[Frontispiece: Photograph of David Lloyd George]

LLOYD GEORGE

THE MAN AND HIS STORY

BY

FRANK DILNOT

AUTHOR OF

"THE OLD ORDER CHANGETH"

HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS

NEW YORK AND LONDON

LLOYD GEORGE: THE MAN AND HIS STORY

Copyright, 1917, by Harper & Brothers

Printed in the United States of America

Published March, 1917

CONTENTS

FOREWORD

 I. THE VILLAGE COBBLER WHO HELPED THE BRITISH EMPIRE II. HOW LLOYD GEORGE BECAME FAMOUS AT TWENTY-FIVE III. FIGHTING THE LONE HAND IV. THE DAREDEVIL STATESMAN V. THE FIRST GREAT TASK VI. HOW LLOYD GEORGE BROKE THE HOUSE OF LORDS VII. AT HOME AND IN DOWNING STREET VIII. A CHAMPION OF WAR IX. THE ALLIANCE WITH NORTHCLIFFE X. AT HIGH PRESSURE XI. HIS INCONSISTENCIES XII. HOW HE BECAME PRIME MINISTER XIII. THE FUTURE OF LLOYD GEORGE

APPENDIX--MR. LLOYD GEORGE ON AMERICA AND THE EUROPEAN WAR

FOREWORD

Mr. Lloyd George gets a grip on those who read about him, but hispersonality is far more powerful and fascinating to those who haveknown the man himself, known him during the time his genius has beenforcing him to eminence. He does not fill the eye as a sanctified heroshould; he is too vitally human, too affectionate, too bitter, and hehas, moreover, springs of humor which bubble up continually. (Youcannot imagine an archangel with a sense of humor. ) But it is thisvery mixture in the man that holds the character student. Lloyd Georgeis quite unpretentious, loves children, will join heartily in thechorus of a popular song, and yet there is concealed behind thesesofter traits a stark and desperate courage which leads him always tothe policy of make or break. He is flamingly sincere, and yet nosubtler statesman ever walked the boards at Westminster. That is theman I have seen at close quarters for years. Is it to be wondered atthat he alternately bewilders, attracts, and dominates high-browedintellectuals? Strangely enough, it is the common people whounderstand Lloyd George better than the clever ones. Explain that howyou will. 

I have seen David Lloyd George, present Prime Minister of England, asthe young political free-lance fighting furiously for unpopular causes, fighting sometimes from sheer love of battle. I have seen him in thatsame period in moods of persuasion and appeal pleading the cause of theinarticulate masses of the poor with an intensity which has thrilled aplacid British audience to the verge of tears. Since then I have seenhim under the venomous attacks of aristocrats and plutocrats inParliament when his eyes have sparkled as he has turned on them andhissed out to their faces words which burned and seared them and causedthem to shake with passion. And in the midst of this orgy of hatewhich encircled him I have seen him in his home with histwelve-year-old blue-eyed daughter Megan curled up in his lap, his facebrimming with merriment as, with her arm around his neck, she assertedher will in regard to school and holidays over a happy and indulgentfather. That is the kind of man who now rules England, rules her withan absoluteness granted to no man, king or statesman, since the Britishbecame a nation. A reserved people like the British, conservative byinstinct, with centuries of caste feeling behind them, haveunreservedly and with acclamation placed their fate in the hands of onewho began life as a village boy. It was but recently I was talkingwith a blacksmith hammering out horseshoes at Llanystumdwy in Wales whowas a school-mate of Lloyd George in those days not so very long ago. The Prime Minister still has his home down there and talks to theblacksmith and to others of his school companions, for he and they arestill one people together, with ties which it is impossible forstatecraft to break--or to forge. I have met Lloyd George in private, have seen him among his own people at his Welsh home, and for fiveyears as a journalist I had the opportunity of observing him from thegallery of the British Houses of Parliament, five years during which heintroduced his famous Budget, forced a fight with the House of Lords, and broke their power. I purpose to tell in plain words the drama ofthe man as I have seen it. 

A year before the war broke out, while he was still bitterly hated bythe Conservatives, I was visiting him at his Welsh home nearLlanystumdwy and he asked me what I thought of the district. I said itwas all very beautiful, as indeed it was. I emphasized my appreciationby saying that the visitors at the big hotel at Criccieth near by wereone and all enchanted. They were nearly all Conservatives, I pointedout, and there was just one fly in their ointment. "I know it, " saidLloyd George, vivaciously, with a quick twinkle in his eye. "Here's abay like the Bay of Naples, God's great mountains behind, beautifulwoods, and green meadows, and trickling streams--everything the heartof man can desire, and in the midst of it all HE lives. " He paused anddeepened his voice. "Satan in the Garden of Eden, " he said. It wasjust his twist of humor, but it told a story. Now for the companionpicture. The last time I saw Lloyd George was one dark evening in theDecember which has just gone by. It had been a day of big politicalhappenings; the Asquith Government had resigned, Bonar Law, theConservative leader, had been asked by the King to form a Ministry andhad said he could not do so. Lloyd George's name was being bandiedabout. In those few fateful hours Britain was without a Government. At seven o'clock I was at the entrance of the War Office at Whitehall. Through the dark street an automobile dashed up. The door was opened, and a silk-hatted man stepped out and passed rapidly into the WarOffice, and then the little group of bystanders noticed that thefootman at the door of the automobile was wearing the royal livery. The silk-hatted visitor was obviously a messenger from King George. Three minutes later the War Office doors swung open and two men camehurrying out. The first was the King's messenger, the second was LloydGeorge. The latter's shoulders were hunched with haste, his hat waspressed deep and irregularly over his forehead, his face, set hard, wascanted forward. He almost scrambled into the conveyance, and threeseconds later the automobile was going at top speed for BuckinghamPalace. The King had sent for Lloyd George to ask him to become hisPrime Minister. 

F. D. 

_January, 1917. _

LLOYD GEORGE

I

THE VILLAGE COBBLER WHO HELPED THE BRITISH EMPIRE

One day in the year 1866 a middle-aged cobbler named Richard Lloyd, occupying a tiny cottage in the village of Llanystumdwy in North Wales, had a letter delivered to him by the postman which was to alter thewhole of his simple and placid life. It was a letter from his sisterand bore melancholy tidings. The letter told how she had lost herhusband and how she and her two little children were in distress. Shewas the mother of the present Prime Minister of Britain. The elder ofher two children, then three years old, was David Lloyd George. 

Miss Lloyd, the sister of Richard Lloyd, the cobbler, had married, afew years before, a William George who came of farming people in SouthWales. A studious young fellow, he had devoted himself to reading, andpresently passed the examinations necessary to become a teacher in theelementary schools. The countryside offered him no opportunity ofadvancement and he migrated to the big city of Manchester, where hesecured a position as master in one of the national schools of thedistrict. In Manchester were born two children, the elder of whom, David, was fated in after years to rise to fame. David's birthday wasJanuary 17, 1863. Far indeed were thoughts of future eminence from thestruggling family during that time in Manchester. 

Under the strain of city life the health of William George began tofail. Country-bred as he was, he pined for the open air of the fieldsand the valleys, and very soon the doctor gave him no choice and toldhim that if he wished to prolong his life he must leave the citystreets. And so it came about that William George and the two childrenforsook Manchester and went back again to country life in South Walesto a place called Haverfordwest. William George took a farm and for ayear or more he and his wife toiled on it. How much of the work fellon Mrs. George can only be guessed, but she must have carried a fullshare, for her husband's health was undermined, and the home had to bekept up not only for the sake of her husband, but the children as well. She was in delicate health, and her efforts must have been arduous andpainful. Withal, destiny had its severest blow still in hand. WilliamGeorge had not recovered his strength; an attack of pneumonia came uponhim, and his death occurred some few months after leaving Manchester. 

Mrs. George, overwhelmed by the death of her husband, was at the sametime faced by financial difficulties and the problem of maintaining theexistence of herself and her two children. To carry on the farmsingle-handed was impossible. There were, moreover, immediateliabilities to be met. She could find no way out, and the upshot was apublic auction sale of the farm effects and the household furniture. Three-year-old David, not understanding the tragedy of it all, wasnevertheless impressed by the scene on the day the neighbors came tobid for, and to buy, the things that made up his mother's home. Evennow he can recall how the tables and chairs from the house, and theplows and harrows from the fields, were scheduled and ticketed in andaround the homestead and disposed of by the auction to the highestbidder. He could not understand it, but somewhere deep within thesensitive child was struck a note of pain, the echoes of which havenever left him throughout his strenuous life. He felt dimly in hischildlike way the loneliness of his mother. He has never forgotten it. Lonely indeed she was. She had but one friend to turn to, and that onefriend was her brother, Richard Lloyd, the village shoemaker up inNorth Wales. To him she wrote and told her story. 

It was her letter which Richard Lloyd paused in his work to read thatday some fifty years ago. This village cobbler, destined unwittinglyto play such an important part in the history of the British Empire, isstill alive and hale and hearty, still lives in his old district. Isaw him recently, a tall, erect, fearless-eyed man, though in theneighborhood of ninety, perhaps past that age. He had a full beard, snow-white, and a clean-shaven upper lip, reminiscent of the fashion ofhalf a century ago. He lives, of course, in comfort now and enjoys adignified, happy old age. Vigorous still, he continues to preach inthe chapel of the Nonconformist denomination of which he is a member. I tried to picture him as he must have been fifty years back, astudious, middle-aged man, rigidly religious, a confirmed bachelor, dividing his time between his calling, on the one hand, and the studyof the Bible, on the other. 

He lived at that time a laborious life, frugal by necessity, doing hisduty as he saw it, and I dare say he appeared to a casual observer anuninteresting village type, a silent man, sincere in his bigoted way, but colorless as such persons must always be to those of a differentclass. To me he will remain one of the most interesting men I haveever seen. Richard Lloyd read his sister's letter and formed hisresolution. He decided to go to her help. And thus it was hejourneyed to South Wales and brought the widow and her two little boysup north to Llanystumdwy, where he lived. He installed them in hiscottage, a little two-story residence with a tiny workshop abuttingfrom it at the side where he carried on his shoe-mending. In front themain road ran by, twisting its way through the village, and thencethrough woods and meadows, and giving access within a mile on eitherside to park-lands attached to the big country houses of wealthy peopleto whom the village cobbler was a nonentity and a person of a differentorder of beings from themselves. They were not to know, these richneighbors, that the cobbler was bringing for protection to his humblehome a child destined to be a Prime Minister of the country. PrimeMinister in a crisis of its history. 

Of the little family's years of struggle there are a few glimpses. Cheerfully Richard Lloyd bent himself to his self-imposed task oflightening his sister's lot, and Mrs. George worked hard that herchildren should not suffer from want. There was no money to spare inthe household. Mrs. George baked bread so as not to take anything fromtheir small resources for the baker. Twice a week there was a littlemeat for the family. Subsequently, as the children grew bigger, a tinyluxury was here and there found for them. At Sunday morning breakfast, for example, they received as a treat half an egg each to eat withtheir bread-and-butter. In the garden behind the cottage vegetableswere grown to eke out supplies, and it was one of the tasks of youngLloyd George to dig up the potatoes for the household. 

Llanystumdwy, the boyhood home of Lloyd George, is a picturesquevillage, a mile or so from the sea, nestling at the foot of the Snowdonrange. Meadows and woods embower Llanystumdwy. Rushing through thevillage a rock-strewn stream pours down from the mountains to the sea, with the trees on its banks locking their branches overhead in anirregular green archway. Look westward to the coast from Llanystumdwyand you have in Carnavon Bay one of the finest seascapes in Britain. Turn to the east, and the rising mountains culminate in the whitesummit of Snowdon and other giant peaks stretching upward through theclouds. Could Providence have selected a more fitting spot for theupgrowth of a romantic boy? Lloyd George's Celtic heart had anenvironment made for it in this nook between the Welsh mountains andthe sea. Little wonder that he has never left the place. At thepresent time his country house is on the slope overlooking Criccieth, about a mile from the old cobbler's cottage where he spent his boyhoodforty years ago. 

Lloyd George was sent quite early to the church elementary school withthe other village children. There seems to have been nothing of thecopy-book order about his behavior, nor are any moral lessons for theyoung to be drawn from it. He set no specially good example, was notparticularly studious, was quite as mischievous if not more so than hisschoolmates, and on top of all this--sad to relate after such arecord--was practically always at the head of his class. He achievedwithout effort what others sought to accomplish by hard and persistentwork. He just soaked up knowledge as a sponge soaks up water; he couldnot help it. Out of school hours he was a daring youngster filled withhigh spirits, and very active. He had dark-blue eyes, blackish hair, adelicate skin, and regular features, and the audacity within him wasconcealed behind a thoughtful, studious expression--just such a boy asa mother worships. That old Puritan, his uncle, worshiped him, too, though I am quite sure he concealed the fact behind the gravest andsometimes the most reproving of demeanors. An interesting point isthat the vivacious and keen-witted child understood and was devoted tothis serious-minded uncle of his. Richard Lloyd worked hard to makethe boy grow up a straight-living, brave, and God-fearing man, and hisinfluence on his young nephew was strong from the start. There is astory told about this. The children of the village school (which wasconnected with the Established Church of England) on each Ash Wednesdayhad to march from the school to the church, and were there made to givethe responses to the Church Catechism and to recite the Apostles'Creed. That sturdy Nonconformist, Richard Lloyd, denied the right ofthe Church of England to force children, many of them belonging toNonconformist parents, to go to church to subscribe to the Churchdoctrine. Lloyd George carefully digested his uncle's protest, andwent away and organized a revolt among the children. The next timethey went to church they refused to make the responses. Lloyd Georgeas the ring-leader was punished, but the rebellion he organized stoppedthe practice of forcing Church dogmas into the mouths of the children. This is a very suggestive story. I know the main facts to be truebecause not so very long ago Lloyd George himself confirmed them to me. At the same time I beg leave to doubt whether any great spiritualfervor was the motive power of Master Lloyd George at that time. Itwas just the first outbreak of his desire for revolt against the powersthat be--wicked powers because his uncle had said so--and thesatisfaction of that instinct for audacious action which has marked himever since. To me there was not much of the saint about the boy LloydGeorge; he was just a young daredevil--which, on the whole, is perhapsthe more attractive. 

By the time Lloyd George was ten or eleven years of age his mother andhis uncle became filled with thoughts as to his future. They both knewthe boy was specially gifted, both realized that unless special effortwere made he must inevitably drift from school into the lower ranks oflabor, probably that of work on a farm. There were long and anxiousconsultations between the cobbler and his sister. Finally RichardLloyd came to a decision, a decision which was to have a lasting effecton the destinies of the British nation. He resolved on a noble act, the nobler in that he had no idea what tremendous consequences wouldspring from it. 

By long years of work and self-denial he had saved a little sum towardhis old age. It amounted to a few hundred pounds. It was all he had. He decided to devote that sum toward the making of his nephew, LloydGeorge, an educated man, toward putting him in a profession where hemight have a chance in the world. 

After the great speculation had been decided on it was settled thatyoung David should be brought up as a solicitor. This necessitated notonly the provision of certain heavy fees in connection with theexaminations, but also time spent in a prolonged course of study. Thefew hundreds of pounds was a small-enough amount, and it was obviousthat it would have to be sparingly expended if it were to cover allthat was required. Young Lloyd George was a brilliant youth, but evenhis brilliancy could not help beyond a certain point. The old cobblersaw one way of economizing. He set himself the task of personallylearning the elements of French and Latin in order to impart them tohis nephew. I have often imagined the mental agony of the cobblerstruggling with those foreign grammars. But he succeeded. His nephewalso succeeded. Young George passed his preliminary examination andhis intermediate without difficulty. Then while he progressed furtherhe had to have experience in a solicitor's office--which ran away withmore money. At twenty-one, however, he was finished, and was admitteda solicitor. All that had been gone through for him to reach this goalis shown by the fact that, having been formally enrolled as a lawyer, he and his family at that time could not raise the three guineasnecessary to purchase the official robe without which he could notpractise in the local courts. He at once went out and worked in anoffice and earned that three guineas. 

He was now launched in the world. The great adventure of life beganalmost immediately for him. 

II

HOW LLOYD GEORGE BECAME FAMOUS AT TWENTY-FIVE

The personalities of history flash across our vision likeshooting-stars in the sky, emerging from hidden origins, making fortheir unknown goal with a speed and brilliance at once spectacular andmysterious. They are incalculable forces; we can only look at them andwonder at them. It is futile and quite useless to try to define thesecret motive power of these personalities by puny analyses of moralinfluences and by a catalogue of their feelings and surroundings. Theyfollow their destined course and raise our admiration or our fears andall the while they give us no real clue to the powers within theirsouls or the end they serve. 

There had been many endeavors to link up Lloyd George with certain setsof beliefs; sincere persons have associated his prominence with hisLiberalism, with his Nonconformity, with his passion for the interestsof the poor, and in these later days with his fervor for national andpatriotic effort. As a matter of fact, the framing of his dogmas hashad little or nothing to do with the power of the man. He is one ofthose persons whom nature has made of dynamite; who would have blasteda way for himself in any kind of conditions. It is neither to hiscredit nor to his discredit that Heaven has given him an individualitywhich has taken him throughout life to distinction and highachievement. He has always swung to his tasks like a needle to thePole. 

It so happened that by the surroundings of his youth--the piety andpride and modest circumstances of his uncle and his mother--he wasearly thrown into certain spheres of activity. But these spheres weremerely the medium for his powers. A wider survey than that of theenthusiastic Nonconformist or the patriotic Welshman shows that LloydGeorge's nature would have cleaved its way like a sword through anyobstacle in any cause. He simply could not have helped it. Destinyhad set a mark on him from birth. 

He was only seventeen when on a visit to London he went for the firsttime to the House of Commons to listen to the proceedings from thegallery and here is an abstract from his diary at that period: "Went toHouses of Parliament. Very much disappointed with them. . . . I willnot say I eyed the assembly in the spirit in which William theConqueror eyed England on his visit to Edward the Confessor--as theregion of his future domain. O Vanity!" A country youth withoutmoney, without prospects, sitting in the exclusive Parliament House ofthe most exclusive nation of the world, watched the assembly before himand there occurred to him the thought of conquering it single-handed. That is what it came to. Of course his reference is in the nature of ajoke. It could hardly be otherwise. But it was a joke which hasproved to be a prophecy. 

Before he was seventeen Lloyd George had already dived deep intocontroversy. His school of debating consisted of the cobbler'sworkshop and the village smithy at Llanystumdwy, where in the eveningsyoung men and old men and a sprinkling of boys used to assemble todiscuss in a haphazard way questions of ethics, the politics of theday, and most of all the rights and wrongs of the religious sects towhich they respectively belonged. Richard Lloyd, on the one hand, andthe old blacksmith, on the other, would stir the discussion now andagain with a sagacious word. It is easy to imagine the ripple ofmusical Welsh which sometimes drowned the tap-tap of the cobbler'shammer, or was submerged beneath the clang of the anvil. The brighteyes and excited faces of these Celts partly illumined by the oil-lampor by the sudden glow of the blacksmith's furnace must have providedpictures worth record for themselves, quite apart from the personalinterest they would now possess. 

In the midst of the discussions young David would plunge with a wit andunderstanding beyond his years, and he stood up to his seniors withboth gravity and audacity. "Do you know, " said the gray-hairedblacksmith to Richard Lloyd one day, "I really had to turn my seriousattention to David last evening or he would have got the best of me. "

If any of those who read this narrative are beginning to have an ideathat this fourteen-year-old boy was by way of becoming a prig they maybe relieved by the knowledge that when the youngster was not taking ahand in polemics in the smithy or the cobbler's cottage he was oftenenough leading the boys of the village into some kind of mischief. Oneold inhabitant came to have the fixed belief that David was the originof pretty well all the mishaps in Llanystumdwy. Let a gate be foundlifted from its hinges, a fence or hedge broken down, or windowssmashed, and the old man had the one explanation, "It's that DavidLloyd at it again. "

It is important to know that Richard Lloyd, the shoemaker, was not onlystudious and intelligent, but was independent beyond his class. A kindof benevolent feudalism still existed in the district, and villagers atelection time fell naturally into the groove required by the richlandowners and gentlefolk of the neighborhood. Once at an electionthree or four of the cottagers voted Liberal instead of Conservative. They were promptly turned out of their dwellings. The time came whenthe shoemaker was the only Liberal voter in the place. He remainedquite unshaken by persuasion, influence, or material considerations. Lloyd George even as a young boy gloried in his stalwart uncle. He wasrebellious that it should be possible to cow other people, and theknowledge of the prevalent thraldom poured deep into young LloydGeorge's soul. This simple religious village folk lived hard, with buta week's wages between them and want, lived, so to speak, on sufferanceunder the vicar and squire and land-owner, who, while often kindlyenough and even generous in their way, expected obedience, and whoexacted servitude in all matters of opinion. The big people and thecottage folk were two entirely different sets of beings. What aprecipice there was between them can hardly be understood by those whohave not passed some time in the village life of Britain. A man whotook a rabbit or hare from the preserved coverts of game extending formiles in all directions was rigorously prosecuted as a criminal. A manwho took fish from prohibited waters was often a good deal more harshlyadjudged than the drunken brute who beat his wife or the assailant insome desperate fight. And let it be noted that these superior peoplehad veritable power of government, for from them were drawn the benchesof magistrates--amateur local judges, who sat weekly or monthly, as thecase might be, to punish evil-doers of the district. Many of thesepeople in some of the relations of life were quite admirable, but whenit came to any question of the protection of privilege, thepreservation of property, or the rights in general of their superiorclass, these landowners were as merciless in the North Wales districtas in many other parts of the country. Scorn and rage grew in theheart of young Lloyd George as he realized that these individuals hadno claim over their fellows in personal worth or understanding, thatthey were practically unassailable by reason of their ramparts ofwealth, that they lived in comfort, if not in luxury, while those whomthey dominated were struggling hard for a bare subsistence. I canimagine the youth reciting the couplet which sets out the position:

 God bless the squire and his relations, And keep us in our proper stations. 

