels of a longpeace, in the fears which the idea of a continuation or renewal of warmust inspire, and in the shackles imposed by the laws of theconstitution on the passions of the members of the government. Besides, whatever its construction may be, they will find in all itscircumstances, and in a thousand others besides, very valid arguments, to oppose to those, that may be alleged against the maintenance ofhereditary principles in the dynasty of the Emperor Napoleon. 

"The first and most solid pledge, that the allies can give the Frenchnation of their intention to respect its independence, is to renouncewithout reserve all design of subjecting it anew to the government ofthe Bourbon family. The allied powers must now be well convincedthemselves, that the re-establishment of this family is incompatiblewith the general tranquillity of France, and consequently with therepose of Europe. If it be their wish, as they declare, to produce astable order of things in France and other nations, the purpose wouldbe completely defeated. The return of a family, strangers to ourmanners, and continually surrounded by men, who have ceased to beFrench, would rekindle a second time among us every kind of animosity, and every passion; and it would be an illusion, to expect a stableorder to arise from the midst of so many elements of discord andtrouble. Thus the exclusion of the Bourbon family is an absolutecondition of the maintenance of the general tranquillity; and for thegeneral interest of Europe, as well as for the particular interest ofFrance, it is one of the points, to which messieurs theplenipotentiaries must most strongly adhere. 

"The question of the integrity of the territory of France isintimately connected with that of its independence. If the war, declared by the allied powers against the Emperor Napoleon, were infact declared against him alone, the integrity of our territory is notthreatened. It is of importance to the general balance of power, thatFrance should retain at least the limits assigned it by the treaty ofParis. What the foreign cabinets themselves considered as proper andnecessary in 1814, they cannot look upon with other eyes in 1815. Whatpretence can justify now a dismemberment of the French territory bythe foreign powers? Every thing in the system of Europe is altered;all to the advantage of England, Russia, Austria, and Prussia; all tothe detriment of France. The French nation is not jealous; but it willnot be subjugated, or dismembered. 

"Thus the efforts of messieurs the plenipotentiaries will have twoleading objects; the maintenance of the national independence, and thepreservation of the integrity of the French territories. 

"These two objects are linked together, and mutually dependent on eachother: they cannot be separated, and no modification of either of themcan be admitted, without endangering the safety of the country. 

"But if the foreign powers should make any proposals, capable of beingreconciled with our dearest interests; and they should be offered tous as the ultimatum of our safety; messieurs the plenipotentiaries, refraining from the expression of a premature opinion, will hasten_to give an account of them, and to demand the orders of government_. 

"Whatever may be the dispositions of the foreign powers; whether theyacknowledge the two principles, that are pointed out to messieurs theplenipotentiaries as the bases of their mission; or the negotiationslead to other discussions, of a nature to require enlarging upon; itis highly important, on either supposition, that a general armisticeshould be previously agreed on. The first care of messieurs theplenipotentiaries must consequently be, to demand an armistice, andinsist on its being promptly concluded upon. 

"There is one sacred duty, that the French nation cannot forget; whichis, _to stipulate the safety and inviolability of the Emperor Napoleonout of its territory_. This is a debt of honour, which the nationfeels the necessity of acquitting toward a prince, who long covered itwith glory; and who in his misfortunes renounces the throne, that thenation may be saved without him, since it appears, that with him itcannot be saved. 

"The choice of the place, to which the Emperor will have to retire, may be a subject of discussion. Messieurs the plenipotentiaries willappeal to the personal generosity of the sovereigns, to obtain aresidence to be fixed upon, with which the Emperor will have reasonto, be satisfied. 

"Independently of the general considerations, which messieurs theplenipotentiaries will have to urge to the allied sovereignsindiscriminately, they will themselves judge of the various arguments, which they will have to employ with respect to the different cabinetsseparately. 

"The interests of England, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, not being thesame; it will be proper, to exhibit under different points of view toeach of these cabinets the advantages, that the new order of things, recently established in France, may offer them respectively. All thepowers will find in it a guarantee of the preservation of whateverthey possess, either of territory, or of influence: but, with thesegeneral advantages, some of them must find themselves separatelybenefited. 

"Austria may well be supposed, not to see with pleasure there-establishment of one branch of the Bourbon dynasty on the throne ofFiance, while another branch of the same house reascends the throne ofNaples. 

"This circumstance, which belongs to the policy of the cabinet, mayalso receive some support from family affection: the regard of hisMajesty the Emperor of Austria for his grandson may induce him, not tooppose the high destiny offered to him. It may be, that the Austriancabinet may perceive in this bond of relationship a means ofstrengthening its cause by the support of the French nation; and that, alarmed at the aggrandisement of Russia and of Prussia, whose allianceno doubt is a grievance to it, it may lay hold of the opportunity ofan advantageous reconciliation with France, so as in case of need tofind in it a powerful auxiliary against those two governments. 

"Other reasons offer themselves, to incline the cabinet of Petersburgtoward us. The liberal opinions professed by the Emperor of Russiaauthorize a language to be held to his minister, and even to thispotentate himself, to which few other sovereigns would be capable oflistening. There is room for thinking also, that this monarch takesbut little interest personally in the welfare of the Bourbon family, whose conduct in general has not been pleasing to him. He had not muchreason to be satisfied with it, when he found it express its gratitudealmost exclusively to the Prince Regent of England. Besides, theobject of Russia is attained all its thirst of power, and itsself-love, are equally satisfied. Tranquil for a long time to come, and victor without having fought, the Emperor Alexander may proudlyreturn to his dominions, and enjoy a success, that will not have costhim a single man. The continuance of the war with France would now beto him a war without an object. It would be repugnant to all thecalculations of good policy, and to the interests of his people. Messieurs the plenipotentiaries will avail themselves of thesecircumstances, and of many others also, to endeavour to neutralize apower so formidable as Russia. 

"That continental power, from which France has the least favour toexpect, is the court of Berlin: but this court is that of which theforces have received the most violent check; and if Russia and Austriabe ever so little disposed; to enter into negotiations, Prussia willbe inevitably compelled to accede to them. Besides, even with thiscourt, arguments of great weight will not be wanting, to render itmore amicably disposed, if it will listen only to its real andpermanent interests. 

"Messieurs the plenipotentiaries will find with the allied sovereignsthe British plenipotentiaries and it will be with these, perhaps, thatthe negotiation will present most difficulties. The question withrespect to the allies is scarcely a matter of discussion: with thispower, every argument and every principle are in our favour; but itremains to be seen, whether its will be not independent of allprinciples, and of all arguments. 

"The particulars noticed above were no doubt unnecessary; as everything there mentioned would have suggested itself to messieurs theplenipotentiaries themselves. But these hints may not be without theiruse, since their natural effect will be, to lead the minds ofmessieurs the plenipotentiaries to more weighty considerations, andmore powerful motives, which they will know how to employ seasonablyfor the grand purpose of the important and difficult mission withwhich they are charged. 

"Messieurs the plenipotentiaries will find in the reports made to theEmperor by the Duke of Vicenza on the 12th of April and 7th of Junelast, as well as in the justificatory pieces, that accompany thesereports, all the data they can require, to form a just estimate of oursituation with regard to the foreign powers, and to regulate theirconduct toward the ministers of these different powers. "

On the 26th of June the plenipotentiaries had their first interviewwith two Prussian officers delegated by Marshal Blucher. They gave anaccount of it to the committee by the following despatch, addressed toM. Bignon, who had the portfolio of foreign affairs. 

 "Laon, June the 26th, 1815, "Ten o'clock in the evening. 

"Monsieur le Baron Bignon, "We have received the letter, which you did us the honour to write tous yesterday the 25th, respecting the Emperor's intention of repairingto the United States of America with his brothers. 

"We have at length just received our passports, to proceed to thehead-quarters of the allied sovereigns, which we shall find atHeidelberg or at Manheim. The Prince of Schoenburgh, aide-de-camp ofMarshal Blucher, accompanies us. We shall take the road through Metz;and set off in an hour. 

"Marshal Blucher has declared to us, by the Prince of Schoenburgh andCount Noslitz, who was more particularly empowered by him, that Francewill be in no degree restricted in the choice of a government: but inthe armistice he proposed, _he required for the security of his armythe fortified towns of Metz, Thionville, Mézières, Maubeuge, Sarrelouis, and others_. He sets out with the principle, that he oughtto be secured against any attempts, which the party, that he supposesthe Emperor to have, may make. We combated this argument byirrefragable reasons, without gaining any ground. You are sensible, sir, that it was impossible for us, to accede to such demands. 

"We did all in our power, to obtain the armistice on moderate terms;but it was impossible for us, to come to any conclusion, 'because, 'said the prince, 'he is not authorized to grant one, and immenseadvantages alone could induce him, to take such a step, as long as theprincipal object is unattained. '

"We offered a suspension of hostilities, at least for five days. Therefusal was equally positive, and for the same motives. Count deNoslitz has offered in the name of Prince Blucher, to receive at hishead-quarters, _and at those of the Duke of Wellington, anycommissioners you may send, who shall be exclusively employed in thenegotiations necessary to stay the march of the armies, and preventthe effusion of blood_. It is a matter of urgency, that thesecommissioners set out to-morrow even, and that they take the road toNoyon, where orders will be given by Marshal Blucher to receive them. Noyon will be his head-quarters. They cannot too often repeat, thatthe Emperor has no great party in France; that he availed himselfrather of the faults of the Bourbons, than of any dispositionsexisting in his favour; and that he could not fix the attention of thenation, but for the allies failing to adhere to their declaration. 

"We have hopes of seeing our negotiations take a successful turn, though we cannot be insensible to their difficulties. The only meansof preventing the events of the war from occasioning their failureabsolutely consist in granting a truce of a few days. The choice ofnegotiators may have some influence on this; and we repeat, there isnot a moment to be lost in sending them to the English and Prussianarmies. 

"The two aides-de-camp of Prince Blucher declared repeatedly, that theallies are in no respect tenacious of the restoration of the Bourbons:but we have proofs, that they are inclined to approach as near aspossible to Paris, and then they may frame some pretence, to changetheir language. 

"All these things should only hasten still more the measures, to betaken for re-organizing the army, and particularly for the defence ofParis; an object to which their thoughts appear essentially turned. 

"From the conversations we have had with the two aides-de-camp, itfollows definitively, and we repeat it with regret, that the personof the Emperor will be one of the greatest difficulties. They think, that the combined powers will require guarantees and precautions, thathe may never re-appear on the stage of the world. They assert, thattheir people themselves demand security against his enterprises. _Itis our duty to observe, that his escape before the conclusion of ournegotiations would be considered as an act of bad faith on our part, and might essentially involve the safety of France. _ We have hopes, however, that this affair also may be terminated to the Emperor'ssatisfaction; since they have made few objections to his residence, and that of his brothers, in England; which they appeared to prefer tothe scheme of a retreat in America. 

"_The imperial prince has not been mentioned in any of ourconversations. _ It was not our business, to start this subject, onwhich they did not enter. 

 (Signed) "H. SÉBASTIANI. Count de PONTÉCOULANT. LA FAYETTE. D'ARGENSON. Count DE LA FORÊT. Benjamin CONSTANT. "

The committee, immediately on the receipt of this despatch, appointedMessieurs Andréossy, de Valence, Flaugergues, Boissy d'Anglas, andLabenardiere, to repair in quality of commissioners to thehead-quarters of the allied armies, to demand a suspension ofhostilities, and negotiate an armistice. 

The Duke of Otranto, ever eager to open an ostensible correspondence, under cover of which he might carry on secret communications ifnecessary, persuaded the government, that it would be proper to pavethe way for the commissioners by a previous step; and in consequencehe addressed a letter of congratulation to the Duke of Wellington, inwhich he entreated him with pompous meanness, to bestow on France hissuffrage and protection. 

Copies of the former instructions were delivered to the commissioners;and to these were added the following:

"_Instructions for Messieurs the Commissioners appointed to treat foran Armistice. _

 "Paris, June the 27th, 1815. 

"The first overtures made to our plenipotentiaries on the conditions, at the price of which the commander in chief of one of the enemy'sarmies would consent to an armistice, are of a nature to alarm usrespecting those, which the commanders of the armies of the otherpowers might also demand, and to render the possibility of anarrangement very problematical. However unfavourable our militarysituation at the present moment may be, there are sacrifices, to whichthe interest of the nation will not allow us to submit. 

"It is evident, that the motive, on which Prince Blucher founded hisdemand of six of our fortified towns, which were named, and someothers besides, which were not named, _the security of his army_, isone of those allegations brought forward by force, to carry as far aspossible the advantages arising from the success of the moment. Thisallegation is very easily refuted: since it may be termed an act ofderision, to demand pledges for the security of an army already masterof a considerable portion of our territory, and which is marchingwithout obstacle almost alone in the heart of France. There is anotherdeclaration made on the part of Prince Blucher, calculated still moreto disquiet us: which is, that he can be induced only by immenseadvantages, to take upon himself to conclude an armistice, for whichhe has no authority. In this declaration there is a frankness ofexaction, that offers many difficulties in the way of accommodation. However, though the committee of government is far from being inclinedto favour the cessions required, it does not tie itself up, by aperemptory refusal, from entering into discussions of an arrangement, the conditions of which are not carried beyond the bounds traced bythe true interests of the public. 

"If, to arrive at a conclusion, we must submit to the cession of somefortified town, it is thoroughly to be understood, that such a cessionought not to take place, unless it were the guarantee of an armistice, to be prolonged till peace is concluded. It is unnecessary to add, that the delivery of such a town is not to take place; till thearmistice has been ratified by the respective governments. 

