LIFE OF TECUMSEH, AND OF HIS BROTHER THE PROPHET; With a Historical Sketch of the Shawanoe Indians by BENJAMIN DRAKE Author of _The Life of Black Hawk_, _Tales from the Queen City_, &c. &c. Cincinnati:Printed and Published by E. Morgan & Co. Stereotyped by J. A. James, Cincinnati. 1841 PREFACE Many years have elapsed since the author of this volume determined towrite the life of TECUMSEH and of his brother the PROPHET, and actuallycommenced the collection of the materials for its accomplishment. Fromvarious causes, the completion of the task has been postponed until thepresent time. This delay, however, has probably proved beneficial tothe work, as many interesting incidents in the lives of theseindividuals are now embraced in its pages, which could not have beenincluded had it been put to press at an earlier period. In the preparation of this volume, the author's attention was drawn, tosome extent, to the history of the Shawanoe tribe of Indians: and hehas accordingly prefixed to the main work, a brief historical narrativeof this wandering and warlike nation, with biographical sketches ofseveral of its most distinguished chiefs. The author is under lasting obligations to a number of gentlemenresiding in different sections of the country, for the substantialassistance which they have kindly afforded him in the collection of thematter embraced in this volume. Other sources of information have not, however, been neglected. All the histories, magazines and journalswithin the reach of the author, containing notices of the subjects ofthis memoir, have been carefully consulted. By application at theproper department at Washington, copies of the numerous letters writtenby general Harrison to the Secretary of War in the years 1808, '9, '10, '11, '12 and '13, were obtained, and have been found of much value inthe preparation of this work. As governor of Indiana territory, superintendant of Indian affairs, and afterwards commander-in-chief ofthe north-western army, the writer of those letters possessedopportunities of knowing Tecumseh and the Prophet enjoyed by no otherindividuals. In addition to these several sources of information, the author haspersonally, at different times, visited the frontiers of Ohio andIndiana, for the purpose of conversing with the Indians and thepioneers of that region, who happened to be acquainted with Tecumsehand his brother; and by these visits, has been enabled to enrich hisnarrative with some amusing and valuable anecdotes. In the general accuracy of his work the author feels considerableconfidence: in its merit, as a literary production, very little. Everyline of it having been written while suffering under the depressinginfluence of ill health, he has only aimed at a simple narrative style, without any reference to the graces of a polished composition. B. D. Cincinnati, 1841. CONTENTS. HISTORY OF THE SHAWANOE INDIANS CATAHECASSA, or BLACK-HOOF CORNSTALK SPEMICA-LAWBA, the HIGH HORN; or, CAPTAIN LOGAN THE LIFE OF TECUMSEH. CHAPTER I. Parentage of Tecumseh--his sister Tecumapease--his brother Cheeseekan, Sauweeseekau, Nehasseemo, Tenskwautawa or the Prophet, andKumakauka CHAPTER II. Birth place of Tecumseh--destruction of the Piqua village--early habitsof Tecumseh--his first battle--effort to abolish the burning ofprisoners--visits the Cherokees in the south--engages in severalbattles--returns to Ohio in the autumn of 1790 CHAPTER III. Tecumseh attacked near Big Rock by some whites under RobertM'Clelland--severe battle with some Kentuckians on the East Fork of theLittle Miami--attack upon Tecumseh in 1793, on the waters of Paintcreek--Tecumseh present at the attack on fort Recovery in1794--participates in the battle of the Rapids of the Maumee, in1794 CHAPTER IV. Tecumseh's skill as a hunter--declines attending the treaty ofGreenville in 1796--in 1796 removed to Great Miami--in 1798 joined aparty of Delawares on White river, Indiana--in 1799 attended a councilbetween the whites and Indians near Urbana--another at Chillicothe in1803--makes an able speech--removes with the Prophet to Greenville, in1805--the latter commences prophecying--causes the death of Teteboxti, Patterson, Coltos, and Joshua--governor Harrison's speech to theProphet to arrest these murderers--effort of Wells the U. S. Indianagent to prevent Tecumseh and the Prophet from assembling the Indiansat Greenville--Tecumseh's speech in reply--he attends a council atChillicothe--speech on that occasion--council at Springfield--Tecumsehprincipal speaker and actor CHAPTER V. Governor Harrison's address to the Shawanoe chiefs at Greenville--theProphet's reply--his influence felt among the remote tribes--he isvisited in 1808 by great numbers of Indians--Tecumseh and the Prophetremove to Tippecanoe--the latter sends a speech to governorHarrison--makes him a visit at Vincennes CHAPTER VI. Tecumseh visits the Wyandots--governor Harrison's letter about theProphet to the Secretary of War--British influence over theIndians--Tecumseh burns governor Harrison's letter to the chiefs--greatalarm in Indiana, in consequence of the assemblage of the Indians atTippecanoe--death of Leatherlips, a Wyandot chief, on a charge ofwitchcraft CHAPTER VII. Governor Harrison makes another effort to ascertain the designs ofTecumseh and the Prophet--Tecumseh visits the governor at Vincennes, attended by four hundred warriors--a council is held--Tecumseh becomesdeeply excited, and charges governor Harrison with falsehood--councilbroken up in disorder--renewed the next day CHAPTER VIII. Alarm on the frontier continues--a Muskoe Indian killed atVincennes--governor Harrison sends a pacific speech to Tecumseh and theProphet--the former replies to it--in July Tecumseh visits governorHarrison at Vincennes--disavows any intention of making war upon thewhites--explains his object in forming a union among thetribes--governor Harrison's opinion of Tecumseh and the Prophet--murderof the Deaf Chief--Tecumseh visits the southern Indians CHAPTER IX. Governor Harrison applies to the War Department for troops to maintainpeace on the frontiers--battle of Tippecanoe on the 7th ofNovember--its influence on the Prophet and his followers CHAPTER X. Tecumseh returns from the south--proposes to visit the President, butdeclines, because not permitted to go to Washington at the head of aparty--attends a council at fort Wayne--proceeds to Malden and joinsthe British--governor Harrison's letter to the War Department relativeto the north-west tribes CHAPTER XI. Tecumseh participates in the battle of Brownstown--commands the Indiansin the action near Maguaga--present at Hull's surrender--general Brockpresents him his military sash--attack on Chicago brought about byTecumseh CHAPTER XII. Siege of fort Meigs--Tecumseh commands the Indians--acts withintrepidity--rescues the American prisoners from the tomahawk andscalping knife, after Dudley's defeat--reported agreement betweenProctor and Tecumseh, that general Harrison, if taken prisoner, shouldbe delivered to the latter to be burned CHAPTER XIII. Tecumseh present at the second attack on fort Meigs--his stratagem of asham-battle to draw out general Clay--is posted in the Black Swamp withtwo thousand warriors at the time of the attack on fortStephenson--from thence passes by land to Malden--compels generalProctor to release an American prisoner--threatens to desert theBritish cause--urges an attack upon the American fleet--opposesProctor's retreat from Malden--delivers a speech to him on thatoccasion CHAPTER XIV. Retreat of the combined British and Indian army to the riverThames--skirmish at Chatham with the troops under generalHarrison--Tecumseh slightly wounded in the arm--battle on the Thames onthe 5th of October--Tecumseh's death CHAPTER XV. Critical examination of the question "who killed Tecumseh?"--colonelR. M. Johnson's claim considered CHAPTER XVI. Mr. Jefferson's opinion of the Prophet--brief sketch of hischaracter--anecdotes of Tecumseh--a review of the great principles ofhis plan of union among the tribes--general summary of his life andcharacter HISTORY OF THE SHAWANOE INDIANS. There is a tradition among the Shawanoes, in regard to their origin, which is said to be peculiar to that tribe. While most of theaborigines of this country believe that their respective races came outof holes in the earth at different places on this continent, theShawanoes alone claim, that their ancestors once inhabited a foreignland; but having determined to leave it, they assembled their peopleand marched to the sea shore. Here, under the guidance of a leader ofthe Turtle tribe, one of their twelve original subdivisions, theywalked into the sea, the waters of which immediately parted, and theypassed in safety along the bottom of the ocean, until they reached thisisland. [A] [Footnote A: History of the Indian Tribes of North America, by JamesHall and J. L. McKinney, a valuable work, containing one hundred andtwenty richly colored portraits of Indian chiefs. ] The Shawanoes have been known by different names. The Iroquois, according to Colden's history of the "Five Nations, " gave them theappellation of Satanas. The Delawares, says Gallatin, in his synopsisof the Indian tribes, call them Shawaneu, which means _southern_. TheFrench writers mention them under the name of Chaouanons; andoccasionally they are denominated Massawomees. The orthography of the word by which they are generally designated, isnot very well settled. It has been written Shawanos, Sawanos, Shawaneu, Shawnees and Shawanoes, which last method of spelling the word, will befollowed in the pages of this work. The original seats of the Shawanoes have been placed in differentsections of the country. This has doubtless been owing to their veryerratic disposition. Of their history, prior to the year 1680, butlittle is known. The earliest mention of them by any writer whose workhas fallen under our observation, was in the beginning of theseventeenth century. Mr. Jefferson, in his "Notes on Virginia, " saysthat when captain John Smith first arrived in America a fierce war wasraging against the allied Mohicans, residing on Long Island, and theShawanoes on the Susquehanna, and to the westward of that river, by theIroquois. Captain Smith first landed on this continent in April, 1607. In the following year, 1608, he penetrated down the Susquehanna to themouth of it, where he met six or seven of their canoes, filled withwarriors, about to attack their enemy in the rear. De Laet, in 1632, inhis enumeration of the different tribes, on either side of the Delawareriver, mentions the Shawanoes. --Charlevoix speaks of them under thename of Chaouanons, as neighbors and allies in 1672, of the Andastes, an Iroquois tribe, living south of the Senecas. Whether any of theShawanoes were present at the treaty[A] made in 1682, under thecelebrated Kensington elm, between William Penn and the Indians, doesnot positively appear from any authorities before us; that such, however, was the fact, may be fairly inferred, from the circumstancethat at a conference between the Indians and governor Keith, in 1722, the Shawanoes exhibited a copy of this treaty written on parchment. [Footnote A: "This treaty, " says Voltaire, "was the first made betweenthose people (the Indians) and the Christians, that was not ratifiedwith an oath, and that was never broken. "] To the succeeding one made at Philadelphia, in February, 1701, theShawanoes were parties, being represented on that occasion, by theirchiefs, Wopatha, Lemoytungh and Pemoyajagh. [A] More than fifty yearsafterward, a manuscript copy of this treaty of commerce and friendship, was in the possession of the Shawanoes of Ohio, and was exhibited bythem. In 1684, the Iroquois, when complained of by the French forhaving attacked the Miamis, justified their conduct on the-ground, thatthey had invited the Santanas (Shawanoes) into the country, for thepurpose of making war upon them. [B] The Sauks and Foxes, whoseresidence was originally on the St. Lawrence, claim the Shawanoes asbelonging to the same stock with themselves, and retain traditionalaccounts of their emigration to the south. [C] In the "History of theIndian Tribes of North America, " when speaking of the Shawanoes, theauthors say, "their manners, customs and language indicate a northernorigin; and, upwards of two centuries ago, they held the country southof Lake Erie. They were the first tribe which felt the force andyielded to the superiority of the Iroquois. Conquered by these, theymigrated to the south, and from fear or favor, were allowed to takepossession of a region upon the Savannah river; but what part of thatstream, whether in Georgia or Florida, is not known; it is presumed theformer. " Mr. Gallatin speaks of the final defeat of the Shawanoes andtheir allies, in a war with the Five Nations, as having taken place inthe year 1672. This same writer, who has carefully studied the languageof the aborigines, considers the Shawanoes as belonging to the Lenapetribes of the north. From these various authorities, it is apparentthat the Shawanoes belonged originally to the Algonkin-Lenape nation;and that during the three first quarters of the seventeenth century, they were found in eastern Pennsylvania, on the St. Lawrence, and thesouthern shore of Lake Erie; and generally at war with some of theneighboring tribes. Whether their dispersion, which is supposed to havetaken place about the year 1672, drove them all to the south side ofthe Ohio, does not very satisfactorily appear. [Footnote A: Proud's History of Pennsylvania. ] [Footnote B: Colden. ] [Footnote C: Morse's Report. ] Subsequently to this period, the Shawanoes were found on the Ohio riverbelow the Wabash, in Kentucky, Georgia and the Carolinas. Lawson, inhis history of Carolina in 1708, speaks of the Savanoes, removing fromthe Mississippi to one of the rivers of South Carolina. Gallatin quotesan authority which sustains Lawson, and which establishes the fact thatat a very early period in the history of the south, there was aShawanoe settlement on the head waters of the Catawba or Santee, andprobably of the Yadkin. From another authority it appears, that for atime the Shawanoes had a station on the Savannah river, above Augusta;and Adair, who refers to the war between the Shawanoes and Cherokees, saw a body of the former in the wilderness, who, after having wanderedfor some time in the woods, were then returning to the Creek country. According to John Johnston, [A] a large party of the Shawanoes, whooriginally lived north of the Ohio, had for some cause emigrated as farsouth as the Suwanoe river, which empties into the Gulf of Mexico. Fromthence they returned, under the direction of a chief named Black Hoof, about the middle of the last century, to Ohio. It is supposed that thistribe gave name to the Suwanoe river, in 1750, by which name theCumberland was also known, when Doctor Walker, (of Virginia) visitedKentucky. [Footnote A: I Vol. Trans. Amer. Antiquarian Society. ] Of the causes which led the Shawanoes to abandon the south, but littleis known beyond what may be gleaned from their traditions. Heckewelder, in his contributions to the American Philosophical Society, says, "theywere a restless people, delighting in wars, in which they wereconstantly engaged with some of the surrounding nations. At last theirneighbors, tired of being continually harassed by them, formed a leaguefor their destruction. The Shawanoes finding themselves thusdangerously situated, asked to be permitted to leave the country, whichwas granted to them; and they immediately removed to the Ohio. Heretheir main body settled, and then sent messengers to their elderbrother, [A] the Mohicans, requesting them to intercede for them withtheir grandfather, the Lenni Lenape, to take them under his protection. This the Mohicans willingly did, and even sent a body of their ownpeople to conduct their younger brother into the country of theDelawares. The Shawanoes finding themselves safe under the protectionof their grandfather, did not choose to proceed to the eastward, butmany of them remained on the Ohio, some of whom settled as far up thatriver as the long island, above which the French afterwards built fortDuquesne, on the spot where Pittsburg now stands. Those who proceededfarther, were accompanied by their chief, named Gachgawatschiqua, andsettled principally at and about the forks of the Delaware, betweenthat and the confluence of the Delaware and Schuylkill; and some, evenon the spot where Philadelphia now stands; others were conducted by theMohicans into their own country, where they intermarried with them andbecame one people. When those settled near the Delaware had multiplied, they returned to Wyoming on the Susquehannah, where they resided for agreat number of years. " [Footnote A: The Shawanoes call the Mohicans their _elder brother_, andthe Delawares their _grandfather_. ] Chapman, in his history of Wyoming, states, that after the Shawanoeswere driven from Georgia and Florida, they built a town at the mouth ofthe Wabash, and established themselves in it. They then applied to theDelawares for some territory on which to reside. When granted, acouncil was held to consider the propriety of accepting the offer ofthe Delawares. On this question the Shawanoes divided--part of themremained on the Wabash, --the others, composing chiefly the Piqua tribe, formed a settlement in the forks of the Delaware. Alter a time, adisagreement arose between them and the Delawares, which induced theformer to remove to the valley of the Wyoming, on the Susquehannah, onthe west bank of which they built a town, and lived in repose manyyears. Subsequently to the treaty held at Philadelphia, in 1742, between the governor and the Six Nations, the Delawares were drivenfrom that part of Pennsylvania; and a portion of them also removed tothe Wyoming valley, then in possession of the Shawanoes, and securedthe quiet occupancy of a part of it; built a town on the east bank ofthe river, which they called Waughwauwame, where they lived for sometime, on terms of amity with their new neighbors. During the summer of 1742, count Zinzendorf of Saxony, came to Americaon a religious mission, connected with the ancient church of the UnitedBrethren. Having heard of the Shawanoes at Wyoming, he determined tomake an effort to introduce Christianity among them. He accordinglymade them a visit, but did not meet with a cordial reception. TheShawanoes supposed that the missionary was in pursuit of their lands;and a party of them determined to assassinate him privately, for fearof exciting other Indians to hostility. The attempt upon his life wasmade, but strangely defeated. Chapman relates the manner of it, whichhe obtained from a companion of the count, who did not publish it inhis memoirs, lest the United Brethren might suppose that the subsequentconversion of the Shawanoes was the result of their superstition. It isas follows: "Zinzendorf was alone in his tent, seated upon a bundle of dry weeds, which composed his bed, and engaged in writing, when the assassinsapproached to execute their bloody commission. It was night, and thecool air of September had rendered a small fire necessary for hiscomfort and convenience. A curtain, formed of a blanket, and hung uponpins, was the only guard to his tent. The heat of this small fire hadaroused a large rattlesnake, which lay in the weeds not far from it;and the reptile, to enjoy it the more effectually, had crawled slowlyinto the tent, and passed over one of his legs, undiscovered. Without, all was still and quiet, except the gentle murmur of the river, at therapids about a mile below. At this moment, the Indians softlyapproached the door of his tent and slightly removing the curtain, contemplated the venerable man, too deeply engaged in the subject ofhis thoughts to notice either their approach, or the snake which laybefore him. At a sight like this, even the heart of the savages shrunkfrom the idea of committing so horrid an act; and, quitting the spot, they hastily returned to the town, and informed their companions, thatthe Great Spirit protected the white man, for they had found him withno door but a blanket, and had seen a large rattlesnake crawl over hislegs without attempting to injure him. This circumstance, together withthe arrival soon afterwards of Conrad Weizer, the interpreter, procuredthe count the friendship of the Indians, and probably induced some ofthem to embrace Christianity. " When the war between the French and the English occurred in 1754, theShawanoes on the Ohio took sides with the former; but the appeal tothose residing at Wyoming to do the same, was ineffectual. Theinfluence of the count's missionary efforts had made them averse towar. But an event which happened soon afterward, disturbed the peace oftheir settlement, and finally led to their removal from the valley. Occasional difficulties of a transient nature, had arisen between theDelawares and the Shawanoes at Wyoming. An unkind feeling, produced bytrifling local causes, had grown up between the two tribes. At length achildish dispute about the possession of a harmless grasshopper, brought on a bloody battle; and a final separation of the two partiessoon followed. One day, while most of the Delaware men were absent on ahunting excursion, the women of that tribe went out to gather wildfruits on the margin of the river, below their village. Here they met anumber of Shawanoe women and their children, who had crossed the streamin their canoes, and were similarly engaged. One of the Shawanoechildren having caught a large grasshopper, a dispute arose with someof the Delaware children, in regard to the possession of it. In thisquarrel, as was natural, the mothers soon became involved. The Delawarewomen contended for the possession of the grasshopper on the groundthat the Shawanoes possessed no privileges on that side of the river. Aresort to violence ensued, and the Shawanoe women being in theminority, were speedily driven to their canoes, and compelled to seeksafety by flight to their own bank of the stream. Here the matterrested until the return of the hunters, when the Shawanoes, in order toavenge the indignity offered to their women, armed themselves forbattle. When they attempted to cross the river, they found theDelawares duly prepared to receive them and oppose their landing. Thebattle commenced while the Shawanoes were still in their canoes, butthey at length effected a landing, which was followed by a general anddestructive engagement. The Shawanoes having lost a number of theirwarriors before reaching the shore, were too much weakened to sustainthe battle for any length of time. After the loss of nearly one halftheir party, they were compelled to fly to their own side of the river. Many of the Delawares were killed. Shortly after this disastrouscontest, the Shawanoes quietly abandoned their village, and removedwestward to the banks of the Ohio. [A] [Footnote A: Chapman] After the Shawanoes of Pennsylvania had fallen back upon the waters ofthe Ohio, they spread themselves from the Alleghenies as far westwardas the Big Miami. One of their villages was seventeen miles belowPittsburg: it was called Log's Town, and was visited by Croghan, in1765. Another, named Lowertown, also visited by the same traveler, stood just below the mouth of the Scioto. It was subsequently carriedaway by a great flood in that river, which overflowed the site of thetown, and compelled the Indians to escape in their canoes. Theyafterwards built a new town on the opposite side of the river, but soonabandoned it, and removed to the plains of the Scioto and Paint creek, where they established themselves, on the north fork of the latterstream. They had also several other villages of considerable size inthe Miami valley. One was "Chillicothe, " standing near the mouth ofMassie's creek, three miles north of Xenia. Another, called Piqua, andmemorable as the birth place of TECUMSEH, the subject of our presentnarrative, stands upon the north-west side of Mad river, about sevenmiles below Springfield, in Clark county. Both of these villages weredestroyed in 1780, by an expedition from Kentucky, under the command ofgeneral George Rogers Clark. After the peace of 1763, the Miamis having removed from the Big Miamiriver, a body of Shawanoes established themselves at Lower and UpperPiqua, in Miami county, which places, being near together, became theirgreat head-quarters in Ohio. Here they remained until driven off by theKentuckians; when they crossed over to the St. Mary's and toWapakanotta. The Upper Piqua is said to have contained, at one period, near four thousand Shawanoes. [A] [Footnote A: John Johnston. ] From the geographical location of the Shawanoes, it will be perceivedthat they were placed under circumstances which enabled them, withgreat facility, to annoy the early settlements in Kentucky; and toattack the emigrants descending the Ohio. In this fierce border war, which was waged upon the whites for a number of years, and oftentimeswith extreme cruelty, the Delawares, Wyandots, Mingoes and Miamis, united: the Shawanoes, however, were by far the most warlike andtroublesome. The Shawanoes were originally divided into twelve tribes or bands, eachof which was sub-divided into families, known as the Eagle, the Turtle, the Panther, &c. , these animals constituting their _totems_. Of thesetwelve, the names of but four tribes are preserved, the rest havingbecome extinct, or incorporated with them. They are, 1st. TheMequachake, --2d. The Chillicothe, --3d. The Kiskapocoke, --4th. ThePiqua. When in council, one of these tribes is assigned to each of thefour sides of the council-house, and during the continuance of thedeliberations, the tribes retain their respective places. They claim tohave the power of distinguishing, at sight, to which tribe anindividual belongs; but to the casual observer, there are no visibleshades of difference. In each of the four tribes, except theMequachake, the chiefs owe their authority to merit, but in the lastnamed, the office is hereditary. Of the origin of the Piqua tribe, thefollowing tradition has been recited:[A] "In ancient times, theShawanoes had occasion to build a large fire, and after it was burneddown, a great puffing and blowing was heard, when up rose a man fromthe ashes!--hence the name Piqua, which means a man coming out of theashes. " Mequachake, signifies a perfect man. To this tribe thepriesthood is confided. The members, or rather certain individuals ofit, are alone permitted to perform the sacrifices and other religiousceremonies of the tribe. [B] The division of the tribe into bands ortotems, is not peculiar to the Shawanoes, but is common to severalother nations. One of the leading causes of its institution, was theprohibition of marriage between those related in a remote degree ofconsanguinity. Individuals are not at liberty to change their totems, or disregard the restraint imposed by it on intermarriages. It isstated in Tanner's narrative, that the Indians hold it to be criminalfor a man to marry a woman whose totem is the same as his own; and theyrelate instances where young men, for a violation of this rule, havebeen put to death by their nearest relatives. Loskiel, in his historyof the Moravian missions, says, the Delawares and Iroquois never marrynear relatives. According to their own account, the Indian nations weredivided into tribes for the sole purpose, that no one might, eitherthrough temptation or mistake, marry a near relation, which is nowscarcely possible, for whoever intends to marry must take a person of adifferent totem. Another reason for the institution of these totems, may be found in their influence on the social relations of the tribe, in softening private revenge, and preserving peace. Gallatin, on theinformation derived from a former Indian agent[C] among the Creeks, says, "according to the ancient custom, if an offence was committed byone or another member of the same clan, the compensation to be made, onaccount of the injury, was regulated in an amicable way by the othermembers of the clan. Murder was rarely expiated in any other way thanby the death of the murderer; the nearest male relative of the deceasedwas the executioner; but this being done, as under the authority of theclan, there was no further retaliation. If the injury was committed bysome one of another clan, it was not the injured party, but the clan towhich he belonged, that asked for reparation. This was rarely refusedby the clan of the offender; but in case of refusal, the injured clanhad a right to do itself justice, either by killing the offender, incase of murder, or inflicting some other punishment for lesseroffences. This species of private war, was, by the Creeks, called, 'totake up the sticks;' because, the punishment generally consisted inbeating the offender. At the time of the annual corn-feast, the stickswere laid down, and could not be again taken up for the same offence. But it seems that originally there had been a superiority among some ofthe clans. That of the Wind, had the right to take up the sticks fourtimes, that of the Bear twice, for the same offence; whilst those ofthe Tiger, of the Wolf, of the Bird, of the Root, and of two more whosenames I do not know, could raise them but once. It is obvious that theobject of the unknown legislation, was to prevent or soften the effectsof private revenge, by transferring the power and duty from the bloodrelatives to a more impartial body. The father and his brothers, by thesame mother, never could belong to the same clan, as their son ornephew, whilst the perpetual changes, arising from intermarriages withwomen of a different clan, prevented their degenerating into distincttribes; and checked the natural tendency towards a subdivision of thenation into independent communities. The institution may be consideredas the foundation of the internal policy, and the basis of the socialstate of the Indians. " [Footnote A: Stephen Ruddell's manuscript account of the Shawanoes, inpossession of the author. ] [Footnote B: John Johnston. ] [Footnote C: Mitchell. ] One mode of ascertaining the origin of the Indian tribes, and ofdetermining their relation to each other, as well as to other races ofmankind, is the study of their language. This has, at different times, engaged the attention of several able philologists, who have done muchto analyze the Indian languages, and to arrange in systematic order, the numerous dialects of this erratic people. The results of theinvestigation of one[A] of the most learned and profound of theseindividuals, may be summed up in the three following propositions: 1. "That the American languages in general, are rich in words and ingrammatical forms, and that in their complicated construction, thegreatest order, method and regularity prevail. 2. "That these complicated forms, which I call _poly synthetic, _ appearto exist in all those languages, from Greenland to Cape Horn. 3. "That these forms appear to differ essentially from those of theancient and modern languages of the old hemisphere. " [Footnote A: Mr. Duponceau. ] In a late learned dissertation[A] on this subject, it is stated that innearly the whole territory contained in the United States, and inBritish and Russian America, there are only eight great families, eachspeaking a distinct language, subdivided in many instances, into anumber of dialects belonging to the same stock. These are the Eskimaux, the Athapascas (or Cheppeyans, ) the Black Feet, the Sioux, theAlgonkin-Lenape, the Iroquois, the Cherokee, and the Mobilian orChahta-Muskhog. The Shawanoes belong to the Algonkin-Lenape family, andspeak a dialect of that language. It bears a strong affinity to theMohican and the Chippeway, but more especially the Kickapoo. Valuablevocabularies of the Shawanoe language have been given by Johnston andby Gallatin in their contributions to the American Antiquarian Society, which may be consulted by those disposed to prosecute the study of thissubject. [Footnote A: Mr. Gallatin. ] The Shawanoes have been known since the first discovery of thiscountry, as a restless, wandering people, averse to the pursuits ofagriculture, prone to war and the chase. They have, within that period, successively occupied the southern shore of lake Erie, the banks of theOhio and Mississippi, portions of Georgia, Florida, Tennessee, Kentucky, and eastern Pennsylvania; then again the plains of Ohio, andnow the small remnant of them that remains, are established west ofMissouri and Arkansas. They have been involved in numerous bloody warswith other tribes; and for near half a century, resisted with a bold, ferocious spirit, and an indomitable hatred, the progress of the whitesettlements in Pennsylvania, western Virginia, and especially Kentucky. The Shawanoes have declined more rapidly in numbers[A] than any othertribe of Indians known to the whites. This has been, and we supposejustly, attributed to their wandering habits and their continual wars. Although one of their villages is said once to have contained fourthousand souls, their present number does not exceed eighteen hundred. They have ever been considered a courageous, powerful and faithlessrace; who hare claimed for themselves a pre-eminence not only overother tribes, but also over the whites. [B] Their views in regard tothis superiority were briefly set forth by one of their chiefs at aconvention held at fort Wayne, in 1803. [Footnote A: John Johnston. ] [Footnote B: General Harrison considers the Shawanoes, Delawares andMiamis, as much superior to the other tribes of the west. ] "The Master of Life, " said he, "who was himself an Indian, made theShawanoes before any other of the human race; and they sprang from hisbrain: he gave them all the knowledge he himself possessed, and placedthem upon the great island, and all the other red people are descendedfrom the Shawanoes. After he had made the Shawanoes, he made the Frenchand English out of his breast, the Dutch out of his feet, and thelong-knives out of his hands. All these inferior races of men he madewhite and placed them beyond the stinking lake. [A] "The Shawanoes for many ages continued to be masters of the continent, using the knowledge they had received from the Great Spirit in such amanner as to be pleasing to him, and to secure their own happiness. Ina great length of time, however, they became corrupt, and the Master ofLife told them that he would take away from them the knowledge whichthey possessed, and give it to the white people, to be restored, whenby a return to good principles they would deserve it. Many ages afterthat, they saw something white approaching their shores; at first theytook it for a great bird, but they soon found it to be a monstrouscanoe filled with the very people who had got the knowledge whichbelonged to the Shawanoes. After these white people landed, they werenot content with having the knowledge which belonged to the Shawanoes, but they usurped their lands also; they pretended, indeed, to havepurchased these lands; but the very goods they gave for them, were morethe property of the Indians than the white people, because theknowledge which enabled them to manufacture these goods actuallybelonged to the Shawanoes: but these things will soon have an end. TheMaster of Life is about to restore to the Shawanoes both theirknowledge and their rights, and he will trample the long knives underhis feet. " [Footnote A: Atlantic Ocean. ] It has been already stated that, for a series of years, the severaltribes of Indians residing in the territory now forming the state ofOhio, made violent opposition to the settlement of the whites, west ofthe Alleghanies. Among the most formidable of these were the Shawanoes. The emigrants, whether male or female, old or young, were every wheremet by the torch, the tomahawk and the scalping-knife. The war-cry ofthe savage was echoed from shore to shore of the beautiful Ohio, whosewaters were but too often reddened with the blood of women andchildren. Many of those who escaped the perils of the river, and hadreared their log-cabins amid the cane-brakes of Kentucky, were doomedto encounter the same ruthless foe, and fell victims to the sameunrelenting cruelty. While the feelings are shocked at these dreadfulscenes of blood and carnage, and the Indian character rises in hideousdeformity before the mind, it is not to be forgotten that there aremany mitigating circumstances to be pleaded in behalf of theaborigines. They were an ignorant people, educated alone for war, without the lights of civilization, without the attributes of mercyshed abroad by the spirit of christianity. They were contending fortheir homes and their hunting grounds--the tombs of theirforefathers--the graves of their children. They saw the gradual, butcertain, encroachments of the whites upon their lands; and they had thesagacity to perceive, that unless this mighty wave of emigration wasarrested, it would overwhelm them. They fought as savage nature willfight, with unflinching courage and unrelenting cruelty. But it was notalone this encroachment upon their lands, which roused their savagepassions. The wanton aggressions of the whites oftentimes provoked thefearful retaliation of the red-man. The policy of the United Statestowards the Indians has generally been of a pacific and benevolentcharacter; but, in carrying out that policy, there have been manysignal and inexcusable failures. The laws enacted by congress for theprotection of the rights of the Indians, and to promote their comfortand civilization, have, in a great variety of cases, remained a deadletter upon the statute book. The agents of the government have oftenproved unfaithful, and have looked much more to their own pecuniaryinterests, than to the honest execution of the public trusts confidedto them. Nor is this all. There has ever been found upon the westernfrontiers, a band of unprincipled men who have set at defiance the lawsof the United States, debauched the Indians with ardent spirits, cheated them of their property, and then committed upon themaggressions marked with all the cruelty and wanton bloodshed which havedistinguished the career of the savage. The history of theseaggressions would fill a volume. It is only necessary to recall to themind of the reader, the horrible murder of the Conestoga Indians, inDecember 1763, by some Pennsylvanians; the dark tragedy enacted on thebanks of he Muskingum, at a later period, when the Moravian Indians, atthe three villages of Schoenbrun, Salem, and Gnadenhuetten, were firstdisarmed and then deliberately tomahawked by Williamson and hisassociates; the unprovoked murder of the family of Logan; theassassination of Bald Eagle, of the gallant and high-souled Cornstalk, and his son Elinipsico: we need but recall these, from the longcatalogue of similar cases, to satisfy every candid mind, that rapine, cruelty and a thirst for human blood are not peculiarly the attributesof the American Indian. But there are still other causes which have aroused and kept inactivity, the warlike passions of the Indians. They have beensuccessively subjected to English, Dutch, French and Spanish influence. The agents of these different powers, as well as the emigrants fromthem, either from interest or a spirit of mischievous hostility, haverepeatedly prompted the Indians to arm themselves against the UnitedStates. The great principle of the Indian wars, for the last seventyyears, has been the preservation of their lands. On this, the French, English and Spanish have in turn excited them to active resistanceagainst the expanding settlements of the whites. It was on theprinciple of recovering their lands, that the French were their alliesbetween the commencement of hostilities with the colonies, in 1754, andthe peace of 1762; and subsequently kept up an excitement among themuntil the beginning of the revolution. From this period, the Englishtook the place of the French, and instigated them in a similar manner. Their views and feelings on this point, may be gathered from their ownwords: "It was we, " say the Delawares, Mohicans and their kindred tribes, "whoso kindly received the Europeans on their first arrival into our owncountry. We took them by the hand and bid them welcome to sit down byour side, and live with us as brothers; but how did they requite ourkindness? They at first asked only for a little land, on which to raisebread for their families, and pasture for their cattle, which we freelygave them. They saw the game in the woods, which the Great Spirit hadgiven us for our subsistence, and they wanted it too. They penetratedinto the woods in quest of game, they discovered spots of land theyalso wanted, and because we were loth to part with it, as we saw theyhad already more than they had need of, they took it from us by force, and drove us to a great distance from our homes. "[A] [Footnote A: Heckewelder's historical account of the Indians. ] It is matter of history, that for a period of near seventy years afterit was planted, the colony of William Penn lived in peace and harmonywith the neighboring Indians, among whom were bands of the warlikeShawanoes. It was an observation of this venerable and worthy man, whenspeaking of the Indians, that "if you do not abuse them, but let themhave justice, you will win them, when there is such a knowledge of goodand evil. " His kind treatment to them was repaid by friendly offices, both to himself and his followers. The Indians became indeed thebenefactors of the colonists. When the latter were scattered in 1682, and without shelter or food, they were kind and attentive, and treatedthem as brothers. [A] [Footnote A: Clarkson's Life of Penn. ] Proud, in his History of Pennsylvania, when explaining the aversion ofthe Indians to christianity, attributes it to the character and conductof the whites residing near or among them, "many of whom were of thelowest rank and least informed of mankind, who flowed in from Germany, Ireland and the jails of Great Britain, or who had fled from the betterinhabited parts of the colony, to escape from justice. " The proceedingsof the assembly of Pennsylvania show that, as early as 1722, an Indianwas barbarously killed by some whites, within the limits of theprovince. The assembly proposed some measures for the governor'sconsideration in regard to the affair; and mentioned the repeatedrequests of the Indians, that strong liquors should not be carried norsold among them. In a treatise published in London, in 1759, on thecause of the then existing difficulties between the Indians and thecolonists, we find this paragraph. "It would be too shocking todescribe the conduct and behavior of the traders, when among theIndians; and endless to enumerate the abuses the Indians received andbore from them, for a series of years. Suffice it to say, that severalof the tribes were, at last, weary of bearing; and, as these traderswere the persons who were, in some part, the representatives of theEnglish among the Indians, and by whom they were to judge of ourmanners and religion, they conceived such invincible prejudices againstboth, particularly our holy religion, that when Mr. Sargeant, agentleman in New England, took a journey in 1741, to the Shawanoes andsome other tribes living on the Susquehanna, and offered to instructthem in the christian religion, they rejected his offer with disdain. They reproached Christianity. They told him the traders would lie andcheat. " In 1744, governor Thomas, in a message to the assembly ofPennsylvania, says, "I cannot but be apprehensive that the Indiantrade, as it is now carried on, will involve us in some fatal quarrelwith the Indians. Our traders, in defiance of the laws, carryspirituous liquors among them, and take advantage of their inordinateappetite for it, to cheat them of their skins, and their wampum, whichis their money. " In 1753 governor Hamilton appointed Richard Peters, Isaac Norris and Benjamin Franklin, to hold a treaty with the Indiansat Carlisle, Pennsylvania. In the report of these commissioners theysay: "But in justice to these Indians, and the promises we made them, we cannot close our report, without taking notice, that the quantity ofstrong liquors sold to these Indians, in the places of their residence, and during their hunting season, have increased to an inconceivabledegree, so as to keep these poor creatures continually under the forceof liquors, that they are thereby become dissolute, enfeebled andindolent when sober; and untractable and mischievous in their liquor, always quarreling, and often murdering one another. " Some of the chiefsat this treaty said, "these wicked whisky-sellers, when they have oncegot the Indians in liquor, make them sell their very clothes from theirbacks. In short, if this practice is continued, we must be inevitablyruined; we most earnestly, therefore, beseech you to remedy it. "[A] [Footnote A: Proud's History of Pennsylvania. ] This brief sketch of the early intercourse between the colonists andthe aborigines of this country, is not over-drawn, nor is it at allinapplicable to the period which has elapsed since the formation of thefederal government. With an insatiable cupidity and a wanton disregardof justice, have the lands and property of the Indians been sought bycitizens of the United States. The great agent of success in thisunholy business, has been ardent spirits, by means of which theirsavage reason has been overthrown, and their bad passions called intoaction. The class of reckless and desperate characters, described byProud, have hung upon the western frontiers, for the purpose of preyingupon the Indians. If government itself be not to blame, for want ofgood faith towards this miserable race, is it not highly culpable fornot having, by the strong arm of physical power, enforced the salutarylaws, which from time to time, have been enacted for their protection?Impartial posterity will, we apprehend, answer this question in theaffirmative. The Shawanoes engaged in the war between the French and English, whichcommenced in 1755, and was terminated by the peace of 10th February, 1763. In this contest they took sides with the former, and renderedthem essential service. They committed many depredations on thefrontier settlements of Pennsylvania and Virginia. The peace of 1763, between France and England, did not terminate the Indian war againstthe colonies. The Indians were displeased with the provisions of thistreaty, especially that which ceded the provinces of Canada to GreatBritain. This dissatisfaction was increased when the British governmentbegan to build forts on the Susquehanna, and to repair or erect thoseof Bedford, Ligonier, Pittsburg, Detroit, Presque Isle, St. Joseph andMichilimakinac. By this movement the Indians found themselvessurrounded, on two sides, by a cordon of forts, and were threatenedwith an extension of them into the very heart of their country. Theyhad now to choose whether they would remove to the north and west, negociate with the British government for the possession of their ownland, or take up arms for its defence. They chose the last alternative;and, a war of extermination against the English residents in thewestern country, and even those on the Susquehanna, was agreed upon andspeedily commenced. Many of the British traders living among theIndians were murdered; the forts of Presque Isle, St. Joseph andMackinac, were taken, with a general slaughter of their garrisons;while the forts of Bedford, Ligonier, Niagara, Detroit and Pitt, werebarely preserved from falling into their hands. The contest wascontinued with resolute and daring spirit, and with much destruction oflife and property, until December, 1764, when the war was brought to aclose by a treaty at the German Flats, made between Sir WilliamJohnston and the hostile Indians. Soon after the conclusion of thispeace the Shawanoes became involved in a war with the Cherokees, whichcontinued until 1768, when, pressed hard by the united force of theformer tribe and the Delawares, the southern Indians solicited andobtained a peace. [A] For the ensuing six years, the Shawanoes remainedquiet, living on amicable terms with the whites on the frontiers: inApril, 1774, however, hostilities between these parties were renewed. [Footnote A: Thatcher's Indian Biography. ] It is not our purpose in the present sketch of this tribe, to present adetail of all their conflicts with the whites; but the "Dunmore war, "(as it is generally called, ) of 1774, having been mainly prosecuted byShawanoes, one of their distinguished chiefs having commanded in thebattle of Point Pleasant, and another, Puckecheno, (the father ofTecumseh, ) having fallen in this engagement, would seem to render afull account of the border feuds of this year, not out of place in thepresent narrative. In the latter part of April, 1774, a report that the Indians had stolensome horses, from the vicinity of Wheeling, alarmed the whites who weremaking settlements on the Ohio below that place. For greater safetythey immediately assembled on Wheeling creek, and learning that twoIndians were with some traders above the town, they went up the river, and without stopping to enquire as to their guilt, deliberately putthem to death. On the afternoon of the same day, they found a party ofIndians on the Ohio, below Wheeling creek, on whom they fired, andkilled several. The Indians returned the fire and wounded one of theassailing party. It is admitted by all the authorities on this subject, that the two Indians killed above Wheeling, were shot by men under thecommand of colonel Michael Cresap. Mr. Jefferson, in his Notes onVirginia, states that the second attack, in which one of Logan's familyis alleged to have been killed, was also headed by Cresap; and, in thishe is sustained by Doddridge, Heckewelder and others; but it is deniedby Jacob. "Pursuing these examples, " says Mr. Jefferson, "DanielGreathouse and one Tomlinson, who lived on the opposite side of theriver from the Indians, and were in habits of friendship with them, collected at the house of Polk, on Cross creek, about sixteen milesfrom Baker's bottom, a party of thirty-two men. Their object was toattack a hunting party of Indians, consisting of men, women andchildren, at the mouth of Yellow creek, some distance above Wheeling. They proceeded, and when arrived near Baker's bottom they concealedthemselves, and Greathouse crossed the river to the Indian camp. Beingamong them as a friend, he counted them and found them too strong foran open attack with his force. While here, he was cautioned by one ofthe women not to stay, for that the Indian men were drinking; andhaving heard of Cresap's murder of their relatives at Grave creek, wereangry; and she pressed him in a friendly manner to go home; whereupon, after inviting them to come over and drink, he returned to Baker's, which was a tavern, and desired that when any of them should come tohis house, he would give them as much rum as they could drink. Whenthis plot was ripe, and a sufficient number of them had collected atBaker's and become intoxicated, he and his party fell on them andmassacred the whole except a little girl, whom they preserved as aprisoner. Among them was the very woman who had saved his life bypressing him to retire from the drunken wrath of her friends, when hewas playing the spy in their camp at Yellow creek. Either she herselfor some other one of the murdered women was the sister of Logan; therewere others of his relations who fell at the same time. The party onthe opposite side of the river, upon hearing the report of the guns, became alarmed for their friends at Baker's house, immediately mannedtwo canoes and sent them over. They were met by a fire fromGreathouse's party, as they approached the shore, which killed some, wounded others, and obliged the remainder to return. Baker subsequentlystated, that six or eight were wounded and twelve killed. " The settlers along the frontier, satisfied that the Indians wouldretaliate upon them, for these unprovoked aggressions, either returnedto the interior of the country, or gathered in forts, and madepreparation for resistance. The assembly of the colony of Virginiabeing then in session, an express was sent to the seat of government, announcing the commencement of hostilities with the Indians, and askingassistance. In the month of May, the excitement among the Indians wasstill further increased by the murder of the Delaware sachem, "BaldEagle, " and the wounding of "Silver Heels, " a popular chief of theShawanoe tribe. Bald Eagle was an aged, harmless man, who was in thehabit of visiting the whites on the most friendly terms. At the periodof his death, he was returning alone, in his canoe, from a visit to thefort at the mouth of the Kanawha. The individual who committed themurder, having scalped him, placed the body in a sitting posture in thecanoe and suffered it to float down the stream, in which condition itwas found by the Indians. Silver Heels was returning from Albany to theOhio, having been to that city as the voluntary escort of some whitetraders, who were fleeing from the frontiers. He was fired upon anddangerously wounded while crossing Big Beaver in a canoe. Such weresome of the causes which called into action the vindictive feelings ofthe Indians. The distinguished Mingo chief, Logan, was roused to action by themurder of his relatives at Yellow creek; and in the course of thesummer, led some war parties against the whites, and destroyed severalfamilies. The Earl of Dunmore, then governor of the colony of Virginia, made arrangements for a campaign against the Indians, but it was notuntil September, that his forces were brought into the field. Heordered three regiments to be raised west of the Blue Ridge, thecommand of which was given to general Andrew Lewis. A similar army wasassembled from the interior, the command of which the Earl assumed inperson. The mouth of the Great Kanawha was the point at which twodivisions of the army were to meet; from whence, under the command ofgovernor Dunmore, they were to march against the Indian towns on thenorth side of the Ohio. General Lewis' division amounted to elevenhundred men, most of whom were accustomed to danger, and with theirofficers, familiar with the modes of Indian warfare. On the eleventh ofSeptember, general Lewis moved from his camp, in the vicinity ofLewisburg, and after a march of nineteen days, traversing a wildernessthrough the distance of one hundred and sixty-five-miles, he reachedthe mouth of the Kanawha, and made an encampment at that point. Here hewaited several days for the arrival of governor Dunmore, who, with thedivision under his command, was to have met him at this place. Disappointed in not hearing from Dunmore, general Lewis despatched somescouts, over land to Pittsburg, to obtain intelligence of him. On theninth of October, and before the return of these scouts, an expressfrom Dunmore arrived in camp, with information that he had changed hisplan of operations; and intended to march directly against the Indiantowns on the Scioto; and directing general Lewis to cross the Ohio andjoin him. Preparations were making to obey this order, when, aboutsunrise, on the morning of the tenth, a large body of Indians wasdiscovered within a mile of the camp. Two detachments were ordered outby general Lewis, to meet the enemy, one under the command of colonelCharles Lewis, the other under colonel Fleming. The former marched tothe right, some distance from the Ohio, the latter to the left, on thebank of that stream. Colonel Lewis had not proceeded half a mile fromthe camp, when, soon after sunrise, his front line was vigorouslyattacked by the united tribes of the Shawanoes, Delawares, Mingoes, Ioways, and some others, in number between eight hundred and onethousand. At the commencement of the attack, colonel Lewis received awound, which in the course of a few hours proved fatal: several of hismen were killed at the same time, and his division was forced to fallback. In about a minute after the attack upon Lewis, the enemy engagedthe front of the other division, on the bank of the Ohio, and in ashort time, colonel Fleming, the leader of it, was severely wounded, and compelled to retire to the camp. Colonel Lewis' division having nowbeen reinforced from the camp, pressed upon the Indians until they hadfallen back in a line with Fleming's division. During this time, itbeing now twelve o'clock, the action continued with unabated severity. The close underwood, the ravines and fallen trees, favored the Indians;and while the bravest of their warriors fought from behind thesecoverts, others were throwing their dead into the Ohio, and carryingoff their wounded. In their slow retreat, the Indians, about oneo'clock, gained a very advantageous position, from which it appeared toour officers so difficult to dislodge them, that it was deemedadvisable to maintain the line as then formed, which was about a mileand a quarter in length. In this position, the action was continued, with more or less severity, until sundown, when, night coming on, theIndians effected a safe retreat. [A] [Footnote A: Official Report, xii. Vol. , Niles Register. ] McClung, in his valuable Sketches of Western Adventure, in describingthis sanguinary battle, speaks of the Indians fighting from behind abreastwork; Stone, in his Life of Brant, says the Indians were forcedto avail themselves of a rude breastwork of logs and brushwood, whichthey had taken the precaution to construct for the occasion. There mustbe some mistake in regard to this breastwork, as it is evident from thecircumstances of the case, that the Indians could not, before thebattle, have erected one so near the camp without discovery; and afterthe action commenced, it was too fiercely prosecuted for a rampart ofthis kind to have been thrown up. In regard to the number killed on either side, there is no very certaininformation. Doddridge, in his Notes on the Indian wars, places thenumber of whites killed in this action at seventy-five, and the woundedat one hundred and forty. Campbell, in his History of Virginia, saysthe number of whites who were killed was upwards of fifty, and thatninety were wounded, which is probably near the truth. The Indian forceengaged in this action has been estimated by different writers, at fromeight hundred to fifteen hundred men. It is probable that the numberdid not exceed eight hundred. They were led on by some bold and warlikechiefs, among them Cornstalk, Logan, Elenipsico, Red Eagle, andPackishenoah, the last of whom was killed. Cornstalk, the chief incommand, was conspicuous for his bravery, and animated his followers intones which rose above the clash of arms; and when a retreat becamenecessary, conducted it so successfully and with so much delay, as togive his men an opportunity of bearing off all their wounded and manyof the killed, whose bodies were thrown into the river. The loss of theIndians was never ascertained. One of the historians already quoted, speaks of it as "comparatively trifling. " The character of our troops, many of whom were experienced woods-men, familiar with Indian fighting, the long continuance of the action--from the rising to the going downof the sun--the equality in numbers and position of the contendingparties, the known usage of the Indians in hiding their dead andcarrying off the wounded, the number of killed found on the battleground the following day, and the severe loss of the Virginians, allforbid the idea that the loss of the enemy could have been trifling. The Ohio and Kanawha rivers afforded them opportunities for concealingtheir dead, while the plan of retreat, --alternately giving ground andrenewing the attack, --was no doubt adopted for the purpose of gainingtime to remove the wounded across the Ohio. It is fair to assume thatthe loss of the Indians was not far short of that sustained by thewhites. All circumstances considered, this battle may be ranked among the mostmemorable, and well contested, that has been fought on this continent. The leaders, on either side, were experienced and able, the soldiersskilful and brave. The victorious party, if either could be so called, had as little to boast of as the vanquished. It was alike creditable tothe Anglo-Saxon and the aboriginal arms. After the Indians had recrossed the Ohio, they marched to the valley ofthe Scioto, and encamped on the east side of that stream, about eightmiles north of where Chillicothe now stands. Here a council was held todecide upon