Worldly knowledge and bookish knowledge were acquired by Lloyd Georgeduring the next few years while he was going through his law course inthe office of a firm of solicitors in the neighboring little town ofPortmadoc. While there he had further opportunity for developing hisnatural powers of oratory, for he became a member of a local debatingsociety which regularly had set battles on all kinds oftopics--political, literary, and social. At twenty-one hispreliminaries ended and he became an admitted solicitor competent topractise law and to appear as an advocate in the local civil andcriminal courts. He was penniless, he had no friends likely to helphim in his profession. But he had confidence in himself. Hidden fireswere burning behind those steady dark-blue eyes of his. The officework which he undertook to secure the money to buy his official robewas accomplished with a run. Then he put up a little brass plateannouncing to all and sundry in the locality that he was prepared topractise law. Though he had no rich friends, he possessed certainassets in the reputation he had made among the residents of thedistrict by his sparkling good humor, his ready sympathy with distress, and his vivacious wit in debate. Individuals of the humbler class soonbegan to come to the young solicitor for advice and assistance. Hefound himself engaged to defend people charged with small offensesbefore the local magistrates and to fight cases connected with smallmoney transactions before the county court--which was the civiltribunal. Clients found in the young fellow not only a shrewd lawyer, but a friend who entered into their cases with ardor. 

He differed from other lawyers of the country towns, men who had grownprosperous in their profession, in so far as he always put up atremendous fight, whatever the chances of success. He was, moreover, never hampered by deference for the bench. It was the practice of themagistrates, most of them local land-owners and all of them belongingto the propertied classes, to browbeat any local solicitors who showedsigns of presumption--that is to say, of independence and lack of whatwas regarded as proper respect in their conduct of cases before thecourt. Lloyd George said things and did things which the mostexperienced and successful solicitors of the district would have shrunkfrom as ruinous to their business. He made it a practice never towaste a word in any subservience to magistrates who showed anoverbearing disposition. The magistrates, to their amazement, foundthey could not overawe the young upstart. When one realizes theunchallenged caste rule of those local bigwigs and the extraordinaryrespect which was paid to them by advocates and litigants alike, it iseasy to understand the amazement and the shock which came upon themwhen young Lloyd George not only refused to submit to their bullying, but stood up to them and even thrust wounding words at them. It was anunheard-of proceeding. Some of these magistrates, lifelong supportersof Church and state, must sometimes have wondered why the presumptuousyouth was not struck dead by Providence for his temerity. He, on hispart, was never so happy as when he was shocking them. Clients quicklygrew in number. The farmers found him an enthusiastic defender oftheir rights, the shopkeepers trusted him with their small businessworries, and if there were any poachers to be defended where was thereto be found so able, so sympathetic, and so fearless an advocate asyoung Lloyd George? All this time it must be remembered he was butearly in the twenties, little more than a boy. 

Many instances might be given of his audacity in the face of the lordlymagistrates before whom he appeared. Here is one that is typical. Lloyd George was retained to defend four men who were charged withillegally taking fish from prohibited waters--in other words, accusedof poaching, the most deadly sin of all to the owners of the land. Thecase was tried before a big bench of magistrates, all of them localcelebrities. Early in the proceedings Lloyd George put in a plea thatthe court had no jurisdiction in the matter. In response thechairman--the presiding magistrate--replied grandiloquently that such apoint must be decided by a higher court. 

"Yes, sir, " said Lloyd George, "and in a perfectly just and unbiasedcourt. "

The magistrate stared open-eyed at this impudence, and promptlyproceeded to put Lloyd George in his place. "If, " said he, "thatremark is intended as a reflection on any magistrate sitting on thisbench I hope Mr. George will name him. A more insulting andungentlemanly remark to the bench I have never heard during myexperience as a magistrate. "

"Yes, " replied Lloyd George, "and a more true remark was never made inany court of justice. "

This was more than flesh and blood could stand. In admonitory tone thechairman said: "Tell me to whom you are referring. I must insist uponyour stating if you are referring to any magistrate sitting in thiscourt. "

"I refer to you in particular, sir, " said Lloyd George. 

"Then I retire from the bench, " said the chairman, rising from hisplace. He turned to his fellow-magistrates. "This is the first time Ihave ever been insulted in a court of justice. "

In company with a colleague he left the court. A third magistrateremarked that he could not proceed with the case until Lloyd George hadapologized. 

"I am glad to hear it, " said Lloyd George, imperturbably. Promptlyanother magistrate went out. One of the few justices remainingrepeated the demand for an apology. Instead of apologizing LloydGeorge made the following reply; "I say this, that at least two orthree magistrates of this court are bent upon securing a convictionwhether there is a fair case or not. I am sorry the chairman left thecourt, because I am in a position to prove what I have said. I shallnot withdraw anything, because every word I have spoken is true. "

This was really too much. All the lot of the magistrates went out, their departure being accompanied by the few barbed words from theyoung advocate. What happened when the magistrates got togetheroutside the courtroom can only be guessed. They must have had apainful discussion among themselves, because presently four of themcame in and rather meekly said they would try the case, though theyagain made a protest to the effect that Lloyd George really ought toapologize. Of course he did not do so. 

It was when Lloyd George was twenty-five and was already a highlypopular figure throughout a large part of Wales that he sprang suddenlyinto a wider notice and may be said to have had for the first time theeyes of the whole country centered on him. Wales is a country ofNonconformists who attend religious services in their own chapels anddo not--at least the great majority of them--belong to the EstablishedChurch of England. The state Church, however, is implanted throughoutthe country, and it is only to be expected that local friction shouldsometimes arise. 

In a village at the foot of Snowdon an old quarryman died, and beforehe passed away expressed the wish that he should be laid by the side ofhis daughter, who was buried in the graveyard of the Church of England. The Church clergyman would not consent to the Nonconformist rites beingperformed if the old man were buried where he desired to be. The oldman, he said, could not be placed by the side of his daughter, but mustbe buried in a remote portion of the graveyard reserved for unknownpeople and for suicides. The Nonconformists of the village wereoutraged at the suggestion. They went to young Lloyd George and askedhis advice about the matter. Lloyd George plunged deep into legalenactments, into the local conditions, and all the facts pertaining tothe case. Then he delivered a characteristic judgment. "You have theright, " he said, "to bury this man by the side of his daughter in thechurchyard. If the clergyman refuses you permission proceed with thebody to the graveyard. Take the coffin in by force, if necessary. Ifthe churchyard gates are locked against you, break them down. " Thevillagers faithfully followed the suggestion of the young lawyer. Theytook the body to the churchyard--I believe Lloyd George accompaniedthem--and they broke down the locked churchyard gates, dug a grave forthe old man by the side of his daughter, and buried him there. TheChurch authorities were scandalized and an action at law was theresult. It was heard in the local county court before a judge andjury. Lloyd George defended the villagers, and the jury, influenced byhis speech, returned a verdict in their favor. The judge, however, said that Lloyd George was wrong on a point of law and decided the caseon the side of the Church. Lloyd George instantly said that the mattercould not rest, and on behalf of the villagers he appealed against thedecision to the Lord Chief Justice in London. The case was heard bythe Lord Chief and another judge, and they came to the conclusion thatthe jury's decision was right, that the county-court judge was wrong, and that Lloyd George was perfectly correct on the point of law inconnection with which he had been overruled. 

Lloyd George was twenty-five when he secured this triumph. All thepublic were interested in the case, and in the Welsh townships andvillages his name flamed out like a beacon. 

III

FIGHTING THE LONE HAND

Lloyd George was twenty-five when his fight for the burial of the oldquarryman lifted him to the public notice of the country at large. Theyear was a fateful one for him in other respects. For two or threeyears before this he had been speaking at public meetings, securingmore and more confidence as he realized his powers. He became thebanner-bearer for the allied causes of democracy, a free Church, andthe rights of Wales as a nation. His compatriots rallied round him astheir forefathers had rallied round Owen Glendower centuries before. 

Working early and late, Lloyd George united his professionalengagements with appearances on the public platform. He was alreadyrousing those eddies of hatred and that personal devotion on which hehas been borne to fame. Furiously he flung himself into attacks on theclasses from which his political opponents were drawn. He adopted newmethods, he heeded not convention, made always for the thickest of thefray. All the time there was mixed with his fervor an element ofshrewdness. It was this shrewdness, for instance, which sent him to abig gathering of his political opponents, where he sat quietly in aback seat in order to learn what they had to say about him, andlistened to their abuse with keen satisfaction. Gleams of ambitionmust have been shooting in upon him by this time. It was impossiblethat he had not thoughts of a bigger future for himself, and yet itcame as a thunderclap to him when he heard that he, a youthfulfree-lance, had been adopted by the Liberal associations of thedistrict to be their candidate for Parliament at the next election. Itmay be imagined with what zest under this stimulation he carried on hispreparations for the contest whenever it should arise. Theconstituency--Carnarvon Boroughs--comprised a group of towns and alarge number of villages. It included castles and mansions and greatestates; a considerable portion of the general body voters wereassociated with the landowners and aristocrats. Lloyd George must havefelt it was a pretty hopeless fight, but a fight, nevertheless, whichhe would enjoy. 

There is one other event to chronicle during this year when he reachedthe age of twenty-five. Upon the mountain slopes beyond Llanystumdwywas a spacious old farm-house, the home of a sweetly pretty Welsh girlnamed Maggie Owen. How or when Lloyd George first met her is notrecorded, but in the course of his diary we come across a significantentry just before this time. The diary refers to a meeting of adebating society in which he had taken part, and goes on to relate"Took Maggie Owen home. " It is hard to imagine young Lloyd Georgeanything but an impetuous lover. His suit progressed, and in this samefateful year of 1888 he was married. It may be said in passing thatnever was a happier union, and that in the hard and adventurous lifethat lay before the young politician he found in Mrs. George a truecompanion. Marriage seemed to strengthen his ambition, and his visionbegan to spread over the general field of politics instead of remainingexclusively, as hitherto, fixed upon projects of special, if not ofexclusive, interest to Wales. Nevertheless he continued the leadingfigure in the fight for reforms in his native country. A good deal ofhis enthusiasm, for example, was expended on Church disestablishment inWales--that is to say, the separation of the English Church from statesupport and state endowment, in view of the fact that the majority ofthe people were Nonconformists, and that it was unfair to impose uponthem an unwanted and costly church which they had to help support eventhough they were Nonconformist enthusiasts. There is nothing like areligious controversy to stir feelings strongly, and the conflicts inthe campaign for disestablishment were very bitter. Lloyd George'schief opponent on the other side was the Bishop of St. Asaph, a prelateof the Church of England, himself a Welshman and a very able man. Hegave the promoters of disestablishment some hard knocks, and it isrelated of him that he was particularly effective in one of thedistricts. Accordingly, the Nonconformists there brought down LloydGeorge to speak at a public meeting in order to counteract the bishop'sinfluence. Lloyd George himself tells the story of how he wasintroduced at that meeting by the chairman, a leading deacon of thevillage. "We have suffered much of late from misrepresentations, " hesaid. "The Bishop of St. Asaph has been speaking against us and we allknow that he is a very great liar. Thank God we have a match for himhere to-night in Mr. Lloyd George. " In later years when Lloyd Georgeand the bishop became good friends in spite of their differences ofopinion, it was hard to decide which of them enjoyed this story most. 

Lloyd George began to speak everywhere, at street corners, inconventicles, in the market-places, at mass-meetings in the publicbuildings, and his peculiar oratory secured him larger and largeraudiences and aroused attention, sympathetic or hostile, all over theconstituency. Many who were lukewarm and went to hear him out ofcuriosity were swung by his personality into being supporters. He hadalways his own natural style of talk. Possessing a musical and clearvoice, he never strained for effect, rarely used a rotund sentence, buttalked to his audiences in a red-hot conversational kind of way, hisheightened feelings finding expression in a sibilance which alwaystouched the nerves of his hearers. He seldom interrupted interrupters, finding it more effective to let them speak and then to deal with themin his own special manner when they had finished. There wereoccasionally exceptions to this, however. In the course of one of hisspeeches he exclaimed, "What do my opponents really want?" A husky, hostile voice from the crowd broke in, "What I want is a change ofgovernment. " "No, " said Lloyd George; "what you really want is achange of drink. " Another time he had begun a sentence with the words"I am here, " when an opponent in the crowd shouted, "So am I. " "Yes, "said Lloyd George, "but you are not all there. " One of his bestretorts in his early days was to a Conservative who came to a Liberalmeeting determined to stand no nonsense. "We must give home rule, "declared Lloyd George, "not only to Ireland, but to Scotland as well, and to Wales. " "And home rule for hell, " shouted a man in theaudience. "Quite right, " said Lloyd George; "let every person stick upfor his own country. "

A hard-working young professional man, Lloyd George was in for a heavyfight and, in the opinion of many, a hopeless fight, when the electioncame two years later. It was a dramatic chance that selected for hisConservative opponent the squire of his native village, the dignitaryto whom Lloyd George as a village lad used to touch his hat. Fierceexcitement ranged throughout the election fight. In the result LloydGeorge snatched victory by just a handful of votes, his poll being onethousand nine hundred sixty-three against the Conservative total of onethousand nine hundred forty-five. Lloyd George was twenty-seven at thetime of this triumph and became known as "the boy politician. " Therewere many sneers among his opponents, who pointed out that this fluentyoung demagogue had now reached the end of his tether. In theenvironment of the House of Commons, among really clever men, he wouldsink to the natural inconsequence from which a series of fortunateaccidents had lifted him. And indeed it was not unnatural for even thesympathetic observer to feel that perhaps this was the end of LloydGeorge, that the ability which he undoubtedly possessed and which hadcarried him a considerable distance was not the ability which could doany more for him. He had projected himself out of the congenialsurroundings wherein his talents had proved of avail, but, like a spentrocket, he would now rapidly come to earth. 

It would have been inconceivable to many of his friends and to all ofhis opponents that this twenty-seven-year-old M. P. Should haveregarded himself as but on the threshold of his work, should havelooked upon what he had achieved merely as preliminaries to his rarelyserious efforts in life. They would have smiled indulgently orironically if they had been told at this period the story of LloydGeorge's diary entry after his first visit to the House of Commons atseventeen. Probably no person on earth but his wife knew the steelydetermination behind her husband's impetuosity. 

The young M. P. Took his seat in the House of Commons on April 17, 1890. A Liberal Government was in power. Gladstone, over eighty years ofage, was at the head of it. Political giants whose reputation hadreached young Lloyd George through the newspapers were scattered alongthe two front benches. He sat himself down on one of the back seatsand proceeded to look at these men in action and to weigh them up. Heformed some judgments about them. Here is what he wrote about Mr. Asquith in the course of some work for a Welsh newspaper a little lateron: "A short, thick-set, rather round-shouldered man with a face asclean shaven as that of the most advanced curate, keen eyes and abroad, intellectual forehead--he speaks clearly and emphatically. Hesets out his arguments with great brilliancy and force. " Little didthe young M. P. Think that in the years to come he would be supplantingthis man as Prime Minister of the country. 

Right from the start Lloyd George set himself to acquire the methodsand fashions of the House of Commons, with all the involved procedure. He wanted to avoid the obvious pitfalls. Presently he essayed aspeech, and though he confessed himself as nervous, he did well, andmembers spoke highly of his first effort. It is as well to say herethat the House of Commons quickly cuts short the ambitions and hopes ofmany young men who on the strength of platform popularity look fortriumph at Westminster. The House of Commons, whatever may be itsdrawbacks, has some human qualities, is kindly to beginners, has arespect for sincerity, an undisguised yawn for bores, and a coldcontempt for swollen-headed young members who try to impress it withtheir capacity. When once a member has passed the stage of initialforbearance due to a new-comer, there grows upon him the fact that theHouse of Commons is indeed the most critical assembly in the world. There are always within it many who have secured their places by moneyor influence, but they are in the minority, and the House, as a whole, including even these rich men, has never any respect for moneyed men assuch, pays no special deference to the person of lordly birth withinits walls. A member is judged absolutely on what he is himself. Thetwo most popular and respected members in the strangely mixed House ofCommons I watched for years were Mr. Thomas Burt, the father of theHouse, who had been a working miner, and that ardent and lovable IrishNationalist, Mr. Willie Redmond--both men having secured inextraordinary measure the personal affection of the whole House. Insome respects, therefore, the House is like a big public school, andConservatives and Liberals, notwithstanding their politicaldifferences, are welded together by a common instinct so far as thedomestic character of the Chamber is concerned. 

The peculiar atmosphere was not lost upon Lloyd George, and hediligently attuned himself to the new medium. This would have beenunavailing if there had been nothing in his speeches, but it was soonrealized that here was an interesting new member, a man inexperiencedin some directions, but with bold thoughts, apt phrases, and an almostunpleasant sincerity. He did not take the House by storm, but still hewas listened to. He quickly developed. Within a year his name wasfrequently in the newspapers as one of the guerrilla fighters below thegangway who gave the Government no peace. 

Lloyd George had made up his mind about the statesmen in the House andhad come to a decision that not even the strongest of them wasunassailable. Gladstone led the Government and Lloyd George was hisnominal follower, but on individual matters the young M. P. Opposed hischief. It was rather like a fox-terrier standing up to a lion. Gladstone had an incomparable prestige, the result of a continuoushalf-century of work for his country, including four periods as PrimeMinister. Probably three-quarters of the six hundred and seventymembers of the House of Commons, many of them old politicians, wouldhave been nervous about tackling Gladstone, who, despite his eightyyears, was still a terrific force in debate, possessing an eagle mienwhich subdued opponent and recalcitrant supporters alike. Young LloydGeorge refused to be cowed even by Gladstone. 

Wales was pressing for the disestablishment of the English Churchwithin its borders, and Lloyd George with two or three other Liberalmembers bitterly protested about the postponement of this reform. Difficulties of immediate parliamentary action, the urgency of otherlegislation, the opposition from powerful sections of the House, allthese things were nothing to Lloyd George; what he wanted was thedisestablishment of the Church in Wales. Frequently the Prime Ministerin the British Parliament ignores the attacks of the lesser men. Gladstone could not ignore Lloyd George. He had to answer him. Sometimes he condescended to berate him, much to the enjoyment of theassembly. Lloyd George always came up unhurt, alert, and persistent. 

In 1892 Mr. Gladstone retired, and his place at the head of the LiberalGovernment was taken by Lord Rosebery. Lloyd George, in his efforts tosecure the early passage of the Welsh disestablishment bill, continuedto strike hard at his nominal chief until in 1894 came the end of thisparticular sphere of his operations, for the Liberal Government wasturned out and a Conservative Government put in its place. This, however, was Lloyd George's real opportunity. Independent as he hadbeen in the ranks of his own party, he now found far greater scope as afoe in opposition to Ministers in power. He went for them, tooth andnail, making a dead set at Chamberlain, who had taken Gladstone's placeas the leading figure in the House of Commons. Chamberlain himself hadfought his way up. Those who have seen Chamberlain will never forgethim--the long, strong face, the steady, hard eyes, the straight-cutmouth, the rigidly erect, slim body, the unfailing single eyeglass, andthe orchid in his buttonhole making a picture which can never bedisassociated from will-power, a mind cold and clear, a lucid gift ofspeech, unflinching courage, and a savage contempt for weakness orinefficiency. He had against him in the House of Commons some ablecritics, but not more than two or three could really stand up to him inargument. I believe there was not a single one even of these who daredto take off the gloves to him in real fighting earnest. Lloyd Georgewent into opposition with his eyes fixed on Chamberlain. 

From that time onward Lloyd George deliberately fought the Birminghamstatesman on every possible opportunity. In committee, during questiontime, at set debate, he pursued him unremittingly. Chamberlain triedat first to shake him off with a scornful word or two. But LloydGeorge was not to be dismissed as so many others had been. He returnedto the attack like a hornet. He was never appeased, never in doubt, never content. Chamberlain had presently to take real notice of him. He turned on the Welshman and with ferocity held him up to scorn andridicule--not a difficult task for such a man as Chamberlain, especially as the majority of the House of Commons were his followers. Lloyd George certainly had his bad times then. Sometimes his factswould be proved awry and his arguments fallacious and he would beharried with merciless sarcasm. He would, in effect, be smashed topieces. To the amazement of every one he refused to understand that hewas smashed. After any and every attack he would be swiftly on hisfeet, hurling forth fresh accusatory words and ignoring the punishmenthe had just received--would be himself the scourger of sin. Sometimeshe even took to imitating Chamberlain's own methods, and pointing afinger at his distinguished victim, would hiss out his charges word byword with a vibrant slowness. Even the impassive Chamberlain usedsometimes to color a little under this mimicry. If ever a man wentthoroughly out of his way to be hated it was Lloyd George. But hegained way. Once under an unsparing attack by Lloyd George, Chamberlain winced, leaped to his feet, and asked permission to make asecond speech in reply. That was the first occasion which causedmembers to say among themselves that Chamberlain, gladiator that hewas, had met his match in Lloyd George. 