"One of the points, that demands all the zeal of messieurs thecommissioners, is that of fixing the line, where the occupation of theFrench territory by the enemy's armies is to stop. 

"It would be of great importance, to obtain the line of the Somme;which would place the foreign troops nearly thirty leagues from Paris, messieurs the commissioners ought strongly to insist on keeping themat least at this distance. 

"If the enemy were yet more exacting, and we should be finallycompelled to greater condescension, a line traced between the Sommeand the Oise should not let them approach within twenty leagues ofParis. The line, that separates the department of the Somme from thatof the Oise, might be taken, detaching from the latter the northernpart of the department of the Aisne, and thence a straight linethrough the department of the Ardennes, which should be continued tillit reached the Meuse near Mézières. 

"However, in fixing the line of the armistice, we must rely on theability of messieurs the commissioners, to endeavour to obtain themost favourable arrangement. 

"Their mission being to the English and Prussian armies in common, there is no occasion to inform them, that it is indispensable for thearmistice to be common to both armies. 

"It would be very important likewise, to introduce into the armistice, as one of its clauses, that it should extend to the armies of all theother enemies, taking for its basis the _status quo_ of the respectivearmies, at the moment when information of the armistice should reachthem. If this stipulation be rejected, under pretence, that thecommanders of the English and Russian armies have no right, to makearrangements in the names of the commanders of the armies of the otherpowers; they may at least consent, to invite the others to accede toit on the basis above mentioned. 

"As even the negotiations for the armistice, from the nature of theconditions already placed foremost, which must be the subject of moreserious debate, will inevitably occasion some delay, it is aprecaution rigidly necessary to be obtained, that, in order to treatof an armistice, all movements should be stopped for a few days, or atleast for eight and forty hours. 

"There is one precautionary arrangement, which messieurs thecommissioners must not neglect. This is, to stipulate, that theenemy's armies shall levy no extraordinary contributions. 

"Though the particular object of their mission is the conclusion of anarmistice, as it is scarcely to be imagined, that messieurs thecommissioners, in their intercourse with the Duke of Wellington andPrince Blucher, will not hear from these generals either proposals, orsuggestions, or at least simple conjectures, respecting the views theallied sovereigns may adopt with respect to the form of government inFrance; messieurs the commissioners undoubtedly will not fail, carefully to collect every thing, that may appear to them capable ofhaving any influence on the part to be taken definitively by thegovernment. 

"The copy of the instructions given to messieurs the plenipotentiariesappointed to repair to the allied sovereigns, which has been deliveredto them, will make them acquainted with the bases, on which thegovernment has been desirous hitherto of founding its negotiations. Itis possible, that the course of events may oblige it, to _extend thesebases_: but messieurs the commissioners will judge, that, if absolutenecessity compel it, to assent to arrangements _of a differentnature_, so that we cannot preserve _the principle of our independencein all its plenitude_, it is a sacred duty, to endeavour to emancipateourselves from the greater part of the inconveniences, that areattached to the bare misfortune of its being modified. 

"A copy of the letter, written from Laon by messieurs theplenipotentiaries, and dated yesterday, the 26th, is also delivered tomessieurs the commissioners. The resolutions[79], which have beentaken to-day by the government, will furnish them with the means ofanswering all the objections, that may be made to them on the dangerand possibility of the return of the Emperor Napoleon. 

 [Footnote 79: These resolutions consisted in sending General Beker to Malmaison, to watch Napoleon. ]

"That the language of messieurs the commissioners may perfectly accordwith all that has been done by the committee of government, copies ofthe letters, that have been written to Lord Castlereagh and the Dukeof Wellington, respecting the approaching departure of Napoleon andhis brothers, are hereto annexed. 

"On the questions relative to the form of government of France, provisionally, messieurs the commissioners will confine themselves tohearing the overtures, that may be made to them; and they will takecare, to transmit an account of them, in order that, according to thenature of their reports, government may come to such a determination, as the safety of our country may prescribe. "

From this document it appears, that the committee, already foreseeingthe impossibility of preserving the throne to Napoleon II. , wasdisposed to enter into a discussion with the allies on the choice of asovereign. Bound by its mandate, it would never have consentedwillingly, to covenant with the Bourbons; but it would have had norepugnance, at least as I conjecture, to allow the crown to be placedon the head of the King of Saxony, or of the Duke of Orleans. 

The party of the latter prince, for which M. Fouché had collectedrecruits, was reinforced by a great number of deputies and generals. "The qualities of the duke; the remembrance of Jemappes, and of someother victories under the republic, in which he was not unconcerned;the possibility of forming a treaty, that should reconcile theinterests of all parties; the name of Bourbon, which might have beenemployed abroad, without uttering it at home: all these motives, andothers besides, afforded in this choice a prospect of repose andsecurity even to those, who could not see in it the presage ofhappiness. "

The King of Saxony had no other title to the suffrages of France, thanthe heroic fidelity, which he had maintained toward it in 1814. Butafter him the empire might have returned to Napoleon II. : and as aprince, possessed of experience, wisdom, and virtue, may reignindifferently over any people, and render them happy, the Frenchnation would have resigned itself to the government of a foreignmonarch, till the day when his death would have restored the sceptreto the hands of its legitimate possessor. 

The deference which the committee was prepared to pay to the will ofthe allied powers, was not the effect of its own weakness. It wasenjoined it by the alarming reports, which Marshal Grouchy sent itdaily, of the defection and dejected state of the army. 

The soldiers, it is true, discouraged by the abdication of theEmperor, and the reports of the return of the Bourbons, appearedirresolute. "Our wounds, " said they, "will no longer entitle us to anything but proscription. " The generals themselves, rendered timid bytheir uncertainty of the future, spoke with circumspection: but all, generals and soldiers, maintained the same sentiments in the bottom oftheir hearts; and their hesitation, their lukewarmness, were the workof their leader; who, in France as on the banks of the Dyle, wantingresolution and strength of mind, did not take the trouble to conceal, that he considered the national cause as lost, and awaited only afavourable opportunity, to pacify the Bourbons and their allies by aprompt and complete submission. 

The committee, however, having their eyes opened by private letters, conceived suspicions of the veracity of the marshal's reports. Itcommissioned General Corbineau, to give it an account of the state ofthe army. Informed of the truth, it was no longer afraid of beingobliged to submit humbly to the law of the victor: and, desirous ofpreventing Marshal Grouchy, whose intentions had ceased to be amystery, from endangering the independence of the nation by aninconsiderate act, it prohibited him from negotiating any armistice, or commencing any negotiation; and ordered him, to lead his army toParis. 

The Prince of Eckmuhl, whose want of firmness was so wretchedlydisplayed in the retreat from Moscow, could not resist this freshblow: the example of Marshal Grouchy led him away; and, persuaded likehim, that it was necessary to submit without delay, he declared to thegovernment, that there was not a moment to be lost in recalling theBourbons, and proposed to it, to send to the king the followingoffers:

1st, To enter Paris without a foreign guard:

2d, To take the tri-coloured cockade:

3d, To guaranty security of person and property to all, whatever mayhave been their functions, offices, votes, or opinions:

4th, To retain the two chambers:

5th, To ensure to persons in office the retention of their places, andto the army that of their ranks, pensions, honours, and prerogatives:

6th, To retain the legion of honour, and its institution, as the firstorder in the state. 

The committee, too _clear-sighted_ to be caught by this proposal, waseager to reject it; and, faithful to its system of concealing nothingfrom the two chambers, acquainted the principal members with it;repeating to: them, that, be the event what it might, "it would neverpropose to them any thing pusillanimous, or contrary to its duty; andthat it would defend to the last extremity the independence of thenation, the inviolability of the chambers, and the liberty andsecurity of the citizens. "

The representatives answered this declaration by placing Paris in astate of siege, and voting an address to the army[80]. "Bravesoldiers, " such were its words; "a great reverse must haveastonished, but not dejected you. Your country has need of yourconstancy and courage. To you it has confided the care of the nationalglory; and you will answer its expectations. 

 [Footnote 80: On the 2d of July the chamber voted an address to the French. 

 This address, which perished in the birth, related to the political situation of France with respect to the allies. It appeared to me not very interesting, and I thought I might dispense with a particular account of it. It gave rise, however, to a remarkable incident. M. Manuel, who had the principal hand in drawing it up, had not thought proper, to speak of the Emperor's successor in it; and the chamber decided, to add in the address, that Napoleon II. Had been called to the empire. ]

"Plenipotentiaries have been sent to the allied powers . . . The successof the negotiations depends on you. Close round the tri-coloured flag, consecrated by glory and the wishes of the nation. You will see us, ifnecessary, in your ranks; and we will convince the world, thattwenty-five years of glory and sacrifices will never be effaced, andthat a people, who wills to be free, must ever remain so. "

The attitude of the chamber and of the government did not remove theapprehensions of the Prince of Eckmuhl. He returned to the charge; andwrote to the president of the committee, in the night of the 29th, "that he had vanquished his prejudices and opinions, and found, thatno means of safety existed but in concluding an armistice, andimmediately proclaiming Louis XVIII. "

The president answered him:

"I am as well persuaded as you, M. Marshal, that nothing better can bedone, than to treat with promptitude of an armistice: but we mustknow, what the enemy wants. An injudicious conduct would produce threeevils:

"1st, That of having acknowledged Louis XVIII. Previous to anyengagement on his side:

"2d, That of being equally compelled, to admit the enemy into Paris:

"3d, That of obtaining no conditions from Louis XVIII. 

"I take upon myself, to authorize you, to send to the advanced postsof the enemy, and to conclude an armistice, making every sacrifice, that is compatible with our duties, and with our dignity. It is betterto give up fortified towns, than to sacrifice Paris. "

The Duke of Otranto having laid this letter before the committee, itthought, that the answer of its president _decided implicitly thequestion of the recall of Louis XVIII. _, and allowed the Prince ofEckmuhl too great latitude. It made him write immediately asupplementary letter, saying: "It is unnecessary to remind you, M. Marshal, that your armistice must be purely military, and must containno political question. It would be proper, that this demand of anarmistice should be made by a general of the line, and a major-generalof the national guard. "

Thus in the space of the twenty-four hours, that preceded and followedthe Emperor's departure, the committee had to repel, and did repel, the instigations more or less culpable of the minister at war, thegeneral in chief of the army, and the president of the government[81]. 

 [Footnote 81: The reader will be aware, that I reason here, as well as every where else, on the principles of the mandate given to the committee. ]

The army, however, had arrived step by step at the gates of Paris. 

Marshal Grouchy, dissatisfied and disconcerted, gave in hisresignation on the score of his health. 

The Prince of Eckmuhl, who, by an air of sincerity, and reiteratedprotestations of devotion and fidelity, had regained, thanks to theDuke of Otranto, the confidence of the majority of the members of thecommittee, was invested with the command in chief of the army. 

On the 30th of June a message informed the chambers, that the enemieswere within sight of the capital; that the army, re-organized, occupied a line of defence, by which Paris was protected; that it wasanimated with the best disposition; and that its devotion equalled itsvalour. 

Deputations from the two chambers immediately set out, to carry to thedefenders of their country the expression of the principles, thesentiments, and the hopes of the national representation. Theirpatriotic language, their tri-coloured scarfs, and the name ofNapoleon II. , which they took care to employ, electrified thesoldiery; and completely restored to them that confidence inthemselves, and that resolution to conquer or die, which are theinfallible presages of victory. 

The moment for marching to battle was propitious. The Prince ofEckmuhl solicited peace. 

The Duke of Albuféra had just concluded an armistice with MarshalFrimont, commander of the Austrian forces. The prince informed theDuke of Wellington of it; and demanded of him, to cause a cessation ofhostilities, _till a decision of congress should take place_. "If Iappear on the field of battle with the idea of your talents, " headded, "I shall carry with me the conviction, that I am fighting forthe most sacred of causes, that of the defence and independence of mycountry; and, whatever may be the result, my lord, I will merit youresteem. "

If, instead of holding a language more suitable to a man halfvanquished, than to a French general accustomed to conquer, anotherchief, differently inspired, had declared with noble firmness, that hewas ready, if a stop were not put to unjust aggressions, to give tohis eighty thousand brave soldiers the signal of victory or death; theenemy would unquestionably have desisted from pursuing a war, nowbecome without object, without utility, and without glory. But theDuke of Wellington, faithfully informed of the true state of things, knew that the Prince of Eckmuhl, satisfied with having surmounted hisprejudices and opinions, appeared more disposed to neutralize thecourage of his troops, than to put it to the proof; and Wellingtonrefused the suspension of hostilities proposed. It entered into thepolicy of the princes, who had taken up arms for legitimacy, to compelus to receive Louis XVIII. _cap in hand_: and the consequence of thiswas, that the allied generals avoided treating; as the sentiments ofthe president of the committee, and of the general of the French army, fully satisfied them, that they might wait without any risk, tillcircumstances or treachery compelled us, to submit to the law ofnecessity. 

Wellington had rejected the proposal of Marshal Davoust, under thefrivolous pretence, that the Emperor had resumed the command of thearmy. It is naturally to be presumed, that the committee had notneglected, to give the commissioners immediate information of thedeparture of Napoleon, and of the circumstances, that had preceded it. But it had hitherto received no communication from them. Theircorrespondence, intentionally fettered by the allies, had been fartherprevented by our advanced posts; who, considering the personsappointed to hold a parley as machinators of treason, stopped theirway with their muskets. The committee resolved, therefore, to obtainnews of them at any price: and, on the recommendation of the Duke ofOtranto, it despatched to them M. De Tromeling. It was not ignorant, that this emigrant officer, a Vendean, and long detained in the Templeas the companion of Sir Sidney Smith and Captain Wright, littlemerited the confidence of the patriots. But the double-faced agents ofM. Fouché alone could open the enemy's lines; and it was obliged, inspite of itself, to make use of them. 