their future movements. Cornstalk, although true to theinterests of the Shawanoes, was the friend of peace, and had beenopposed to making the attack on the troops of general Lewis. Beingoverruled, he entered into the action determined to do his duty. He nowrose in the council and demanded, "_What shall we do now? The LongKnives are coming upon us by two routes. Shall we turn out and fightthem_?" No reply being made to his questions, he continued, "shall wekill all our women and children, and then fight until we are all killedourselves?" The chiefs were still silent. Cornstalk turned round, andstriking his tomahawk into the war-post standing in the midst of thecouncil, said with his characteristic energy of manner, "_Since you arenot inclined to fight, I will go and make peace_. " In the meantime the earl of Dunmore, having procured boats at fortPitt, descended the river to Wheeling, where the army halted for a fewdays, and then proceeded down the river in about one hundred canoes, afew keel boats and perogues, to the mouth of Hockhocking, and fromthence over land, until the army had got within a few miles of theShawanoe camp. Here the army halted, and made a breastwork of fallentrees, and entrenchments of such extent as to include about twelveacres of ground, with an enclosure in the centre containing about oneacre. This was the citadel, which contained the markees of the earl andhis superior officers. [A] Before the army of Dunmore had reached thispoint, he had been met by messengers from the Indians suing for peace. General Lewis, in the meantime, did not remain inactive. The day afterthe battle he proceeded to bury his dead, and to throw up a rudeentrenchment around his camp, and appoint a guard for the protection ofthe sick and wounded. On the succeeding day he crossed the Ohio withhis army, and commenced his march through a trackless desert, for theShawanoe towns on the Scioto. Governor Dunmore, having determined tomake peace with the Indians, sent an express to general Lewis, orderinghim to retreat across the Ohio. The order was disregarded, and themarch continued until the governor in person, met the general andperemptorily repeated it. General Lewis and his troops, burning with adesire of avenging the Indian massacres, and the loss of their bravecompanions in the late battle, reluctantly obeyed the command ofDunmore; and turned their faces homewards. When the governor and hisofficers had returned to their camp, on the following day, the treatywith the Indians was opened. For fear of treachery, only eighteenIndians were permitted to attend their chiefs within the encampment, and they were required to leave their arms behind them. The conferencewas commenced by Cornstalk, in a long, bold and spirited speech, inwhich the white people were charged with being the authors of the war, by their aggressions upon the Indians at Captina and Yellow creek. Logan, the celebrated Mingo chief, refused to attend, although willingto make peace. His influence with the Indians made it important tosecure his concurrence in the proposed treaty. Dunmore sent a specialmessenger, (colonel John Gibson, ) to him. They met alone in the woods, where Logan delivered to him his celebrated speech. Colonel Gibsonwrote it down, returned to Dunmore's camp, read the speech in thecouncil, and the terms of the peace were then agreed on. What thoseterms were, is not fully known. No copy of the treaty can now be found, although diligent enquiry has been made for it. Burk, in his History ofVirginia, says, that the peace was on "condition that the lands on_this side of the Ohio_ should be for ever ceded to the whites; thattheir prisoners should be delivered up, and that four hostages shouldbe immediately given for the faithful performance of these conditions. "Campbell, in his History of Virginia, says, the Indians "agreed to giveup their lands on this side of the Ohio, and set at liberty theirprisoners. " Butler, in his History of Kentucky, remarks that, "such atreaty appears at this day, to be utterly beyond the advantages whichcould have been claimed from Dunmore's expedition?" This is undoubtedlya reasonable conclusion. The statement in Doddridge, that "on our partwe obtained at the treaty a cessation of hostilities and a surrender ofprisoners, and nothing more, " is most probably the true version of theterms of this peace. If an important grant of land had been obtained bythis treaty, copies of it would have been preserved in the publicarchives, and references in subsequent treaties, would have been madeto it; but such seems not to have been the case. The conclusion mostbe, that it was only a treaty for the cessation of hostilities and thesurrender of prisoners. [Footnote A: Doddridge's Indian Wars. ] There have been various speculations as to the causes which inducedgovernor Dunmore to order the retreat of the army under general Lewis, before the treaty was concluded. However desirous of a peace, thepresence of an additional force would only have rendered that resultmore certain. It was believed by some of the officers of the army, andthe opinion has been held by several writers since, that after governorDunmore started on this expedition, he was advised of the strongprobability of a war between Great Britain and her colonies; and thatall his subsequent measures were shaped with a reference to making theIndians the allies of England in the expected contest. On thissupposition, his conduct in not joining general Lewis at the mouth ofthe Kanawha, in risking his own detachment in the enemy's country, andin positively forbidding the other wing of the army from uniting withhis, at camp Charlotte, has been explained. There are certainlyplausible grounds for believing that governor Dunmore at this time, hadmore at heart the interests of Great Britain than of the colonies. Soon after the conclusion of this war, the Shawanoes, with other tribesof the north-western Indians, took part with England in the war withthe colonies; nor did the peace of 1783 put an end to thesehostilities. The settlement of the valley of the Ohio by the whites, was boldly and perseveringly resisted; nor was the tomahawk buried bythe Indians, until after the decisive battle at the rapids of the Miamiof the lakes, on the 20th of August, 1794. The proximity of theShawanoe towns to the Ohio river--the great highway of emigration tothe west--and the facility with which the infant settlements inKentucky could be reached, rendered this warlike tribe an annoying anddangerous neighbor. Led on by some daring chiefs; fighting for theirfavorite hunting-grounds, and stimulated to action by British agents, the Shawanoes, for a series of years, pressed sorely upon the newsettlements; and are supposed to have caused the destruction of moreproperty and a greater number of lives, than all the other tribes ofthe north-west united. They participated in most of the predatoryexcursions into Kentucky. They were present at the celebrated attack onBryant's station; they fought with their characteristic bravery in thebattle of the Blue Licks, and participated in colonel Byrd's hostileexcursion up Licking river, and the destruction of Martin's andRiddle's stations. In turn, they were compelled to stand on thedefensive, and to encounter the gallant Kentuckians on the north sideof the Ohio. Bowman's expedition in 1779, to the waters of Mad river;Clark's in 1780 and 1782, and Logan's in 1786, to the same point;Edwards' in 1787, to the head waters of the Big Miami; and Todd's in1788, into the Scioto valley--not to name several minor ones--werechiefly directed against the Shawanoes; and resulted in the destructionof two or three of their principal villages, but not without a fierceand bloody resistance. The Shawanoes were likewise found in hostilityto the United States, in the campaigns of Harmar, St. Clair and Wayne. They united in the treaty of Greenville, in 1795; and with theexception of a few who fought at Tippecanoe, remained at peace withthis government until the war with Great Britain, in 1812, in which aconsiderable body of them became the allies of the latter power. Someof the tribe, however, remained neutral in that contest, and othersjoined the United States, and continued faithful until the peace of1815. WEYAPIERSENWAH, OR BLUE JACKET. In the campaign of general Harmar, in the year 1790, Blue Jacket--aninfluential Shawanoe chief--was associated with the Miami chief, LittleTurtle, in the command of the Indians. In the battle of the 20th ofAugust 1794, when the combined army of the Indians was defeated bygeneral Wayne, Blue Jacket had the chief control. The flight previousto the battle, while the Indians were posted at Presque Isle, a councilwas held, composed of chiefs from the Miamis, Potawatimies, Delawares, Shawanoes, Chippewas, Ottawas and Senecas--the seven nations engaged inthe action. They decided against the proposition to attack generalWayne that night in his encampment. The expediency of meeting him thenext day then came up for consideration. Little Turtle was opposed tothis measure, but being warmly supported by Blue Jacket, it was finallyagreed upon. The former was strongly inclined to peace, and decidedlyopposed to risking a battle under the circumstances in which theIndians were then placed. "We have beaten the enemy, " said he, "twice, under separate commanders. We cannot expect the same good fortunealways to attend us. The Americans are now led by a chief who neversleeps. The night and the day are alike to him; and, during all thetime that he has been marching upon our villages, notwithstanding thewatchfulness of our young men, we have never been able to surprise him. Think well of it. There is something whispers me, it would be prudentto listen to his offers of peace. " The councils of Blue Jacket, however, prevailed over the better judgment of Little Turtle. Thebattle was fought and the Indians defeated. In the month of October following this defeat, Blue Jacket concurred inthe expediency of sueing for peace, and at the head of a deputation ofchiefs, was about to bear a flag to general Wayne, then at Greenville, when the mission was arrested by foreign influence. Governor Simcoe, colonel McKee and the Mohawk chief, captain John Brant, having incharge one hundred and fifty Mohawks and Messasagoes, arrived at therapids of the Maumee, and invited the chiefs of the combined army tomeet them at the mouth of the Detroit river, on the 10th of October. Tothis Blue Jacket assented, for the purpose of hearing what the Britishofficers had to propose. Governor Simcoe urged the Indians to retaintheir hostile attitude towards the United States. In referring to theencroachments of the people of this country on the Indian lands, hesaid, "Children: I am still of the opinion that the Ohio is your rightand title. I have given orders to the commandant of fort Miami to fireon the Americans whenever they make their appearance again. I will godown to Quebec, and lay your grievances before the great man. Fromthence they will be forwarded to the king, your father. Next spring youwill know the result of every thing what you and I will do. " He urgedthe Indians to obtain a cessation of hostilities, until the followingspring, when the English would be ready to attack the Americans, and bydriving them back across the Ohio, restore their lands to theIndians. [A] These counsels delayed the conclusion of peace until thefollowing summer. [Footnote A: Amer. State Papers, vol. 5, p. 529. Stone's Life of Brant, vol. 2, p. 392. ] Blue Jacket was present at the treaty of Greenville in 1795, andconducted himself with moderation and dignity. Upon his arrival at thatplace, in excuse for not having met general Wayne at an earlier period, he said, "Brother, when I came here last winter, I did not mean todeceive you. What I promised you I did intend to perform. My wish toconclude a firm peace with you being sincere, my uneasiness has beengreat that my people have not come forward so soon as you could wish, or might expect. But you must not be discouraged by these unfavorableappearances. Some of our chiefs and warriors are here; more will arrivein a few days. You must not, however, expect to see a great number. Yet, notwithstanding, our nation will be well represented. Our heartsare open and void of deceit. " On the second day of the council, Blue Jacket made a remark, showingthe relation subsisting between the Shawanoes and some other tribes, towhich allusion has been made already. "Brothers: I hope you will not take amiss my changing my seat in thiscouncil. You all know the Wyandots are our uncles, and the Delawaresour grandfathers, and that the Shawanoes are the elder brothers of theother nations present. It is, therefore, proper that I should sit nextmy grandfathers and uncles. I hope, younger brothers, you are allsatisfied with what your uncles said yesterday, and that I have doneevery thing in my power to advise and support you. " At the conclusion of the treaty Blue Jacket rose and said: "Elder Brother, and you, my brothers, present: you see me now presentmyself as a war-chief to lay down that commission, and place myself inthe rear of my village chiefs, who for the future will command me. Remember, brother's, you have all buried your war hatchet. Yourbrothers, the Shawanoes, now do the same good act. We must think of warno more. "Elder Brother: you see now all the chiefs and warriors around you, have joined in the good work of peace, which is now accomplished. Wenow request you to inform our elder brother, general Washington, of it;and of the cheerful unanimity which has marked their determination. Wewish you to enquire of him if it would be agreeable that two chiefsfrom each nation should pay him a visit, and take him by the hand; foryour younger brothers have a strong desire to see that great man and toenjoy the pleasure of conversing with him. " We are indebted to major Galloway of Xenia, for the following anecdoteof this chief: "In the spring of 1800, Blue Jacket and another chief, whose name Ihave forgotten, boarded for several weeks at my father's, in Greencounty, at the expense of a company of Kentuckians, who engaged BlueJacket, for a valuable consideration, to show them a great silver mine, which tradition said was known to the Indians, as existing on Redriver, one of the head branches of the Kentucky. A Mr. Jonathan Flack, agent of this company, had previously spent several months among theShawanoes, at their towns and hunting camps, in order to induce thischief to show this great treasure. At the time agreed on, ten or twelveof the company came from Kentucky to meet Blue Jacket at my father's, where a day or two was spent in settling the terms upon which he wouldaccompany them; the crafty chief taking his own time to deliberate onthe offers made him, and rising in his demands in proportion to theirgrowing eagerness to possess the knowledge which was to bring untoldwealth to all the company. At length the bargain was made; horses, goods and money were given as presents, and the two chiefs with theirsquaws, were escorted in triumph to Kentucky, where they were feastedand caressed in the most flattering manner, and all their wantsanticipated and liberally supplied. In due time and with all possiblesecrecy, they visited the region where this great mine was said to beemboweled in the earth. Here the wily Shawanoe spent some time inseclusion, in order to humble himself by fastings, purifications and_pow-wowings_, with a view to propitiate the Great Spirit; and to getHis permission to disclose the grand secret of the mine. An equivocalanswer was all the response that was given to him in his dreams; and, after many days of fruitless toil and careful research, the mine, thegreat object so devoutly sought and wished for, could not be found. Thecunning Blue Jacket, however, extricated himself with much address fromthe anticipated vengeance of the disappointed worshippers of Plutus, bycharging his want of success to his eyes, which were dimmed by reasonof his old age; and by promising to send his son on his return home, whose eyes were young and good, and who knew the desired spot and wouldshow it. The son, however, never visited the scene of his father'sfailure; and thus ended the adventures of the celebrated mining companyof Kentucky. " CATAHECASSA, OR BLACK-HOOF. Among the celebrated chiefs of the Shawanoes, Black Hoof is entitled toa high rank. He was born in Florida, and at the period of the removalof a portion of that tribe to Ohio and Pennsylvania, was old enough torecollect having bathed in the salt water. He was present with othersof his tribe, at the defeat of Braddock, near Pittsburg, in 1755, andwas engaged in all the wars in Ohio from that time until the treaty ofGreenville, in 1795. Such was the sagacity of Black Hoof in planninghis military expeditions, and such the energy with which he executedthem, that he won the confidence of his whole nation, and was never ata loss for _braves_ to fight under his banner. "He was known far andwide, as the great Shawanoe warrior, whose cunning, sagacity andexperience were only equalled by the fierce and desperate bravery withwhich he carried into operation his military plans. Like the otherShawanoe chiefs, he was the inveterate foe of the white man, and heldthat no peace should be made, nor any negotiation attempted, except onthe condition that the whites should repass the mountains, and leavethe great plains of the west to the sole occupancy of the nativetribes. "He was the orator of his tribe during the greater part of his longlife, and was an excellent speaker. The venerable colonel Johnston ofPiqua, to whom we are indebted for much valuable information, describeshim as the most graceful Indian he had ever seen, and as possessing themost natural and happy faculty of expressing his ideas. He was wellversed in the traditions of his people; no one understood better theirpeculiar relations to the whites, whose settlements were graduallyencroaching on them, or could detail with more minuteness the wrongswith which his nation was afflicted. But although a stern anduncompromising opposition to the whites had marked his policy through aseries of forty years, and nerved his arm in a hundred battles, hebecame at length convinced of the madness of an ineffectual struggleagainst a vastly superior and hourly increasing foe. No sooner had hesatisfied himself of this truth, than he acted upon it with thedecision which formed a prominent trait in his character. The temporarysuccess of the Indians in several engagements previous to the campaignof general Wayne, had kept alive their expiring hopes; but their signaldefeat by that gallant officer, convinced the more reflecting of theirleaders of the desperate character of the conflict. Black Hoof wasamong those who decided upon making terms with the victorious Americancommander; and having signed the treaty of 1795, at Greenville, hecontinued faithful to his stipulations during the remainder of hislife. From that day he ceased to be the enemy of the white man; and ashe was not one who could act a negative part, he became the firm allyand friend of those against whom his tomahawk had been so long raisedin vindictive animosity. He was their friend, not from sympathy orconviction, but in obedience to a necessity which left no middlecourse, and under a belief that submission alone could save his tribefrom destruction; and having adopted this policy, his sagacity andsense of honor, alike forbade a recurrence either to open war or secrethostility. "Black Hoof was the principal chief of the Shawanoe nation, andpossessed all the influence and authority which are usually attached tothat office, at the period when Tecumseh and his brother the Prophetcommenced their hostile operations against the United States. Tecumsehhad never been reconciled to the whites. As sagacious and as brave asBlack Hoof, and resembling him in all the better traits of savagecharacter, he differed widely from that respectable chief in hispolitical opinions. They were both patriotic in the proper sense of theword, and earnestly desired to preserve the remnant of their tribe fromthe destruction that threatened the whole Indian race. Black Hoof, whose long and victorious career as a warrior placed his courage farabove suspicion, submitted to what he believed inevitable, andendeavoured to evade the effects of the storm by bending beneath itsfury; while Tecumseh, a younger man, an influential warrior, but not achief, with motives equally public spirited, was, no doubt, unconsciously biassed by personal ambition, and suffered his hatred tothe white man to master every other feeling and consideration. The onewas a leader of ripened fame, who had reached the highest place in hisnation, and could afford to retire from the active scenes of warfare;the other was a candidate for higher honors than he had yet achieved;and both might have been actuated by a common impulse of rivalry, whichinduced them to espouse different opinions in opposition to eachother. "[A] [Footnote A: History of the Indian Tribes of N. America. ] When Tecumseh and the Prophet embarked in their scheme for the recoveryof the lands as far south as the Ohio river, it became their interestas well as policy to enlist Black Hoof in the enterprise; and everyeffort which the genius of the one and the cunning of the other, coulddevise, was brought to bear upon him. But Black Hoof continued faithfulto the treaty which he had signed at Greenville, in 1795, and byprudence and influence kept the greater part of his tribe from joiningthe standard of Tecumseh or engaging on the side of the British in thelate war with England. In that contest he became the ally of the UnitedStates, and although he took no active part in it, he exerted a verysalutary influence over his tribe. In January, 1813, he visited generalTapper's camp, at fort McArthur, and while there, about ten o'clock onenight, when sitting by the fire in company with the general and severalother officers, some one fired a pistol through a hole in the wall ofthe hut, and shot Black Hoof in the face: the ball entered the cheek, glanced against the bone, and finally lodged in his neck: he fell, andfor some time was supposed to be dead, but revived, and afterwardsrecovered from this severe wound. The most prompt and diligent enquiryas to the author of this cruel and dastardly act, failed to lead to hisdetection. No doubt was entertained that this attempt at assassinationwas made by a white man, stimulated perhaps by no better excuse thanthe memory of some actual or ideal wrong, inflicted on some of his ownrace by an unknown hand of kindred colour with that of his intendedvictim. [A] [Footnote A: James Galloway. ] Black Hoof was opposed to polygamy, and to the practice of burningprisoners. He is reported to have lived forty years with one wife, andto have reared a numerous family of children, who both loved andesteemed him. His disposition was cheerful, and his conversationsprightly and agreeable. In stature he was small, being not more thanfive feet eight inches in height. He was favored with good health, andunimpaired eye sight to the period of his death, which occurred atWapakonatta, in the year 1831, at the age of one hundred and ten years. CORNSTALK. The reader of these pages is already familiar with the name ofCornstalk, "the mighty Cornstalk, sachem of the Shawanoes, and king ofthe Northern Confederacy. " His conduct in the memorable battle of PointPleasant establishes his fame as an able and gallant warrior. Hecarried into that action the skill of an accomplished general, and theheroism of a dauntless brave. Neither a thirst for blood, nor the loveof renown, ever prompted him to arms. He was the open advocate forhonorable peace--the avowed and devoted friend of the whites. But heloved his own people and the hunting grounds in which they roamed; and, when his country's wrongs demanded redress, he became the "thunderboltof war, " and avenged the aggressions upon his tribe with energy andpower. He fought, however, that peace might reign; and, after thebattle in which he so highly distinguished himself, was the first amonghis associated chiefs to propose a cessation of hostilities. While hemourned over the inevitable doom of the Indians, he had the sagacity toperceive that all efforts to avert it, were not only useless, but, inthe end, reacted upon them with withering influence. He has been justly called a great and a good man. He was the zealousfriend of the Moravian missions; and warmly encouraged every effort toameliorate the moral and physical condition of his people. "His noblebearing, " says Mr. Withers, "his generous and disinterested attachmentto the colonies, when the thunder of British cannon was reverberatingthrough the land, his anxiety to preserve the frontier of Virginia fromdesolation and death, (the object of his visit to Point Pleasant, ) allconspired to win for him the esteem and respect of others; while theuntimely and perfidious manner of his death, caused a deep and lastingregret to pervade the bosoms even of those who were enemies to hisnation; and excited the just indignation of all towards his inhuman andbarbarous murderers. " The strong native powers of his mind had beenmore enriched by observation, travel and intercourse with the whites, than is usual among the Indian chiefs. He was familiarly acquaintedwith the topography and geography of the north-west, even beyond theMississippi river, and possessed an accurate knowledge of the varioustreaties between the whites and the Indian tribes of this region, andthe relative rights of each party. At the treaty with Dunmore, he made a speech alike creditable to hislove of country and his sense of justice. He pourtrayed, in livingcolors, the wrongs inflicted upon the Indians by the colonists, andplaced in strong contrast the former and present condition of hisnation, the one being happy and prosperous, the other degraded andoppressed. He spoke in a strain of manly boldness of the repeatedperfidy of the white people; and especially, of the unblushingdishonesty of the traders; and, finally concluded by proposing as oneof the fundamental provisions of the treaty, that no commerce with theIndians should be carried on for individual profit, but that honest menshould be sent among them by their white brother, with such things asthey needed, to be exchanged, at a fair price, for their skins andfurs: and still further, that no "fire-water, " of any kind, should beintroduced among them, inasmuch as it depraved his people andstimulated them to aggressions upon their white brethren. As an orator, the fame of Cornstalk stands high. Colonel BenjaminWilson, an officer in Dunmore's campaign, in 1774, who was present atthe interview (at camp Charlotte) between the chiefs and the governor, in speaking of Cornstalk, says, "when he arose, he was in no wiseconfused or daunted, but spoke in a distinct and audible voice, withoutstammering or repetition, and with peculiar emphasis. His looks, whileaddressing Dunmore, were truly grand and majestic, yet graceful andattractive. I have heard the first orators in Virginia, --Patrick Henryand Richard Henry Lee, --but never have I heard one whose powers ofdelivery surpassed those of Cornstalk. " The treaty at camp Charlotte did not bring much repose to the frontier. In the course of the two years succeeding it, new difficulties arosebetween the Indians and the inhabitants of western Virginia. Early inthe spring of 1777, several tribes joined in an offensive allianceagainst the latter. Cornstalk exerted all his influence to arrest it, but in vain. Sincerely desirous of averting war, he resolved tocommunicate this condition of affairs to the Virginians, in the hopethat they might dissipate the impending war-cloud. This information hedetermined to give in person. Taking with him Red Hawk, and one otherIndian, he went secretly to the fort at Point Pleasant, with a flag ofpeace, and presented himself to the commander of that post. Afterstating to him the object of the mission, and fully explaining thesituation of the confederate tribes and their contemplated attack uponthe whites, he remarked, in regard to his own, "the current sets (withthe Indians, ) so strong against the Americans, in consequence of theagency of the British, that they (the Shawanoes) will float with it, Ifear, in spite of all my exertions. " No sooner had this informationbeen given to the commander, captain Matthew Arbuckle, than he decided, in violation of all good faith, to detain the two chiefs as hostages, to prevent the meditated attack on the settlements. This he did; andimmediately gave information to the executive of Virginia, who orderedadditional troops to the frontier. In the mean time, the officers inthe fort held frequent conversations with Cornstalk, whose intelligenceequally surprised and pleased them. He took pleasure in giving themminute descriptions of his country, its rivers, prairies and lakes, itsgame and other productions. One day, as he was drawing a rude map onthe floor, for the gratification of those present, a call was heardfrom the opposite shore of the Ohio, which he at once recognized as thevoice of his favorite son, Elenipsico, a noble minded youth, who hadfought by his father's side in the battle of Point Pleasant. At therequest of Cornstalk, Elenipsico crossed over the river, and joined himin the fort, where they had an affectionate and touching meeting. Theson had become uneasy at his father's long absence; and regardless ofdanger, had visited this place in search of him. It happened on thefollowing day that two white men, belonging to the fort, crossed overthe Kanawha, upon a hunting excursion; as they were returning to theirboat, they were fired upon by some Indians in ambush, and one of thehunters, named Gilmore, was killed, the other making his escape. Thenews of this murder having reached the fort, a party of captain Hall'smen crossed the river and brought in the body of Gilmore; whereupon thecry was raised, "let us go and kill the Indians in the fort. " Aninfuriated gang, with captain Hall at their head, instantly started, and in despite of all remonstrance, and the most solemn assurances thatthe murderers of Gilmore had no connection whatever with the imprisonedchiefs, they persisted in their cruel and bloody purpose, swearing, with guns in their hands, that they would shoot any one who attemptedto oppose them. In the mean time, the interpreter's wife, who had beena captive among the Indians, and had a feeling of regard for Cornstalkand his companions, perceiving their danger, ran to the cabin to tellthem of it; and to let them know that Hall and his party chargedElenipsico with having brought with him the Indians who had killedGilmore. This, however, the youthful chief denied most positively, asserting that he came unattended by any one, and for the singlepurpose of learning the fate of his father. At this time captain Halland his followers, in despite of the remonstance and command of captainArbuckle, were approaching the cabin of the prisoners. For a moment, Elenipsico manifested some agitation. His father spoke and encouragedhim to be calm, saying, "my son, the Great Spirit has seen fit that weshould die together, and has sent you here to that end. It is his will, and let us submit; it is all for the best;" and turning round to meetthe assassins at the door, was shot with seven bullets, and expiredwithout a groan. The momentary agitation of Elenipsico passed off, andkeeping his seat, he met his death with stern and heroic apathy. RedHawk manifested less resolution, and made a fruitless effort to concealhimself in the chimney of the cabin. He was discovered and instantlyshot. The fourth Indian was then slowly and cruelly put to death. Thusterminated this dark and fearful tragedy--leaving a foul blot on thepage of history, which all the waters of the beautiful Ohio, on whosebanks it was perpetrated, can never wash out, and the remembrance ofwhich will long outlive the heroic and hapless nation which gave birthto the noble Cornstalk. SPEMICA-LAWBA--THE HIGH HORN, generally known as CAPTAIN LOGAN In September, 1786, captain Benjamin Logan, of Kentucky, led anexpedition of mounted men from that state against the Shawanoes, on thenorth side of the Ohio, and destroyed the Machachac towns on the watersof Mad river. Most of the warriors happened to be absent from thevillages when the invading army reached them. About thirty persons werecaptured, chiefly women and children. After the slight resistance whichwas made by the Indians had ceased, captain Logan's men were bothannoyed and endangered by some arrows, shot among them by an invisiblebut not unpractised hand. After considerable search, in the tall grassaround the camp, an Indian youth was discovered, who with his bow and aquiver of arrows, had concealed himself in a position from which hecould successfully throw his darts against the enemy: that intrepid boywas Logan, the subject of the present biographical sketch. He likewisewas made prisoner, and with the others carried to Kentucky. Thecommander of the expedition was so much pleased with the bold conductof this boy, that upon returning home, he made him a member of his ownfamily, in which he resided some years, until at length, at a councilfor the exchange of prisoners, held on the bank of the Ohio, oppositeto Maysville, between some Shawanoe chiefs and a deputation of citizensfrom Kentucky, our young hero was permitted to return to his nativeland. He was ever afterwards known by the name of Logan. Of the family of this distinguished individual, we have been enabled toglean but few particulars. In M'Afee's History of the Late War, and inButler's History of Kentucky, he is represented to have been the son ofTecumseh's sister: this is manifestly an error; there was norelationship between them, either by blood or marriage. Logan was a member of the Machachac tribe of the Shawanoes, and waselevated to the rank of a civil chief on account of his many estimablequalities, both intellectual and moral. He was a married man, and leftbehind him a wife and several children--requesting on his death bedthat they might be sent into Kentucky, and placed under the patronageof his friend, colonel Hardin, who had married the daughter of hisearly patron, captain Logan. This, however, was not done, owing toobjections interposed by the wife. The personal appearance of Logan wasremarkably good, being six feet in height, finely formed and weighingnear two hundred pounds. From the period of his residence in Kentucky, to that of his death, Logan was the unwavering friend of the United States. He wasextensively and favorably known on the frontier of Ohio, and theIndiana territory; and, immediately after the declaration of waragainst England in 1812, he joined the American service. He acted asone of the guides of general Hull's army to Detroit; and, prior to theactual investment of fort Wayne, --an account of which will be presentlygiven--he was employed by the Indian agent at Piqua, on an importantand delicate mission. The Indians around fort Wayne were givingindications of a disposition to abandon their neutrality. This renderedit expedient that the women and children then at that point, should beremoved within the inhabited portions of Ohio. John Johnston, theIndian agent at Piqua, knowing Logan intimately, and having greatconfidence in his judgment as well as his fidelity, selected him toperform this duty. He was accordingly furnished with a letter to thecommandant of that fort, in which assurances were given, that thepersons about to be removed might confidently rely upon the discretionand enterprise of Logan. He proceeded on his mission, and executed itsuccessfully: bringing into Piqua--near one hundred miles distant fromfort Wayne--twenty-five women and children; the former, without anexception, bearing testimony to the uniform delicacy and kindness withwhich he treated them. Deeply impressed with the dangerousresponsibility of the office he had assumed, he is said not to haveslept from the time the party left fort Wayne, until it reached Piqua. We next hear of Logan, in connection with the memorable siege of fortWayne. This post, which was erected in 1794, stood at the junction ofthe St. Joseph's and St. Mary's rivers, and, although not within thelimits of Ohio, its preservation was all-important to the peace andsafety of our north-western frontier. Having been built of wood, itwas, in 1812, a pile of combustible matter. Immediately after thesurrender of general Hull, in August, 1812, the Indians, to the numberof four or five hundred, closely invested this place. The garrison atthat time, including every description of persons, amounted to lessthan one hundred persons, of whom not more than sixty or seventy werecapable of performing military duty. These were commanded by captainRhea, an officer who, from several causes, was but ill qualified forthe Station. His lieutenants were Philip Ostrander and Daniel Curtis, both of whom, throughout the siege, discharged their duty in a gallantmanner. At the time of the investment of this place, there was a considerablebody of Ohio troops in the neighborhood of Piqua. These had beenordered out by governor Meigs, for the relief of Detroit; but, uponhearing of the surrender of that place, their course was directedtowards fort Wayne. They were, however, almost in a state ofdisorganization, and manifested but little ardor in entering upon thisnew duty. Perceiving this state of things, and aware that the fort wasin imminent danger, a young man, now major William Oliver, ofCincinnati, determined upon making an effort to reach the garrison. Young Oliver was a resident of fort Wayne, and was on his return from avisit to Cincinnati when, at Piqua, he learned that the place wasbesieged. He immediately joined a rifle company of the Ohio militia;but seeing the tardy movements of the troops, in advancing to therelief of the fort, he resolved in the first place to return with allpossible expedition, to Cincinnati, for the purpose of inducing colonelWells, of the 17th U. S. Infantry, to march his regiment to the reliefof the fort; and, in the second place, to make an effort to reach it inperson, that the garrison might be encouraged to hold out untilreinforcements should arrive. When Oliver arrived in Cincinnati, hefound that general Harrison had just crossed the Ohio, from Kentucky, and assumed the command of the troops composing the north-western army. He called upon the general, stated the condition of things on thefrontier, and avowed his intention of passing into the fort in advanceof the reinforcements. The general informed him that the troops then atCincinnati would be put in motion that day, and marched with allpracticable expedition to the invested point. This was on the 27th ofAugust; on the 31st Oliver overtook the Ohio militia at the St. Mary'sriver. Here he learned that Adrian and Shane, two experienced scouts, had been sent in the direction of fort Wayne, and had returned withinformation that the hostile Indians were in great force on the routeto that place. On the next day, general Thomas Worthington, ofChillicothe, who was then on the frontier as Indian commissioner, seeing the great importance of communicating with the garrison, determined to unite with Oliver in the attempt to reach it. These twoenterprising individuals induced sixty-eight of the Ohio troops andsixteen Shawanoe Indians, among whom was Logan, to accompany them. Theymarched eighteen miles that day, and camped for the night at Shane'scrossing. Next morning they again moved forward, but in the course of the day, some thirty-six of their party abandoned the hazardous enterprise, andreturned to the main army. The remainder pursued their route, andencamped that evening within twenty-four miles of fort Wayne. As theparty was not strong enough in its present condition to encounter thebesieging enemy, general Worthington was very reluctantly induced toremain at this point, while Oliver, with Logan, captain Johnny andBrighthorn, should make an effort to reach the fort. Being well armedand mounted, they started at daybreak next morning upon this daringadventure. Proceeding with great caution, they came within five milesof the fort, before they observed any fresh Indian signs. At this pointthe keen eye of Logan discovered the cunning strategy of the enemy: forthe purpose of concealing their bodies, they had dug holes on eitherside of the road, alternately, at such distances as to secure them fromtheir own fire: these were intended for night watching, in order to cutoff all communication with the fort. Here the party deemed it advisableto leave the main road, and strike across the country to the Maumeeriver, which was reached in safety at a point one and a half milesbelow the fort. Having tied their horses in a thicket, the partyproceeded cautiously on foot, to ascertain whether our troops or theIndians were in possession of the fort. Having satisfied themselves onthis point, they returned, remounted their horses, and taking the mainroad, moved rapidly to the fort. Upon reaching the gate of theesplanade, they found it locked, and were thus compelled to pass downthe river bank, and then ascend it at the northern gate. They werefavored in doing so by the withdrawal of the hostile Indians from thispoint, in carrying out a plan, then on the point of consummation, fortaking the fort by an ingenious stratagem. For several days previous tothis time, the hostile chiefs under a flag of truce, had been holdingintercourse with the garrison; and had, it is supposed, discovered theunsoldier-like condition of the commander. They had accordinglyarranged their warriors in a semicircle, on the west and south sides ofthe fort, and at no great distance from it. Five of the chiefs, underpretence of treating with the officers of the garrison, were to passinto the fort, and when in council were to assassinate the subalternofficers with pistols and knives, concealed under their blankets; andthen to seize captain Rhea, who, in his trepidation, and under apromise of personal safety, would, they anticipated, order the gates ofthe fort to be thrown open for the admission of the besiegers. Theplan, thus arranged, was in the act of being carried into execution atthe moment when Oliver and his companions reached the gate. In speakingof the opportune approach of this party, lieutenant Curtis says, "thesafe arrival of Mr. Oliver at that particular juncture, may justly beconsidered most miraculous. One hour sooner or one later, would nodoubt have been inevitable destruction both to himself and escort: theparties of Indians who had been detached to guard the roads and passesin different directions, having all at that moment been called in, toaid in carrying the fort. It is generally believed by those acquaintedwith the circumstances, that not one hour, for eight days and nightspreceding or following the hour in which Mr. Oliver arrived, would haveafforded an opportunity of any probable safety. " Winnemac, Five Medals, and three other hostile chiefs, bearing the flag under which they wereto gain admittance to the fort to carry out their treacherousintentions, were surprised by suddenly meeting at the gate, Oliver andhis companions. Coming from different directions and screened by theangles of the fort, the parties were not visible to each other untilboth were near the gate. On meeting, they shook hands, but it wasapparent that Winnemac was greatly disconcerted; he immediately wheeledand returned to his camp, satisfied that this accession of strength tothe garrison--the forerunner, in all probability, of a much largerforce--had defeated his scheme. The others of his party entered thefort, and remained some little time, during which they were given tounderstand that Logan and his two Indian companions were to remain withthe garrison. Oliver, in the mean time, having written a hasty letter, describing the condition of the fort, to general Worthington; and theIndians being equipped with new rifles from the public stores, theyprepared to leave the fort without delay. Fortunately their movementswere not observed by the enemy, until they had actually started fromthe garrison gate. They now put spurs to their horses and dashed off atfull speed. The hostile Indians were instantly in motion to interceptthem; the race was a severe and perilous one, but Logan and hiscompanions cleared the enemy's line in safety, and this accomplished, his loud shout of triumph rose high in the air, and fell like musicupon the ears of the beleaguered garrison. The party reached generalWorthington's camp early the next morning, and delivered Oliver'sletter to him. Notwithstanding the perilous condition of the garrison, however, the Ohio troops delayed moving for its relief, until they wereovertaken by general Harrison, who, with his reinforcements, was unableto reach the fort until the twelfth. In the mean time the Indians keptup an incessant firing, day and night, upon the fort, killing on oneoccasion, two of the garrison who passed out of the gate on policeduty. Several times the buildings of the fort were set on fire by theburning arrows which were shot upon them, but by the vigilance of thegarrison in extinguishing the flames, a general conflagration wasprevented. Some days after the arrival of Oliver, the Indians appearedto be making preparations for some uncommon movement, and oneafternoon, just before night-fall, succeeded in getting possession ofone of the trading houses standing near the fort. From this point theydemanded a surrender of the garrison, under a promise of protection;and with a threat of extermination if they were compelled to carry thefort by storm: they alleged, further, that they had just beenreinforced by a large number of warriors, some pieces of Britishcannon, and artillerists to man them. Their demand being promptlyrefused, they immediately closed in upon the fort, yelling hideously, firing their guns and also a couple of cannon. Every man in the fortcapable of doing duty, now stood at his post, having several stands ofloaded arms by his side. They were directed by the acting lieutenant, Curtis, [A] not to fire until the Indians had approached withintwenty-five paces of the fort: the fire was at length opened upon theentire Indian lines, and in a manner so destructive, that in twentyminutes the enemy retreated with the loss of eighteen of theirwarriors, killed. It was discovered, subsequently, that the cannon usedon this occasion by the Indians, had been made of wood by some Britishtraders who were with them; one of the pieces burst upon the first, andthe other on the second, fire. [Footnote A: Captain Rhea, by common consent, was suspended forincapacity, and lieutenant Ostrander was on the sick list. ] The day before general Harrison reached this place, the Indiansconcentrated at a swamp, five miles south of the fort, for the purposeof giving him battle; but after reconnoitering his force, and findingit too strong for them, they fell back, passing by the fort in greatdisorder, in the hope, it is supposed, of drawing out the garrison, under a belief that they, (the Indians, ) had been defeated by generalHarrison's army. To promote this idea, they had, while lying at theswamp, kindled extensive fires, that the rising volume of smoke mightbe mistaken for that which usually overhangs the field of battle. Thisdevice proving unavailing, the Indians, after a vigorous investment, running through more than twenty days, withdrew forever from the siegeof fort Wayne. The enterprise of young Oliver, just related, reflected the highestcredit on his bravery and patriotism: being wholly voluntary on hispart, the moral heroism of the act was only surpassed by its fortunateresults; as it prevented, in all probability, the fall of an importantfrontier post, and saved its garrison from the tomahawk and scalpingknife. So hazardous was the effort deemed, indeed, that experiencedfrontier's-men endeavored to dissuade him from the undertaking; andeven Logan considered it one of great peril; but when once resolvedupon, he gallantly incurred the hazard of the deed, and showed himselfworthy of the trust reposed in him. In November of this year, general Harrison directed Logan to take asmall party of his tribe, and reconnoitre the country in the directionof the Rapids of the Maumee. When near this point, they were met by abody of the enemy, superior to their own in number, and compelled toretreat. Logan, captain Johnny and Bright-horn, who composed the party, effected their escape, to the left wing of the army, then under thecommand of general Winchester, who was duly informed of thecircumstances of their adventure. An officer of the Kentucky troops, general P. , the second in command, without the slightest ground forsuch a charge, accused Logan of infidelity to our cause, and of givingintelligence to the enemy. Indignant at this foul accusation, the noblechief at once resolved to meet it in a manner that would leave no doubtas to his faithfulness to the United States. He called on his friendOliver, and having told him of the imputation that had been cast uponhis reputation, said that he would start from the camp next morning, and either leave his body bleaching in the woods, or return with suchtrophies from the enemy, as would relieve his character from thesuspicion that had been wantonly cast upon it by an American officer. Accordingly, on the morning of the 22d he started down the Maumee, attended by his two faithful companions, captain Johnny andBright-horn. About noon, having stopped for the purpose of taking rest, they were suddenly surprised by a party of seven of the enemy, amongstwhom were young Elliott, a half-breed, holding a commission in theBritish service, and the celebrated Potawatamie chief, Winnemac. Loganmade no resistance, but with great presence of mind, extending his handto Winnemac, who was an old acquaintance, proceeded to inform him, thathe and his two companions, tired of the American service, were justleaving general Winchester's army, for the purpose of joining theBritish. Winnemac, being familiar with Indian strategy, was notsatisfied with this declaration, but proceeded to disarm Logan and hiscomrades, and placing his party around them, so as to prevent theirescape, started for the British camp at the foot of the Rapids. In thecourse of the afternoon, Logan's address was such as to inspireconfidence in his sincerity, and induce Winnemac to restore to him andhis companions their arms. Logan now formed the plan of attacking hiscaptors on the first favorable opportunity; and whilst marching along, succeeded in communicating the substance of it to captain Johnny andBright-horn. Their guns being already loaded, they had little furtherpreparation to make, than to put bullets into their mouths, tofacilitate the reloading of their arms. In carrying on this process, captain Johnny, as he afterwards related, fearing that the man marchingby his side had observed the operation, adroitly did away theimpression by remarking, "me chaw heap tobac. " The evening being now at hand, the British Indians determined to encampon the bank of Turkeyfoot creek, about twenty miles from fortWinchester. Confiding in the idea that Logan had really deserted theAmerican service, a part of his captors rambled around the place oftheir encampment, in search of blackhaws. They were no sooner out ofsight, than Logan gave the signal of attack upon those who remainedbehind; they fired and two of the enemy fell dead--the third, beingonly wounded, required a second shot to despatch him; and in the meantime, the remainder of the party, who were near by, returned the fire, and all of them "treed. " There being four of the enemy, and only threeof Logan's party, the latter could not watch all the movements of theirantagonists. Thus circumstanced, and during an active fight, the fourthman of the enemy passed round until Logan was uncovered by his tree, and shot him through the body. By this time Logan's party had woundedtwo of the surviving four, which caused them to fall back. Takingadvantage of this state of things, captain Johnny mounted Logan--nowsuffering the pain of a mortal wound--and Bright-horn--also wounded--ontwo of the enemy's horses, and started them for Winchester's camp, which they reached about midnight. Captain Johnny, having alreadysecured the scalp of Winnemac, followed immediately on foot, and gainedthe same point early on the following morning. It was subsequentlyascertained that the two Indians of the British party, who were lastwounded, died of their wounds, making in all five out of the seven, whowere slain by Logan and his companions. When the news of this gallant affair had spread through the camp, andespecially after it was known that Logan was mortally wounded, itcreated a deep and mournful sensation. No one, it is believed, moredeeply regretted the fatal catastrophe, than the author of the chargeupon Logan's integrity, which had led to this unhappy result. Logan's popularity was very great; indeed he was almost universallyesteemed in the army, for his fidelity to our cause, his unquestionedbravery, and the nobleness of his nature. He lived two or three daysafter reaching the camp, but in extreme bodily agony; he was buried bythe officers of the army, at fort Winchester, with the honors of war. Previous to his death, he related the particulars of this fatalenterprise to his friend Oliver, declaring to him that he prized hishonor more than life; and, having now vindicated his reputation fromthe imputation cast upon it, he died satisfied. In the course of thisinterview, and while writhing with pain, he was observed to smile; uponbeing questioned as to the cause, he replied, that when he recalled tohis mind the manner in which captain Johnny took off the scalp ofWinnemac, while at the same time dexterously watching the movements ofthe enemy, he could not refrain from laughing--an incident in savagelife, which shows the "ruling passion strong in death. " It wouldperhaps be difficult in the history of savage warfare, to point out anenterprise the execution of which reflects higher credit upon theaddress and daring conduct of its authors, than this does upon Loganand his two companions. Indeed a spirit even less indomitable, a senseof honor less acute, and a patriotic devotion to a good cause lessactive, than were manifested by this gallant chieftain of the woods, might, under other circumstances, have well conferred immortality uponhis name. The Shawanoe nation has produced a number of distinguished individuals, besides those who have been noticed in this brief sketch of thatpeople. The plan of our work does not permit a more extendedenumeration of them. When a full and faithful history of this tribeshall be written, it will be found, we think, that no tribe ofaborigines on this continent, has given birth to so many men, remarkable for their talents, energy of character, and militaryprowess, as the Shawanoe. Under a treaty held at the rapids of the Miami of the lakes, in 1817, by Duncan McArthur and Lewis Cass, commissioners on the part of theUnited States, for extinguishing Indian titles to lands in Ohio, theShawanoes ceded to the government the principal portion of their landswithin the limits of this state. After this period they residedprincipally on the reserve made by them at and around Wapakanotta, onthe Auglaize river. Here the greater part of them remained, untilwithin a few years past, when, yielding to the pressing appeals of thegovernment, they sold their reserved lands to the United States, andremoved west of the Mississippi. For a number of years prior to their final departure from Ohio, thesociety of Friends, with their characteristic philanthropy towards theIndians, maintained a mission at Wapakanotta, for the purpose of givinginstruction to the Shawanoe children, and inducing the adults to turntheir attention to agricultural pursuits. Notwithstanding the wanderingand warlike character of this tribe, such was the success attendingthis effort of active benevolence, that the Friends composing theYearly Meetings of Baltimore, Ohio and Indiana, still continue asimilar agency among the Shawanoes, although they are now the occupantsof the territory lying beyond the distant Arkansas. Whether the new position west of the Mississippi, in which the Indiantribes have been placed, will tend to promote their civilization, arrest their deterioration in morals, or their decline in numbers, wethink extremely problematical. Should such, however, be the happyresult, it may be anticipated that the tribe which has produced aLogan, a Cornstalk and a Tecumseh, will be among the first to riseabove the moral degradation in which it is shrouded, and foremost toexhibit the renovating influences of Christian civilization. THE LIFE OF TECUMSEH. CHAPTER I. Parentage of Tecumseh--his sister Tecumapease--his brothers Cheeseekau, Sauweeseekau, Nehasseemo, Tenskwautawa or the Prophet, and Kumskaukau. There are not wanting authorities for the assertion that both theAnglo-Saxon and Creek blood ran in the veins of TECUMSEH. [A] It hasbeen stated that his paternal grandfather was a white man, and that hismother was a Creek. The better opinion, however, seems to be, that hewas wholly a Shawanoe. On this point we have the concurrent authorityof John Johnston, late Indian agent at Piqua; and of Stephen Ruddell, formerly of Kentucky, who for near twenty years was a prisoner amongthe Shawanoes. They both possessed ample opportunities for ascertainingthe fact, and unite in asserting that Puckeshinwa, the father ofTecumseh, was a member of the Kiscopoke, and Methoataske, the mother, of the Turtle tribe of the Shawanoe nation. [Footnote A: The Indian orthography of this name is Tecumthà, but thepublic have been so long under a different impression, that no attempthas been made in this work to restore the original reading. ] The parents of Tecumseh removed from Florida to the north side of theOhio, about the middle of the eighteenth century. The father rose tothe rank of a chief, and fell in the celebrated battle of the Kanawha, in 1774, leaving six sons and one daughter. Of these, one or two wereborn at the south, the others within what now constitutes the state ofOhio. They will be briefly noticed in the order of their birth. Cheeseekau, the eldest, is represented to have taken great pains withhis brother Tecumseh, laboring not only to make him a distinguishedwarrior, but to instil into his mind a love of truth, and a contemptfor every thing mean and sordid. Cheeseekau fought by the side of hisfather in the battle of Kanawha; and, some years afterwards, led asmall band of Shawanoes on a predatory expedition to the south, Tecumseh being one of the party. While there, they joined someCherokees, in an attack upon a fort, garrisoned by white men. A day ortwo before the attack, Cheeseekau made a speech to his followers, andpredicted that at such an hour, on a certain morning, they would reachthe fort, and that he should be shot in the forehead and killed; butthat the fort would be taken, if the party persevered in the assault, which he urged them to do. An effort was made by his followers toinduce him to turn back, but he refused. The attack took place at thetime predicted, and Cheeseekau fell. His last words expressed the joyhe felt at dying in battle; he did not wish, he said, to be buried athome, like an old woman, but preferred that the fowls of the air shouldpick his bones. The fall of their leader created a panic among theassaulting party, and they suddenly retreated. [A] [Footnote A: Stephen Ruddell's manuscript narrative. ] Tecumapease, known also by the name of Menewaulakoosee, was a sisterworthy of her distinguished brother Tecumseh, with whom, up to theperiod of his death, she was a great favorite. Sensible, kind hearted, and uniformly exemplary in her conduct, she obtained and exercised aremarkable degree of influence over the females of her tribe. She wasunited in marriage to a _brave_, called Wasegoboah, (stand firm, ) whofell in the battle of the Thames, fighting courageously by the side ofhis brother-in-law, Tecumseh. In 1814, Tecumapease visited Quebec, incompany with some other members of her tribe, from whence, after theclose of the war between this country and England, she returned to theneighborhood of Detroit, where, not long afterwards, she died. Tecumsehis represented to have entertained