LETTERS FROM MESOPOTAMIA

 IN 1915 AND JANUARY, 1916, FROM ROBERT PALMER, WHO WAS KILLED IN THE BATTLE OF UM EL HANNAH, JUNE 21, 1916 AGED 27 YEARS

 _PRINTED FOR PRIVATE CIRCULATION ONLY_

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 _He went with a draft from the 6th Hants to reinforce the 4th Hants. The 6th Hants had been in India since November, 1914. _

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 War deemed he hateful, for therein he saw Passions unloosed in licence, which in man Are the most evil, a false witness to The faith of Christ. For when by settled plan, To gratify the lustings of the few, The peoples march to battle, then, the law

 Of love forgotten, men come out to kill Their brothers in a hateless strife, nor know The cause wherefor they fight, except that they Whom they as rulers own, do bid them so. And thus his heart was heavy on the day That war burst forth. He felt that men could ill

 Afford to travel back along the years That they had mounted, toiling, stage by stage-- --A year he was to India's plains assigned Nor heard the spite of rifles, nor the rage Of guns; yet pondered oft on what the mind Experiences in war; what are the fears, And what those joys unknown that men do feel In stress of fight. He saw how great a test Of manhood is a stubborn war, which draws Out all that's worst in men or all that's best: Their fiercest brutal passions from all laws Set free, men burn and plunder, rape and steal;

 Or all their human strength of love cries out Against such suffering. And so he came In time to wish that he might thus be tried, Partly to know himself, partly from shame That others with less faith had gladly died, While he in peace and ease had cast a doubt, Not on his faith, but on his strength to bear So great a trial. Soon it was his fate To test himself; and with the facts of war So clear before him he could feel no hate, No passion was aroused by what he saw, But only pity. And he put all fear

 Away from him, terming it the offspring Of an unruly mind. Like some strong man Whom pygmies in his sleep have bound with threads Of twisted cobweb, and he to their plan Is captive while he sleeps, but quickly shreds His bonds when he awakes and sees the thing

 That they have bound him with. His faith and will Purged all evil passions from his mind, And left there one great overmastering love For all his fellows. War taught him to find That peace, for which at other times he strove In vain, and new-found friendship did fulfil

 His thoughts with happiness. Such was the soul That he perfected, ready for the call Of his dear Master (should it to him come), Scornful of death's terrors, yet withal Loath to leave this life, while still was some Part of the work he dreamed undone, his goal

 As yet unreached. There was for such an one A different work among those given, Who've crossed the border of eternity In youthful heedlessness, --as unshriven Naked souls joined the great fraternity O' the dead, while yet their life was just begun . .. 

 And so he went from us unto his task, For all our life is as it were a mask That lifteth at our death, and death is birth To higher things than are upon this earth. 

 L. P. 

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FLASHMAN'S HOTEL, RAWAL PINDI. _April 25th, 1915. _

TO HIS MOTHER. 

They are calling for volunteers from Territorial battalions to fillgaps in the Persian Gulf--one subaltern, one sergeant, and thirty menfrom each battalion. So far they have asked the Devons, Cornwalls, Dorsets, Somersets and East Surreys, but not the Hampshires. So Isuppose they are going to reserve us for feeding the 4th Hants in casethey want casualties replaced later on. Even if they come to us, Idon't think they are likely to take me or Luly, because in every casethey are taking the senior subaltern: and that is a position which Iam skipping by being promoted along with the three others: and Luly isa long way down the list. But of course I shall volunteer, as there isno adequate reason not to; so I thought you would like to know, onlyyou mustn't worry, as the chance of my going is exceedingly remote:but I like to tell you everything that happens. 

 * * * * *

Four months after he wrote this, in August, 1915, Robert was on leaveat Naini Tal, with Purefoy Causton, a brother officer. 

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MÉTROPOLE HOTEL, NAINI TAL. 

_August 3rd_, 1915. 

TO HIS MOTHER. 

It has been extremely wet since I last wrote. On Saturday we could donothing except laze indoors and play billiards and Friday was thesame, with a dull dinner-party at the end of it. It was very nice andcool though, and I enjoyed those two days as much as any. 

On Sunday we left Government House in order to be with Guy Colesduring his three days' leave. 

It rained all the morning: we went to Church at a spikey little chapeljust outside Government House gate. It cleared about noon and wewalked down to the Brewery, about three miles to meet Guy. When hearrived we had lunch there and then got ponies. 

We had arranged to take Guy straight to a picnic with a nice Mrs. Willmott of Agra, who comes here for the hot weather. So we rode uppast the lake and to the very top of Agarpatta, one of the humps onthe rim of hills. It took us over two hours, and the mist settled injust as we arrived, about 5, so we picnicked chillily on a mistymountain-top; but Mrs. Willmott and her sister are exceptionally nicepeople, so we all enjoyed it. They have two small children and a ladynurse for them. I never met one before, but it is quite a sensibleplan out here. 

We only got back to this Hotel just before dinner, and there I found awire from Major Wyatt asking me if I would command a draft and take itto the 4th Hants in the Persian Gulf. This is the exact fulfilment ofthe calculation I wrote to you in April, but it came as a surprise atthe moment. I was more excited than either pleased or depressed. Idon't hanker after fighting, and I would, of course, have preferred togo with the regiment and not as a draft. But now that I'm in for it, the interest of doing something after all these months of hangingabout, and in particular the responsibility of looking after the drafton the way, seems likely to absorb all other feelings. What appeals tome most is the purely unmilitary prospect of being able to protect themen, to some extent, from the, I'm sure, largely preventible sicknessthere has been in the P. G. The only remark that ever made me feel asudden desire to go to any front was when O'Connor at Lahore told me(quite untruly as it turned out) that "the Hampshires are dying likeflies at Basra. " As a matter of fact, they only had ten deaths, but agreat deal of sickness, and I do enjoy the prospect of trying to beefficient about that. As for fighting, it doesn't look as if therewould be much, whereon Purefoy greatly commiserates me; but if that isthe only privation I shan't complain!