M. De Tromeling set out. Instead of delivering his despatches to thecommissioners, he was afraid of their being taken from him by theenemy, and he destroyed them. The committee thought, that he hadrather deceived himself by his cunning; but it readily excused thiserror, to attend wholly to the news he had brought. 

Our commissioners arrived at the English head-quarters on the 28th, and were eager to solicit a suspension of arms. 

Lord Wellington informed them, that he wished to consult with PrinceBlucher on this point; and on the 29th of June, at half after elevenin the evening, he sent them the following answer. 

 Head quarters of Prince Blucher, June the 29th, 1815, 11-1/2 at night. 

"Gentlemen, "I have the honour to acquaint you, that having consulted MarshalPrince Blucher on your proposal for an armistice, his highness hasagreed with me, that, under present circumstances, no armistice cantake place, while Napoleon Bonaparte is in Paris, and at _liberty_;and that the operations are in such a state, that he cannot stop them. 

"I have the honour, &c. 

 "WELLINGTON. "

On the 1st of July in the morning, they had a conference, of whichthey gave an account to the government by the following despatch, addressed to Baron Bignon, secretary of state, assistant to theminister of foreign affairs. 

 "Louvres, July the 1st, 1815, forenoon. 

"Monsieur le Baron, "The despatches, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, which we have had the honour toaddress to you, remain unanswered[82]. We are absolutely deprived ofthe knowledge of what is passing at Paris, and in the rest of France. To whatever cause this want of communication is to be ascribed, itrenders our situation painful, and is detrimental to the activity ofour proceedings. It may render them useless: we request you, to remedythis as speedily as possible. 

 [Footnote 82: As these despatches are now uninteresting, I have not inserted them. ]

"At present we are authorized to think, that, as soon as you have madeknown, that Napoleon Bonaparte is at a distance, a suspension ofhostilities for three days may be signed, in order to adjust anarmistice, during which a treaty for peace may take place. 

"Directed by the instructions given us, to listen to what may be saidto us, and make you acquainted with it, we have to inform you, theDuke of Wellington has repeated to us several times, that as soon asour government has a head, peace will speedily be concluded. 

"Speaking, as he says, merely as a private individual, but supposinghowever, that his opinion may be taken into consideration, he morethan objects to the government of Napoleon II. ; and thinks, that, under such a reign, Europe could enjoy no security, and France norepose. 

"They say, that they do not pretend to oppose the choice of any otherhead to the government. They repeat on every occasion, that the powersof Europe do not pretend, to interfere in this choice: but they add, that, if the prince chosen were such, as by the nature of hissituation to excite apprehensions for the tranquillity of Europe, byrendering that of France problematical, it would be necessary for theallied powers to have guarantees; and we have reason to believe, thatthese guarantees would be cessions of territory. 

"One person alone, Louis XVIII. Seems to unite all the conditions, that could prevent Europe from demanding guarantees for its security. 

"Already, they say, he resides at Cambray. Quesney has opened itsgates to him. These places, and other towns, are in his power; eitherby having delivered themselves up, or having been put into his handsby the allies. 

"The Duke of Wellington admits and enumerates a considerable part ofthe faults committed by Louis XVIII. During his government of a fewmonths. He puts in the first rank his having given to the princes ofhis family entrance into his council; his having had a ministrywithout union, and without responsibility; his having created amilitary household, not chosen from the soldiers of the army; and hisnot having placed about him persons, who were truly interested in themaintenance of the charter. 

"It seems to him, that, by making known our grievances, _withoutsettling conditions_, engagements might be formed with the public, which would remove its apprehensions for the future, by giving Francethe guarantee, it might desire. 

"If a discussion of conditions take place, others beside the actualauthorities might deliberate, resumed the Duke. 

"If any time be lost, generals of other armies might interfere in thenegotiations; and they would be rendered more complicated byadditional interests. 

"We add two proclamations of Louis XVIII. &c. 

 (Signed) "ANDRÉOSSY, "Count BOISSY D'ANGLAS, "FLAUGERGUES, "VALENCE, "LABESNARDIER. "

M. Bignon's despatch, announcing the departure of Napoleon, havingreached them after the conclusion of this first conference, theyhastened to communicate it to Lord Wellington; and to claim asuspension of hostilities, in order to conclude an armistice, to whichthe presence of Napoleon had hitherto been the only obstacle. 

Lord Wellington answered them: "that it was necessary for him, toconfer with Prince Blucher, and that he would give them an answer inthe course of the day. "

In the evening they had a fresh conference with this general, whichgave occasion to the following despatch:

 "Louvres, July the 1st, half after 8 in the evening. 

"Lord Wellington has communicated to us a letter from Manheim, writtenin the names of the Emperors of Russia and Austria by MM. DeNesselrode and de Metternich. This letter strongly urged thecontinuance of operations; and declares, that, if any armistice beentered into by the generals, who are at this moment near Paris, theirmajesties will not consider it as putting any stop to their march, butwill order their troops, to approach Paris. 

"The Count d'Artois has just arrived at the head-quarters of the Dukeof Wellington, who received us alone in his saloon. We did notperceive the prince; he was in a separate apartment. 

"We insisted on the execution of the promise given us. The Duke ofWellington answered, that he had always declared to us, he could enterinto no definitive engagements, till he had conferred with MarshalPrince Blucher; to whom he would go, to prevail on him to join withhim in agreeing on an armistice. 

"He added, he would not conceal from us, that the Field Marshal had anextreme aversion to every thing, that would stay his operations, whichextended already to the left bank of the Seine; and that he could notavoid supporting his movements, if he could not bring him to agree inhis opinion. 

"He communicated to us a proposal for an armistice, made by the Princeof Eckmuhl, which he had just received. 

"He assured us, that, as soon as he had seen Prince Blucher, he wouldreturn, and join us at Louvres; and sent to request us, to repair toGonesse. 

"In talking on the possible conditions of an armistice, he insinuated, that he should require the army to quit Paris; which we declined, objecting, that on the contrary it was proper for the army of theallies, to take remote positions; otherwise it would be impossible, todeliberate freely on the important interests of our country, theinfluence of which on those of Europe he appeared to acknowledge. 

"The conference thus terminating, we have some reason to think, thatLord Wellington will give the Count d'Artois to understand, that heought to remain at a much more considerable distance from Paris. "

To this Baron Bignon immediately sent the following answer:

"_To Messieurs the Commissioners charged with the Armistice. _

 July the 1st. 

"You announced to us, gentlemen, that you were authorized to believe, that, if Napoleon Bonaparte were away, a suspension of hostilitiesmight be signed, during which a treaty for peace might be enteredinto. _The desired condition being fulfilled_, there is at the presentmoment no motive, that can oppose a suspension of hostilities, and anarmistice. It is strongly to be desired, that the suspension ofhostilities, instead of being for three days only, should be at leastfor five. 

"We do not think, that the English and Prussians alone will attempt toforce our lines. It would be gratuitously incurring useless losses. According to their own account, they can be joined by the Bavariansonly in the first fortnight of this month: so that it may beconvenient to them to wait for this reinforcement, which is anadditional reason for their not refusing an armistice, that will beattended with as much or more advantage to themselves than to us. Infine, if the allies do not choose, to forget altogether their solemndeclarations, what do they now require? The only obstacle, that, according to them, opposed the conclusion of peace, is irrevocablyremoved: thus nothing any longer opposes its re-establishment; and, toarrive at peace, nothing is more urgent than an armistice. 

"The committee of government has had laid before it all theparticulars, that you have transmitted, of the language held to you bythe Duke of Wellington. It desires, gentlemen, that you will persistin distinguishing the political question of the form of government ofFrance from the actual question, the conclusion of an armistice. Without repelling any of the overtures made you, it is easy, to givethe Duke of Wellington to understand, that, if, in the present stateof affairs, the political question of the government of France _mustinevitably become the subject of a sort of discussion between Franceand the allied powers_, the general interest of France, and of thepowers themselves, is to do nothing precipitately; and not to decideon a definitive part, till after having maturely weighed what willoffer real guarantees for the future. It is possible, that the alliedpowers themselves, when better informed of the sentiments of theFrench nation, will not persevere in the resolutions they may haveformed from different data. Napoleon is no longer at Paris, and hasnot been for nearly a week. His political career is at an end. If anynational disposition in favour of the Bourbons existed, thisdisposition would have been loudly manifested, and their recall wouldhave been already consummated. It is evident, therefore, that there-establishment of this family is not the will of the nation. Itremains for the allied sovereigns to examine, whether, in wishing toimpose it on the nation in despite of its will, they do not themselvesact contrary to their own intentions; since, instead of securing theinternal peace of France, they would only be sowing in it the seeds offresh discord. 

"The proclamations of Louis XVIII. Are known here: and the nature ofthese proclamations already destroys all the hopes, that the languageof the Duke of Wellington might give. It may be judged from the spiritthat breathes in these pieces recently published, that the presentroyal ministry either could not, or would not prevent, what the Frenchnation might expect from that government. 

"For the rest, gentlemen, you should confine yourselves to hearingevery thing: you ought to affirm, that France itself desires nothing, but what will be of the greatest benefit to the general interest: andthat, if it would prefer any plan to the re-establishment of theBourbons, it is because there is none, that offers it so manyinconveniences, and so few advantages. 

"You must strongly repeat, gentlemen, to the Duke of Wellington andPrince Blucher, that, if the French government warmly insist on anarmistice, it is because it perceives the possibility of coming to agood understanding on points, on which opinions appear to be farthestdivided. It is because the communications and connexions, establishedbetween their head-quarters and us, enable us thoroughly to appreciatethe true spirit of France. We think in particular, that the noblenessof the Duke of Wellington's character, and the wisdom of the alliedsovereigns, cannot lead them to a desire, to force the French nationto submit to a government, that is repugnant to the real wishes of thegreat majority of the population. "

This language, so remarkable for its moderation, was corroborated bythe _ostensible_ letter below, which the Duke of Otranto thoughtproper to address to each of the generals in chief of the besiegingarmies. 

"My Lord (or Prince), "Independently of the course of our negotiations, I make it my duty, to write personally to your lordship on the subject of an armistice, the refusal of which, I confess, seems to me inexplicable. Ourplenipotentiaries have been at head-quarters ever since the 28th ofJune, and we have not yet a positive answer. 

"Peace already exists, since the war has no longer an object. Ourright to independence, and the engagement taken by the sovereigns torespect it, would not the less subsist after the taking of Paris. Itwould be inhuman, therefore, it would be atrocious, to engage insanguinary battles, that would make no alteration in the questions tobe decided. 

"I must speak candidly to your lordship; our state of possession, ourlegal state, _which has the double sanction of the people and of thechambers, is that of a government, where the grandson of the Emperorof Austria is the head of the state. We cannot think of altering thisstate of things, unless the nation acquires a certainty, that thepowers revoke their promises, and that the preservation of our presentgovernment is in opposition to their common wishes_. 

"What then can be more just, than to conclude an armistice? Are thereany other means of allowing the combined powers time to explainthemselves, and France time to be acquainted with their wishes?

"It will not escape your lordship, that already one great power findsin our state of possession a personal right to interest itself in ourinterior concerns. As long as this state remains unaltered, the twochambers have hence an additional obligation, not to consent atpresent to any measure capable of altering our possession. 

"Is not the step, that has been adopted on our eastern frontier, themost natural to follow? It was not confined to an armistice betweenGeneral Bubna and Marshal Suchet: it was stipulated, that we shouldreturn to our limits according to the treaty of Paris; because, infact, the war ought to be considered as ended by the simple fact ofthe abdication of Napoleon. 

"Field-marshal Frimont, on his part, has agreed to the armistice, tomeet by preliminary arrangements those, that may take place betweenthe allies. We do not even know, whether England and Prussia havechanged their minds on the subject of our independence; for the marchof the armies cannot be any certain indication of the minds of thecabinets. Neither can the will of two powers suffice us; it is theirgeneral agreement we want to know. Would you anticipate thisagreement? Would you oppose an obstacle to it, in order to give riseto a new political tempest from a state of things so near to peace?

"I am not afraid, for my own part, to anticipate all objections. Perhaps you suppose, that the occupation of Paris by two of the alliedarmies will second the views you may entertain of restoring LouisXVIII. To the throne. But can an augmentation of the evils of war, which can be ascribed to this motive alone, be a means ofreconciliation?

"I must declare to your lordship, that every sinister attempt toimpose on us a government, before the allied powers have explainedthemselves, would immediately oblige the chambers to take measures, that would not leave the possibility of a reconciliation in any case. It is even the interest of the King, that every thing should remain ina state of suspension: force may replace him on the throne, but cannotkeep him there. It is neither by force, nor by surprise, nor by thewishes of one party, that the national will can be brought to changeits government. It would even be in vain, at the present moment, tooffer us conditions, to render a new government more supportable. There are no conditions that can be examined, as long as the necessityof bending our necks to the yoke, of renouncing our independence, isnot proved to us. Now, my lord, this necessity cannot even besuspected, before the allied powers are in accord. None of theirengagements have been revoked: our independence is under theirprotection: it is we, who enter into their views; and, according tothe sense of their declaration, it is the besieging armies, thatdeviate from them. 

"According to these declarations, and never were there any moresolemn, every employment of force, in favour of the King, by thesearmies, on that part of our territory, which is solely in their power, will be considered by France as an avowal of the formal design ofimposing on us a government against our will. We may be allowed to askyour lordship, whether you have received any such authority. Besides, force is not a pacificator: a moral resistance repelled the lategovernment, that the King had been made to adopt: the more violence isemployed toward the nation, the more invincible would this resistancebe rendered. It cannot be the intention of the generals of thebesieging armies, to compromise their own governments; and to revokein fact the law, that the allied powers have imposed on themselves. 