for her a warm affection, and tohave treated her, uniformly, with respect. He was in the habit ofmaking her many valuable presents. Sauwaseekau, is supposed to have been born while his parents wereremoving from the south to the Ohio. Concerning him few particularshave been preserved. He stood well as a warrior, and was killed inbattle during Wayne's campaign in 1794. The fourth child, TECUMSEH, or the Shooting Star, is the subject ofthis biography. Of the fifth, Nehaseemo, no information has been obtained. The two remaining children, Laulewasikaw, called after he became aprophet Tenskwautawa, and Kumskaukau, were twins. Such is understood tohave been the statement of the former, in giving the family pedigree. Other authorities[A] say that Tecumseh, Laulewasikaw, and Kumskaukauwere all three born at the same time. The last named lived to be an oldman, and died without distinction. [Footnote A: John Johnston and Anthony Shane. ] Laulewasikaw, as will appear in the course of this work, lived toattain an extraordinary degree of notoriety. He became, under theinfluence of his brother Tecumseh, a powerful agent in arousing thesuperstitious feelings of the north-western Indians, in that memorableperiod of their history, between the year 1805, and the battle ofTippecanoe, in 1811, which dissolved, in a great measure, the charm bywhich he had successfully played upon their passions and excited themto action. The character and prophetical career of this individual willnecessarily be fully displayed in the progress of this work. There is, however, one trait of his character which may be appropriatelymentioned in this place--his disposition to boast, not only of his ownstanding and importance, but also of the rank and respectability of thefamily to which he belonged. As an instance of this peculiarity, and ofhis tact in telling a plausible tale, the following narration may becited. It is an ingenious mixture of truth and fiction; and was writtendown by the gentleman to whom it was related by Laulewasikaw. Thelanguage is that of the individual to whom the narrative was made. "His paternal grandfather, (according to his statement of the familypedigree) was a Creek, who, at a period which is not defined in themanuscript before us, went to one of the southern cities, eitherSavannah or Charleston, to hold a council with the English governor, whose daughter was present at some of the interviews. This young ladyhad conceived a violent admiration for the Indian character; and, having determined to bestow herself upon some 'warlike lord' of theforest, she took this occasion to communicate her partiality to herfather. The next morning, in the council, the governor enquired of theIndians which of them was the most expert hunter; and the grandfatherof Tecumseh, then a young and handsome man, who sat modestly in aretired part of the room, was pointed out to him. When the councilbroke up for the day, the governor asked his daughter if she was reallyso partial to the Indians, as to prefer selecting a husband from them, and finding that she persisted in this singular predilection, hedirected her attention to the young Creek warrior, for whom, at firstsight, she avowed a decided attachment. On the following morning thegovernor announced to the Creeks that his daughter was disposed tomarry one of their number; and, having pointed out the individual, added, that his own consent would be given. The chiefs at first verynaturally doubted whether the governor was in earnest; but uponassuring them that he was sincere, they advised the young man toembrace the lady and her offer. He was not so ungallant as to refuse;and having consented to the fortune that was thus buckled on him, wasimmediately taken to another apartment, where he was disrobed of hisIndian costume by a train of black servants, washed, and clad in a newsuit, and the marriage ceremony was immediately performed. "At the close of the council the Creeks returned home, but the younghunter remained with his wife. He amused himself in hunting, in whichhe was very successful, and was accustomed to take a couple of blackservants with him, who seldom failed to bring in large quantities ofgame. He lived among the whites until his wife had borne him twodaughters and a son. Upon the birth of the latter, the governor went tosee his grandson, and was so well pleased, that he called his friendstogether, and caused thirty guns to be fired. When the boy was seven oreight years old his father died, and the governor took charge of thechild, who was often visited by the Creeks. At the age of ten ortwelve, he was permitted to accompany the Indians to their nation, where he spent some time; and two years after, he again made a longvisit to the Creeks, who then, with a few Shawanoes, lived on a rivercalled Pauseekoalaakee, and began to adopt their dress and customs. They gave him an Indian name, Puckeshinwau, which means _something thatdrops_; and after learning their language, he became so much attachedto the Indian life, that when the governor sent for him he refused toreturn. " Such is the pleasant and artful story, narrated with solemn gravity byLaulewasikaw, to emblazon the family pedigree by connecting it with thegovernor of one of the provinces: and here, for the present, we takeour leave of the "Open Door. " The band of Shawanoes with whom Puckeshinwau and his family emigratedto the Ohio, established themselves, in the first place, in the valleyof the Scioto, from whence they subsequently removed to the waters ofMad River, one of the tributaries of the Great Miami. After the deathof Puckeshinwau, his wife Methoataaskee, returned to the south, whereshe died at an advanced age, among the Cherokees. She belonged to theTurtle tribe of the Shawanoes, and her name signifies, _a turtle layingeggs in the sand_. That she was a respectable woman, is the testimonyof those who knew her personally: that she was naturally a superiorone, may be fairly inferred from the character of at least a part ofher children. With this brief account of an aboriginal family, highly reputable initself, but on which the name of Tecumseh has conferred no small degreeof distinction, we now proceed to the immediate subject of this memoir. CHAPTER II. Birth place of Tecumseh--destruction of the Piqua village--early habits of Tecumseh--his first battle--effort to abolish the burning of prisoners--visits the Cherokees in the south--engages in several battles--returns to Ohio in the autumn of 1790. Some diversity of opinion has prevailed as to the birth place ofTecumseh. It is generally supposed, and indeed is stated by severalhistorians to have been in the Scioto valley, near the place whereChillicothe now stands. Such, however, is not the fact. He was born inthe valley of the Miamis, on the bank of Mad River, a few miles belowSpringfield, and within the limits of Clark county. Of this there isthe most satisfactory evidence. In the year 1805, when the Indians wereassembling at Greenville, as it was feared with some hostile intentionagainst the frontiers, the governor of Ohio sent Duncan McArthur andThomas Worthington to that place, to ascertain the object anddisposition of these Indians. Tecumseh and three other chiefs agreed toreturn with these messengers to Chillicothe, then the seat ofgovernment, for the purpose of holding a "talk" with the governor. General McArthur, in a letter to the author of this work, under date of19th November, 1821, says, "When on the way from Greenville toChillicothe, Tecumseh pointed out to us the place where he was born. Itwas in an old Shawanoe town, on the north-west side of Mad River, aboutsix miles below Springfield. " This fact is corroborated by StephenRuddell, the early and intimate associate of Tecumseh, who states thathe was "born in the neighborhood of 'old Chillicothe, ' in the year1768. " The "old Chillicothe" here spoken of was a Shawanoe village, situated on Massie's creek, three miles north of where Xenia nowstands, and about ten or twelve miles south of the village pointed outby Tecumseh, to general McArthur, as the spot of his nativity. Thisvillage was the ancient Piqua of the Shawanoes, and occupied the siteon which a small town called West Boston has since been built. Theprincipal part of Piqua stood upon a plain, rising fifteen or twentyfeet above the river. On the south, between the village and Mad River, there was an extensive prairie--on the north-east some bold cliffs, terminating near the river--on the west and south-west, level timberedland; while on the opposite side of the stream, another prairie, ofvarying width, stretched back to the high grounds. The river sweepingby in a graceful bend--the precipitous rocky cliffs--the undulatinghills with their towering trees--the prairies garnished with tall grassand brilliant flowers--combined to render the situation of Piqua bothbeautiful and picturesque. At the period of its destruction, Piqua was quite populous. There was arude log fort within its limits, surrounded by pickets. It was, however, sacked and burnt on the 8th of August, 1780, by an army of onethousand men from Kentucky, after a severe and well conducted battlewith the Indians who inhabited it. All the improvements of the Indians, including more than two hundred acres of corn and other vegetables, then growing in their fields, were laid waste and destroyed. The townwas never afterwards rebuilt by the Shawanoes. Its inhabitants removedto the Great Miami river, and erected another town which they calledPiqua, after the one that had just been destroyed; and in defence ofwhich they had fought with the skill and valor characteristic of theirnation. [A] [Footnote A: For this sketch of Piqua, the author is chiefly indebtedto his venerable friend, Major James Galloway, of Xenia, Ohio. ] The birth of Tecumseh has been placed by some writers in the year 1771. Ruddell states that it occurred in 1768, three years earlier, and this, we think, is probably the true period. His early boyhood gave promiseof the renown of his maturer years. After the death of his father, which occurred when he was in his sixth year, he was placed under thecharge of his oldest brother, Cheeseekau, who taught him to hunt, ledhim to battle, and labored zealously to imbue his mind with a love fortruth, generosity, and the practice of those cardinal Indian virtues, courage in battle and fortitude in suffering. From his boyhood, Tecumseh seems to have had a passion for war. His pastimes, like thoseof Napoleon, were generally in the sham-battle field. He was the leaderof his companions in all their sports, and was accustomed to dividethem into parties, one of which he always headed, for the purpose offighting mimic battles, in which he usually distinguished himself byhis activity, strength and skill. [A] His dexterity in the use of thebow and arrow exceeded that of all the other Indian boys of his tribe, by whom he was loved and respected, and over whom he exercisedunbounded influence. He was generally surrounded by a set of companionswho were ready to stand or fall by his side. [B] It is stated that thefirst battle in which he was engaged, occurred on Mad River, near whereDayton stands, between a party of Kentuckians, commanded by colonelBenjamin Logan, and some Shawanoes. At this time Tecumseh was veryyoung, and joined the expedition under the care of his brother, who waswounded at the first fire. It is related by some Indian chiefs thatTecumseh, at the commencement of the action, became frightened andran. [C] This may be true, but it is the only instance in which he wasever known to shrink from danger, or to loose that presence of mind forwhich he was ever afterwards remarkably distinguished. [Footnote A: Stephen Ruddell's MS. Account. ] [Footnote B: Anthony Shane. ] [Footnote C: A similar statement is made in regard to the first battleof the celebrated Red Jacket. ] The next action in which Tecumseh participated, and in which hemanifested signal prowess, was an attack made by the Indians upon someflat boats, descending the Ohio, above Limestone, now Maysville. Theyear in which it occurred is not stated, but Tecumseh was not probablymore than sixteen or seventeen years of age. The boats were captured, and all the persons belonging to them killed, except one, who was takenprisoner, and afterwards burnt. Tecumseh was a silent spectator of thescene, having never witnessed the burning of a prisoner before. Afterit was over, he expressed in strong terms, his abhorrence of the act, and it was finally concluded by the party that they would never burnany more prisoners;[A] and to this resolution, he himself, and theparty also, it is believed, ever afterwards scrupulously adhered. It isnot less creditable to the humanity than to the genius of Tecumseh, that he should have taken this noble stand, and by the force andeloquence of his appeal, have brought his companions to the sameresolution. He was then but a boy, yet he had the independence toattack a cherished custom of his tribe, and the power of argument toconvince them, against all their preconceived notions of right and therules of warfare, that the custom should be abolished. That his effortto put a stop to this cruel and revolting rite, was not prompted by anytemporary expediency, but was the result of a humane disposition, and aright sense of justice, is abundantly shown by his conduct towardsprisoners in after life. [Footnote A: Stephen Ruddell. ] The boats were owned by traders. The number of whites killed in theengagement has not been ascertained. In the attack upon them, Tecumsehnot only behaved with great courage, but even left in the back groundsome of the oldest and bravest warriors of the party. From this timehis reputation as a brave, and his influence over other minds, roserapidly among the tribe to which he belonged. About the year 1787, Cheeseekau and Tecumseh, with a party ofKiscopokes, one of the tribes of the Shawanoe nation, moved westward ona hunting and predatory expedition. They made a stand for some monthson the waters of the Mississinnaway, and then crossed over to theMississippi, opposite the mouth of Apple creek, where they encamped andremained for eight or nine months. From thence they proceeded towardsthe Cherokee country. On their route, while opposite fort Massac, theyengaged in a buffalo chase, during which Tecumseh was thrown from hishorse, and had his thigh broken. [A] This accident detained them forsome months at the place where it occurred. So soon as he hadrecovered, the party, headed by Cheeseekau, proceeded on their way tothe country of the Cherokees, who were then at hostilities with thewhites. With that fondness for adventure and love of war, which haveever marked the Shawanoe character, they immediately offered assistanceto their brethren of the south, which being accepted, they joined inthe contest. [Footnote A: Shane thinks both thighs were broken, Ruddell says butone. ] The engagement in which they participated was an attack upon a fort, the name and position of which were not known to our informant. TheIndians, it is well known are always superstitious, and from the factof Cheeseekau, having foretold his death, its occurrence disheartenedthem, and in despite of the influence of Tecumseh and the Cherokeeleaders, who rose above the superstition of their comrades, the attackwas given up, and a sudden retreat followed. Tecumseh, who had left the banks of the Miami in quest of adventures, and for the purpose of winning renown as a warrior, told the party thathe was determined not to return to his native land, until he hadachieved some act worthy of being recounted. He accordingly selectedeight or ten men and proceeded to the nearest settlement, attacked ahouse, killed all the men in it, and took the women and childrenprisoners. He did not immediately retreat, but engaged in some othersimilar adventures. During this expedition he was three times attackedin the night in his encampment; but owing to his good judgment in thechoice of his camping ground, and his habitual watchfulness when in anenemy's country, no advantage was gained over him. On one occasion, while encamped in the edge of a cane-brake on the waters of theTennessee, he was assaulted by a party of whites, about thirty innumber. Tecumseh had not lain down, but was engaged at the moment ofthe attack, in dressing some meat. He instantly sprang to his feet, andordering his small party to follow him, rushed upon his foes withperfect fearlessness; and, having killed two, put the whole party toflight, he losing none of his own men. Tecumseh and his party remained at the south nearly two years, traversing that region of country, visiting the different tribes ofIndians, and engaging in the border forays which at that period wereconstantly occurring between the whites and the native possessors ofthe soil. He now determined to return home, and accordingly set outwith eight of his party. They passed through western Virginia, crossedthe Ohio near the mouth of the Scioto, and visiting the Machichac townson the head waters of Mad River, from thence proceeded to the Auglaize, which they reached in the fall of 1790, shortly after the defeat ofgeneral Harmar, having been absent from Ohio upwards of three years. CHAPTER III. Tecumseh attacked near Big Rock by some whites under Robert M'Clelland--severe battle with some Kentuckians on the East Fork of the Little Miami--attack upon Tecumseh in 1793, on the waters of Paint creek--Tecumseh present at the attack on fort Recovery in 1794--participates in the battle of the Rapids of the Maumee, in 1794. From the period of his return, until August of the following year, 1791, Tecumseh spent his time in hunting. In the autumn of this year, when information reached the Indians, that general St. Clair and hisarmy were preparing to march from fort Washington, into their country, this chief headed a small party of spies, who went out for the purposeof watching the movements of the invading force. [A] While lying onNettle creek, a small stream which empties into the Great Miami, general St. Clair and his army passed out through Greenville to thehead waters of the Wabash, where he was defeated. Tecumseh, of course, had no personal participation in this engagement, so creditable to thevalor of the Indians, and so disastrous to the arms and renown of theUnited States. [Footnote A: Stephen Ruddell. ] In December, 1792, Tecumseh, with ten other warriors and a boy, wereencamped near Big Rock, between Loramie's creek and Piqua, for thepurpose of hunting. Early one morning, while the party were seatedround the fire, engaged in smoking, they were fired upon by a companyof whites near treble their number. Tecumseh raised the war-whoop, uponwhich the Indians sprang to their arms, and promptly returned the fire. He then directed the boy to run, and in turning round a momentafterwards, perceived that one of his men. Black Turkey, was runningalso. He had already retreated to the distance of one hundred yards;yet such was his fear of Tecumseh, he instantly obeyed the order toreturn, indignantly given him, and joined in the battle. Two of thewhites were killed--one of them by Tecumseh--before they retreated. While pursuing them Tecumseh broke the trigger of his rifle, whichinduced him to give up the chase, or probably more of the whites wouldhave fallen. They were commanded by Robert M'Clelland. Tecumseh lostnone of his men; two of them, however, were wounded, one of whom wasBlack Turkey. [A] [Footnote A: Anthony Shane. ] In the month of March, 1792, some horses were stolen by the Indians, from the settlements in Mason county, Kentucky. A party of whites tothe number of thirty-six, was immediately raised for the purpose ofpursuing them. It embraced Kenton, Whiteman, M'Intire, Downing, Washburn, Calvin and several other experienced woodsmen. The firstnamed, Simon Kenton, a distinguished Indian fighter, was placed incommand. The trail of the Indians being taken, it was found they hadcrossed the Ohio just below the mouth of Lee's creek, which was reachedby the pursuing party towards evening. Having prepared rafts, theycrossed the Ohio that night, and encamped. Early next morning the trailwas again taken and pursued, on a north course, all day, the weatherbeing bad and the ground wet. On the ensuing morning twelve of the menwere unable to continue the pursuit, and were permitted to return. Theremainder followed the trail until eleven o'clock, A. M. , when a bellwas heard, which they supposed indicated their approach to the Indiancamp. A halt was called, and all useless baggage and clothing laidaside. Whiteman and two others were sent ahead as spies, in differentdirections, each being followed by a detachment of the party. Aftermoving forward some distance, it was found that the bell wasapproaching them. They halted and soon perceived a solitary Indianriding towards them. When within one hundred and fifty yards, he wasfired at and killed. Kenton directed the spies to proceed, being nowsatisfied that the camp of the Indians was near at hand. They pushed onrapidly, and after going about four miles, found the Indians encamped, on the south-east side of the east fork of the Little Miami, a fewmiles above the place where the town of Williamsburg has since beenbuilt. The indications of a considerable body of Indians were sostrong, that the expediency of an attack at that hour of the day wasdoubted by Kenton. A hurried council was held, in which it wasdetermined to retire, if it could be done without discovery, and lieconcealed until night, and then assault the camp. This plan was carriedinto execution. Two of the spies were left to watch the Indians, andascertain whether the pursuing party had been discovered. The othersretreated for some distance and took a commanding position on a ridge. The spies watched until night, and then reported to their commander, that they had not been discovered by the enemy. The men being wet andcold, they were now marched down into a hollow, where they kindledfires, dried their clothes, and put their rifles in order. The partywas then divided into three detachments, --Kenton commanding the right, M'Intire the centre, and Downing the left. By agreement, the threedivisions were to move towards the camp, simultaneously, and when theyhad approached as near as possible, without giving an alarm, were to beguided in the commencement of the attack, by the fire from Kenton'sparty. When Downing and his detachment had approached close to thecamp, an Indian rose upon his feet, and began to stir up the fire, which was but dimly burning. Fearing a discovery, Downing's partyinstantly shot him down. This was followed by a general fire from thethree detachments, upon the Indians who were sleeping under somemarquees and bark tents, close upon the margin of the stream. Butunfortunately, as it proved in the sequel, Kenton's party had taken"Boone, " as their watch-word. This name happening to be as familiar tothe enemy as themselves, led to some confusion in the course of theengagement. When fired upon, the Indians instead of retreating acrossthe stream as had been anticipated, boldly stood to their arms, returned the fire of the assailants and rushed upon them. They werereinforced moreover from a camp on the opposite side of the river, [A]which until then, had been unperceived by the whites. In a few minutesthe Indians and the Kentuckians were blended with each other, and thecry of "Boone, " and "Che Boone, " arose simultaneously from each party. [Footnote A: M'Donald, in his interesting "Biographical Sketches, " ofsome of the western pioneers, says this "second line of tents" was onthe lower bottom of the creek and not on the opposite side of it. ] It was after midnight when the attack was made, and there being nomoon, it was very dark. Kenton perceiving that his men were likely tobe overpowered, ordered a retreat after the attack had lasted for a fewminutes; this was continued through the remainder of the night and partof the next day, the Indians pursuing them, but without killing morethan one of the retreating party. The Kentuckians lost but two men, Alexander McIntire and John Barr. [A] The loss of the Indians was muchgreater, according to the statements of some prisoners, who, after thepeace of 1795, were released and returned to Kentucky. They relatedthat fourteen Indians were killed, and seventeen wounded. They statedfurther, that there were in the camp about one hundred warriors, amongthem several chiefs of note, including Tecumseh, Battise, Black Snake, Wolf and Chinskau; and that the party had been formed for the purposeof annoying the settlements in Kentucky, and attacking boats descendingthe Ohio river. Kenton and his party were three days in reachingLimestone, during two of which they were without food, and destitute ofsufficient clothing to protect them from the cold winds and rains ofMarch. The foregoing particulars of this expedition are taken from themanuscript narrative of general Benjamin Whiteman, one of the early andgallant pioneers to Kentucky, now a resident of Green county, Ohio. [Footnote A: The father of the late Major William Barr, for many yearsa citizen of Cincinnati. ] The statements of Anthony Shane and of Stephen Ruddell, touching thisaction, vary in some particulars from that which has been given above, and also from the narrative in McDonald's Sketches. The principaldifference relates to the number of Indians in the engagement, and theloss sustained by them. They report but two killed, and that the Indianforce was less than that of the whites. Ruddell states that at thecommencement of the attack, Tecumseh was lying by the fire, outside ofthe tents. When the first gun was heard he sprang to his feet, andcalling upon Sinnamatha[A] to follow his example and charge, he rushedforward, and killed one of the whites[B] with his war-club. The otherIndians, raising the war-whoop, seized their arms, and rushing uponKenton and his party, compelled them, after a severe contest of a fewminutes, to retreat. One of the Indians, in the midst of theengagement, fell into the river, and in the effort to get out of thewater, made so much noise, that it created a belief on the minds of thewhites that a reinforcement was crossing the stream to aid Tecumseh. This is supposed to have hastened the order from Kenton, for his men toretreat. The afternoon prior to the battle, one of Kenton's men, by thename of McIntire, succeeded in catching an Indian horse, which he tiedin the rear of the camp; and, when a retreat was ordered, he mountedand rode off. Early in the morning, Tecumseh and four of his men setoff in pursuit of the retreating party. Having fallen upon the trail ofMcIntire, they pursued it for some distance, and at length overtookhim. He had struck a fire and was cooking some meat. When McIntirediscovered his pursuers, he instantly fled at full speed. Tecumseh andtwo others followed, and were fast gaining on him, when he turned andraised his gun. Two of the Indians, who happened to be in advance ofTecumseh, sprung behind trees, but he rushed upon McIntire and made himprisoner. He was tied and taken back to the battle ground. Uponreaching it, Tecumseh deemed it prudent to draw off his men, lest thewhites should rally and renew the attack. He requested some of theIndians to catch the horses, but they, hesitating, he undertook to doit himself, assisted by one of the party. When he returned to camp withthe horses, he found that his men had killed McIntire. At this act ofcruelty to a prisoner, he was exceedingly indignant; declaring that itwas a cowardly act to kill a man when tied and a prisoner. The conductof Tecumseh in this engagement, and in the events of the followingmorning, is creditable alike to his courage and humanity. Resolutelybrave in battle, his arm was never uplifted against a prisoner, nor didhe suffer violence to be inflicted upon a captive, without promptlyrebuking it. [Footnote A: Or Big Fish, the name by which Stephen Ruddell, thenfighting with Tecumseh, was called. ] [Footnote B: John Barr, referred to in a preceding note. ] McDonald, in speaking of this action, says: "The celebrated Tecumseh commanded the Indians. His cautious andfearless intrepidity made him a host wherever he went. In militarytactics, night attacks are not allowable, except in cases like this, when the assailing party are far inferior in numbers. Sometimes innight attacks, panics and confusion are created in the attacked party, which may render them a prey to inferior numbers. Kenton trusted tosomething like this on the present occasion, but was disappointed; forwhen Tecumseh was present, his influence over the minds of hisfollowers infused that confidence in his tact and intrepidity, thatthey could only be defeated by force of numbers. " Some time in the spring of 1793, Tecumseh and a few of his followers, while hunting in the Scioto valley on the waters of Paint creek, wereunexpectedly attacked by a party of white men from Mason county, Kentucky. The circumstances which led to this skirmish were thefollowing. Early in the spring of this year, an express reached thesettlement in Mason, that some stations had been attacked and capturedon Slate creek, in Bath county, Kentucky, and that the Indians werereturning with their prisoners to Ohio. A party of thirty-three men wasimmediately raised to cut off their retreat. These were divided intothree companies, of ten men each;--Simon Kenton commanding one, --Bakeranother, and James Ward the third. The whole party crossed the Ohioriver at Limestone, and aimed to strike the Scioto above the mouth ofPaint creek. After crossing this latter stream, near where the greatroad from Maysville to Chillicothe now crosses it, evening came on, andthey halted for the night. In a short time they heard a noise, and alittle examination disclosed to them that they were in the immediatevicinity of an Indian encampment. Their horses were promptly taken backsome distance and tied, to prevent an alarm. A council washeld, --captain Baker offered to go and reconnoitre, which being agreedto, he took one of his company and made the examination. He found theIndians encamped on the bank of the creek, their horses being betweenthem and the camp of the whites. After Baker's report was made, theparty determined to remain where they were until near daylight the nextmorning; and then to make an attack in the following manner. CaptainBaker and his men were to march round and take a position on the bankof the stream, in front of the Indian camp: captain Ward was to occupythe ground in the rear; and captain Kenton one side, while the riverpresented a barrier on the fourth, thus guarding against a retreat ofthe Indians. It was further agreed that the attack was not to commenceuntil there was light enough to shoot with accuracy. Before Kenton andWard had reached the positions they were respectively to occupy, thebark of a dog in the Indian camp was heard, and then the report of agun. Upon this alarm, Baker's men instantly fired, and captains Kentonand Ward, with their companies, raising the battle cry, rushed towardsthe camp. To their surprise, they found Baker and his men in the rear, instead of the front of the Indians, thus deranging the plan of attack, whether from design or accident is unknown. The Indians sent back thebattle cry, retreated a few paces, and treed. It was still too dark tofire with precision, but random shots were made, and a terribleshouting kept up by the Indians. While the parties were thus at bay, Tecumseh had the address to send a part of their men to the rear of theKentuckians for the horses; and when they had been taken to the front, which was accomplished without discovery, the Indians mounted andeffected their escape, carrying with them John Ward, the only one oftheir party who was shot. This individual, a white man, had beencaptured when three-years old, on Jackson, one of the tributaries ofJames river, in Virginia. He had been raised by the Indians, among whomhe had married, and reared several children. He was the brother ofJames Ward, one of the leaders of this expedition, and died of hiswound a few days after the engagement, as was subsequently ascertained. No Indian was killed in this skirmish, and but one of the Kentuckians, Jacob Jones, a member of Baker's detachment. No pursuit of the Indianswas made from this point, nor did they prove to be the same party whohad been engaged in the attack upon the Slate creek station. [A] [Footnote A: For the foregoing details of this little expedition, theauthor is indebted to captain James Ward, of Mason county, Kentucky, who commanded one of the detachments on this occasion. ] In McDonald's Sketches, it is stated that "three Indians were killed inthis action; and that when fired upon by their assailants, they dashedthrough the creek, and scattered through the woods, like a flock ofyoung partridges. " On these points, the worthy author of the "Sketches" has undoubtedlybeen misinformed. The Indians lost but one man, John Ward; and afterhaving treed, maintained their ground until they had adroitly obtainedpossession of their horses, and then succeeded in making their escape, carrying off not only the wounded man, but also the women and childrenwho were with them when attacked. This we learn from authorities beforeus, on which reliance may be placed. [A] By one of these, it appearsthat there were but six or seven warriors in the party; and, that whenthe attack was made, Tecumseh called out to them that the women andchildren must be defended, and it was owing to his firmness andinfluence that the assailants were kept at bay until the horses of hisparty were secured, and the necessary arrangements made for a hastyretreat. [Footnote A: Anthony Shane. Stephen Ruddell. ] After this engagement, it is not known that Tecumseh was a party to anywarlike movement, until the summer of the following year. He returnedto the waters of the Miami, and spent his time in hunting, for which hehad a great fondness, and in which he was generally more successfulthan any other member of his tribe. After general Wayne assumed the command of the north-western army, hecaused a fort to be built on the spot where the unfortunate defeat ofhis predecessor, general Arthur St. Clair, had occurred. This fort wasnamed Recovery. In the summer of 1794, an attack was made upon it by a numerous body ofIndians, among whom was Tecumseh. They were accompanied by a Britishofficer, and some artillerists, furnished with fixed ammunition, suitedto the calibre of some field pieces which the Indians had taken fromgeneral St. Clair, at the time of his defeat. [A] In referring to thisattack and the movements of general Wayne, Withers, in his "Chroniclesof Border Warfare, " says: "Before the troops marched from fort Washington, it was deemedadvisable to have an abundant supply of provisions in the differentforts in advance of this, as well for the support of their respectivegarrisons, as for the subsistence of the general army, in the event ofits being driven into them, by untoward circumstances. With this view, three hundred pack horses, laden with flour, were sent on to fortRecovery; and as it was known that considerable bodies of the enemywere constantly hovering about the forts, and awaiting opportunities ofcutting off any detachments from the main army, major McMahon, withninety riflemen under captain Hartshorn, and fifty dragoons undercaptain Taylor, was ordered on as an escort. This force was so large asto discourage the savages from making an attack, until they shouldunite their several war parties, and before this could be effected, major McMahon reached the place of his destination. "On the 30th of July, as the escort was about leaving fort Recovery, itwas attacked by a body of one thousand Indians, in the immediatevicinity of the fort. Captain Hartshorn had advanced only three or fourhundred yards, at the head of the riflemen, when he was unexpectedlybeset on every side. With the most consummate bravery and good conduct, he maintained the unequal conflict, until major McMahon, placinghimself at the head of the cavalry, charged upon the enemy, and wasrepulsed with considerable loss. Major McMahon, captain Taylor andcornet Torrey fell, upon the first onset, and many of the privates werekilled or wounded. The whole savage force being now brought to press oncaptain Hartshorn, that brave officer was forced to try and regain thefort; but the enemy interposed its strength to prevent this movement. Lieutenant Drake and ensign Dodd, with twenty volunteers, marched fromthe fort, and forcing a passage through a column of the enemy, at thepoint of the bayonet, joined the rifle corps at the instant thatcaptain Hartshorn received a shot which broke his thigh. LieutenantCraig being killed, and lieutenant Marks taken prisoner, lieutenantDrake conducted the retreat; and while endeavoring for an instant tohold the enemy in check, so as to enable the soldiers to bring offtheir wounded captain, himself received a shot in the groin, and theretreat was resumed, leaving captain Hartshorn on the field. "When the remnant of the troops came within the walls of the fort, lieutenant Michael, who had been detached at an early period of thebattle by captain Hartshorn to the flank of the enemy, was found to bemissing, and was given up as lost; but while his friends were deploringhis unfortunate fate, he and lieutenant Marks, who had been takenprisoner, were seen rushing through the enemy from opposite directions, towards the fort. They gained it safely, notwithstanding they wereactively pursued, and many shots fired at them. Lieutenant Marks hadgot off by knocking down the Indian who held him prisoner; andlieutenant Michael had lost all of his party but three men. " [Footnote A: For this fact see general Harrison's Address on the 50thAnniversary of the first settlement of Ohio. ] The official letter of general Wayne giving an account of this action, places the loss of the whites at twenty-two killed and thirty wounded. "The enemy, " continues the report, "were soon repulsed with greatslaughter, but immediately rallied and reiterated the attack, keepingup a very heavy and constant fire, at a more respectable distance, forthe remainder of the day, which was answered with spirit and effect bythe garrison, and that part of major McMahon's command that hadregained the fort. The savages were employed during the night (whichwas dark and foggy, ) in carrying off their dead by torchlight, whichoccasionally drew a fire from the garrison. They nevertheless succeededso well, that there were but eight or ten bodies left on the field, andthose close under the influence of the fire from the fort. The enemyagain renewed the attack on the morning of the first inst. , but wereultimately compelled to retreat with loss and disgrace from that veryfield, where they had upon a former occasion, been proudly victorious. " Tecumseh fought in the decisive battle between the American troopsunder general Wayne, and the combined Indian forces, which occurred onthe 20th of August, 1794, near the rapids of the Miami of the lakes. Itis not known whether he attended the council, the evening previous tothe engagement, in which the advice of Little Turtle, the Miami chief, was overruled by the influence of the Shawanoe chief, Blue Jacket. Theformer was opposed to giving battle on the following day; the latter infavor of it. As a _brave_ of distinction, Tecumseh took the command ofa party of Shawanoes in the engagement, but had no participation in theplan of the attack, or the mode of carrying it into execution. At thecommencement of the action, he was in the advance guard with two of hisbrothers. After fighting for some time, in attempting to load hisrifle, he put in a bullet before the powder, and was thus unable to usehis gun. Being at this moment pressed in front by some infantry, hefell back with his party until they met another detachment of Indians. Tecumseh urged them to stand fast and fight, saying if any one wouldlend him a gun, he would show them how to do it. A fowling-piece washanded to him, with which he fought for some time, until the Indianswere again compelled to give ground. While falling back, he met anotherparty of Shawanoes, and although the whites were pressing on them, herallied the Indians, and induced them to make a stand in a thicket. When the infantry pressed close upon them, and had discharged theirmuskets into the bushes, Tecumseh and his party returned their fire, and then retreated, until they had joined the main body of the Indiansbelow the rapids of the Miami. [A] [Footnote A: Anthony Shane. ] In this memorable action, which gave victory to the American arms, andhumbled the north-western Indians, William Henry Harrison and Tecumsehwere for the first time opposed to each other in battle. They were bothyoung, and indeed nearly the same age, and both displayed that courageand gallantry which ever afterwards signalized their brilliant andeventful lives. CHAPTER IV. Tecumseh's skill as a hunter--declines attending the treaty of Greenville in 1795--in 1796 removed to Great Miami--in 1798 joined a party of Delawares on White river, Indiana--in 1799 attended a council between the whites and Indians near Urbana--another at Chillicothe in 1803--makes an able speech--removes with the Prophet to Greenville, in 1805--the latter commences prophecying--causes the death of Teteboxti, Patterson, Coltes, and Joshua--governor Harrison's speech to the Prophet to arrest these murderers--effort of Wells, the U. S. Indian agent, to prevent Tecumseh and the Prophet from assembling the Indians at Greenville--Tecumseh's speech in reply--he attends a council at Chillicothe--speech on that occasion--council at Springfield--Tecumseh principal speaker and actor. In the spring of the year 1795, Tecumseh was established on Deer creek, near where Urbana now stands, and engaged in his favorite amusement ofhunting. This was more as a pastime than a matter of business. The loveof property was not a distinguishing trait of his character; on thecontrary, his generosity was proverbial among his tribe. If heaccumulated furs, they, or the goods which he received in return forthem, were dispensed with a liberal hand. He loved hunting because itwas a manly exercise, fit for a _brave_; and, for the additionalreason, that it gave him the means of furnishing the aged and infirmwith wholesome and nourishing food. The skill of Tecumseh in the chasehas already been adverted to. While residing on Deer creek, an incidentoccurred which greatly enhanced his reputation as a hunter. One of hisbrothers, and several other Shawanoes of his own age, proposed to betwith him, that they could each kill as many deer, in the space of threedays, as he could. Tecumseh promptly accepted the overture. The partiestook to the woods, and at the end of the stipulated time, returned withthe evidences of their success. None of the party, except Tecumseh, hadmore than twelve deer skins; he brought in upwards of thirty--nearthree times as many as any of his competitors. From this time he wasgenerally conceded to be the greatest hunter in the Shawanoe nation. In the course of the summer of this year, 1795, he commenced raising aparty of his own, and began to style himself a chief. He did not attendthe treaty of Greenville, held by general Wayne, on the 3d of August, 1795, with the hostile Indians, but after its conclusion, Blue Jacketpaid him a visit on Deer creek, and communicated to him the terms onwhich peace had been concluded. Tecumseh remained at this place until the spring of 1796, when heremoved with his party to the Great Miami, near to Piqua, where theyraised a crop of corn. In the autumn he again changed his place ofresidence, and went over to the head branches of White Water, west ofthe Miami, where he and his party spent the winter; and in the springand summer of 1797, raised another crop of corn. In the year 1798, the Delawares, then residing in part, on White river, Indiana, invited Tecumseh and his followers, to remove to thatneighborhood. Having accepted this invitation, and made the removal, hecontinued his head quarters in the vicinity of that nation for severalyears, occupied in the ordinary pursuits of the hunter-life--graduallyextending his influence among the Indians, and adding to the number ofhis party. In 1799, there was a council held about six miles north of the placewhere Urbana now stands, between the Indians and some of the principalsettlers on Mad River, for the adjustment of difficulties which hadgrown up between these parties. Tecumseh, with other Shawanoe chiefs, attended this council. He appears to have been the most conspicuousorator of the conference, and made a speech on the occasion, which wasmuch admired for its force and eloquence. The interpreter, Dechouset, said that he found it very difficult to translate the lofty flights ofTecumseh, although he was as well acquainted with the Shawanoelanguage, as with the French, which was his mother tongue. [A] [Footnote A: James Galloway, of Xenia. ] We next hear of Tecumseh, under circumstances which show the confidencereposed in him by the white settlers on the frontier. In the month of April, 1803, Thomas Herrod, living sixteen milesnorth-west of Chillicothe, was shot, tomahawked, and scalped, near hisown house. The Indians were suspected of having committed this deed; awanton and cruel retaliation was made upon one of them, (guiltless nodoubt of that particular crime, ) and the settlement in the Sciotovalley and north-west of it, was thrown into a state of muchexcitement. The Indians fled in one direction and the whites inanother. For the purpose of ascertaining the facts in the case, andpreventing further hostilities, several patriotic citizens ofChillicothe mounted their horses, and rode into the Indian country, where they found Tecumseh and a body of Indians. They disavowed allknowledge of the murder of Herrod, and stated, explicitly, that theywere peaceably inclined, and disposed to adhere to the treaty ofGreenville. Tecumseh finally agreed to return with the deputation fromChillicothe, that he might in person, give similar assurances to thepeople of that place. He did so, and a day was fixed on, when he shouldmake an address upon the subject. A white man, raised among theIndians, acted as interpreter. Governor Tiffin opened the conference. "When Tecumseh rose to speak, " says an eyewitness, "as he cast his gazeover the vast multitude, which the interesting occasion had drawntogether, he appeared one of the most dignified men I ever beheld. While this orator of nature was speaking, the vast crowd preserved themost profound silence. From the confident manner in which he spoke ofthe intention of the Indians to adhere to the treaty of Greenville, andlive in peace and friendship with their white brethren, he dispelled, as if by magic, the apprehensions of the whites--the settlers returnedto their deserted farms, and business generally was resumed throughoutthat region. "[A] This incident is of value, in forming an estimate ofthe character of this chief: it exhibits the confidence reposed in himby he white inhabitants on the frontier. The declaration of no otherIndian could thus have dissipated the fears of a border war, which thenpervaded the settlement. [Footnote A: Colonel John M'Donald. ] Some time during this year, a stout Kentuckian came to Ohio, for thepurpose of exploring the lands on Mad River, and lodged one night atthe house of captain Abner Barrett, residing on the head waters of Buckcreek. In the course of the evening, he learned with apparent alarm, that there were some Indians encamped within a short distance of thehouse. Shortly after hearing this unwelcome intelligence, the door ofcaptain Barrett's dwelling was suddenly opened, and Tecumseh enteredwith his usual stately air: he paused in silence, and looked around, until at length his eye was fixed upon the stranger, who wasmanifesting symptoms of alarm, and did not venture to look the sternsavage in the face. Tecumseh turned to his host, and pointing to theagitated Kentuckian, exclaimed, "a big baby! a big baby!" He thenstepped up to him, and gently slapping him on the shoulder severaltimes, repeated with a contemptuous manner, the phrase "big baby! bigbaby!" to the great alarm of the astonished man, and to the amusementof all present. [A] [Footnote A: James Galloway. ] In the early part of the year 1805, a portion of the Shawanoe nation, residing at the Tawa towns on the headwaters of the Auglaize river, wishing to re-assemble their scattered people, sent a deputation toTecumseh and his party, (then living on White river, ) and also to abody of the same tribe upon the Mississiniway, another tributary of theWabash, inviting them to remove to the Tawa towns, and join theirbrethren at that place. To this proposition both parties assented; andthe two bands met at Greenville, on their way thither. There, throughthe influence of Laulewasikaw, they concluded to establish themselves;and accordingly the project of going to the Auglaize was abandoned. Very soon afterwards, Laulewasikaw assumed the office of a prophet; andforthwith commenced that career of cunning and pretended sorcery, whichenabled him to sway the Indian mind in a wonderful degree, and win forhimself a name on the page of history. A concise notice of hisprophetical achievements is subjoined. While it serves to display hisindividual character and endowments, it also presents an interestingand instructive phase of aboriginal character. It happened about this time that an old Shawanoe, named Penagashega, orthe Change of Feathers, who had for some years been engaged in therespectable calling of a prophet, fell sick and died. Laulewasikaw, whohad marked the old man's influence with the Indians, adroitly caught upthe mantle of the dying prophet, and assumed his sacred office. Hechanged his name from Laulewasikaw, to Tenskwautawau, [A] meaning theOpen Door, because he undertook to point out to the Indians the newmodes of life which they should pursue. In the month of November, ofthis year, he assembled a considerable number of Shawanoes, Wyandots, Ottaways and Senecas, at Wapakonatta, on the Auglaize river, when heunfolded to them the new character with which he was clothed, and madehis first public effort in that career of religious imposition, which, in a few years, was felt by the remote tribes of the upper lakes, andon the broad plains which stretch beyond the Mississippi. At this timenothing, it is believed, was said by him in regard to the grandconfederacy of the tribes, for the recovery of their lands, whichshortly afterwards became an object of ambition with his brother; and, in the furtherance of which he successfully exerted his power andinfluence, as a prophet. In this assemblage he declaimed againstwitchcraft, which many of the Indians practised and still morebelieved. He pronounced that those who continued bewitched, or exertedtheir arts on others, would never go to heaven nor see the GreatSpirit. He next took up the subject of drunkenness, against which heharangued with great force; and, as appeared subsequently, with muchsuccess. He told them that since he had become a prophet, he went upinto the clouds; that the first place he came to was the dwelling ofthe Devil, and that all who had died drunkards were there, with flamesissuing out of their mouths. He acknowledged that he had himself been adrunkard, but that this awful scene had reformed him. Such was theeffect of his preaching against this pernicious vice, that many of hisfollowers became alarmed, and ceased to drink the "fire-water, " a nameby which whiskey is significantly called among the Indians. Helikewise, declaimed against the custom of Indian women intermarryingwith white men, and denounced it as one of the causes of theirunhappiness. Among other doctrines of his new code, he insisted on acommunity of property--a very comfortable regulation for those, wholike himself, were too indolent to labor for the acquisition of it. Amore salutary and rational precept, and one which he enforced withconsiderable energy, was the duty of the young, at all times and underall circumstances, to support, cherish and respect the aged and infirm. He declaimed with vehemence against all innovations in the originaldress and habits of the Indians--dwelt upon the high claims of theShawanoes to superiority over other tribes, and promised to all hisfollowers, who would believe his doctrines and practice his precepts, the comforts and happiness which their forefathers enjoyed before theywere debased by their connection with the whites. And finallyproclaimed, with much solemnity, that he had received power from theGreat Spirit, to cure all diseases, to confound his enemies, and staythe arm of death, in sickness, or on the battle field. [Footnote A: In the remaining pages of this work this person will becalled the Prophet, the name by which he is most generally known. ] Such is the superstitious credulity of the Indians, that this craftyimpostor not only succeeded for a time, in correcting many of the vicesof his followers, but likewise influenced them to the perpetration ofoutrages upon each other, shocking to humanity. If an individual, andespecially a chief, was supposed to be hostile to his plans, or doubtedthe validity of his claim to the character of a prophet, he wasdenounced as a witch, and the loss of reputation, if not of life, speedily followed. Among the first of his victims were severalDelawares, --Tatepocoshe (more generally known as Teteboxti, ) Patterson, his nephew, Coltos, an old woman, and an aged man called Joshua. Thesewere successively marked by the Prophet, and doomed to be burnt alive. The tragedy was commenced with the old woman. The Indians roasted herslowly over a fire for four days, calling upon her frequently todeliver up her charm and medicine bag. Just as she was dying, sheexclaimed that her grandson, who was then out hunting, had it in hispossession. Messengers were sent in pursuit of him, and when found hewas tied and brought into camp. He acknowledged that on one occasion hehad borrowed the charm of his grandmother, by means of which he hadflown through the air, over Kentucky, to the banks of the Mississippi, and back again, between twilight and bed-time; but he insisted that hehad returned the charm to its owner; and after some consultation, hewas set at liberty. The following day, a council was held over the caseof the venerable chief Tatepocoshe, he being present. His death wasdecided upon after full deliberation; and, arrayed in his finestapparel, he calmly assisted in building his own funeral pile, fullyaware that there was no escape from the judgment that had been passedupon him. The respect due to his whitened locks, induced hisexecutioners to treat him with mercy. He was deliberately tomahawked bya young man, and his body was then placed upon the blazing faggots andconsumed. The next day, the old preacher Joshua, met a similar fate. The wife of Tatepocoshe, and his nephew Billy Patterson, were thenbrought into the council house, and seated side by side. The latter hadled an irreproachable life, and died like a Christian, singing andpraying amid the flames which destroyed his body. While preparationswere making for the immolation of Tatepocoshe's wife, her brother, ayouth of twenty years of age, suddenly started up, took her by thehand, and to the amazement of the council, led her out of the house. Hesoon returned, and exclaiming, "the devil has come among us, (alludingto the Prophet) and we are killing each other, " he reseated himself inthe midst of the crowd. This bold step checked the wild frenzy of theIndians, put an end to these cruel scenes, and for a time greatlyimpaired the impostor's influence among the Delawares. The benevolent policy of the governor of Indiana Territory (WilliamHenry Harrison, ) towards the Indian tribes, had given him muchinfluence over them. Early in the year 1806, and so soon as he hadheard of the movements of the Prophet, and the delusion of theDelawares in regard to witchcraft, he sent a special messenger to themwith the following speech. Had it reached them a little earlier, itwould probably have saved the life of the aged Tatepocoshe. "My Children:--My heart is filled with grief, and my eyes are dissolvedin tears, at the news which has reached me. You have been celebratedfor your wisdom above all the tribes of red people who inhabit thisgreat island. Your fame as warriors has extended to the remotestnations, and the wisdom of your chiefs has gained for you theappellation of grandfathers, from all the neighboring tribes. From whatcause, then, does it proceed, that you have departed from the wisecounsels of your fathers, and covered yourselves with guilt? Mychildren, tread back the steps you have taken, and endeavor to regainthe straight road which you have abandoned. The dark, crooked andthorny one which you are now pursuing, will certainly lead to endlesswoe and misery. But who is this pretended prophet, who dares to speakin the name of the Great Creator? Examine him. Is he more wise orvirtuous than you are yourselves, that he should be selected to conveyto you the orders of your God? Demand of him some proofs at least, ofhis being the messenger of the Deity. If God has really employed him, he has doubtless authorized him to perform miracles, that he may beknown and received as a prophet. If he is really a prophet, ask of himto cause the sun to stand still--the moon to alter its course--therivers to cease to flow--or the dead to rise from their graves. If hedoes these things, you may then believe that he has been sent from God. He tells you that the Great Spirit commands you to punish with deaththose who deal in magic; and that he is authorized to point them out. Wretched delusion! Is then the Master of Life obliged to employ mortalman to punish those who offend him? Has he not the thunder and all thepowers of nature at his command?