IV

THE DAREDEVIL STATESMAN

What was the underlying motive in Lloyd George during those years offeverish combat? Why should he have gone out of his way to deal injuryand to incur enmity? Why was he always in the pose of rebel even whenhis friends were in power? Was he anything more than a clever youngpolitician seeking notoriety by espousing unpopular courses wheneverthere was a chance to strike a blow at those high in authority? Theyare justifiable questions, and they can be answered quite shortly. Heaven had given Lloyd George, together with much impulsiveness, themost sensitive of souls and a kindly heart, together with theimagination of a poet. Even when he was a boy resentment blazed fromhim as he realized the injustices which were suffered by the poorerpeople, people who could not raise their voice to protest and who wenton in stolid resignation from childhood to the grave. The example ofhis mother, a patient and noble woman, struggling with fate for thesake of her children, was ever before him. He saw his uncle, a sturdyPuritan of high character and intelligence, looked down upon, or atleast disapproved of, because of his religious and political opinions, and this in spite of the fact that Richard Lloyd's beliefs sprang fromselfless emotions and held him in an upright life. As Lloyd Georgegrew older and mingled with the world he saw how oppression, active orpassive, often went with wealth and power, and that not only materialsustenance, but education and even the right to think, was denied thevast preponderance of the population by those who through inheritance, accident, or hardihood had secured the good things of the earth. Everynerve within him quivered in revolt. And even before he realized thefull extent of the powers that lay within him his ardent spirit wasleaping forward to fight what he regarded as the great giants ofevil--the systems and the customs which gave individuals the power tohold down those who could not help themselves. He loved his nativeland passionately and was saturated with religious feeling, and he wasstrung with indignation that the state Church system of England shouldcontinue to be forced upon a nation of Nonconformists, with itsresulting social influence on the people of his land. He was stirredto the depths by the lives of poor people among whom he had lived hismost impressionable years. Enraged at the mental and moral attitude ofthe rich Conservatives who placidly assumed that Providence meant themto rule the earth and all the lesser horde to bow down to theirinspired will, he was dissatisfied with the stolidity and lethargy ofthe official Liberal party, although he himself was a Liberal. Whenthe Boer War broke out his sense of chivalry and justice was outragedat the thought that a great people like the British nation shouldattempt to crush a tiny pastoral race, even under some provocation. Thus from the start he devoted himself passionately and whole-heartedlyto the side of the under dog. 

Incidentally in this single-handed fight he took a sardonic delight inshocking those pillars of society who to him were symbols of theexisting order of things. Fiercely he smashed away at idols, howeverhighly placed, however much revered. At all times and in allcircumstances he was regardless of consequences to himself, a factwhich, together with his gifts, secured for him a certain measure ofconcealed respect even from those who hated him most. Withal, throughout these years of destructiveness his mind was working towardthe formation of a new order of things. Behind and beyond all hisIshmaelitish tactics there were thoughts of a reconstruction. He mayhave been right or wrong in his courses. At any rate, it is necessaryin a sketch of his career to set out the connecting links in years ofactivity which to a casual observer may seem disjointed, variable, anderratic. 

A notable incident in his career was when, with practically the wholecountry inflamed against him, owing to his attitude on the Boer War, hedecided to go down to Birmingham, the seat and stronghold of JosephChamberlain, and address a public meeting in support of his anti-warpolicy. Friends tried to dissuade him. He was not to be dissuaded. Preparations were quickly set afoot in Birmingham to break up hismeeting. When the evening arrived so great were the hostile crowdsaround the town hall, so high their temper, that the chief constable ofthe city begged Lloyd George not to risk himself on the platform. Lloyd George would have none of his suggestion. He went to the hall, and his appearance was a signal for a riot such as had been unknown fora generation at a public gathering in Britain. In a frantic fight bythe Chamberlain supporters to reach the platform the sympathizers withLloyd George were trampled down. Furniture was broken up, windows weresmashed, several people were seriously injured, and one man was killed. Lloyd George was smuggled out of the hall in a policeman's uniform. 

England rang with the story of the happenings on that night inBirmingham. Lloyd George was called a coward and sneered at forallowing himself to get away in disguise, and if poisonous words couldhave checked a man's career he would have been finished from that time. A few days after the riot an M. P. Met Joseph Chamberlain in the lobbyof the House of Commons and said to him, "So your people didn't manageto kill Lloyd George the other night?" "What is everybody's businessis nobody's business, " said Chamberlain as he passed on. 

It is a tribute to Lloyd George's power among his own people in Walesthat when an election took place in the middle of the war he retainedhis seat in Parliament. You get a touch of the kind of man in thewords he spoke to his supporters in the course of his speech after thedeclaration of the poll. "While England and Scotland are drunk withblood, the brain of Wales remains clear, and she advances with steadystep on the road to progress and liberty. "

The Conservatives remained in power to the end of 1905, and in thebeginning of 1906 there was a general election which returned to powera strong Liberal majority augmented by some thirty Labor members. Avigorous spirit was sweeping through the Liberal ranks. New men hadsprung to the front to take the place of those who had dropped out bydeath, old age, or the feeling that modern thought was too advanced forthem. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, a pawky old Scotsman who becamethe Liberal Prime Minister, did not confine the members of his Cabinetto the respectable leaders of old time, but brought in new blood, amonghis selections being Lloyd George. This promotion was unexpected bythe public. Lloyd George had made a big reputation in Parliament, butit was always that of the free-lance. On vital questions of principlehe was as free from control by the Liberals as by the Conservatives. He was known as an untamed guerrilla, and that was all. There weremany shrugs of the shoulder, many doubtful whispers, at the hazardswhich Campbell-Bannerman was taking in putting such a person into theCabinet. True, he was but one of the lesser appointments--namely, thatof president of the Board of Trade--but was he capable of even thatresponsibility? Had he any capacity at all as an administrator? Thesewere the doubts pretty freely expressed in political circles when theappointments to the new Cabinet were announced. 

It is significant of the reserves in Lloyd George that from the time hetook his place among the line of Ministers on the Treasury bench hebegan to show signs of qualities unsuspected. Gone was hiscombativeness. He answered questions about his department withurbanity, replied to criticism with courtesy and painstaking detail. Out of the House he devoted himself assiduously to learning theintricacies of his department. Very soon reforms began to bemanifested. The Board of Trade, an old and historic department, largely bound up with red tape, became the most unconventional officein Whitehall. Moreover, the activities of the Board of Trade began toget an importance in Parliament that they had never hitherto possessed. Novel measures were brought in by Lloyd George and, what was moresurprising, were successfully piloted into law by him. His grasp ofdetail, his unfailing tact, his readiness to meet reasonableobjections, all contributed to the result. I do not mean that he wasalways suave, because occasionally biting sentences would makethemselves felt as of old, but wherever courtesy and politeness wereforthcoming from opponents he returned them in full measure. Responsibility was certainly having its effect on him. 

He passed the Patents and Designs Act, formulated to compelmanufacturers holding British patents to make their goods in Britaininstead of abroad, and he passed also the Merchant Shipping Act, forthe purpose of giving British sailors better food and healthierconditions of life. While the Board of Trade was thus forging its wayin public estimation it suddenly became the most important Governmentdepartment in the country. The railway men all over the lines planneda strike to get more pay, a strike which would have dislocated if ithad not stopped all the trains in Britain. It is the business of theBoard of Trade to handle labor disputes. Lloyd George was at once inthe vortex. To the surprise of some, he took no extreme view, butconsidered it his duty as a Minister first of all to keep the railwaysrunning for the benefit of the community as a whole, and then afterthat to secure some arrangement, if it were possible, by which the lotof the railway men could be bettered. He flung into the struggle forcompromise the whole of the ardor which for years past he had devotedto combat, and after ceaseless struggles with both sides during somedays and nights lie was successful in fixing up a scheme under whichthe railways were continued in operation, and the men got a good dealof what they asked for. All sections praised him, and the new LloydGeorge was acclaimed as something of a revelation. 

His tenure as president of the Board of Trade was his first experienceas Cabinet Minister. He, nevertheless, established innovations thethought of which would have given respectable and long-establishedstatesmen a shudder. He cared not a rap for convention. He was not inthe least afraid of his permanent officials, who so often control theirdepartment and their political chief with it. A Cabinet Minister inBritain is hedged with a certain divinity and is almost unapproachableexcept under stated conditions. Lloyd George bewildered people withhis approachability, his unpretentiousness. During the strain of therailway struggle he would exchange a cheery word with the waitingnewspaper reporters as he passed them on going in or out of his office, an unheard-of thing for a Cabinet Minister to do. The second day wascold and inclement when he stopped among them as he approached theBoard of Trade entrance. "There is no need for you gentlemen to waitoutside here in the cold. Come inside and I'll find you a room, " hesaid. He caused a comfortable apartment to be set aside for themduring their vigil, and each afternoon he caused tea and cigarettes tobe sent down to them to beguile the long period of waiting. Here isanother little story of his early days of office. A railway smash atShrewsbury resulted in the death of twenty people and the injury of agreat many more, and in accordance with the usual practice the Board ofTrade sent down immediately an inspector to investigate the cause ofthe accident. But on this occasion not only did the inspector go downto Shrewsbury, but his chief, the president of the Board of Trade, also, quite a novel course for a high and mighty Cabinet Minister. Iwas present as a journalist and remember seeing Lloyd George walkingalong by the side of the dismantled lines, threading his way throughthe wreckage, putting questions to the railway officials, and generallyseeking to probe out on his own account how the affair occurred. Onbehalf of a score of special correspondents who had come down fromLondon, I stopped Lloyd George in the street as he was walking to hishotel to ask him about the official inquiry. "Is it to be held inprivate, as usual?" I said. "No, " replied Lloyd George. "The inquirywill be in public. Here are twenty people killed and the country hasthe right to know why they were killed. " That was the way he used tobreak precedents. Next day we all went down to the Raven Hotel, theappointed place, and the inspector proceeded with his work of examiningwitnesses. Lloyd George sat by his side. I felt sorry for thatinspector--who usually was monarch of all he surveyed. He was a man ofdignified and leisurely manner. Lloyd George cut in and took theexamination of witnesses out of his mouth and, figuratively speaking, turned them inside out in trying to get the facts. He did not considerthe position of the inspector one bit. But he made the inquiry a veryinteresting one. 

Despite his new manner on the Treasury bench in the House of CommonsLloyd George had lost none of the freshness and suppleness of mindwhich had distinguished him as a free-lance, and as he proceeded to dounexpected things it became apparent he was going to be as vital afigure in office as he had been on the back benches. Traces ofappreciation showed themselves in public comment, though his ancientenemies, the Conservatives, held their dislike in reserve, and had someforebodings in their hearts about the future. They knew quite well bynow that this Welshman could not be read at a glance. 

Bits of the old Adam began to show up in Lloyd George's speeches as helent his aid on the platform in support of Liberal proposals. Iremember that at this time there was still a good deal of talk by theConservatives of tariff reform--that is to say, of the imposition ofimport duties for protection and revenue purposes. The Liberals wereagainst the proposals, fought them strongly, and indeed by theirattitude had won a good deal of support in the election which returnedthem to power. Lloyd George made some of his flaming speeches insupport of free trade against protection. Then came one night when theBoard of Trade Minister had to speak in the House of Commons as adefender of the Government policy against a motion put forth by theOpposition in favor of tariff reform. After speakers on both sides haddebated the topic for some hours it was Lloyd George's duty to wind upthe discussion for the Government. When he rose there was muchexcitement on both sides and a good deal of shouting andcounter-shouting. Remarks were thrown across from the Oppositionbenches indicating that Lloyd George's speeches about the evil oftariff reform on the Continent had been exaggerated. "I have beenchallenged, " he said, "with regard to statements as to the food of thepoorer people in Germany, and I am going to give now, not my opinion, but some hard facts. " He held up a blue book. "This volume is thelast annual report of the Consul-General in Germany. The facts which Ishall quote are his facts, not mine. If you will not take my word, youwill at any rate be able to take his word. " He turned to a markedpage. "Let us see what he says about a typical center, the city ofChemnitz. Here are some interesting figures as to what the poorerclass eat in this tariff-reform paradise of Chemnitz. " He proceeded toread extracts. I cannot recall the extra figures, but Lloyd George'sphrases ran something like this: "This report states that in Chemnitzlast year there were sold in the shops two thousand tons ofhorse-flesh. These are not my figures, mind, but those of theConsul-General. I commend the figures to excited members opposite. But horse-flesh is not the only thing the people through the pressureof tariff reform are compelled to eat in Chemnitz. They even eatdog-meat. " (Cheers from the Liberals and derisive shouts from theConservatives. ) "The Consul-General states that one thousand tons ofdog-meat were consumed in Chemnitz last year. " (More shouting fromboth sides. ) "But there is even worse to come. " Lloyd George's voicetook on a note of gravity, and the House hushed itself to listen. "Notonly horse-flesh, not only dog-meat, but five hundred tons ofdonkey-flesh were sold in Chemnitz last year. " He swung his fingeralong the line of Opposition leaders and paused. "The fact has atragic significance for right honorable gentlemen who want to introducetariff reform into this country. "

Then his speech had to be suspended for a full minute. 

At this time the cause of tariff reform was going rapidly downhill. Austen Chamberlain, the son of Joseph Chamberlain, strove hard to keepit to the fore, and frequently at intervals in the House of Commons theprotectionist proposals were brought forward. Lloyd George had acharacteristic word to say about the situation one day. "I do notblame Mr. Austen Chamberlain for sticking to his father. But theconsiderations which have made him protectionist are not fiscal, butfilial. History ever repeats itself, and the boy still stands on theburning deck. "

By rapid steps Lloyd George became the outstanding figure of theGovernment in which he occupied a comparatively minor position. Soonhe was as prominent in Britain as, when a youth, he was prominent inWales. Hardly a week passed in which he was not by his daring speechesor actions raising storms of anger among opponents or choruses ofapproval among the advanced Liberals. Vital force radiated from him. When Campbell-Bannerman died in 1908 and Asquith, his Chancellor of theExchequer, became Prime Minister, it was on Lloyd George that hischoice fell as the new Chancellor. The public, dazzled at LloydGeorge's swift rise, withheld their judgment as to the wisdom of Mr. Asquith's experiment in this elevation of the Welshman to the post ofsecond statesman in the United Kingdom. As for Lloyd George himself, he took up the position with calmness and a gleaming eye. At last hehad his hand on the helm. 

V

THE FIRST GREAT TASK

The biggest day in Lloyd George's life until he was called upon by theKing to form a Government was Thursday, April 29, 1909. On that day hepresented to Parliament and the country his first Budget--the frameworkof taxation and legislation which was to be the foundation of a newsocial system in Britain--which incidentally was to break the power ofthe House of Lords and to lead to such a storm among all classes that theaid of the King himself had to be invoked in order to carry out the planof the Welsh statesman. 

A dramatic situation had arisen at Westminster. Up to 1906 when theLiberals were returned by a large majority the Conservatives, with theexception of a short break, had been in power for twenty years. Anothergeneration of the people had come to adult life since the early eightieswhen the Liberals were last in real power, and a new set of Liberalstatesmen with advanced ideals had been put into office. The exultationamong the forces of progress was great. The hot hopes were to have aspeedy quenching. The laws of England are passed by the joint consent ofthe King, the House of Lords, and the House of Commons. The House ofCommons is an electoral body, but the House of Lords has a hereditarymembership, descending from father to son. Of the six hundred members ofthe House of Lords five hundred are Conservatives. The Conservativeminority in the Commons, faced with startling Liberal reforms, called totheir aid the five hundred stalwarts in the Lords, and the consequencewas that the sweeping measures introduced by the Liberals were promptlythrown out by the Lords. Thus an intolerable situation presented itselfto the Liberal majority chosen by the nation to direct its Government. 

Lloyd George, on being appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer, at once sethimself the task of meeting the difficulty, and there were weapons to hishand. He planned not only an elaborate scheme of reform, but also themeans of putting it into execution in face of the House of Lords. Theostensible function of the Budget is to provide a schedule of taxationfor the coming year in order to meet the current needs of the country. Lloyd George's plan was to put forward his own conception of "the needsof the country" and then to raise the money on account of them. Hepurposed to bring about a wholesale readjustment between rich and poorand to use the readjustment as a basis for developments in the future. That was his bold and carefully devised plan of action. It will be askedat once why the Lords could not frustrate this intention as well as thoseembodied in the other Liberal bills they had thrown out. This was thereason: the Lords were prevented by the constitution from altering moneybills sent up to them by the Commons, though they might do what theyliked with other bills. The people provided the taxes, the Commons areelected by the people, and the power of the purse possessed by theCommons gives the people the command in affairs of state. As long ago asthe time of Charles II. This rule about the Commons and Lords withrespect to money supplies was emphatically laid down. Lloyd George'sscheme was to wrap up social changes in his Budget and to dare the Lordsto meddle with them, inasmuch as they were part and parcel of a moneybill. 

The country had no idea of this deep-rooted plan. Something sensationalwas expected of Lloyd George, but his proposals, it was thought, would beof a purely financial nature, including, possibly, heavy taxation of richpeople and relief of the indirect taxation of the poor. As a matter offact, Lloyd George, walking over from Downing Street to the House ofCommons on that Thursday afternoon, had three secrets in the leatherdespatch-case he carried in his hand. One was the amount of money he wasgoing to raise, the second the sources from which he was going to obtainit, and third the way in which the money was to be spent. Those of uswho saw him walking briskly across Palace Yard that afternoon in companywith Mr. Winston Churchill little thought that the small browndespatch-case held plans which within three years were to alter vitallythe constitution of the United Kingdom as it had existed for eighthundred years. 

The national financial position was known in the morning before LloydGeorge made his speech. The amount needed for the current year by thecountry for the army, navy, civil services, and social relief was164, 152, 000 pounds. The revenue to be expected on the existing basis oftaxation was 148, 390, 000 pounds. A deficit of nearly 16, 000, 000 poundshad, therefore, to be provided for. In addition, in the framing of thisas of other Budgets, regard was necessary to the automatic increase ofcertain expenditures in coming years, increases which must be met by theexpanding capacity of schemes of revenue. (Though the Budget is anannual affair, a good many of its features are necessarily continuing. )After all this has been taken into account there must be remembered thatLloyd George was planning still further expenditure. He had therefore toget piles of money from somewhere or other and to make sure of it inincreasing volume as years went on. 

I was present in the House of Commons to describe the Budget scene. TheChamber was packed and was quivering with excitement when at four minutesto three, during the preliminary business, Lloyd George, with a reddespatch-box in his hand, came into view from behind the Speaker's chair, and passed with alert and nervous steps to the place on the Treasurybench reserved for him between the Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, and Mr. Churchill. I can see Lloyd George now as he sat bolt-upright with oneknee crossed over the other, waiting for the moment when the chairmanshould call on him. His face was pale and his eyes were rather dull. Helooked a little overwrought. He was feeling the tension; so much wasobvious. I remember wondering if he had reached the limit of hisstrength, whether he was really big enough in spirit for the ordeal thatlay before him. 

Within ten minutes the formal business of the day was over, and thechairman, standing up on his dais, announced, "Mr. Chancellor of theExchequer. " Lloyd George rose to the table. He seemed almost aninsignificant figure in the midst of the crowded assembly. Members werefilling all the seats, some squatting on the steps of the Speaker'schair, others standing together in the space below the bar at the fartherend of the House. The galleries banked overhead were occupied bydistinguished visitors, foreign ambassadors, members of the House ofLords, ladies of title, distinguished men of thought and action. It wassuch an audience as is given to but few men in a lifetime. 

In low voice and conversational phrase Lloyd George began his speech. Hetold of the money that had to be raised, but he did not stop at thenarrative of what may be called ordinary expenditure. He told how theprimary duty of a rich nation was to help those who had been exhausted, to give a chance to the downtrodden. He related some of the things hehad in his mind--the insurance of workmen against illness andunemployment, the payment of pensions for persons over a certain age. Hetold of how unemployment might be largely eliminated by developments inthe countryside, through new methods of agriculture, through lightrailways, through afforestation, through stock-breeding, through thereclamation of land. Efforts in these directions would not only help agreat many of the population at the present time, but would provideenormously increased opportunities for coming generations. He proposedthat part of the money of the year should be taken up with these projects. 

Very soon he swept into the explanation of how new money was to beraised. It was necessary to set up a system which would, year by year, produce an increasing supply of money. When Lloyd George came to thepoint of his actual proposals you could have heard the slightest rustleof an order paper, so keen were the silent Commons. He was going toraise the income tax, he said, the existing impost on incomes of 160pounds a year and over. He was going to put a super tax on rich people, those who had 5, 000 pounds a year or more. He was going to make bigadditions to the duty charged on great estates when they changed hands. 