"My lord, the whole question lies in the compass of these few words. 

"Napoleon has abdicated, as the allied powers desired: peace istherefore restored: who the prince shall be, that is to reap the fruitof this abdication, ought not even to be brought into the question. 

"Is our state of possession to be altered by force? The allied powerswould not only violate their promises, promises made in the face ofthe whole world, but they would not obtain their end. Is the change tocome from the will of the nation? Then it is necessary, in order tolead this will to declare itself, for the allied powers first to makeknown their formal refusal, to let our present government subsist. Anarmistice, therefore, is indispensable. 

"The full force of these considerations, my lord, it is impossible notto perceive. Even in Paris, should the event of a battle open itsgates to you, I should still hold to your lordship the same language. It is the language of all France. Were rivers of blood madecauselessly to flow, would the pretensions, that gave rise to them, bemore secure, or less odious?

"I hope soon to have an intercourse with your lordship, that will leadus both to the work of peace, by means more conformable to reason andjustice. An armistice would allow us, to treat in Paris: and it willbe easy for us to come to an understanding on the great principle, that the tranquillity of France is a condition inseparable from thetranquillity of Europe. It is only from a close inspection of thenation and of the army, that you can judge, on what the quietness andstability of our future condition depend. 

"I beg, &c. &c. "

Though in this letter the Duke of Otranto pleaded the cause ofNapoleon IL, and pretended to be ignorant of the dispositions of theallies, it was nevertheless very easy to perceive, that he consideredthe question as irrevocably decided in favour of the Bourbons. Theirname, which he had long avoided mentioning, was incessantly on hislips: but always the same, always inclined naturally andsystematically, to have more strings than one to his bow, he appearedto incline alternately _for the younger branch, and for the reigningbranch_. At one time the former seemed to him to offer preferably, andin a higher degree, all the guarantees the nation could desire: atanother he insinuated, that it would be possible, to come to anaccommodation with the King, if he would consent, to dismiss certaindangerous persons, and make fresh concessions to France. 

This change, too sudden not to be noticed, drew on his conduct morethan ever the scrutinizing eyes and reproaches of the antagonists ofthe Bourbons. 

He was accused of encouraging by impunity the newspaper writers andpamphleteers, who openly advocated the recall of the ancient dynastyof protecting the royalist party; and of having restored to libertyone of its most subtle agents, Baron de Vitrolles. 

He was charged with holding nocturnal conferences with this same M. DeVitrolles, and several eminent royalists; and with daily sendingemissaries, unknown to his colleagues, to the King, to M. DeTalleyrand, and to the Duke of Wellington. 

Two of the deputies, M. Durbach and General Solignac, went to him, anddeclared, that they were acquainted with his manoeuvres; that hisambition blinded him; that no compact could ever subsist between LouisXVIII. And the murderer of his brother; and that sooner or laterFrance would take vengeance on this treason. 

An old minister of state, M. Deferment, reproached him to his teethwith privately selling the lives and liberties of the French. 

Other accusations, not less serious, or less virulent, were addressedto him by M. Carnot, and by General Grenier. "If he betray us, " saidthe latter, "I will blow his brains out. "

The Duke of Otranto, accustomed to brave political storms, coollyrepelled these imputations. He reminded his accusers of the numerouspledges he had given to the revolution. He offered his head as theguarantee of his fidelity. His protestations, his oaths, and theimperturbable assurance, with which he answered for the safety andindependence of the nation, if he were suffered to go on his own way, allayed the storms: but he had too much penetration, not to be awareof the ground on which he stood; he could not but feel, that he waslost, if he did not hasten to a conclusion; and there is every reasonto believe, that he rejected _no means_ of arriving speedily at adecisive result[83]. 

 [Footnote 83: If we may believe the declaration of M. Macirone, confirmed by the testimony of two other secret agents, MM. Maréchal and St. Jul***, the Duke of Otranto wrote to Lord Wellington, by a letter of which M. Macirone was the bearer, and which he concealed in his stockings, that the enthusiasm of the federates and Bonapartists was at the height; and that it would be impossible, to restrain them any longer, if the Duke of Wellington did not hasten, to come and put an end to their fury by the occupation of Paris. ]

Blucher, however, to whom only a shadow of defence was opposed, hadcrossed the Seine at the bridge of Pecq, which had been preserved bythe care of a journalist named Martainville, and appeared to intend, to spread his troops round the south-west of Paris[84]. Our generals, witnessing this adventurous march, were unanimously of opinion, thatthe Prussians had compromised themselves. They summoned the Prince ofEckmuhl to attack them; and he could not avoid assenting to it. 

 [Footnote 84: It was just at this moment, that the Emperor declared to the government, that he was certain of crushing the enemy, if they would entrust him with the command of the army. ]

The whole army, generals, officers, soldiers, were still animated witha devotion, that nothing could rebut. Proud of the confidence placedin them by the national representatives, they had answered theirappeal by an address full of spirit and patriotism; they had sworn toeach other, to die in defence of the honour and independence of thenation; and they were impatient, to fulfil their oaths. 

General Excelmans was sent after the Prussians with six thousand men. A corps of fifteen thousand infantry, under the command of GeneralVichery, was to follow him by the bridge of Sevres, and connect itsmovements with six thousand foot of the 1st corps, and ten thousandchosen horse, who were to march by the bridge of Neuilly. But at themoment of executing these movements, the success of which wouldunquestionably have ensured the destruction of the Prussian army, counter-orders were issued by the Prince of Eckmuhl, from what motivesI know not. General Excelmans alone maintained the battle. He attackedthe enemy in advance of Versailles, drove them into an ambuscade, cutthem to pieces, and took from them their arms, baggage, and horses. Generals Strulz, Piré, Barthe, and Vincent, colonels Briqueville, Faudoas, St. Amand, Chaillou, Simonnet, Schmid, Paolini, and theirbrave regiments, performed prodigies of valour, and were intrepidlyseconded by the citizens of the neighbouring communes, who hadpreceded as sharpshooters the arrival of our troops on the field ofbattle, and during the battle proved themselves worthy, to fight bytheir side. 

This victory filled the Parisian patriots with hope and joy. Itinspired them with the noble desire of imitating the fine example, that had just been set them. But when it was known, that a generalengagement had been unanimously desired and agreed upon; and that theenemy, had it not been for counter-orders, surprised and cut off, would have been annihilated, this intoxication was changed intodepression, and a cry was raised on all hands of infamy and treason. 

Excelmans and his brave men, not being supported, were obliged toretreat. The Prussians advanced, the English moved out to supportthem; they formed a junction, and came and encamped together on theheights of Meudon. 

The committee hastened to inform the commissioners of the criticalsituation of Paris, and desired them, as the Duke of Wellington wasincessantly sending them from Caiphas to Pilate, to endeavour to seePrince Blucher. They answered, "that they had never been able to haveany communication with the marshal; and that they could not establisha conference with him, unless through the intervention of LordWellington, without the risk of occasioning a rupture. "

They added to their despatch a fresh letter, by which his lordshipannounced to them, that "Prince Blucher continued to express to himthe greatest repugnance to the conclusion of an armistice, " &c. &c. 

The government no longer doubted the ill will of the English general. Count Carnot said, "that they must address themselves definitively tothe brutal frankness of Blucher, rather than live in the uncertainty, in which they were kept by the civilities of Wellington. "

The Duke of Vicenza thought the same, that the only way of coming to aconclusion was by bluntly making a proposal without the knowledge ofthe English. He remarked to the committee, that the great repugnanceshown by Marshal Blucher to concluding an armistice, no doubt, arosefrom his being probably unwilling, to negotiate under the directionand influence of Wellington, to whose head-quarters he apparentlyavoided paying a visit. That he would be much more tractable, if hewere addressed directly. That, by taking this step, they would alsohave the advantage of removing the negotiations from the place, wherethe Bourbons were; and of being able more easily to avoid thepolitical question, on which Wellington seemed far more decided thanBlucher. The commission, influenced by these observations, adopted theadvice of M. Carnot; and the Prince of Eckmuhl was ordered, to addressto Marshal Blucher direct proposals, founded principally on thearmistice concluded with the chiefs of the Austrian forces. 

The prince immediately answered:

"If Marshal Frimont have thought himself authorised, to conclude anarmistice, this is no reason for our doing the same. We shall followup our victory: God has given us the means, and the will. 

"Consider what you have to do. Do not precipitate a city anew intocalamities; for you are aware to what lengths an enraged soldiery maygo, if your capital be taken by assault. Would you draw down on yourhead the curses of Paris, as you have those of Hamburgh?

"_We are resolved to enter Paris, to secure the honest people therefrom the plunder; with which they are threatened by the populace_[85]. It is only in Paris, that we can conclude a secure armistice. "

 [Footnote 85: From this passage it appears unquestionable, that Wellington had communicated M. Fouché's letter to Prince Blucher. ]

This letter was revolting to the committee; but however great its justindignation, there was now no middle path: _the commander in chief hadrefused, to avail himself of a palpable fault of the enemy: theopportunity of victory had been let slip: it was necessary, tosustain a siege, or capitulate. _

The committee, sensible of all the importance of the part it shouldtake, was desirous of having recourse to the skill, the councils, andthe responsibility of the most experienced men. It sent for theimmortal defenders of Genoa and Toulouse, the conqueror of Dantzic, Generals Gazan, Duverney, and Evain, Major-General Ponton of theengineers, who had distinguished himself at the siege of Hamburgh, andin fine the presidents and committees (_bureaux_) of the two chambers. 

Count Carnot, who had been to examine our positions and those of theenemy in company with General Grenier, made a report on the situationof Paris to the assembly. 

He stated:

That the fortifications erected on the right bank of the Seineappeared sufficient, to secure Paris against any assault on that side. But that the left bank was entirely open, and presented a spaciousfield to the enemy's attempts. 

That the English and Prussian generals had moved the greater part oftheir armies to this vulnerable point _with impunity_: and appeareddisposed, to attempt an attack with open force. That, if they failedthe first time, they might return to the charge a second; and renewtheir attempts, till they rendered themselves masters of the capital. That they would have fresh troops, to oppose to us continually; whileours, obliged to be constantly on their guard, would soon be exhaustedwith fatigue. 

That the arrival of subsistence was becoming difficult; and that acorps of sixty thousand Bavarians would apparently block up the waybetween the Seine and Marne in the course of a few days. 

That the enemy, already masters of the heights of Meudon, and the bestsurrounding positions, might entrench themselves there, cut off ourretreat, and reduce Paris and the army, to surrender at discretion. 

The president of the committee, after having called the attention ofthe members of the assembly to these serious considerations, requestedthem to give their opinions. 

It was observed to him, that it appeared necessary, previously to makeknown the present state of the negotiations. This the committee didnot refuse: but the communication having brought on a discussionrespecting the Bourbons, the committee reminded them, that they oughtto confine themselves to the military question; and that the pointwas, purely and simply to decide, whether it were advisable orpossible, to defend Paris. 

The Prince of Essling, being called upon, said, that this city wouldbe impregnable, if the inhabitants would make of it a secondSaragossa: but there was not sufficient harmony in their sentiments, to think of a resolute resistance and the most prudent part would be, to obtain a suspension of hostilities at any price. 

The Duke of Dantzic declared, that he did not think it impossible, toprolong their defence, by rapidly accelerating the works begun in theplains of Montrouge. 

The Duke of Dalmatia maintained, that the left bank of the Seine wasnot tenable: that it was even very hazardous, since the occupation ofAubervilliers, to remain on the right side: that if the line of thecanal, that joins St. Denis to Lavillette, should be forced, the enemymight enter by the barrier of St. Denis pell-mell with our troops. 

Some of the members, agreeing in opinion with the Duke of Dantzic, demanded, that positive information should be procured respecting thepossibility of putting the left bank into a state of defence, previousto coming to a decision. In fine, after some debate, it was decided, that the assembly was not competent, to determine such a question:and that it should be submitted to the examination and decision of acouncil of war, which the Prince of Eckmuhl should convene for thenight following. 

The occupation of Paris by the foreigners was the object of theimpatient wishes of the royalists, and of the men who had sold ordevoted themselves from policy, ambition, or fear, to the party of theBourbons. Persuaded, that it would decide the fate of France in 1815, as it had done in 1814, they had omitted beforehand no step, nopromise, no threatening insinuation, that could tend to accomplishtheir wishes and their triumph by the surrender of the city. 

The Duke of Otranto, whether he were in concert with the royalists, orconsidered the speedy capitulation of Paris necessary to his ownsecurity; or were desirous of making a merit, at some future day, ofhaving brought France under the sway of its legitimate sovereignwithout effusion of blood; appeared to consider it of great importancethat the defence of Paris should not be prolonged. "Every thing is onthe point of being settled, " said he to the members, who had mostinfluence in the chambers and in the army: "let us be very carefulnot to sacrifice a secure present to an uncertain future. The alliesare agreed, that we shall have _a_ Bourbon; but it is necessary, thathe submit to the conditions imposed on him by the nation. The chamberwill be retained, the generals will remain at the head of the army;all will go well. Is it not better to submit, than to expose France tobe partitioned, or delivered over to the Bourbons bound hand and foot?A prolonged resistance would have no other result, than to retard ourfall. It would rob us of the price of a voluntary submission, andauthorise the Bourbons to be implacable. " If little disposition wereshown, to share his confidence and his sentiments; he imposed silenceon the refractory by all the forms of the most lively interest. "Youropposition, " he said to them, "astonishes and grieves me: would youpass for an incendiary, and incur the penalty of being exiled? Let usgo on our own way, I conjure you: I will answer for the future. ". . . . An internal presentiment warned the hearers, that this future would befar from answering the expectations of M. Fouché: but his politicallife, his great talents, his connexions with the foreign ministers, the attention paid him in 1814 by the Emperor Alexander and the kingof Prussia, gave such weight, such an ascendancy, to his words, thatthey ultimately did violence to their own reason, and gave themselvesup, though not without murmuring, to confidence and hope. 