--and could he not sweep away from theearth a whole nation with one motion of his arm? My children: do notbelieve that the great and good Creator of mankind has directed you todestroy your own flesh; and do not doubt but that if you pursue thisabominable wickedness, his vengeance will overtake and crush you. "The above is addressed to you in the name of the Seventeen Fires. Inow speak to you from myself, as a friend who wishes nothing moresincerely than to see you prosperous and happy. Clear your eyes, Ibeseech you, from the mist which surrounds them. No longer be imposedupon by the arts of an impostor. Drive him from your town, and letpeace and harmony once more prevail amongst you. Let your poor old menand women sleep in quietness, and banish from their minds the dreadfulidea of being burnt alive by their own friends and countrymen. I chargeyou to stop your bloody career; and if you value the friendship of yourgreat father, the President--if you wish to preserve the good opinionof the Seventeen Fires, let me hear by the return of the bearer, thatyou have determined to follow my advice. "[A] [Footnote A: Quoted from Dawson's Historical Narrative of the civil andmilitary services of William Henry Harrison. ] Among the Miamis, the Prophet was less successful in establishing aninfluence than with the Delawares; while over the Kickapoos he gained, for a time, a remarkable ascendency, --greater, indeed, than he everestablished in his own tribe. Most of the Shawanoe chiefs were opposedto him, and even complained to the agent at fort Wayne, that hisconduct was creating difficulties among the Indians. We have met with no evidence that Tecumseh favored the destruction ofthe Delawares, whose unhappy fate has been detailed. On the contrary, it is stated by a credible authority, [A] that he was opposed to it. [Footnote A: Anthony Shane. ] Throughout the year 1806, the brothers remained at Greenville, and werevisited by many Indians from different tribes, not a few of whom becametheir followers. The Prophet dreamed many wonderful dreams; and claimedto have had many supernatural revelations made to him. The greateclipse of the sun which occurred in the summer of this year, aknowledge of which he had by some means attained, enabled him to carryconviction to the minds of many of his ignorant followers, that he wasreally the earthly agent of the Great Spirit. He boldly announced tothe unbelievers, that on a certain day, he would give them proof of hissupernatural powers, by bringing darkness over the sun. When the dayand hour of the eclipse arrived, and the earth, even at mid day, wasshrouded in the gloom of twilight, the Prophet, standing in the midstof his party, significantly pointed to the heavens, and cried out, "didI not prophecy truly? Behold! darkness has shrouded the sun!" It mayreadily be supposed that this striking phenomenon, thus adroitly used, produced a strong impression on the Indians, and greatly increasedtheir belief in the sacred character of their Prophet. In April, 1807, Tecumseh and his brother had assembled at Greenvilleabout four hundred Indians, most of them highly excited by religiousfanaticism; and ready, it was feared, for any enterprise on which thesebrothers might be disposed to lead them. Considerable apprehension wasentertained for the safety of the frontiers, and several fruitlessefforts were made to ascertain the ulterior objects of the leaders. William Wells, then Indian agent at fort Wayne, despatched AnthonyShane, a half-blood Shawanoe, with a communication to Tecumseh and theProphet, requesting them and two other of their chiefs, to visit him atfort Wayne, that he might read to them a letter which he had justreceived from their great father, the President of the United States. A council being called, Shane made known the object of his mission. Tecumseh, without consulting with those around him, immediately aroseand said to the messenger, "go back to fort Wayne, and tell captainWells, that my fire is kindled on the spot appointed by the GreatSpirit above; and, if he has any thing to communicate to me, _he_ mustcome _here_:--I shall expect him in six days from this time. " With thislaconic, but dignified reply, the conference ended. The agent at fortWayne declined waiting on Tecumseh, in person, but on the appointedday, sent Shane back to Greenville, with a copy of the President'scommunication, contained in a letter from the Secretary at War; thesubstance of which was, that Tecumseh and his party being establishedwithin the limits of the governor's purchase from the Indians, theywere desired to remove to some point beyond the boundaries agreed uponby the treaty of Greenville; and, in case of their compliance, thegovernment would afford them assistance, until they were properlyestablished at their new post. A second council was assembled, and thecommunication fully interpreted to those present. Tecumseh feltindignant that captain Wells had not visited him in person. He arosedeeply excited, and turning to his followers, addressed them in a long, glowing and impassioned speech, in which he dwelt upon the injuries theIndians had received from the whites, and especially the continuedencroachments of the latter upon the lands of the red men: "Theselands, " said he in conclusion, "are ours: no one has a right to removeus, because we were the first owners; the Great Spirit above hasappointed this place for us, on which to light our fires, and here wewill remain. As to boundaries, the Great Spirit above knows noboundaries, nor will his red people acknowledge any. " Of this speech no copy has been preserved. Shane speaks of it as amasterpiece of Indian eloquence--bold, argumentative and powerful. Itwas delivered with great vehemence, and deep indignant feeling. After amoment's pause, Tecumseh turned to the messenger and said, with thatstately indifference of manner, which he could so gracefully assumewhen in council, "if my great father, the President of the SeventeenFires, has any thing more to say to me, he must send a man of note ashis messenger. I will hold no further intercourse with captain Wells. " The Prophet, who seldom lost an opportunity of vaunting himself beforehis followers, then rose, and addressing captain Shane, said, "why doesnot the President send to us the greatest man in his nation? I can talkto him--I can bring darkness between him and me--nay more, I can bringthe sun under my feet, and what white man can do this?" With thisself-glorification, the council terminated. The excitement continued to increase, and at the close of May, it wasestimated by the agent at fort Wayne, that not less than fifteenhundred Indians, had within a short time, passed and repassed thatfort, in making visits to the Prophet. Many of these were from distantpoints on the lakes. Councils were assembled, runners with pipes andbelts of wampum, went from tribe to tribe, and strong evidence of someuncommon movement among the Indians became quite apparent. The Britishagents were active in fomenting this excitement, and in extending theinfluence of Tecumseh and his brother, whose ulterior objects werecarefully concealed from the agents of the United States, and suchIndian chiefs as were known to be friendly to our government. In the month of August, on the testimony of several persons familiarwith Indian affairs, then residing in the north-western portions of thestate, the Indians at fort Wayne and at Greenville, who were supposedto be under the influence of the Prophet, amounted to between seven andeight hundred, most of them equipped with new rifles. These facts beingcommunicated to the governor of Ohio, he directed his attention to thesubject, and, in the early part of September, despatched ThomasWorthington and Duncan McArthur, to Greenville, for the purpose ofholding a conference with the Prophet and Tecumseh, and ascertainingthe object of their assembling so large a body of Indians, within thelimits of the cession of land made by them at the treaty of 1795. Thesecommissioners left Chillicothe on the 8th of September, and reachedGreenville on the 12th, where they were courteously received by theIndians. They were fortunate in securing the services of StephenRuddell, as their interpreter, who had resided for seventeen yearsamong the Indians, and was familiar with the Shawanoe language. On theday of their arrival, the commissioners were invited to a generalcouncil of the Indians, at which the letter of the governor was read, and interpreted to the Shawanoes, Potawatamies and Chippewas. This wasfollowed by an address from the commissioners, referring to the pastrelations between the United States and the Indians, the policy pursuedtowards the latter by Great Britain, and the importance of theirremaining neutral, in case of a war between that country and the UnitedStates. On the following day, Blue Jacket, who, it was announced, hadbeen authorized by all the Indians present, to speak for them, repliedto the commissioners as follows: "Brethren--We are seated who heard you yesterday. You will get a truerelation, as far as we and our connections can give it, who are asfollows: Shawanoes, Wyandots, Potawatamies, Tawas, Chippewas, Winnepaus, Malominese, Malockese, Secawgoes, and one more from thenorth of the Chippewas. _Brethren_--you see all these men sittingbefore you, who now speak to you. "About eleven days ago we had a council, at which the tribe ofWyandots, (the elder brother of the red people) spoke and said God hadkindled a fire and all sat around it. In this council we talked overthe treaties with the French and the Americans. The Wyandot said, theFrench formerly marked a line along the Alleghany mountains, southerly, to Charleston, (S. C. ) No man was to pass it from either side. When theAmericans came to settle over the line, the English told the Indians tounite and drive off the French, until the war came on between theBritish and the Americans, when it was told them that king George, byhis officers, directed them to unite and drive the Americans back. "After the treaty of peace between the English and Americans, thesummer before Wayne's army came out, the English held a council withthe Indians, and told them if they would turn out and unite as one man, they might surround the Americans like deer in a ring of fire anddestroy them all. The Wyandot spoke further in the council. We see, said he, there is like to be war between the English and our whitebrethren, the Americans. Let us unite and consider the sufferings wehave undergone, from interfering in the wars of the English. They haveoften promised to help us, and at last, when we could not withstand thearmy that came against us, and went to the English fort for refuge, theEnglish told us, 'I cannot let you in; you are painted too much, mychildren. ' It was then we saw the British dealt treacherously with us. We now see them going to war again. We do not know what they are goingto fight for. Let us, my brethren, not interfere, was the speech of theWyandot. "Further, the Wyandot said, I speak to you, my little brother, theShawanoes at Greenville, and to you, our little brothers all around. You appear to be at Greenville to serve the _Supreme Ruler_ of theuniverse. Now send forth your speeches to all our brethren far aroundus, and let us unite to seek for that which shall be for our eternalwelfare, and unite ourselves in a band of perpetual brotherhood. These, brethren, are the sentiments of all the men who sit around you: theyall adhere to what the elder brother, the Wyandot, has said, and theseare their sentiments. It is not that they are afraid of their whitebrethren, but that they desire peace and harmony, and not that theirwhite brethren could put them to great necessity, for their former armswere bows and arrows, by which they got their living. " The commissioners made some explanations in reply, when they were toldthat the Prophet would assign the reasons why the Indians had settledat Greenville. "He then proceeded to inform us, " says the report, "thatabout three years since, he became convinced of the error of his ways, and that he would be destroyed from the face of the earth, if he didnot amend them; that it was soon after made known to him what he shoulddo to be right; that from that time he constantly preached to his redbrethren the miserable situation they were in by nature, and endeavoredto convince them that they must change their lives, live honestly, andbe just in all their dealings, kind towards one another, and theirwhite brethren: affectionate towards their families, put away lying andslandering, and serve the Great Spirit in the way he had pointed out;never think of war again; that at first the Lord did not give them thetomahawk to go to war with one another. His red brethren, the chiefs ofthe Shawanoes at Tawa town, would not listen to him, but persecutedhim. This produced a division in the nation; those who adhered to him, separated themselves from their brethren at Tawa town, removed with andsettled where he now was, and where he had constantly preached theabove doctrines to all the strangers who came to see them. They did notremove to this place because it was a pretty place, or very valuable, for it was neither; but because it was revealed to him that the placewas a proper one to establish his doctrines; that he meant to adhere tothem while he lived; they were not his own, nor were they taught him byman, but by the Supreme Ruler of the universe; that his future lifeshould prove to his white brethren the sincerity of his professions. Hethen told us that six chiefs should go with us to Chillicothe. " The commissioners left Greenville entirely convinced of the sincerityof the Prophet in his declaration of pacific intentions towards theUnited States. [A] Four chiefs, Tecumseh, Blue Jacket, Sti-agh-ta, (orRoundhead) and Panther, accompanied them to the seat of government, forthe purpose of holding a conference with the governor; and giving himassurances that the Indians were not assembling at Greenville for thepurpose of making war upon the frontiers. These chiefs remained about aweek in Chillicothe, in the course of which a public council was heldbetween them and the governor. Stephen Ruddell acted as theinterpreter. Tecumseh was the principal speaker; and in the course ofthe conference, made a speech which occupied three hours in thedelivery. [Footnote A: See Report of Commissioners to governor Kirker, 22d Sept. 1807, published in the United States Gazette, for that year. ] His great object was to prove the nullity of the treaties under whichthe whites claimed the country north and west of the Ohio. He seemed tohave a familiar knowledge of all the treaties made with the westerntribes; reviewed them in their order, and with the most intensebitterness and scorn, denounced them as null and void. This speech isdescribed by one[A] who heard it, as possessing all the characteristicsof a high effort of oratory. The utterance of the speaker was rapid andvehement; his manner bold and commanding; his gestures impassioned, quick and violent, and his countenance indicating that there wassomething more in his mind, struggling for utterance, than he deemed itprudent to express. While he fearlessly denied the validity of these_pretended_ treaties, and openly avowed his intention to resist thefurther extension of the white settlements upon the Indian lands, hedisclaimed all intention of making war upon the United States. Theresult was, a conviction on the part of the governor, that no immediatedanger was to be apprehended from the Indians, at Greenville and fortWayne; and, as a consequence, the militia which had been called intoservice were ordered to be disbanded, and the chiefs returned to theirhead quarters. [Footnote A: John A. Fulton, formerly mayor of Chillicothe, communicated by general James T. Worthington. ] In the autumn of this year, a white man by the name of Myers, waskilled a few miles west of where the town of Urbana now stands, by somestraggling Indians. This murder, taken in connection with theassemblage of the Indians under Tecumseh and the Prophet, created agreat alarm on the frontier, and actually induced many families toremove back to Kentucky, from whence they had emigrated. A demand wasmade by the whites upon these two brothers for the Indians who hadcommitted the murder. They denied that it was done by their party, orwith their knowledge, and declared that they did not even know who themurderers were. The alarm continued, and some companies of militia werecalled out. It was finally agreed, that a council should be held on thesubject in Springfield, for the purpose of quieting the settlements. General Whiteman, major Moore, captain Ward and one or two others, acted as commissioners on the part of the whites. Two parties ofIndians attended the council; one from the north, in charge ofMcPherson; the other, consisting of sixty or seventy, came from theneighborhood of fort Wayne, under the charge of Tecumseh. Roundhead, Blackfish, and several other chiefs, were also present. There was nofriendly feeling between these two parties, and each was willing thatthe blame of the murder should be fixed upon the other. The party underMcPherson, in compliance with the wishes of the commissioners, lefttheir arms a few miles from Springfield. Tecumseh and his party refusedto attend the council, unless permitted to retain their arms. After theconference was opened, it being held in a maple grove, a little northof where Werden's hotel now stands, the commissioners, fearing someviolence, made another effort to induce Tecumseh to lay aside his arms. This he again refused, saying, in reply, that his tomahawk was also hispipe, and that he might wish to use it in that capacity before theirbusiness was closed. At this moment, a tall, lank-sided Pennsylvanian, who was standing among the spectators, and who, perhaps, had no lovefor the shining tomahawk of the self-willed chief, cautiouslyapproached, and handed him an old, long stemmed, dirty looking earthenpipe, intimating, that if Tecumseh would deliver up the fearfultomahawk, he might smoke the aforesaid pipe. The chief took it betweenhis thumb and finger, held it up, looked at it for a moment, then atthe owner, who was gradually receding from the point of danger, andimmediately threw it, with an indignant sneer, over his head, into thebushes. The commissioners yielded the point, and proceeded to business. After a full and patient enquiry into the facts of the case, itappeared that the murder of Myers, was the act of an individual, andnot justly chargeable upon either party of the Indians. Severalspeeches were made by the chiefs, but Tecumseh was the principalspeaker. He gave a full explanation of the views of the Prophet andhimself, in calling around them a band of Indians--disavowed allhostile intentions towards the United States, and denied that he orthose under his control had committed any aggressions upon the whites. His manner, when speaking, was animated, fluent and rapid, and made astrong impression upon those present. The council terminated. In thecourse of it, the two hostile parties became reconciled to each other, and quiet was restored to the frontier. The Indians remained in Springfield for three days, and on severaloccasions amused themselves by engaging in various games and otherathletic exercises, in which Tecumseh generally proved himselfvictorious. His strength, and power of muscular action, were remarkablygreat, and in the opinion of those who attended the council, corresponded with the high order of his moral and intellectualcharacter. [A] [Footnote A: Dr. Hunt. ] CHAPTER V. Governor Harrison's address to the Shawanoe chiefs at Greenville--the Prophet's reply--his influence felt among the remote tribes--he is visited in 1808 by great numbers of Indians--Tecumseh and the Prophet remove to Tippecanoe--the latter sends a speech to governor Harrison--makes him a visit at Vincennes. The alarm caused by the assembling of the Indians at Greenville, stillcontinuing, governor Harrison, in the autumn of this year, sent to thehead chiefs of the Shawanoe tribe, by John Conner, one of our Indianagents, the following address:-- "My Children--Listen to me, I speak in the name of your father, thegreat chief of the Seventeen Fires. "My children, it is now twelve years since the tomahawk, which you hadraised by the advice of your father, the king of Great Britain, wasburied at Greenville, in the presence of that great warrior, generalWayne. "My children, you then promised, and the Great Spirit heard it, thatyou would in future live in peace and friendship with your brothers, the Americans. You made a treaty with your father, and one thatcontained a number of good things, equally beneficial to all the tribesof red people, who were parties to it. "My children, you promised in that treaty to acknowledge no otherfather than the chief of the Seventeen Fires; and never to listen tothe proposition of any foreign nation. You promised never to lift upthe tomahawk against any of your father's children, and to give himnotice of any other tribe that intended it: your father also promisedto do something for you, particularly to deliver to you, every year, acertain quantity of goods; to prevent any white man from settling onyour lands without your consent, or to do you any personal injury. Hepromised to run a line between your land and his, so that you mightknow your own; and you were to be permitted to live and hunt upon yourfather's land, as long as you behaved yourselves well. My children, which of these articles has your father broken? You know that he hasobserved them all with the utmost good faith. But, my children, haveyou done so? Have you not always had your ears open to receive badadvice from the white people beyond the lakes? "My children, let us look back to times that are past. It has been along time since you called the king of Great Britain, father. You knowthat it is the duty of a father to watch over his children, to givethem good advice, and to do every thing in his power to make themhappy. What has this father of yours done for you, during the long timethat you have looked up to him for protection and advice? Are you wiserand happier than you were before you knew him; or is your nationstronger or more respectable? No, my children, he took you by the handwhen you were a powerful tribe; you held him fast, supposing he wasyour friend, and he conducted you through paths filled with thorns andbriers, which tore your flesh and shed your blood. Your strength wasexhausted, and you could no longer follow him. Did he stay by you inyour distress, and assist and comfort you? No, he led you into danger, and then abandoned you. He saw your blood flowing and he would give youno bandage to tie up your wounds. This was the conduct of the man whocalled himself your father. The Great Spirit opened your eyes; youheard the voice of the chief of the Seventeen Fires, speaking the wordsof peace. He called to you to follow him; you came to him, and he oncemore put you on the right way, on the broad smooth road that would haveled to happiness. But the voice of your deceiver is again heard; andforgetful of your former sufferings, you are again listening to him. "My children, shut your ears, and mind him not, or he will lead you toruin and misery. "My children, I have heard bad news. The sacred spot where the greatcouncil fire was kindled, around which the Seventeen Fires and tentribes of their children, smoked the pipe of peace--that very spotwhere the Great Spirit saw his red and white children encirclethemselves with the chain of friendship--that place has been selectedfor dark and bloody councils. "My children, this business must be stopped. You have called in anumber of men from the most distant tribes, to listen to a fool, whospeaks not the words of the Great Spirit, but those of the devil, andof the British agents. My children, your conduct has much alarmed thewhite settlers near you. They desire that you will send away thosepeople, and if they wish to have the impostor with them, they can carryhim. Let him go to the lakes; he can hear the British more distinctly. " At the time of the delivery of this speech, the head chiefs of theShawanoes were absent from Greenville. The Prophet, after listeningpatiently to it, requested the interpreter to write down the followinganswer, which was transmitted to the governor. "Father, --I am very sorry that you listen to the advice of bad birds. You have impeached me with having correspondence with the British; andwith calling and sending for the Indians from the most distant part ofthe country, 'to listen to a fool that speaks not the words of theGreat Spirit, but the words of the devil. ' Father, those impeachments Ideny, and say they are not true. I never had a word with the British, and I never sent for any Indians. They came here themselves to listen, and hear the words of the Great Spirit. "Father, I wish you would not listen any more to the voice of badbirds; and you may rest assured that it is the least of our idea tomake disturbance, and we will rather try to stop any such proceedingsthan to encourage them. " The appeal of the governor, as may be inferred from the evasive andcunning answer of the Prophet, produced no change in his measures, nordid it arrest the spread of the fanaticism among the Indians which hisincantations had set afloat. The happiness of the Indians was the greatidea which Tecumseh and his brother promulgated among their followersas being the object of their labors. This was to be attained by leadingmore virtuous lives, by retaining their lands, and in simply doing whatthe government of the United States had frequently urged upon them, effecting an extended and friendly union of the different tribes. Theseplausible reasons, backed by the superstitious belief of the Indians inthe inspired character of the Prophet, and the insidious efforts of theBritish agents, in fomenting discontent among them, were sufficient tokeep alive the excitement, and even extend the circle of its influence. Thus ended the year 1807. The reader may learn the extraordinary success of the Prophet inspreading his influence among the remote tribes, by a reference to thenarrative of Mr. John Tanner. This man had been taken captive in Boonecounty, Kentucky, when a boy; had been raised by the Indians, and wasat this time, living among the Ojibbeways, who reside far up the lakes. News reached that remote tribe that a great man had arisen among theShawanoes, who had been favored by a revelation of the mind and will ofthe Great Spirit. The messenger bearing this information to them, seemed deeply penetrated with the sacred character of his mission. Uponhis arrival among them, he announced himself after a mysterioussilence, as the forerunner of the great Prophet, who was shortly toshake hands with the Ojibbeways, and explain to them more fully hisinspired character, and the new mode of life and conduct which theywere hereafter to pursue. He then gravely repeated to them theProphet's system of morals; and in a very solemn manner, enjoined itsobservance. So strong was the impression made upon the principal men ofthe Ojibbeways, that a time was appointed and a lodge prepared for thepublic espousal of these doctrines. When the Indians were assembled inthe new lodge, "we saw something, " says Mr. Tanner, "carefullyconcealed under a blanket, in figure and dimensions bearing someresemblance to a man. This was accompanied by two young men, who, itwas understood, attended constantly upon it, made its bed at night, asfor a man, and slept near it. But while we remained, no one went nearto it, or raised the blanket which was spread over its unknowncontents. Four strings of mouldy and discolored beads were all thevisible insignia of this important mission. "After a long harangue, in which the prominent features of the newrevelation were stated, and urged upon the attention of all, the fourstrings of beads, which we were told were made of the flesh of theProphet, were carried with, much solemnity, to each man in the lodge, and he was expected to take hold of each string at the top, and drawthem gently through his hand: This was called shaking hands with theProphet, and was considered as solemnly engaging to obey hisinjunctions, and accept of his mission as from the Supreme. All theIndians who touched the beads had previously killed their dogs; theygave up their medicine bags, and showed a disposition to comply withall that should be required of them. " The excitement among the Ojibbeways continued for some time; theyassembled in groups, their faces wearing an aspect of gloom andanxiety, while the active sunk into indolence, and the spirit of thebravest warriors was subdued. The influence of the Prophet, says Mr. Tanner, "was very sensibly and painfully felt by the remotestOjibbeways of whom I had any knowledge: but it was not the commonimpression among them, that his doctrines had any tendency to unitethem in the accomplishment of any human purpose. For two or three yearsdrunkenness was much less frequent than formerly; war was less thoughtof; and the entire aspect of things among them was changed by theinfluence of this mission. But in time these new impressions wereobliterated; medicine-bags, flints and steels, the use of which hadbeen forbidden, were brought into use; dogs were reared, women andchildren beaten as before; and the Shawanoe Prophet was despised. " With the beginning of the year 1808, great numbers of Indians came downfrom the lakes, on a visit to the Prophet, where they remained untiltheir means of subsistence were exhausted. The governor of Indiana, with the prudence and humanity which marked his administration, directed the agent at fort Wayne, to supply them with provisions fromthe public stores at that place. This was done, and from hisintercourse with them he came to the conclusion that they had nohostile designs against the United States. About this time, Tecumsehmade a visit to the Mississinaway towns, the immediate object of whichcould not be clearly ascertained. That it was connected with the grandscheme in which he was engaged, is probable from the fact that theIndians of that region agreed to meet him and the Prophet on theWabash, in the following June, to which place he had at this timeresolved to move his party. Mr. Jouett, one of the United States'Indian agents, apprehended that this meeting would result in somehostile action against the frontiers; and, as a means of preventing it, and putting an end to the influence of the Prophet, recommended to thegovernor that he should be seized and confined. The proposition, however, was not entertained. In the spring of this year, 1808, Tecumseh and the Prophet removed to atract of land granted them by the Potawatamies and Kickapoos, onTippecanoe, one of the tributaries of the Wabash river. They had notbeen long at their new residence before it became apparent that theProphet had established a strong influence over the minds of thesurrounding Indians, and there was much reason for believing that hisviews were hostile to the United States. The governor still confided inthe fidelity of the Delawares and the Miamis; but he apprehended, thatalthough disbelievers in the Prophet's divine mission, they might beturned from the line of duty from a fear of his temporal power. When hehad established himself upon the banks of the Tippecanoe, the Prophetdrew around him a body of northern Indians, principally from thePotawatamies, Ottowas and Chippewas. To this, the Miamis and Delawareshad strong objections; and a deputation of the latter was sent to theProphet on the subject. He refused to see them himself, but Tecumsehmet them; and after a solemn conference, they returned to their tribewith increased apprehensions of the combination at Tippecanoe, whichwas now uniting warlike sports with the performance of religiousduties. [A] The Delawares decided in council to arrest the progress ofthis rising power, but in vain. Strong in the moral force with whichthey were armed, the two brothers were not to be driven from theirpurpose of planting the banner of union, which they were now holdingout to the tribes, upon the waters of the Wabash. The sacred officewhich the Prophet had impiously assumed, enabled him to sway manyminds, and in doing so, he was effectively sustained by the personalpresence, tact and sagacity of his brother. From his youth, Tecumsehhad been noted for the influence which he exercised over those by whomhe was surrounded. Hence, when the chiefs of the Miamis and Delawares, who were disbelievers in the Prophet's holy character, set out toprevent his removal to the Wabash, Tecumseh boldly met them, and turnedthem from their purpose. This was done at a moment when the number ofthe Prophet's followers was greatly reduced, as we gather from thestatement of the agent, John Conner, who in the month of June, of thisyear, visited his settlement on the Wabash to reclaim some horses whichhad been stolen from the whites. At this time, the Prophet had not morethan forty of his own tribe with him; and less than a hundred fromothers, principally Potawatamies, Chippewas, Ottawas and Winebagoes. The Prophet announced his intention of making a visit to governorHarrison, for the purpose of explaining his conduct, and procuring asupply of provisions for his followers. This, he insisted, could not beconsistently withheld from him, as the white people had alwaysencouraged him to preach the word of God to the Indians: and in thisholy work he was now engaged. [Footnote A: Governor Harrison's Correspondence with the WarDepartment. ] Some time in the month of July, the governor received a speech from theProphet, sent to Vincennes by a special messenger. It was cautious, artful and pacific in its character. It deprecated in strong terms themisrepresentations which had been circulated in regard to the ulteriorobjects of the Prophet and his brother as to the whites; and renewedthe promise of an early visit. This visit was made in the monthfollowing, and was continued for two weeks, during which time he andthe governor had frequent interviews. In these, the Prophet, with hischaracteristic plausibility, denied that his course was the result ofBritish influence. His sole object, he alleged, was a benevolent onetowards his red brethren; to reclaim them from the degrading vices towhich they were addicted, and induce them to cultivate a spirit ofpeace and friendship, not only with the white people, but their kindredtribes. To this sacred office, he insisted, with much earnestness, hehad been specially called by the Great Spirit. That he might the moresuccessfully enforce the sincerity of his views upon the mind of thegovernor, he took occasion several times during the visit, to addressthe Indians who had accompanied him to Vincennes, and dwelt upon thegreat evils resulting to them from wars, and the use of ardent spirits. It was apparent to the governor that the Prophet was a man of decidedtalents, of great tact, and admirably qualified to play successfully, the part he had assumed. In order to test the extent of his influenceover his followers, the governor held conversations with them, andseveral times offered them whiskey, which they invariably refused. Looking to that amelioration of the condition of the Indians, which hadlong engaged his attention, the governor began to hope that theProphet's power over them might be turned to advantage; and that thecause of humanity would be benefited by sustaining rather than tryingto weaken the influence of the preacher. This impression was muchstrengthened by the following speech which the Prophet delivered tohim, before the close of the visit. "Father:--It is three years since I first began with that system ofreligion which I now practice. The white people and some of the Indianswere against me; but I had no other intention but to introduce amongthe Indians, those good principles of religion which the white peopleprofess. I was spoken badly of by the white people, who reproached mewith misleading the Indians; but I defy them to say that I did anything amiss. "Father, I was told that you intended to hang me. When I heard this, Iintended to remember it, and tell my father, when I went to see him, and relate to him the truth. "I heard, when I settled on the Wabash, that my father, the governor, had declared that all the land between Vincennes and fort Wayne, wasthe property of the Seventeen Fires. I also heard that you wanted toknow, my father, whether I was God or man; and that you said if I wasthe former, I should not steal horses. I heard this from Mr. Wells, butI believed it originated with himself. "The Great Spirit told me to tell the Indians that he had made them, and made the world--that he had placed them on it to do good, and notevil. "I told all the red skins, that the way they were in was not good, andthat they ought to abandon it. "That we ought to consider ourselves as one man; but we ought to liveagreeably to our several customs, the red people after their mode, andthe white people after theirs; particularly, that they should not drinkwhiskey; that it was not made for them, but the white people, who aloneknew how to use it; and that it is the cause of all the mischiefs whichthe Indians suffer; and that they must always follow the directions ofthe Great Spirit, and we must listen to him, as it was he that made us:determine to listen to nothing that is bad: do not take up thetomahawk, should it be offered by the British, or by the long knives:do not meddle with any thing that does not belong to you, but mind yourown business, and cultivate the ground, that your women and yourchildren may have enough to live on. "I now inform you, that it is our intention to live in peace with ourfather and his people forever. "My father, I have informed you what we mean to do, and I call theGreat Spirit to witness the truth of my declaration. The religion whichI have established for the last three years, has been attended to bythe different tribes of Indians in this part of the world. ThoseIndians were once different people; they are now but one: they are alldetermined to practice what I have communicated to them, that has comeimmediately from the Great Spirit through me. "Brother, I speak to you as a warrior. You are one. But let us layaside this character, and attend to the care of our children, that theymay live in comfort and peace. We desire that you will join us for thepreservation of both red and white people. Formerly, when we lived inignorance, we were foolish; but now, since we listen to the voice ofthe Great Spirit, we are happy. "I have listened to what you have said to us. You have promised toassist us: I now request you, in behalf of all the red people, to useyour exertions to prevent the sale of liquor to us. We are all wellpleased to hear you say that you will endeavor to promote ourhappiness. We give you every assurance that we will follow the dictatesof the Great Spirit. "We are all well pleased with the attention that you have showed us;also with the good intentions of our father, the President. If you giveus a few articles, such as needles, flints, hoes, powder, &c. , we willtake the animals that afford us meat, with powder and ball. " Governor Harrison, if not deceived by the plausible pretences andapparently candid declarations of the Prophet, was left in doubt, whether he was really meditating hostile movements against the UnitedStates, or only laboring, with the energy of an enthusiast, in the goodwork of promoting the welfare of the Indians. Having received a supplyof provisions, the Prophet and his followers, at the end of afortnight, took leave of the governor and returned to their headquarters, on the banks of the Tippecanoe. CHAPTER VI. Tecumseh visits the Wyandots--governor Harrison's letter about the Prophet to the Secretary at War--British influence over the Indians--Tecumseh burns governor Harrison's letter to the chiefs--great alarm in Indiana, in consequence of the assemblage of the Indians at Tippecanoe--death of Leatherlips, a Wyandot chief on a charge of witchcraft. During the autumn of this year, 1808, nothing material occurred withthe Prophet and his brother, calculated to throw light upon theirconduct. The former continued his efforts to induce the Indians toforsake their vicious habits. The latter was occupied in visiting theneighboring tribes, and quietly strengthening his own and the Prophet'sinfluence over them. Early in the succeeding year, Tecumseh attended acouncil of Indians, at Sandusky, when he endeavored to prevail upon theWyandots and Senecas to remove and join his establishment atTippecanoe. Among other reasons presented in favor of this removal, hestated that the country on the Tippecanoe was better than that occupiedby these tribes; that it was remote from the whites, and that in itthey would have more game and be happier than where they now resided. In this mission he appears not to have been successful. The Crane, anold chief of the Wyandot tribe, replied, that he feared he, Tecumseh, was working for no good purpose at Tippecanoe; that they would wait afew years, and then, if they found their red brethren at that placecontented and happy, they would probably join them. [A] In this visit toSandusky, Tecumseh was accompanied by captain Lewis, a Shawanoe chiefof some note, who then engaged to go with him to the Creeks andCherokees, on a mission which he was contemplating, and which wassubsequently accomplished. Lewis, however, did not finally make thevisit, but permitted Jim Blue Jacket to make the tour in his place. [Footnote A: Anthony Shane. ] In April of the year 1809, the agent of the United States at fortWayne, informed governor Harrison, that it had been reported to himthat the Chippewas, Potawatamies and Ottawas, were deserting thestandard of the Prophet, because they had been required to take up armsagainst the whites, and to unite in an effort to exterminate all theinhabitants of Vincennes, and those living on the Ohio, between itsmouth and Cincinnati--it being the order of the Great Spirit; and thattheir own destruction would be the consequence of a refusal. The agentdid not think, however, that hostilities were likely to ensue, as hewas informed there were not more than one hundred warriors remainingwith the Prophet. The governor, however, had information from othersources, that although there might be but that number of warriors atthe Prophet's village, there were, within fifty miles of hishead-quarters, four or five times that number, who were devoted to himand to his cause. Under these circumstances, he decided to organizeforthwith, under previous orders from the War department, two companiesof volunteer militia, and with them to garrison fort Knox--a post abouttwo miles from Vincennes--then the general depot of arms andammunition, for the use of the neighboring militia. The agent at fortWayne was accordingly directed by the governor to require the Delaware, Miami and Potawatamie tribes, to prevent any hostile parties of Indiansfrom passing through their respective territories. This they were boundto do, by a stipulation in the treaty of Greenville. But no hostilemovements, (if any had been meditated, ) were made by the Prophet, andbefore the close of the month of May, most of his warriors haddispersed, and all apprehension of an attack from the Indians wasdispelled. In the month of July, in reply to a letter from the Secretary of War, on the subject of the defence of the north-western frontier, governorHarrison, in reference to the Prophet, says: "The Shawanoe Prophet and about forty followers, arrived here about aweek ago. He denies most strenuously, any participation in the latecombination to attack our settlements, which he says was entirelyconfined to the tribes of the Mississippi and Illinois rivers; and heclaims the merit of having prevailed upon them to relinquish theirintentions. "I must confess that my suspicions of his guilt have been ratherstrengthened than diminished at every interview I have had with himsince his arrival. He acknowledges that he received an invitation towar against us, from the British, last fall; and that he was apprisedof the intention of the Sacs and Foxes, &c. Early in the spring, andwas warmly solicited to join in their league. But he could give nosatisfactory explanation of his neglecting to communicate to me, circumstances so extremely interesting to us; and towards which I had afew months before directed his attention, and received a solemnassurance of his cheerful compliance with the injunctions I hadimpressed upon him. "The result of all my enquiries on the subject is, that the latecombination was produced by British intrigue and influence, inanticipation of war between them and the United States. It was, however, premature and ill-judged, and the event sufficiently manifestsa great decline in their influence, or in the talents and address, withwhich they have been accustomed to manage their Indian relations. "The warlike and well armed tribes of the Potawatamies, Ottawas, Chippewas, Delawares, and Miamis, I believe, neither had, nor wouldhave, joined in the combination; and although the Kickapoos, whosewarriors are better them those of any other tribe, the remnant of theWyandots excepted, are much under the influence of the Prophet, I ampersuaded that they were never made acquainted with his intentions, ifthese were really hostile to the United States. " In the latter part of the year 1809, under instructions from thePresident of the United States, governor Harrison deemed the period afavorable one to extinguish the Indian title to the lands on the eastof the Wabash, and adjoining south on the lines established by theformer treaties of fort Wayne and Grousland. A council was accordinglyheld, in the latter part of September, at fort Wayne, with the Miami, Eel river, Delaware and Potawatamie tribes, which resulted in thepurchase of the land above mentioned. A separate treaty was made withthe Kickapoos, who confirmed the grants made at the above treaty, andalso ceded another tract. In making these treaties, governor Harrisoninvited all those Indians to be present, who were considered as havingany title to the lands embraced within them. Throughout the remainder of the year 1809, things remained quiet withTecumseh and the Prophet. The number of their followers was again onthe increase; and, although no overt acts of hostility against thefrontier settlements were committed, there was a prevalent suspicion inthat quarter, that the Indians entertained sinister designs towards thewhites. The events of the early part of the year 1810, were such as toleave little doubt of the hostile intentions of the brothers. In thelatter part of April, governor Harrison was informed, upon credibleauthority, that the Prophet was really instigating the Indians to actsof hostility against the United States; and that he had under hisimmediate control about four hundred warriors, chiefly composed ofKickapoos and Winnebagoes, but embracing also some Shawanoes, Potawatamies, Chippewas, and Ottawas. The traders among them attributedthis hostile feeling to British influence. That the followers of theProphet had received a supply of powder and ball from the Englishagents, was generally admitted. They refused to buy ammunition from ourtraders, alleging that they were plentifully supplied from a quarterwhere it cost them nothing. About the middle of May, it was ascertainedthat the number of warriors with the Prophet, amounted to more than sixhundred men, and there were reasons to apprehend that his influence hadkindled a hostile feeling among several of the tribes to the west andnorth of his head quarters. A meeting of Indians having been appointedto take place about this time, on the St. Joseph's river, governorHarrison made an appeal to them through the Delawares, in which heforcibly pointed out the unhappy results that would certainly followany attack upon the United States; and cautioned the friendly tribes, upon the dangers to which they would be subjected, in consequence ofthe difficulty of discriminating between friends and enemies, in case awar should occur. In July the governor was authorized by the Secretaryof War, to take such steps as he might deem necessary for theprotection of the frontier; and, at the same time was informed thatsome troops had been ordered to Vincennes to keep in check the hostileIndians of that quarter. Fresh apprehensions were now felt for the safety of the frontiers. TheProphet, it appears, had gained over to his cause the Wyandot tribe, whose councils had always exerted a strong influence among the Indians. To this tribe had been committed the preservation of the Great Belt, the symbol of union among the tribes in their late war with the UnitedStates; and also the original duplicate of the Greenville treaty of1795. The Prophet sent a deputation to the Wyandots requestingpermission to examine the provisions of that treaty, and artfullyexpressing his astonishment that they, who had ever directed thecouncils of the Indians, and who were alike renowned for their talentsand bravery, should remain passive, and see the lands of the red menusurped by a part of that race. The Wyandots, pleased with theseflattering speeches, replied, that they had carefully preserved theformer symbol of union among the tribes; but it had remained so long intheir hands without being called for, they supposed it was forgotten. They further replied, that weary of their present situation, they feltdesirous of seeing all the tribes united in one great confederacy: thatthey would join such a union, and labor to arrest the encroachments ofthe whites upon their lands, and if possible recover those which hadbeen unjustly taken from them. This reply of the Wyandots was exactlysuited to the objects of the Prophet; and he lost no time in sendinghis heralds with it, in every direction. The Wyandots soon afterwardsmade a visit to Tippecanoe; and in passing thither, had a conferencewith some of the Miami chiefs, to whom they showed the great belt, andcharged them with having joined the whites in opposition to their redbrethren. The Miamis at length concluded to join in a visit to theProphet, and also invited the Weas to join with them. About this time, the governor was informed by an aged Piankishaw, friendly to the United States, that the Prophet had actually formed aplan for destroying the citizens of Vincennes by a general massacre;and that he boasted that he would walk in the footsteps of the greatPontiac. From another source the governor learned that there wereprobably three hundred Indians within thirty miles of the Prophet'squarters; and that although their proceedings were conducted with greatsecrecy, it had been discovered that they were determined to stop theUnited States' surveyors from running any lines west of the Wabash. Other evidences of approaching hostilities were not wanting. TheProphet, and the Kickapoos who were at his village, refused to acceptthe salt which had been sent up to them as a part of their annuities, and after it had been put upon the shore, the carriers were not onlyrequired to replace it in their boat, but whilst doing so, were treatedwith rudeness, and ordered to take the salt back to Vincennes. Theywere Frenchmen, or in all probability they would have been treatedstill more harshly. [A] [Footnote A: Governor Harrison's letters to the War Department. ] In the early part of July, governor Harrison received a letter fromJohn Johnston, Indian agent at fort Wayne, in which he says: "A person just arrived, who it appears has lost himself in his route toVincennes, affords me an opportunity of announcing to you my return tothis fort. I was delayed on my journey in attending to thetransportation of the public goods; and on my arrival in the state ofOhio, I had learned that the Prophet's brother had lately been at workamong the Shawanoes, on the Auglaize; and, among other things, hadburned your letter delivered to the chiefs at this place last fall. Iaccordingly took Wapakonetta in my route home, assembled the chiefs, and demanded the reason why they had suffered such an improper act tobe committed at their door. They disavowed all agency in thetransaction, and their entire disapprobation of the Prophet's conduct;and concurring circumstances satisfied me that they were sincere. Thewhite persons at the town informed me that not one of the chiefs wouldgo into council with the Prophet's brother, and that it was a preachernamed Riddle, who took the letter to have it interpreted, and that thebrother of the Prophet took it from his hand, and threw it into thefire, declaring, that if governor Harrison were there, he would serve_him_ so. He told the Indians that the white people and the governmentwere deceiving them, and that for his part, he never would believethem, or put any confidence in them; that he never would be quiet untilhe effected his purpose; and that if he was dead, _the cause_ would notdie with him. He urged the Indians to move off to the Mississippi withhim, saying, that there he would assemble his forces. All his argumentsseemed to be bottomed on the prospect of hostilities against ourpeople. He made no impression on the Shawanoes, and went away muchdissatisfied at their not coming into his views. I consider them amongour best friends. I indirectly encouraged their emigration westward, and told them their annuity should follow them. They appear determinedto remain, and are much attached to the town and the improvements, which are considerable. " Notwithstanding the Prophet appears in all these recent transactions, to be the prominent individual, it is certain that a greater one wasbehind the scene. In the junction of the Wyandots with the Prophet, maybe seen the result of Tecumseh's visit to that tribe, in the previousyear, at Sandusky, an account of which has been already given. Inregard to the salt annuity, the Prophet knew not what course to pursue, until he had consulted with his brother. Tecumseh, burning thegovernor's letter, and the threat, that if he were present he shouldmeet the same fate, were acts in keeping with his bold character, andwell calculated to maintain his ascendancy among the Indians. While theProphet was nominally the head of the new party, and undoubtedlyexercised much influence by means of his supposed supernatural power, he was but an agent, controlled and directed by a master spirit, whoseenergy, address and ceaseless activity, were all directed to theaccomplishment of the grand plan to which he had solemnly devoted hislife. The information which flowed in upon governor Harrison, from differentquarters, relative to the movements of Tecumseh and the Prophet, andthe number of their followers, were such as to induce him to make themost active preparations to meet the impending storm. A meeting of thecitizens of Vincennes was held on the subject, two companies of militiawere called into active service, and the rest were directed to holdthemselves in readiness for the field. Alarm-posts were established, and other measures adopted, especially for the preservation ofVincennes, which appeared to have been fixed upon as the first point ofattack. Toward the close of June, Winnemac, at the head of a deputation ofPotawatamies, visited the governor at Vincennes, for the purpose ofinforming him of the decision of a council, held at the St. Joseph's oflake Michigan, which had been attended by all the tribes of thatquarter, and by a delegation from the Delawares. This deputation waspresent for the purpose of dissuading the Indians from joining theProphet. The duty appears to have been faithfully performed by them. They protested in strong terms, against the schemes of the Prophet andhis brother, and induced, it is believed, these tribes to give up allidea of joining them. Winnemac was directed to inform the governor, ofthe determination to which they had come, and also, to lay before himthe plans of the Prophet. According to the information before thecouncil, Detroit, St. Louis, fort Wayne, Chicago and Vincennes, wereall to be surprised. Efforts were making to persuade the tribesresiding on the Mississippi, to unite in the confederacy. It furtherappeared, that the followers of the Prophet, drawn as they were fromall the tribes, embraced but few, if any of the peace chiefs, while nota few of the war chiefs, or the leaders of small parties, wereenrolling themselves under his standard. Winnemac stated to thegovernor, that the Prophet had actually suggested to his young men, theexpediency of murdering all the leading chiefs of the surroundingtribes, on the plea that their own hands would never be untied untilthis was done. They, he said, were the men who sold their lands, andinvited the encroachments of the whites. About the period of Winnemac's visit, an Indian belonging to the Iowatribe, told general Harrison, that two years before, a British agentvisited the Prophet, and delivered a message to him. The object was toinduce the Prophet to persevere in uniting the tribes against theUnited States, but not to make any hostile movement, until the signalwas given him by the British authorities. From this Iowa, and others ofhis tribe, the governor ascertained that the Prophet had beensoliciting them and other tribes on the Mississippi to join theconfederacy. To these the Prophet stated, in his plausible manner, thatthe Americans were ceaselessly and silently invading the Indians, untilthose who had suffered most, had resolved to be driven back no farther;and that it was the duty of the remote tribes upon whose lands themarch of civilization had not yet pressed, to assist those who hadalready lost theirs, or in turn a corresponding calamity would followupon them. This, the Prophet declared, he was directed by the GreatSpirit of the Indians to tell them, adding, that this Great Spiritwould utterly destroy them, if they ventured to doubt the words of hischosen Prophet. [A] [Footnote A: General Harrison's official correspondence--Dawson'sHistorical Narrative. ] On the first of June, a Wyandot chief, called Leatherlips, paid theforfeit of his life on a charge of witchcraft. General Harrisonentertained the opinion that his death was the result of the Prophet'scommand, and that the party who acted as executioners went directlyfrom Tippecanoe, to the banks of the Scioto, where the tragedy wasenacted. Leatherlips was found encamped upon that stream, twelve milesabove Columbus. The six Wyandots who put him to death, were headed, itis supposed, by the chief Roundhead. An effort was made by some whitemen who were present to save the life of the accused, but withoutsuccess. A council of two or three hours took place: the accusing partyspoke with warmth and bitterness of feeling: Leatherlips was calm anddispassionate in his replies. The sentence of death, which had beenpreviously passed upon him, was reaffirmed. "The prisoner then walkedslowly to his camp, partook of a dinner of jerked venison, washed andarrayed himself in his best apparel, and afterwards painted his face. His dress was very rich--his hair gray, and his whole appearancegraceful and commanding. " When the hour for the execution had arrived, Leatherlips shook hands in silence with the spectators. "He then turnedfrom his wigwam, and with a voice of surpassing strength and melodycommenced the chant of the death song. He was followed closely by theWyandot warriors, all timing with their slow and measured march, themusic of his wild and melancholy dirge. The white men were likewise allsilent followers in that strange procession. At the distance of seventyor eighty yards from the camp, they came to a shallow grave, which, unknown to the white men, had been previously prepared by the Indians. Here the old man knelt down, and in an elevated but solemn tone ofvoice, addressed his prayer to the Great Spirit. As soon as he hadfinished, the captain of the Indians knelt beside him, and prayed in asimilar manner. Their prayers of course were spoken in the Wyandottongue. * * * * After a few moments delay, the prisoner again sankdown upon his knees and prayed as he had done before. When he hadceased, he still continued in a kneeling position. All the riflesbelonging to the party had been left at the wigwam. There was not aweapon of any kind to be seen at the place of execution, and thespectators were consequently unable to form any conjecture as to themode of procedure, which the executioners had determined on, for thefulfilment of their purpose. Suddenly one of the warriors drew frombeneath the skirts of his capote, a keen, bright tomahawk--walkedrapidly up behind the chieftain--brandished the weapon on high, for asingle moment, and then struck with his whole strength. The blowdescended directly upon the crown of the head, and the victimimmediately fell prostrate. After he had lain awhile in the agonies ofdeath, the Indian captain directed the attention of the white men tothe drops of sweat which were gathering upon his neck and face;remarked with much apparent exultation, that it was conclusive proof ofthe sufferer's guilt. Again the executioner advanced, and with the sameweapon, inflicted two or three additional and heavy blows. As soon aslife was entirely extinct, the body was hastily buried, with all itsapparel and decorations; and the assemblage dispersed. "[A] [Footnote A: Mr. Otway Curry, in the Hesperian for May, 1838. ] One of Mr. Heckewelder's correspondents, as quoted in his HistoricalAccount of the Indian Nations, makes Tarhe, better known by the name ofCrane, the leader of this party. This has been denied; and, theletter[A] of general Harrison on the subject, proves quite conclusivelythat this celebrated chief had nothing to do with the execution ofLeatherlips. Mr. Heckewelder's correspondent concurs in the opinionthat the original order for the death of this old man, was issued fromthe head quarters of the Prophet and his brother. [Footnote A: Published in the Hesperian for July, 1838. ] CHAPTER VII. Governor Harrison makes another effort to ascertain the designs of Tecumseh and the Prophet--Tecumseh visits the governor at Vincennes, attended by four hundred warriors--a council is held--Tecumseh becomes deeply excited, and charges governor Harrison with falsehood--council broken up in disorder--renewed the next day. For the purpose of ascertaining more fully the designs of the Prophetand his brother, governor Harrison now despatched two confidentialagents to their head quarters at Tippecanoe. One of these agents, Mr. Dubois, was kindly received by the Prophet. He stated to him that hehad been sent by governor Harrison to ascertain the reason of hishostile preparations, and of his enmity to the United States; that hisconduct had created so much alarm, that warriors both in Kentucky andIndiana were arming for service, and that a detachment of regulartroops was then actually on its way to Vincennes: that he was furtherauthorized by the governor to say, that these preparations were onlyfor defence; that