Demand after demand he showered on the rich and comfortable. Theassembly, expecting surprises, had them in abundance. The Chancellordrew sheaf after sheaf of notes from the red despatch-box on the table infront of him and explained with an air of intensive reasonableness thehuge sums he proposed to draw from the property-owners in the country. New inroads were to be made on the profits of land and liquor. Coal-mines were to pay royalties. People were to be taxed when theybecame rich without any effort on their own part, but by fortunateaccident in the increased value of special localities. There was to be acomplete valuation of every yard of land in the country as the basis fordevelopments to come. 

Although the money to be raised that year by these new proposals wouldnot much more than cover what was required by immediate necessities, thetaxation was such as to multiply in product as years went on. Finallythe motive behind the revolutionary Budget of Lloyd George came in theconcluding words of his speech. "It is essential that we should makeprovision for the defense of our country. But, surely, it is equallyimperative that we should make it a country even better worth defendingfor all and by all. And it is that this expenditure is for both thesepurposes that alone can justify the Government. I am told that noChancellor of the Exchequer has ever been called upon to impose suchheavy taxes in a time of peace. This, Mr. Chairman, is a war Budget. Itis for raising money to wage implacable warfare against poverty andsqualidness. I cannot help hoping and believing that before thisgeneration has passed away we shall have advanced a great step towardthat good time when poverty and wretchedness, and the human degradationwhich always follows in its camp, will be as remote from the people ofthis country as the wolves which once infested its forests. "

It took a day or so for the full effect of the Budget to be understood. And then enthusiasm rose in the breasts of Liberals and Labor men, whilethe middle and upper classes poured forth outcries and protests. As theproposals were discussed in detail, feeling arose on both sides, andLloyd George was variously described as a genius who was laying thefoundation of a new Britain and a predatory politician out to catchvotes. Throughout the length and breadth of the United Kingdom his namewas on the lips of all, either in execration or in praise. 

The greatest Parliamentary fight of a generation began to take form inthe House of Commons. The Conservatives, led by Mr. Balfour, put up anobstructive fight to every line and almost every word of the finance billwhich was founded on the Budget. Departmental duties all day, the onwardfight with his finance measure throughout the night and often the earlyhours of the morning, became the routine of Lloyd George's life. I haveseen him at the table at the House of Commons at seven o'clock in themorning, with ashen face and burning eyes, after a week of all-nightsittings, persuading, explaining, and arguing with determined opponentsof his measure. Often enough in these fatiguing morning hours therewould be sitting up behind the grille in the ladies' gallery an anxious, but proud, woman watching the Welsh statesman at the table. It was Mrs. George, the pretty Maggie Owen of years before whom the young Welshsolicitor had taken from her father's farm. 

In justice I ought to summarize in a few sentences written at the timethe attitude of the opponents of the Budget. "Why put forward theseextraordinary changes? Here was an unequaled nation, the richest andgreatest in existence, which by its character and energy had built up anempire reaching across the globe, with Parliamentary institutions whichwere the admiration of every state. The millions of our population werewelded in a common sentiment, unsurpassed since history began, makingunshakable the foundations of our nationality. We had fought our way tomodern conditions very slowly, and now, class for class, we were perhapsthe most contented and prosperous people on the face of the earth. Admitted that we had vast crowds of silently enduring poor. (The poor wehave always with us, as has every great nation. ) But the way toameliorate the evils among them was not to disturb the comfort, convenience, or property of the rich, but to increase the prosperity ofrich and poor alike by putting a tax on foreigners' goods coming intothis country, thus providing revenue and increasing home manufactures atone stroke. That was the course to pursue, not to disturb the elaborateand happy system, the pride of the world, by sudden incursions into theliberty of the individual and by depredations on the privileged in orderto benefit the unhappy. Property, whether obtained without effort orbuilt up by the hardest of labor, had its inalienable rights, andviolently to outrage those rights was not only unjust to the personschiefly concerned, but dangerous to the state at large. "

The campaign which was set in motion against Lloyd George has not beenequaled in violence since the old free-speaking days of a century ago. He was called a vulgar Welsh attorney. He was accused of having everykind of attribute which was contemptible and hateful. One of the thingsurged against him was that he was no gentleman and could not understandthe feeling of gentlefolk, owing to his unfortunate upbringing. Hisopponents thus attacking him went into paroxysms of rage over a speech hemade at Limehouse in the East End of London, where he defended hisBudget. The Limehouse speech has become famous as an example of LloydGeorge's oratory. I give a few extracts to enable an idea to be formedabout it. 

"The Budget is introduced, not merely for the purpose of raising barrentaxes, but taxes that are fertile taxes, taxes that will bring forthfruit--the security of the country which is paramount in the minds ofall, provision for the aged and deserving poor. It was time it was done. It is rather a shame for a rich country like ours, probably the richestcountry in the world, if not the richest the world has ever seen, that itshould allow those who have toiled all their days to end in penury andpossibly starvation. It is rather hard that an old workman should haveto find his way to the gates of the tomb, bleeding and footsore throughthe brambles and thorns of poverty. We cut a new path through, an easierone, a pleasanter one, through fields of waving corn. We are raisingmoney to pay for the new road, aye, and to widen it, so that two hundredthousand paupers shall be able to join in the march. There are many inthe country blessed by Providence with great wealth, and if there areamong them men who grudge out of their riches a fair contribution towardthe less fortunate of their fellow-countrymen, they are shabby rich men. 

"We propose to do more by the means of the Budget. We are raising moneyto provide against the evils and sufferings that follow fromunemployment. We are raising money for the purpose of assisting ourgreat friendly societies to provide for the sick, the widows, and theorphans. We are providing money to enable us to develop the resources ofour own land. I do not believe any fair-minded man would challenge thejustice and the fairness of the objects which we have in view of raisingthis money. But there are some who say that the taxes themselves areunjust, unfair, unequal, oppressive, notably so the land taxes. They areengaged, not merely in the House of Commons, but outside the House ofCommons, in assailing these taxes with a concentrated and sustainedferocity which will not even allow a comma to escape with its life. 

"We claim that the tax we impose on land is fair, just, and moderate. They go on threatening that if we proceed they will cut down theirbenefactions and discharge labor. What kind of labor? What is the laborthey are going to choose for dismissal? Are they going to threaten todevastate rural England while feeding themselves and dressing themselves?Are they going to reduce their gamekeepers? That would be sad. Theagricultural laborer and the farmer might then have some part of the gamewhich they fatten with their labor. But what would happen to you in theseason? No weekend shooting with the Duke of Norfolk for any of us. Butthat is not the kind of labor they are going to cut down. They are goingto cut down productive labor--builders and gardeners--and they are goingto ruin their property so that it shall not be taxed. All I can say isthis: the ownership of land is not merely an enjoyment, it isstewardship. It has been reckoned as such in the past, and if they ceaseto discharge their functions, which include the security and defense ofthe country and the looking after the broken in their villages andneighborhood, those functions which are part of the traditional dutiesattaching to the ownership of land and which have given to it its title, if they cease to discharge those functions, the time will come toreconsider the conditions under which land is held in this country. Nocountry, however rich, can permanently afford to have quartered upon itsrevenue a class which declines to do the duty which it is called upon toperform. And, therefore, it is one of the prime duties of statesmanshipto investigate those conditions. 

"We are placing the burdens on the broad shoulders. Why should I putburdens on the people? I am one of the children of the people. I wasbrought up among them. I know their trials, and God forbid that I shouldadd one grain of trouble to the anxiety which they bear with suchpatience and fortitude. When the Prime Minister did me the honor ofinviting me to take charge of the national Exchequer at a time of greatdifficulty I made up my mind in framing the Budget which was in front ofme that at any rate no cupboard should be barer, no lot should be harderto bear. By that test I challenge them to judge the Budget. "

The passion among the middle classes and the upper classes rose to such apitch against Lloyd George's proposals as to cause more than one seriousand religiously minded person to write and express wonder that Heaven didnot strike dead such a wicked man before he could accomplish his fellpurpose in the ruin of the country. 

There is a story told about a man who jumped from the pier at Brightoninto the sea to rescue a drowning person. In describing his experiencethe rescuer said: "It was easy enough. Only a few strokes were necessaryto reach him. I got hold of him by the collar just as he was going down. Having turned him over on his back to see that it wasn't Lloyd George, Ithen brought him to the pier. "

The House of Lords felt they had the country behind them, and theyproceeded to the unprecedented and unconstitutional course of killing theBudget. This was exactly what Mr. Asquith and his first lieutenant hadbeen waiting for. Lloyd George saw the fruits of his labor destroyed ina day, but he watched the process, not with despair, but with grimsatisfaction. 

The Lords had broken their last Liberal bill, for Lloyd George haddetermined to break the Lords. 

VI

HOW LLOYD GEORGE BROKE THE HOUSE OF LORDS

A few days later, with Lloyd George sitting by his side, Mr. Asquith, the Prime Minister, made the following announcement in Parliament: "TheHouse of Commons would, in the judgment of his Majesty's Government, beunworthy of its past and of the traditions of which it is the custodianand trustee if it allowed another day to pass without making it clearthat it does not mean to brook the greatest indignity and the mostarrogant usurpation to which for more than two centuries it has beenasked to submit. We have advised the Crown to dissolve Parliament atthe earliest possible moment. "

The preparations for the general election included a campaign ofvilification against Lloyd George which shook even some of theConservatives. But the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on the other hand, was not disturbed, and he did not hesitate to do a little vilificationon his own account. "What a low creature!" was the instant retort toany incursions of this kind. 

One of the secrets of Lloyd George's career was that he always made hisopponents too angry to appraise him correctly. They simply couldn't doit. A little cold-blooded study of him and his past history would haveserved them well. Because Lloyd George had a peculiarly bitter tongueand a peculiarly stimulating one he was abused as a fluent demagoguewith nothing but unscrupulous and violent words to give him prominence. This was not a mere pretense on the part of the upper classes. Theyseriously believed it. As a result Lloyd George had a tremendous pullover the whole lot of them. One secret of his power was that his realstrength lay not in words, but in his capacity for action. Because hetalked about things with recklessness and force it was assumed that hecould not do things. The hard fact was that he was more effective indoing things and in getting them done than in talking about them. Hesecured a wonderful advantage from all this. While hard names werebeing showered on him, and even while he was replying to them, he wasat work quietly. I have often thought that as soon as his opponentsfound him out they felt that this was not fair, that he ought to haveplayed the game and to have shown himself as exactly the kind of manthey had portrayed him to be. Yet, at the time, his enemies wouldprobably have been contemptuous of the suggestion that this rantingperson could possibly be a man who was specially gifted in carryingplots and plans and big state projects into execution. They had tolearn to their cost that he was both resolute and stealthy. 

Lloyd George had as his chief Mr. Asquith, a man of crystal intellect, who had won high distinction, first at his university, than at the bar, where he was a famous advocate, and latterly in the House of Commons, where his mastery of Parliamentary arts was only equaled by that of therival leader, Mr. Balfour. His speeches were powerful, but theyappealed to the head rather than to the emotions. Unlike Lloyd George, he was not by way of being a prophet. He could not by sheer intensitysway the House of Commons. Mr. Asquith, moreover, was quite incapableof stirring a public audience on the platform outside the House, and helacked that terrific energy which distinguished his principalcolleague. But he was, nevertheless, a first-rate partner. Hissteady, cold brain would carry into effect with precision an intricate, delicate, and bold plan of operations. He had hardihood. Every wilein public life was known to him. He had strong will-power. And insheer brain of what may be called the purely intellectual type he wasmiles ahead, not only of Lloyd George, but of all the other politiciansof the day. I should say here that he undoubtedly felt deeply the slurcast upon the House of Commons by the Lords. And there is one moretrait that should be mentioned, his unshakable loyalty to those whoserved under him, and to his brilliant Chancellor of the Exchequer notless than to any of the others. 

It implies, however, no disrespect to Mr. Asquith to say that he hadbecome the instrument of Lloyd George. It was the latter's subtlebrain that evolved the possible consequences which might ensue afterhis first stroke in the Budget of April, 1909. It was his bold spiritthat urged the desperate course which was presently pursued. Hemeasured the Lords and decided that if they could not be frightenedinto defeat they could be hustled into a wild attempt which would beequally disastrous to them. 

Joyfully he entered the fray as soon as the Lords threw out the Budget. In a public speech made immediately after the Lords' action he said: "Icome here to-day not to preach a funeral oration. I am here neither tobury nor to praise the Budget. If it is buried it is in the sure andcertain hope of a glorious resurrection. As to its merits, no oneappreciates them more sincerely than I do, but its slaughter has raisedgreater, graver, and more fruitful issues. We have got to arrest thecriminal. We have to see he perpetrates no further crime. A newchapter is now being written for the sinister assembly which is moreresponsible than any other power for wrecking popular hopes, but which, in my judgment, has perpetrated its last act of destructive fury. Theyhave slain the Budget. In doing so they have killed the bill which, ifyou will permit me to say so, had in it more promises of better thingsfor the people of this country than most things which have beensubmitted to the House of Commons. It made provision against theinevitable evils which befall such large masses of our poor population, through old age, infirmity, sickness, and unemployment. The schemes ofwhich the Budget was the small foundation would, in my judgment, ifthey had been allowed to fructify, have eliminated at least hunger fromthe terrors that haunt the workman's cottage. Yet here you have anorder of men blessed with every fortune which Providence can bestow onthem grudging a small pittance out of their super-abundance in order toprotect those who have built up their wealth against the hauntingterror of misery and despair. They have thrown it out, and in doing sothey have initiated one of the greatest, gravest, and most promisingstruggles of the time. Liberty owes as much to the foolhardiness ofits foes as it does to the sapience and wisdom of its friends. At lastthe case between the peers and the people has been set down for trialin the great assize of the people, and the verdict will be given soon. "

The country was quickly in the midst of the election. It cannot besaid that Lloyd George dealt lightly with the House of Lords. Here isa typical reference: "Who are the guardians of this mighty Britishpeople? I shall have to make exceptions, but they are men who haveneither the training, the qualifications, nor the experience whichwould fit them for such a gigantic task. The majority of them aresimply men whose sole qualification is that they are the first-born ofpersons who had just as little qualifications as themselves. To invitethis imperial race, this, the greatest commercial nation in the world, the nation that has taught the world in the principles ofself-government and liberty--to invite this nation itself to sign adecree that declares itself unfit to govern itself without theguardianship of such people, that is an insult which I hope will bethrown back with ignominy. "

Not only the upper classes, but a great many of the lower classesstormed and raged at these and similar words. The _Daily Mail_ went sofar as to give a column of titbits from Lloyd George's speeches inorder to show what a really vulgar and detestable person he was, andhow unfit to occupy any leading position in the state. 

The election results as they began to come in indicated that while theLiberals were losing a number of seats which in years gone by had beenConservative strongholds, they were, nevertheless, going to retain theconfidence of the country. In the result Mr. Asquith found himselfonce again in command of the House of Commons with a majority of onehundred and twenty-four. 

The cards were placed in the hands of the Liberals now, but they had tobe very carefully played. The House of Lords swallowed its humiliationas best it could and passed the famous Budget on April 28, 1910, exactly one year after its introduction into the House of Commons. They did not make any fuss about it, because, as I shall show, they hadother things to think of. I remember the day on which the bill becamelaw in the House of Lords. There were very few peers present. Severalof the members of the House of Commons walked across from the Commonsto witness the culmination of their effort. Among them was LloydGeorge. He came in under the gallery, sprucely dressed in a morningcoat, his long hair brushed back from his forehead and above his earswith a neatness which was not observable in his moments of excitement. To-day he had no work to do: one job was finished and he was only onthe threshold of another. As he stood at the bar he looked over themembers of the House of Lords with a grave and benignant expressionwhich reminded one of a fond father regarding erring children. Ithought of the studious expression which usually characterized the faceof that daredevil boy down at Llanystumdwy all those years ago. I amquite sure that the peers who observed him surveying them did not thinkhe was benignant. If I am any judge of feelings, they looked upon him, as he stood there at the bar, as a particularly malignant type ofviper. With a genial smile Lloyd George exchanged a chatty word or twowith an M. P. At his side. No one would have guessed that there wasbitterness in his soul at this assembly or that with grim purpose hewas even now marking out the destruction of their powers. 

It is the fashion in the House of Lords to give the King's consent tolegislation by proxy. The consent, moreover, is given now, as for manyhundreds of years past, not in the English language, but in thelanguage of the old Norman-French conqueror of nearly a thousand yearsago. A bewigged clerk read out in resonant tones the title of the billand from another official there came the answer of the King, "Le Roy leveult" ("The King wills it"). The Budget of 1909 had become part ofthe law of the United Kingdom. Lloyd George, still chatting cheerfullywith a fellow-member of the House of Commons, walked back to the LowerChamber. 

If any of the Lords thought that the threats used against them in thecourse of the election meant nothing and were only a kind of bluster toget the Budget passed, they were grievously mistaken. It must havebeen hard for them to realize that Lloyd George meant all thepresumptuous things he said. He was never more in earnest. Acut-and-dried plan had been arranged between him and Mr. Asquith withregard to the Lords. The plan was no less than this--to take away fromthe peers their constitutional rights to do more than to hold up forthree successive sessions any legislation passed by the House ofCommons. They were not to have the power of killing bills, though theymight retard them a little. And so far as money bills were concernedthey were not to be allowed to delay them at all. The Commons were tobe given power to pass any money bill over the head of the Lords if thelatter did not agree to it immediately it was sent up to them. Inthese cases the King and Commons between them were to be the lawmakingpower, and as the King's assent is always automatically given to theproposals of Ministers in power the net result would be the completesupremacy of the Commons in Government. 

But how were these changes to be made effective? They could, ofcourse, only be brought into force by legal enactment, and it wasimpossible to expect the Lords to sign their own death warrant. It wassettled between Lloyd George and Mr. Asquith to take the House of Lordsby the throat. Lloyd George was prepared for extreme measures, and Mr. Asquith, a student of English history, found out a way by means ofancient precedent. Twice before in the story of the British Parliamentthere had been similar episodes. In the reign of Queen Anne and in thereign of William IV. The Prime Minister of the day, encounteringopposition from the House of Lords, had gone to the reigning sovereignand secured the promise of the creation of enough new peers to turn theminority in the House of Lords into a preponderance of votes. This wasthe plan now agreed upon, only the audacity of it was far greater thanon previous occasions, because Queen Anne's new peers numbered buttwelve and the number of new peers proposed to be created in 1832 topass the Reform bill under William IV. Was limited to eighty. Mr. Asquith and Lloyd George faced the fact that on this occasion it wouldbe necessary to create something like five hundred new peers. 

I pass over some of the intervening stages--the howls that came fromthe Lords, who saw their prestige departing with this wholesaledilution of their order; the choking attempts which the peer leadersmade to be civil of tongue and to arrange a compromise. Merciless wasthe determination of Lloyd George. Another general election on thespecific issue of the power of the Lords again resulted in the returnof the Liberals to office. 

The Government proposals for the restriction of the future functions ofthe Lords were embodied in a measure called the Parliament bill, and itwas for the Lords to pass this measure or else to suffer the immediatecreation of the army of new peers who had been nominated by Mr. Asquithand who would immediately vote down the existing Conservative majorityin the gilded chamber. 

The climax was reached on August 9, 1911, when the bill, having passedthrough the Commons, was brought up to the House of Lords for theirdecision. The peers by this time were torn between two impulses. One, the most natural, was to defy Mr. Asquith and Lloyd George and alltheir wicked companions, and let them create what peers they liked, andthe other to swallow the medicine, pass the Parliament bill, and thus, while limiting their own powers for the future, preserve their ancientcaste and dignity. 

It was touch and go throughout an excited discussion. Lord Morley, plain John Morley of the years gone by, made a speech of threesentences in which he said he was authorized to state that the Kingwould assent to the creation of the extra peers if the bill were notpassed. Wild hopes that the King would stand by the Lords were thusextinguished. There were dramatic scenes never to be forgotten bythose who witnessed them, and then finally the bill was accepted by amajority of seventeen votes. The power of the House of Lords, strongfor centuries, had been broken. The man who had broken it was LloydGeorge. 

VII

AT HOME AND IN DOWNING STREET

In the midst of all the stormy times of the fight with the House ofLords and afterward up to the present moment Lloyd George's personallife in its simplicity and happiness has been a standing contrast tothe turmoil and passion of his public energy. Meet Lloyd George amonghis family, and it is hard to realize that such a homely, genial personcould be the man who tackled so rancorously the House of Lords. I wentto 11 Downing Street one day after the Budget fight was over, and when, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lloyd George was preparing furtherlegislative changes. Eleven Downing Street, it should be explained, isthe official residence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and joinsnumber 10, where the Prime Minister lives. It is a dingy, ugly-lookingbuilding, attractive only by reason of its associations. In the yearthat America declared her independence number 10 Downing Street was theresidence of Lord North, and it may then, as now, have had connectingdoors which made the two houses into practically one official home. 