The council of war assembled on the night of the 1st of July at thehead-quarters at Lavillette, under the presidentship of the Prince ofEckmuhl. Care was taken, it appeared, to keep away some suspectedgenerals; and not to neglect calling those officers, whose principles, moderation, or weakness, was known. All the marshals present in thecapital were admitted; and they, who had lately refused to fight, didnot refuse to come to capitulate. 

The committee, in order to prevent all political discussion, hadstated the questions, to which the members of the council were toconfine their deliberations: but this precaution, as might besupposed, did not prevent their entering familiarly into the moral andpolitical considerations, that might influence the defence orsurrender of the place besieged. Marshal Soult pleaded the cause ofLouis XVIII. ; and was eagerly seconded by other marshals, and severalgenerals, who, though they entered into the council under thenational colours, would willingly have gone out of it with the whitecockade. 

It is impossible, to recapitulate the opinions, given in turn orconfusedly by the fifty persons, who were called to take a share inthis great and important deliberation. Their speeches, or rather theirconversation, turned alternately on Paris and on the Bourbons. 

"We are told, " said the partisans of Louis XVIII. And thecapitulation, "that Paris, covered without by an army of eightythousand men; and defended within by the federates, the sharpshooters, the national guard, and an immense population; might resist theefforts of the allies for twenty days at least. We are told, that itsimmense extent will render the arrival of provision easy. We admit thepossibility of all this: but what will be the ultimate effect of thisresistance? To allow the Emperor Alexander, and the Emperor ofAustria, time to arrive. . . . The allies, we know perfectly well, promise to leave us the power of choosing our sovereign: but will theykeep their promises? and what conditions will they annex to them?Already Wellington and Blucher have announced, that they will requireguarantees, and fortified towns, if Louis XVIII. Be rejected. Is notthis equivalent to a formal declaration, that the allies are resolved, to retain that sovereign on the throne? Let us voluntarily rally roundhim, therefore, while we still can. His ministers led him astray, buthis intentions were always pure: he knows the faults he has committed;he will be eager to repair them, and to give us the institutions yetnecessary, to consolidate the rights and liberties of the people onbases not to be shaken. "

"This reasoning may be just, " answered their opponents; "butexperience, of more weight than any reasoning, has convinced us, thatwe must not rely on empty promises. The hopes you have conceived reston conjecture, or on the word of the agents of the Bourbons. Before wesurrender ourselves into the hands of the King, he must make known tous the guarantees, by which we are to be secured. If they be agreeableto us, then we may deliberate but if we open our gates withoutconditions, and previous to the arrival of Alexander, Wellington andthe Bourbons will make a jest of their promises, and oblige us tosubmit to the will of the conqueror without pity. Besides, why shouldwe despair of the safety of France? Is the loss of a single battle, then, to decide the fate of a great nation? Have we not still immenseresources, to oppose to the enemy? Have the federates, the nationalguard, and all true Frenchmen, refused to shed their blood in defenceof the glory, the honour, and the independence of their country? Whilewe are fighting under the walls of the capital, the levy in mass ofthe patriots will be arranged in the departments: and when our enemiessee, that we are determined to defend our independence, they willrather respect it, than expose themselves to a patriotic and nationalwar for interests not their own. We must refuse, therefore, tosurrender; and place ourselves in a situation, by a vigorous defence, to give the law, instead of receiving it. "

"You maintain, " it was replied, "that we may raise in mass thefederates and the patriots. But how will you arm them? we have nomuskets. Besides, can a levy in mass be organised on a sudden? Beforeyou could have a single battalion at your disposal, Paris would haveunder its feeble ramparts sixty thousand Bavarians, and a hundred andforty thousand Austrians more to fight. What will you do then? Youmust ultimately surrender: and the blood you will have shed will belost without return, and without utility. But will not that we shallhave spilt of the enemy fall on our own heads? Will they not make usexpiate our mad and cruel resistance by a disgraceful capitulation? Ifthe allies, at the present moment, think themselves strong enough torefuse you a suspension of hostilities, what will they do, when theyhave their twelve hundred thousand soldiers on our territory? Thedismemberment of France, the pillage and devastation of the capital, will be, perhaps, the fruit of the rash defence you propose to us. "

These considerations, the force of which was generally felt, wereunanimously approved. It was acknowledged, that it would beunquestionably most prudent, not to expose the capital to theconsequences and dangers of a siege, or of being taken by assault. Itwas acknowledged, too, at least by implication, that, the return ofthe Bourbons being inevitable, it was better to recall themvoluntarily, under good conditions, than to leave to the allies theact of restoring them. But the members did not think proper, toexplain themselves on this delicate subject; and accordingly confinedthemselves to laconic answers of the questions proposed by thecommittee. 

_Questions proposed by the Committee of Government to the Council ofWar, assembled at la Villette, July the 1st, 1815. _

"1st. What is the state of the intrenchments raised for the defence ofParis?--_Answer. _ The state of the intrenchments, and their supply ofordnance, on the right bank of the Seine, though incomplete, is ingeneral satisfactory enough. On the left bank the intrenchments may beconsidered as null. 

"2d. The army, can it cover and defend Paris?--_Ans. _ It may: but notindefinitely. It ought not to expose itself to a want of provision, orto have its retreat cut off. 

"3d. If the army were attacked on all points, could it prevent theenemy from penetrating into Paris on one side or the other?--_Ans. _ Itwould be difficult for the army to be attacked on all points at once:but should this happen, there would be little hope of resistance. 

"4th. In case of a defeat, could the commander in chief reserve, orcollect, sufficient means, to oppose a forcible entry?--_Ans. _ Nogeneral can answer for the consequences of a battle. 

"5th. Is there sufficient ammunition for several battles?--_Ans. _ Yes. 

"6th. In fine, can you answer for the fate of the capital? and for howlong a time?--_Ans. _ We can warrant nothing on this head. 

 (Signed) "The Marshal Minister at War, "The Prince of ECKMUHL. 

"July the 2d, 3 o'clock in the morning. "

The answer of the council of war was transmitted immediately to theTuileries, and there became the subject of a long and profounddeliberation. 

In fine, after having weighed the advantages and dangers of aprotracted defence; after having considered, that Paris, without hopeof succour, and surrounded on all sides, would either be taken byassault, or forced to surrender at discretion that the army, withoutany means of retreat, would find themselves perhaps reduced to choosebetween the disgrace of surrendering themselves prisoners, and thenecessity of burying themselves under the ruins of the capital; thecommittee decided unanimously, that Paris should not be defended, andthat they would submit to deliver it into the hands of the allies, since the allies would not suspend hostilities at any other price. 

General Ziethen, who commanded Prince Blucher's advanced guard, wasinformed of this determination by the Prince of Eckmuhl. He returnedhim the following answer:

"_To the Prince of Eckmuhl. _

 "July the 2d. 

"Monsieur General, "General Revest has communicated to me verbally, that you demand anarmistice, to treat of the surrender of Paris. 

"In consequence, M. General, I have to inform you, that I am in no wayauthorized to accept an armistice. I dare not even announce thisdemand to his Highness Marshal Prince Blucher: but however, if thedeputies of the government declare to my aide-de-camp, CountWestphalen, that they will surrender the city, _and that the Frencharmy will surrender itself also_, I will accept a suspension ofhostilities. 

"I will then communicate it to his highness Prince Blucher, to treatof the other articles. 

 (Signed) "ZIETHEN. "

When Brennus, abusing his victory, offered an insult to thevanquished, the Romans ran to arms. We, less sensible, and less proud, heard, without shuddering, the insult offered to our eighty thousandbrave soldiers, and accepted, without blushing, the disgrace thusinflicted upon them and us!

Our only revenge was to despatch MM. De Tromeling and Macirone, theformer to Prince Blucher, the latter to Lord Wellington. 

The Duke of Otranto, without the knowledge of the committee, deliveredto M. Macirone a confidential note in the following terms:

"The army is dissatisfied, because it is unhappy; encourage it: itwill become faithful and devoted. 

"The chambers are indocile for the same reason; encourage every body, and every body will be on your side. 

"Let the army be sent away: the chambers will consent to it, on apromise to add to the charter the guarantees specified by the King. Inorder to come to a good understanding, it is necessary, thatexplanations should take place: do not enter Paris, therefore, in lessthan three days; in this interval every thing will be settled. _Thechambers will be gained; they will fancy themselves independent, andwill sanction every thing. _ It is not force that must be employed withthem, but persuasion. "

I know not whether M. De Tromeling were also furnished with a similarnote, or whether Lord Wellington interposed his authority; but PrinceBlucher, become on a sudden more tractable, consented to treat of thesurrender of Paris. 

On the 3d of July, General Ziethen announced on his part to the Princeof Eckmuhl, "that the deputies of the government might presentthemselves: that they would be conducted to St. Cloud, where theywould find deputies from the English and Prussian generals. "

Baron Bignon, Count de Bondy, and General Guilleminot, provided withpowers from the Prince of Eckmuhl (Blucher having declared, that hewould have nothing to do with any person but the chief of the Frencharmy), repaired to the Prussian advanced posts, and were conducted toSt. Cloud; _where, without any regard to the laws of nations, theywere deprived of all means of communicating with the government, andkept in a private prison, during the whole continuance of thenegotiations. _

Baron Bignon, the principal negotiator, and his two colleagues, defended the political rights, the private interests, theinviolability of persons and property, national and individual, withinestimable firmness and zeal. They were far from foreseeing, thatthe following convention, which they considered as sacred, wouldsubsequently open such a fatal!! door to the interpretations ofvengeance and bad faith. 

CONVENTION. 

This day, July the 3d, 1815, the commissioners named by the commandersin chief of the respective armies, namely:

M. Baron Bignon, having in charge the portfolio of foreign affairs; M. Count Guilleminot, chief of the staff of the French army; M. Count deBondy, prefect of the department of the Seine; furnished with fullpowers by Marshal the Prince of Eckmuhl, commander in chief of theFrench army, on the one part;

And M. Major-General Baron de Muffling, furnished with powers by hisHighness Marshal Prince Blucher, commander-in-chief of the Prussianarmy; and M. Colonel Hervey, furnished with full powers by hisexcellency the Duke of Wellington, commander-in-chief of the Englisharmy, on the other;

Have agreed on the following articles:

ART. I. 

There shall be a suspension of hostilities between the allied armiescommanded by his highness Prince Blucher, his excellency the Duke ofWellington, and the French army, under the walls of Paris. 

ART. II. 

To-morrow the French army shall commence its march, to retire behindthe Loire. The total evacuation of Paris shall be effected in threedays, and its movement of retiring behind the Loire shall be finishedin eight days. 

ART. III. 

The French army shall take with it its stores, field artillery, military convoys, horses, and property of the regiments, without anyexception. This shall equally apply to what belongs to (_le personneldes_) the dépôts, and the different branches of administration, belonging to the army. 

ART. IV. 

The sick and wounded, as well as the medical officers, whom it may benecessary to leave with them, are under the particular protection ofMM. The commissaries in chief of the English and Prussian armies. 

ART. V. 

The military and non-military persons, mentioned in the precedingarticle, may rejoin the corps to which they belong, as soon as theyare recovered. 

ART. VI. 

The women and children of all persons belonging to the French armyshall be at liberty to remain in Paris. 

These women shall meet with no obstruction to their quitting Paris, torejoin the army, or to taking with them their own property or that oftheir husbands. 

ART. VII. 

The officers of the line employed with the federates, or with thesharpshooters of the national guard, may either rejoin the army, orreturn to their place of residence, or to the place where they wereborn. 

ART. VIII. 

To-morrow, July the 4th, at noon, St. Denis, St. Ouen, Clichy, andNeuilly, shall be delivered up; the next day, July the 5th, at thesame hour, Montmartre shall be delivered; and on the 3d day, July 6, all the barriers shall be delivered. 

ART. IX. 

The interior duty of Paris shall continue to be performed by thenational guard, and by the corps of municipal gendarmerie. 

ART. X. 

The commanders in chief of the English and Prussian armies _engage torespect, and to make those under them respect, the presentauthorities, as long as they subsist_. 

ART. XI. 

_Public property_, except what relates to war, whether it belong tothe government, or depend on the municipal authority, _shall berespected_, and the allied powers will not interfere in any manner inits management, or in its conduct. 

ART. XII. 

The persons and property of individuals shall be equally respected:the inhabitants, and all persons in general, who happen to be in thecapital, shall continue to enjoy their rights and liberties, _withoutbeing molested, or any inquiry being made into the functions theyoccupy or may have occupied, their conduct, or their politicalopinions_. 

ART. XIII. 

The foreign troops shall oppose no obstacle to the supply of thecapital with provision; and on the contrary shall protect the arrivaland free circulation of articles intended for it. 

ART. XIV. 

The present convention shall be observed, and serve as a rule for themutual conduct of the parties, till a peace is concluded. 

In case of a rupture, it shall be announced in the usual forms atleast ten days beforehand. 

ART. XV. 

_If any difficulties arise_, respecting the execution of some of thearticles of the present convention, _the interpretation shall be infavour of the French army_, and of the city of Paris. 