no attempt would be made against him, until _his_intention to commence hostilities could be doubted no longer. TheProphet denied that he intended to make war, and declared that on thispoint he had been unjustly accused: that it was by the express commandsof the Great Spirit that he had fixed himself there; and that he wasordered to assemble the Indians at that spot. When urged by the agentto state the grounds of his complaints against the United States, hereplied, the Indians had been cheated of their lands; that no sale wasvalid unless sanctioned by all the tribes. He was assured that thegovernment would listen to any complaints he might have to urge; andthat it was expedient for him to go to Vincennes and see governorHarrison on the subject. This he declined doing, giving as a reason, that on his former visit to him, he had been badly treated. Mr. Duboismet at the Prophet's town with some Kickapoos, with whom he wasacquainted. They seemed to regret having joined the Prophet, andadmitted that they had long suspected that it was his wish to go to warwith the United States. War was undoubtedly his intention, but whetheragainst the United States or the Osage nation, they were unable to saywith certainty. Mr. Dubois, on this trip, visited the Wea and Eel rivertribes, and found them apprehensive that war would ensue, and that theywould find themselves involved in it. The letter of general Harrison to the Secretary of War, detailing theresults of this mission, concludes with the following remarks upon theprinciples long and stoutly contended for by Tecumseh, that the Indianlands were the common property of all the tribes, and could not be soldwithout the consent of all. "The subject of allowing the Indians of this country to consider alltheir lands as common property, has been frequently and largelydiscussed, in my communications with your predecessor, and in apersonal interview with the late President. The treaties made by melast fall were concluded on principles as liberal towards the Indians, as my knowledge of the views and opinions of the government wouldallow. For although great latitude of discretion has always been givento me, I knew that the opinion of Mr. Jefferson on the subject went sofar as to assert a claim of the United States, as lords paramount, tothe lands of all extinguished or decayed tribes, to the exclusion ofall recent settlers. Upon this principle, the Miami nation are the onlyrightful claimants of all the unpurchased lands from the Ohio to theIllinois and Mississippi rivers. But, sir, the President may restassured that the complaint of injury, with regard to the sale of lands, is a mere pretence suggested to the Prophet by British partisans andemissaries. " Early in July, some of the Prophet's followers descended the Wabash toa point below Terre Haute, and stole several horses. A few daysafterwards, governor Harrison ascertained from a party of Indians whowere on a visit to Vincennes, that the Sacs and Foxes had taken up thehatchet, and declared themselves ready to act with the Prophet, whenever it should be required. It was further stated, that a Miamichief, who had just returned from his annual visit to Malden, afterreceiving his usual stipend of goods, was addressed by the Britishagent, Elliot, in these words: "My son, keep your eyes fixed on me--mytomahawk is now up--be you ready, but do not strike till I give thesignal. " About the same time, the governor, in the hope of staying the movementsof the Prophet, or at least of ascertaining the amount of his forces, forwarded to him by a confidential interpreter, the following speech: "William Henry Harrison, governor and commander-in-chief of theterritory of Indiana, to the Shawanoe chief, and the Indians assembledat Tippecanoe: "Notwithstanding the improper language which you have used towards me, I will endeavor to open your eyes to your true interests. Notwithstanding what white bad men have told you, I am not yourpersonal enemy. You ought to know this from the manner in which Ireceived and treated you, on your visit to this place. "Although I must say, that you are an enemy to the Seventeen Fires, andthat you have used the greatest exertions with other tribes to leadthem astray. In this, you have been in some measure successful; as I amtold they are ready to raise the tomahawk against their father; yettheir father, notwithstanding his anger at their folly, is full ofgoodness, and is always ready to receive into his arms those of hischildren who are willing to repent, acknowledge their fault, and askfor his forgiveness. "There is yet but little harm done, which may be easily repaired. Thechain of friendship which united the whites with the Indians, may berenewed, and be as strong as ever. A great deal of that work depends onyou--the destiny of those who are under your direction, depends uponthe choice you may make of the two roads which are before you. The oneis large, open and pleasant, and leads to peace, security andhappiness; the other, on the contrary, is narrow and crooked, and leadsto misery and ruin. Don't deceive yourselves; do not believe that allthe nations of Indians united, are able to resist the force of theSeventeen Fires. I know your warriors are brave, but ours are not lessso; but what can a few brave warriors do, against the innumerablewarriors of the Seventeen Fires? Our blue coats are more numerous thanyou can count; our hunters are like the leaves of the forest, or thegrains of sand on the Wabash. "Do not think that the red coats can protect you; they are not able toprotect themselves. They do not think of going to war with us. If theydid, you would in a few moons see our flag wave over all the forts ofCanada. "What reason have you to complain of the Seventeen Fires? have theytaken any thing from you--have they ever violated the treaties madewith the red men? You say that they purchased lands from them who hadno right to sell them: show that this is true, and the land will beinstantly restored. Show us the rightful owners of those lands whichhave been purchased--let them present themselves. The ears of yourfather will be opened to your complaints, and if the lands have beenpurchased of those who did not own them, they will be restored to therightful owners. I have full power to arrange this business; but if youwould rather carry your complaints before your great father, thePresident, you shall be indulged. I will immediately take means to sendyou with those chiefs which you may choose, to the city where yourfather lives. Every thing necessary shall be prepared for your journey, and means taken for your safe return. " Tecumseh was present when the interpreter delivered this speech. TheProphet made no reply to it, but promised to send one by his brother, who intended, in a few weeks, to make a visit to governor Harrison. Inconversation, however, with the interpreter, the Prophet stronglydisavowed the idea that he had any hostile intentions; but at the sametime declared, that it would not be practicable long to maintain peacewith the United States, unless the government would recognize theprinciple, that the lands were the common property of _all_ theIndians; and cease to make any further settlement to the north andwest. "The Great Spirit" continued he, "gave this great island to hisred children; he placed the whites on the other side of the big water;they were not contented with their own, but came to take ours from us. They have driven us from the sea to the lakes: we can go no further. They have taken upon them to say, this tract belongs to the Miamis, this to the Delawares, and so on; but the Great Spirit intended it asthe common property of us all. Our father tells us, that we have nobusiness upon the Wabash, the land belongs to other tribes; but theGreat Spirit ordered us to come here, and here we will stay. " Heexpressed himself, in the course of the conversation, gratified withthe speech which the governor had sent him; saying, he recollected tohave seen him, when a very young man, sitting by the side of generalWayne. Some of the Indians, then at the Prophet's town, appeared to be alarmedat the arrival of the interpreter, and professed themselvesdissatisfied with the conduct of their leaders. Tecumseh told him, thatin making his promised visit to the governor, he should bring with himabout thirty of his principal warriors; and as the young men were fondof attending on such occasions, the whole number might probably be onehundred. The Prophet added, that the governor might expect to see astill larger number than that named by his brother. Upon the return of the interpreter to Vincennes, the governor, notwishing to be burthened with so large a body of Indians, despatched amessenger to Tecumseh, requesting that he would bring with him but afew of his followers. This request, however, was wholly disregarded;and on the 12th of August, the chief, attended by four hundredwarriors, fully armed with tomahawks and war-clubs, descended theWabash to Vincennes, for the purpose of holding the proposedconference. From a family letter written by captain Floyd, thencommanding at fort Knox, three miles above Vincennes, under date of14th of August, 1810, the following extract is made, referring to thisvisit of the chieftain and his war-like retinue. "Nothing new has transpired since my last letter to you, except thatthe Shawanoe Indians have come; they passed this garrison, which isthree miles above Vincennes, on Sunday last, in eighty canoes; theywere all painted in the most terrific manner: they were stopped at thegarrison by me, for a short time: I examined their canoes and foundthem well prepared for war, in case of an attack. They were headed bythe brother of the Prophet, (Tecumseh) who, perhaps, is one of thefinest looking men I ever saw--about six feet high, straight, withlarge, fine features, and altogether a daring, bold looking fellow. Thegovernor's council with them will commence to-morrow morning. He hasdirected me to attend. " Governor Harrison had made arrangements for holding the council on theportico of his own house, which had been fitted up with seats for theoccasion. Here, on the morning of the fifteenth, he awaited the arrivalof the chief, being attended by the judges of the Supreme Court, someofficers of the army, a sergeant and twelve men, from fort Knox, and alarge number of citizens. At the appointed hour Tecumseh, supported byforty of his principal warriors, made his appearance, the remainder ofhis followers being encamped in the village and its environs. When thechief had approached within thirty or forty yards of the house, hesuddenly stopped, as if awaiting some advances from the governor. Aninterpreter was sent requesting him and his followers to take seats onthe portico. To this Tecumseh objected--he did not think the place asuitable one for holding the conference, but preferred that it shouldtake place in a grove of trees, --to which he pointed, --standing a shortdistance from the house. The governor said he had no objection to thegrove, except that there were no seats in it for their accommodation. Tecumseh replied, that constituted no objection to the grove, the earthbeing the most suitable place for the Indians, who loved to repose uponthe bosom of their mother. The governor yielded the point, and thebenches and chairs having been removed to the spot, the conference wasbegun, the Indians being seated on the grass. Tecumseh opened the meeting by stating, at length, his objections tothe treaty of fort Wayne, made by governor Harrison in the previousyear; and in the course of his speech, boldly avowed the principle ofhis party to be, that of resistance to every cession of land, unlessmade by all the tribes, who, he contended, formed but one nation. Headmitted that he had threatened to kill the chiefs who signed thetreaty of fort Wayne; and that it was his fixed determination not topermit the _village_ chiefs, in future, to manage their affairs, but toplace the power with which _they_ had been heretofore invested, in thehands of the war chiefs. The Americans, he said, had driven the Indiansfrom the sea coast, and would soon push them into the lakes; and, whilehe disclaimed all intention of making war upon the United States, hedeclared it to be his unalterable resolution to take a stand, andresolutely oppose the further intrusion of the whites upon the Indianlands. He concluded, by making a brief but impassioned recital of thevarious wrongs and aggressions inflicted by the white men upon theIndians, from the commencement of the Revolutionary war down to theperiod of that council; all of which was calculated to arouse andinflame the minds of such of his followers as were present. The governor rose in reply, and in examining the right of Tecumseh andhis party to make objections to the treaty of fort Wayne, took occasionto say, that the Indians were not one nation, having a common propertyin the lands. The Miamis, he contended, were the real owners of thetract on the Wabash, ceded by the late treaty, and the Shawanoes had noright to interfere in the case; that upon the arrival of the whites onthis continent, they had found the Miamis in possession of this land, the Shawanoes being then residents of Georgia, from which they had beendriven by the Creeks, and that it was ridiculous to assert that the redmen constituted but one nation; for, if such had been the intention ofthe Great Spirit, he would not have put different tongues in theirheads, but have taught them all to speak the same language. The governor having taken his seat, the interpreter commencedexplaining the speech to Tecumseh, who, after listening to a portion ofit, sprung to his feet and began to speak with great vehemence ofmanner. The governor was surprised at his violent gestures, but as he did notunderstand him, thought he was making some explanation, and sufferedhis attention to be drawn towards Winnemac, a friendly Indian lying onthe grass before him, who was renewing the priming of his pistol, whichhe had kept concealed from the other Indians, but in full view of thegovernor. His attention, however, was again directed towards Tecumseh, by hearing general Gibson, who was intimately acquainted with theShawanoe language, say to lieutenant Jennings, "those fellows intendmischief; you had better bring up the guard. " At that moment, thefollowers of Tecumseh seized their tomahawks and war clubs, and sprungupon their feet, their eyes turned upon the governor. As soon as hecould disengage himself from the armed chair in which he sat, he rose, drew a small sword which he had by his side, and stood on thedefensive. Captain G. R. Floyd, of the army, who stood near him, drew adirk, and the chief Winnemac cocked his pistol. The citizens present, were more numerous than the Indians, but were unarmed; some of themprocured clubs and brick-bats, and also stood on the defensive. TheRev. Mr. Winans, of the Methodist church, ran to the governor's house, got a gun, and posted himself at the door to defend the family. Duringthis singular scene, no one spoke, until the guard came running up, andappearing to be in the act of firing, the governor ordered them not todo so. He then demanded of the interpreter, an explanation of what hadhappened, who replied that Tecumseh had interrupted him, declaring thatall the governor had said was _false_; and that he and the SeventeenFires had cheated and imposed on the Indians. [A] [Footnote A: Dawson's Historical Narrative. ] The governor then told Tecumseh that he was a bad man, and that hewould hold no further communication with him; that as he had come toVincennes under the protection of a council-fire, he might return insafety, but that he must immediately leave the village. Here thecouncil terminated. During the night, two companies of militia werebrought in from the country, and that belonging to the town was alsoembodied. Next morning Tecumseh requested the governor to afford him anopportunity of explaining his conduct on the previous day--declaring, that he did not intend to attack the governor, and that he had actedunder the advice of some of the white people. The governor consented toanother interview, it being understood that each party should have thesame armed force as on the previous day. On this occasion, thedeportment of Tecumseh was respectful and dignified. He again deniedhaving had any intention to make an attack upon the governor, anddeclared that he had been stimulated to the course he had taken, by twowhite men, who assured him that one half of the citizens were opposedto the governor, and willing to restore the land in question; that thegovernor would soon be put out of office, and a good man sent to fillhis place, who would give up the land to the Indians. When asked by thegovernor whether he intended to resist the survey of these lands, Tecumseh replied that he and his followers were resolutely determinedto insist upon the old boundary. When he had taken his seat, chiefsfrom the Wyandots, Kickapoos, Potawatamies, Ottawas, and Winnebagoes, spoke in succession, and distinctly avowed that they had entered intothe Shawanoe confederacy, and were determined to support the principleslaid down by their leader. The governor, in conclusion, stated that hewould make known to the President, the claims of Tecumseh and hisparty, to the land in question; but that he was satisfied thegovernment would never admit that the lands on the Wabash were theproperty of any other tribes than those who occupied them, when thewhite people first arrived in America; and, as the title to these landshad been derived by purchase from those tribes, he might rest assuredthat the right of the United States would be sustained by the sword. Here the council adjourned. On the following day, governor Harrison visited Tecumseh in his camp, attended only by the interpreter, and was very politely received. Along conversation ensued, in which Tecumseh again declared that hisintentions were really such as he had avowed them to be in the council;that the policy which the United States pursued, of purchasing landsfrom the Indians, he viewed as a mighty water, ready to overflow hispeople; and that the confederacy which he was forming among the tribesto prevent any individual tribe from selling without the consent of theothers, was the dam he was erecting to resist this mighty water. Hestated further, that he should be reluctantly drawn into a war with theUnited States; and that if he, the governor, would induce the Presidentto give up the lands lately purchased, and agree never to make anothertreaty without the consent of all the tribes, he would be theirfaithful ally and assist them in the war, which he knew was about totake place with England; that he preferred being the ally of theSeventeen Fires, but if they did not comply with his request, he wouldbe compelled to unite with the British. The governor replied, that hewould make known his views to the President, but that there was noprobability of their being agreed to. "Well, " said Tecumseh, "as thegreat chief is to determine the matter, I hope the Great Spirit willput sense enough into his head to induce him to give up this land: itis true, he is so far off he will not be injured by the war; he may sitstill in his town and drink his wine, whilst you and I will have tofight it out. " This prophecy, it will be seen, was literally fulfilled;and the great chieftain who uttered it, attested that fulfilment withhis blood. The governor, in conclusion, proposed to Tecumseh, that inthe event of hostilities between the Indians and the United States, heshould use his influence to put an end to the cruel mode of warfarewhich the Indians were accustomed to wage upon women and children, orupon prisoners. To this he cheerfully assented; and, it is due to thememory of Tecumseh to add, that he faithfully kept his promise down tothe period of his death. [A] [Footnote A: In Marshall's History of Kentucky, vol. 2. P. 482, thereis a speech quoted as having been delivered by Tecumseh at thiscouncil. We are authorised, on the best authority, to say that it is asheer fabrication. No such speech was delivered by him at the council. ] Whether in this council Tecumseh really meditated treachery or onlyintended to intimidate the governor, must remain a matter ofconjecture. If the former, his force of four hundred well armedwarriors was sufficient to have murdered the inhabitants and sacked thetown, which at that time did not contain more than one thousandpersons, including women and children. When in the progress of theconference, he and his forty followers sprung to their arms, therewould have been, in all probability, a corresponding movement with theremainder of his warriors encamped in and around the village, had heseriously contemplated an, attack upon the governor and theinhabitants. But this does not appear to have been the case. It isprobable, therefore, that Tecumseh, in visiting Vincennes with so largea body of followers, expected to make a strong impression upon thewhites as to the extent of his influence among the Indians, and thestrength of his party. His movement in the council may have beenconcerted for the purpose of intimidating the governor; but the moreprobable supposition is, that in the excitement of the moment, producedby the speech of the governor, he lost his self-possession, andinvoluntarily placed his hand upon his war-club, in which movement hewas followed by the warriors around him, without any previous intentionof proceeding to extremities. Whatever may have been the fact, the boldchieftain found in governor Harrison a firmness of purpose and anintrepidity of manner which must have convinced him that nothing was tobe gained by an effort at intimidation, however daring. Soon after the close of this memorable council, governor Harrison madearrangements for the survey of the land purchased at the treaty of fortWayne, under the protection of a detachment of soldiers. About the sametime, "a young Iowa chief, whom the governor had employed to go to theProphet's town to gain information, reported, on his return; that hehad been told by an old Winnebago chief, who was his relation, that thegreat Belt which had been sent round to all the tribes, for the purposeof uniting them, was returned; and he mentioned a considerable numberwho had acceded to the confederacy, the object of which was 'to confinethe great water and prevent it from overflowing them. ' That the beltsince its return had been sent to the British agent, who danced for joyat seeing so many tribes had joined against the United States. That theProphet had sent a speech to his confedrates not to be discouraged atthe apparent defection of some of the tribes near him; for that it wasall a sham, intended to deceive the white people; that these tribeshated the Seventeen Fires; and that though they gave them sweet words, they were like grass plucked up by the roots, they would soon witherand come to nothing. The old Winnebago chief told him with tears in hiseyes, that he himself and all the village chiefs, had been divested oftheir power, and that everything was managed by the warriors, whobreathed nothing but war against the United States. [A]" [Footnote A: Dawson's Historical Narrative. ] Governor Harrison, in his address to the legislature of Indiana, in themonth of November of this year, refers to the difficulties with theIndians at Tippecanoe; and bears testimony to the fact, that theProphet and Tecumseh were instigated to assume a hostile attitudetowards the United States, by British influence. He says, "It is with regret that I have to inform you that the harmony and goodunderstanding which it is so much our interest to cultivate with ourneighbors, the aborigines, have for some time past experiencedconsiderable interruption, and that we have indeed been threatened withhostilities, by a combination formed under the auspices of a boldadventurer, who pretends to act under the immediate inspiration of theDeity. His character as a Prophet would not, however, have given himany very dangerous influence, if he had not been assisted by theintrigues and advice of foreign agents, and other disaffected persons, who have for many years omitted no opportunity of counteracting themeasures of the government with regard to the Indians, and fillingtheir naturally jealous minds with suspicions of the justice andintegrity of our views towards them. " That our government was sincerely desirous of preserving peace withthese disaffected Indians, appears from the following extract of aletter from the Secretary of War, to governor Harrison, written in theautumn of this year. "It has occurred to me, " said the Secretary, "thatthe surest means of securing good behavior from this conspicuouspersonage and his brother, [the Prophet and Tecumseh] would be to makethem prisoners; but at this time, more particularly, it is desirablethat peace with all the Indian tribes should be preserved; and I aminstructed by the President to express to your excellency hisexpectations and confidence, that in all your arrangements, this may beconsidered, (as I am confident it ever has been) a primary object withyou. " During the autumn, a Kickapoo chief visited Vincennes, and informed thegovernor that the pacific professions of the Prophet and Tecumseh werenot to be relied on, --that their ultimate designs were hostile to theUnited States. At the same time governor Clark, of Missouri, forwardedto the governor of Indiana information that the Prophet had sent beltsto the tribes west of the Mississippi, inviting them to join in a waragainst the United States; and, stating that he would commence thecontest by an attack on Vincennes. Governor Clark further said, thatthe Sacs had at length joined the Tippecanoe confederacy, and that aparty of them had gone to Maiden for arms and ammunition. The Indianinterpreter, at Chicago, also stated to governor Harrison, that thetribes in that quarter were disaffected towards the United States, andseemed determined upon war. One of the surveyors, engaged to run thelines of the new purchase, was driven off the lands by a party of theWea tribe, who took two of his men prisoners: thus closed the year1810. CHAPTER VIII. Alarm on the frontier continues--a Muskoe Indian killed at Vincennes--governor Harrison sends a pacific speech to Tecumseh and the Prophet--the former replies to it--in July Tecumseh visits governor Harrison at Vincennes--disavows any intention of making war upon the whites--explains his object in forming a union among the tribes--governor Harrison's opinion of Tecumseh and the Prophet--murder of the Deaf Chief--Tecumseh visits the southern Indians. The spring of 1811 brought with it no abatement of these borderdifficulties. Early in the season, governor Harrison sent a boat up theWabash, loaded with salt for the Indians, --that article constituting apart of their annuity. Five barrels were to be left with the Prophet, for the Kickapoos and Shawanoes. Upon the arrival of the boat atTippecanoe, the Prophet called a council, by which it was decided toseize the whole of the salt, which was promptly done--word being sentback to the governor, not to be angry at this measure, as the Prophethad two thousand men to feed; and, had not received any salt for twoyears past. There were at this time about six hundred men atTippecanoe; and, Tecumseh, who had been absent for some time, on avisit to the lakes, was expected daily, with large reinforcements. Fromappearances, it seemed probable that an attack was meditated onVincennes by these brothers, with a force of eight hundred or onethousand warriors; a number far greater than the governor couldcollect, even if he embodied all the militia for some miles around thatplace. He accordingly wrote to the Secretary of War, recommending thatthe 4th regiment of U. S. Troops, then at Pittsburg, under the commandof colonel Boyd, should be ordered to Vincennes; at the same timeasking for authority to act offensively against the Indians, so soon asit was found that the intentions of their leaders were decidedlyhostile towards the United States. Under date of June 6th, governor Harrison, in a letter to the wardepartment, expresses the opinion that the disposition of the Indiansis far from being pacific. Wells, the agent at fort Wayne, had visitedthe Prophet's town, relative to some stolen horses, and certainPotawatamies who had committed the murders on the Mississippi. Four ofthe horses were recovered, but Tecumseh disclaimed all agency in takingthem, although he acknowledged that it was done by some of his party. Tecumseh openly avowed to the agent his resolute determination toresist the further encroachments of the white people. In this letterthe governor remarks, "I wish I could say the Indians were treated withjustice and propriety on all occasions by our citizens; but it is farotherwise. They are often abused and maltreated; and it is very rarethat they obtain any satisfaction for the most unprovoked wrongs. " Heproceeds to relate the circumstance of a Muskoe Indian having beenkilled by an Italian innkeeper, in Vincennes, without any just cause. The murderer, under the orders of the governor, was apprehended, tried, but acquitted by the jury almost without deliberation. About the sametime, within twenty miles of Vincennes, two Weas were badly wounded bya white man without the smallest provocation. Such aggressions tendedgreatly to exasperate the Indians, and to prevent them from deliveringup such of their people as committed offences against the citizens ofthe United States. Such was the fact with the Delawares, upon a demandfrom the governor for White Turkey, who had robbed the house of a Mr. Vawter. The chiefs refused to surrender him, declaring that they wouldnever deliver up another man until some of the whites were punished, who had murdered their people. They, however, punished White Turkeythemselves, by putting him to death. On the 24th of June, soon after the return of Tecumseh from his visitto the Iroquois and Wyandots, for the purpose of increasing hisconfederacy, governor Harrison transmitted to him and the Prophet, together with the other chiefs at Tippecanoe, the following speech: "Brothers, --Listen to me. I speak to you about matters of importance, both to the white people and yourselves; open your ears, therefore, andattend to what I shall say. "Brothers, this is the third year that all the white people in thiscountry have been alarmed at your proceedings; you threaten us withwar, you invite all the tribes to the north and west of you to joinagainst us. "Brothers, your warriors who have lately been here, deny this; but Ihave received the information from every direction; the tribes on theMississippi have sent me word that you intended to murder me, and thento commence a war upon our people. I have also received the speech yousent to the Potawatamies and others, to join you for that purpose; butif I had no other evidence of your hostility to us, your seizing thesalt I lately sent up the Wabash, is sufficient. "Brothers, our citizens are alarmed, and my warriors are preparingthemselves; not to strike you, but to defend themselves and their womenand children. You shall not surprise us as you expect to do; you areabout to undertake a very rash act; as a friend, I advise you toconsider well of it; a little reflection may save us a great deal oftrouble and prevent much mischief; it is not yet too late. "Brothers, what can be the inducement for you to undertake anenterprise when there is so little probability of success; do youreally think that the handful of men that you have about you, are ableto contend with the Seventeen Fires, or even that the whole of thetribes united, could contend against the Kentucky Fire alone? "Brothers, I am myself of the long knife fire; as soon as they hear myvoice, you will see them pouring forth their swarms of hunting shirtmen, as numerous as the musquetoes on the shores of the Wabash;brothers, take care of their stings. "Brothers, it is not our wish to hurt you: if we did, we certainly havepower to do it; look at the number of our warriors to the east of you, above and below the Great Miami, --to the south, on both sides of theOhio, and below you also. You are brave men; but what could you doagainst such a multitude?--but we wish you to live in peace andhappiness. "Brothers, the citizens of this country are alarmed; they must besatisfied that you have no design to do them mischief, or they will notlay aside their arms. You have also insulted the government of theUnited States by seizing the salt that was intended for other tribes;satisfaction must be given for that also. "Brothers, you talk of coming to see me, attended by all your youngmen; this, however, must not be so; if your intentions are good, youhave no need to bring but a few of your young men with you. I must beplain with you; I will not suffer you to come into our settlements withsuch a force. "Brothers, if you wish to satisfy us that your intentions are good, follow the advice that I have given you before; that is, that one orboth of you should visit the President of the United States, and layyour grievances before him. He will treat you well, will listen to whatyou say, and if you can show him that you have been injured, you willreceive justice. If you will follow my advice in this respect, it willconvince the citizens of this country and myself that you have nodesign to attack them. "Brothers, with respect to the lands that were purchased last fall, Ican enter into no negotiations with you on that subject; the affair isin the hands of the President, if you wish to go and see him, I willsupply you with the means. "Brothers, the person who delivers this, is one of my war officers; heis a man in whom I have entire confidence: whatever he says to you, although it may not be contained in this paper, you may believe comesfrom me. "My friend Tecumseh! the bearer is a good man and a brave warrior; Ihope you will treat him well; you are yourself a warrior, and all suchshould have esteem for each other. " Tecumseh to the governor of Indiana, in reply: "Brother, I give you a few words until I will be with you myself. "Brother, at Vincennes, I wish you to listen to me whilst I send you afew words, and I hope they will ease your heart; I know you look onyour young men and young women and children with pity, to see them somuch alarmed. "Brother, I wish you now to examine what you have from me; I hope thatit will be a satisfaction to you, if your intentions are like mine, towash away all these bad stories that have been circulated. I will bewith you myself in eighteen days from this day. "Brother, we cannot say what will become of us, as the Great Spirit hasthe management of us all at his will. I may be there before the time, and may not be there until the day. I hope that when we come together, all these bad tales will be settled; by this I hope your young men, women and children, will be easy. I wish you, brother, to let them knowwhen I come to Vincennes and see you, all will be settled in peace andhappiness. "Brother, these are only a few words to let you know that I will bewith you myself, and when I am with you I can inform you better. "Brother, if I find that I can be with you in less time than eighteendays, I will send one of my young men before me, to let you know whattime I will be with you. " On the second of July, governor Harrison received information from theexecutive of Illinois, that several murders had been committed in thatterritory; and that there were good grounds for believing these crimeshad been perpetrated by a party of Shawanoes. The governor had beenpreviously informed that it was the design of the Prophet to commencehostilities in Illinois, in order to cover his main object--the attackon Vincennes. Both territories were in a state of great alarm; and theSecretary of War was officially notified, that if the generalgovernment did not take measures to protect the inhabitants, they weredetermined to protect themselves. In a letter under date of Vincennes, 10th July, 1811, governor Harrisonwrites as follows to the Secretary of War. "Captain Wilson, the officer whom I sent to the Prophet's town, returned on Sunday last. He was well received, and treated withparticular friendship by Tecumseh. He obtained, however, nosatisfaction. The only answer given was, that in eighteen days Tecumsehwould pay me a visit for the purpose of explaining his conduct. Uponbeing told that I would not suffer him to come with so large a force, he promised to bring with him a few men only. I shall not, however, depend upon this promise, but shall have the river well watched by aparty of scouts after the descent of the chief, lest he should befollowed by his warriors. I do not think that this will be the case. The detection of the hostile designs of an Indian is generally (forthat time) to defeat them. The hopes of an expedition, conductedthrough many hundred miles of toil and difficulty, are abandonedfrequently, upon the slightest suspicion; their painful steps retraced, and a more favorable moment expected. With them the surprise of anenemy bestows more eclat upon a warrior than the most brilliant successobtained by other means. Tecumseh has taken for his model thecelebrated Pontiac, and I am persuaded he will bear a favorablecomparison, in every respect, with that far famed warrior. If it is hisobject to begin with the surprise of this place, it is impossible thata more favorable situation could have been chosen, than the one heoccupies: it is just so far off as to be removed from immediateobservation, and yet so near as to enable him to strike us, when thewater is high, in twenty-four hours, and even when it is low, theirlight canoes will come fully as fast as the journey could be performedon horseback. The situation is in other respects admirable for thepurposes for which he has chosen it. It is nearly central with regardto the tribes which he wishes to unite. The water communication withlake Erie, by means of the Wabash and Miami--with lake Michigan and theIllinois, by the Tippecanoe, is a great convenience. It is immediatelyin the centre of the back line of that fine country which he wishes toprevent us from settling--and above all, he has immediately in his reara country that has been but little explored, consisting principally ofbarren thickets, interspersed with swamps and lakes, into which ourcavalry could not penetrate, and our infantry, only by slow, laboriousefforts. " The promised visit of Tecumseh took place in the latter part of July. He reached Vincennes on the 27th, attended by about three hundred ofhis party, of whom thirty were women and children. The council wasopened on the 30th, in an arbor erected for the purpose, and at theappointed time the chief made his appearance, attended by about onehundred and seventy warriors, without guns, but all of them havingknives and tomahawks, or war clubs, and some armed with bows andarrows. The governor, in opening the council, made reference to thelate murders in Illinois, and the alarm which the appearance ofTecumseh, with so large an armed force, had created among the people onthe Wabash. He further informed Tecumseh that, whilst he listened towhatever himself or any of the chiefs had to say in regard to the latepurchase of land, he would enter into no negociation on that subject, as it was now in the hands of the President. The governor, aftertelling Tecumseh that he was at liberty to visit the President, andhear his decision from his own mouth, adverted to the late seizure ofthe salt, and demanded an explanation of it. In reply, the chiefadmitted the seizure, but said he was not at home, either this springor the year before, when the salt boats arrived; that it seemedimpossible to please the governor: last year he was angry, because thesalt was refused, and this year equally so, because it was taken. Thecouncil was then adjourned until the following day. When it was againopened, a Wea chief made a long speech, giving the history of all thetreaties which had been made by the governor and the Indian tribes; andconcluded with the remark, that he had been told that the Miami chiefshad been forced by the Potawatamies to accede to the treaty of fortWayne; and that it would be proper to institute enquiries to find outthe person who had held the tomahawk over their heads, and punish him. This statement was immediately contradicted by the governor, and alsoby the Miami chiefs who were present. Anxious to bring the conferenceto a close, the governor then told Tecumseh that by delivering up thetwo Potawatamies who had murdered the four white men on the Missouri, last fall, he would at once attest the sincerity of his professions offriendship to the United States, and his desire to preserve peace. Hisreply was evasive, but developed very clearly his designs. After muchtrouble and difficulty he had induced, he said, all the northern tribesto unite, and place themselves under his direction; that the whitepeople were unnecessarily alarmed at his measures, which really meantnothing but peace; that the United States had set him the example offorming a strict union amongst all the Fires that compose theirconfederacy; that the Indians did not complain of it, nor should hiswhite brothers complain of him for doing the same thing in regard tothe Indian tribes; that so soon as the council was over, he was to setout on a visit to the southern tribes, to prevail upon them to unitewith those of the north. As to the murderers, they were not at histown, and if they were, he could not deliver them up; that they oughtto be forgiven, as well as those who had committed some murders inIllinois; that he had set the whites an example of the forgiveness ofinjuries which they ought to follow. In reply to an enquiry on thesubject, he said he hoped no attempt would be made to settle the newpurchase, before his return next spring; that a great number of Indianswere coming to settle at Tippecanoe in the autumn, and they would needthat tract as a hunting ground, and if they did no further injury, theymight kill the cattle and hogs of the white people, which would createdisturbances; that he wished every thing to remain in its presentsituation until his return, when he would visit the President, andsettle all difficulties with him. The governor made a brief reply, saying, that the moon which they beheld (it was then night) wouldsooner fall to the earth, than the President would suffer his people tobe murdered with impunity; and that he would put his warriors inpetticoats, sooner than he would give up a country which he had fairlyacquired from the rightful owners. Here the council terminated. In aday or two afterwards, attended by twenty warriors, Tecumseh set offfor the south, on a visit to the Creeks and Choctaws. The governor wasat a loss to determine the object of Tecumseh, in taking with him toVincennes, so large a body of his followers. The spies said that heintended to demand a retrocession of the late purchase, and if it wasnot obtained, to seize some of the chiefs who were active in making thetreaty, in presence of the governor, and put them to death; and in caseof his interference, to have subjected him to the same fate. Many ofthe neutral Indians entertained the opinion that he meditated an attackupon Vincennes. If such was the case, his plan was probably changed byobserving the vigilance of governor Harrison and the display of sevenor eight hundred men under arms. It is questionable, however, we think, whether Tecumseh really meditated violence at this time. He probablywished to impress the whites with an idea of his strength, and at thesame time gratify his ambition of moving, as a great chieftain, at thehead of a numerous retinue of warriors. The day after the close of this council, the governor wrote to the WarDepartment. The following is a part of his communication. "My letter of yesterday will inform you of the arrival and departure ofTecumseh from this place, and of the route which he has taken. Therecan be no doubt his object is to excite the southern Indians to waragainst us. His mother was of the Creek nation, and he builds much uponthat circumstance towards forwarding his views. I do not think there isany danger of further hostility until he returns: and his absenceaffords a most favorable opportunity for breaking up his confederacy, and I have some expectations of being able to accomplish it without arecourse to actual hostility. Tecumseh assigned the next spring as theperiod of his return. I am informed, however, that he will be back inthree months. There is a Potawatamie chief here, who says he waspresent when the message from the British agent was delivered to theProphet, telling him that the time had arrived for taking up arms, andinviting him to send a party to Malden, to receive the necessarysupplies. This man is one of the few who preserve their independence. "The implicit obedience and respect which the followers of Tecumseh payto him, is really astonishing, and more than any other circumstancebespeaks him one of those uncommon geniuses which spring upoccasionally to produce revolutions, and overturn the established orderof things. If it were not for the vicinity of the United States, hewould, perhaps, be the founder of an empire that would rival in gloryMexico or Peru. No difficulties deter him. For four years he has beenin constant motion. You see him to-day on the Wabash, and in a shorttime hear of him on the shores of lake Erie or Michigan, or on thebanks of the Mississippi; and wherever he goes he makes an impressionfavorable to his purposes. He is now upon the last round to put afinishing stroke to his work. I hope, however, before his return thatthat part of the fabric which he considered complete, will bedemolished, and even its foundations rooted up. Although the greaterpart of his followers are attached to him from principle and affection, there are many others who follow him through fear; and he was scarcelya mile from town, before they indulged in the most virulent invectivesagainst him. The Prophet is impudent and audacious, but is deficient injudgment, talents and firmness. " The following anecdote illustrates the coolness and self-possession ofTecumseh, not less than the implicit obedience that was paid to hiscommands by his followers. A Potawatamie, called the Deaf Chief, was present at the late council. After it was closed, he stated to the governor, that had he been calledupon during the conference he would have confronted Tecumseh, when hedenied that his intentions towards the United States were hostile. Thisdeclaration having been repeated to Tecumseh, he calmly intimated tothe Prophet, that upon their return to Tippecanoe, the Deaf Chief mustbe disposed of. A friend of the latter informed him of his danger, butthe chief, not at all intimidated, returned to his camp, put on hiswar-dress, and equipping himself with his rifle, tomahawk and scalpingknife, returned and presented himself before Tecumseh, who was then incompany with Mr. Baron, the governor's interpreter. The Deaf Chiefthere reproached Tecumseh for having ordered him to be killed, declaring that it was an act unworthy of a warrior. "But here I amnow, " said he, "come and kill me. " Tecumseh making no answer, thePotawatamie heaped upon him every term of abuse and contumely, andfinally charged him with being the slave of the red-coats, (theBritish. ) Tecumseh, perfectly unmoved, made no reply, but continued hisconversation with Mr. Baron, until the Deaf Chief, wearied with theeffort to provoke his antagonist to action, returned to his camp. Thereis some reason for believing that the Prophet did not disobey hisorders: the Deaf Chief was never seen again at Vincennes. Of the result of the mission of Tecumseh to the southern tribes, wehave no detailed information. Hodgson, who subsequently travelledthrough this country, in his "Letters from North America, " says: "Our host told me that he was living with his Indian wife among theCreeks, when the celebrated Indian warrior Tecumseh, came more than onethousand miles, from the borders of Canada, to induce the lower Creeks, to promise to take up the hatchet in behalf of the British, against theAmericans, and the upper Creeks whenever he should require it: that hewas present at the midnight convocation of the chiefs, which was heldon that occasion, and which terminated after a most impressive speechfrom Tecumseh with a unanimous determination to take up the hatchetwhenever he should call upon them. This was at least a year before thedeclaration of the last war. " In the "History of the Tribes of North America, " there is aninteresting notice of this visit of Tecumseh. "The following remarkable circumstance may serve to illustrate thepenetration, decision and boldness of this warrior chief. He had beensouth, to Florida, and succeeded in instigating the Seminoles inparticular, and portions of other tribes, to unite in the war on theside of the British. He gave out that a vessel, on a certain day, commanded by red-coats, would be off Florida, filled with guns andammunition, and supplies for the use of the Indians. That no mistakemight happen in regard to the day on which the Indians were to strike, he prepared bundles of sticks, each bundle containing the number ofsticks corresponding to the number of days that were to intervenebetween the day on which they were received, and the day of the generalonset. The Indian practice is to throw away a stick every morning; theymake, therefore, no mistake in the time. These sticks Tecumseh causedto be painted red. It was from this circumstance that in the formerSeminole war, these Indians were called 'Red Sticks. ' In all thisbusiness of mustering the tribes, he used great caution; he supposedenquiry would be made as to the object of his visit; that his plansmight not be suspected, he directed the Indians to reply to anyquestions that might be asked about him, by saying, that he hadcounselled them to cultivate the ground, abstain from ardent spirits, and live in peace with the white people. On his return from Florida, hewent among the Creeks in Alabama, urging them to unite with theSeminoles. Arriving at Tuckhabatchee, a Creek town on the Tallapoosariver, he made his way to the lodge of the chief called the BigWarrior. He explained his object, delivered his war-talk, presented abundle of sticks, gave a piece of wampum and a hatchet; all which theBig Warrior took. When Tecumseh, reading the intentions and spirit ofthe Big Warrior, looked him in the eye, and pointing his finger towardshis face, said: 'Your blood is white: you have taken my talk, and thesticks, and the wampum, and the hatchet, but you do not mean to fight:I know the reason: you do not believe the Great Spirit has sent me: youshall know: I leave Tuckhabatchee directly, and shall go straight toDetroit: when I arrive there, I will stamp on the ground with my foot, and shake down every house in Tuckhabatchee. ' So saying, he turned andleft the Big Warrior in utter amazement, at both his manner and histhreat, and pursued his journey. The Indians were struck no less withhis conduct than was the Big Warrior, and began to dread the arrival ofthe day when the threatened calamity would befal them. They met oftenand talked over this matter, and counted the days carefully, to knowthe time when Tecumseh would reach Detroit. The morning they had fixedupon, as the period of his arrival, at last came. A mighty rumbling washeard--the Indians all ran out of their houses--the earth began toshake; when at last, sure enough, every house in Tuckhabatchee wasshaken down! The exclamation was in every mouth, 'Tecumseh has got toDetroit!' The effect was electrical. The message he had delivered tothe Big Warrior was believed, and many of the Indians took their riflesand prepared for the war. "The reader will not be surprised to learn, that an earthquake hadproduced all this; but he will be, doubtless, that it should happen onthe very day on which Tecumseh arrived at Detroit; and, in exactfulfilment of his threat. It was the famous earthquake of New Madrid, on the Mississippi. We received the foregoing from the lips of theIndians, when we were at Tuckhabatchee, in 1827, and near the residenceof the Big Warrior. The anecdote may therefore be relied on. Tecumseh'sobject, doubtless was, on seeing that he had failed, by the usualappeal to the passions, and hopes, and war spirit of the Indians, toalarm their fears, little dreaming, himself, that on the day named, histhreat would be executed with such punctuality and terrible fidelity. " CHAPTER IX. Governor Harrison applies to the War Department for troops to maintain peace on the frontiers--battle of Tippecanoe on the 7th of November--its influence on the Prophet and his followers. The late council at Vincennes having failed in producing anysatisfactory results, and Tecumseh having gone to the south for theavowed purpose of extending his confederacy, the alarm among theinhabitants of Indiana continued to increase. Public meetings wereheld, and memorials forwarded to the President, invoking protection, and requesting the removal of the Indians from the Prophet's town; thememorialists being "fully convinced that the formation of thiscombination, headed by the Shawanoe Prophet, was a British scheme, andthat the agents of that power were constantly exciting the Indians tohostility against the United States. " The President accordingly placedthe 4th regiment U. S. Infantry, commanded by colonel Boyd, and acompany of riflemen, at the disposal of governor Harrison. TheSecretary of War, under date of 20th October, 1811, in a letter to him, says: "I have been particularly instructed by the President tocommunicate to your excellency, his earnest desire that peace may, ifpossible, be preserved with the Indians; and that to this end, everyproper means may be adopted. By this, it is not intended that murder orrobberies committed by them, should not meet with the punishment due tothose crimes; that the settlements should be unprotected, or that anyhostile combination should avail itself of success, in consequence of aneglect to provide the means of resisting and defeating it; or that thebanditti under the Prophet should not be attacked and vanquished, provided such a measure should be rendered absolutely necessary. Circumstances conspire, at this particular juncture, to render itpeculiarly desirable that hostilities of any kind, or to any degree, not indispensably required, should be avoided. " On the seventh of August the governor informed the secretary that heshould call, in a peremptory manner, on all the tribes, to deliver upsuch of their people as had been concerned in the murder of ourcitizens; that from the Miamis he should require an absolute disavowalof all connection with the Prophet; and that to all the tribes he wouldrepeat the declaration, that the United States have manifested througha series of years, the utmost justice and generosity towards theirIndian neighbors; and have not only fulfilled all the engagements whichthey entered into with them, but have spent considerable sums tocivilize them and promote their happiness; but if, under thosecircumstances, any tribe should dare to take up the tomahawk againsttheir fathers, they must not expect the same lenity that had been shownthem at the close of the former war, but that they would either beexterminated or driven beyond the Mississippi. In furtherance of this plan, the governor forwarded speeches to thedifferent tribes, and instructed the Indian agents to use all possiblemeans to recall them to a sense of duty. He also wrote to the governorsof Illinois and Missouri, on the subject of the border difficulties, inthe hope that a general and simultaneous effort might avert an appealto arms. In the month of September, the Prophet sent assurances to governorHarrison of his pacific intentions, and that his demands should becomplied with; but about the same time some horses were stolen in theneighborhood of his town, and the whites who went in pursuit of themwere fired upon by the Indians. Early in October the governor moved, with a considerable body of troops, towards the Prophet's town, withthe expectation that a show of hostile measures would bring about anaccommodation with the Indians of that place. On the 10th of October, one of the sentinels around his camp was fired on by the Indians, andseverely wounded. About the same time the Prophet sent a messenger tothe chiefs of the Delaware tribe, who were friendly to the UnitedStates, requiring, them to say whether they would or would not join himin the war against them; that he had taken up the tomahawk and wouldnot lay it down but with his life, unless their wrongs were redressed. The Delaware chiefs immediately visited the Prophet, for the purpose ofdissuading him from commencing hostilities. Under these circumstancesthere seemed to be no alternative for governor Harrison, but to breakup the Prophet's establishment. On the 27th, the Delaware chiefsreturned to the camp of the governor, and reported that the Prophetwould not listen to their council, and had grossly insulted them. Whileat the Prophet's town, the Indians who had wounded the sentinel, returned. They were Shawanoes and near friends of the Prophet; who wasdaily practising certain pretended rites, by means of which he playedupon the superstitious feelings of his followers, and kept them in astate of feverish excitement. On the 29th, a body of twenty-four Miamichiefs were sent by governor Harrison, to make another effort with theProphet. They were instructed, to require that the Winnebagoes, Potawatamies and Kickapoos, should leave him and return to theirrespective tribes; that all the stolen horses in their possessionshould be delivered up; that the murderers of the whites should eitherbe surrendered or satisfactory proof offered that they were not underhis control. These chiefs, however, did not return, and there is reasonto believe that they were induced to join the confederacy atTippecanoe. On the 5th of November, 1811, governor Harrison, with about ninehundred effective troops, composed of two hundred and fifty of the 4thregiment U. S. Infantry, one hundred and thirty volunteers, and a bodyof militia, encamped within ten miles of the Prophet's town. On thenext day, when the army was within five miles of the village, reconnoitering parties of the Indians were seen, but they refused tohold any conversation with the interpreters sent forward by thegovernor to open a communication with them. When within a mile and ahalf of the town a halt was made, for the purpose of encamping for thenight. Several of the field officers urged the governor to make animmediate assault on the village; but this he declined, as hisinstructions from the President were positive, not to attack theIndians, as long as there was a probability of their complying with thedemands of government. Upon ascertaining, however, that the groundcontinued favorable for the disposition of his troops, quite up to thetown, he determined to approach still nearer to it. In the mean time, captain Dubois, with an interpreter, was sent forward to ascertainwhether the Prophet would comply with the terms proposed by thegovernor. The Indians, however, would make no reply to these enquiries, but endeavored to cut off the messengers from the army. When this factwas reported to the governor, he determined to consider the Indians asenemies, and at once march upon their town. He had proceeded but ashort distance, however, before he was met by three Indians, one ofthem a principal counsellor to the Prophet, who stated that they weresent to know why the army was marching upon their town--that theProphet was desirous of avoiding hostilities--that he had sent apacific message to governor Harrison by the Miami and Potawatamiechiefs, but that those chiefs had unfortunately gone down on the southside of the Wabash, and had thus failed to meet him. Accordingly, asuspension of hostilities was agreed upon, and the terms of peace wereto be settled on the following morning by the governor and the chiefs. In moving the army towards the Wabash, to encamp for the night, theIndians became again alarmed, supposing that an attack was about to bemade on the town, notwithstanding the armistice which had just beenconcluded. They accordingly began to prepare for defence, and some ofthem sallied out, calling upon the advanced corps, to halt. Thegovernor immediately rode forward, and