I'm afraid your lively imagination will conjure up every kind ofhorror, and that is the only thing that distresses me about going: butclearly a tropical climate suits me better than most people, and Iwill be very careful to avoid all unnecessary risks! both for yourpeace of mind and also to keep the men up to the mark, to say nothingof less exalted motives. 

I know no details at all yet. I am to return to Agra on Saturday, so Ishall only lose forty-eight hours of my most heavenly fortnight here. 

I got this wire Sunday evening and Purefoy sat up talking on my bedtill quite late as we had a lot to say to each other. 

_August 4th. _ On Monday morning it was pouring harder than ever, quite an inch to the hour. I walked across to the Telegraph Office andanswered the Major's wire, and got wet through. After breakfast Ichartered a dandy and waded through the deluge to the stationhospital, where the M. O. Passed me as sound, without a spark ofinterest in any of my minor ailments. I then proceeded to the localchemist and had my medicine-case filled up, and secured an extrasupply of perchloride. There is no Poisons Act here and you can buyperchloride as freely as pepper. My next visit was to the dentist. Hefound two more decayed teeth and stopped them with incrediblerapidity. The climate is so mild that though I was pretty wet throughI never felt like catching a cold from being operated on. He was anAmerican with a lady assistant to hold one's mouth open! I never feelsure that these dentists don't just drill a hole and then stop it: butno doubt teeth decay extremely quickly out here. 

Then I went back to the Telegraph Office and cabled to Papa and gotback in time for lunch after the moistest morning I ever rememberbeing out in. 

This hotel is about the worst in the world, I should say, though thereare two in Naini reputed to be worse still. It takes in no newspaper, has no writing-paper, only one apology for a sitting-room, and can'tsupply one with fuel even for a fire. However, Moni Lal is resourcefuland we have survived three days of it. Luckily there is an excellentcustom here by which visitors belonging to another club, _e. G. _, theAgra Club can join the Naini Club temporarily for 1s. Per day. So wespent the afternoon and evening at the Club and I spiflicated bothPurefoy (giving him forty and two turns to my one) and Guy atBilliards. 

On Tuesday (yesterday) we got up at 7. 0 and went for a sail on thelake. Guy is an expert at this difficult art and we circumnavigatedthe place twice before breakfast with complete success and I learnedenough semi-nautical terms to justify the purchase of a yachting capshould occasion arise. 

After breakfast we were even more strenuous and climbed up toGovernment House to play golf. It came on to rain violently just as wearrived, so we waited in the guard-room till it cleared, and thenplayed a particularly long but very agreeable 3-ball, in which I lostto Guy on the last green but beat Purefoy three and one. We got backto lunch at about 3. 15. 

As if this wasn't enough I sallied out again at 4. 0 to play tennis atthe Willmotts, quite successfully, with a borrowed racquet, my ownhaving burst on introduction to the climate of this place. Mrs. W. Told me that there was a Chaplain, one Kirwan, here just back from thePersian Gulf, so I resolved to pursue him. 

I finished up the day by dining P. And G. At the Club, and afterdinner Purefoy, by a succession of the most hirsute flukes, succeededin beating me by ten to his great delight. 

I went to bed quite tired, but this morning it was so lovely that Irevived and mounted a horse at 7. 0 leaving the other two snoring. Irode up the mountain. I was rewarded by a most glorious view of thesnows, one of the finest I have ever seen. Between me and them werefour or five ranges of lower hills, the deepest richest blueconceivable, and many of their valleys were filled with shining seasof rolling sunlit cloud. Against this foreground rose a quarter-circlesweep of the snows, wreathed and garlanded with cloud wracks here andthere, but for the most part silhouetted sharply in the morning sun. The grandest mass was in the centre: Nanda Devi, 25, 600, which is thehighest mountain in the Empire, and Trisoul, over 22, 000. There weresix or eight other peaks of over 20, 000 ft. 

I got back to the Hotel for breakfast, and from 9. 30 to 10. 45 weplayed tennis, and then changed hastily and went to Church for the WarAnniversary Service. The station turned out for this in unprecedentednumbers--churchgoing is not an Anglo-Indian habit--and there was noseat to be had, so I sat on the floor. The Bishop of Lucknow, Foss'suncle, preached. 

After the service I waylaid the Revd. Kirwan and found he was stayingwith the Bishop, who immediately asked us to lunch. So Purefoy and Iwent to lunch--Guy preferring to sail--and I extracted quite a lot ofuseful information from K. Incidentally the Bishop showed me a letterfrom Foss, who wrote from the apex of the Ypres salient. He isn'tenjoying it much, I'm afraid, but was quite well. 

When we left the Bishop, it was coming out so fine that we decided toride up and try again to see the snows. So up we rode, and the cloudeffects were lovely, both over the plains and among the mountains; butthey hid more than half the snows. 

We rode down again to Valino's, the nutty tea-shop here, where we hadreserved a table on the balcony. Guy was there before us and we satthere till nearly seven listening to the band. We got back to dinnerwhere Purefoy had secured one of his innumerable lightning friends todine with us, and adjourned to the Club for billiards afterwards:quite a full day. 

_Thursday: Government House. _--Another busy day. It was fine againthis morning, so we all three rode up to Snow View and got anabsolutely perfect view: the really big snows were clear andcloudless, while the lower slopes and hills and valleys were floodedwith broken seas of dazzling cloud. I put it second only to theDarjeeling view. 

After breakfast Purefoy and I came up and played golf. Guy took frightat the chance of being asked in to lunch here and went sailing again. A shower made us late in starting, and we only got through twelveholes, after many misfortunes. I ended dormy five. 

Lady M. Had been in bed ever since we left, but is up to-day, lookingrather ill still. 

To-night there is a dinner party. 

_Friday. _--The dinner party was uneventful. I sat next a Mrs. ----, one of the silliest females I ever struck. Her only noteworthy remarkwas that of course the Germans were well equipped for the War as theyhad been preparing for it for arcades and arcades. 

It is wet again to-day. No mail has arrived. I start for Agra afterlunch. I have had a delicious holiday. My address now will be:

"Attached 1/4 Hants Regt. , I. E. F. 'D, ' c/o India Office, S. W. "

and post a day early. 