Lloyd George discussed public affairs in a corner of the old librarylined with books which Gladstone used to consult half a century ago andhis predecessors before him. A glance round the rows of volumes, nearly all of them ponderous and many of them venerable, caused me toask Lloyd George who was his favorite author. He gave me nophilosopher, not even a poet, in reply. "I like romance, " he said, "historical romance. I am fond of Dumas and of modern writers likeStanley Weyman. " Possibly Lloyd George has never looked into thoseold, handsome, leather-covered volumes at his official residence. Hissecretaries may have pondered over them in securing material for theirchief, but Lloyd George has been too busy doing things to devote muchtime to ancient philosophical reflections or to learned economictheories. It is easy to understand how his temperament foundsatisfaction and relaxation at the same time in the cut-and-thrust workof Dumas and Weyman. I ought, perhaps, to add that he explained with asmile how politics did not leave him much time for serious reading justthen. They have certainly left him still less since that time. 

We were in the thick of talk about the busy political era when a littlegirl of twelve, with a ribbon of blue round her tumbling hair, camerunning into the room, not knowing that a visitor was present. Shewould have run out again, upon seeing me, if her father had not stoppedher and caught her into his arms. For the rest of the interview shesat on his knee, listening with big, live eyes to the conversation. Once she cuddled closer to her father and laughed merrily as heconfessed to me that his next bill before Parliament was one toprohibit the holidays of little girls at school from lasting more thansix weeks. Megan was the darling of her father's heart. Two or threemornings of the week you could have seen them hand in hand walking from11 Downing Street across St. James's Park to watch the ducks feeding inthe lake. With sparkling blue eyes, a sensitive mouth, and vivaciousmanner, little Megan had some of her father's characteristics. She wasa daughter any father might be proud of. I guarantee Lloyd George wasprouder of her--and still is--than of his epoch-making Budget or hishistoric victory over the House of Lords. Just now in Parliamentarysession, or indeed out of it, Lloyd George has not very much time forwalks in the parks--but I am sure Megan gets her share of attention inspite of the European war. 

The war has, of course, intensified Lloyd George's life and somewhataltered its channels, but its main directions are preserved. At allhours of day and night he must be prepared for service. He could not, however, carry on his work without proper rest and sleep, and thefollowing is the kind of routine to which he has accustomed himself. Awakening at seven in the morning, he has a quick glance through theprincipal newspapers, not only of London, but those from the provincesand from abroad as well. Occasionally while he is dressing, and alwaysbefore he leaves his room, he looks through documents and papers whichhe has brought up to his bedside on the previous night. (They arearranged in their proper order on a table by the side of his bed sothat in any waking fit at night he can put his hand on them readily. )

Visitors begin to arrive early, because Lloyd George has re-establishedthe practice of Victorian statesmen in having guests to breakfast withhim and his family. By this means he not only saves time from manysocial functions, but gets through a lot of business as well, for hisbreakfast guests include politicians, editors, leading officials, prominent travelers from overseas, indeed practically the whole rangeof persons who for state or private reasons he desires to meet. 

Soon after ten o'clock he is busy with his secretaries. These havealready been at work on the morning letters, which in the days when hewas Chancellor of the Exchequer numbered a thousand a day and are nowprobably three or four times as many. Work of a widely different kindkeeps Lloyd George on the go till lunch-time--departmental conferences, visits from or to Cabinet Ministers, the supervision of answers toquestions to be put to him in the House of Commons that afternoon, thereception of deputations from various interests affected by currentproposals or future proposals that he is making. At least once a week, and sometimes more frequently, there is a Cabinet meeting in themorning that probably lasts well into the afternoon. On days whenthere is no Cabinet meeting there will be other visitors at lunch-time, and these are generally of an official character. Big plans affectingthe social future of England have undoubtedly been worked out overLloyd George's lunch-table. He is a vivid talker himself, but he isalso a good listener, and there is not any one more ready to give anear to tactful and helpful advice--only those who offer it must havesomething to say. 

At a quarter to three in the afternoon the House of Commons assembles, and from that time onward to eleven o'clock at night Lloyd George is tobe found either on the Treasury bench or in his private room behind theSpeaker's chair. Endless are the occupations for a busy Minister inParliament, and whether he is answering questions, expounding policy, fighting through details of proposals, or merely listening to thespeeches of opponents, he is pretty well on the stretch the whole time. Even in his own room there is business to be done, deputations to bereceived, "whips" to be consulted, friendly or hostile talks to be gonethrough with members, and frequently also the reception of individualvisitors. All this takes no account of social usages, the littlehospitalities which must not be forgotten--the accompanying of groupsof constituents to the public galleries, the entertainment of othergroups to tea on the Terrace overlooking the river. Sometimes an hourmay be seized for the House of Lords at the other end of the corridorwhen they are dealing with Commons legislation. 

I asked Lloyd George how he managed to sleep after such days as these, and he said: "I never have any difficulty about that. Downing Streetis only about four minutes' walk from the House of Commons. If theHouse adjourns at eleven I am usually away by twenty minutes past, andat a quarter to twelve I am in bed--probably asleep. This power forquick sleep has always been a great help to me. "

The Lloyd George family at home consisted of Mr. And Mrs. George, twosons, and two daughters. Of the two boys, both in the twenties, onewas at Cambridge University and the other in a responsible position asa civil engineer. Both are now soldiers, fighting in France. Thereare two girls, Megan and her sister, Olwen, a charming girl who haslately become engaged to a medical officer in the army. There isanother person who frequently completes the family circle at 11 DowningStreet. It is Richard Lloyd, the old shoemaker who forty years agorisked his little all to educate his orphan nephew. It was one of thepleasurable anticipations of Lloyd George, when he was appointedChancellor of the Exchequer with the privileges of this historicresidence, that Richard Lloyd would be able to come and stay there. "My dear old uncle, " he said, "will be so proud to come and stay at thehouse in which Gladstone, his great hero, at one time lived. "

Lloyd George is wiry, but no man, however strong, could continueindefinitely to put himself under such a strain as I have indicatedwithout occasional complete rest. When he is not under too heavy atime he will go for a weekend's golf to Walton Heath, some twenty milesfrom London, in Surrey, or spend a couple of days at Brighton on thesouth coast. But when he is really exhausted there is only one placefor him, and that is his beautiful home near Criccieth, about a milefrom Llanystumdwy, where he spent his boyhood. On the hills risingfrom behind Criccieth and forming the foot of the Snowdon range he hasbuilt a graceful residence, whence he can look down over the woodedslopes to Criccieth and thence to Carnarvon Bay. On the other side thehouse faces the snow-capped mountains. From every window there is abeautiful scene. A lane leading from the gates, between toweringhedges, winds through fields and woods down to Llanystumdwy. 

With the charm of mountains, countryside, and sea there goes aninvigorating atmosphere. "When I am exhausted, " said Lloyd George tome once, "I come down here from London and I sleep long nights. In thedaytime I sit out here on the veranda in a basket-chair with a rugaround me, facing the sea, and here I rest and sometimes sleep. Thisbeautiful Welsh air wraps me all round with its healing touch, and Ilet it do its work, and I am soon well again. " During theserecuperative days Lloyd George does no business, writes no letters, receives no visitors, sees no one but members of his own family. Afterabout three days of this treatment he is recovering himself. 

One day in a lane near Criccieth I met him in tweed suit and soft grayhat, with field-glasses strapped around him, and a stout walking-stickin his hand. He had been at Criccieth a fortnight, and thoughts ofwork were again seizing hold of him. He had in prospect a big schemeof land legislation that was to continue and develop the movement begunin the Budget. (A little later the war cut the project short. ) "I amgoing for a walk up to the mountains, " he said. "I can do my thinkingbest when I am out walking alone. " Afterward I wondered what newrevolution to startle the landed aristocracy of Britain he devised onthat summer day by himself among the mountains. Curiously enough, Lloyd George does not like exercise for his own sake, but he enjoys itwhen he has a mental task in hand; he also enjoys it during a game ofgolf. I once heard him say that without golf he would never havethought of taking a four-mile walk for recreation. It is worthy ofmention in connection with this that he has been described at secondhand on his own confession as being a very lazy man, and that he hassometimes absolutely to force himself to a settled task--and, strangeas it may appear, there is nothing in this inconsistent with the publicestimation of him as a person of uncontrollable energy. Let his heartbe given to an object, and there is no effort he will spare, no degreeof fatigue to which he will not drive himself. 

Intensely fond of an open-air life, Lloyd George's days at Cricciethare always a joy to him. You will come across him unexpectedly on thebank of the river Dwyfor with a fishing-rod in his hand, trying fortrout. You will see him sometimes in the early morning at work in hisgarden in his endeavor to demonstrate that fruit trees will grow aswell in Welsh soil as in the warm, red earth of Devonshire. Sometimeshe and his wife, with perhaps one of his sons, will put a couple oftents into an automobile, start off up among the mountains, and campout in some lonely and romantic spot for days at a time, living theprimitive life entirely by themselves. 

Strange it is to observe the attitude of the people of the countrysidewhere he was brought up and where he built his early fame. There are ascattered few of the middle classes who in this remote country spotcannot understand the heights he has reached in public estimation. Itis really a weird sensation to come from the outer world and talk tothese people. No, no, he may to some extent have secured notoriety incircles even as far off as London, but really there is nothing in theman. Why, he was brought up here in the village! But these quaintlyprejudiced folk are, after all, but a remnant, and the great mass ofpeople all around in the farms and cottages prize his fame highly. Thepride with which a villager refers to the fact that he went to schoolwith Mr. Lloyd George must be one of the highest pleasures experiencedby the Welsh statesman. It is an event to go to a meeting in theinstitute at Llanystumdwy and hear him address a crowded meeting of hiscompatriots in their native tongue and with all the old affectionatefamiliarity of a long-standing friend and neighbor. The rolling musicof the ancient language is echoed back from the enthusiastic Celts in akind of rhythmic ecstasy which thrills even the ignorant and alienSassenach visitor. Lloyd George is still one of themselves. It isindeed hard for them to realize his position in the outside world, though they are so proud of it. To Criccieth and Llanystumdwy he isnot so much the prominent statesman of the United Kingdom as just LloydGeorge, the friend who grew up with them. He will never be anythingelse to them. It is all quite delightful and, one may add, quitebewildering to his enemies, who cannot understand that such unconcealedand regardless simplicity is an integral part of the nature of him whomthey regard as a malignant. I have seen Lloyd George in a hundredcapacities, electrifying a multitude, in the thick of battle with thecleverest minds of Parliament, attacking to their faces with relentlessferocity men of the noblest descent in Britain, and yet I know ofnothing in his life which approaches in interest his relations with hisold village friends of long ago. They like him for himself and not forwhat he has become, though they are so proud of him. One elderly lady, a friend of the Lloyd George family, when paying a visit to Londonheard that Lloyd George was to address a London meeting, and shethought she would like to go and hear him. She presented herself atthe hall and was nearly swept off her feet by the surging crowd makingits way in. After reaching one of the corridors with difficulty, shegot an attendant to take her name in to Mrs. Lloyd George. The latter, who was on the platform, hurried out to her old friend and took her toa seat in the front of the hall. The building was packed in everypart. Lloyd George got one of his usual receptions and made one of hisusual speeches. The old lady was staggered. She went back to Walesfull of the wonderful experience--and it has to be remembered that shehad known Lloyd George all her life. "I have heard that he has becomea well-known man, " she said, "but I never understood what an importantman he was till I went to that meeting. "

There is another reflection about his home life which must occur to anyvisitor to the locality. Big houses and lovely grounds lay off themain road in the neighborhood, undoubtedly the homes of countrygentlefolk. And one may venture to surmise their attitude toward thispublic firebrand who lives in their vicinity and used to be a villageboy under the care of his uncle, the shoemaker. Is he on theirvisiting-list? I rather suspect not. The world must be turningtopsy-turvy for them when they allow themselves to reflect, as theymust at times, that this upstart has the entry to royal palaces and isone of the principal advisers of the King of England. I have an ideathat something more potent than gall and wormwood is required toexpress their feelings. All this before the war. What can possibly bethe attitude of mind of the local squires and lordlings now that thisman has become an international statesman, probably the most forciblepersonality among that group of men who sit in conference to direct theactivities and formulate the destinies of great European nations. Possibly I do them an injustice, and their habits of mind have changedof late. 

During the big Budget fight Lloyd George, by virtue of his officialposition, had to attend occasional society functions. There was aduchess who could not avoid shaking hands with this person, who to herand her class was a monstrosity. After he had gone she spoke of theencounter to a friend with surprise in her voice. "I have just metLloyd George, " she said. "Do you know that he is really quite a niceman?" I have the impression that neither squires nor duchesses troubleLloyd George very much, and that when this war is over and victory forhis country secured he will go down to Criccieth and enjoy himselfthoroughly in a golf-match with the local schoolmaster or one of thefarmers of the district. 

VIII

A CHAMPION OF WAR

The psychology of a community is as mysterious and subtle as that of anindividual, and Lloyd George, despite all his so-called extravagance, all his depredations, and all his wounding words, was by way of beingan acknowledged power in the country by the time the war with Germanyburst out of the sky. The mysterious strength of the man worked onpeople against their will. Besides, there were tangible things whichhad to be faced. He had settled the great railway strike, he hadpassed several sweeping Acts of Parliament, he had brought into effectthe iniquitous Budget, he had dismantled the British constitution bytaking away the powers of the House of Lords. You may sneer at such aman, you may hate him, but you cannot ignore him. Sincere andreligiously minded ladies used to write to the papers, wondering in allsincerity why Heaven permitted such a man to continue to live. A peerof the realm told his tenants that he would roast an ox whole for themin celebration of the day that Lloyd George went out of office, and, ontop of this, the announcement that Lloyd George was going to speak drewtogether the unprecedented gathering of sixteen thousand people to hearhim on a special day in the Midlands. You can sort out these variedfacts to suit yourself, but taken altogether they convey a lesson. Letme add another point. Lloyd George, growing in influence, for yearshad been the special mark of attack for the _Daily Mail_, LordNorthcliffe's popular morning paper. When, after his House of Lordsfight had been brought to a finish, Lloyd George set himself to a newcolossal piece of legislation--namely, national health insurance--therewas a concentrated attack by the _Daily Mail_ to break the "poll tax"and Lloyd George with it. There had been a stream of violent criticismfrom the Northcliffe papers during the Budget days and the House ofLords battle, but the abuse was distributed pretty evenly upon theGovernment, though Lloyd George and Mr. Asquith got the major share. On this occasion all the guns were brought to bear on Lloyd George. The insurance tax was unpopular, and nothing that ridicule, covertinsult, or open denunciation could achieve was left undone by theNorthcliffe papers to smash Lloyd George and his policy. There wasplenty of scope for attack. The Insurance Act was undoubtedlyhurriedly conceived, and its complexities incompletely dovetailed. Whatever the merit of the conception, there had to be a score ofrectifications when the measure came into operation. Some of LloydGeorge's best friends complained of the injustices and irregularitiesof the Act. The _Daily Mail_ was in the van of attack. To me it issurprising his assailants did not get Lloyd George down over thismatter. They did not get him down. He carried the insurance bill, heforced it into operation, and he had left another milestone in hiscareer behind him some time before the catastrophe of the European warappeared. 

The country took a deep breath when the first shock of hostilities withGermany occurred, and then turned a passing attention to the BritishCabinet, from which two or three members, including Lord Morley and Mr. John Burns, had resigned, presumably on account of their disapproval ofthe Government's action in going to war. Remarks came thick and fastas to the attitude of Ministers, and for a time it was suggested thatLloyd George was one of those who were on the verge of resignation. There was nothing impossible in the suggestion. A hater of wars, afighter against wars all his life, he seemed just the kind of man to goadrift, and a good deal of movement was in readiness for the event. Special writers on the Conservative press sharpened their pencilsassiduously for the announcement which could not be very long delayed. It must be remembered that Lloyd George in his earlier years had seemedto take a perverse delight in being on the unpopular side, and now tojoin what were called the "Pro-Germans" would really give him a chancefor unpopularity such as he might never meet again. 

He did not resign, and then the bigger men among his late opponentsbegan to express the hope that in the conjunction of the parties nowset up Lloyd George would come forward with his unexampled power overthe democracy of Britain and stimulate them with trumpet note to thegreat effort that lay before them. I remember that Mr. Garvin, adoughty Conservative writer, came forward with a well-attuned appeal toLloyd George to take the place which belonged to him as the leader ofthe common people of Britain. Little did he think that before manymonths were past Lloyd George would, by consent, be the leader of thewhole nation, rich and poor alike. 

For a week or two Lloyd George was quiet, and then it was announcedthat he would speak at a gathering in the Queen's Hall in the West Endof London. A rush for tickets followed. I remember how crowded wasthe hall and how intensely silent was every soul when Lloyd George, wearing a gray summer suit with a black necktie, stepped to the frontof the platform. There was none of the old, fierce, gay, fightingglitter about him. His mobile face was touched with gravity, his eyeswere thoughtful, not provocative. He stood very erect, but his chinwas drawn in a little, and his head canted forward. Responsibility layon him, and every one could see it. 

We all speculated on what he would say. Was he to make a half-and-halfdefense of the Cabinet war policy? Was he to try to explain why he hadnot resigned? He was always a master of the unexpected. What had hein store for us now? Speaking in the midst of a dramatic silence hesaid these words, slowly, almost conversationally: "There is no man whohas always regarded the prospect of engaging in a great war withgreater reluctance and greater repugnance than I have done through allmy political life. There is no man more convinced that we could nothave avoided it without national dishonor. " That was the beginning ofthe most effective war speech since the start of hostilities. Withscorn and logic and invective he raked the German position, and in athrilling outburst invoked all that was honest, loyal, and strong inthe British people to strike hard and deep on behalf of outragedBelgium. That was the first war speech of his life. The second wasnot long in following. It was made at the City Temple, a famousNonconformist church in the heart of London. There it was that he saidthe same reason that made him a "Pro-Boer" made him an advocate of thiswar by Britain. He referred to the riotous Birmingham meeting. "Itwas a meeting convened to support exactly the same principle ofopposition to the idea that great and powerful empires ought to havethe right to crush small nationalities. We might have been right, wemight have been wrong, but the principle that drove me to resist evenour own country is the one that has brought me here to-night to supportmy country. "

All through his life from boyhood onward Lloyd George had been amagnetic figure, one round whom action eddied in emergency. In anymovement in which he was associated he automatically became the centralpersonage, the individual looked to for inspiration and for motivepower. Thus it was after his active entry into the patriotic campaign. The silent Kitchener at the War Office, the clear-headed Mr. Asquith atthe head of the Government, were, by virtue of their positions, in theforefront, but within a week or two the newspapers and the public werecalling attention to Lloyd George's services on behalf of the nation. His work as Chancellor of the Exchequer was indeed important; hispersonality made him even more important. 

The shock of war had dislocated the financial system of the world andLondon, as the center of the financial system, was in the throes. Imagine Lloyd George as Finance Minister and the possibilities areobvious. Rapidly, drastically, and with his usual unexpectedness hebegan to act. His Budget with its tax on property had alienated fromhim the bankers and great financial houses, even where they were notpreviously prejudiced by their Conservative tendencies, and he hadbecome anathema to them all. They had sneered at his originality, theyhad called him an ignorant person and spat out their contempt at him, but he had blithely brought them all to his will, whether they liked itor not, cheerfully throwing in a few words of warning and denunciationwhile he stripped them. Imagine, then, what he did in this crisis. Hesent confidently to these old enemies of his, the leaders of thecommercial and financial world, and said: "This country is thrown intofinancial chaos. I want the assistance of the best brains of expertpeople. I want you to give me your help as to the best way of puttingthings straight. I require that help at once. Will you come downimmediately to 11 Downing Street and see me?" They went down toDowning Street. It was no time to hesitate. The arch-fiend might yetprove a savior. At Downing Street they found Lloyd George the mostcourteous man in high position they had ever met. He sat at theirfeet, so to speak. He listened attentively to all their opinions, andevolved from their various statements a true picture of the case. Thenhe took their suggested remedies one by one and quickly drew up schemesof relief--all the time with their co-operation and advice. 

His quick mind pretty soon probed the length and depth of thesituation. The firebrand and mob orator was, within a period of days, skilfully and delicately handling the tangled skein of nationalfinance, winning golden opinions from his ancient opponents, not onlyby his mastery of technique, but also by the bold way he welded theirviews for new remedies. 