assured the Indians that it wasnot his intention to attack them, but that he was only in search of asuitable piece of ground on which to encamp his troops. He enquired ifthere was any other water convenient besides that which the riverafforded; and an Indian, with whom he was well acquainted, answered, that the creek which had been crossed two miles back, ran through theprairie to the north of the village. A halt was then ordered, andmajors Piatt, Clark and Taylor, were sent to examine this creek, aswell as the river above the town, to ascertain the correctness of theinformation, and decide on the best ground for an encampment. In thecourse of half an hour, the two latter reported that they had found onthe creek; every thing that could be desirable in an encampment--anelevated spot, nearly surrounded by an open prairie, with waterconvenient, and a sufficiency of wood for fuel. [A] The army was nowmarched to this spot, and encamped "on a dry piece of ground, whichrose about ten feet above the level of a marshy prairie in fronttowards the town; and, about twice as high above a similar prairie inthe rear; through which, near the foot of the hill, ran a small streamclothed with willows and brush-wood. On the left of the encampment, this bench of land became wider; on the right, it gradually narrowed, and terminated in an abrupt point, about one hundred and fifty yardsfrom the right bank. "[B] [Footnote A: M'Afee's History of the Late War. ] [Footnote B: Ibid. ] The encampment was about three-fourths of a mile from the Prophet'stown; and orders were given, in the event of a night attack, for eachcorps to maintain its position, at all hazards, until relieved orfurther orders were given to it. The whole army was kept during thenight, in the military position which is called, lying on their arms. The regular troops lay in their tents, with their accoutrements on, andtheir arms by their sides. The militia had no tents, but slept withtheir clothes and pouches on, and their guns under them, to keep themdry. The order of the encampment was the order of battle, for a nightattack; and as every man slept opposite to his post in the line, therewas nothing for the troops to do, in case of an assault, but to riseand take their position a few steps in the rear of the fires aroundwhich they had reposed. The guard of the night consisted of twocaptain's commands of forty-two men, and four non-commissioned officerseach; and two subaltern's guards of twenty men and non-commissionedofficers each--the whole amounting to about one hundred and thirty men, under the command of a field officer of the day. The night was dark andcloudy, and after midnight there was a drizzling rain. It was notanticipated by the governor or his officers, that an attack would bemade during the night: it was supposed that if the Indians had intendedto act offensively, it would have been done on the march of the army, where situations presented themselves that would have given the Indiansa great advantage. Indeed, within three miles of the town, the army hadpassed over ground so broken and unfavorable to its march, that theposition of the troops was necessarily changed, several times, in thecourse of a mile. The enemy, moreover, had fortified their town withcare and great labor, as if they intended to act alone on thedefensive. It was a favorite spot with the Indians, having long beenthe scene of those mysterious rites, performed by their Prophet, and bywhich they had been taught to believe that it was impregnable to theassaults of the white man. At four o'clock in the morning of the 7th, governor Harrison, accordingto his practice, had risen, preparatory to the calling up the troops;and was engaged, while drawing on his boots by the fire, inconversation with general Wells, colonel Owen, and majors Taylor andHurst. The orderly-drum had been roused for the purpose of giving thesignal for the troops to turn out, when the attack of the Indianssuddenly commenced upon the left flank of the camp. The whole army wasinstantly on its feet; the camp-fires were extinguished; the governormounted his horse and proceeded to the point of attack. Several of thecompanies had taken their places in the line within forty seconds fromthe report of the first gun; and the whole of the troops were preparedfor action in the course of two minutes; a fact as creditable to theirown activity and bravery, as to the skill and energy of their officers. The battle soon became general, and was maintained on both sides withsignal and even desperate valor. The Indians advanced and retreated bythe aid of a rattling noise, made with deer hoofs, and persevered intheir treacherous attack with an apparent determination to conquer ordie upon the spot. The battle raged with unabated fury and mutualslaughter, until daylight, when a gallant and successful charge by ourtroops, drove the enemy into the swamp, and put an end to the conflict. Prior to the assault, the Prophet had given assurances to hisfollowers, that in the coming contest, the Great Spirit would renderthe arms of the Americans unavailing; that their bullets would fallharmless at the feet of the Indians; that the latter should have lightin abundance, while the former would be involved in thick darkness. Availing himself of the privilege conferred by his peculiar office, and, perhaps, unwilling in his own person to attest at once the rivalpowers of a sham prophecy and a real American bullet, he prudently tooka position on an adjacent eminence; and, when the action began, heentered upon the performance of certain mystic rites, at the same timesinging a war-song. In the course of the engagement, he was informedthat his men were falling: he told them to fight on, --it would soon beas he had predicted; and then, in louder and wilder strains, hisinspiring battle-song was heard commingling with the sharp crack of therifle and the shrill war-whoop of his brave but deluded followers. Throughout the action, the Indians manifested more boldness andperseverance than had, perhaps, ever been exhibited by them on anyformer occasion. This was owing, it is supposd, to the influence of theProphet, who by the aid of his incantations had inspired them with abelief that they would certainly overcome their enemy: the supposition, likewise, that they had taken the governor's army by surprise, doubtless contributed to the desperate character of their assaults. They were commanded by some daring chiefs, and although their spiritualleader was not actually in the battle, he did much to encourage hisfollowers in their gallant attack. Of the force of the Indians engaged, there is no certain account. The ordinary number at the Prophet's townduring the preceding summer, was four hundred and fifty; but a few daysbefore the action, they had been joined by all the Kickapoos of theprairie, and by several bands of the Potawatamies, from the Illinoisriver, and the St. Joseph's of lake Michigan. Their number on the nightof the engagement was probably between eight hundred and one thousand. Some of the Indians who were in the action, subsequently informed theagent at fort Wayne, that there were more than a thousand warriors inthe battle, and that the number of wounded was unusually great. In theprecipitation of their retreat, they left thirty-eight on the field;some were buried during the engagement in their town, others no doubtdied subsequently of their wounds. The whole number of their killed, was probably not less than fifty. Of the army under governor Harrison, thirty-five were killed in theaction, and twenty-five died subsequently of their wounds: the totalnumber of killed and wounded was one hundred and eighty-eight. Amongthe former were the lamented colonel Abraham Owen and major JosephHamilton Davies, of Kentucky. Both officers and men behaved with much coolness andbravery, --qualities which, in an eminent degree, marked the conduct ofgovernor Harrison throughout the engagement. The peril to which he wassubjected may be inferred from the fact that a ball passed through hisstock, slightly bruising his neck; another struck his saddle, andglancing hit his thigh; and a third wounded the horse on which he wasriding. Peace on the frontiers was one of the happy results of this severe andbrilliant action. The tribes which had already joined in theconfederacy were dismayed; and those which had remained neutral nowdecided against it. CHAPTER X. Tecumseh returns from the south--proposes to visit the President, but declines, because not permitted to go to Washington at the head of a party--attends a council at fort Wayne--proceeds to Malden and joins the British--governor Harrison's letter to the War Department relative to the north-west tribes. During the two succeeding days, the victorious army remained in camp, for the purpose of burying the dead and taking care of the wounded. Inthe mean time, colonel Wells, with the mounted riflemen, visited theProphet's town, and found it deserted by all the Indians except one, whose leg had been broken in the action. The houses were mostly burnt, and the corn around the village destroyed. On the ninth the armycommenced its return to Vincennes, having broken up or committed to theflames all their unnecessary baggage, in order that the wagons might beused for the transportation of the wounded. The defeated Indians were greatly exasperated with the Prophet: theyreproached him in bitter terms for the calamity he had brought uponthem, and accused him of the murder of their friends who had fallen inthe action. It seems, that after pronouncing some incantations over acertain composition, which he had prepared on the night preceding theaction, he assured his followers, that by the power of his art, half ofthe invading army was already dead, and the other half in a state ofdistraction; and that the Indians would have little to do but rush intotheir camp, and complete the work of destruction with their tomahawks. "You are a liar, " said one of the surviving Winnebagoes to him, afterthe action, "for you told us that the white people were dead or crazy, when they were all in their senses and fought like the devil. " TheProphet appeared dejected, and sought to excuse himself on the pleathat the virtue of his composition had been lost by a circumstance ofwhich he had no knowledge until after the battle was over. His sacredcharacter, however, was so far forfeited, that the Indians actuallybound him with cords, and threatened to put him to death. After leavingthe Prophet's town, they marched about twenty miles and encamped on thebank of Wild Cat creek. In a letter to the war department, dated fourth of December, governorHarrison writes: "I have the honor to inform you that two principal chiefs of theKickapoos of the prairie, arrived here, bearing a flag, on the eveningbefore last. The account which they give of the late confederacy underthe Prophet, is as follows: The Prophet, with his Shawanoes, is at asmall Huron village, about twelve miles from his former residence, onthis side of the Wabash, where also were twelve or fifteen Hurons. TheKickapoos are encamped near the Tippecanoe, the Potawatamies havescattered and gone to different villages of that tribe. The Winnebagoeshad all set out on their return to their own country, excepting onechief and nine men, who remained at their former villages. The Prophethad sent a messenger to the Kickapoos of the prairie to request that hemight be permitted to retire to their town. This was positivelyrefused, and a warning sent to him not to come there. These chiefs saythat the whole of the tribes who lost warriors in the late action, attribute their misfortune to the Prophet alone; that they constantlyreproach him with their misfortunes, and threaten him with death; thatthey are all desirous of making their peace with the United States, andwill send deputations to me for that purpose, as soon as they areinformed that they will be well received. They further say, that theProphet's followers were fully impressed with a belief that they coulddefeat us with ease; that it was their intention to have attacked us atfort Harrison, if we had gone no higher; that Racoon creek was thenfixed on, and finally Pine creek, and that the latter would probablyhave been the place, if the usual route had not been abandoned, and acrossing made higher up; that the attack made on our sentinels at fortHarrison was intended to shut the door against accommodation; that theWinnebagoes had forty warriors killed in the action, and the Kickapooseleven, and ten wounded. They have never heard how many of thePotawatamies and other tribes were killed. " With the battle of Tippecanoe, the Prophet lost his popularity andpower among the Indians. His magic wand was broken, and the mysteriouscharm by means of which he had for years, played upon the superstitiousminds of this wild people, scattered through a vast extent of country, was dissipated forever. It was not alone to the character of hisprophetic office that he was indebted for his influence over hisfollowers. The position which he maintained in regard to the Indianlands, and the encroachments of the white people upon their huntinggrounds, increased his popularity, which was likewise greatlystrengthened by the respect and deference with which the politicTecumseh--the master spirit of his day--uniformly treated him. He had, moreover, nimble wit, quickness of apprehension, much cunning and acaptivating eloquence of speech. These qualities fitted him for playinghis part with great success; and sustaining for a series of years, thecharacter of one inspired by the Great Spirit. He was, however, rash, presumptuous and deficient in judgment. And no sooner was he leftwithout the sagacious counsel and positive control of Tecumseh, than hefoolishly annihilated his own power, and suddenly crashed the grandconfederacy upon which he and his brother had expended years of labor, and in the organization of which they had incurred much personal periland endured great privation. Tecumseh returned from the south through Missouri, visited the tribeson the Des Moins, and crossing the head waters of the Illinois, reachedthe Wabash a few days after the disastrous battle of Tippecanoe. It isbelieved that he made a strong impression upon all the tribes visitedby him in his extended mission; and that he had laid the foundation ofnumerous accessions to his confederacy. He reached the banks of theTippecanoe, just in time to witness the dispersion of his followers, the disgrace of his brother, and the final overthrow of the greatobject of his ambition, a union of all the Indian tribes against theUnited States: and all this, the result of a disregard to his positivecommands. His mortification was extreme; and it is related on goodauthority, that when he first met the Prophet, he reproached him inbitter terms for having departed from his instructions to preservepeace with the United States at all hazards. The attempt of the Prophetto palliate his own conduct, excited the haughty chieftain still more, and seizing him by the hair and shaking him violently, he threatened totake his life. During the ensuing winter, there was peace on the frontiers. In themonth of January, 1812, Little Turtle, the celebrated Miami chief, wrote to governor Harrison, that all the Prophet's followers had lefthim, except two camps of his own tribe, and that Tecumseh had justjoined him with only eight men; from which he concluded there was nopresent danger to be apprehended from them. Shortly afterwards, Tecumseh sent a message to governor Harrison informing him of hisreturn from the south; and that he was now ready to make the promisedvisit to the President. The governor replied, giving his permission forTecumseh to go to Washington, but not as the leader of any party ofIndians. The chieftain, who had been accustomed to make his visits toVincennes, attended by three or four hundred warriors, all completelyarmed, did not choose to present himself to his great father, thePresident, shorn of his power and without his retinue. The visit wasdeclined, and here terminated the intercourse between him and governorHarrison. Early in March, the peace of the frontiers was again disturbed byIndian depredations; and in the course of this and the following month, several families were murdered on the Wabash and Ohio rivers. On the15th of May, there was a grand council held at Mississiniway, which wasattended by twelve tribes of Indians. They all professed to be in favorof peace, and condemned the disturbances which had occurred between theIndians and the settlers, since the battle of Tippecanoe. Tecumseh waspresent at this council and spoke several times. He defied any livingcreature to say that he had ever advised any one, directly orindirectly, to make war upon the whites: it had constantly been hismisfortune, he said, to have his views misrepresented to his whitebrethren, and this had been done by pretended chiefs of thePotawatamies, who had been in the habit of selling land to the whitepeople, which did not belong to them. "Governor Harrison, " hecontinued, "made war on my people in my absence: it was the will of Godthat he should do so. We hope it will please God that the white peoplewill let us live in peace. We will not disturb them, neither have wedone it, except when they came to our village with the intention ofdestroying us. We are happy to state to our brothers present, that theunfortunate transaction that took place between the white people and afew of our young men at our village, has been settled between us andgovernor Harrison; and I will further state, that had I been at home, there would have been no bloodshed at that time. " In the month of June, following this council, Tecumseh made a visit tofort Wayne, and sought an interview with the Indian agent at thatplace. Misfortune had not subdued his haughty spirit nor silenced thefearless expression of his feelings and opinions. He still maintainedthe justice of his position in regard to the ownership of the Indianlands, disavowed any intention of making war upon the United States, and reproached governor Harrison for having marched against his peopleduring his absence. The agent made a long speech to him, presentingreasons why he should now become the friend and ally of the UnitedStates. To this harangue, Tecumseh listened with frigid indifference, made a few general remarks in reply, and then with a haughty air, leftthe council-house, and took his departure for Malden, where he joinedthe British standard. In taking leave of that part of our subject which relates to theconfederacy of Tecumseh and the Prophet, and the principle on which itwas established, we quote, as relevant to the case, and as aninteresting piece of general history, the following letter fromgovernor Harrison to the Secretary of War: _"Cincinnati, March 22_, 1814. "Sir, --The tribes of Indians on this frontier and east of theMississippi, with whom the United States have been connected by treaty, are the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanoes, Miamis, Potawatamies, Ottawas, Chippewas, Piankashaws, Kaskaskias and Sacs. All but the two last werein the confederacy which carried on the former Indian war against theUnited States, that was terminated by the treaty of Greenville. TheKaskaskias were parties to the treaty, but they had not been in thewar. The Wyandots are admitted by the others to be the leading tribe. They hold the grand _calumet_ which unites them and kindles the councilfire. This tribe is nearly equally divided between the _Crane_, atSandusky, who is the grand sachem of the nation, and Walk-in-the-Water, at Brownstown, near Detroit. They claim the lands bounded by thesettlements of this state, southwardly and eastwardly; and by lakeErie, the Miami river, and the claim of the Shawanoes upon theAuglaize, a branch of the latter. They also claim the lands they liveon near Detroit, but I am ignorant to what extent. "The Wyandots of Sahdusky have adhered to us through the war. Theirchief, the Crane, is a venerable, intelligent and upright man. Withinthe tract of land claimed by the Wyandots, a number of Senecas aresettled. They broke off from their own tribe six or eight years ago, but received a part of the annuity granted that tribe by the UnitedStates, by sending a deputation for it to Buffalo. The claim of theWyandots to the lands they occupy, is not disputed, that I know of, byany other tribe. Their residence on it, however, is not of longstanding, and the country was certainly once the property of theMiamis. "Passing westwardly from the Wyandots, we meet with the Shawanoesettlement at Stony creek, a branch of the Great Miami, and atWapauckanata, on the Auglaize. These settlements were made immediatelyafter the treaty of Greenville, and with the consent of the Miamis, whom I consider the real owners of these lands. The chiefs of this bandof Shawanoes, Blackhoof, Wolf and Lewis, are attached to us fromprinciple as well as interest--they are all honest men. "The Miamis have their principal settlement at the forks of the Wabash, thirty miles from fort Wayne; and at Mississinaway, thirty miles lowerdown. A band of them under the name of Weas, have resided on theWabash, sixty miles above Vincennes; and another under the Turtle onEel river, a branch of the Wabash, twenty miles north-west of fortWayne. By an artifice of Little Turtle, these three bands were passedon general Wayne as distinct tribes, and an annuity granted to each. The Eel river and Weas, however, to this day call themselves Miamis, and are recognized as such by the Mississinaway band. The Miamis, Maumees or Tewicktowes, are the undoubted proprietors of all thatbeautiful country which is watered by the Wabash and its branches; andthere is as little doubt that their claim extended at least as far eastas the Scioto. They have no tradition of removing from any otherquarter of the country; whereas all the neighboring tribes, thePiankishaws excepted, who are a branch of the Miamis, are eitherintruders upon them, or have been permitted to settle in their country. The Wyandots emigrated first from lake Ontario, and subsequently fromlake Huron--the Delawares from Pennsylvania and Maryland--the Shawanoesfrom Georgia--the Kickapoos and Potawatamies from the country betweenlake Michigan and the Mississippi--and the Ottawas and Chippewas fromthe peninsula formed by lakes Michigan, Huron and St Clair, and thestrait connecting the latter with Erie. The claims of the Miamis werebounded on the north and west by those of the Illinois confederacy, consisting originally of five tribes, called Kaskaskias, Cahokias, Peorians, Michiganians, and Temorais, speaking the Miami language, andno doubt branches of that nation. "When I was first appointed governor of Indiana territory, these oncepowerful tribes were reduced to about thirty warriors, of whomtwenty-five were Kaskaskias, four Peorians, and a single Michiganian. There was an individual lately alive at St. Louis, who saw theenumeration made of them by the Jesuits in the year 1745, making thenumber of their warriors four thousand. A furious war between them andthe Sacs and Kickapoos, reduced them to that miserable remnant, whichhad taken refuge amongst the white people of the towns of Kaskaskiasand St. Genevieve. The Kickapoos had fixed their principal village atPeoria, upon the south bank of the Illinois river, while the Sacsremained masters of the country to the north. "During the war of our Revolution, the Miamis had invited the Kickapoosinto their country to assist them against the whites, and aconsiderable village was formed by that tribe on Vermillion river, nearits junction with the Wabash. After the treaty of Greenville, theDelawares had, with the approbation of the Miamis, removed from themouth of the Auglaize to the head waters of White river, a large branchof the Wabash--and the Potawatamies, without their consent, had formedtwo villages upon the latter river, one at Tippecanoe, and the other atChippoy, twenty-five miles below. "The Piankishaws lived in the neighborhood of Vincennes, which wastheir ancient village, and claimed the lands to the mouth of theWabash, and to the north and west as far as the Kaskaskias claimed. Such was the situation of the tribes, when I received instructions fromPresident Jefferson, shortly after his first election, to make effortsfor extinguishing the Indian claims upon the Ohio, below the mouth ofthe Kentucky river, and to such other tracts as were necessary toconnect and consolidate our settlements. It was at once determined, that the community of interests in the lands amongst the Indian tribes, which seemed to be recognized by the treaty of Greenville, should beobjected to; and that each individual tribe should be protected inevery claim that should appear to be founded in reason and justice. Butit was also determined, that as a measure of policy and liberality, such tribes as lived upon any tract of land which it would be desirableto purchase, should receive a portion of the compensation, although thetitle might be exclusively in another tribe. Upon this principle theDelawares, Shawanoes, Potawatamies, and Kickapoos, were admitted asparties to several of the treaties. Care was taken, however, to placethe title to such tracts as might be desirable to purchase hereafter, upon a footing that would facilitate the procuring of them, by gettingthe tribes who had no claim themselves, and who might probablyinterfere, to recognize the titles of those who were ascertained topossess them. "This was particularly the case with regard to the lands watered by theWabash, which were declared to be the property of the Miamis, with theexception of the tract occupied by the Delawares on White river, whichwas to be considered the joint property of them and the Miamis. Thisarrangement was very much disliked by Tecumseh, and the banditti thathe had assembled at Tippecanoe. He complained loudly, as well of thesales that had been made, as of the principle of considering aparticular tribe as the exclusive proprietors of any part of thecountry, which he said the Great Spirit had given to all his redchildren. Besides the disaffected amongst the neighboring tribes, hehad brought together a considerable number of Winnebagoes andFolsovoins, from the neighborhood of Green Bay, Sacs from theMississippi, and some Ottawas and Chippewas from Abercrosh on lakeMichigan. These people were better pleased with the climate and countryof the Wabash, than with that they had left. "The Miamis resisted the pretensions of Tecumseh and his followers forsome time; but a system of terror was adopted, and the young men wereseduced by eternally placing before them a picture of labor, andrestriction as to hunting, to which the system adopted would inevitablylead. The Potawatamies and other tribes inhabiting the Illinois riverand south of lake Michigan, had been for a long time approachinggradually towards the Wabash. Their country, which was never abundantlystocked with game, was latterly almost exhausted of it. The fertileregions of the Wabash still afforded it. It was represented, that theprogressive settlements of the whites upon that river, would soondeprive them of their only resource, and indeed would force the Indiansof that river upon them who were already half starved. "It is a fact, that for many years the current of emigration, as to thetribes east of the Mississippi, has been from north to south. This isowing to two causes; the diminution of those animals from which theIndians procure their support; and the pressure of the two greattribes, the Chippewas and Sioux, to the north and west. So long ago asthe treaty of Greenville, the Potawatamies gave notice to the Miamis, that they intended to settle upon the Wabash. They made no pretensionsto the country, and their only excuse for the intended aggression was, that they were 'tired of eating fish and wanted meat. ' It has alreadybeen observed that the Sacs had extended themselves to the Illinoisriver, and that the settlements of the Kickapoos at the Peorias was ofmodern date. Previously to the commencement of the present war, aconsiderable number had joined their brethren on the Wabash. The Tawasfrom the Des Moins river, have twice made attempts to get a footingthere. * * * * * "The question of the title to the lands south of the Wabash, has beenthoroughly examined; every opportunity was afforded to Tecumseh and hisparty to exhibit their pretensions, and they were found to rest upon noother basis than that of their being the common property of all theIndians. The Potawatamies and Kickapoos have unequivocally acknowledgedthe Miami and Delaware titles. " CHAPTER XI. Tecumseh participates in the battle of Brownstown--commands the Indians in the action near Maguaga--present at Hull's surrender--general Brock presents him his military sash--attack on Chicago brought about by Tecumseh. On the 18th of June, 1812, the congress of the United States made aformal declaration of war against Great Britain. This gave a new aspectto affairs on the north-western frontier; and at the first commencementof hostilities between these two powers, Tecumseh was in the field, prepared for the conflict. In the month of July, when general Hullcrossed over from Detroit into Canada, this chief, with a party ofthirty Potawatamies and Shawanoes, was at Malden. About the same timethere was an assemblage at Brownstown, opposite to Malden, of thoseIndians who were inclined to neutrality in the war. A deputation wassent to the latter place, inviting Tecumseh to attend this council. "No, " said he, indignantly, "I have taken sides with the King, myfather, and I will suffer my bones to bleach upon this shore, before Iwill recross that stream to join in any council of neutrality. " In afew days he gave evidence of the sincerity of this declaration, bypersonally commanding the Indians in the first action that ensued afterthe declaration of war. [A] [Footnote A: Anthony Shane. ] Early in August, general Hull, then in Detroit, was notified by expressthat a company of Ohio volunteers, under the command of captain HenryBrush, with provisions for the army, were near the river Raisin, andneeded an escort, as it had been ascertained that some British and aconsiderable body of Indians, under the command of Tecumseh, hadcrossed from Malden to Brownstown, with a view to intercept thisconvoy. General Hull, after some delay, gave a reluctant consent to thecolonels of the Ohio militia, that a detachment of troops might marchto the relief of colonel Brush. Major Van Horne, with a small body ofmen, started as an escort to the mail, with orders to join captainBrush at the river Raisin. He set off on the fourth of August, marchingthat evening as far as the river De Corce. On the next day, captainMcCullough of the spies, was killed by some Indians. In the course ofthe succeeding one, near Brownstown, the detachment under major VanHorne was suddenly attacked by the Indians, who were lying in ambush. Apprehensive of being surrounded and entirely cut off, the majorordered a retreat, which was continued to the river De Corce, the enemypursuing them to that point. Our loss was seventeen killed, besidesseveral wounded, who were left behind. Among the former were captainsUlry, Gilchrist, Boersler, lieutenant Pents, and ensign Ruby. The lossof so many officers resulted from their attempts to rally the men. Theloss of the enemy was supposed to be equal to that sustained by majorVan Horne. There were about forty British soldiers and seventy Indiansin this engagement, the latter being commanded by Tecumseh in person. After general Hull had ingloriously retreated from Canada, he detachedcolonel Miller, with majors Van Horne and Morrison, and a body oftroops, amounting to six hundred, to make a second effort to reachcaptain Brush. They were attended by some artillerists with one sixpounder and a howitzer. The detachment marched from Detroit on theeighth, and in the afternoon of the ninth the front guard, commanded bycaptain Snelling, was fired upon by a line of British and Indians, about two miles below the village of Maguaga. At the moment of theattack, the main body was marching in two lines, and captain Snellingmaintained his position in a gallant manner, until the line was formedand marched to the ground he occupied, where the whole, except the rearguard, was brought into action. The British were entrenched behind abreast-work of logs, with the Indians on the left covered by a thickwood. Colonel Miller ordered his whole line to advance, and when withina short distance of the enemy, fired upon them, and immediatelyfollowed it up by a charge with fixed bayonets, when the whole Britishline and the Indians commenced a retreat. They were vigorously pursuedfor near two miles. The Indians on the left were commanded by Tecumseh, and fought with great bravery, but were forced to retreat. Our loss inthis severe and well fought action was ten killed and thirty-twowounded of the regular troops, and eight killed and twenty-eightwounded of the Ohio and Michigan militia. The full extent of the forceof the enemy is not known. There were four hundred regulars andCanadian militia, under command of major Muir, and a considerable bodyof Indians under Tecumseh. Forty of the latter were found dead on thefield: fifteen of the British regulars were killed and wounded, andfour taken prisoners. The loss of the Canadian militia and volunteers, was never ascertained, but is supposed, from the position which theyoccupied in the action, to have been considerable. Both major Muir andTecumseh were wounded. The bravery and good conduct of the latter, inthis engagement, are supposed to have led to his being shortlyafterwards appointed a brigadier general, in the service of the Britishking. When Detroit was captured, on the 16th of August, Tecumseh was at thehead of the Indians. After the surrender, general Brock requested himnot to allow his men to ill-treat the prisoners, to which he replied, "no! I despise them too much to meddle with them. "[A] [Footnote A: Book of the Indians, by S. G. Drake. ] "Tecumseh was an excellent judge of position; and not only knew, butcould point out the localities of the whole country through which hepassed. His facility of communicating the information he had acquired, was thus displayed before a concourse of spectators. Previously togeneral Brock's crossing over to Detroit, he asked him what sort of acountry he should have to pass through, in case of his proceedingfarther. Tecumseh, taking a roll of elm bark, and extending it on theground by means of four stones, drew forth his scalping knife, and withthe point presently etched upon the bark a plan of the country, itshills, rivers, woods, morasses and roads; a plan which, if not as neat, was for the purpose required, fully as intelligible as if Arrowsmithhimself had prepared it. Pleased with this unexpected talent inTecumseh, also by his having, with his characteristic boldness, inducedthe Indians, not of his immediate party, to cross the Detroit, prior tothe embarkation of the regulars and militia, general Brock, as soon asthe business was over, publicly took off his sash, and placed it roundthe body of the chief. Tecumseh received the honor with evidentgratification; but was next day seen without his sash. General Brockfearing something had displeased the Indian, sent his interpreter foran explanation. The latter soon returned with an account, thatTecumseh, not wishing to wear such a mark of distinction, when anolder, and as he said, abler warrior than himself, was present, hadtransferred the sash to the Wyandot chief, Roundhead. "[A] [Footnote A: James' Military Occurrences of the Late War. ] On the 15th of August, the garrison of Chicago, situated in thesouth-western bend of lake Michigan, --consisting of about seventy men, with some women and children, --were attacked by a large body ofIndians, who had been lying around the fort for some time, professingneutrality. The whole were either murdered or taken prisoners. Thegarrison, under the direction of captains Heald and Wells, havingdestroyed the fort and distributed the public stores among the Indians, was about to retreat towards fort Wayne. As the Indians around Chicagohad not yet taken sides in the war, the garrison would probably haveescaped, had not Tecumseh, immediately after the attack upon majorVanhorn, at Brownstown, sent a runner to these Indians, claiming thevictory over that officer; and conveying to them information thatgeneral Hull had returned to Detroit; and that there was every prospectof success over him. This intelligence reached the Indians the nightprevious the evacuation of Chicago, and led them at once, as Tecumsehhad anticipated, to become the allies of the British army. At the period of colonel Campbell's expedition against theMississinaway towns, in the month of December, Tecumseh was in thatneighborhood, with about six hundred Indians, whose services he hadengaged as allies of Great Britian. He was not in the battle of theriver Raisin on the 22d of January. Had he been present on thatoccasion, the known magnanimity of his character, justifies the beliefthat the horrible massacre of prisoners, which followed that action, would not have taken place. Not only the savages, but their savageleaders, Proctor and Elliott, would have been held in check, by a chiefwho, however daring and dreadful in the hour of battle, was never knownto ill-treat or murder a prisoner. CHAPTER XII. Siege of fort Meigs--Tecumseh commands the Indians--acts with intrepidity--rescues the American prisoners from the tomahawk and scalping knife, after Dudley's defeat--reported agreement between Proctor and Tecumseh, that general Harrison, if taken prisoner, should be delivered to the latter to be burned. Fort Meigs, situated on the south-east side of the Miami of the lakes, and at the foot of the rapids of that stream, was an octagonalenclosure, with eight block houses, picketed with timber, andsurrounded by ditches. It was two thousand five hundred yards incircumference, and required, to garrison it with efficiency, about twothousand men. It was constructed under the immediate superintendence ofcolonel E. D. Wood, of the corps of engineers, one of the mostscientific and gallant officers of the late war. This post, which wasestablished in the spring of 1813, was important not only for theprotection of the frontiers, but as the depot for the artillery, military stores and provisions, necessary for the prosecution of theensuing campaign. These circumstances could not fail to attract theattention of the enemy; and the commander of the American army was notdisappointed in supposing that fort Meigs would be the first point ofattack, upon the opening of the spring, by the combined forces ofProctor and Tecumseh. In the latter part of March, intelligence reached this post thatProctor had issued a general order for assembling the Canadian militiaat Sandwich, on the 7th of April, to unite in an expedition againstfort Meigs. This information gave a fresh impulse to the efforts thenmaking to render the fort, which was still in an unfinished state, asstrong as possible. On the 8th of April, colonel Ball arrived with twohundred dragoons; and on the 12th general Harrison reached the fortwith three hundred men from the posts on the Auglaize and St. Mary's. Vigorous preparations were now made for the anticipated siege. On the19th, a scouting party returned from the river Raisin, with threeFrenchmen, who stated that the British were still making arrangementsfor an attack on this post; and were assembling a very large Indianforce. They informed general Harrison that Tecumseh and the Prophet hadreached Sandwich, with about six hundred Indians, collected in thecountry between lake Michigan and the Wabash. This intelligence removedthe apprehension entertained by the general, that the Indians intendedto fall upon the posts in his rear, while Proctor should attack fortMeigs. On the 26th, the advance of the enemy was discovered at themouth of the bay; and on the 28th, the British and Indian forces werefound to be within a few miles of the fort. At this time, only a partof the troops destined for the defence of the place, had arrived; butthe remainder, under the command of general Green Clay, of Kentucky, were daily expected. So soon as the fort was actually invested by theIndians, an express was sent by the commander-in-chief, to informgeneral Clay of the fact, and direct his subsequent movements. Thisdangerous enterprise--for the Indians were already in considerablenumbers around the fort--was undertaken and successfully executed bycaptain William Oliver, [A] a gallant young officer belonging to thecommissary's department, who, to a familiar acquaintance with thegeography of the country, united much knowledge of Indian warfare. Attended by a white man and a Delaware Indian, Oliver traversed thecountry to fort Findlay, thence to fort Amanda, and finally met withgeneral Clay at fort Winchester, on the 2d of May, and communicated tohim general Harrison's instructions. [Footnote A: Now Major William Oliver, of Cincinnati. It is but an actof justice to this gentleman to state that, for the voluntaryperformance of this service, he refused all pecuniary compensation. General Harrison subsequently, in a letter to major Oliver, in relationto this service, says, "To prevent the possibility of these orderscoming to the knowledge of the enemy, they could not be committed towriting, but must be communicated verbally, by a confidential officer. The selection of one suited to the performance of this important trustwas a matter of no little difficulty. To the qualities of undoubtedpatriotism, moral firmness, as well as active courage, sagacity andprudence, it was necessary that he should unite a thorough knowledge ofthe country through which the troops were to pass, and of all thelocalities of the position upon which they were advancing. Without thelatter, the possession of the former would be useless, and the absenceof either of the former might render the latter not only useless, butin the highest degree mischievous. Although there was no coincidencebetween the performance of this duty and those which appertained to thedepartment of the staff in which you held an appointment, [thecommissariat] I did not long hesitate in fixing on you for thisservice. "] Soon after Oliver had started on this enterprise, the gunboats of theenemy approached the site of old fort Miami, on the opposite side ofthe river, about two miles below fort Meigs. In the course of theensuing night they commenced the erection of three batteries, oppositethe fort on a high bank, about three hundred yards from the river, theintermediate space of ground being open and partly covered with water. Two of them were gun batteries, with four embrasures, and were situatedhigher up the river than the fort; the third was a bomb battery, placeda short distance below. Early the next morning, a fire was opened uponthem from the fort, which, to some extent, impeded the progress of theworks. On the morning of the 30th, the enemy, under a heavy andsomewhat fatal fire from the guns of the fort, raised and adjustedtheir cannon, while at the same time, a number of boats filled withIndians were seen crossing to the south-eastern side of the river. On the morning of the first of May, the British batteries werecompleted; and about ten o'clock, the enemy appeared to be adjustingtheir guns on certain objects in the fort. "By this time our troops hadcompleted a grand traverse, about twelve feet high, upon a base oftwenty feet, three hundred yards long, on the most elevated groundthrough the middle of the camp, calculated to ward off the shot of theenemy's batteries. Orders were given for all the tents in front to beinstantly removed into its rear, which was effected in a few minutes, and that beautiful prospect of cannonading and bombarding our lines, which but a few moments before had excited the skill and energy of theBritish engineer, was now entirely fled; and in its place nothing wasto be seen but an immense shield of earth, which entirely obscured thewhole army. Not a tent nor a single person was to be seen. Those canvashouses, which had concealed the growth of the traverse from the view ofthe enemy, were now protected and hid in their turn. The prospect of_smoking us out, _ was now at best but very faint. But as neithergeneral Proctor nor his officers were yet convinced of the folly andfutility of their laborious preparations, their batteries were opened, and five days were spent in arduous cannonading and bombarding, tobring them to this salutary conviction. A tremendous cannonading waskept up all the rest of the day, and shells were thrown until 11o'clock at night. Very little damage, however, was done in the camp;one or two were killed, and three or four wounded; among the latter wasmajor Amos Stoddard, of the first regiment of artillery, a survivor ofthe revolution, and an officer of much merit. He was wounded slightlywith a piece of shell, and about ten days afterwards died with thelock-jaw. "The fire of the enemy was returned from the fort with one eighteenpounder with some effect, though but sparingly, for the stock ofeighteen pound shot was but small, there being but three hundred andsixty of that size in the fort when the siege commenced; and about thesame number for the twelve pounders. "[A] [Footnote A: M'Affee. ] Throughout the whole of the second day the firing was continued withgreat spirit, but without doing much damage on either side. GeneralHarrison, in anticipation of a transfer of the enemy's guns to theother side of the river, and the establishment of batteries to playupon the centre or flanks of the camp, had directed the construction ofworks calculated to resist such an attack; and they were in a state ofconsiderable forwardness on the morning of the third, when, from thebushes on the left of the fort, three field pieces and a howitzer weresuddenly opened upon the camp by the enemy. The fire was returned withsuch effect, that general Proctor was soon compelled to change hisposition. His batteries were again opened on the camp from anotherpoint, but without doing much injury. On the fourth, the fire of theenemy was renewed, but with less energy than on the previous days, theresult, it is supposed, of a belief that their efforts to reduce thefort would fail. General Harrison was waiting the arrival of generalClay with his reinforcements. Late in the night of the fourth, captainOliver, accompanied by majors David Trimble and ---- Taylor, withfifteen Ohio militia, having left general Clay above the rapids, started in a boat for the fort, that the commanding general, by knowingthe position of the reinforcements, might form his plans for theensuing day. The effort to reach the fort under the existingcircumstances was extremely dangerous. Captain Leslie Combs had alreadyattempted it, and failed. He had been sent by colonel Dudley, upon hisarrival at Defiance, to inform general Harrison of the fact. With fivemen, the captain approached within a mile of the fort, when he wasattacked by the Indians, and compelled to retreat after a gallantresistance, in which nearly all his companions were killed. When Oliverdrew near the fort, the night was extremely dark, and he was onlyenabled to discover the spot by the spreading branches of a solitaryoak tree, standing within the fortification. The boat was fired upon bythe sentinels of the fort, but on their being hailed by captain Oliver, no further alarm was given. After landing and wading over a ravinefilled with water, the party groped their way to one of the gates, andwere admitted. Tecumseh and his Indians were extremely vigilant, and, at night, usually came close to the ramparts for the purpose ofannoying our troops, as opportunity might offer. So soon as generalHarrison had received the information brought by captain Oliver and hiscompanions, he made his arrangements for the ensuing day. CaptainHamilton, attended by a subaltern, was immediately despatched up theriver in a canoe with orders to general Clay. The captain met him atdaylight five miles above the fort, the boats conveying thereinforcements having been delayed by the darkness of the night. Captain Hamilton delivered the following order to general Clay. "Youmust detach about eight hundred men from your brigade, and land them ata point I will show you about a mile or a mile and a half above campMeigs. I will then conduct the detachment to the British batteries onthe left bank of the river. The batteries must be taken, the cannonspiked, and the carriages cut down; and the troops must then return totheir boats and cross over to the fort. The balance of your men mustland on the fort-side of the river, opposite the first landing, andfight their way into the fort through the Indians. The route they musttake will be pointed out by a subaltern officer how with me, who willland the canoe on the right bank of the river to point out the landingfor the boats. "[A] As soon as these orders were received by generalClay, who was in the thirteenth boat from the front, he directedcaptain Hamilton to go to colonel Dudley, with orders to take thetwelve front boats and execute the plan of the commanding general onthe left bank of the river; and to post the subaltern with the canoe onthe right bank, at the point where the remainder of the reinforcementwas directed to land. It was the design of general Harrison while thetroops under Dudley were destroying the enemy's batteries on thenorth-west side of the river, and general Clay was fighting the Indiansabove the fort on the south-east side, to send out a detachment to takeand spike the British guns on the south side. [Footnote A: M'Affee. ] General Clay ordered the five remaining boats to fall behind the oneoccupied by him; but in attempting to do so, they were driven on shore, and thus thrown half a mile into the rear. The general kept close tothe right bank, intending to land opposite to the detachment underDudley, but finding no guide there, and the Indians having commenced abrisk fire on his boat, he attempted to cross to the detachment. Thecurrent, however, was so swift, that it soon carried him too far downfor that project; he therefore turned back, and landed on the rightbank further down. Captain Peter Dudley, with a part of his company, was in this boat, making in the whole upwards of fifty men, who nowmarched into camp without loss, amidst a shower of grape from theBritish batteries and the fire of some Indians. The boat with theirbaggage and four sick soldiers, was left, as the general supposed, inthe care of two men who met him at his landing, and by whom he expectedshe would be brought down under the guns of the fort. In a few minutes, however, she fell into the hands of the Indians. The attempt which hehad made to cross the river, induced colonel Boswell, with the rearboats, to land on the opposite side; but as soon as captain Hamiltondiscovered the error under which he was acting, he instructed him tocross over and fight his way into camp. When he arrived at the southside, he was annoyed on landing by the Indians; and as soon as his menwere on shore, he formed them and returned the fire of the enemy; atthe same time he was directed by captain Shaw, from the commandinggeneral, to march in open order, through the plain, to the fort. Asthere was now a large body of Indians on his flank, general Harrisondetermined to send out a reinforcement from the garrison to enable himto beat them. Accordingly, Alexander's brigade, a part of Johnson'sbattalion, and the companies of captains Nearing and Dudley, wereordered to prepare for this duty. When the Kentuckians reached thegates of the fort, these troops were ready to join them. Having formedin order--colonel Boswell being on the right, --they marched against theIndians, who were superior to them in numbers, and at the point of thebayonet, forced them into the woods to the distance of half a mile ormore. Such was the ardor of our troops, in the pursuit, that it wasdifficult, especially for the Kentucky officers, to induce their men toreturn. General Harrison had now taken a position on one of the batteries ofthe fort, that he might see the various movements which at this momentclaimed his attention. He soon perceived a detachment of British andIndians passing along the edge of the woods, with a view to reach theleft and rear of the corps under Boswell: he forthwith despatched hisvolunteer aid, John T. Johnston, to recall the troops under Boswellfrom the pursuit. Johnston's horse having been killed before hedelivered this order, it was repeated through major Graham, and aretreat was commenced: the Indians promptly rallied and boldly pursuedthem for some distance, killing and wounding a number of our troops. Sosoon as the commanding general perceived that colonel Dudley and hisdetachment had reached the batteries on the northern bank of the river, and entered successfully upon the execution of the duty assigned them, he ordered colonel John Miller of the regulars to make a sortie fromthe fort, against the batteries which the enemy had erected on thesouth side of the river. The detachment assigned to colonel Miller, amounted to about three hundred and fifty men, composed of thecompanies and parts of companies of captains Langham, Croghan, Bradford, Nearing, Elliott, and lieutenants Gwynne and Campbell of theregular troops; the volunteers of Alexander's battalion; and captainSebree's company of Kentucky militia. Colonel Miller and his mencharged upon, the enemy, and drove them from their position; spiked thecannon at their batteries, and secured forty-one prisoners. The forceof the enemy, thus driven and defeated, consisted of two hundredBritish regulars, one hundred and fifty Canadians and about fivehundred Indians, under the immediate command of Tecumseh, in all morethan double the force of the detachment under colonel Miller. In thissortie, captain Sebree's company of militia, was particularlydistinguished. With the intrepid bravery and reckless ardor for whichthe Kentucky troops are noted, they plunged into the thickest ranks ofthe enemy, and were for a time surrounded by the Indians, who gallantlypressed upon them; but they maintained their ground, until lieutenantGwynne, [A] of the 19th regiment, perceiving their imminent peril, boldly charged upon the Indians, with a portion of captain Elliott'scompany, and released captain Sebree and his men from their dangeroussituation. Had the force of colonel Miller been something stronger, hewould probably have captured the whole of the enemy, then on the southside of the river. The British and Indians suffered severely, beingfinally driven back and thrown into confusion. As colonel Millercommenced his return to the fort, the enemy rallied and pressed withgreat bravery upon his rear, until he arrived near the breast-works. Aconsiderable number of our soldiers were left dead on the field, andseveral officers were wounded. [Footnote A: Major David Gwynne, now of Cincinnati. ] Colonel Dudley's movements on the north side of the river, are now tobe noticed. A landing was effected by his detachment, which wasimmediately marched off, through an open plain, to a hill clothed withtimber. Here the troops were formed into three columns, colonel Dudleyplacing himself at the head of the right, major Shelby leading theleft, and captain Morrison, acting as major, the centre. The distancefrom the place where the detachment was formed in order, to the pointto be attacked, was near two miles. The batteries were engaged incannonading camp Meigs, when the column led by major Shelby, being afew hundred yards in advance of the others, rushed at full speed uponthose having charge of the guns, and carried them without the loss of asingle man. When the British flag was cut down, the garrison of fortMeigs shouted for joy. The grand object of the enterprise having beenachieved, the general, who was watching the movements of thedetachment, made signs to them to retreat to their boats; but to hisgreat surprise, and in express disobedience of the orders transmittedthrough colonel Hamilton, our troops remained at the batteries, quietlylooking around, without spiking the cannon, cutting down the carriagesor destroying the magazines. This delay proved fatal to them. Thegeneral, alarmed for their safety, now offered a very high reward toany individual who would bear fresh orders to colonel Dudley and hismen, to return to their boats and cross over the river to the fort. Theservice was undertaken by lieutenant Campbell. "About the time when thebatteries were taken a body of Indians, lying in ambush, had fired on aparty of spies under captain Combs, who had marched down on the extremeleft of the detachment. Presently colonel Dudley gave orders toreinforce the spies, and the greater part of the right and centrecolumns rushed into the woods in confusion, with their colonel amongthem--to fight the Indians, whom they routed and pursued near twomiles. The left column remained in possession of the batteries, tillthe fugitive artillerists returned with a reinforcement from the mainBritish camp, and attacked them. Some of them were then made prisoners, others fled to the boats, and a part, who were rallied by the exertionsof their major, marched to the aid of colonel Dudley. The Indians hadalso been reinforced, and the confusion in which major Shelby found themen under Dudley, was so great as to amount to a cessation ofresistance; while the savages, skulking around them, continued the workof destruction in safety. At last a retreat commenced in disorder, butthe greater part of the men were captured by the Indians, orsurrendered to the British at the batteries. The gallant butunfortunate colonel Dudley, after being wounded, was overtaken anddespatched with the tomahawk. The number of those who escaped and gotinto the fort, out of the whole detachment, was considerably below twohundred. Had the orders which colonel Dudley received, been dulyregarded, or a proper degree of judgment exercised on the occasion, theday would certainly have been an important one for the country, and aglorious one for the army. Every thing might have been accomplishedagreeably to the wishes and intentions of the general, with the loss ofbut few men. When the approach of the detachment under Dudley wasreported to Proctor, he supposed it to be the main force of theAmerican army, from which he was apprehensive that he might sustain atotal defeat: he therefore recalled a large portion of his British andIndians from the opposite shore. They did not arrive, however, in timeto partake in the contest on the north side. "[A] [Footnote A: M'Affee. ] After the fighting had ceased on the fifth, the British general sent aflag to the fort by major Chambers, and his introduction to generalHarrison was succeeded by the following significant dialogue: "_Major Chambers. _ General Proctor has directed me to demand thesurrender of this post. He wishes to spare the effusion of blood. "_General Harrison. _ The demand, under present circumstances, is a mostextraordinary one. As general Proctor did not send me a summons tosurrender on his first arrival, I had supposed that he believed medetermined to do my duty. His present message indicates an opinion ofme that I am at a loss to account for. "_Major Chambers. _ General Proctor could never think of saying anythingto wound your feelings, sir. The character of general Harrison, as anofficer, is well known. General Proctor's force is very respectable, and there is with him a larger body of Indians than has ever beforebeen embodied. "_General Harrison. _ I believe I have a very correct idea of generalProctor's force; it is not such as to create the least apprehension forthe result of the contest, whatever shape he may be pleased hereafterto give it. Assure the general, however, that he will never have thispost _surrendered_ to him upon any terms. Should it fall into hishands, it will be in a manner calculated to do him more honor, and togive him larger claims upon the gratitude of his government than anycapitulation could possibly do. " The siege was continued, but without any very active efforts againstthe fort, until the morning of the 9th of May, when the enemy retreateddown the bay, leaving behind them a quantity of cannon balls, and othervaluable articles. The force under general Proctor amounted, as nearly as could beascertained, to six hundred regulars, eight hundred Canadian militia, and about eighteen hundred Indians. The number of troops under generalHarrison, including those which arrived on the morning of the fifth, under general Clay, was about twelve hundred in all. The number fit forduty did not, perhaps, equal eleven hundred. The number of the American troops killed and massacred on the northside of the river, was upwards of seventy. One hundred and eighty-ninewere wounded, and eighty-one killed, in the two sorties from the fort. The loss of the British and Indians, in killed and wounded, could neverbe satisfactorily ascertained. That it was very considerable, there canbe no doubt. The enemy brought against fort Meigs a combined army of near threethousand men, under Proctor, Elliott and Tecumseh, and prepared, by atrain of artillery, for vigorous operations. These were prosecuted withskill and energy. The Indians, led on by the daring Tecumseh, foughtwith uncommon bravery, and contributed largely to swell the list of ourkilled and wounded. It is said, that the sagacious leader of the Indianforces did not enter upon this siege with any strong hopes of ultimatesuccess; but having embarked in it, he stood manfully in the post ofdanger, and took an active, if not a leading part, in planning andexecuting the various movements which were made against the fort. Thespirit with which these were prosecuted may be in part inferred fromthe fact, that during the first five days of the siege, the enemy firedupon the fort with their cannon, fifteen hundred times, [A] many oftheir balls and bombs being red-hot, and directed specially at the twoblock houses containing the ammunition. These shots made no decidedimpression upon the picketing of the fort, but killed or wounded abouteighty of the garrison. [Footnote A: Brown's History of the Late War. ] It has been already stated that the distinguished leader of theIndians, in this assault upon camp Meigs, entered upon it with nosanguine hopes of success. His associate, general Proctor, however, issaid to have entertained a different opinion, and flattered himself andhis troops with the prospect of splendid success and rich rewards. Incase of the reduction of the fort and the capture of its garrison, theBritish general intended to assign the Michigan territory to theProphet and his followers, as a compensation for their services; andgeneral Harrison was to have been delivered into the hands of Tecumseh, to be disposed of at the pleasure of that chief. [A] [Footnote A: M'Affee. ] One of the public journals of the day[A] states that this propositionoriginated with Proctor, and was held out as an inducement to Tecumseh, to join in the siege. General Harrison subsequently understood, that incase he had fallen into Proctor's hands, he was to have been deliveredto Tecumseh, to be treated as that warrior might think proper: and in anote to Dawson's Historical Narrative, the author of that work says, "There is no doubt that when Proctor made the arrangement for theattack on fort Meigs with Tecumseh, the latter insisted and the formeragreed, that general Harrison and all who fought at Tippecanoe, shouldbe given up to the Indians to be burned. Major Ball of the dragoonsascertained this fact from prisoners, deserters and Indians, all ofwhom agreed to its truth. " Whatever may have been the actual agreementbetween Proctor and Tecumseh in regard to general Harrison and thosewho fought with him at Tippecanoe, it is hardly credible that thischief had any intention of participating in an outrage of this kind, upon the prisoners. Tecumseh may possibly have made such an arrangementwith Proctor, and announced it to the Indians, for the purpose ofexciting them to activity and perseverance, in carrying on the siege;but that this chief seriously meditated any such outrage, eitheragainst general Harrison or his associates, is not to be credited buton the best authority. It will be recollected that Tecumseh, when but ayouth, succeeded by his personal influence, in putting an end to thecustom of burning prisoners, then common among a branch of theShawanoes. In 1810, at a conference with general Harrison, inVincennes, he made an agreement that prisoners and women and children, in the event of hostilities between the whites and the Indians, shouldbe protected; and there is no evidence that this compact was everviolated by him; or indeed, that through the whole course of hiseventful life, he ever committed violence upon a prisoner, or sufferedothers to do so without promptly interfering for the captive. Tosuppose, then, that he really intended to permit general Harrison, orthose who fought with him on the Wabash, to be burned, would have beenat variance with the whole tenor of his life; and particularly with hismanly and magnanimous conduct at the close of the assault upon fortMeigs. [Footnote A: The Chillicothe Fredonian. ] The prisoners captured on the fifth, were, taken down to Proctor'shead-quarters and confined in fort Miami, where the Indians werepermitted to amuse, themselves by firing at the crowd, or at anyparticular individual. Those whose taste led them to inflict a morecruel and savage death, led their victims to the gateway, where, underthe eye of general Proctor and his officers, they were coollytomahawked and scalped. Upwards of twenty prisoners were thus, in thecourse of two hours, massacred in cold blood, by those to whom they hadvoluntarily surrendered. At the same time, the chiefs of the differenttribe were holding a council to determine the fate of the remainingcaptives, when Tecumseh and colonel Elliott came down from thebatteries to the scene of carnage. A detailed account of the noble conduct of the former in regard tothese captives is contained in the following extract from a letter, [A]upon the accuracy of which reliance may be placed. The writer, aftercontrasting the brave and humane Tecumseh with the cruel and recklessProctor, says: "The most unfortunate event of that contest, I presume you will admitto have been the defeat of colonel Dudley. I will give you a statementmade to me by a British officer who was present. He states, that whencolonel Dudley landed his troops, Tecumseh, the brave but unfortunatecommander, was on the south side of the river, annoying the Americangarrison with his Indians; and that Proctor, with a part of his troopsand a few Indians, remained on the opposite side at the batteries. Dudley attacked him, and pursued him two miles. During this time, Harrison had sent out a detachment to engage Tecumseh; and that thecontest with him continued a considerable length of time, before he wasinformed of what was doing on the opposite side. He immediatelyretreated, swam over the river and fell in the rear of Dudley, andattacked him with great fury. Being thus surrounded and their commanderkilled, the troops marched up to the British line and surrendered. Shortly afterwards, commenced the scene of horrors which I dare say isyet fresh in your memory; but I shall recall it to your recollectionfor reasons I will hereafter state. They (the American troops) werehuddled together in an old British garrison, with the Indians aroundthem, selecting such as their fancy dictated, to glut their savagethirst for murder. And although they had surrendered themselvesprisoners of war, yet, in violation of the customs of war, the inhumanProctor did not yield them the least protection, nor attempt to screenthem from the tomahawk of the Indians. Whilst this blood-thirstycarnage was raging, a thundering voice was heard in the rear, in theIndian tongue, when, turning round, he saw Tecumseh coming with all therapidity his horse could carry him, until he drew near to where twoIndians had an American, and were in the act of killing him. He sprangfrom his horse, caught one by the throat and the other by the breast, and threw them to the ground; drawing his tomahawk and scalping knife, he ran in between the Americans and Indians, brandishing them with thefury of a mad man, and daring any one of the hundreds that surroundedhim, to attempt to murder another American. They all appearedconfounded, and immediately desisted. His mind appeared rent withpassion, and he exclaimed almost with tears in his eyes, 'Oh! what willbecome of my Indians. ' He then demanded in an authoritative tone, whereProctor was; but casting his eye upon him at a small distance, sternlyenquired why he had not put a stop to the inhuman massacre. 