ART. XVI. 

The present convention is declared common to all the allied armies, saving the ratification of the powers, to which those armies belong. 

ART. XVII. 

The ratifications shall be exchanged to-morrow, at six o'clock in themorning, at the bridge of Neuilly. 

ART. XVIII. 

Commissioners shall be named by the respective parties, to superintendthe execution of the present convention. 

Done and signed at St. Cloud, in triplicate, by the commissionersundernamed, the day and year above mentioned, (Signed) Baron BIGNON. Count GUILLEMINOT. Count DE BONDY. Baron DE MUFFLING. B. HERVEY, Colonel. 

Approved and ratified, (Signed) Marshal Prince ECKMUHL. 

The title of capitulation was originally given to this treaty: but theDuke of Otranto, aware of the power of words, and dreading theimpression this would produce, hastened to recall the copies alreadydistributed, and to substitute the milder title of convention. Thisprecaution, however, fascinated the eyes only of a few friendlydeputies. Numerous groups were formed: the government and PrinceEckmuhl were openly charged with having a second time delivered up andsold Paris to the allies and the Bourbons. The patriots, thesharpshooters, the federates, who had offered to defend the city withtheir lives, were equally indignant, that the city had been given upwithout firing a single shot. They resolved, to seize on the heightsof Montmartre, join the army, and sell dearly to the enemy the lastsighs of liberty and of France. But their threatening clamours werenot unheard by the government. It called out the national guards; andthese at length appeased the malecontents, by opposing to them theexample of their own resignation. 

The publication of the convention produced an effervescence not lessformidable in the camps. The generals assembled, to protest againstthis impious act, and oppose its accomplishment. They declared, thatthe Prince of Eckmuhl, _in whose house they had frequently caught M. De Vitrolles_, had forfeited the esteem of the army, and was no longerworthy to command it. They repaired to General Vandamme, and offeredhim the command. But this officer, who had made one of the council ofwar, which they did not know, and approved its sentiments, refused hisconsent to their wishes. The soldiers, who had been made to swear bythe representatives of the people, that they would never suffer theenemy to penetrate into the capital, spontaneously shared theindignation of their leaders; and declared, like them, that they wouldnever consent, to surrender Paris. Some broke their arms, othersbrandished them in the air with curses and threats; all swore, to dieon the spot, rather than desert it. A general insurrection appearedinevitable and at hand; when the General, alarmed at the calamities itmight occasion, harangued the soldiers, and at length calmed theirirritation. The imperial guard, yielding to the ascendancy the braveand loyal Drouot possessed over it, gave the first example ofsubmission, and every thing was restored to order. 

The government, to justify its conduct, and prevent similarinsurrections in the other armies, and in the departments, publishedthe following proclamation, a pompous tissue of eloquent impostures, and of fallacious promises[86]. 

 [Footnote 86: It was the performance of the Duke of Otranto. ]

"_The Committee of Government to the French. _

"Frenchmen, "Under the difficult circumstances, in which the reins of governmentwere entrusted to us, it was not in our power, to master the course ofevents, and repel every danger: but it was our duty, to protect theinterests of the people, and of the army, equally compromised in thecause of a prince, abandoned by fortune and by the national will. 

"It was our duty, _to preserve_ to our country the precious remains ofthose brave legions, whose courage is superior to misfortune, and whohave been the victims of a devotion, which their country now claims. 

"It was our duty, to save the capital from the horrors of a siege, orthe chances of a battle to maintain the public tranquillity amid thetumults and agitations of war, _to support the hopes of the friends ofliberty_, amid the fears and anxieties of a suspicious foresight. Itwas above all our duty, to stop the useless effusion of blood. We hadto choose _between a secure national existence_, or run the risk ofexposing our country and its citizens to a general convulsion, thatwould leave behind it neither hope, nor a future. 

"_None of the means of defence_, that time and our resourcespermitted, nothing that the service of the camps or of the cityrequired, have we neglected. 

"While the pacification of the West was concluding, plenipotentiarieswent to meet the allied powers; and all the papers relative to thisnegotiation have been laid before our representatives. 

"The fate of the capital is regulated by a convention: itsinhabitants, whose firmness, courage, and perseverance, are above allpraise, will retain the guarding of it. _The declarations of thesovereigns of Europe must inspire too great confidence, their promiseshave been too solemn, for us to entertain any fears of our liberties, and of our dearest interests, being sacrificed to victory. _

"_At length we shall receive guarantees_, that will prevent thealternate and transient triumphs of the factions, by which we havebeen agitated these five and twenty years; that will terminate ourrevolutions, and _melt down under one common protection_ all theparties, to which they have given rise, and all those, against whichthey have contended. 

"Those guarantees, which have hitherto existed only in our principlesand in our courage, _we shall find_ in our laws, in our constitution, in our representative system. For whatever may be the intelligence, the virtues, the personal qualities of a monarch, these can neversuffice, to render the people secure against the oppressions of power, the prejudices of pride, the injustice of courts, and the ambition ofcourtiers. 

"Frenchmen, peace is necessary to your commerce, to your arts, to theimprovement of your morals, to the development of the resourcesremaining to you: be united, _and you are at the end of yourcalamities_. The repose of Europe is inseparable from yours. Europe isinterested in your tranquillity, and in your happiness. 

"Given at Paris, July the 5th, 1815. 

 (Signed) "The president of the committee, "The Duke of OTRANTO. "

By the terms of the convention, the first column of the French was tocommence its march on the 4th. The soldiers, still irritated, declaredthey would not set out, till they received their arrears of pay. Thetreasury was empty, credit extinguished, the government at bay. ThePrince of Eckmuhl proposed, to seize the funds of the bank: but thisattempt struck the committee with horror. One resource alone, one onlyhope, remained: this was to invoke the support of a banker, at thattime celebrated for his wealth, now celebrated for his public virtues. M. Lafitte was applied to: the chances of the future did not deterhim; he listened only to the interest of his country; and severalmillions, distributed by his assistance through the ranks of the army, disarmed the mutineers, and crushed the seeds of a civil war. 

The army began its march. Amid the despair, into which it had beenplunged by the capitulation, it had frequently called on Napoleon! Thecommittee, apprehensive that the Emperor, having no longer anymeasures to keep, would come and put himself in a state of desperationat the head of the patriots and soldiers, sent orders by a courier toGeneral Beker, "to effect the arrival of Napoleon at Rochefort withoutdelay; _and, without departing from the respect due to him, to employall the means necessary, to get him embarked_; as his stay in Francecompromised the safety of the state, and was detrimental to thenegotiations. "

The retreat of the army, the occupation of Paris by the foreigners, and the presence of the King at Arnouville, unveiled the future; andthose men who were not blinded by incurable illusions, prepared tofall again under the sway of the Bourbons. 

Their partisans, their emissaries, their known agents (M. De Vitrollesand others) had asserted, that the King, ascribing the revolution ofthe 20th of March to the faults of his ministry, would shut his eyesto all that had passed; and that a general absolution would be thepledge of his return, and of his reconciliation with the French. Thisconsolatory assertion had already surmounted the repugnance of many;when the proclamations of the 25th and 28th of June, issued atCambray, made their appearance[87]. These in fact acknowledged, thatthe ministers of the King had committed faults; but, far frompromising a complete oblivion of those committed by his subjects, oneof them, the work of the Duke of Feltre, on the contrary announced, "that the King, whose potent allies had cleared the way for him to hisdominions, by dispersing _the satellites of the tyrant_, was hasteningto return to them, to carry the existing laws into execution againstthe guilty. "

 [Footnote 87: They were published by order of the chamber. ]

Information was soon brought by the commissioners, returned from thehead quarters of the allies, and confirmed by the reports of MM. Tromeling and Macirone, that Blucher and Wellington, already takingadvantage of our weakness, openly declared, that the authority of thechambers and of the committee was illegal; and that the best thingthey could do would be, to give in their resignations, and proclaimLouis XVIII. 

All the good effected by the cajolery of M. Fouché, and the hope of ahappy reconciliation, now disappeared. Consternation seized theweak-minded; indignation, men of a generous spirit. The committee, disappointed of the hope of obtaining Napoleon II. , or the Duke ofOrleans; who, according to the expression of the Duke of Wellington, would have been only an usurper of a good family; could no longerdisguise from itself, that it was the intention of the foreign powers, to restore Louis XVIII. To the throne; but it had imagined, that hisre-establishment would be the subject of an agreement between thenation, the allied monarchs, and Louis. 

When it was acquainted with the language held by the enemy's generals, it foresaw, that the independence of the powers of the state, stipulated by the convention, would not be respected; and itdeliberated, whether it would not be proper for it and the chambers, to retire behind the Loire with the army. This measure, worthy of thefirmness of M. Carnot, who proposed it, was strongly combated by theDuke of Otranto. He declared, that this step would ruin France; "thatthe greater part of the generals would not assent to it, and that hehimself would be the first, to refuse to quit Paris. That it was atParis the whole must be decided: and that it was the duty of thecommittee to remain there, to protect the high interests confided toit, and contend for them to the last extremity. "

The committee gave up the idea; not out of deference to theobservations of M. Fouché, for he had lost all his empire over it; butbecause it was convinced on reflection, that things had gone too far, for any benefit to be expected from this desperate step. It wouldprobably have rekindled the foreign war, and a civil war; and, thoughthe soldiers might be depended on, their leaders could no longer beso, with the same security. Some, as General Sénéchal, had beenstopped at the advanced posts, when going over to the Bourbons. Othershad openly declared themselves in favour of Louis. The greater numberappeared inflexible: but this difference of opinion had brought ondistrust and dissensions; and in political wars all is lost, whenthere is a divergency of wills and opinions. Besides it would havebeen necessary, since the committee persisted in rejecting Napoleon, to place at the head of the army some other chief, whose name, sacredto glory, might serve as a stay and rallying point: and on whom couldthe choice of the committee fall[88]?

 [Footnote 88: Events have justified the prudence of the marshals; but I am not judging of events, I am relating them. ]

Marshal Ney had been the first, to give the alarm, and despair of thesafety of the country[89]. 

 [Footnote 89: On the 23d of June, M. Carnot, after having delivered to the chamber of peers Napoleon's act of abdication, entered into some details of the state of the army. Marshal Ney rose, and said . . . "What you have just heard is false, entirely false; Marshal Grouchy and the Duke of Dalmatia cannot assemble sixty thousand men. . . . Marshal Grouchy has been unable to rally more than seven or eight thousand; Marshal Soult could not maintain his post at Rocroy; you have no longer _any means_ of saving the country, but by negotiations. " M. Carnot and General Flahaut immediately refuted this imprudent negation. General Drouot completely refuted the marshal in the following sitting. . . . "I have heard with regret, " said he, "what had been said to diminish the glory of our armies, exaggerate our disasters, or depreciate our resources. I will say what I think, what I fear, and what I hope. On my frankness you may depend. My attachment to the Emperor cannot be doubted: but before all things, and above all things, I love my country. " The general then gave a true and authenticated account of the battles of Ligny and Mont St. Jean; and, after having justified the Emperor from the faults, indirectly attempted to be imputed to him, continued: "Such are the particulars of this fatal day. It ought to have crowned the glory of the French army, destroyed all the vain hopes of the enemy, and perhaps soon given a peace to France. . . . But heaven decided otherwise. . . . Though our losses are considerable, still our situation is not desperate: the resources yet left us are great, if we will employ them with energy . . . Such a catastrophe should not discourage a nation great and noble like ours. . . . After the battle of Cannæ, the Roman senate voted thanks to their vanquished general, because he had not despaired of the safety of the republic; and laboured incessantly, to furnish him with the means of repairing the disasters of which he had been the cause. . . . On an occasion less critical, would the representatives of the nation suffer themselves to be depressed? Or would they forget the dangers of their country, and waste their hours in ill-timed debates, instead of having recourse to a remedy, that should ensure the safety of France?"]

Marshal Soult had relinquished his command. 

Marshal Massena, worn out by victories, had no longer the bodilystrength, that circumstances required. 

Marshal Macdonald, deaf to the shout of war raised by his oldcompanions in arms, had suffered his sword, to remain peaceably in itsscabbard. 

Marshal Jourdan was on the Rhine. 

Marshal Mortier had been seized with the gout at Beaumont. 

Marshal Suchet had displayed irresolution and repugnance from thebeginning. 

In fine, Marshals Davoust and Grouchy no longer possessed theconfidence of the army. 

The committee, therefore, it is grating to the pride of a Frenchman toconfess it, would not have known to whose hands the fate of Francemight be entrusted; and the part it took, that of waiting the issue ofevents in the capital, if not the most dignified, was at least thewisest and most prudent. 

The representatives of the people, on their part, far from showingthemselves docile to the advice of Wellington and of Blucher, displayed with more energy than ever the principles and sentimentsthat animated them. They collected round the tri-coloured flag; and, though the army had laid down its weapons, they were still resolved tocontend in defence of liberty, and the independence of the nation. 

On the very day when the convention of Paris was notified to them bythe government, they exposed, in a new bill of rights, the fundamentalprinciples of a constitution, which alone, in their opinion, couldsatisfy the wishes of the public: and declared, that the prince calledto reign over them should not ascend the throne, till he had given hissanction to this bill and taken an oath to observe it, and cause it tobe observed. 

Informed almost immediately by sinister rumours, that soon they wouldbe no longer allowed to deliberate, they resolved, on the motion of M. Dupont de l'Eure, solemnly to express their last will in a kind ofpolitical testament, drawn up in the following words. 

"_Declaration of the Chamber of Representatives. _

"The troops of the allied powers are about to occupy the capital. 