Lloyd George went before the public and explained it all with aclearness and potency which made it apparent that money was asimportant as soldiers. It was in his first big speech on these linesthat he coined the phrase "silver bullets" and made the nationunderstand that among his other operations was that of raising a hugewar loan, to which every patriot must subscribe. "We need all ourresources, not merely the men, but the cash. We have won with the'silver bullet' before. We financed Europe in the greatest war we everfought, and that is how we won. " It was in this speech that he showedclearly the importance of giving British finance stability, and howthat stability was threatened. A boy at school might have followed hisexplanation. "We have not only our own business to run; we are anessential part of the machinery that runs the whole international tradeof the world. We provide capital and raise produce. We carry half theproduce, not merely of our own country, but of the whole world. Morethan that, we provide the capital that moves that produce from one partof the world to another, not merely for ourselves, but for othercountries. I ask every one to pick up just one little piece of paper, one bill of exchange, to find out what we are doing. Take the cottontrade of the world. Cotton is moved first of all from the plantation, say to the Mississippi, then down to New Orleans, then it is moved fromthere either to Great Britain or to Germany or elsewhere. Everymovement is represented by a paper signed either here in London or inManchester or Liverpool; one sender is practically responsible for thewhole of these transactions. Not only that, but when the United Statesof America buys silk or tea from China, the payment is made throughLondon. By means of these documents accepted in London New York paysfor the tea bought in China. What has happened? All this fine, delicate paper machinery has been crashed into by a great war affectingmore than half, and nearly two-thirds, of the whole population of theworld. Confusion was inevitable. It was just as if one gave a violentkick to an ant-hill. The deadlock was not due to lack of credit inthis country; it was due entirely to the fact that there was a failureof remittances from abroad. Take the whole of these bills of exchange. There were balances representing between 350, 000, 000 pounds and500, 000, 000 pounds. There was that amount of paper out at that timewith British signatures. Most of it had been discounted. The cash hadbeen found at home from British sources, and failure was not due to thefact that Britain had not paid all her creditors abroad: it was dueentirely to the fact that those abroad had not paid Great Britain. "

That was the position as Lloyd George presented it, and the positionwith which he proceeded to deal, in a matter of hours, handlinghundreds of millions with the confidence with which an enterprisingtradesman handles dollars. A temporary moratorium for debts wasestablished, balances were placed at the disposal of bankers, andguarantees given for the payment of bills accepted by British houses. There were other arrangements carried out equally swiftly. "Anestimate of our national assets, " said Lloyd George, in explanation ofhis action, "is 17, 000, 000, 000 pounds. To allow the credit of thecountry to be put in doubt for twenty-four hours in respect of350, 000, 000 pounds, most of it owing to our own people, would have beena criminal act of foolishness. "

The financial houses cried blessings on Lloyd George's head. Even the_Daily Mail_ gave him a careful word of praise. As for a great part ofthe country, it somehow got the impression that finance, under LloydGeorge, was at least as important as military operations, and indeedthe glowing speeches of the Chancellor of the Exchequer almost gave theimpression that it was more important. When the Welsh statesman flunghimself into an endeavor the business of the moment was to him the mostimportant thing in all the world, and his own supreme belief made otherpeople think so, too. By general consent Lloyd George did extremelywell in his bold, rapid, and unconventional financial policy. He was, nevertheless, one of the first to realize that a new strong policy indirections other than finance was necessary if ultimate victory was tobe achieved. Indeed, before the end of that fateful five months of1914, during which a sturdy British army of less than two hundredthousand men had, under the pressure of the German hosts, been fightinga retreat, yard by yard and mile by mile, in a way which will liveforever in British military history, there had been forced upon LloydGeorge as one of the principal members of the Cabinet that there weregrave deficiencies at the front in equipment, that the Britishsoldiers, unsurpassable for valor, for their individual skill, andtheir contempt of death, were being, not only overwhelmed by Germannumbers, but swept down by gun-fire which was in extent and in powertremendously superior to that of the British. It was a deadening, horrible thought. All the fighting spirit of Lloyd George rose to meetthe emergency. His financial arrangements were in train and goingwell. He was, it is true, Chancellor of the Exchequer, but he was alsoLloyd George, and with the whole impetuosity of his nature he turnedhis attention to the needs of the British army in the field. Hiscolleagues in the Cabinet were patriots and were able men, but they hadnot his lively imagination. Some of them had more technical knowledge, but their pedestrian processes of mind took very different channelsfrom his lightning intuitions. I imagine sometimes that he was notvery tactful. It is impossible to doubt that this was the time when hefirst became impatient with the methods of his chief, Mr. Asquith. Itis equally impossible to doubt that at this time, also, he was movedsufficiently to challenge the policy of those in charge of the WarOffice, those on whose advice the Prime Minister naturally relied. 

The existing methods were subsequently criticised as slow, conventional, unillumined by modern experiences. Our soldiers, it wassaid, were being swept out of action by an intensity and plenitude ofnew high-explosive shells, while we proceeded in the use of ordinaryshells in ordinary quantities. We needed immensely greater numbers ofshells, enormously improved shells, vast amounts of high explosive, newbig guns, indeed a score of things, which were afterward obtained. Lloyd George at this period saw that, as usual, Britain was just"muddling through, " relying on her stolidity and her power ofendurance, rather than on her initiative and striking strength. Hisefforts to improve matters within Government circles could not haveendeared him to his Government colleagues. But his blood was up, andhe cared as little for their good opinion as he did for the goodopinion of the squires and clergymen when he started professional lifein Wales. 

A movement was made to increase and better equipment, but it was slowand, in Lloyd George's view, it was ineffective. He fought on. Atlength he succeeded in impressing the seriousness of the situation onthe Government, and it was just about this time that he becamepossessed of a powerful ally. The _Daily Mail_, in past years the mostvindictive foe of Lloyd George, swung around to his support, took upthe cry of insufficient shells, attacked Lord Kitchener, raised ascandal in the country. The _Times_, which now, like the _Daily Mail_, was under the proprietorship of Lord Northcliffe, joined in the fray. Extravagant and unjustifiable condemnation of Lord Kitchener shockedthe public, but, at the same time, there was revealed an undoubtedlygrave state of affairs in the insufficient provision of shells andexplosives and other war material. A political upheaval followed. TheLiberal Government was replaced by a Coalition Government, with Mr. Asquith still in command, but with Conservatives in the Ministry andwith Lloyd George no longer Chancellor of the Exchequer, but Ministerof Munitions, a new post created for him, that he might organize thecountry for the supply of needed war material for our soldiers at thefront. At the same time started that informal, but effective, alliancebetween those sworn enemies of old, Lloyd George and Lord Northcliffe, an alliance between the two most powerful men of action in Britain inour generation. 

IX

THE ALLIANCE WITH NORTHCLIFFE

I regard Lloyd George as the most interesting man in public life inBritain to-day. There is, however, another very interesting man in thecountry, though on a different plane from the Prime Minister. I meanLord Northcliffe--the Alfred Harmsworth who started life for himselfwithout help at seventeen, was a rich newspaper proprietor at thirty, and at forty was a national figure with wealth which would satisfy thewildest visions of any seeker after gold. He is about the same age asLloyd George, and he has reached his zenith at about the same time. Heis the principal owner, not only of the popular _Daily Mail_, but alsoof the famous _Times_, to say nothing of some forty other journals ofvarious kinds. He is the inspiring spirit of all his publications, andI should think the papers which he controls convey their message, good, bad, or indifferent, to not less than six millions of people every day. The range of his influence is obvious, and though it is an influenceprimarily of the middle classes, it reacts upward and downward, andmakes itself felt even on those who dislike his policies. Northcliffeis undoubtedly patriotic and is sincere, but he is, above all otherthings, a newspaper man. The huge circulations of his papers telltheir story of his mind. He is a genius in knowing what will interestthe common intelligence. He has labeled himself, sincerely enough, aConservative in state affairs, though in his highly successful businesshe has never hesitated in trampling down conventions. I have to saythis, moreover, that those who are brought into personal touch withNorthcliffe, whether they agree with his opinions or not, find in himan appreciative employer, a generous-hearted friend, and a man alwayswith big impulses. He is essentially a practical man. He has nodreams of improving the race, no gleaming visions of a communityrelieved of poverty and kindred ills. 

Northcliffe was for years Lloyd George's most bitter public critic. Hehas now become his ally in the government of the British Empire. Despite the difference in their outlook on life, there are wonderfulresemblances between the two men. There are sympathies, too. Northcliffe early recognized that Lloyd George was a person to bewatched, not because of his speeches, but because he was a man ofaction and a man who got things done. On the other hand, Lloyd George, under cruel attacks, once said, reflectively: "What a power this manNorthcliffe might be if he chose! He could carry through a politicalproject while we were thinking about it. We talk of tackling thequestion of housing the poor people of this country. He could do itsingle-handed. " To this a companion pointed out that he was asking toomuch of Northcliffe; he had not it in him. 

What is this newspaper magnate like to look at? He is aheavy-shouldered man with a big, broad forehead, a massive jowl, and anaquiline nose. His wide mouth droops at the corners. In repose thereis something of a scowl on his face, which is intensified indispleasure as his head shoots forward aggressively and almostwolfishly. And yet, on the other hand, in his pleasanter moments hehas a boyishness and vivacity which are attractive. Nearly all whohave been in his office, whether they are at present in his employ ornot, will tell you he is a delightful man to work with. He will comeinto the reporters' room of the _Daily Mail_, sit on the edge of thetable, smoke a cigarette, and talk to the men as if he were one ofthemselves. He likes them. They like him. Stories cluster round him. A young writer went out to investigate a series of happenings in aMidland town, was rather badly hoaxed, and was responsible for a gooddeal of ridicule directly against the paper. This is a deadly sin fora newspaper man, and the chiefs of the office were naturally severeabout the matter. The writer in question, feeling that his career onthe paper was over, went out of the office to lunch and, as bad luckwould have it, encountered Northcliffe's automobile drawing up at theentrance. He knew "Alfred, " as the proprietor is called, would befuming, and was the last man on earth whom it was desirable to meet insuch a mood. The young fellow braced himself for the attack asNorthcliffe beckoned him forward. "What is this I hear? You have hadyour leg pulled, have you? Don't take it too much to heart. We allget deceived sometimes. I have had my leg pulled often before now. It's annoying, but don't worry about it. "

He was frequently through the departments, making the acquaintance ofnew men, and exchanging a few sentences of conversation with theestablished members of the staff. Once he stopped at the desk of ajunior sub-editor, whom he had not seen before, and said, "How longhave you been with me?"

"About three months, " was the reply. 

"How are you getting on? Do you like the work? Do you find it easy toget into our ways?"

"I like it very much!"

"How much money are you getting?"

"Five pounds a week. "

"Are you quite satisfied?"

"Perfectly satisfied, thank you. "

"Well, you must remember this, that I want no one on my staff who is aperfectly satisfied man with a salary of five pounds a week. "

A subordinate who had been a couple of years on the staff died as aresult of an operation for appendicitis. He had a wife and one littlechild who were not very well provided for. On the day after thefuneral, Northcliffe sent down and told her he had invested 1, 000pounds for her. Members of his staff who break down in health are sentfor a prolonged rest on full salary, and, when necessary, aredespatched abroad to recuperative climates with all their expensespaid. He is not, however, a man who suffers fools gladly, and thosewho come to him expecting, not only big salaries, but soft jobs, arequickly swept out in a cascade of hard words. He has a sense of humor. Once he turned the paper on to a search for an automobile which had runover a village child and then disappeared. He found it after a time, and it proved to be the car of his brother, Hildebrand, which, unknownto the owner, had been taken out for a joy ride by the chauffeur. There was something more than a chuckle among the other newspapersbecause Northcliffe in his enthusiasm had publicly offered 100 poundsreward for the discovery of the automobile and its owner. A few weekslater Fleet Street was busy trying to disentangle the mystery of thedeath of a young girl who had fallen from a railway carriage in atunnel on the Brighton line. Various plans for the elucidation of themystery were discussed between Northcliffe and the staff. In thecourse of the discussion some one made the suggestion:

"Why not offer a reward of 100 pounds for the discovery of evidence onthe matter?"

"Yes, " said Northcliffe, thoughtfully, "but where was my brotherHildebrand on that night?"

Deliberately placing behind him his previous attacks on Lloyd George, attacks personal and political, Northcliffe came out in strong supportof the Minister of Munitions and plainly stated that it was only byrevolutionizing the whole conduct of the war that victory could beassured within a reasonable time. There probably was no consultationbetween the two men. The support thus given to the Welshman was, in myopinion, perfectly genuine, and probably history will say it was aright and excellent course, though it involved stinging comment onLloyd George's Cabinet associates, especially on Mr. Asquith and LordKitchener. 

While this newspaper campaign was in progress Lloyd George set to workon his new effort, and that effort was the conversion of manufacturingBritain into a network of arsenals for the making of deadly implementsof war. Again he made his special endeavor to appear as if they werethe pivot of future victory. Forgotten for the time was finance. "Silver bullets" were no longer mentioned. "Shells, shells, shells!"was the cry of Lloyd George now, and the country echoed it. Enthusiastically he proceeded with his new task, and within a few dayshe had sketched a general scheme of operations, and within a few weeksthe scheme was beginning to bear fruit. The difficulties were heavy, but he had this great advantage, that the country was prepared to doanything and to make any sacrifice which would lead toward victory. The established armament firms and the Government works had the task ofproviding shells and guns, and Lloyd George saw at a glance that thisarrangement was tragically insufficient. To alter it he had to do manythings. He had to secure the co-operation of manufacturers, especiallythe engineering firms who had been engaged in the ordinary occupationsof peace time. He had to train new workmen, he had to enlist women, hehad to persuade the trade-unions to remove their restrictions, he hadto prevent the sale of alcohol in munition districts, he had to tellthe capitalistic makers of munitions all over the country that theywere only going to be left a percentage of their profits, and that therest was going to be taken by the Government. This was part of histask. Many other things had to be attended to. There was, forinstance, the matter of supply of steel from the foundries, and then, equally important, the question of transport by the railways. It wouldrequire a full book to tell of all the directions in which LloydGeorge's efforts were expended in the ensuing weeks. 

He went around the various big centers in the country and calledtogether meetings of the prominent business men, particularlymanufacturers, and suggested to them that they should form localcommittees which would schedule the locality for facilities inengineering work, and then outlined several ways in which they mightact. They might first organize all the factories engaged in ordinaryengineering work which could produce shells, or parts of shells, theymight develop a big central factory in the district where central workcould be done, and where finishing operations on partly made shellsmight be carried out. Everywhere he met cordial co-operation. Withina few weeks workshops previously used for making tramway metals, cranes, refrigerating apparatus, automobiles, overhead wires, agricultural implements, and many other kinds of material, werebeginning to turn themselves into shell-factories under the directionof the local committees. Even watchmakers' shops were brought into usefor some sections of work. 

Meanwhile, Lloyd George initiated in every town and village of thecountry a census of metal-working lathes, so that no tool of this kindshould be employed on needless work. Coincident with these operations, huge national shell-factories were planned for erection in variousparts of the country. To co-operate the work of the local committeeswith headquarters in London a department of the Ministry of Munitionswas set up in each big manufacturing center, and through thisdepartment Lloyd George kept in touch with all local operations. 

Steps were taken to stimulate production by the recognized armamentfirms. It was six months after Lloyd George had taken control that Ivisited the Birmingham district, where I saw a new establishment forshell-work, a huge structure on the outskirts of the city planted wheregreen grass was growing six months before, and under its one roof fourthousand young women engaged in long lines at automatic lathesshell-making. This, as I said, was but one sample establishment. Hundreds of thousands of women were subsequently at the same work invarious parts. The girls were drawn from all classes, and comprisedschool-teachers, domestic servants, shopgirls, stenographers, and theleisured daughters of the middle classes or of wealthy persons. 

Lloyd George established in London, in connection with the Ministry ofMunitions, a department of labor, to advise him on matters affectingworkmen, a department of factory health which would tell him the bestway of safeguarding the strength and efficiency of factory workers, aninventions department to encourage and examine inventions of all kindswhich might be useful in war. He called in some of the leadingbusiness men of the country to help him in arranging, not onlytechnical matters in the actual manufacture of shells and guns, butalso the transportation of them, and the material of which they weremade. He soon had around him in Whitehall a co-ordinated little armyof iron and steel experts, explosive experts, railway experts, medicalexperts, and financial experts. They were the cream of business andprofessional intellect of the country. Under their driving stimulusshells and munitions began to pour out at an enormous rate. It was acumulative production, and the high-water mark was not reached for manylong months, but when it had been attained the production rate ofshells by Germany was well beaten. 

Lloyd George had no governmental red tape about his methods. Forinstance, he ordered a notice to be put up in each of the localmunition offices, inviting callers who had inventions to submit them atonce for sympathetic examination. Any one who went to the Ministry ofMunitions in Whitehall and had real business could quickly see theMinister. He had no use for a halo of officialdom. A thousanddifficulties rose to meet him as he built up the new organization, buthe trampled them underfoot and went forward, heedless of whether he wasmaking enemies or friends. An intermediate and important obstacle tohis work was the fact that many of the trade-unions of the country hadestablished rules which operated against an increase of production. These rules had been built up as protection against capitalists whosesole idea might be profits. It was necessary to sweep away theserestrictions, and one of the arguments which Lloyd George used to themen was that he was not allowing employers to make fortunes out of thecountry's need, but was taking away all but a percentage of their newincome and giving it to the Government. Even this was not sufficientin some cases to get all the workmen in the proper frame of mind. Lloyd George went down himself and addressed meetings of the men. Hereis an extract from one of his speeches: "The enlisted workman cannotchoose his locality of action. He cannot say, 'I am prepared to fightat Neuve Chapelle, but I won't fight at Festubert, and I am not goingnear the place called "Wipers. "' He can't say, 'I have been in thetrenches ten and a half hours, and the trade-unions won't let me workmore than ten hours. ' He can't say, 'You have not enough men here, andI have been doing the work of two men, and my trade-unions won't allowme to do more than my share. ' When the house is on fire, questions ofprocedure and precedence and division of labor disappear. You can'tsay you are not liable to serve at three o'clock in the morning if thefire is proceeding. You can't choose the hour. You can't argue as towhose duty it is to carry the water-bucket and whose duty it is to putit into a crackling furnace. You must put the fire out. There is onlyone way to do it--that is, everything must give way to duty andgood-fellowship, good-comradeship, and determination. You must put thewhole of your strength into obtaining victory for your native land andfor the liberties of the world. "

The British trade-unions wanted but little persuading under such anappeal, and rights and privileges struggled for and won at heavy costduring half a century were cheerfully relinquished for the time being. There was some friction among small sections in connection with thepowers taken by Lloyd George to punish workmen who struck work, or whodislocated operations in a workshop by leaving it to seek better money. But in the passion for victory which coursed through the veins of thenation the ruthless doings of Lloyd George were welcomed by theoverwhelming majority of the community. He asked the English people tosubmit to shackles such as they had not known since the tyranny of theMiddle Ages. They willingly and even enthusiastically agreed. 

Lloyd George not only rushed the beginning of national shell-factories, since completed, but established large new towns of temporary houses incountry districts with something more than the rapidity of camps on arich gold strike. Britain, psychologically transformed, was in a largemeasure physically altered also. 

And yet, when all was said and done, Lloyd George was not satisfied. He sought to stir the Cabinet to sterner work. The Cabinet was not byany means ineffective, but there was not enough driving force in it toplease the Welshman. He wanted far wider and stronger measures takenin order to enlist the whole strength of the British people. Fiercely, day by day, the Northcliffe journals attacked Mr. Asquith, often withunfairness, and always did they exalt Lloyd George as the only man inthe Cabinet who was really fit to lead. Then Lloyd George issued acolumn prognostication as the preface to a book, and it caused a greatsensation. Here is what he said: "Nothing but our best and utmost canpull us through. If the nation hesitates when the need is clear totake the necessary steps to call forth its young manhood to defendhonor and existence, if vital decisions are postponed until too late, if we neglect to make ready for all probable eventualities, if, ineffect, we give ground for the accusation that we are slouching intodisaster, as if we were walking along the paths of peace without anenemy in sight, then I can see no hope; but if we sacrifice all we ownand all we like for our native land, if our preparations arecharacterized by grip, resolution, and prompt readiness in everysphere, then victory is assured. "

This was a direct attack on the Cabinet, of which, of course, LloydGeorge was a member. His words meant that the Government wasproceeding along conventional paths, and not rising to greatemergencies, and was lacking that desperate resolution so necessary inwar. Thus it was that Lloyd George threw out to the world more than ahint of the difficulties he had had with different departments. 

Northcliffe acclaimed this message heavens high. Some Liberals, on theother hand, began to see in Lloyd George an intriguer for the positionof Prime Minister, and Lloyd George, not the first time in his life, throwing past prejudices and principles to the winds, came out as astrong supporter of conscription for the nation. Every young man mustbe serving his country either in the munition-factory or on the fieldof battle. 

X

AT HIGH PRESSURE

The fundamental difficulty between Lloyd George and some of hiscolleagues was that he had ideas about running the country which wereat variance with theirs. His Celtic temperament could not tolerate theslow muddling-through process, was impatient for daring new methods. He was disinclined for step-by-step procedure, and found reason foranger in the officials and Ministers who thought the war ought to beconducted according to book. There has yet to be told the full story, not only of all the obstacles which Lloyd George had to remove from hispath in organizing the munition supply, but also of the hindranceswhich fettered the prosecution of the war as a whole with every ounceof strength, every shilling of money, at the disposal of the Britishnation. 

I can imagine that Lloyd George was not a very pleasant colleague inthe Cabinet during these intervening months. When the records come tobe given it will be seen that he was constantly and furiously strikingat the iron bars of custom and routine, that he was trying to turn thelip service of individuals to practical service. At times he reachedthe edge of desperate action. 

It was in the thick of his other work that a crisis arose in SouthWales, where the miners, numbering two hundred thousand, responsiblefor the supply of coal to the British navy, refused to work unless theemployers conceded certain demands about pay and conditions. Theseriousness of the position was appalling. The president of the Boardof Trade, Mr. Runciman, struggled hard to bring about a settlement. Hefailed. Something had to be done and done at once. The country, looking around for a man to come to the rescue, fixed on Lloyd George. He left the Ministry of Munitions in Whitehall, took a train down toSouth Wales, had a straight talk with the employers, another straighttalk with the men, and in one day settled affairs and got the men tocontinue their work. I cite this as a passing illustration of howLloyd George was Britain's man-of-all-work, and of how the nation hadto turn to him practically every time it was in difficulty. 