'Sir, ' saidProctor, 'your Indians cannot be commanded. ' 'Begone' retortedTecumseh, with the greatest disdain, 'you are unfit to command; go andput on petticoats. '" [Footnote A: This letter is from Mr. Wm. G. Ewing, formerly of Piqua, O. , and is addressed, under date of May 2d, 1818, to John H. James, Esq. Now of Urbana. ] This was not the only occasion on which Tecumseh openly manifested thecontempt which he felt for the character and conduct of generalProctor. Among other instances, it is stated by an officer of theUnited States' army, in a letter, under date of 28th September, 1813, [A] that in a conversation between these two commanders of theallied British army, Tecumseh said to Proctor, "I conquer to save, andyou to murder;"--an expression founded in truth, and worthy of themagnanimous hero from whose lips it fell. [Footnote A: Niles' Register. ] There is another incident connected with the defeat of Dudley, whichjustice to the character of Tecumseh requires should be recorded. Shortly after he had put a stop to the horrid massacre of theprisoners, his attention was called to a small group of Indiansoccupied in looking at some object in their midst. Colonel Elliottobserved to him, "Yonder are four of your nation who have been takenprisoners; you may take charge of them, and dispose of them as youthink proper. " Tecumseh walked up to the crowd, where he found fourShawanoes, two brothers by the name of Perry, Big Jim, and the Soldier. "Friends, " said he, "colonel Elliott has placed you under my charge, and I will send you back to your nation with a talk to our people. " Heaccordingly took them on with the army as far as the river Raisin, fromwhich point their return home would be less dangerous, and thenappointed two of his followers to accompany them, with some friendlymessages to the chiefs of the Shawanoe nation. They were thusdischarged under their parole, not to fight against the British duringthe war. CHAPTER XIII. Tecumseh present at the second attack on fort Meigs--his stratagem of a sham-battle to draw out general Clay--is posted in the Black swamp with two thousand warriors at the time of the attack on fort Stephenson--from thence passes by land to Malden--compels general Proctor to release an American prisoner--threatens to desert the British cause--urges an attack upon the American fleet--opposes Proctor's retreat from Malden--delivers a speech to him on that occasion. After abandoning the siege of fort Meigs, general Proctor and Tecumsehreturned to Malden, where the Canadian militia were disbanded, and theIndians, who had not already left the army, for their respectivevillages, were stationed at different cantonments. The Chippewaspreferred going home; the Potawatamies were placed six miles up theriver Rouge; the Miamis and Wyandots at Brownstown and up the Detroitriver, as far as Maguaga. They were successively employed by theBritish commander as scouts, a party being sent regularly, once a week, to reconnoiter fort Meigs, and other points in that vicinity. Theyplanted no corn and hunted but little, being regularly supplied withprovisions from Detroit and Malden. Early in July, the allies of the British again made their appearance inthe vicinity of fort Meigs. Dickson, an influential Scotch trader amongthe Indians, having returned from the north-west with a large body ofsavages, general Proctor was urged to renew the attack on the fort, andit was accordingly done. Late on the evening of the 20th of July, the garrison discovered theboats of the British army ascending the river. On the following morninggeneral Clay, now in command of this post, despatched a picket guard often men to a point three hundred yards below the fort, where it wassurprised by the Indians, and seven of the party either killed orcaptured. The combined army of British and Indians, were soonafterwards encamped on the north side of the river, below the oldBritish fort Miami. For a short time, the Indians took a position inthe woods, in the rear of the fort, from which they occasionally firedupon the garrison, but without doing any injury. In the night, captainWilliam Oliver, accompanied by captain M'Cune, was sent express togeneral Harrison, then at Lower Sandusky, with information that fortMeigs was again invested; and, that the united force of the enemy didnot fall far short of five thousand men. The general directed captainM'Cune to return to the fort, with information to the commander, thatso soon as the necessary troops could be assembled, he would march tohis relief. The general doubted, however, whether any serious attackwas meditated against the place. He believed, and the result showed theaccuracy of his judgment, that the enemy was making a feint at theRapids, to call his attention in that direction, while Lower Sanduskyor Cleveland, would be the real point of assault. On the 23d Tecumseh, with about eight hundred Indians, passed up the river, with theintention, as general Clay supposed, of attacking fort Winchester: thismovement, as was subsequently ascertained, being also intended todeceive the commander of the fort. On the 25th the enemy removed to thesouth side of the river, and encamped behind a point of woods whichpartly concealed them from the view of the garrison. This, taken inconnection with other circumstances, led general Clay to think that aneffort would be made to carry the post by assault. Early on the morningof the 26th captain M'Cune reached the fort in safety. In the afternoonof that day, the enemy practised a well devised stratagem for thepurpose of drawing general Clay and his troops from their fastness. Onthe Sandusky road, just before night, a heavy firing of rifles andmuskets was heard: the Indian yell broke upon the ear, and the savageswere seen attacking with great impetuosity a column of men, who weresoon thrown into confusion; they, however, rallied, and in turn theIndians gave way. The idea flew through the fort that general Harrisonwas approaching with a body of reinforcements; and the troops undergeneral Clay seized their arms, and with nearly all the officers in thegarrison, demanded to be led to the support of their friends. GeneralClay was unable to explain the firing, but wisely concluded, from theinformation received in the morning by captain M'Cune, that there couldbe no reinforcements in the neighborhood of the fort. He had theprudent firmness to resist the earnest importunity of his officers andmen, to be led to the scene of action. The enemy finding that thegarrison could not be drawn out, and a heavy shower of rain beginningto fall, terminated their sham-battle. It was subsequently ascertainedthat this was a stratagem, devised by Tecumseh, for the purpose ofdecoying out a part of the force under general Clay, which was to havebeen attacked and cut off by the Indians; while the British troops wereto carry the fort by storm. But for the opportune arrival of theexpress in the morning of this day, and the cool judgment of thecommander, there is great reason to suppose that this admirably plannedmanoeuvre would have succeeded; which must have resulted in the totaldestruction of the garrison, the combined force of the enemy, theninvesting fort Meigs, being about five thousand in number, while thetroops under general Clay were but a few hundred strong. The enemyremained around the fort but one day after the failure of thisingenious stratagem, and on the 28th embarked with their stores, andproceeded down the lake. As had been anticipated by general Harrison, immediately after thesiege was raised, the British troops sailed round into Sandusky bay, while a portion of the Indians marched across the land, to aid in themeditated attack upon fort Stephenson, at lower Sandusky. Tecumseh, inthe mean time, with about two thousand warriors, took a position in thegreat swamp, between that point and fort Meigs, ready to encounter anyreinforcement that might have been started to the relief of generalClay, to fall upon the camp at Seneca, or upon Upper Sandusky, according to circumstances. The gallant defence of fort Stephenson bycaptain Croghan, put a sudden stop to the offensive operations of thearmy under Proctor and Tecumseh; and very shortly afterwardstransferred the scene of action to a new theatre on the Canada shore, where these commanders were, in turn, thrown upon the defensive. Immediately after the signal defeat of general Proctor at fortStephenson, he returned with the British troops to Malden by water, while Tecumseh and his followers passed over land round the head oflake Erie and joined him at that point. At this time, an incidentoccurred which illustrates the character of Tecumseh, while it showsthe contumely with which he was accustomed to treat general Proctor, who did not dare to disobey him. A citizen of the United States, captain Le Croix, had fallen into the hands of Proctor, and wassecreted on board one of the British vessels, until he could be sentdown to Montreal. Tecumseh had a particular regard for captain LeCroix, and suspected that he had been captured. He called upon generalProctor, and in a peremptory manner demanded if he knew any thing ofhis friend. He even ordered the British general to tell him the_truth_, adding, "If I ever detect you in a falsehood, I, with myIndians, will immediately abandon you. " The general was obliged toacknowledge that Le Croix was in confinement. Tecumseh, in a veryimperious tone, insisted upon his immediate release. General Proctorwrote a line stating, that the "king of the woods" desired the releaseof captain Le Croix, and that he must be set at liberty; which was donewithout delay. [A] [Footnote A: Alden Collection. ] Discouraged by the want of success, and having lost all confidence ingeneral Proctor, Tecumseh now seriously meditated a withdrawal from thecontest. He assembled the Shawanoes, Wyandots and Ottawas, who wereunder his command, and declared his intention to them. He told them, that at the time they took up the tomahawk and agreed to join theirfather, the king, they were promised plenty of white men to fight withthem; "but the number is not now greater, " said he, "than at thecommencement of the war; and we are treated by them like the dogs ofsnipe hunters; we are always sent ahead to _start the game_: it isbetter that we should return to our country, and let the Americans comeon and fight the British. " To this proposition his followers agreed;but the Sioux and Chippewas, discovering his intention, went to him andinsisted that inasmuch as he had first united with the British, and hadbeen instrumental in bringing their tribes into the alliance, he oughtnot to leave them; and through their influence he was finally inducedto remain. [A] [Footnote A: Anthony Shane. ] Tecumseh was on the island of Bois Blanc, in the Detroit river, whencommodore Perry made the first display of his fleet before Malden. Heappeared much pleased at the appearance of these vessels, and assuredthe Indians by whom he was surrounded, that the British fleet wouldsoon destroy them. The Indians hastened to the shore to witness thecontest, but the harbour of Malden presented no evidence that commodoreBarclay intended to meet the American commander. Tecumseh launched hiscanoe, and crossed over to Malden to make enquiries on the subject. Hecalled on general Proctor, and adverting to the apparent unwillingnessof commodore Barclay to attack the American fleet, he said "a few dayssince, you were boasting that you commanded the waters--why do you notgo out and meet the Americans? See yonder, they are waiting for you, and daring you to meet them: you must and shall send out your fleet andfight them. " Upon his return to the island, he stated to the Indians, with apparent chagrin, that "the big canoes of their great father werenot yet ready, and that the destruction of the Americans must bedelayed for a few days. "[A] [Footnote A: Ibid. ] When the battle was finally fought, it was witnessed by the Indiansfrom the shore. On the day succeeding the engagement, general Proctorsaid to Tecumseh, "my fleet has whipped the Americans, but the vesselsbeing much injured, have gone into Put-in Bay to refit, and will behere in a few days. " This deception, however, upon the Indians, was notof long duration. The sagacious eye of Tecumseh soon perceivedindications of a retreat from Malden, and he promptly enquired into thematter. General Proctor informed him that he was only going to sendtheir valuable property up the Thames, where it would meet areinforcement, and be safe. Tecumseh, however, was not to be deceivedby this shallow device; and remonstrated most urgently against aretreat. He finally demanded, in the name of all the Indians under hiscommand, to be heard by the general, and, on the 18th of September, delivered to him, as the representative of their great father, theking, the following speech: "Father, listen to your children! you have them now all before you. "The war before this, our British father gave the hatchet to his redchildren, when our old chiefs were alive. They are now dead. In thatwar our father was thrown on his back by the Americans; and our fathertook them by the hand without our knowledge; and we are afraid that ourfather will do so again at this time. "Summer before last, when I came forward with my red brethren and wasready to take up the hatchet in favor of our British father, we weretold not to be in a hurry, that he had not yet determined to fight theAmericans. "Listen! when war was declared, our father stood up and gave us thetomahawk, and told us that he was then ready to strike the Americans;that he wanted our assistance, and that he would certainly get ourlands back, which the Americans had taken from us. "Listen! you told us at that time, to bring forward our families tothis place, and we did so; and you promised to take care of them, andthey should want for nothing, while the men would go and fight theenemy; that we need not trouble ourselves about the enemy's garrisons;that we knew nothing about them, and that our father would attend tothat part of the business. You also told your red children that youwould take good care of your garrison here, which made our hearts glad. "Listen! when we were last at the Rapids, it is true we gave you littleassistance. It is hard to fight people who live like ground-hogs. "Father, listen! our fleet has gone out; we know they have fought; wehave heard the great guns; but we know nothing of what has happened toour father with one arm. [A] Our ships have gone one way, and we aremuch astonished to see our father tying up every thing and preparing torun away the other, without letting his red children know what hisintentions are. You always told us to remain here and take care of ourlands; it made our hearts glad to hear that was your wish. Our greatfather, the king, is the head, and you represent him. You always toldus you would never draw your foot off British ground; but now, father, we see that you are drawing back, and we are sorry to see our fatherdoing so without seeing the enemy. We must compare our father's conductto a fat dog, that carries his tail on its back, but when affrighted, drops it between its legs and runs off. "Father, listen! the Americans have not yet defeated us by land;neither are we sure that they have done so by water; _we, therefore, wish to remain here and fight our enemy, should they make theirappearance. _ If they defeat us, we will then retreat with our father. "At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Americans certainlydefeated us; and when we returned to our father's fort at that place, the gates were shut against us. We were afraid that it would now be thecase; but instead of that, we now see our British father preparing tomarch out of his garrison. "Father, you have got the arms and ammunition which our great fathersent for his red children. If you have an idea of going away, give themto us, and you may go and welcome, for us. Our lives are in the handsof the Great Spirit. We are determined to defend our lands, and if itbe his will, we wish to leave our bones upon them. " [Footnote A: Commodore Barclay, who had lost an arm in some previousbattle. ] General Proctor, in disregarding the advice of Tecumseh, lost his onlyopportunity of making an effective resistance to the American army. Hadthe troops under general Harrison been attacked by the British andIndians at the moment of their landing on the Canada shore, the resultmight have been far different from that which was shortly afterwardswitnessed on the banks of the Thames. Of the authenticity of this ablespeech, there is no doubt. It has been the cause of some surprise thatit should have been preserved by general Proctor, and translated intoEnglish, especially as it speaks of the commander of the allied army interms the most disrespectful. We are enabled to state, on the authorityof John Chambers, Esq. Of Washington, Kentucky, who was one of the aidsof general Harrison in the campaign of 1813, that the speech as givenabove, is truly translated; and was actually delivered to generalProctor under the circumstances above related. When the battle of theThames had been fought, the British commander sought safety in flight. He was pursued by colonels Wood, Chambers, and Todd, and three or fourprivates. He escaped, but his baggage was captured. Colonel Chamberswas present when his port-folio was opened, and among the papers, atranslation of this speech was found. In remarking upon the factsubsequently, to some of the British officers, they stated to colonelChambers that the speech was undoubtedly genuine; and that generalProctor had ordered it to be translated and exhibited to his officers, for the purpose of showing them the insolence with which he was treatedby Tecumseh, and the necessity he was under of submitting to everyspecies of indignity from him, to prevent that chief from withdrawinghis forces from the contest or turning his army against the Britishtroops. CHAPTER XIV. Retreat of the combined British and Indian army to the river Thames--skirmish at Chatham with the troops under general Harrison--Tecumseh slightly wounded in the arm--battle on the Thames on the 5th of October--Tecumseh's death. Shortly after the delivery of the speech quoted in the foregoingchapter, a considerable body of Indians abandoned general Proctor, andcrossed the strait to the American shore. Tecumseh himself againmanifested a disposition to take his final leave of the Britishservice. Embittered by the perfidy of Proctor, his men suffering fromwant of clothes and provisions, with the prospect of a disgracefulflight before them, he was strongly inclined to withdraw with hisfollowers; and leave the American general to chastise in a summarymanner those who had so repeatedly deceived him and his Indianfollowers. The Sioux and Chippewas, however, again objected to thiscourse. _They_ could not, they said, withdraw, and there was no otherleader but Tecumseh, in whom they placed confidence: they insisted thathe was the person who had originally induced them to join the British, and that he ought not to desert them in the present extremity. Tecumseh, in reply to this remonstrance remarked, that the battlefieldhad no terrors for him; he feared not death, and if they insisted uponit, he would remain with them. General Proctor now proposed to the Indians to remove their women andchildren to McGee's, opposite the river Rouge, where they would befurnished with their winter's clothing and the necessary supplies offood. To this proposition, Tecumseh yielded a reluctant assent;doubting, as he did, the truth of the statement. When they were aboutto start, he observed to young Jim Blue-Jacket, "we are now going tofollow the British, and I feel well assured, that we shall neverreturn. " When they arrived at McGee's, Tecumseh found that there wereno stores provided for them, as had been represented. Proctor madeexcuses; and again pledged himself to the Indians, that if they wouldgo with him to the Thames, they would there find an abundance of everything needful to supply their wants; besides a reinforcement of Britishtroops, and a fort ready for their reception. [A] [Footnote A: Anthony Shane. ] The retreat was continued towards the Thames. On the second of October, when the army had reached Dalson's farm, Proctor and Tecumseh, attendedby a small guard, returned to examine the ground at a place calledChatham, where a deep, unfordable creek falls into the Thames. Theywere riding together in a gig, and after making the necessaryexamination, the ground was approved of; and general Proctor remarked, upon that spot they would either defeat general Harrison or there laytheir bones. With this determination Tecumseh was highly pleased, andsaid, "it was a good place, and when he should look at the two streams, they would remind him of the Wabash and the Tippecanoe. " Perhaps nobetter position could have been chosen for meeting the American armythan this place presented. The allied force of British and Indians, hadthey made a stand upon it, would have been protected in front by a deepunfordable stream, while their right flank would have been covered bythe Thames, and their left by a swamp. But general Proctor changed hismind; and leaving Tecumseh with a body of Indians to defend the passageof the stream, moved forward with the main army. Tecumseh made a promptand judicious arrangement of his forces; but it is said that hisIndians, in the skirmish which ensued, did not sustain their previousreputation as warriors. It is probable, however, that their leader didnot intend to make any decided resistance to the American troops atthis point, not being willing that general Proctor and his army shouldescape a meeting with the enemy. In this action Tecumseh was slightlywounded in the arm by a ball. General Harrison, in his official reportof this affair, says: "Below a place called Chatham, and four miles above Dalson's, is thethird unfordable branch of the Thames: the bridge over its mouth hadbeen taken up by the Indians, as well as that at M'Gregor's mills, onemile above--several hundred of the Indians remained to dispute ourpassage, and upon the arrival of the advanced guard, commenced a heavyfire from the opposite bank of the creek, as well as that of the river. Believing that the whole force of the enemy was there, I halted thearmy, formed in order of battle, and brought up our two six pounders, to cover the party that were ordered to repair the bridge. A few shotfrom these pieces soon drove off the Indians, and enabled us in twohours to repair the bridge and cross the troops. Colonel Johnson'smounted regiment being upon the right of the army, had seized theremains of the bridge at the mills, under a heavy fire from theIndians. Our loss upon this occasion was two killed, and three or fourwounded; that of the enemy was ascertained to be considerably greater. A house near the bridge, containing a very considerable number ofmuskets, had been set on fire; but it was extinguished by our troopsand the arms saved. " Tecumseh and his party overtook they main army near the Moravian towns, situated on the north side of the Thames. Here he resolved that hewould retreat no further; and the ground being favorable for formingthe line of battle, he communicated his determination to generalProctor, and compelled him, as there is every reason for believing, toput an end to his retreat, and prepare for meeting the pursuing army. After the Indians were posted in the swamp, in the position occupied bythem during the battle, Tecumseh remarked to the chiefs by whom he wassurrounded, "brother warriors! we are now about to enter into anengagement from which I shall never come out--my body will remain onthe field of battle. " He then unbuckled his sword, and placing it inthe hands of one of them, said, "when my son becomes a noted warrior, and able to wield a sword, give this to him. " He then laid aside hisBritish military dress, and took his place in the line, clothed only inthe ordinary deer-skin hunting shirt. [A] [Footnote A: Anthony Shane, and colonel Baubee of the British army. ] The position selected by the enemy was eminently judicious. The Britishtroops, amounting to eight or nine hundred, were posted with their leftupon the river, which was unfordable at that point; their rightextended to and across a swamp, and united them with the Indians, underTecumseh, amounting to near eighteen hundred. The British artillery wasplaced in the road along the margin of the river, near to the left oftheir line. At from two to three hundred yards from the river, a swampextends nearly parallel to it, the intermediate ground being dry. Thisposition of the enemy, with his flank protected on the left by theriver and on the right by the swamp, filled with Indians, being such asto prevent the wings from being turned, general Harrison madearrangements to concentrate his forces against the British line. Thefirst division, under major general Henry, was formed in three lines atone hundred yards from each other; the front line consisting ofTrotter's brigade, the second of Chiles', and the reserve of King'sbrigade. These lines were in front of, and parallel to, the Britishtroops. The second division, under major general Desha, composed ofAllen's and Caldwell's brigades, was formed _en potence_, or at rightangles to the first division. Governor Shelby, as senior major generalof the Kentucky troops, was posted at this crotchet, formed between thefirst and second divisions. Colonel Simrall's regiment of lightinfantry was formed in reserve, obliquely to the first division, andcovering the rear of the front division; and, after much reflection asto the disposition to be made of colonel Johnson's mounted troops, theywere directed, as soon as the front line advanced, to take ground tothe left, and forming upon that flank, to endeavor to turn the right ofthe Indians. A detachment of regular troops, of the 26th United Statesinfantry, under colonel Paul, occupied the space between the road andthe river, for the purpose of seizing the enemy's artillery; and, simultaneously with this movement, forty friendly Indians were to passunder the bank of the stream to the rear of the British line, and bytheir fire and war-cry, induce the enemy to think their own Indianswere turning against them. At the same time, colonel Wood had beeninstructed to make preparations for using the enemy's artillery, and torake their own line by a flank fire. By refusing the left or seconddivision, the Indians were kept _in the air_, that is, in a position inwhich they would be useless. It will be seen, as the commanderanticipated, that they waited in their position the advance of thesecond division, while the British left was contending with theAmerican right. Johnson's corps consisted of nine hundred men, and thefive brigades under governor Shelby amounted to near eighteen hundred, in all, not exceeding two thousand seven hundred men. In the midst of these arrangements, and just as the order was about tobe given to the front line to advance, at the head of which generalHarrison had placed himself with his staff, colonel Wood approached himwith intelligence, that having reconnoitered the enemy, he hadascertained the singular fact, that the British lines, instead of theusual close order, were drawn up at _open order_. This fact at onceinduced general Harrison to adopt the novel expedient of charging theBritish lines with Johnson's mounted regiment. "I was within a few feetof him, " says the gallant colonel John O'Fallon, "when the report ofcolonel Wood was made, and he instantly remarked, that he would make anovel movement by ordering colonel Johnson's mounted regiment to chargethe British line of regulars, which, thus drawn up, contrary to thehabits and usages of that description of troops, always accustomed to_the touch_, could be easily penetrated and thrown into confusion, by aspirited charge of colonel Johnson's regiment. " This determination waspresently made known to the colonel, who was directed to draw up hisregiment in close column, with its right fifty yards from theroad--that it might be partially protected by the trees from theartillery--its left upon the swamp, and to charge at full speed uponthe enemy. At this juncture, general Harrison, with his aids-de-camp, attendedlikewise by general Cass and commodore Perry, advanced from the rightof the front line of infantry, to the right of the front column ofmounted troops, led by colonel James Johnson. The general, personally, gave the direction for the charge to be made. "When the right battalionof the mounted men received the first fire of the British, the horsesin the front column recoiled; another fire was given by the enemy, butour column getting in motion, broke through the enemy with irresistibleforce. In one minute the contest was over. The British officers seeingno prospect of reducing their disordered ranks to order, and seeing theadvance of the infantry, and our mounted men wheeling upon them andpouring in a destructive fire, immediately surrendered. "[A] [Footnote A: Official Despatch. ] Colonel Richard M. Johnson, by the extension of his line, was broughtin contact with the Indians, upon whom he gallantly charged, but wasunfortunately severely wounded by the first fire of the enemy, and wasimmediately taken off the field, not, however, it has been stated, until he had despatched an Indian by a pistol shot. The fire of theIndians having made some impression upon Johnson's men, and upon theleft of Trotter's brigade, general Harrison despatched an order togovernor Shelby to bring up Simrall's regiment to reinforce the pointpressed by the Indians; and then the general passed to the left, tosuperintend the operations in that quarter. The governor, however, hadanticipated the wishes of his commander, being in the act of leading upthe regiment, when the order reached him. He and the general met nearthe crochet, where after a severe contest of several minutes, thebattle finally ceased. The particulars of the charge made by colonelJohnson on the Indians, are thus given by an intelligent officer[A] ofhis corps. In a letter to the late governor Wickliffe of Kentucky, under date of Frankfort, September 7, 1840, he says: "I was at the head or right of my company, on horseback, waitingorders, at about fifty or sixty yards from the line of the enemy. Colonel Johnson rode up and explained to me the mode of attack, andsaid in substance, 'captain Davidson, I am directed by general Harrisonto charge and break through the Indian line, and form in the rear. Mybrother James will charge in like manner through the British line atthe same time. The sound of the trumpet will be the signal for thecharge. ' In a few minutes the trumpet sounded, and the word 'charge'was given by colonel Johnson. The colonel charged within a few paces ofme. We struck the Indian line obliquely, and when we approached withinten or fifteen yards of their line, the Indians poured in a heavy fireupon us, killing ten or fifteen of our men and several horses, andwounded colonel Johnson very severely. He immediately retired. DoctorTheobald, of Lexington, (I think) aided him off. " [Footnote A: Captain James Davidson, of Kentucky. --See CincinnatiRepublican. ] The loss of the Americans in this battle was about twenty killed andbetween thirty and forty wounded. The British had eighteen killed andtwenty-six wounded. The Indians left on the ground between fifty andsixty killed; and, estimating the usual proportion for the wounded, itwas probably more than double that number. The British official account of this action is not before us. In ageneral order under date of Montreal, November 21, 1813, the adjutantgeneral of the English forces, bears testimony to the good conduct ofthe Indian warriors, who gallantly maintained the conflict under thebrave chief Tecumseh. This tribute to the Indians and their leader iswell merited. Had general Proctor and his troops fought with the samevalor that marked the conduct of Tecumseh and his men, the results ofthe day would have been far more creditable to the British arms. It hasalready been stated that Tecumseh entered this battle with a strongconviction on his mind that he should not survive it. Further flight hedeemed disgraceful, while the hope of victory in the impending action, was feeble and distant. He, however, heroically resolved to achieve thelatter or die in the effort. With this determination, he took his standamong his followers, raised the war-cry and boldly met the enemy. Fromthe commencement of the attack on the Indian line, his voice wasdistinctly heard by his followers, animating them to deeds worthy ofthe race to which they belonged. When that well known voice was heardno longer above the din of arms, the battle ceased. The British troopshaving already surrendered, and the gallant leader of the Indianshaving fallen, they gave up the contest and fled. A short distance fromwhere Tecumseh fell, the body of his friend and brother-in-law, Wasegoboah, was found. They had often fought side by side, and now, infront of their men, bravely battling the enemy, they side by sideclosed their mortal career. [A] [Footnote A: Anthony Shane. ] James, a British historian, [A] in his account of the battle of theThames, makes the following remarks upon the character and personalappearance of Tecumseh. "Thus fell the Indian warrior Tecumseh, in the 44th year of his age. Hewas of the Shawanoe tribe, five feet ten inches high, and with morethan the usual stoutness, possessed all the agility and perseverance ofthe Indian character. His carriage was dignified, his eye penetrating, his countenance, which even in death, betrayed the indications of alofty spirit, rather of the sterner cast. Had he not possessed acertain austerity of manners, he could never have controlled thewayward passions of those who followed him to battle. He was of asilent habit; but when his eloquence became roused into action by thereiterated encroachments of the Americans, his strong intellect couldsupply him with a flow of oratory that enabled him, as he governed inthe field, so to prescribe in the council. Those who consider that inall territorial questions, the ablest diplomatists of the United Statesare sent to negociate with the Indians, will readily appreciate theloss sustained by the latter in the death of their champion. * * * *Such a man was the unlettered savage, Tecumseh, and such a man have theIndians lost forever. He has left a son, who, when his father fell, wasabout seventeen years old, and fought by his side. The prince regent, in 1814, out of respect to the memory of the old, sent out as a presentto the young, Tecumseh, a handsome sword. Unfortunately, however, forthe Indian cause and country, faint are the prospects that Tecumseh theson, will ever equal, in wisdom or prowess, Tecumseh the father. " [Footnote A: Military Occurrences of the Late War. ] Mr. James (p. 295, ) asserts, that Tecumseh was not only scalped, butthat his body was actually _flayed_, and the skin converted intorazor-straps by the Kentuckians. We fear there is too much truth inthis statement. It is confirmed by the testimony of several Americanofficers and privates, who were in the battle of the Thames. It ispainful to make an admission of this kind, but truth forbids thesuppression of a fact, when fairly established, however revolting tothe feelings of humanity, or degrading to a people. That there was anygeneral participation of our troops in this inhuman and revolting deed, is not for a moment to be supposed. That it was the act of a few vulgarand brutish individuals, is, we think, just as certain, as that thegreat mass of the army were shocked at its perpetration. It is to beregretted that the names of the persons who committed this outrage havenot been preserved, that their conduct on this occasion might have beenheld up to universal condemnation. CHAPTER XV. Critical examination of the question "who killed Tecumseh?"--colonel R. M. Johnson's claim considered. Tecumseh was a determined and subtle enemy of the United States, andduring the palmy days of his bold career, wielded an influence over thenorth-western Indians which belonged to no other chief. His death wasconsequently an important circumstance in relation to the peace andsafety of the frontiers. But whether he fell by a pistol shot from afield officer, or a rifle ball from a private soldier, howeverinteresting as a matter of personal history, is certainly not one ofnational importance. Nevertheless, the question by whose hands he fell, has engaged public attention to some considerable extent ever since thememorable battle of the Thames. Its discussion has not been confined tothe immediate friends of the several aspirants for the honor of havingslain this distinguished warrior; it has enlivened the politicalcanvass, and the halls of legislation; occupied the columns of journalsand magazines, and filled no inconsiderable space on the pages ofAmerican and British histories. Under such circumstances, and asdirectly connected with the present biography, a fair presentation ofall the testimony bearing on the case will now be attempted. It may atleast gratify the public curiosity, if it do not definitively settlethe long pending question in relation to the actual _slayer ofTecumseh_. M'Affee, in his History of the Late War, says, Tecumseh "was foundamong the dead, at the point where colonel Johnson had charged upon theenemy, in person, and it is generally believed, that this celebratedchief fell by the hand of the colonel. It is certain that the latterkilled the Indian with his pistol, who shot him through his hand, atthe very spot where Tecumseh lay; but another dead body lay at the sameplace, and Mr. King, a soldier in captain Davidson's company, had thehonor of killing one of them. " Brown, in his history of the same war, says, that "colonel Johnson, after receiving four wounds, perceived the daring Tecumseh commandingand attempting to rally his savage force; when he instantly put hishorse towards him, and was shot by Tecumseh in the hand, as heapproached him. Tecumseh advanced with a drawn weapon, a sword ortomahawk, at which instant the colonel, having reserved his fire, shothis ferocious antagonist dead at his feet; and that too, at the momenthe was almost fainting with the loss of blood and the anguish of fivewounds. " The statement of Shawbeneh, a Potawatamie chief, lately published inthe "Chicago Democrat, " goes to prove that Tecumseh was wounded in theneck; and telling his warriors that he must die, rushed forward to killcolonel Johnson. Shawbeneh saw him fall, having been shot by thecolonel, just as his arm had reached the necessary height to strike thefatal blow. Shawbeneh says that colonel Johnson was riding a largewhite horse, with occasionally a jet black spot. He further states thatTecumseh's body was not mutilated by the American troops. The testimony of another Potawatamie chief, Chamblee, as furnished usby captain Robert Anderson, of the U. S. Army, is to this effect: He saw Tecumseh engaged in a personal rencontre with a soldier armedwith a musket; that the latter made a thrust at the chief, who caughtthe bayonet under his arm, where he held it, and was in the act ofstriking his opponent with his tomahawk, when a horseman rode up, andshot Tecumseh dead with a pistol. The horseman had a red feather, (plume) in his hat, and was mounted on a spotted or red-roan horse; hefurther says, that he saw the body of Tecumseh a day or two after thebattle, and that it was not mutilated. In a work entitled "History of the Indian Tribes of North America, "there is the following note: "A Potawatamie chief was thus questioned: Were you at the battle of theThames? Yes. Did you know Tecumseh? Yes. Were you near him in thefight? Yes. Did you see him fall? Yes. Who shot him? Don't know. Didyou see the man that shot him? Yes. What sort of looking man was he?Short, thick man. What color was the horse he rode? Most white. How doyou know this man shot Tecumseh? I saw the man ride up--saw his horseget tangled in some bushes--when the horse was most still, I sawTecumseh level his rifle at the man and shoot--the man shook on hishorse--soon the horse got out of the bushes, and the man spurred himup--horse came slow--Tecumseh right before him--man's left hand hungdown--just as he got near, Tecumseh lifted his tomahawk and was goingto throw it, when the man shot him with a short gun (pistol)--Tecumsehfell dead and we all ran. " Mr. Garrett Wall, of Kentucky, who participated in the battle of theThames, says: " ---- The men by this time had collected in groups; and it was remarkedthat colonel R. M. Johnson was dead, but I contradicted the report;also, that the great Indian commander, Tecumseh, was slain; I asked bywhat authority? I was told that Anthony Shane, who had known him from asmall boy, said so, and had seen him among the slain. In a short time Isaw Shane with a small group of men, walking towards a dead Indian; ashe approached the body, I asked him if he knew that Indian. He said itwas, in his opinion, Tecumseh; but he could tell better if the bloodwas taken from his face. I examined the Indian. He was shot in the leftside of the breast with several balls or buck shot, all entering nearand above the left nipple. There was also a wound in his head, toosmall for a rifle ball to make. " Atwater, in his History of Ohio, remarks, that two Winnebago chiefs, Four-Legs and Carymaunee, told him, that Tecumseh, at the commencementof the battle of the Thames, lay with his warriors in a thicket ofunderbrush on the left of the American army, and that they were, at noperiod of the battle, out of their covert--that no officer was seenbetween them and the American troops--that Tecumseh fell the very firstfire of the Kentucky dragoons, pierced by thirty bullets, and wascarried four or five miles into the thick woods and there buried by thewarriors, who told the story of his fate. In 1838, a writer in the Baltimore American published Black Hawk'saccount of the fall of Tecumseh. It is as follows: " ---- Shortly after this, the Indian spies came in and gave word of thenear approach of the Americans. Tecumseh immediately posted his men inthe edge of a swamp, which flanked the British line, placing himself attheir head. I was a little to his right with a small party of Sauks. Itwas not long before the Americans made their appearance; they did notperceive us at first, hid as we were by the undergrowth, but we soonlet them know where we were, by pouring in one or two vollies as theywere forming into line to oppose the British. They faltered a little;but very soon we perceived a large body of horse (colonel Johnson'sregiment of mounted Kentuckians) preparing to charge upon us in theswamp. They came bravely on; yet we never stirred until they were soclose that we could see the flints in their guns, when Tecumseh, springing to his feet, gave the Shawanoe war-cry, and discharged hisrifle. This was the signal for us to commence the battle, but it didnot last long; the Americans answered the shout, returning our fire, and at the first discharge of their guns, I saw Tecumseh staggerforwards over a fallen tree, near which he was standing, letting hisrifle drop at his feet. As soon as the Indians discovered that he waskilled, a sudden fear came over them, and thinking the Great Spirit wasangry, they fought no longer, and were quickly put to flight. Thatnight we returned to bury our dead; and search for the body ofTecumseh. He was found lying where he had first fallen; a bullet hadstruck him above the hip, and his skull had been broken by the butt endof the gun of some soldier, who had found him, perhaps, when life wasnot yet quite gone. With the exception of these wounds, his body wasuntouched: lying near him was a large fine looking Potawatamie, who hadbeen killed, decked off in his plumes and war-paint, whom the Americansno doubt had taken for Tecumseh for he was scalped and every particleof skin flayed from his body. Tecumseh himself had no ornaments about, his person, save a British medal. During the night, we buried our dead, and brought off the body of Tecumseh, although we were in sight of thefires of the American camp. " James, a British historian, [A] after describing the battle of theThames, remarks: "It seems extraordinary that general Harrison should have omitted tomention in his letter, the death of a chief, whose fall contributed solargely to break down the Indian spirit, and to give peace and securityto the whole north-western frontier of the United States. Tecumseh, although he had received a musket ball in the left arm, was stillseeking the hottest of the fire, when he encountered colonel Richard M. Johnson, member of congress from Kentucky. Just as the chief, havingdischarged his rifle, was rushing forward with his tomahawk, hereceived a ball in the head from the colonel's pistol. Thus fell theIndian warrior, Tecumseh, in the forty-fourth year of his age. * * * *The body of Tecumseh was recognized, not only by the British officers, who were prisoners, but by commodore Perry, and several Americanofficers. " [Footnote A; "Military Occurrences of the Late War between GreatBritain and the United States, by William James, 2 vols. London, 1818. "] This writer adds, that Tecumseh was scalped and his body flayed by theKentuckians. In Butler's History of Kentucky, there is a letter from the reverendObediah B. Brown, of Washington city, then a clerk in the generalpost-office, under date of 18th September, 1834, in which the writersays, in substance: That colonel Johnson, while leading the advance upon the left wing ofthe Indians, saw an Indian commander, who appeared to be a rallyingpoint for his savage companions, and whose costume indicated thesuperiority of his rank; that colonel Johnson, sitting upon his horse, covered with wounds and very feint with the loss of blood, and having apistol in his right hand loaded with a ball and three buck-shot, thought that the fate of the battle depended upon killing thisformidable chief, and he accordingly rode round a fallen tree for thispurpose; that the chief, perceiving his approach, levelled his rifleand shot the colonel in the left hand; that the colonel continued toadvance upon him, and at the moment when the Indian was raising histomahawk, shot him dead with his pistol; that this deed spreadconsternation among the savages, and with hideous yells, they beganfrom that point their retreat; that as soon as the battle ended, theIndian killed by colonel Johnson was recognized as Tecumseh; and beforethe colonel had so far recovered from the effects of his wounds as tobe able to speak, word ran through the army that he had killedTecumseh; and finally, that a medal was taken from the body which wasknown to have been presented to this chief by the British government. Mr. Brown further states, that a conversation which he had with AnthonyShane, some years since, strengthened his belief that Tecumseh fell bythe hand of colonel Johnson; that Shane told him he went, after thebattle, to the spot where it was reported the colonel had killed anIndian, and there he saw the dead body of Tecumseh, and that he musthave been killed by a horseman, as a ball and three buck-shot hadentered the breast and passed downwards; that he could not be mistakenas to the body of Tecumseh, as he had a remarkable scar upon his thigh, which, upon examination, was found as he had described it. By recurring to the foregoing statements, it will be seen that eightIndians have borne testimony in relation to the death of Tecumseh. Ofthese, four assert that he was killed by the first fire from theAmerican line; and four that he fell by the hands of a horseman, sometime after the commencement of the action. One of these witnessesstates that Tecumseh was shot in the neck; another, that he was hitabove or in the eyes; two others that he was killed by a ball in thehip; and again two others, that he was pierced by thirty bullets on thefirst fire of our troops. Three of these witnesses testify that thebody of the fallen chief was mutilated by taking the skin from off thethigh, and three that it was not. One of them saw the body the dayafter the action, lying on the battle ground; a second bears witnessthat it was buried on the spot the night of the battle; and a third, that it was carried four or five miles into the woods, and thereinterred. A further examination of the testimony will show that theseeight witnesses concur but in one single point, --that Tecumseh waskilled in the battle of the Thames. As to the nature of his wounds, themutilation of his body, the time when, the spot where, and by whosehands, he fell, these various statements are wholly irreconcilable witheach other, and leave the main question involved in additional doubtand obscurity. As the claim of colonel Johnson to the honor of having killed Tecumseh, has been recently and earnestly urged upon the public consideration, wepropose, even at the risk of some repetition, to examine in detail thetestimony which bears upon this point. It will be recollected that the Potawatamie chief, whose narrative isquoted from the "History of the Indian Tribes of North America, "testifies that Tecumseh met his death by a wound above or in the eyes;and, that upon his fall the Indians ran. If these statements be true, Tecumseh could not have been killed by colonel Johnson, as will besatisfactorily established in the course of this examination. Shawbeneh, another Potawatamie chief, states that Tecumseh was mortallywounded in the neck, before he rushed upon the individual who killedhim. All the other witnesses, except one, say that Tecumseh remainedstationary, and that the horseman who fired the fatal shot, advancedupon him. Chamblee, the third Potawatamie who testifies in the case, states thatTecumseh was engaged in a personal conflict with a soldier armed with amusket, when a horseman, on a spotted horse, rode up and shot him deadwith a pistol. This account is not sustained by any other witness. Captain M'Affee, who belonged to the mounted regiment, and who haswritten a history of the late war, says, it is _generally believed thatTecumseh fell by the hand of colonel Johnson_; but the historiancandidly admits that there was another dead Indian at the spot whereTecumseh lay, and that Mr. King, of captain Davidson's company, killedone of them. It May be questioned whether there is or ever has been any_general belief_, --whatever vague reports may have beencirculated, --that colonel Johnson killed this chief; but even if suchwere the case, it does not by any means establish the allegation. Brown, another historian of the late war, says, in general terms, thatTecumseh advanced upon the colonel with a sword or tomahawk, and thatthe colonel shot him dead. Tecumseh wore no sword in that action, nordid he advance upon colonel Johnson. Mr. Brown cites no authorities forhis loose and general statements. Garrett Wall testifies that he went to the spot where he was toldcolonel Johnson had fought, and there questioned Anthony Shane aboutthe dead Indian before them. Shane remarked that he could tell betterwhether it was Tecumseh, if the blood was washed from the face. It doesnot appear that this was done, nor that Shane became satisfied as tothe identity of the dead Indian. Mr. Wall infers that Tecumseh fell bya shot from colonel Johnson, because it was so reported, and becausethey both led their warriors to the charge, and the desire of victorybrought them together. Mr. Wall cites no evidence to prove that thebody over which Shane was doubting, fell by the colonel--a link in thechain of testimony, altogether important in making out his case. The Rev. Obediah B. Brown, however, at Washington, is by far the mostprecise in his statements, of all the witnesses. But it is proper, before entering upon the examination of his testimony, to state that hewas not at the battle of the Thames; and that his letter, in regard toTecumseh's death, was written in 1834, more than twenty years after theaction was fought, and upon the eve of a political