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NAINI TAL CLUB. 

_August 4th, 1915. _

To N. B. 

I got a telegram on Sunday asking me to take out a draft to the 4thHants, in the Persian Gulf, so my address till further notice will be"I. E. F. 'D, ' c/o India Office, S. W. " I thought I should hate the ideaof going to the P. G. , but now that it's come along I'm getting ratherkeen on going. We have been kicking our heels so long while everyoneelse has been slaving away at the front, that one longs to be doingsomething tangible and active. The P. G. Is not exactly the spot onewould select for a pleasure trip: but on the other hand there islikely to be more to do there that is more in my line than the purelymilitary side of the business. The main trouble there is sickness andI'm sure a lot of it is preventible: and though in a battle I shouldbe sure to take the wrong turn and land my detachment in someimpossible place, I don't feel it so beyond me to remind them to boiltheir water and wear their helmets. 

I don't know when I'm off, having heard nothing but the bare telegram. They don't want me back in Agra till Saturday, so I shall almostfinish my full fortnight's leave. It has been heavenly here and thememory of it will be a joy for months to come. The forests arelovelier than ever: the ferns which clothe the trees are now fullgrown, and pale purple orchids spangle the undergrowth. Wild dahliasrun riot in every open bank, and the gardens are brilliant with liliesand cannas. 

It rained with drenching persistence for three days, but the last twohave been lovely. I got up early this morning, rode up a mountain andsaw the most superb view of the snows. The brown hills between me andthe snows had their valleys full of rolling white clouds, and theresult was a study in deepest blue and purest white, more wonderful Ithink than anything I've seen. 

The whole station turned out to the Anniversary Service to-day. It isdreadful to think that we've all been denying our Christianity for awhole year and are likely to go on doing so for another. How ourLord's heart must bleed for us! It appals me to think of it. 

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GOVERNMENT HOUSE, NAINI TAL. 

_August 5th, 1915. _

TO HIS FATHER. 

I have written all the news to Mamma this week. The chief item from mypoint of view is that, as I cabled to you, I am to take a draft fromour two Agra Double Coys. To reinforce the 4th Hants, who are now atNasiriya on the Euphrates. I got the wire asking me to do this onSunday, but have heard no details since (this is Thursday night), so Ipresume they know nothing more at Agra or the Major or Luly wouldsurely have written. 

On the other hand the Major wants me back in Agra by Saturday, so Isuppose I shall be starting some time next week, but unless I hearbefore posting this I can tell you nothing of the strength orcomposition of the draft or the date of sailing. 

Everyone insists on ([Greek: alpha]) congratulating me for going toa front and ([Greek: beta]) condoling that it is the P. G. I don'treally agree with either sentiment. I'm afraid I regard all war jobsas nasty, and the more warlike the nastier, but I do think one oughtto taste the same cup as all one's friends are drinking, and if I amto go to any front I would as soon go to the P. G. As anywhere. It willbe a new part of the world to me and very interesting. The only boreis being separated from the regiment. 

_Friday. _--I had a talk on Wednesday with a Chaplain just returnedfrom Basra, and he told me we're likely to stand fast now holding theline Nasiriya-Awaz (or some such place on the Tigris). An advance onBaghdad is impossible without two more divisions, because of thelength of communications. There is nothing to be gained by advancingto any intermediate point. The only reason we went as far as Nasiriyawas that it was the base of the army we beat at Shaiba, and they hadreformed there in sufficient strength to be worth attacking. This isnot thought likely to happen again, as the Dardanelles willincreasingly absorb all Turkey's resources. 

It seems to me that what is wanted here pre-eminently is thinkingahead. The moment the war stops unprecedented clamours will begin, andonly a Government which knows its aim and has thought out its methodcan deal with them. It seems to me, though my judgment is fearfullyhampered by my inability to get at any comprehensive statement of mostof the relevant facts, that the aim may be fairly simply defined, asthe training of India to self-government within the Empire, combinedwith its good administration in trust meanwhile. That gives you aclear criterion--India's welfare, not British interests, and fixes thelimit of the employment of Indians as the maximum consistent with goodgovernment. 

The _method_ is of course far more difficult and requires far moreknowledge of the facts than I possess. But I should set to work at iton these lines:--

1. Certain qualities need to be developed, responsibility, publicspirit, self-respect and so on. This should be aimed at (i) by our ownexample and teaching, (ii) by a drastic reform of higher education. 

2. The barbarisms of the masses must be attacked. This can only bedone by a scheme of universal education. 

3. The material level of civilisation should be raised. This meansagricultural and industrial development, in which technical educationwould play a large part. 

Therefore, your method may be summed up in two words, sympathy andeducation. The first is mainly, of course, a personal question. Therefore, preserve at all costs a high standard of _personnel_ forI. C. S. Try to get imaginative men at the top. Let all ranks understandfrom the outset the aim they have to work for, and let Indians knowit. Above all let every official act prove it, confidence is a plantof slow and tender growth here. Beware of phrases and western formulæ;probably the benevolent autocrat, whether English or Indian, willalways govern better than a committee or an assembly. 

The second--education--is a question of _£ s. D. _ The aim should be afar-sighted and comprehensive scheme. A great effort to get theadequate funds should be made and a scheme capable of ready expansionstarted. Reform of higher education will be very unpopular, but shouldbe firmly and thoroughly carried out; it ought not to cost much. Thebulk of the money at first should go to technical education and theencouragement of agriculture and industry. This will be remunerative, by increasing the country's wealth. Elementary education would have tobegin by supplying schools where asked for, at a certain rate. Fromthis they would aim at making it gradually universal, then free, thencompulsory. But that will be many years hence inevitably. 

I should work at a policy on these lines: announce it, invite Indianco-operation, and meanwhile deal very firmly with all forms ofdisorder. 

 * * * * *

AGRA. 

_August 12th, 1915. _

To R. K. 

This last list is almost more than I can bear. It is hardly possibleto think of poor dear Gilbert as killed. Do let me know how Foss isand how he gets on. Your letters are such a joy, and they give me newsI get from nobody else. 