While struggling to speed up the Cabinet on a hundred matters LloydGeorge became impressed with the necessity of increasing the size ofthe British army, already millions strong. The voluntary system hadhitherto been relied on, and there was strong opposition, both in theCabinet and in the country, to tentative proposals for conscription. Lloyd George took an early opportunity of showing that he was on theside of the conscriptionists. There was an outburst of protests, butit proved of no avail, and it was largely through Lloyd George thatconscription in Britain became an established fact. Even then he wasby no means satisfied with the way affairs were being handled, and thenewspapers were speculating on his next big attempt, when tragedydescended on the country in the unexpected death of Lord Kitchener bythe sinking of the war-ship _Hampshire_ off the coast of Scotland. Kitchener had been Minister for War. Who was to be the new man? Therewas really only one man in the running, and Lloyd George forsook hismunition work, now practically accomplished, and went over to takecharge of the War Office. Coincident with his acceptance of this postnew arrangements in the organization were made, and it was no doubtlargely by his influence that General Sir William Robertson wasinstalled at Whitehall as Chief of Staff, virtually commander-in-chiefof the British armies. He was a man after Lloyd George's own heart, asoldier who had risen from the ranks, a quiet man who would stand nononsense, and one who knew modern war conditions from A to Z. 

Here, then, began a new phase of the European conflict. From theshops, offices, farms, and factories of Britain there had sprung up anamateur army, millions strong, and the organization of this newnational force was under the supervision and control of a Minister whobegan life as a village boy in a cottage of a shoemaker, and under themilitary direction of a commander-in-chief who also sprang from thecommon people, and as a young man was an ordinary trooper in the ranks. It could never henceforth be said that Britain, the most aristocraticcountry on earth, had not been content to hand over the reins todemocracy in the greatest emergency of her history. Robertson andLloyd George worked well together, and there can be no doubt that undertheir joint effects the British forces in the field attained a fightingvalue which was not excelled by any other army in existence on eitherside in the great conflict. 

Frequently Lloyd George was in the trenches at the front. From time totime he was deep in consultation in Paris or at home with the leadingstatesmen and commanders of France, Italy, and Russia. All this wasonly a few months ago. I saw him in the House of Commons at the time. The strain was undoubtedly telling on him, but was not oppressing him. His hair was a little whiter, his face was pallid, and thinner than ofyore, but his eyes were like burning coals. He had much to bear apartfrom the actual work, for there were large sections of politicians andseveral influential newspapers who openly said that ambition was hiscurse, that he was undermining Mr. Asquith who had been his greatestpolitical friend, and that all his discontent was directed toward anultimate dramatic stroke which would make him Prime Minister. Many ofthe Liberals who used almost to worship him made no secret of the factthat he had lost their allegiance, while the extreme Socialistsdenounced him as a traitor to the working classes, inasmuch as he wastyrannizing over them by his war measures. Moreover, many of hisopponents in the Cabinet must have regarded him with some feeling ofdistrust. He said no word in defense of Mr. Asquith, whom theNorthcliffe press persistently and violently assailed. The conclusionis inevitable that Lloyd George shared some of the opinions thenexpressed. Taking Lloyd George's nature into account, the situationmay be imagined, and it was not hard to see that a climax must comesooner or later. 

It was approaching swiftly. Meanwhile the transformation of Britain inwhich Lloyd George had had so large a hand was proceeding. No longercould it be said that the old country was lethargic. In all directionswas the elementary strength of this stolid people manifesting itself. Classes were uniting in the determination that there should belimitless spending of energy, of blood, and of treasure, that theharder grew the fight the stronger should be the will, the livelier theaction, till the great danger was trodden finally underfoot. Formonths past it could have been said:

 All the youth of England are on fire And silken dalliance in the wardrobe lies. 

Now most of the people had reached the decision that nothing butextermination should lead to their defeat. 

 And leave your England as dead midnight still, Guarded with grandsires, babies, and old women, Either past or not arrived to pith and puissance, For who is he whose chin is but enrich'd With one appearing hair that will not follow Those cull'd and choice-drawn cavaliers to France?

It was really a very-much-alive England, though strangely changed, which the amateur fighters had left behind them on their departure forthe field of war. Tens of thousands of women unaccustomed to hardlabor were tiring their bodies from early morning till night so thatthere would be more men for the fighting-line. The state had virtualpossession of the great industries, of engineering, of railwaytransportation, and of shipping. The liquor trade had been cut down tonarrow limits which, while it benefited the health and efficiency ofthe population, ruined financially a great many property-owners. Thetrade-unions had relinquished their rights, so that every hour of theday and night there should be no strong and healthy arm which was notlending aid to the country in its need. Every man in the country up tothe age of forty was either in the army or doing some useful war workat home. 

Steps had been taken to prevent the price of coal being raised toconsumers, and this was shortly to be followed by the Governmentacquisition of the whole of the South Wales coal-field. Already amovement was afoot to regulate the food-supply and to restrictexpensive luxuries. At the head of these tremendous changes was LloydGeorge, whose so-called socialistic legislation a few years before hadroused spasms of rage among classes which now belauded his every actionand announced him as the coming savior of his country. If there is anyconsistency in human nature at all, it is hardly possible that therewere not those who recalled his incendiary speeches, his unsparinglegislative action of the Budget days. And yet there were nocomplaints. Millionaires placed their money at his disposal. Thedukes paid him homage. All the while Lloyd George grew harder in theface. Big changes were still necessary if the war was to be brought toan end victoriously and rapidly. 

I have indicated the Minister for War as the moving spirit in all thosechanges of that tangled period, but he was only a single member of theMinistry which set them in motion, although there could be no doubt inthe mind of any one really acquainted with public affairs in Britain atthis time that his was the driving force behind the reforms, that theywere largely forced on by his resistless spirit, even as he wasdesirous to push them further and quicken the pace. Meanwhile inFrance, in Italy, and in Russia Lloyd George's name roused enthusiasmwherever it was mentioned. News from America indicated that he waswell known and much talked of there. In the Scandinavian capitalswhich I visited toward the close of 1916 I found that it was LloydGeorge whom the statesmen, the professors, the business men, and thecommon people were eager to hear about above all others. In Germany hewas hated and feared more than any other British statesman. 

XI

HIS INCONSISTENCIES

According to all the rules which are supposed to guide the rise of aself-made man, Lloyd George should have been a master of routine, withthe orderly mind and undeviating habits without which we are sometimestold no person of affairs can secure permanent success. It is much tobe regretted that Lloyd George lends no aid to the well-establishedmaxims. The teachers and preachers who seek to implant in the youngthe principles of continuousness of purpose and of regularity and ofkindred qualities must turn their backs on Lloyd George. They willfind nothing from him to go into the text-books, for in the course ofhis career the Welsh statesman has trampled on every sound rule forsecuring success. That a man with so many contradictions in him shouldhave ever maintained his upward course is not encouraging to theformalists, though it is very interesting to ordinary people. 

There never was a man who could more quickly master the intricacies ofa business problem, and yet from his very early days he was quiteunbusiness-like in many things. He laughingly says that as a younglawyer down in Wales he showed serious incapacity in his profession, atleast in one respect: "I never sent in any bill of costs. The resultwas I never had any money. " Later when his brother, three yearsyounger than himself, joined him in partnership matters improved. "Thefirm did not then suffer from this serious professional drawback, "explained Lloyd George. He is an adept at phrases, and yet all throughhis life he has hated writing. There is a tradition among some of hisfriends that even in his less busy periods, if you wanted to get areply from him on any topic you had to send him two postcards addressedto yourself, on one of which was written, "Yes, " and on the other, "No. " This, it was said, was the only way you could make sure of aprompt response, or indeed of any response at all. He has been thesupreme business organizer of Britain during the war--in finance, inindustrial operations, and latterly in actual army work--and in eachdirection he has sketched out and carried into effect an intensiveefficiency which it is not too much to describe as the admiration ofthe world, yet all the time his office day-by-day arrangements wouldcertainly shock the ordinary merchant or banker. He makes contingentappointments and forgets all about them. Some incidental schemeadopted by him on a Saturday is on Monday thrust into limbo by thepressure of other schemes. If he were to schedule his office day intofive-minute appointments he would still be unable to see only aproportion of the important men and executive chiefs who desire to getin touch with him, and yet he will allow himself to be drawn into anhour's keen discussion with persons who have some minor topic whichappeals to him. Withal, he gets things done. Some intuition, someinstinct for right action, takes him to his goal. The task in hand isalways accomplished to the limit of efficiency. You may seek hissecret in vain. Probably part of it lies in his natural power ofselecting his instruments. All the same I do not envy the lot of histwo principal private men secretaries and the girl stenographer whosebusiness it is to follow and, to some extent, direct his erratic coursethroughout his office hours. 

His speeches which in their printed form sell literally by the million, are scarcely prepared at all before he gets on the platform. Sometimesthe wording as it appears in cold black and white lacks a littlepolish, but it has a vital and stimulating force marking it out asdistinctive literature. He has a few notes as to facts and figures andweaves them into a picture as he stands before his audience. When hisfamous speech at Limehouse thrilled England a London newspaperproprietor went down to see him in the House of Commons. "Why didn'tyou let me know you were going to make that speech?" he said. "I wouldhave had special arrangements made for reporting it and describing it. ""There was nothing special in it, " said Lloyd George, in genuinesurprise. "It was just an ordinary talk about the Budget. I went downto Limehouse and spoke to an audience I found there, that's all. "

No one will deny Lloyd George's courage. On a hundred stricken fieldshe has shown it. Yet he confesses to a timorousness and nervousnesswhenever he is waiting on a public platform with a speech ahead of him. This proven, stern man of action is just a trembling bunch of nerves, afraid of the people in front of him, afraid of the people by his sideon the platform, as he sits waiting the fateful second when thechairman shall announce his name. 

Lloyd George's unexpectedness comes from the fact that he is amany-sided man. Success has not atrophied either his manners or hisimpulses. He is not ashamed to be very human because he has becomevery important. I remember how, during the stress of the Budget fight, when, if ever, he was at a tension, he went off for a week-end with theAttorney-General and a distinguished journalist. They had a railwaycompartment to themselves on the journey from London. Part of the timewas passed in singing popular songs, the choruses of which Lloyd Georgetrilled out enthusiastically. And yet Lloyd George is not a strangerto the formalities. High office brought to him a marked care for thoselittle chivalries which are part of Parliamentary warfare. In theheight of the fight fatigue sometimes overwhelmed even his sturdy frameand spirit, and he would snatch half an hour's respite from theTreasury bench in his own room behind the Speaker's chair. But hewould break off this short indulgence instantly when the tickerindicated that his principal opponents had begun to speak. Directly itwas shown that Mr. Austen Chamberlain, Mr. Balfour, or some otherleader was on his feet Lloyd George would hurry into the chamber tolisten, even though he might know perfectly well that they had nothingto say that mattered at the moment. He regarded it as important to paythem the courtesy of listening to any speech they made, however casualor trivial. 

One of the charges against Lloyd George during his public life has beenhis inaccuracy in small things, his disregard of detail, and in someways this is a justifiable charge. And yet the man has a perfectpassion for detail when he is aroused and when he believes detailnecessary. In instituting the Department of Munitions he made himselfin the course of only a week or two a real expert in the hundredintricacies connected with the manufacture of shells. Short ofhandling the steel himself I doubt if there was any man in the country, who knew more about the nature of all the deadly missiles, from thesmall rifle bullet up to the great shell which weighs a ton and travelssome fifteen miles. Delicate chemical processes connected with highexplosives rapidly became an open book to him. As new discoveries weremade incidental difficulties connected with the filling of shellsoccupied the concentered study of the manufacturers. Lloyd Georgeplunged into the new arrangements. One morning he had an appointmentin London with a group of half a dozen munition-makers from the northof England and the Midlands for the purpose of investigating somespecial difficulties in a new process. The matter was one ofimportance as well as of difficulty. Point by point was taken andlunch-time arrived without a complete elucidation. Lloyd George sweptaside all other appointments for the day. The thing had got to bemastered. He took the six experts out with him to lunch and went onwith the discussion over the meal. He brought them back to theMunition Department afterward and he went on with the matter all theafternoon. Tea was served, and still he would not let his advisersescape. It was nearly dinner-time before the difficulties wereconquered and the tired experts were permitted to go. Lloyd George, cheered by the achievement, had a little food, and then proceeded towork far into the night to clear up some of the arrears of the day'sroutine. As for the staff, they had to work, too. There are no easytimes for those associated with Lloyd George when he is under pressure. 

These are examples from recent times, but throughout the whole of hiscareer there have been contradictions which have staggered friends aswell as enemies. I do not believe there is a more sincere man inpublic life; there certainly is no shrewder one, and yet when he wasChancellor of the Exchequer in charge of the finances of the country hewas imprudent enough in an impulsive moment to invest privately somehundreds of pounds in a commercial company, an investment perfectlyinnocent in itself, but one which a worldly-wise person would haverealized must lay open to attack any Chancellor of the Exchequer whohad enemies. He never gave the thing a thought. He had always been acomparatively poor man. He saw a good investment and he put some ofhis savings into it. His opponents became aware of the matter, and instorms of virtuous passion held him up to execration as a corruptpolitician who was using his position to make himself rich. There werebursts of unholy joy among the Conservatives. That innocent investmentin Marconi shares was perhaps the most stupid thing in Lloyd George'spublic life. He gave his explanation with vigor and clearness, but, nevertheless, I fancy he must have kicked himself privately about thewhole thing. Notwithstanding, however, the disadvantage at which hehad placed himself, opponents found that now, as on other occasions, itwas not a pleasant exercise to attack the Welshman. He had a horridhabit of defending himself by hitting back, and he usually hit verymuch harder than his attackers were capable of doing. When the dukesand earls fell on him in all their noble rage and dignity he culledstories from the past about them. One of the attacks on him was byEarl Selborne, who had been a Cabinet Minister in a Conservativeadministration. Lloyd George permitted himself no false delicacy aboutthe noble earl. "He contends there is no correspondence between hisstory and mine. He is quite right. I have already pointed out theessential difference. I bought shares in a company which had nocontract with the Government, and my purchase of even these shares wassubsequent to the acceptance of the wireless tender by the Government. Earl Selborne was a director of a company during the time it wasinitiating and acquiring a huge contract with the Government, of whichhe was a member. His story is, therefore, not mine. "

There had probably never been a politician in British public life whowas so affectionately regarded by all those persons who were broughtinto personal contact with him, whether they agreed with him or not. Pressmen whose duty it was to berate him in the papers were generallyfond of him personally. Opponents in the House of Commons when notengaged in combat had, in most cases, an active liking for him. Business men and persons not connected with politics after once meetinghim had nothing but good to say of the "Welsh demagogue. " And in faceof all this Lloyd George has truly been the most hated man of hisgeneration. He used to chuckle over it--which sent his opponents tothe last degree of fury. "The dukes, " he would remark, cheerily, "arescolding like omnibus-drivers, and the lords swearing likestable-boys. " He would fling out his hand with a humorously despairinggesture about it. 

Lloyd George was not very precise in his attacks sometimes. Though hewas very rarely, perhaps never, successfully challenged on the generalbasis of his charges, his vivid wording always brought on him a floodof recriminations. He was called an "ignorant demagogue, " an"unscrupulous electioneer, " was accused of using "false sentiment" andof "setting class against class. " His principal weapons throughout, itwas said, were his inaccuracies and offensive personalities. Theexasperated Conservatives, only a few months before the war, securedthe time of the House of Commons to indict him for some of these sins. Here was the resolution moved from the Conservative benches: "That thisHouse contemplates with regret the repeated inaccuracies of theChancellor of the Exchequer and his gross and unfounded charges uponindividuals. " No motion could have pleased Lloyd George better. Ponderous and dignified were the speeches against him. He replied witha quizzical lightness, and did not refrain from personal remarks evenin the course of his defense. He demonstrated the general accuracy ofhis speeches, ridiculed the indictment against himself, and showed howit arose partly from political prejudices, partly from the mentalobtuseness and anger of his opponents. A portion of his speechrecalled the things the Conservatives attacking him said about JosephChamberlain, now one of their idols. They were remarks made duringChamberlain's radical days. 

"One Tory Minister said he spoke 'with customary inaccuracy. ' AnotherMinister talked about 'his habitual incapacity for being accurate. 'Another said he was 'setting class against class. ' The _Times_, usingthe language of the gentleman in opposition to-night, said he was'forgetting what was due to his dignity and responsibility as a CabinetMinister. ' He was compared by the leader of the House to 'Jack Cade. 'Another called him 'an unscrupulous demagogue. ' Another said he was'weeping crocodile tears for electioneering purposes. ' I seem torecognize some of these epithets. I am amazed at the lack ofimagination in the vituperation of honorable men opposite. " When thelaughter and cheering had died away Lloyd George said that Chamberlainwas fifty at the time these things were uttered, the age at which hehimself stood. "So there is hope for me, " he said. It is difficult totackle a man like that. 

No one would deny that Lloyd George has gone back on many of theopinions he used to hold so firmly. The exhilarating names he calledmembers of the House of Lords have been replaced by invitations to someof them to join him as Ministers in a Cabinet of which he is the head. No doubt he would give good reasons for the change, but the factremains. His mobile mind is ever adapting itself to what he considersthe exigencies of the times, though no one could with less justice benamed a time-server. "Other times, other means, other manners" may bedescribed as his attitude of mind. If at the moment the welfare of thecommunity in his judgment demanded certain courses of action no wordsof his in the past, no principles that he had held, would prevent himfrom adapting himself or from using whatever powers lay to his hand. As motive forces in social life are almost invariably to be obtainedfrom individuals, Lloyd George without shame and without hesitation hasproceeded to use individualities wherever he found them suitable forhis purpose. Meanwhile the worshiper of consistency can find in him noidol. 

The crowning inconsistency of Lloyd George's career I have not yetdescribed. So far as he owed success in life to any man except himselfhe owed it to Mr. Asquith, the Prime Minister. Lloyd George has allthe sensitiveness and affection of the Celtic nature, and mustcertainly have had within him a well of gratitude to this man who hadbeen so great a friend to him. Yet it came about that he eventuallydecided it was his duty to pull this man from the throne and take hisplace there. 

XII

HOW HE BECAME PRIME MINISTER

In some lights it seems rather a shabby thing that Lloyd George shouldhave ousted Mr. Asquith and taken his place as Prime Minister. Mr. Asquith, with great intellectual attainments and with the highestattributes of an English gentleman, had been at the head of the BritishGovernment for eight years, and during this period big achievements hadbeen inscribed on Britain's story. He had been a strong and constantfriend of Lloyd George who, under his leadership, had risen from theposition of a minor Minister to giant eminence. Then at a crucialmoment Lloyd George overthrew him. Stated baldly like that, the thingdoesn't read very well. I believe there are some leaders in Englandwho will never forgive Lloyd George. It remains to be said that theyare taking a narrow and immediate view of a drama so immense that itsproper perspective will only be available many years hence. They aretrying to test men's souls under strain in a small mechanical balance. Forces were at work such as are only met with once or twice incenturies. You cannot bring a puny, every-day judgment to bear onissues which may mean misery or happiness to millions of people, andlife or death to a great proportion of them. In such circumstances theraw strength of big men comes out, and the spectacle is not alwayspleasant to the gentle-minded. 

I am not one of those who believe that Lloyd George sordidly schemed tobecome Prime Minister, though I am sure that in some side reflectionsfrom time to time he realized quite certainly that one day he would bePrime Minister of his country. I believe that from the moment hedecided the war was a right one and must be pressed to victory heconcentrated the whole of his heart and soul, all of his bewilderingand compelling properties, to the task of securing victory. And thatthe remarkable success he attained, first in the sphere of finance, then in the provision of munitions, thirdly in the raising of armiesand general organization for battle, led him quickly to a vision of thewhole contest, a vision unshared by his colleagues, but of dazzlingclearness to himself. 

His whole being, designed for the emergencies of combat, quivered andthrilled as he saw the hundred directions in which urgency and rapidityand ruthlessness could forge the weapons of success. I believe he wascompletely selfless about the matter. He made efforts to touch variousspheres of war organization with the white-hot spirit which possessedhimself, and became partly the terror, partly the admiration, of thoseamong whom he moved. And then, realizing more and more, week by week, what he regarded as the inertia in the departments that ran thecountry, and seeing the importance of stirring the feelings of hisprincipal Cabinet colleagues to wholesale, passionate, fear-nothingstrokes which should bring the end of the war within sight, there grewupon him resistlessly the thought that he must himself secure supremecontrol of the war in Britain. I believe the idea took hold of him, not from any vulgar motive, but in the way that religion grows upon aman, possessing him utterly, leaving him heedless of the criticismdirected against his personal aims. 