campaign, in whichhis friend, colonel Johnson, was an aspirant for a high and honorableoffice. Mr. Brown, it is further proper to add, derived his informationfrom "several persons, " but he has inadvertently omitted the names ofall but one. He commences by saying, that colonel Johnson saw an Indian known to bea chief by his costume. Now it has been already shown that Tecumsehentered the action dressed in the plain deer-skin garb of his tribe, having nothing about him which would indicate his rank. The colonelthought, continues Mr. B. , that the fate of the day depended upon thefall of this chief. The question might be asked whether the thoughts ofcolonel Johnson, at this particular juncture, became known to thewitness by a logical process of ratiocination, or by a direct personalcommunication from his distinguished friend? He states further, thatthe colonel rode up within a few feet of the chief, received his fire, and then shot him dead with his pistol. This act, says the witness, caused the savages to retreat in consternation: now, the fact is wellestablished, that the Indians, at this very point, fought bravely fortwenty or twenty-five minutes after colonel Johnson was compelled, byhis wounds, to leave the scene of action: it is further stated by Mr. B. That before the colonel was so far recovered from his wounds, as tobe able to speak, it ran through the army that he had killed Tecumseh. Mr. Wall, who was in the action, says, that after colonel Johnson hadretired from the contest, and was lifted from his horse, he said tothose around him, "my brave men, the battle continues, leave me, and donot return until you bring me an account of the victory. " Thus it wouldseem that the colonel, within a few minutes after receiving his lastwound, was giving orders to his men, and in the mean time, according toMr. B. , "word ran through the army that he had killed Tecumseh. " Thisis more remarkable, when it is recollected, that the only person, except the commanding general, who could identify the fallen chief, wasAnthony Shane, and he was in a different part of the field, (on thebank of the Thames) and did not visit this part of the line until theaction was entirely over! The witness further states, that no otherchief of high rank was killed in this part of the line, but Tecumseh. Anthony Shane says that Tecumseh's brother-in-law, and principal chief, Wasegoboah, was killed ten or fifteen steps from where Tecumseh fell. Black Hawk also testifies, that near Tecumseh, there was lying a large, fine looking Potawatamie, decked off in his plumes and war-paint, whomthe Americans mistook for Tecumseh. Mr. B. Says that a medal was takenfrom the body of the Indian killed by colonel Johnson, which was knownto have been presented by the British government to Tecumseh. Where isthe authority for this? When Shane was examining the body, and so muchin doubt whether it was Tecumseh as to require the blood to be washedfrom the face, before he could decide with certainty, where was thismedal, which of itself would have settled the question of identity? Itis singular, that neither Shane nor Wall speaks of a medal. Mr. B. Saysthat Tecumseh was killed by a ball and three buckshot, fired by ahorseman, and as colonel Johnson was the only person in that part ofthe battle who fought on horseback, his pistols being loaded with aball and three buckshot, settles the question, that the colonel killedTecumseh. Again, the question may be asked, how Mr. B. Knows the factas to the manner in which these pistols were loaded? And if they wereso loaded, who can say whether the chief was killed by this shot, thewound in the eyes, that in the neck, or the one in the hip? But again;colonel Johnson was not the only person who fought on horseback in thispart of the battle. He led a "forlorn hope" of twenty men, all mounted;while on his left was Davidson's company of one hundred and forty men, also on horseback. Mr. Wall, who was one of the "forlorn hope, " says, "the fighting became very severe, each party mingling with the other. "Finally, Mr. B. Closes his testimony with the remark, that it was wellknown and acknowledged, by the British and Indians, at the time, thatTecumseh received his death from the hand of colonel Johnson, asappears by James' History of the Late War. It is stated by thehistorian here cited, that colonel Johnson shot Tecumseh in thehead--that the body was recognized not only by the British officers whowere prisoners, but by commodore Perry and several other Americanofficers: Mr. James also expresses his surprise that general Harrisonshould have omitted, in his official letter to the War Department, tomention the death of this chief. Now, we have the authority of severalAmerican officers, of high rank, for stating, that these Britishofficers were not, on the evening of the day on which the action wasfought, in that part of the line where Tecumseh fell; and that early onthe ensuing morning, they were taken to a house two miles below thebattle ground, and from thence to Detroit, without returning to thescene of their defeat, Mr. James is, therefore, incorrect on thispoint, as he certainly is, in saying that commodore Perry and otherAmerican officers recognized the body of Tecumseh. The commodore hadnever seen this chief prior to the afternoon of the battle in which hefell. General Harrison, it is believed, was the only American officerin the engagement, who had a personal knowledge of Tecumseh. The dayafter the battle, the general, attended by several of his officers, visited the battle ground. The body of the Indian, supposed to be thatof Tecumseh, was pointed out to him, but owing to its swollencondition, he was unable to say whether it was Tecumseh, or aPotawatamie chief, who usually visited Vincennes in company with him:he felt confident it was one of the two, but further than this couldnot pronounce with certainty. Mr. James and Anthony Shane are Mr. Brown's chief witnesses. The first states that Tecumseh was shot with amusket ball in the arm, and finally killed by a ball in the head fromcolonel Johnson's pistol: the second testifies that he fell by a balland three buckshot which entered his left breast, and that he waswounded in no other part: the former says that Tecumseh's body wasliterally flayed--the latter, that only a small piece of skin was cutfrom one of his thighs. [A] It remains for Mr. Brown to reconcile theseglaring discrepancies in the testimony of his own witnesses. If thisdissection of Mr. Brown's elaborated letter, presents him more in thelight of the partizan advocate than that of the faithful historian, weare not responsible for it; and if he has failed to establish the factthat colonel Johnson killed Tecumseh, he must probably look for thereason of that failure in the weakness of his claims, rather than inany lack of zeal in advocating the colonel's cause. [Footnote A: See James Military Occurrences, and Anthony Shane'sNarrative. ] Our analysis of the testimony which has at different times been broughtbefore the public, tending to establish the supposition that Tecumsehfell by the hands of colonel Johnson, is now closed; and we think itwill be admitted, in reviewing the case, that the claims of the colonelhave not been satisfactorily established, either by direct orcircumstantial evidence. But we have further testimony to offer on thispoint. It is proved by a number of witnesses, and among them several who arerelied upon to establish the fact, that colonel Johnson killedTecumseh, that upon the fall of this chief, the action ceased and theIndians fled. Even the reverend Mr. Brown admits such to have been the case. Now, wepropose to show that colonel Johnson was wounded and retired from thescene of action at its commencement; and that the contest lasted fortwenty or thirty minutes afterwards. As to the first point, captainDavidson, who was by the side of colonel Johnson, says, "We struck theIndian line obliquely, and when we approached within ten or fifteenyards of their line, the Indians poured in a heavy fire upon us, killing ten or fifteen of our men and several horses, and woundingcolonel Johnson very severely. He immediately retired. "[A] ColonelAmbrose Dudley says, "As I passed to the left, near the crochet, afterthe firing had ceased on the right, I met colonel R. M. Johnson passingdiagonally from the swamp towards the line of infantry, and spoke withhim. He said he was badly wounded, his gray mare bleeding profusely inseveral places. The battle continued with the Indians on the left. Theinfantry, with some of colonel R. M. Johnson's troops mixed uppromiscuously with them, continued the battle for half an hour aftercolonel Johnson was disabled and had ceased to command his men. "[B]Doctor S. Theobald, of Lexington, Kentucky, one of the surgeons to themounted regiment, says, "colonel Johnson was wounded in the onset ofthe battle. I had the honor to compose one of his 'forlorn hope, ' andfollowed him in the charge. It is impossible, under such circumstances, to estimate time with precision; but I know the period was a very briefone from the firing of the first guns, which indeed was tremendouslyheavy, till colonel Johnson approached me covered with wounds, butstill mounted. I think he said to me, I am severely wounded, which wayshall I go? That I replied, follow me, which he did: and I conductedhim directly across the swamp, on the margin of which we had charged, and to the point where doctor Mitchell, surgeon-general of Shelby'scorps, was stationed. Some one hundred and fifty or two hundred yardsin the rear, colonel Johnson was taken from his horse. He appearedfaint and much exhausted. I asked him if he would have water, to whichhe answered, yes. I cast about immediately for some, but there was noneat hand, nor any thing that I could see to bring it in, better than acommon funnel, which I saw lying on the ground, and which I seized andran to the river, (Thames) a distance probably of one hundred yards ormore; and closing the extremity of the funnel with my finger, made useof it as a cup, from which I gave him drink. In a few minutes afterthis, Garret Wall, who also composed one of the 'forlorn hope, ' and wasthrown from his horse in the charge, came and solicited me to returnwith him to the ground on which we had charged, to aid him inrecovering his lost saddle-bags. I assented. We crossed the narrowswamp, to which I have before alluded, and had not progressed far, before we came to the body of one of our men who had been killed, andwho I recognized as Mansfield, of captain Stucker's company: a littlefurther, that of Scott, of Coleman's company; and progressing someforty or fifty steps (it may have been more, ) in advance of that, wefound our venerable and brave old comrade, colonel Whitley, who wasalso of the 'forlorn hope. ' Near him, in a moment, I well remember tohave noticed, with a feeling and exclamation of exultation, the body ofan Indian; and some twenty or thirty steps in advance of this, anotherIndian, which last was afterwards designated as the body of Tecumseh. Idistinctly recollect, that as we returned to make this search, thefiring was still kept up some distance off on our left"[C] [Footnote A: Cincinnati Republican, 30th September, 1840] [Footnote B: See Cincinnati Republican, 30th September, 1840. ] [Footnote C: Dr. Theobald's letter, dated 27th November, 1840, inpossession of the author of this work. ] Testimony on these points might be multiplied, but could add nothing tothe force of that which is here cited. The letter of Dr. Theobald isconclusive as to the time when colonel Johnson was wounded, and theperiod during which the action continued after he retired from thebattle ground. It seems the colonel was disabled at the beginning ofthe action with the Indians, and immediately rode from the field; thatthe action lasted for near half an hour; that Tecumseh fell at or nearthe close of it; and that he could not, therefore, have fallen by thehand of colonel Johnson. Whether the leader of the "forlorn hope" canclaim the credit of having actually killed an Indian chief on thismemorable day, is not the immediate question before us: that he actedwith dauntless bravery, in promptly charging the Indian line, duringthe brief period which he remained unwounded, is universally admitted;but that he is entitled to the honor, (if such it may be called, ) ofhaving personally slain the gifted "king of the woods, " will not be soreadily conceded. James, the British historian, from whose "Military Occurrences" we havealready quoted, having charged general Harrison with designedlyomitting, in his official report, all reference to the death ofTecumseh, leaves the inference to be drawn by the reader, that theomission was prompted by a feeling of envy towards colonel Johnson, whohad done the deed. It is due to the cause of truth, not less than tothe reputation of the American commander, that this charge should beimpartially examined. It is true, that the official account of thebattle of the Thames does not mention the death of Tecumseh, and thepropriety of this omission will be sufficiently obvious from thefollowing narrative. General Harrison and Anthony Shane, so far as it is known, were theonly persons in the American army who were personally acquainted withTecumseh. It is possible that some of the friendly Indians, commandedby Shane, may have known him; but it does not appear that any of themundertook to identify the body after the battle was over. Shane wasunder the impression, on the evening of the action, that he had foundthe body of Tecumseh among the slain; but, as Mr. Wall testifies, expressed himself with caution. General Harrison himself was not, onthe following day, enabled to identify with certainty the body of thischief, as appears from the testimony of a member of the general'smilitary family, which we here quote, as having a direct bearing on thequestion under consideration: "I am authorised, " says colonel Charles S. Todd, [A] "by severalofficers of general Harrison's staff, who were in the battle of theThames, to state most unequivocally their belief, that the generalneither knew nor could have known the fact of the death of Tecumseh, atthe date of his letter to the war department. It was the uncertaintywhich prevailed, as to the fact of Tecumseh's being killed, thatprevented any notice of it in his report. On the next day after thebattle, general Harrison, in company with commodore Perry and otherofficers, examined the body of an Indian supposed to be Tecumseh; butfrom its swollen and mutilated condition, he was unable to decidewhether it was that chief or a Potawatamie who usually visited him atVincennes, in company with Tecumseh; and I repeat most unhesitatingly, that neither commodore Perry nor any officer in the American army, excepting general Harrison, had ever seen Tecumseh previously to thebattle; and even though he had recognized the body which he examined tobe that of the celebrated chief, it was manifestly impossible that hecould have known whether he was killed by Johnson's corps, or by thatpart of the infantry which participated in the action. No official orother satisfactory report of his death, was made to him by thoseengaged on that part of the battle ground where he fell. It was notuntil after the return of the army to Detroit, and after the date ofgeneral Harrison's despatches, [B] that it was ascertained from theenemy, that Tecumseh was _certainly_ killed; and even then the opinionof the army was divided as to the person by whose hands he fell. Someclaimed the credit of it for colonel Whitley, some for colonel Johnson;but others, constituting a majority, including governor Shelby, entertained the opinion that he fell by a shot from David King, aprivate in captain Davidson's company, from Lincoln county, Kentucky. In this state of the case, even had the fact of Tecumseh's death beenfully ascertained, at the date of general Harrison's letter, it wouldhave been manifestly unjust, not to say impracticable, for thecommander-in-chief to have expressed an opinion as to the particularindividual to whose personal prowess his death was to beattributed. "[C] [Footnote A: One of the aids of general Harrison, and inspector-generalof the United States army, during the late war. ] [Footnote B: Early on the 7th, general Harrison left the army under thecommand of governor Shelby, and returned to Detroit. His report of thebattle, was dated on the 9th. The army did not reach Sandwich, oppositeDetroit, until the 10th. ] [Footnote C: See Louisville Journal. ] In taking leave of this branch of our subject, it may be remarked, thatthe strong terms of approbation in which general Harrison, in hisofficial account of the battle of the Thames, speaks of the bravery andbearing of colonel Johnson in the conflict, should have shielded himfrom the suspicion that any unkind feeling towards that officer wasallowed to sway his judgment in the preparation of his report. We now proceed to give some testimony in favor of other individuals, whose friends have claimed for them the credit of having slainTecumseh. It has been already stated, that before our army left thefield of battle, it was reported and believed by many of the troops, that colonel Whitley, of Johnson's corps of mounted men, had killed theIndian commander in the action of the Thames. The only testimony, inconfirmation of this report, which has fallen under our observation, iscontained in the two following communications. The first is a letterfrom Mr. Abraham Scribner, now of Greenville, Ohio, under date ofSeptember 8th, 1840. The writer says--"I had never seen Tecumseh, untilthe body was shown to me on the battle ground on the river Thames: bywhose hand he fell must always be a matter of uncertainty. My ownopinion was, the day after the battle, and is yet, that Tecumseh fellby a ball from the rifle of colonel Whitley, an old Indian fighter: twoballs passed through colonel Whitley's head, at the moment thatTecumseh fell; he (colonel Whitley, ) was seen to take aim at the Indiansaid to be Tecumseh, and his rifle was found empty. " The second is from colonel Ambrose Dudley, of Cincinnati, under date of24th February, 1841, and is in the following words: "The morning after the battle of the Thames, in company with severalother persons, I walked over the ground, to see the bodies of those whohad been slain in the engagement. After passing from the river aconsiderable distance, and the latter part of the way along what wastermed a swamp, viewing the slain of the British army, we came to aplace where some half a dozen persons were standing, and three deadIndians were lying close together. One of the spectators remarked, thathe had witnessed that part of the engagement which led to the death ofthese three Indians and two of our troops, whose bodies had beenremoved the evening before for burial. He proceeded to point out theposition of the slain as they lay upon the ground, with that of ourmen. He said old colonel Whitley rode up to the body of a tree, whichlay before him, and behind which lay an Indian: he (the Indian, )attempted to fire, but from some cause did not succeed, and thenWhitley instantly shot him. This Indian was recognized by one of thepersons present as Tecumseh: the next Indian was pointed out as havingkilled Whitley; then the position of another of our troops who killedthat Indian, and the Indian who killed him, with the position of theman who shot the third Indian--making three Indians and two Americanswho had fallen on a very small space of ground. From the manner of thenarrator, and the facts related at the time, I did not doubt the truthof his statement, nor have I ever had any reason to doubt it since. TheIndian pointed out as Tecumseh, was wearing a bandage over a wound inthe arm, and as it was known that Tecumseh had been slightly wounded inthe arm the day before, while defending the passage of a creek, myconviction was strengthened by this circumstance, that the body beforeus was that of Tecumseh. " The reader will decide for himself how far this testimony sustains theplea that has been raised for colonel Whitley. It is certainly clearand to the point, and presents a plausible case in support of hisclaim. Mr. David King is the other individual to whom reference has been madeas entitled to the credit of having killed the great Shawanoe chief. Hewas a private in captain James Davidson's company of mounted men, belonging to Johnson's corps. The statement given below in support ofKing's claim, was written by the editor of the Frankfort (Ky. )Commentator, and published in that journal in 1831. It is given on theauthority of captain Davidson and his brother, two highly respectablecitizens of Kentucky, both of whom belonged to colonel Johnson'smounted regiment, and were in the battle of the Thames. We have omittedthe first part of this statement as irrelevant to the point in issue. "While these things were acting in this part of the field, and towardsthe close of the action, which did not last long--for though much wasdone, it was done quickly--when the enemy was somewhat thinned andconsiderably scattered, and our men were scattered amongst them, Clark, one of the men mentioned above, suddenly called out to his comrade, David King, to 'take care of the Indian that was near to him. ' Thewarrior turned upon Clark; at the same instant, King fired at him withWhitley's gun, and lodged the two balls which he knew it was loadedwith, in the chieftain's breast--for when Whitley fell, King threw awayhis own gun, and took the better one and the powder horn of the oldIndian fighter. The Indian droped upon King's fire:--'Whoop--by G----'exclaimed King, 'he was every inch a soldier. I have killed one d----dyellow bugger, ' and passed on. Giles saw this occurrence as well asClark, and so did Von Treece--they were all together. From thecommencement of the fight, the voice of an Indian commander had beendistinctly heard and observed by our soldiers. About this time itceased, and was heard no more: _Tecumseh was dead. _ Presently a cry of'_how! how!_' was raised among the Indians; upon which they turned andfled, pursued by our soldiers. "Upon the return of the volunteers from the pursuit, King proposed toSam Davidson, his friend and relative, and to other comrades, to goround with him by the spot where he had killed the Indian, because hewanted to get his fine leggins. They had noticed a particular tree anda log, near to which the Indian fell. They found the tree withoutdifficulty, but the body was not discovered quite so readily; but Kinginsisted that it must be somewhere thereabouts. Sam Davidson firstdiscovered it. It was lying behind a tree, face downward. '_Here heis_, ' said Davidson, 'but I see no wound upon him. ' '_Roll him over_, 'said King, 'and if it is my Indian, you will find two bullet holes inhis left breast. ' It was done; and there were the two bullet holes, aninch apart, just below the left pap--the same, no doubt, where King'sballs had entered. The Indian, from his dress, was evidently a chief. His fanciful leggins, (King's main object in hunting out the body, ) hisparty-colored worsted sash, his pistols, his two dirks, all his dressand equipments, were the _undisputed_ spoils of King. He kept one ofthe dirks, the sash, and moccasins for himself; the rest he distributedas presents among his messmates. "Now, _it was this very Indian_, which was afterwards identified bythose who had known him, as TECUMSEH--_this and no other_. " This testimony, coming as it does from a highly respectable quarter, would seem to be conclusive in favor of the claim of King. It contains, however, statements which, if true, greatly weaken its force; and, indeed, in our opinion, dissipate at once the idea that the Indiankilled by King was Tecumseh. The narrative states that "the Indian, from his dress, was evidently a chief. His fanciful leggins, hisparty-colored worsted sash, his pistols, his two dirks, all his dressand equipments, were the undisputed spoils of King. " Now, if there beany one fact connected with the fall of Tecumseh which is fully andfairly established upon unimpeachable authority, it is, that he enteredthe battle of the Thames, dressed in the ordinary deerskin garb of histribe. There was nothing in his clothes, arms or ornaments, indicatinghim to have been a chief. On this point the testimony of Anthony Shaneis explicit; and his statement is confirmed by colonel Baubee of theBritish army, who was familiarly acquainted with Tecumseh. Thisofficer, the morning after the action, stated to one of the aids ofgeneral Harrison, that he saw Tecumseh just before the battlecommenced, and that he was clothed in his usual plain deer-skin dress, and in that garb took his position in the Indian line, where heheroically met his fate. The testimony in favor of Mr. King's claim, while it proves very satisfactorily that he killed an Indian, isequally conclusive, we think, in establishing the fact that that Indianwas not the renowned Tecumseh. With the statement of one other person, upon this vexed question, weshall take our final leave of it. Major William Oliver, of Cincinnati, in a communication to the author, under date of 23d December, 1840, says:-- "In 1819, I lodged with Anthony Shane, at what was then called 'theSecond Crossing of the St. Mary's. ' I had known Shane intimately for along time, indeed, from my first settlement at fort Wayne, in 1806. Inspeaking of the battle of the Thames, and the fall of Tecumseh, hesaid, the most authentic information he had obtained upon this point, was from two brothers of his wife, who were in the battle, and near theperson of Tecumseh when he fell. They stated, in positive terms, thatTecumseh was shot by a private of the Kentucky troops; and Shane seemedso well satisfied with the truth of their statement, that he informedme it was entitled to belief. " To John Johnston, of Piqua, late Indian agent, and others, Shane, atthis early period, expressed the opinion that Tecumseh did not fall bythe hands of the commander of the mounted regiment. The reader of thisvolume will recollect, that long subsequent to the period when theseopinions were expressed, and upon the eve of a political campaign, inwhich colonel R. M. Johnson was a candidate for a high and honorableoffice, Anthony Shane is represented by the reverend O. B. Brown, ashaving stated to him his belief, that Tecumseh did meet his death by ashot from the colonel. Shane, who, we believe, is now deceased, sustained, through life, a character for integrity. Whether, in hislatter years, his memory had failed him, by which he was led to expressthese contradictory opinions, or whether Mr. Brown misunderstood theimport of his language, when talking upon this matter, we shall notundertake to decide. The reader who feels an interest in the point atissue will settle the question for himself, whether, under the peculiarcircumstances of the case, the early or late declarations of Shane werethe genuine expression of his belief on this subject. CHAPTER XVI. Mr. Jefferson's opinion of the Prophet--brief sketch of his character--anecdotes of Tecumseh--a review of the great principles of his plan of union among the tribes--general summary of his life and character. Mr. Jefferson, in a letter to John Adams, [A] says: "The Wabash Prophetis more rogue than fool, if to be a rogue is not the greatest of allfollies. He rose to notice while I was in the administration, andbecame, of course, a proper subject for me. The inquiry was made withdiligence. His declared object was the reformation of his red brethren, and their return to their pristine manner of living. He pretended to bein constant communication with the Great Spirit; that he was instructedby Him to make known to the Indians that they were created by Himdistinct from the whites, of different natures, for different purposes, and placed under different circumstances, adapted to their nature anddestinies; that they must return from all the ways of the whites to thehabits and opinions of their forefathers; they must not eat the fleshof hogs, of bullocks, of sheep, &c. , the deer and buffalo having beencreated for their food; they must not make bread of wheat, but ofIndian corn; they must not wear linen nor woollen, but dress like theirfathers, in the skins and furs of animals; they must not drink ardentspirits; and I do not remember whether he extended his inhibitions tothe gun and gunpowder, in favor of the bow and arrow. I concluded, fromall this, that he was a visionary, enveloped in their antiquities, andvainly endeavoring to lead back his brethren to the fancied beatitudesof their golden age. I thought there was little danger of his makingmany proselytes from the habits and comforts they had learned from thewhites, to the hardships and privations of savagism, and no great harmif he did. We let him go on, therefore, unmolested. But his followersincreased until the British thought him worth corrupting, and found himcorruptible. I suppose his views were then changed; but his proceedingsin consequence of them, were after I left the administration, and are, therefore, unknown to me; nor have I ever been informed what were theparticular acts on his part, which produced an actual commencement ofhostilities on ours. I have no doubt, however, that his subsequentproceedings are but a chapter apart, like that of Henry and LordLiverpool, in the book of the Kings of England. " [Footnote A: Jefferson's Correspondence, vol. 10. P. 171. ] Mr. Jefferson's account of the Prophet's "budget of reform, " is correctas far as it goes: it embraced, however, many other matters, looking tothe amelioration of savage life. Whatever may have been his originalobject, in the promulgation of his new code of ethics, there is enough, we think, in the character and conduct of this individual to warrantthe opinion, that he was really desirous of doing good to his race;and, that with many foibles, and some positive vices, he was notdestitute of benevolent and generous feelings. That in assuming thecharacter of a prophet, he had, in connection with his brother, ulterior objects in view, is not to be doubted. It so happened, thatthe adoption of his doctrines was calculated to promote harmony amongthe tribes; and this was the very foundation of the grand confederacy, to which he and Tecumseh were zealously devoting the energies of theirminds. After the premature and, to the Indians, disastrous battle ofTippecanoe, the Prophet began to fall into obscurity. The result ofthat action materially diminished the wide spread influence which hehad attained over his countrymen. The incantations, by means of whichhe had played upon their imaginations, and swayed their conduct, losttheir potency. The inspired messenger of the Great Spirit, as he openlyproclaimed himself, had boldly promised his followers an easy victoryover their enemies. A battle was fought--the Indians were defeated--andthe gory form of many a gallant, but credulous "brave, " attested thatthe renowned Prophet had lost, amid the carnage of that nocturnalconflict, his office and his power. At the time when this battle was fought, Tecumseh was on a mission tothe southern Indians, with the view of extending his warlikeconfederacy. He had left instructions with the Prophet, to avoid anyhostile collision with the whites; and from the deference which thelatter usually paid to the wishes of the former, it is not probablethat the battle would have occurred, had not extraneous influence beenbrought to bear upon the leader. The reason assigned by the Prophet tohis brother, for this attack upon the army under general Harrison, isnot known; but some of the Indians who were in this engagement, subsequently stated that the Winnebagoes forced on the battle contraryto the wishes of the Prophet. This is not improbable; yet, admitting itto be true, if he had taken a bold and decided stand against themeasure, it might, in all probability, have been prevented. Theinfluence of the Prophet, however, even at this time, was manifestly onthe wane, and some of his followers were beginning to leave his camp. He doubtless felt that it was necessary to do something to sustainhimself: a signal victory over the whites would accomplish this end;and hence he consented the more readily, to the wishes of theWinnebagoes, that an attack should be made, in the hope that it wouldprove successful. Within a few months after this battle, war was declared against Englandby the United States. Tecumseh and the Prophet, discouraged in regardto their union of the tribes, decided on joining the British standard. The love of fighting, however, was not a remarkable trait of theProphet's character. He won no military laurels during the continuanceof that war; and although in the vicinity of the Moravian town on the5th of October, 1813, he did not choose to participate in the action atthe Thames. After the return of peace, he resided in the neighborhoodof Malden for some time, and finally returned to Ohio: from whence, with a band of Shawanoes, he removed west of the Mississippi, where heresided until the period of his death, which occurred in the year 1834. It is stated, in a foreign periodical, [A] that the British governmentallowed him a pension from the year 1813, to the close of his life. [Footnote A: The United Service Journal--London. ] In forming an estimate of the Prophet's character, it seems unjust tohold him responsible for all the numerous aggressions which werecommitted by his followers upon the property and persons of the whites. His first proselytes were from the most worthless and vicious portionof the tribes from which they were drawn. "The young men especially, who gathered about him, like the young men who brought on the war ofKing Philip, were wrought up until the master spirit himself, lost hiscontrol over them; and to make the matter worse, most of them were ofsuch a character in the first instance, that horse stealing and housebreaking were as easy to them as breathing. Like the refugees ofRomulus, they were outcasts, vagabonds and criminals; in a great degreebrought together by the novelty of the preacher's reputation, bycuriosity to hear his doctrines, by the fascination of extremecredulity, by restlessness, by resentment against the whites, and bypoverty and unpopularity at home. "[A] To preserve an influence oversuch a body of men, to use them successfully as propagandists of hisnew doctrines, and, at the same time, prevent their aggressions uponthe whites, who were oftentimes themselves the aggressors, required nosmall degree of talent; and called into activity the utmost powers ofthe Prophet's mind. In addition to these adverse circumstances, he hadto encounter the opposition of all the influential chiefs in thesurrounding tribes; and a still more formidable adversary in thepoverty and extreme want of provisions, which, on several occasions, threatened the total disruption of his party, and undoubtedly led tomany of the thefts and murders on the frontiers, of which loud andfrequent complaints were made by the agents of the United States. In aword, difficulties of various kinds were constantly recurring, whichrequired the most ceaseless vigilance and the shrewdest sagacity on thepart of the two brothers to obviate or overcome. The Prophet had aclear head, if not an honest heart; courteous and insinuating in hisaddress, with a quick wit and a fluent tongue, he seldom came out ofany conference without rising in the estimation of those who composedit. He was no warrior, and from the fact of his never having engaged ina battle, the presumption has been raised that he was wanting inphysical courage. With that of cowardice, the charge of cruelty hasbeen associated, from the cold-blooded and deliberate manner in whichhe put to death several of those who were suspected of having exercisedan influence adverse to his plans, or calculated to lessen the value ofthe inspired character which he had assumed. Finally, it may be said ofhim, that he was a vain, loquacious and cunning man, of indolent habitsand doubtful principles. Plausible but deceitful, prone to deal in themarvellous, quick of apprehension, affluent in pretexts, winning andeloquent, if not powerful in debate, the Prophet was peculiarly fittedto play the impostor, and to excite into strong action, the credulousfanaticism of the stern race to which he belonged. Few men, in any ageof the world, have risen more rapidly into extended notoriety; wielded, for the time being, a more extraordinary degree of moral influence, orsunk more suddenly into obscurity, than the Prophet. [Footnote A: North American Review. ] TECUMSEH was near six feet in stature, with a compact, muscular frame, capable of great physical endurance. His head was of a moderate size, with a forehead full and high; his nose slightly aquiline, teeth largeand regular, eyes black, penetrating and overhung with heavy archedbrows, which increased the uniformly grave and severe expression of hiscountenance. He is represented by those who knew him, to have been aremarkably fine looking man, always plain but neat in his dress, and ofa commanding personal presence. His portrait, it is believed, was neverpainted, owing probably to his strong prejudices against the whites. In the private and social life of Tecumseh there were many thingsworthy of notice. He was opposed, on principle, to polygamy, a practicealmost universal among his countrymen. He was married but once; andthis union, which took place at the age of twenty-eight, is said tohave been more in compliance with the wishes of others than inobedience to the unbiassed impulse of his feelings or the dictates ofhis judgment. Mamate, his wife, was older than himself, and possessedfew personal or mental qualities calculated to excite admiration. Ason, called Pugeshashenwa, (a panther in the act of seizing its prey, )was the only fruit of this union. The mother died soon after his birth, and he was left to the care of his aunt, Tecumapease. [A] This son isnow residing with the Shawanoes west of the Mississippi, but is notdistinguished for talents, or renowned as a warrior. The Britishgovernment, however, since the death of Tecumseh, has recognized itsobligations to the father by the extension of an annual stipend to theson. [Footnote A: Recollections of John Johnston, and Anthony Shane. ] From his boyhood, Tecumseh was remarkable for temperance and thestrictest integrity. He was hospitable, generous and humane; and thesetraits were acknowledged in his character long before he rose todistinction, or had conceived the project of that union of the tribes, on which the energies of his manhood were fruitlessly expended. He was, says an intelligent Shawanoe, who had known him from childhood, kindand attentive to the aged and infirm, looking personally to theircomfort, repairing their frail wigwams when winter approached, givingthem skins for moccasins and clothing, and sharing with them thechoicest game which the woods and the seasons afforded. Nor were theseacts of kindness bestowed exclusively on those of rank or reputation. On the contrary, he made it his business to search out the humblestobjects of charity, and in a quick, unostentatious manner, relievetheir wants. The moral and intellectual qualities of Tecumseh place him above theage and the race in which his lot was cast. "From the earliest periodof his life, " says Mr. Johnston, the late Indian agent at Piqua, "Tecumseh was distinguished for virtue, for a strict adherence totruth, honor, and integrity. He was sober[A] and abstemious, neverindulging in the use of liquor nor eating to excess. " Anotherrespectable individual, [B] who resided for near twenty years as aprisoner among the Shawanoes, and part of that time in the family ofTecumseh, writes to us, "I know of no _peculiarity_ about him thatgained him popularity. His talents, rectitude of deportment, andfriendly disposition, commanded the respect and regard of all abouthim. In short, I consider him a very great as well as a very good man, who, had he enjoyed the advantages of a liberal education, would havedone honor to any age or any nation. " [Footnote A: Major James Galloway, of Xenia, states, that on oneoccasion, while Tecumseh was quite young, he saw him intoxicated. Thisis the only aberration of the kind, which we have heard charged uponhim. ] [Footnote B: Mr. Stephen Ruddell. ] Tecumseh had, however, no education, beyond that which the traditionsof his race, and his own power of observation and reflection, affordedhim. He rarely mingled with the whites, and very seldom attempted tospeak their language, of which his knowledge was extremely limited andsuperficial. When Burns, the poet, was suddenly transferred from his plough inAyrshire to the polished circles of Edinburg, his ease of manner, andnice observance of the rules of good-breeding, excited much surprise, and became the theme of frequent conversation. The same thing has beenremarked of Tecumseh: whether seated at the tables of generals McArthurand Worthington, as he was during the council at Chillicothe in 1807, or brought in contact with British officers of the highest rank, hismanners were entirely free from vulgarity and coarseness: he wasuniformly self-possessed, and with the tact and ease of deportmentwhich marked the poet of the heart, and which are falsely supposed tobe the result of civilization and refinement only, he readilyaccommodated himself to the novelties of his new position, and seemedmore amused than annoyed by them. The humanity of his character has been already portrayed in the pagesof this work. His early efforts to abolish the practice of burningprisoners--then common among the Indians--and the merciful protectionwhich he otherwise invariably showed to captives, whether taken byhimself or his companions, need no commendation at our hands. Risingabove the prejudices and customs of his people, even when thoseprejudices and customs were tacitly sanctioned by the officers andagents of Great Britain, Tecumseh was never known to offer violence toprisoners, nor to permit it in others. So strong was his sense ofhonor, and so sensitive his feelings of humanity, on this point, thateven frontier women and children, throughout the wide space in whichhis character was known, felt secure from the tomahawk of the hostileIndians, if Tecumseh was in the camp. A striking instance of thisconfidence is presented in the following anecdote. The British andIndians were encamped near the river Raisin; and while holding a talkwithin eighty or one hundred yards of Mrs. Ruland's house, some Sauksand Winnebagoes entered her dwelling, and began to plunder it. Sheimmediately sent her little daughter, eight or nine years old, requesting Tecumseh to come to her assistance. The child ran to thecouncil house, and pulling Tecumseh (who was then speaking) by theskirt of his hunting-shirt, said to him, "Come to our house--there arebad Indians there. " Without waiting to close his speech, the chiefstarted for the house in a fast walk. On entering, he was met by two orthree Indians dragging a trunk towards the door: he seized his tomahawkand levelled one of them at a blow: they prepared for resistance, butno sooner did they hear the cry, "dogs! I am Tecumseh!" than under theflash of his indignant eye, they fled from the house: and "you, " saidTecumseh, turning to some British officers, "are _worse_ than dogs, tobreak your faith with prisoners. " The officers expressed their regretsto Mrs. Ruland, and offered to place a guard around the house: this shedeclined, observing, that so long as that man, pointing to Tecumseh, was near them, she felt safe. [A] [Footnote A: On the authority of colonel John Ruland. ] Tecumseh entertained a high and proper sense of personal character--wasequally bold in defending his own conduct, and condemning that whichwas reprehensible in others. In 1811, he abandoned his intention ofvisiting the President, because he was not permitted to march toWashington at the head of a party of his warriors. As an officer in theBritish army, he never lost sight of the dignity of his rank, norsuffered any act of injustice towards those under his command to passwithout resenting it. On one occasion, while the combined British andIndian forces were quartered at Malden, there was a scarcity ofprovisions, the commissary's department being supplied with salt beefonly, which was issued to the British soldiers, while horse flesh wasgiven to the Indians. Upon learning this fact, Tecumseh promptly calledon general Proctor, remonstrated against the injustice of the measure, and complained, indignantly, of the insult thus offered to himself andhis men. The British general appeared indifferent to what was said;whereupon, the chief struck the hilt of Proctor's sword with his hand, then touched the handle of his own tomahawk, and sternly remarked, "Youare Proctor--I am Tecumseh;" intimating, that if justice was not doneto the Indians, the affair must be settled by a personal rencontrebetween the two commanders. General Proctor prudently yielded thepoint. [A] [Footnote A: On the authority of the Rev. Wm. H. Raper. ] But few of the numerous speeches made by Tecumseh have been preserved. Tradition speaks in exalted terms of several efforts of this kind, ofwhich no record was made. All bore evidence of the high order of hisintellectual powers. They were uniformly forcible, sententious andargumentative; always dignified, frequently impassioned and powerful. He indulged neither in sophism nor circumlocution, but with bold andmanly frankness, gave utterance to his honest opinions. Mr. Ruddell, who knew him long and intimately, says, that "he was naturallyeloquent, very fluent, graceful in his gestures, but not in the habitof using many; that there was neither vehemence nor violence in hisstyle of delivery, but that his eloquence always made a strongimpression on his hearers. " Dr. Hunt, of Clark county, Ohio, hasremarked, that the first time he heard Henry Clay make a speech, hismanner reminded him, very forcibly, of that of Tecumseh, in the councilat Springfield, in the year 1807, on which occasion he made one of hishappiest efforts. Our present minister to France, Mr. Cass, has said, with his usualdiscrimination, that "the character of Tecumseh, in whatever light itmay be viewed, must be regarded as remarkable in the highest degree. That he proved himself worthy of his rank as a general officer in thearmy of his Britannic majesty, or even of his reputation as a greatwarrior among all the Indians of the north-west, is, indeed, a smalltitle to distinction. Bravery is a savage virtue, and the Shawanoes area brave people: too many of the American nation have ascertained thisfact by experience. His oratory speaks more for his genius. It was theutterance of a great mind roused by the strongest motives of whichhuman nature is susceptible; and developing a power and a labor ofreason, which commanded the admiration of the civilized, as justly asthe confidence and pride of the savage. " There was one subject, farbetter calculated than all others, to call forth his intellectualenergies, and exhibit the peculiar fascination of his oratory. "When hespoke to his brethren on the glorious theme that animated all hisactions, his fine countenance lighted up, his firm and erect frameswelled with deep emotion, which his own stern dignity could scarcelyrepress; every feature and gesture had its meaning, and language flowedtumultuously and swiftly, from the fountains of his soul. " Another writer, Judge Hall, long resident in the west, and devoted tothe study of aboriginal history, has thus summed up the character ofthis chief: "At this period the celebrated Tecumseh appeared upon the scene. He wascalled the Napoleon of the west; and so far as that title was deservedby splendid genius, unwavering courage, untiring perseverance, boldnessof conception and promptitude of action, it was fairly bestowed uponthis accomplished savage. He rose from obscurity to the command of atribe to which he was alien by birth. He was, by turns, the orator, thewarrior and the politician; and in each of these capacities, toweredabove all with whom he came in contact. As is often the case with greatminds, one master passion filled his heart, prompted all his designs, and gave to his life its character. This was hatred to the whites, and, like Hannibal, he had sworn that it should be perpetual. He entertainedthe same vast project of uniting the scattered tribes of the west intoone grand confederacy, which had been acted on by King Philip andLittle Turtle. He wished to extinguish all distinctions of tribe andlanguage, to bury all feuds, and to combine the power and theprejudices of all, in defence of the rights and possessions of thewhole, as the aboriginal occupants of the country. " It may be truly said, that what Hannibal was to the Romans, Tecumsehbecame to the people of the United States. From his boyhood to the hourwhen he fell, nobly battling for the rights of his people, he fosteredan invincible hatred to the whites. On one occasion, he was heard todeclare, that he could not look upon the face of a white man, withoutfeeling the flesh crawl upon his bones. This hatred was not confined, however, to the Americans. Circumstances made him the ally of theBritish, and induced him to fight under their standard, but he neitherloved nor respected them. He well understood their policy; they couldnot deceive his sagacious mind; he knew that their professions ofregard for the Indians were hollow, and that when instigating him andhis people to hostilities against the United States, the agents ofBritain had far less anxiety about the rights of the Indians, than theinjuries which, through their instrumentality, might be inflicted uponthe rising republic. This feeling towards the whites, and especially tothe people of the United States, had a deeper foundation than mereprejudice or self-interest. Tecumseh was a patriot, and his love ofcountry made him a statesman and a warrior. He saw his race driven fromtheir native land, and scattered like withered leaves in an autumnalblast; he beheld their morals debased, their independence destroyed, their means of subsistence cut off, new and strange customs introduced, diseases multiplied, ruin and desolation around and among them; helooked for the cause of these evils and believed he had found it in theflood of white immigration which, having surmounted the toweringAlleghenies, was spreading itself over the hunting grounds of Kentucky, and along the banks of the Scioto, the Miami and the Wabash, whosewaters, from time immemorial, had reflected the smoke of the rude butpopulous villages of his ancestors. As a statesman, he studied thesubject, and, having satisfied himself that justice was on the side ofhis countrymen, he tasked the powers of his expansive mind, to find aremedy for the mighty evil which threatened their total extermination. The original, natural right of the Indians to the occupancy andpossession of their lands, has been recognized by the laws of congress, and solemnly sanctioned by the highest judicial tribunal of the UnitedStates. On this principle, there is no disagreement between ourgovernment and the Indian nations by whom this country was originallyinhabited. [A] [Footnote A: 6 Wheaton's Reports, 515. ] In the acquisition of these lands, however, our government has heldthat its title was perfect when it had purchased of the tribe in actualpossession. It seems, indeed, to have gone farther and admitted, that atribe might acquire lands by conquest which it did not occupy, as inthe case of the Iroquois, and sell the same to us; and, that the titlethus acquired, would be valid. Thus we have recognized the principlesof international law as operative between the Indians and us on thisparticular point, while on some others, as in not _allowing_ them tosell to individuals, and giving them tracts used as hunting grounds byother tribes beyond the Mississippi, we have treated them as savagehordes, not sufficiently advanced in civilization to be admitted intothe family of nations. Our claim to forbid their selling toindividuals, and our guarantying to tribes who would not sell to us inour corporate capacity, portions of country occupied as huntinggrounds, by more distant tribes, can only be based on the right ofdiscovery, taken in connection with a right conferred by our superiorcivilization; and seems never in fact to have been fully acknowledgedby them. It was not, at least, admitted by Tecumseh. His doctrine seemsto have been that we acquired no rights over the Indians or theircountry either by discovery or superior civilization; and that thepossession and jurisdiction can only be obtained by conquest ornegociation. In regard to the latter, he held that purchase from asingle tribe, although at the time sojourners on the lands sold, wasnot valid as it respected other tribes. That no particular portion ofthe country belonged to the tribe then within its limits--though inreference to other tribes, its title was perfect; that is, possessionexcluded other tribes, and would exclude them forever; but did notconfer on the tribe having it, the right to sell the soil to us; forthat was the common property of all the tribes who were near enough tooccupy or hunt upon it, in the event of its being at any time vacated, and could only be vacated by _the consent of the whole_. As aconclusion from these premises, he insisted that certain sales made inthe west were invalid, and protested against new ones on any other thanhis own principles. It must be acknowledged that these views have much plausibility, not togrant to them any higher merit. If the Indians had been in a nomadicinstead of a hunter state, and in summer had driven their flocks to theAllegheny mountains--in winter to the banks of the Wabash and Tennesseerivers, it could scarcely be denied that each tribe would have had aninterest in the whole region between, and as much right as any othertribe to be heard on a question of sale. The Indians were notshepherds, wandering _with_ their flocks of sheep and cattle in questof new pastures, but hunters, roaming after deer and bison, andchanging their location, as the pursuit from year to year, or from ageto age, might require. We do not perceive a difference in principle inthe two cases; and while we admit the difficulty of acquiring theirterritory on the plan of Tecumseh, we feel bound also to admit, that asfar as its preservation to themselves was concerned, his was the onlyeffective method. In its support he displayed in council the sound and logical eloquencefor which he was distinguished--in war the prowess which raised himinto the highest rank of Indian heroes. At what period of his life he first resolved upon making an effort tostop the progress of the whites west of the mountains, is not certainlyknown. It was probably several years anterior to the open avowal of hisplan of union, which occurred in 1805 or '6. The work before him washerculean in character, and beset with difficulties on every side; butthese only quickened into more tireless activity his genius and hispatriotic resolution. To unite the tribes as he proposed, prejudicesmust be overcome, their original manners and customs re-established, the use of ardent spirits utterly abandoned, and finally, allintercourse with the whites cut off. Here was a field for the displayof the highest moral and intellectual powers. He had already gained thereputation of a brave and sagacious warrior, a cool headed, upright andwise counsellor. He was neither a war nor a peace chief, and yet hewielded the power and influence of both. The time had now arrived foraction. To win savage attention, some bold and striking movement wasnecessary. He imparted his plan to his brother, a smart, cunning andpliable fellow, who adroitly and quickly prepared himself for the parthe was appointed to play, in this great drama of savage life. Tecumsehwell understood, that excessive superstition is every where a prominenttrait in the Indian character, and readily availed himself of it. Suddenly, his brother begins to dream dreams, and see visions, he is aninspired Prophet, favored with a divine commission from the GreatSpirit; the power of life and death is placed in his hands; he is theappointed agent for preserving the property and lands of the Indians, and for restoring them to their original, happy condition. He commenceshis sacred work; the public mind is aroused; unbelief gradually givesway; credulity and wild fanaticism begin to spread in circles, wideningand deepening until the fame of the Prophet, and the divine characterof his mission, have reached the frozen shores of the lakes, andoverrun the broad plains which stretch far beyond the Mississippi. Pilgrims from remote tribes, seek, with fear and trembling, thehead-quarters of the mighty Prophet. Proselytes are multiplied, and hisfollowers increase in number. Even Tecumseh becomes a believer, and, seizing upon the golden opportunity, he mingles with the pilgrims, winsthem by his address, and, on their return, sends a knowledge of hisplan of concert and union to the most distant tribes. And now commencedthose bodily and mental labors of Tecumseh, which were neverintermitted for the space of five years. During the whole of thisperiod, we have seen that his life was one of ceaseless activity. Hetraveled, he argued, he commanded: to-day, his persuasive voice waslistened to by the Wyandots, on the plains of Sandusky--to-morrow, hiscommands were issued on the banks of the Wabash--anon, he was paddlinghis bark canoe across the Mississippi; now, boldly confronting thegovernor of Indiana territory in the council-house at Viacennes, andnow carrying his banner of union among the Creeks and Cherokees of thesouth. He was neither intoxicated by success, nor discouraged byfailure; and, but for the desperate conflict at Tippecanoe, would haveestablished the most formidable and extended combination of Indians, that has ever been witnessed on this continent That he could have beensuccessful in arresting the progress of the whites, or in making theOhio river the boundary between them and the Indians of the north-west, even if that battle had not been fought, is not to be supposed. Theultimate failure of his plan was inevitable from the circumstances ofthe case. The wonder is not that he did not succeed, but that he wasenabled to accomplish so much. His genius should neither be tested bythe magnitude of his scheme, nor the failure in its execution, but bythe extraordinary success that crowned his patriotic labors. Theselabors were suddenly terminated in the hour when the prospect ofperfecting the grand confederacy was brightest. By the battle ofTippecanoe--fought in violation of his positive commands and during hisabsence to the south, --the great object of his ambition was frustrated, the golden bowl was broken at the fountain; that ardent enthusiasmwhich for years had sustained him, in the hour of peril and privation, was extinguished. His efforts were paralyzed, but not his hostility tothe United States. He joined the standard of their enemy, and foughtbeneath it with his wonted skill and heroism. At length the contest onthe Thames was at hand. Indignant at the want of courage or militaryskill, which prompted the commander of the British forces to shrinkfrom meeting the American army on the shore of lake Erie, he sternlyrefused to retreat beyond the Moravian towns. There, at the head of hiswarriors, he took his stand, resolved, as he solemnly declared, to bevictorious, or leave his body upon the field of battle, a prey to thewolf and the vulture. The result has been told. The Thames isconsecrated forever, by the bones of the illustrious Shawanoestatesman, warrior and patriot, which repose upon its bank. In whatever aspect the genius and character of Tecumseh may be viewed, they present the evidence of his having been a remarkable man; and, torepeat the language of a distinguished statesman and general, who knewhim long and intimately, who has often met him in the council and onthe field of battle, we may venture to pronounce him, one of thoseuncommon geniuses which spring up occasionally to produce revolutions, and overturn the established order of things; and, who, but for thepower of the United States, would, perhaps, have been the founder of anempire which would have rivalled that of Mexico or Peru. THE END. E. MORGAN & CO. BOOKSELLERS & STATIONERS. 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