I'm afraid my share in the correspondence may become even less thanbefore, as I shall henceforth be on more than nominally active serviceand under the eye of the censor. 

Luly is clamouring for lunch, which we eat at 11, and I shall have nopeace afterwards till the ship reaches a landlocked bit of Gulf: sogoodbye for the present. 

 * * * * *

"S. S. VARSOVA, "

BOMBAY. 

_August 16th, 1915. _

TO HIS MOTHER. 

I shall just have time to write you a line about our journey so far, and may be able to write to Papa later. 

They gave me a very nice farewell dinner on Friday at Agra. Raju cameand sat next me and it all went off very well. Almost the wholestation turned up. After dinner we sat outside, playing thegramophone, etc. Swift, seconded by Luly and Purefoy, made adetermined effort to make me tight by standing me drinks and secretlyinstructing the Khitmagar to make them extra strong; but I was notquite green enough for that and always managed to exchange drinks atthe last moment with the result that Swift got pretty tight and Ididn't. 

I sat in the bungalow talking to Purefoy till 2, and was up again at6. From 6 till 11 I was busy with seeing to things and hardly had amoment's peace. We paraded at 10. 45 and marched to the station, withthe Punjabis band leading us. It was excessively warm for marchingorders--96° in the shade--and the mile to the station was quiteenough. There was a great crowd on the platform and everyone was verynice and gave us a splendid send-off. I was too busy all the time tofeel at all depressed at leaving Luly and Purefoy, which I had ratherfeared I should. Partings are, I think, much more trying in theprospect than at the actual moment, because beforehand the partingfills one's imagination, whereas at the moment one's hopes of meetingagain come into active play. Anyway, I hadn't time to think much aboutit then, and I was already very sleepy. We started at 12. 5. 

At 1. 30 Sergt. Pragnell came running along to say that L/C. Burgess wastaken very bad; so I went along, with the Eurasian Assistant-Surgeon, who was travelling with us to Bombay. (These Eurasian A. -S. 's are farmore competent than the British R. A. M. C. Officers, in my experience. ) Wefound Burgess with all the symptoms of heat-stroke, delirium and redface and hot dry skin. A thermometer under his armpit, after half aminute, showed a temperature of 106°. So the A. S. Had all his clothesremoved and laid him on a bench in the draught and dabbled him gentlywith water all over from the water-bottles. Apparently in these casesthere are two dangers, either of which proves fatal if not counteracted:(1) the excessive temperature of the body. This rises very rapidly. Inanother half an hour it would have been 109°, and 110° is generallyfatal. This he reduced, by the sponging and evaporation, to about 100°in the course of an hour. But the delirium continued, because (2) theoriginal irritation sends a rush of blood to the head, causing acutecongestion, which if it continues produces apoplexy. To prevent this wewanted ice, and I had wired on to Gwalior for some, but that was threehours ahead. Luckily at about 3 we halted to let the mail pass, and arailway official suggested stopping it. This we did, I got some icewhich soon relieved the situation. But of course we couldn't take poorBurgess with us, so we wired for an ambulance to meet us at Jhansi, andput him ashore. 

Meanwhile at Gwalior a pleasant surprise was in store. We had "trainrations" on the usual measly Indian scale, but for tea on Saturday wewere to rely on tea provided by Scindia at Gwalior. Happily aMaharajah's ideas of tea are superior to a Quartermaster's, and thisis what we had for fifty men! Unlimited tea, with sugar, twenty-fivetinned cheeses, fifty tins of sausages and twenty-five 2lb. Tins ofMarie biscuits! This feed tinted the rest of the journey rose-colour. 

The only other incident was the loss by one of the men of hishaversack, which he dropped out of window. 

Yesterday, Sunday, was much cooler. When I woke at Bhopal it was only76° and it only got even as high as 89° for about half-an-hour. We raninto rain in the afternoon. 

We reached Bhusawal at 7 p. M. And had to wait four hours to be pickedup by the Nagpur mail. In the refreshment room I met a Terrier gunnerofficer who was P. M. C. Of the Mess at Barrackpore when we messed therein December. He was just back from a course at Mhow and had beenpositively told by the Staff Officers there that his and most other T. Batteries were to be sent back to Europe in a month's time: andmoreover that a whole division of Ts. Was going to the Persian Gulfand another to E. Africa. 

The air is full of such rumours. Here the Embarkation N. C. O. Says78, 000 K's have already sailed to relieve us. But the mere number ofthe rumours rather discredits them. And the fact of their using us fordrafts to P. G. Seems to show they don't intend moving the units. 

We left Bhusawal at midnight and arrived here at 9. 15 withoutincident. Bombay is its usual mild and steamy self, an unchanging 86°, which seemed hot in November, but quite decently cool now. 

This boat is, from the officers' point of view, far more attractivethan the "Ultonia. " Being a B. I. Boat it is properly equipped for thetropics and has good 1st class accommodation. She is about 6, 000 tons. The men are, I'm afraid, rather crowded. There will be 1, 000 on boardwhen complete. We pick up some at Karachi. We sail to-morrow morning. If not too sea-sick I will write to Papa and post it at Karachi. 

I am going out now to do a little shopping and get my hair cut, and Ishall post this in the town. 

P. S. --The whole country is deliciously green now, not a brown patchexcept the freshest ploughed pieces, and the rivers no longer beggarlytrickles in a waste of rubble, but pretty pastoral streams withluxuriant banks. 

 * * * * *

"S. S. VARSOVA, "

_August 21st_, 1915. 

To N. B. 

I don't know when I shall next get one of your letters. It will haveto follow me painfully round _via_ Agra. And if I post this at Basra, it will have to go back to Bombay before starting for England; thoughpeople here are already talking of the time when we shall havefinished the Baghdad Railway and letters come by rail from England toBasra in about 5 days. 

Meanwhile as I have no letters of your's to answer and no news todiscuss, I will try and give you an account of myself and my fiftyveterans since I last wrote. 