"The chamber of representatives will nevertheless continue to sit amidthe inhabitants of Paris, to which place the express will of thepeople has sent its proxies. 

"But, under the present serious circumstances, the chamber ofrepresentatives owes it to itself, owes it to France and to Europe, tomake a declaration of its sentiments and principles. 

"It declares, therefore, that it makes a solemn appeal to the fidelityand patriotism of the national guard of Paris, charged with theprotection of the national representatives. 

"It declares, that it reposes itself with the highest confidence onthe moral principles, honour, and magnanimity, of the allied powers, and on their respect for the independence of the nation, positivelyexpressed in their manifestoes. 

"It declares, that the government of France, whoever may be its head, ought to unite in its favour the wishes of the nation, legallyexpressed; and form arrangements with the other governments, in orderto become a common bond and guarantee of peace between France andEurope. 

"It declares, that a monarch cannot offer any real guarantees, if hedo not swear to the observance of a constitution, formed by thedeliberations of the national representatives, and accepted by thepeople. Accordingly any government, that has no other title than theacclamations and will of a party, or is imposed on it by force; anygovernment, that does not adopt the national colours, and does notguarantee, "The liberties of the citizens;

"Equality of rights, civil and political;

"The liberty of the press;

"Freedom of religious worship;

"The representative system;

"Free assent to levies and taxes;

"The responsibility of ministers;

"The irrevocability of sales of national property, from whateversource originating;

"The inviolability of property;

"The abolition of titles, of the old and new hereditary nobility, andof feudal claims;

"The abolition of all confiscation of property, the complete oblivionof opinions and votes given up to the present day;

"The institution of the legion of honour;

"The recompenses due to the officers and soldiers;

"The succour due to their widows and children;

"The institution of a jury; the indefeasibleness of the office ofjudge;

"The payment of the public debt;

"Would not ensure the tranquillity of France and of Europe. 

"If the fundamental principles, announced in this declaration, shouldbe disregarded or violated, the representatives of the French people, acquitting themselves this day of a sacred duty, enter their protestbeforehand, in the face of the whole world, against violence andusurpation. They entrust they maintenance of the arrangements, whichthey now proclaim, to all good Frenchmen, to all generous hearts, toall enlightened minds, to all men jealous of liberty, and, in fine, tofuture generations. "

This sublime protest was considered by the assembly as a funeralmonument, erected to patriotism and fidelity. All the members arose, and adopted it spontaneously, with shouts a thousand times repeated of"Long live the nation! Liberty for ever!" It was resolved, that itshould be sent immediately to the chamber of peers: "It must be madeknown, " said M. Dupin, "that the whole of the national representationshares the noble sentiments expressed in this declaration. It must bemade known to all worthy and reasonable men, the friends of judiciousliberty, that their wishes have found interpreters here, and thatforce itself cannot prevent us from uttering them. "

At the same moment M. Bedoch announced, that our plenipotentiarieswere returned; and that one of them, M. Pontécoulant, had affirmed, that "the foreign powers, and particularly the Emperor Alexander, hadshown favourable dispositions he had frequently heard it said andrepeated, that it was not the intention of the allied sovereigns, toput any constraint on France in the choice of a government; and thatthe Emperor Alexander would be at Nancy in a few days[90]. "

 [Footnote 90: The plenipotentiaries, who set out from Laon on the 26th of June, arrived on the 1st of July at Hagueneau, the head-quarters of the allied sovereigns. 

 The sovereigns did not think fit, to give them an audience; and Count Walmoden was appointed on the part of Austria, Count Capo d'Istria on that of Russia, General Knesbeck on that of Prussia, to hear their proposals. The English ambassador, Lord Stewart, having no powers _ad hoc_, was simply invited, to be present at the conferences. 

 Lord Stewart did not fail, as was foreseen in the instructions given to the plenipotentiaries, to dispute the legality of the existence of the chambers and of the committee; and asked the French deputies, by what right the nation pretended to expel their King, and choose another sovereign. By the same right, answered M. De la Fayette, as Great Britain had to depose James, and crown William. 

 This answer stopped the mouth of the English minister. 

 The plenipotentiaries, warned by this question of the disposition of the allies, exerted themselves less for obtaining Napoleon II. , than for rejecting Louis XVIII. They declared, I am told, that France had an insuperable aversion to this sovereign and his family; and that there was no prince, it would not consent to adopt, rather than return under their sway. In fine, they hinted, that the nation might agree to take the Duke of Orleans, or the King of Saxony, if it were impossible for it to retain the throne for the son of Maria Louisa. 

 The foreign ministers, after some insignificant discourse, politely put an end to the conference; and in the evening the French plenipotentiaries received their dismissal by the following note:

 _Hagueneau, July the 1st. _

 "According to the stipulation of the treaty of alliance, which says, that none of the contracting parties shall treat of peace or an armistice, but by common consent, the three courts, that find themselves together, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, declare, that they cannot at present enter into any negotiation. The cabinets will assemble together, as soon as possible. 

 "The three powers consider it as an essential condition of peace, and of real tranquillity, that Napoleon Bonaparte shall be incapable of disturbing the repose of France, and of Europe, for the future: and in consequence of the events, that occurred in the month of March last, _the powers must insist, that Napoleon Bonaparte be placed in their custody_. 

 (Signed) WALMODEN. Capo d'ISTRIA. KNESBECK. "

General Sébastiani confirmed these explanations. The chamber, feelingits hopes revive, immediately ordered, that its declaration should becarried to the foreign monarchs by a deputation of its members. "Theywill understand our language, " said M. Dupont de l'Eure, with a noblefeeling: "it is worthy of them, and of the great nation we represent. "

Thus, at the very moment when the chamber was about to expire, itsdying looks were still turned with pleasing confidence toward theforeign kings, whom the inconstancy of fortune had rendered thearbiters of France. It appealed particularly, in all its wishes, tothat loyal and magnanimous prince, who had already preserved theFrench from the calamities of conquest, and who appeared destined topreserve it from evils still more deplorable. His name, uttered withrespect, with gratitude, issued from every mouth; it was sufficient, to calm disquietude, allay grief, and revive hope; it seemed to be thepledge of peace, independence, and happiness, to the nation. OAlexander! this high esteem, this tender confidence, of a whole peoplenot thy own, doubt not, will be placed by posterity in the first rankof thy claims to glory. 

The committee, however, dissuaded the representatives from applying tothe sovereigns. It remonstrated to them, that the foreign powersrefused to acknowledge the legal character of the chambers, and thisstep would expose them to humiliations unworthy the majesty of thenation. The representatives, convinced of their mistake, did notpersevere: they tranquilly resumed their labours on theconstitution[91], and continued, while the despotic sword of kingshung over their heads, stoically to discuss the imprescriptible rightsof the people. 

 [Footnote 91: This constitution, founded on the additional act, differed from it only in abolishing hereditary mobility. M. Manuel, however, who displayed talents of the first order in this discussion, was of opinion, that the order of nobility should not be suppressed, being essentially necessary in a monarchy. Had I to draw up an eulogy of the additional act, or a charge against those who hold it in contempt, I would only refer them to his constitution. ]

The Duke of Wellington, when the convention was signed, had expresseda desire, to confer with the Duke of Otranto on its execution. Thecommittee did not oppose their interview. It was a certain means ofknowing definitively what was to be depended on, with regard to thedispositions of the allies. It was agreed, that the president of thecommittee should reproduce the arguments of the letter of the 1st ofJuly; that he should endeavour, to keep out the Bourbons, and turn thetemporary vacancy of the throne to the advantage of the nation and offreedom. 

The Duke of Otranto, on his return, informed the committee, "thatWellington had formally declared in favour of Louis XVIII. ; and hadsaid, that this sovereign would make his entrance into Paris on the8th of July. 

"That General Pozzo di Borgo had repeated the same declaration in thename of the Emperor of Russia; and had communicated to him a letterfrom Prince Metternich, and from Count Nesselrode, expressing theresolution, to acknowledge only Louis XVIII, and to admit no proposalto the contrary. " He added, "that the Duke of Wellington had conductedhim to the King: that he had gone _for his sake_ (_pour son compte_);that he had left him ignorant of nothing with respect to the situationof France, or to the disposition of people's minds against the returnof his family. That the King had listened to him with attention, andwith approbation that he had manifested an inclination, to add to thecharter fresh guarantees, and to remove all idea of reaction. _That, as to the expressions in the proclamations, they would rather furnishopportunities for clemency, than means of severity. _" In fine, headded, "that he had spoken of the tri-coloured cockade, but that allexplanation had been refused: that the opposition appeared to him, toproceed less from the King, than from those about him, and from M. DeTalleyrand. "

After this interview, the Duke of Otranto appeared to act separatelyfrom his colleagues; and no longer made his appearance withpunctuality at their frequent meetings. 

The newspapers soon made public, that he was appointed minister ofpolice to the King. This he had concealed from the committee. Theroyalists congratulated him on this mark of favour; the patriotsloaded him with curses, considering it as the reward of his treachery. 

The King's party, which had hitherto kept itself in obscurity, wasdesirous of making reparation for this long and pusillanimousinactivity by some brilliant act. It plotted the disarming of theposts of the national guard, under favour of night; seizing theTuileries, dissolving the committee and the chambers, and proclaimingLouis XVIII. 

Some precautions taken by the Prince of Essling taught theconspirators, that their designs were known: and they prudently leftthe execution of them to foreign bayonets. They had not to wait long. On the 7th of July, at five o'clock in the afternoon, several Prussianbattalions, in spite of the convention, surrounded the palace, wherethe government was sitting. An officer of the staff delivered to thecommittee a demand from Prince Blucher of a contribution of a hundredmillions in cash, and a hundred millions in articles for the troops. The committee declared with firmness, that this requisition wascontrary to the convention; and that it would never consent, to makeitself an accomplice in such exactions. During this debate, thePrussians had forced the gates of the Tuileries, and invaded thecourts and avenues of the palace. The committee being no longer free, and not choosing to become an instrument of oppression, ceased itsfunctions. 

Its first care was, to record by an authentic protest, _that it hadyielded only to force, and that the rights of the nation remainedintact_. The Duke of Otranto, the docile composer of the public papersof the government, took up the pen for this purpose: but thecommittee, fearing the effects this protest might have on the publictranquillity, thought it better, to content itself with sending to thetwo chambers the following message. 

"Mr. President, "Hitherto we had reason to believe, that the allied sovereigns werenot unanimous in their intentions, respecting the choice of a princeto reign over France. Our plenipotentiaries gave us the same assuranceon their return. The ministers and generals of the allied powers, however, declared yesterday in the conferences they held with thepresident of the committee, that all the sovereigns had engaged, toreplace Louis XVIII. On the throne; and that this evening, orto-morrow, he would make his entry into the capital. 

"The foreign troops are come to occupy the Tuileries, where thegovernment sits. In this state of things, we can do nothing, but putup prayers for our country; and, our deliberations being no longerfree, we think it our duty to separate. "

This message, the last testimonial of the audacious duplicity of theDuke of Otranto, now become a minister of the King, contained inaddition what follows. "Fresh guarantees will be added to the charter;and we have not lost the hope of retaining the colours so dear to thenation:" but this paragraph, of which I give only the substance, wasafterwards suppressed. 

The chamber of peers, which had received with coldness the bill ofrights, and the declaration of the chamber of representatives, separated without a murmur[92]. 

 [Footnote 92: This chamber, after the abdication of Napoleon, was merely a superfetation. The departure of those peers, who formed part of the army, completed its reduction to an absolute nullity. Without patriotism, without energy, it confined itself to sanctioning with an ill grace the measures adopted by the representatives. M. Thibaudeau, M. De Ségur, M. De Bassano, and a few others, alone raised themselves to a level with the state of affairs. M. Thibaudeau in particular distinguished himself, on the 28th of June and the 2d of July, by two speeches on our political situation; which were considered then, as they long will be, as noble specimens of courage, patriotism, and eloquence. ]

The chamber of deputies received its sentence of death with heroictranquillity. When M. Manuel, repeating the memorable words ofMirabeau, exclaimed: "We are here by the will of the people; we willnot depart, till compelled by the bayonet: it is our duty, to devoteto our country our last moments; and, if necessary, the last drop ofour blood:" all the members of the assembly rose, in testimony oftheir assent; and declared, that they would remain firm at theirposts. 

But they were not allowed, to fulfil this glorious resolution. Thepresident, M. Lanjuinais, betraying their courage, and despising theirwill, dissolved the sitting, and retired. "M. President, " said GeneralSolignac to him, "the muse of history is here, and will record yourconduct. "

The next morning, they found the avenues of their palace occupied byforeigners, and the doors of the assembly closed. M. De Cazes, at thehead of some royal volunteers, had taken away the keys. This act ofviolence, against which they protested, at length removed the bandagefrom their eyes: they perceived the error they had committed, in toohastily removing Napoleon from the throne, and blindly entrusting toother hands the fate of their country[93]. 

 [Footnote 93: I repeat here a preceding observation, that I confine myself to a relation of facts, without deciding upon them. ]

Thus terminated, after a month's existence, that assembly, which theFrench had chosen, to confirm the imperial dynasty, to secure theirliberties and their tranquillity; but which, through precipitancy, want of foresight, and an excess of zeal and patriotism, had givenrise to nothing but convulsions and calamities. 

The dissolution of the chambers, and of the government, put an end toall illusions. 

The tri-coloured flags, that had been retained, disappeared. 

The shouts of "Long live the nation!" and "Liberty for ever!" ceased. 

M. Fouché went to announce to his new master, that the whole wasconsummated. 

And on the 8th of July Louis XVIII. In triumph took possession of hiscapital[94], and of his throne. 