What was the system he was up against? In the British Cabinet eachMinister is the head of his own department, and in normal times thePrime Minister doesn't interfere in the departments, although, aschairman of the Cabinet, his consent has to be given to any bignational policy initiated by another Minister. Mr. Asquith had strongand clever men around him, and, quite apart from the fact that he wasthe most chivalrous of chiefs, he trusted their capacity. Strong andcapable as they were, they had not the flashing genius of Lloyd George, certainly had not his genius for war, implying large decisions andgreat risks. They plodded along and threshed out plans and put some ofthem into execution. To Lloyd George both the plans and the way theywere carried out were half-hearted. To him there was always delay, never the stark action which he believed was everywhere necessary. Decisions were taken too late and were not carried out with promptitudeor thoroughness. 

For months Lloyd George was in a state of simmering revolt. Hereceived support from powerful organs in the press, notably from the_Times_ and _Daily Mail_. The tone of their criticism is bestsummarized in the suggestion that Mr. Asquith was "an amiable oldgentleman, " unfitted for the position of leader of a nation at war forits life. Far less than justice was accorded him, but under the stressof war the most stolid people became impatient, and there wasundoubtedly manifested in many sections of the public a desire for morestrenuous leadership. The difficulties with which Mr. Asquith had hadto contend were certainly not fully appreciated, though they will belater on. He was the head of a Coalition Government, and had kept thatGovernment together with a managing skill to which everybody paidtribute. The claim of the Lloyd George supporters was that qualitiesdifferent from those required for the skilful handling of a Governmentwere necessary in a war Prime Minister. It looks as if Lloyd Georgeshared this opinion. He came to the conclusion that he must make hisstroke. One fateful day he presented to Mr. Asquith an ultimatum tothe effect that the conduct of the war should be placed in the hands ofa small committee of three or four members who should have absolutepower, and that Mr. Asquith himself should not be on it, or, if so, should be a member in name only. 

Mr. Asquith tried to get him to compromise. Lloyd George would havenone of it. If Mr. Asquith would not agree he would resign, he said, and he was supported by the Conservative members of the Government. Mr. Asquith and his supporters would not give way. There were one ortwo exciting days of secret negotiations, and then, a deadlock beingreached, there was but one course to be pursued, and that was for theentire Cabinet to place its resignation in the hands of the King. Itmust have been a bitter moment for Mr. Asquith. Indeed, it wasprobably an unhappy time for Lloyd George. Nevertheless, he flinchednot. 

The whole Cabinet went out of office. The King, who is bound byprecedent, sent for the leader of the Conservatives, Mr. Bonar Law, andoffered him the position of Prime Minister and the task of forming aGovernment. Owing to the split-up of the parties and the variouscross-currents, Mr. Law felt himself unable to carry out the formalrequest of the King. Then the expected happened, and the King sent forLloyd George, who promptly expressed his willingness to try to form aGovernment, so long as he was assisted in the task by Mr. Bonar Law. He was successful. His Cabinet, rapidly brought into being, consistedof several Labor men, several Conservatives, some notable members ofthe House of Lords, and also, quite a novel feature, some captains ofindustry, whom Lloyd George took from their private businesses to runthe business departments of the state. A war council was formed, consisting of Lloyd George himself; Mr. Arthur Henderson, the leader ofthe Labor movement; Lord Curzon, and Lord Milner. (The most recentclaims to distinction of the latter two was their violent opposition toLloyd George's Budget and the Parliament bill. ) The sum total ofarrangements was that the new Prime Minister became virtually adictator. He rules England to-day. 

What will be his record as Prime Minister? It may be taken as acertainty that his tenure of office will be a memorable chapter inEnglish history. That he will use to the utmost his natural powers inbringing the war to a conclusion satisfactory to his country goeswithout saying. I am inclined to think that there is no one who yetrealizes the lengths to which he will go in order to secure victory. No precedent will stand in his way, no consideration of popularity orunpopularity will deter him. That he may break himself in his attemptis a trifle to him. I do not think he will break himself, for he hasreserves not usually found in a single personality. Obloquy may againtake the place of the praise which now encircles him. He may yet beassailed by some of the new colleagues whom he has chosen, and thenewspapers which have supported him may turn against him. But if helives and preserves his health he will win the war. He is not entirelyadmirable, but nothing will obliterate his powers of success butextinction. 

He has the imagination to envisage the uncountable forces at hisdisposal in the British Empire, and if need be he will use these forcesto their very limits. Already he has proceeded on new lines. Withthat intense practicalness which goes with his spiritual exaltation hehas appointed a grocer and a provision-dealer to control thefood-supplies of the country, has put a ship-owner at the head of themercantile marine, has given to a man who was a working steel-smelterthe unshackled control of labor, has chosen as another Cabinet Ministera young American who has made a fortune in business--staggeringappointments indeed for conservative old England. But that is only abeginning. The Prime Minister has hitherto been but the titular headof the various departments of his Government, but now he is going to bethe real head, for Lloyd George has set up a Prime Minister'sDepartment which co-ordinates continually all the various Governmentoffices. Lloyd George means to be no mere figure of dignity as a PrimeMinister. 

What more can he do? There is no end to the war expedients which areto his hand if the conflict with Germany goes on. If more young menare wanted for the army I can see him levying the whole of the women inthe country for work on the farms and in the offices or its shops. Hemay turn his eyes to the overseas dominions, where there are scores ofmillions of population from which separate vast new armies may bedrawn. I have little doubt that erelong the enemies of Britain willcome up against the quality of unexpectedness which has so oftendiscouraged his opponents at home. No field of endeavor will be closedto him. I can even see him with a board of inventors and constructorssetting to work to provide, let us say, a fleet of one hundred thousandaeroplanes which shall, in truth, make the invasion of Germanypossible. There are other novel fields of effort with potentialitiesof equal or even greater scope. 

It was complained of Mr. Asquith that he was too much of a gentleman, too kindly and considerate even to those who harassed him, that hefeared to repress those who strove to make his tenure of officeimpossible. There will not be any nonsense of that kind about LloydGeorge. Heaven help those who, however highly placed and whatevertheir services to him in the past, now stand in his way. Interestingsuggestions have been made that his recent alliance with Northcliffewas a fatal mistake for him, because Northcliffe, in pursuit ofnewspaper sensations, combined with patriotic aims, having helped toplace him in the seat of power, will presently turn on him withoutscruple and without mercy. Well, there may even be an attempt in thatdirection. I know both men pretty thoroughly, having been brought intopersonal contact with each, and watched the work and studied the powerof both of them for years. If Northcliffe attempts any action of thekind indicated he will find that he has gone out for a walk with atiger. He has no dignified Mr. Asquith to deal with now. IfNorthcliffe, by any journalistic sensations, interferes in what inLloyd George's opinion is the proper and efficient conduct of the war, Lloyd George will break him like a twig and without a second thought. Some people of Britain talk of what will happen to Lloyd George whenNorthcliffe throws him over. One can only smile. To stop thepublication of the _Daily Mail_ and the _Times_, wrecking a millionpounds' worth of private property at least, and ruining Northcliffe onthe way, will be twenty minutes' cheery work for Lloyd George in hispresent mood, if he thinks the interests of Britain demand it. 

It will be found from now until the treaty of peace is signed thatLloyd George will be the personal director of democratic Britain, asgrim an autocrat as was Oliver Cromwell, and when the plenipotentiariesmeet around a table to settle terms there will be among them theblue-eyed Welshman, pleasant of manners and with iron will, putting insome commas and taking out the clauses he doesn't like. 

XIII

THE FUTURE OF LLOYD GEORGE

When this war is concluded there must be a new era for the world. Already there are signs of its approach. Generations hence there mayagain be awful conflicts between nations, spasms of hell in which theblood and anguish of millions will pay their tribute to the beast inman, but it will not be in our time, and in the interval, the beginningof which must be upon us very quickly, a new order of things will ariseamong the civilized people of the globe. Stricken humanity will insiston happier prospects for its children and its children's children. Inthe formulation of that new order of things I can see Lloyd George asone of the main instruments. 

In the first place, Britain will be a revivified country after the war, chastened in some ways, teeming with new thoughts, pulsing with a newvirility for at least a generation. Class prejudice will be lessened, perhaps in some directions will be completely wiped out. There willprobably be a centralized effort after the trials which all the peoplehave suffered together to reconstruct the social fabric so that all thepeople of the country, with the exception of those who are lazy orcriminal, shall have the means by which they may be able to secure adecent livelihood and need have no fear of poverty-stricken old age. Iforesee the disintegration of the older political parties and thebuilding up of new ones, in which the great contending features will bethe means and methods by which the new Britain shall be established. The old party shibboleths will be swept away. Mere words and windygeneralities will be displaced from influence and the nation's leaderswill deal with facts. 

The education of the war has brought everybody in the country upagainst hard realities. While prejudices and so-called principles havebeen put in the background, there has been going on a learning of newlessons. Lloyd George will undoubtedly be the main figure in thebuilding up of the national edifice. The war will effect politicalchanges which a generation of Parliamentary efforts could not havebrought about. Hundreds of thousands of men drawn from shops, factories, offices, who have been hardened and stimulated by theirout-of-doors campaigning, will be averse from returning to their olddrab conditions, and coincident with this the rich and beautifulfarmlands of England will be made available in holdings for such aswish to settle on the land and to establish themselves there. Cottagedwellings and farm buildings will be put up by the thousand with theassistance of the state. The settlers from the towns will not onlyfind health for themselves and families, but by their activities willadd enormously to the food-supplies of the country through their marketgardens, their dairy farms, as well as by the extra corn which will beproduced by them. 

Lloyd George's heart and soul will be in this project, for, countryborn and bred as he is, he knows not only the troubles, but also theopportunities and the personal joys of the population on the land. Iregard a revolution on these lines in England as a practical certainty. It may be asked, Where is the money to come from for all this? Theanswer is, that loans from the state are inevitable, but they will beremunerative loans which presently will yield returns, not only in theshape of interest, but in new food-supplies and also, not lessimportant, in the benefits of new physical strength and new happinessin life to big sections of the population. Sacrifices will be askedfor from the great land-owners, but they will be sacrifices ofsentiment rather than of money, because these proprietors willcertainly be well recompensed financially for any land that is takenfrom them. 

But this transformation in the countryside will be only one phase ofthe new Britain. Virtual revolution is certain in town life--andsomething like forty millions out of the fifty millions of populationhave their present homes in towns and cities, and not in the country. A great stimulation of production may be looked for under the lessonsof war-time. Scores of inventions have been devised under the strainof the war's demands and the discoveries in chemistry, in mechanics, and in other directions will remodel certain industries and createfresh ones. Novel methods of organization have been brought into useand have greatly aided efficiency, but even these developments will bebut supplementary to the changes in the methods of British industriallife. The Labor movement of Britain, which has obtained during the wara political power previously unknown in British Government, has alteredits modes of procedure, subordinated its laws, and generallytransfigured itself. The position can never be readjusted to the oldbasis. This will carry with it remarkable results. Something likethree million trade-unionists constitute the effective Labor movementof Britain, and the unions, with their rights and privileges, have onlybeen built up by half a century of struggle against prejudice, againstmaterial interests, against opposition in Parliament. In the last tenyears, however, enormous progress has been made. Forty Labor men haveseats in the legislature, and the combination of trade-union rules andregulations safeguarding workmen and restricting employers has becomeas effective as a legal charter. Hours and conditions of labor as wellas wage rates in the various trades have been set up and continuallystrengthened with a view to prevent exploitation by employers, andthough there is necessarily a running struggle with regard to isolatedmatters, there has come to exist, on the whole, amicable relationsbetween the great unions, on the one side, and the great employers, onthe other. Under Lloyd George's appeals during the war trade-unionshave flung overboard the restrictions they had imposed, have permittedunskilled people to come in and do parts of their work, permitted womento take a hand, allowed employers to increase hours of work, andvoluntarily have taken upon themselves the old burdens which they hadfought so long to shake off. They have had at least this recompensethat, so far as money is concerned, they have not been badly off. Inimportant industries, notably in munition-making, piece-work--paymentaccording to work accomplished--is the rule, with the result that largesums are earned by those who choose to work hard and to work early andlate. The general result of all this has been a marvelouslyaccelerated output of material as compared with that which would havebeen produced under old conditions. The unions have the promise of theGovernment that all their old rules shall be restored after the war ifthey want them. It has become inconceivable that incidental advantagesecured in these abnormal times shall be thrown away when peace comesjust because of a traditional adherence to principle. Employers, also, seeing the tremendously increased results, will be eager to maintainthe new acceleration. Are the unions, for the sake of old prejudices, to put back the clock and throw out all the employment of the women whohave entered the hitherto-reserved industries, and to abolish theovertime work? Are they, moreover, to return to the old principles ofprohibiting an operative from doing more than a certain amount of workin a certain time--a practice quite defensible so far as it arose fromthe greed of employers who, with their men on piece-work, finding therate of production increased, promptly put back the rate of payment sothat workpeople should never earn more than a certain amount by day orby week? Is there to be a reaction in all these directions? There isnot. Unions will not want all their old provisions, but they will wantnew ones in their places. And the arrangements which will have to bemade, and which Lloyd George will undoubtedly have a large share inmaking, will lead to the establishment of an entirely new system which, while giving employers a wider field of labor and an immenselyincreased production, will, at the same time, provide working-men andwomen with greatly enlarged earning capacity, an earning capacity whichwill be largely based on their own energy, initiative, and persistence. A wide extension of what may be called co-operative payment by resultsmay be looked for. 

The good-will among classes introduced by the war will certainly helpthe changes. The net result to be looked for is a practical abolitionof unemployment, the extension of the area of labor to great numbers ofwomen, increased earning powers for individuals, and still more for thefamilies as a whole, and a greater output of all kinds of products, notonly manufactured articles, but also food products from the land. Accompanying all this will be higher profits for employers. 

That this revolution can be accomplished in a day or even in a year isnot to be expected. That it is the direction in which British sociallife is bound to trend cannot be doubted. I see Lloyd George as theengineer-in-chief of the whole operation. In conjunction with the newnational land scheme the industrial reformation will provide a policywith a far-reaching scope and a practicability which will appeal to hislong-sighted vision, his active mind, his scorn of past usages whichlitter the road of progress. That he will attempt to recreate the newsocial system on the wreckage of that which has been destroyed by thewar I think is beyond all question. 

But Lloyd George's future destiny is not confined to his work for hisown race and nation. The war has lifted him to internationalprominence. He is now and will be henceforth the most-talked-ofBritish statesman in all other civilized countries. He will still haveenemies who will detest him, but no one in the future will attempt todeny his effectiveness. Respect will be accorded him by the statesmenof other nations and the democracy of other nations, the latter of whomwill remember his lifelong fight for the poor. Such a man may well beof influence in determining not only the fate of his own people, butalso the fate of the civilized community at large. I see approachinghim, when this war is over, an opportunity far greater than anythingfate has yet placed in his way. The world will be shuddering at theghastliness of its recent experiences and asking if there is no way ofguarding against the possibility of such a catastrophe in the yearsahead. Among all the nations lately at war there will be but onedesire--namely, the insuring of the enjoyment of peace for thegenerations to come. If that mood comes to exist, as it surely will, among all the nations when this present conflict is over, there are twomen who, working together, may write their names indelibly on thehistory of the world. President Wilson's uplifting vision of anenduring peace by a mutually protective combination of nations isregarded by many as impracticable even as an illusion. I do notbelieve Lloyd George will regard it either as impracticable or as anillusion. His spirit will glow at the thought of it. The magnitude ofthe proposal will encourage him rather than check him. As to thedifficulties in the way, he will tackle them with a confident smile. The tenacity and high-mindedness of President Wilson are qualitieswhich will especially appeal to him. He will be able to supplementthem with that ingenuity and practicalness which are an integral partof his genius for getting things done. I can see these two men, therefore, as collaborators in days not so very far ahead. In thecollaboration Lloyd George will probably find his culminating task. 

APPENDIX

MR. LLOYD GEORGE ON AMERICA AND THE EUROPEAN WAR

On the anniversary of President Lincoln's birthday, February 12, 1916, Mr. Lloyd George sent a remarkable message to the American peoplecomparing the American Civil War with the European conflict. By thecourtesy of the New York _Times_ this message is presented here. 

A LINCOLN DAY MESSAGE

I am very glad to respond to your request for a message for publicationon Lincoln Day. I am glad because to my mind Abraham Lincoln hasalways been one of the very first of the world's statesmen, because Ibelieve that the battle which we have been fighting is at bottom thesame battle which your countrymen fought under Lincoln's leadershipmore than fifty years ago, and most of all, perhaps, because I desireto say how much I welcome the proof which the last few days haveafforded that the American people are coming to realize this, too. 

Lincoln's life was devoted to the cause of human freedom. From the daywhen he first recognized what slavery meant he bent all his energies toits eradication from American soil. Yet after years of patient efforthe was driven to realize that it was not a mere question of abolishingslavery in the Southern States, but that bound up with it was a largerissue: That unless the Union abolished slavery, slavery would break upthe Union. 

Faced by this alternative, he did not shrink, after every other methodhad failed, from vindicating both Union and freedom by the terribleinstrument of war. Nor after the die for war had been cast did hehesitate to call upon his countrymen to make sacrifice upon sacrifice, to submit to limitation upon limitation of their personal freedom, until, in his own words, there was a new birth of freedom in your land. 

Is there not a strange similarity between this battle, which we arefighting here in Europe, and that which Lincoln fought? Has there notgrown up in this continent a new form of slavery, a militarist slavery, which has not only been crushing out the freedom of the people underits control, but which in recent years has also been moving towardcrushing out freedom and fraternity in all Europe as well?

Is it not true that it is to the militarist system of government whichcenters in Berlin that every open-minded man who is familiar with pasthistory would point as being the ultimate source of all the expansionof armaments, of all the international unrest, and of the failure ofall movements toward co-operation and harmony among nations during thelast twenty years?

We were reluctant, and many of us refused to believe that any sanerulers would deliberately drench Europe in its own blood, so we did notface the facts until it was almost too late. It was not until August, 1914, that it became clear to us, as it became clear to Lincoln in1861, that the issue was not to be settled by pacific means, and thateither the machine which controlled the destinies of Germany woulddestroy the liberty of Europe or the people of Europe must defeat itspurpose and its prestige by the supreme sacrifice of war. It was theultimatum to Serbia and the ruthless attack upon Belgium and Francewhich followed because the nations of Europe would not tolerate theobliteration of the independence of a free people without conferenceand by the sword, which revealed to us all the implacable nature of thestruggle which lay before us. 

It has been difficult for a nation separated from Europe by threethousand miles of sea and without political connections with itspeoples, to appreciate fully what was at stake in the war. In yourCivil War many of our ancestors were blind. Lord Russell hinted at anearly peace. Even Gladstone declared "we have no faith in thepropagation of free institutions at the point of the sword. " It wasleft for John Bright, that man of all others who most loved peace andhated war, to testify that when our statesmen "were hostile or coldlyneutral the British people clung to freedom with an unfaltering trust. "But I think that America now sees that it is human unity and freedomwhich are again being fought for in this war. 

The American people under Lincoln fought not a war of conquest, but awar of liberation. We to-day are fighting not a war of conquest, but awar of liberation--a liberation not of ourselves alone, but of all theworld, from that body of barbarous doctrine and inhuman practice whichhas estranged nations, has held back the unity and progress of theworld, and which has stood revealed in all its deadly iniquity in thecourse of this war. 

In such wars for liberty there can be no compromise. They are eitherwon or lost. In your case it was freedom and unity or slavery andseparation, in our case military power, tyrannously used, will havesucceeded in tearing up treaties and trampling on the rights of others, or liberty and public right will have prevailed. Therefore, we believethat the war must be fought out to a finish, for on such an issue therecan be no such thing as a drawn war. 

In holding this conviction, we have been inspired and strengthenedbeyond measure by the example and the words of your great President. Once the conflict had been joined, he did not shrink from bloodshed. Ihave often been struck at the growth of both tenderness and sterndetermination in the face of Lincoln, as shown in his photographs, asthe war went on. 

Despite his abhorrence of all that was entailed, he persisted in itbecause he knew that he was sparing life by losing it, that if heagreed to compromise, the blood that had been shed on a hundred fieldswould have been shed in vain, that the task of creating a united nationof free men would only have to be undertaken at even greater cost atsome later day. It would, indeed, be impossible to state our faithmore clearly than Lincoln stated it himself at the end of 1864. 

"On careful consideration, " he said, "of all the evidence it seems tome that no attempt at negotiation with the insurgent leader couldresult in any good. He would accept nothing short of severance of theUnion, precisely what we will not and cannot give. His declarations tothis effect are explicit and oft repeated. He does not deceive us. Heaffords us no excuse to deceive ourselves; . . . Between him and us theissue is distinct, simple, and inflexible. It is an issue which canonly be tried by war and decided by victory. "

That was the judgment of the greatest statesman of the nineteenthcentury during the last great war for human liberty. It is thejudgment of this nation and of its fellow-nations overseas to-day. 

"Our armies, " said Lincoln, "are ministers of good, not evil. " So dowe believe. And through all the carnage and suffering and conflictingmotives of the Civil War, Lincoln held steadfastly to the belief thatit was the freedom of the people to govern themselves which was thefundamental issue at stake. So do we to-day. For when the people ofcentral Europe accept the peace which is offered them by the Allies, not only will the allied peoples be free, as they have never been freebefore, but the German people, too, will find that in losing theirdream of an empire over others, they have found self-government forthemselves. 

D. LLOYD GEORGE. 

THE END