The fifty just form a platoon. You see, my retromotion goes on apace. A Company Commander from August to April, a Company Second in Commandfrom May to August, and now a platoon Commander. I shall find thestage of Sergeant harder still to live up to if it comes to that. 

Twenty-five are from 'D' Double Company; but only seven of these arefrom my own original lambs of 'F': because they wouldn't take anyoneunder twenty-three, and as I have mentioned before, I think, very fewof 'F' have qualified for pensions. As it is, two of the seven gavefalse ages. The other twenty-five are from a PortsmouthCompany--townees mostly, and to me less attractive than the villagegenius: but I daresay we shall get on all right. 

Our start wasn't altogether auspicious--in fact taking a draft acrossthe middle East is nearly as difficult to accomplish without loss astaking luggage across Scotland. We had a very good send-off, and allthat--concert, dinner, band, crowd on the platform and all the moralalcohol appropriate to such occasions. It was a week ago, to-day, whenwe left Agra, and Agra climate was in its top form, 96° in the shadeand stuffy at that. So you can imagine that it was not only ourspirits that were ardent after a mile's march to the station inmarching order at noon. An hour after the train had started one of mylance-corporals collapsed with heat-stroke. The first-aid treatment bythe Eurasian M. O. Travelling with us was a most instructive objectlesson. The great thing is to be in time. We were summoned within tenminutes of the man's being taken ill. His temperature was already106°: the M. O. Said that in another half-hour it would have been 109°and in an hour he would probably have been dead. We stripped himstark, laid him in the full draught, and sponged him so as to produceconstant evaporation: held up the Punjab mail and got 22lbs. Of ice toput under his head: and so pulled him round in less than two hours. Wehad to leave him at Jhansi though, and proceeded to Bombay forty-ninestrong. 

The ten-little-nigger-boy process continued at Bombay. We arrived onboard on Monday morning: and though orders were formally issued thatnobody was to leave the docks without a pass, no attempt was made toprevent the men spending the day in the town, which they all did. 

On the Tuesday morning the crew told the men we should not be sailingtill Wednesday: and accordingly a lot of them went shopping again. Butfor once in a way the ship actually sailed at the appointed time, 11a. M. On Tuesday, and five of my gallant band were left behind. Howeverthey were collected by the Embarkation Authorities, and together withtheir fellow-victims of nautical inaccuracy from the other drafts weresent up by special train to Karachi, where they rejoined us: the C. O. According them a most unsympathetic reception, and sentencing them all(rather superfluously) to Confinement to Barracks for the remainder ofthe voyage. 

There are no fewer than forty-one units on board this ship. They includedrafts from almost every Territorial Battalion in India, convalescentsrejoining the regular battalions already in Mesopotamia, and variousengineers and gunners. The ship is grossly overcrowded--1, 200 on boardan ordinary 6, 000 ton liner. The officers are very well off, though. Sheis a bran-new boat, built for this very run (in anticipation of theBaghdad Railway), with big airy cabins and all the latest improvementsin lights, fans and punkahs. There is nobody I know on board and thoughthey are quite a pleasant lot they don't call for special comment. TheC. O. Is a genial major of the Norfolks. He did some star turns the firsttwo days. There was a heavy monsoon swell on, and the boat rolled so, you could hardly stand up. However the Major, undaunted, paraded about ascore of men who had squeaked on to the ship after the roll-call atBombay. These were solemnly drawn up in a line as defaulters andmagisterially called to attention to receive judgment. On coming toattention they over-balanced with the regularity of ninepins in a row:and after three attempts the major had to harangue them standing(nominally) at ease. Even so, his admonition was rather impaired by hissuddenly sitting down on the deck, and having to leave rather hurriedlyfor his cabin before the peroration was complete. 

We are just going through the Straits of Ormuz now: we saw the coastof Persia on and off all to-day. We spent Thursday, by the bye, atKarachi, an awful hole it looks--treeless and waterless and very muchthe modern port. It reminds one strongly of Port Said, though not_quite_ so repulsive: and there is a touch of Suez thrown in. 

So far it has been quite cool, 84 to 86°: but we shall be beyond thecloud-zone to-morrow and right inside the Gulf, so I expect it willget hot now. 

We expect to reach Basra on Tuesday evening. After that our movementsare wholly unknown to us. 

The casualty lists just before we left were so dreadful that I amrather dreading the moment when we see the next batch. 

 * * * * *

"H. M. S. VARSOVA, "OFF FARS IS. 

_August_ 22, 1915. 

To R. K. 

It is too warm to be facetious, and I have no letter of yours toanswer: so you will have to put up with a bald narrative of our doingssince I last wrote. 

They gave us various binges at Agra before we left. A concerted effortto make me tight failed completely: in fact of the plotters it couldbe said that in the same bet that they made privily were their feettaken. 

We left on Saturday, 15th: fifty rank and file and myself. One had aheat-stroke almost as soon as the train had started (result ofmarching to the station at noon in marching order and a temperature of96°) and we had an exciting hour in keeping his temperature below 109°till we met the mail and could get some ice. We succeeded all rightand sent him safely to hospital at Jhansi. The rest of the journey wascooler and uneventful. 

We reached Bombay at 9. 15 a. M. On Monday, and went straight on board. The ship did not sail till next day and when it did they contrived toleave thirty-two men behind, including five of mine. 

This is a new and pleasant boat, almost 6, 000 tons and fitted up withevery contrivance for mitigating heat. But there are far too manypersons on board: nearly 1, 200: and as they simply can't breathebetween decks, the decks are as crowded as a pilgrim ship's. There areover forty units represented: including drafts from about twenty-eightT. F. Battalions. 

We had the devil of a swell the first two days, though luckily we hitoff a break in the monsoon. Anyway, Mothersibb preserved me fromsea-sickness: but in every other respect I felt extremely unwell. Wereached Karachi on the Thursday morning and stayed there all day. Itis a vile spot, combining the architectural features of a dock withthe natural amenities of a desert. The only decent spot was a Zoo andeven that had a generally super-heated air. 