 [Footnote 94: On the 8th of July M. De Vitrolles caused the following official article to be inserted in the Moniteur. 

 "Paris, July the _7th_. --The committee of government made known to the King, by the mouth of its president, that it had just dissolved itself. "

 This article, written with the intention, to make France and Europe believe, that the committee had voluntarily deposited its authority in the hands of the King, called forth strong remonstrances from the Duke of Vicenza. Incapable of paltering with his duty, or with the truth, he went immediately to the King's minister, the Duke of Otranto; reproached him severely with having compromised the committee and declared, that he would not quit his house, till he had obtained a formal disavowal of it. The minister protested, that the article was not written by him; and consented to disavow it. 

 Count Carnot, Baron Quinette, and General Grenier, having joined the Duke of Vicenza, the latter wrote, in the Duke of Otranto's closet, the letter subjoined; the boldness and firmness of which, I trust, it is unnecessary to remark. 

 "Monsieur le Duc. --As the committee of government, on its retiring, neither ought nor could charge your excellency with any mission, we desire you, to cause the article inserted in the Moniteur of this day, the 8th of July, to be disavowed; and to procure the insertion of our last message to the two chambers. 

 (Signed) CAULINCOURT. CARNOT. QUINETTE. GRENIER. "

 The Duke of Otranto answered this letter by the following declaration:

 "Gentlemen. --The committee of government having dissolved itself on the 7th of July, every act emanating from it posterior to its message to the chambers is null, and ought to be considered as not having taken place. 

 "Your remonstrance against the article inserted in the Moniteur of the 8th of July is just. I disavow it, as totally unfounded, and published without my authority. 

 (Signed) The Duke of OTRANTO. "]

At the moment when this prince re-entered the Tuileries, Napoleon wasbusied at Rochefort on the means of quitting France. His presenceexcited such enthusiasm among the people, the mariners, and thesoldiers, that the shore uninterruptedly resounded with shouts of"Long live the Emperor!" and these shouts, repeated from mouth tomouth, could not but teach those, who had flattered themselves withhaving mastered the will of Napoleon, how easy it would be for him, toshake off his chains, and laugh at their vain precautions. Butfaithful to his determination, he firmly resisted the impulse ofcircumstances; and the continual solicitations made him, to puthimself at the head of the patriots and the army. "It is too late, " heincessantly repeated: "the evil is now without remedy: it is no longerin my power, to save the country. A civil war now would answer noend, would be of no utility. To myself alone it might proveadvantageous, by affording me the means of procuring personally morefavourable conditions: but these I must purchase by the inevitabledestruction of all that France possesses of most generous and mostmagnanimous and such a result inspires me with horror[95]. "

 [Footnote 95: The words recorded by M. De Lascases. ]

Up to the 29th of June, the day when the Emperor quitted Malmaison, noEnglish vessel had been seen off the coast of Rochefort, and there isevery reason to believe, that Napoleon, if circumstances had allowedhim to embark immediately after his abdication, would have reached theUnited States without obstruction. But when he arrived at thesea-coast, he found every outlet occupied by the enemy, and appearedto retain little hope of escaping. 

The 8th of July[96] he went on board the frigate la Saale, prepared toreceive him. His suite was embarked on board the Medusa; and the nextday, the 9th, the two vessels anchored at the Isle of Aix. Napoleon, always the same, ordered the garrison under arms, examined thefortifications most minutely, and distributed praise or blame, as ifhe had still been sovereign master of the state. 

 [Footnote 96: At the same moment Louis XVIII. Entered Paris. It was another remarkable singularity, that the King entered the capital the first time on the same day, on which the Emperor went on board the brig, that conveyed him to Porto Ferrajo. ]

On the 10th, the wind, hitherto contrary, became fair; but an Englishfleet of eleven vessels was cruising within sight of the port, and itwas impossible to get to sea. 

On the 11th, the Emperor, weary of this state of anxiety, sent Countde Las Cases, now become his secretary, to sound the disposition ofthe English admiral; to inquire, whether he were authorised to allowhim liberty, to repair to England, or to the United States. 

The admiral answered, that he had no orders: that still he was ready, to receive Napoleon, and convey him to England: but that it was not inhis power, to answer whether he would obtain permission to remainthere, or to repair to America. 

Napoleon, little satisfied with this answer, caused two half-deckedvessels to be purchased, with intention, under favour of night, toreach a Danish smack, with which he had contrived to holdintelligence. 

This step having failed, some young midshipmen, full of courage anddevotion, proposed to him, to go on board the two barks; and sworethey would forfeit their lives, if they did not convey him to NewYork. Napoleon was not deterred by so long a voyage in such slightvessels: but he knew, that they could not avoid stopping on the coastsof Spain and Portugal, to take in water and provision; and he wouldnot expose himself and people, to the danger of falling into the handsof the Portuguese or Spaniards. 

Being informed, that an American vessel was at the mouth of theGironde, he sent off General Lallemand on the spur, to ascertain theexistence of the vessel, and the sentiments of the captain. Thegeneral returned with all speed, to inform him, that the captain wouldbe happy and proud, to extricate him from the persecutions of hisenemies: but Napoleon, yielding, as it is said, to the advice of somepersons about him, gave up the idea of attempting this passage, anddetermined to throw himself on the generosity of the English. 

On the 14th he caused the admiral to be informed, that the next day hewould repair on board his vessel. 

On the 15th in the morning, he went off in the brig l'Épervier, andwas received on board the Bellerophon with the honours due to hisrank, and to his misfortune. General Beker, who had orders not to quithim, attended him. The moment they came alongside, the Emperor said tohim: "Withdraw, general; I would not have it be believed, that aFrenchman is come to deliver me into the hands of my enemies. "

On the 16th the Bellerophon set sail for England. 

The Emperor had prepared a letter to the Prince Regent, which GeneralGourgaud was directed, to carry to him immediately. It was as follows. 

 "Rochefort, July the 13th, 1815. 

"Royal Highness, "Exposed to the factions, that distract my country, and to the enmityof the greatest powers of Europe, I have terminated my politicalcareer; and I come, like Themistocles, to seat myself on the hearth ofthe British people. I put myself under the protection of its laws, which I claim of your Royal Highness, as the most powerful, the mostconstant, and the most generous of my enemies. "

General Gourgaud had orders, to make known to the Prince, if hedeigned to admit him to his presence or to his ministers, that it wasNapoleon's intention, to retire into any of the counties of England;and to live there peaceable and unknown, under the name of ColonelDuroc. 

The Emperor showed no apprehension, no anxiety, on the passage. Herelied with security on the noble character of the English. 

When he arrived at Plymouth, he was not permitted, to set his foot onshore; and he was soon informed, the allied powers had decided, thathe should be considered as a prisoner of war, and confined at St. Helena. 

He protested solemnly to the English admiral, and in the face ofHeaven and of mankind, against this violation of the most sacredrights; against the violence put upon his person, and upon hisliberty. 

This protest proving vain, he submitted with calm and majesticresignation to the decree of his enemies. He was removed on board theNorthumberland, which immediately set sail for St. Helena. 

On passing Cape la Hogue, he descried the coast of France. Immediatelyhe saluted it; and, stretching out his hands toward the shore, exclaimed with a voice of deep emotion: "Adieu, land of the brave!adieu, dear France! a few traitors less, and thou wilt still be thegreat nation, and mistress of the world. "

On the 17th of October the parched rocks were pointed out to him, thatwere soon to become the walls of his prison. He contemplated themwithout complaint, without agitation, without fear. 

On the 18th he landed; and, after having protested anew against thisviolence done his person, he repaired to the place of his captivitywith a firm and confident step. 

Thus terminated the political life of Napoleon. 

Some have been astonished, that he chose to survive himself. He mighthave killed himself; nothing is easier for a man. But was such an endworthy of him? A king, a great king, ought not to die the desperatedeath of a conspirator, of the head of a party. To use the properwords of the illustrious captive at St. Helena, he ought to besuperior to the rudest attacks of adversity. 

No! it was worthy of the great Napoleon, to oppose the inflexibilityof his mind to the fickleness of fortune; and like the Roman, who wasreproached with not having died by his own hand after a greatcatastrophe, he too made answer: "I have done more, I have lived!"

FATE OF THE PERSONS

WHO ARE NOTICED IN THESE MEMOIRS. 

ROYAL GOVERNMENT. 

MINISTERS. 

Prince Talleyrand, dismissed, a peer of France. 

M. Dambray, dismissed, a peer of France. 

M. L'Abbé de Montesquiou, dismissed, a peer of France. 

General Dupont, dismissed, a peer of France. 

Marshal Soult, dismissed, proscribed. 

The Duke of Feltre, dismissed, dead. 

The Comte de Blacas, dismissed, a peer of France. 

MINISTERS OF STATE. 

Comte Ferrand, dismissed, a peer of France. 

The Viscount de Chateaubriand, dismissed, a peer of France. 

Baron de Vitrolles, dismissed. 

MARSHALS. 

Marshal Marmont, major-general of the royal guards. 

Marshal Macdonald, major-general of the royal guards. 

Marshal Victor, major-general of the royal guards. 

Marshal Gouvion de St. Cyr, minister at war. 

IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT. 

MINISTERS. 

The Prince Cambacérès, banished, returned. 

The Prince of Eckmuhl, a peer of France. 

The Duke of Vicenza, retired from public affairs. 

The Duke of Decrès, retired from public affairs. 

The Duke of Otranto, banished. 

The Duke of Gaëta, a peer of France, (secret letter, _lettre close_). 

Count Mollien, a peer of France. 

M. Carnot, proscribed. 

The Duke of Bassano, proscribed. 

MINISTERS OF STATE. 

Count Defermont, proscribed, recalled. 

Count Regnault de St. Jean d'Angely, proscribed, recalled: died inconsequence of his exile. 

Count Boulay de la Meurthe, proscribed. 

Count Merlin de Douay, proscribed. 

Count Andréossy, a peer of France. 

MARSHALS. 

Marshal Ney, shot. 

Marshal Brune, massacred. 

The Prince of Eckmuhl, a peer of France. 

Prince Massena, dismissed, died. 

Marshal Mortier, a peer of France. 

Marshal Jourdan, a peer of France. 

Marshal Soult, proscribed, recalled. 

Marshal Lefevre, a peer of France. 

Marshal Suchet, a peer of France. 

Marshal Grouchy, proscribed. 

The Duke of Rovigo, condemned to death for non-appearance. 

Count Bertrand, condemned to death for non-appearance. 

General Drouot, tried, acquitted, retired from the service. 

General Cambronne, tried, acquitted, retired from the service. 

GRENOBLE. 

General Marchand, tried, acquitted. 

General Debelle, condemned to death, pardoned. 

Colonel Labedoyère, shot. 

LYONS. 

General Brayer, condemned to death for non-appearance. 

General Mouton Duvernet, shot. 

General Girard, killed at Ligny. 

PLOT AT COMPIÈGNE AND LAFERE. 

(Vol. I. Page 205. )

General d'Erlon, condemned to death for non-appearance. 

General Lefevre Desnouettes, condemned to death for non-appearance. 

The Generals Lallemand (brothers), condemned to death fornon-appearance. 

BORDEAUX. 

General Clausel, condemned to death for non-appearance. 

The Generals Faucher (brothers), shot. 

VALENCE (DROME). 

Marshal Grouchy, proscribed. 

General Chartran, shot. 

VENDÉE. 

General Travot, condemned to death, imprisoned for life. 

General Lamarque, proscribed, recalled. 

ARMIES. COMMANDERS OF CORPS. 

General Decaen, tried, acquitted. 

General Rapp, a peer of France. 

General Reille, a peer of France. 

General de Lobau, proscribed, recalled. 

General d'Erlon, condemned to death for non-appearance. 

General Gérard, retired from the service. 

General Vandamme, proscribed. 

General Excelmans, proscribed, recalled. 

General Pajol, retired from the service. 

General Foi, retired from the service [one of the new fifth of thechamber of deputies. --_Tr. _]. 

General Fressinet, proscribed. 

General de Bourmont, commandant of the cavalry of the guard. 

MEMBERS OF THE CHAMBER OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

M. Lanjuinais, president, a peer of France. 

M. Dupont de l'Eure, dismissed from his office of president of thecourt of Rouen. A deputy in the present chamber. Leader of theopposition. 

M. Durbach, proscribed, recalled. 

M. M. Defermont, Boulay, Regnault, proscribed. 

M. Lafayette, a deputy, in opposition. 

M. Manuel, a deputy, in opposition. 

M. Roi, minister of state, a deputy. 

M. Dupin, counsellor at law, celebrated for his talents andpatriotism. 

NEGOTIATING COMMISSIONERS. 

General Sébastiani, in actual service. 

Count de Pontécoulant, a peer of France. 

Count Delaforest, a peer of France. 

Count Andréossy, a peer of France. 

Count Boissy d'Anglas, a peer of France. 

Count de Valence, excluded from the chamber of peers. 

M. De la Besnardiere, retired from public affairs. 

M. Lafayette, a deputy, in opposition. 

M. D'Argenson, a deputy, in opposition. 

M. Flaugergues, without any employment, neuter in his opinions. 

M. Benjamin Constant, a political writer and deputy. 

M. Delavalette, condemned to death, saved from the scaffold byconjugal affection, and the heroism of three Englishmen, Sir RobertWilson, Mr. Bruce, and Mr. Hutchinson. 

General Grenier, a deputy, in opposition. 

Baron Quinette, banished, recalled. 

M. Thibaudeau, proscribed. 

General Beker, a peer of France. 

General Flahaut, naturalized in England. 

M. De Tromeling, a major-general in actual service. 

The author of these Memoirs, independent. 

THE END.