The thirty-two lost sheep turned up at Karachi, having been forwardedby special train from Bombay. No fatted calf was killed for them: infact they all got fourteen days C. B. And three days pay forfeited;though, as Dr. Johnson observed, the sea renders the C. B. Part ratherotiose. 

All Friday we coasted along Baluchistan and Persia. It is surprisinghow big a country Persia is: it began on Friday and goes right up intoEurope. On Saturday we reached the Straits of Ormuz and to-day(Sunday) we are well inside the Gulf, as the mention of Fars doubtlessconveyed to you. 

It is getting pronouncedly hotter every hour. It was a quarter to onewhen I began this letter and is now half-past twelve, which is thekind of thing that is continually happening. Anyway the bugle forlunch has just gone, and it is 96° in my cabin. I have spent themorning in alternate bouts of bridge and Illingworth on DivineImmanence: I won Rs three at the former: but I feel my brain is hardlycapable of further coherent composition until nourishment has beentaken. So goodbye for the present. It will take ages for this to reachyou. 

 * * * * *

"P. S. S. KARADENIZ, "BASRA. 

_Friday, August 27th_, 1915. 

TO HIS MOTHER. 

I wrote to Papa from just outside the bar, which is a mud-bank acrossthe head of the Gulf, about seventeen miles outside Fao. We anchoredthere to await high tide, and crossed on Tuesday morning. 

Fao is about as unimpressive a place as I've seen. The river is over amile wide there, but the place is absolutely featureless. In fact allthe way up it is the same. The surrounding country is as flush withthe river as if it had been planed down to it. On either side runs abelt of date palms about half a mile wide, but these are seldom worthlooking at, being mostly low and shrubby, like an overgrown marketgarden. 

Beyond that was howling desert, not even picturesquely sandy, but adried up marsh overblown with dust, like the foreshore of a third-rateport. The only relief to the landscape was when we passed tributariesand creeks, each palm-fringed like the river. Otherwise the onlynotable sights were the Anglo Persian Oil Works, which cover over ahundred acres and raised an interesting question of comparativeugliness with man and nature in competition, and a large steamer sunkby the Turks to block the channel and, needless to add, not blockingit. 

There was a stiff, warm wind off the desert, hazing the air with dustand my cabin temperature was 100°. Altogether it was rather adepressing entrée, since amply atoned for so far as Nature isconcerned. 

We reached Basra about 2 p. M. And anchored in midstream, the riverbeing eight hundred yards or so wide here. The city of Basra is aboutthree miles away, up a creek, but on the river there is a port andnative town called Ashar. 

The scene on the river is most attractive, especially at sunrise andsunset. The banks rise about ten feet from the water: the date palmsare large and columnar; and since there is a whole series of creeks, parallel and intersecting--they are the highways and byeways of theplace--the whole area is afforested and the wharves and bazaars areembowered in date groves. The river front and the main creeks arecrowded with picturesque craft, the two main types being a large highprowed barge, just what I picture to have taken King Arthur at hisPassing, but here put to the prosaic uses of heavy transport andcalled a mahila; and a long darting craft which can be paddled orpunted and combines the speed of a canoe with the grace of a gondolaand is called, though why I can't conceive, a bhellum. Some of thebarges are masted and carry a huge and lovely sail, but the ones inuse for I. E. F. D. Are propelled by little tugs attached to their sidesand quite invisible from beyond, so that the speeding barges seemmagically self-moving. 

Ashore one wanders along raised dykes through a seemingly endlessforest of pillared date palms, among which pools and creeks addgreatly to the beauty, though an eyesore to the hygienist. The datecrop is just ripe and ripening, and the golden clusters are immenseand must yield a great many hundred dates to the tree. When onereaches the native city the streets are unmistakably un-Indian, andstrongly reminiscent of the bazaar scene in Kismet. This is especiallytrue of the main bazaar, which is a winding arcade half a mile long, roofed and lined with shops, thronged with men. One sees far fewerwomen than in India, and those mostly veiled and in black, while themen wear long robes and cloakes and scarves on their heads bound withcoils of wool worn garland-wise, as one sees in Biblical pictures. They seem friendly, or rather wholly indifferent to one, and I felt attimes I might be invisible and watching an Arabian Nights' story forall the notice they took of me. By the way, I want you to send me aportable edition of the Arabian Nights as my next book, please. 

But the most fascinating sight of all is Ashar Creek, the mainthoroughfare, as crowded with boats as Henley at a regatta. The creekruns between brick embankments, on which stand a series of Arabiancafes, thronged with conversational slow moving men who sit theresmoking and drinking coffee by the thousand. 

It is a wonderful picture from the wooden bridge with the minaret of amosque and the tops of the tallest date palms for a background. 

So much for Ashar: I've not seen Basra city yet. We're here tillSunday probably, awaiting our river boats. There were not enoughavailable to take us all up on Wednesday, so those who are for thefront line went first. They have gone to a spot beyond Amara, two-thirds of the way to Kut-al-Amara, which is where the Shatt-al-Haijoins the Tigris. The Shatt-al-Hai is a stream running from the Tigrisat K-al-A to the Euphrates at Nasria, and that line is our objective. There is likely to be a stiff fight for the K-al-A, they say, ratherto my surprise. But the 4th Hants has been moved to Amara and put online of communication for the present; so our thirst for bloodshed isnot likely to be gratified. 

We have moved across to this ship while awaiting our river boat. Theyuse ships here as barracks and hotels, very sensibly seeing that thereare none fit for habitation on land; while being about 400 yards fromeither bank we are practically free from mosquitoes. But thisparticular ship is decidedly less desirable for residential purposesthan the Varsova. It was originally a German boat and was sold to theTurks to be used for a pilgrim ship to Mecca; and I can only concludeeither that the Turkish ideas of comfort are very different to ours orthat the pilgrimage has a marked element of asceticism. 

But I am quite ready to put up with the amenities of a Turkish pilgrimship. What does try me is the murderous folly of military authorities. They wouldn't let us take our spine-pads from Agra, because we shouldbe issued with them here. They have none here and have no idea whenthey will get any. Incidentally, no one was expecting our arrivalhere, least of all the 4th Hants. Everyone says a spine-pad is anecessary precaution here, so I am having fifty made and shall try andmake the Colonel pay for them. Every sensible Colonel made his draftstick to theirs; but our's wouldn't let us take them, because Noahnever wore one. 

To continue the chapter of incredible muddles; the 780 who went off onWednesday were embarked on their river-boat--packed like herrings--at9 a. M. And never got started till 4 p. M. A bright performance, butnothing to our little move. This boat is 600 yards from the Varsova, and they had every hour in the twenty-four to choose from for themove. First they selected 2 p. M. Wednesday as an appropriate hour! Itwas 100° in the shade by 1 p. M. , so the prospect was not alluring. At1. 30 the order was washed out and for the rest of the day no furtherorders could be got for love or money. 

We were still in suspense yesterday morning, till at 8. 30--just aboutthe latest time for completing a morning movement--two huge bargesappeared with orders to embark on them at 10! Not only that, butalthough there are scores of straw-roofed barges about, these two wereas open as row boats, and in fact exactly like giant row boats. Tocomplete the first situation, the S. And S. Had not been apprised ofthe postponement, and so there was no food for the men on board. Consequently they had to load kits, etc. , and embark on emptystomachs. 

Well, hungry but punctual, we embarked at 10 a. M. It was 102° in mycabin, so you can imagine what the heat and glare of 150 men in anopen barge was. Having got us into this enviable receptacle, theyproceeded to think of all the delaying little trifles which might havebeen thought of any time that morning. One way and another theymanaged to waste three-quarters of an hour before we started. Thejourney took six minutes or so. Getting alongside this ship tookanother half hour, the delay mainly due to Arab incompetence thistime. Then came disembarking, unloading kits and all the odd jobs ofmoving units--which all had to be done in a furnace-like heat by menwho had had no food for twenty hours. To crown it all, the people onboard here had assumed we should breakfast before starting and not ascrap of food was ready. The poor men finally got some food at 2 p. M. After a twenty-two hours fast and three hours herded or working in atemperature of about 140°. Nobody could complain of such an ordeal ifwe'd been defending Lucknow or attacking Shaiba, but to put such astrain on the men's health--newly arrived and with no pads or glassesor shades--gratuitously and merely by dint of sheer hard muddling--isinfuriating to me and criminal in the authorities--a series ofscatter-brained nincompoops about fit to look after a cocker-spanielbetween them. 

Considering what they went through, I think our draft came off lightlywith three cases of heat-stroke. Luckily the object lesson in the trainand my sermons thereon have borne fruit, and the men acted promptlyand sensibly as soon as the patients got bad. Two began to feel ill onthe barge and the third became delirious quite suddenly a few minutesafter we got on board here. When I arrived on the scene they hadalready got him stripped and soused, though in the stuffy 'tweendecks. I got him up on deck (it was stuffy enough there) and we gotice, and thanks to their promptness, he was only violent for about aquarter of an hour and by the time my kit was reachable and I couldget my thermometer, an hour or so later, he was normal. There was noM. O. On board, except a grotesque fat old Turk physician to theTurkish prisoners, whose diagnosis was in Arabic and whose sole ideaof treatment was to continue feeling the patient's pulse (which he didby holding his left foot) till we made him stop. 

The other two were gradual cases and being watered and iced in timenever became delirious; so we may get off without any permanentcasualties; but they have taken a most useful corporal and one privateto hospital, which almost certainly means leaving them behind onSunday. 

The other men were all pretty tired out and I think it does credit totheir constitutions they stood it so well. 

I, having my private spine-pad and glasses, was comparativelycomfortable, also I had had breakfast and didn't have to shift kits oreven my own luggage. I don't dislike even extreme heat nearly as muchas quite moderate cold. 

I gather it doesn't get so cold here as I thought. 37° is the lowesttemperature I've heard vouched for. 

I haven't time nowadays to write many letters, so I'm afraid you mustask kind aunts, etc. , to be content with parts of this; I hope_they'll_ go on writing to _me_ though. 

 * * * * *

"P. S. S. KARA DEUIZ, "BASRA, To N. B. _August 29, 1915. _

I hope you will be indulgent if I write less regularly now: and byindulgent I mean that you will go on writing to me, as I do enjoy yourletters so much. I expect I shall have slack times when there will beplenty of leisure to write: but at others we are likely to be busy, and you never can be sure of having the necessary facilities. Andpersonally I find my epistolary faculties collapse at about 100° inthe shade. I wrote quite happily this morning till it got hot; andonly now (4. 45) have I found it possible to resume. We get it 102 to104° every day from about noon to four, and it oppresses one much morethan at Agra as there is no escaping from it and flies are plentiful:but about now a nice breeze springs up, and the evenings are fairlypleasant. I thought we were leaving for Amarah to-day, so I told Mamamy letter to her would have to do all-round duty, which is mean, Iadmit, but I had no day off till to-day. 

Not that I've been really busy, but I've been out a lot, partlygetting things and partly seeing the place. 

I've just heard I must go ashore with another sick man immediatelyafter evening service (the Bishop of Lahore is coming on board), so Ishall have to cut this measly screed very short. We load kits on ourriver-boat at 7 a. M. To-morrow and start sometime afterwards forAmarah. My letter to Mama will give you such news as there is. Sincewriting it I've seen Basra city, which is disappointing, lesspicturesque than Ashar: also the Base Hospital, which strikes me veryfavourably, the first military hospital that has: Dum Dum wasn't bad. 

We have a lot of Turkish prisoners on board here, and the Governmentis trying the experiment of letting them out on parole and paying themRs 10/- a week so long as they report themselves. It is a questionwhether the result will be to cause the whole Turkish army tosurrender, or whether their desire to prolong the war will make thereleased ones keep their parole a secret. I daresay it will end in acompromise, half the army to surrender and the other half to receiveRs 5/- a week from the surrendered ones to fight on to the bitter end. 

I must go and dress for Church parade. 

 * * * * *

To P. C. , _September, 1915. _

"I believe that if I could choose a day of heavy fighting of any kindI liked for my draft, I should choose to spend a day in trenches, under heavy fire without being able to return it. The fine things ofwar spring from your chance of being killed: the ugly things from yourchance of killing. "

 * * * * *

_September, 1915. _

TO THE SAME. 

"I wonder how long H---- 's 'delirious joy' at going to the front willlast. Those who have seen a campaign here are all thoroughlyconverted to my view of fronts. I can't imagine a keener soldier thanF----, and even he says he doesn't care if he never sees another Turk, and as to France, you might as well say, 'Hurrah, I'm off to Hell. 'Pat M---- goes as far as to say that no sane fellow ever has beenbucked at going to the front, as distinguished from being anxious todo his duty by going there. But I don't agree with him. Did you seeabout the case of a Captain in the Sikhs, who deserted from Peshawar, went to England, enlisted as a private under an assumed name, and waskilled in Flanders? The psychology of that man would be veryinteresting to analyse. It can't have been sense of duty, because heknew he was flagrantly violating his duty. Nor can you explain it bysome higher call of duty than his duty as a Sikh Officer, like theduty which makes martyrs disobey emperors. It must have been just theprimitive passion for a fight. But if it _was_ that, to indulge it wasa bad, weak and vicious thing to do. Yet it clearly wasn't a selfishthing to do: on the contrary, it was heroic. He deliberatelysacrificed his rank, pay, and prospects and exposed himself to greatdanger. Still, as far as I can see, he only did it because his passionfor fighting was stronger than every other consideration, andtherefore he seems to me to be morally in the same class as the manwho runs away with his neighbour's wife, or any other victim of strong(and largely noble) passions. And I believe that the people who saythey are longing to be at the front can be divided into three classes(1) those who merely say so because it is the right thing to say, andhave never thought or wished about it on their own. (2) Those whodeliberately desire to drink the bitterest cup that they can find inthese times of trouble. These men _are_ heroes, and are the men who inpeace choose a mission to lepers. (3) The savages, who want to indulgetheir primitive passions. Perhaps one ought to add as the largestclass (4) those who don't imagine what it is like, who think it willbe exciting, seeing life, an experience, and so on, and don't think ofits reality or meaning at all. "

 * * * * *

AMARA. _Thursday, September 2nd, 1915. _

TO HIS MOTHER. 

I only had time to scrawl a short note last night before the mailwent. But I wrote to Papa the day before we left Basra. 

Our embarkation was much more sensibly managed this time, a CaptainForrest of the Oxfords being O. C. Troops, and having some sense, though the brass hats again fixed 10 a. M. As the hour. However he gotall our kits on the barge at 7 and then let the men rest on the bigship till the time came. Moreover the barge was covered. We embarkedon it at 9. 30 and were towed along to the river steamer "Malamir, " towhich we transferred our stuff without difficulty as its lower deckwas nearly level with the barge. The only floater was that my newbearer (who is, I fear, an idiot) succeeded in dropping my heavy kitbag into the river, where it vanished like a stone. Fortunately thatkind of thing doesn't worry me much; but while I was looking for anArab diver to fish for it it suddenly re-appeared the other side ofthe boat, and was retrieved. 

These river boats are flat-bottomed and only draw six feet. They havetwo decks and an awning, and there was just room for our 200 men tolie about. Altogether there were on board--in the order of the amountof room they took up--two brass hats, 220 men (four Hants drafts andsome odds and ends), a dozen officers, four horses and a dozen nativeservants and a crew. 

Altogether I had to leave four sick men at Basra, all due more or lessto that barge episode, and I have still two sickish on my hands, whiletwo have recovered. 

There was a strong head-wind and current so we only made about four orfive knots an hour. The river is full of mud banks, and the channelwinds to and fro in an unexpected manner, so that one can only move bydaylight and then often only by constant sounding. Consequently, starting at noon on Monday, it took us till 5 p. M. Wednesday to do the130 miles. It is much less for a crow, but the river winds so, thatone can quite believe Herodotus's yarn of the place where you pass thesame village on three consecutive days. Up to Kurna, which we reachedat 7 a. M. Tuesday, the river is about 500 yards to 300 yards broad, and the country mainly poor, bare, flat pasture; the date fringediminishing and in places altogether disappearing for miles together. At the water's edge, as it recedes, patches of millet had been andwere being planted. The river is falling rapidly and navigationbecomes more difficult every week. 

Kurna is aesthetically disappointing. The junction of the rivers isunimpressive, and the place itself a mere quayside and row of mudhouses among thin and measly palms. It is of course the traditionalsite of Eden. 

Above Kurna the river is not only halved in width, as one wouldexpect, but narrows rapidly. Most of the day it was only a hundredyards wide and by evening only 60; and of the sixty only a narrowchannel is navigable and that has a deep strong current which makesthe handling of the boat very difficult. 

In the afternoon we passed Ezra's Tomb, which has a beautiful dome ofblue tiles, which in India one would date Seventeenth Century. Otherwise it looked rather "kachcha" and out of repair, but it makesan extremely picturesque group, having two clumps of palms on eitherside of an otherwise open stretch of river. 

Soon afterwards we came to a large Bedouin Village, or rather camp, running up a little creek and covering quite fifteen acres. They can'thave been there long, as the whole area was under water two monthsago. Their dwellings are made of reeds, a framework of stiff andpliant reeds and a covering of reed-matting; the whole being like thecover of a van stuck into the ground and one end closed; but smaller, about 5ft. × 4ft. × 7ft. There were about 100 of these and I shouldput the population at 700. 

A whole crowd of boys and some men came out and ran along with us, anddived in for anything we threw overboard. They swam like ducks ofcourse. All the boys and most of the men were quite naked, which is athing you never see in India. Any boy over twelve there has aloin-cloth. There seemed to be very few men about: a lot of womencame to the doors of their huts. They made no attempt to veil theirfaces, which even the beggar women in Basra did. Only one girl and onewoman ran with the boat; the girl dived with the best; the woman wasdressed and her function was to carry the spoils. Incidentally our mendiscovered a better use for their ration biscuits than attempting toeat them. They made excellent ducks and drakes on the water and theswimmers were quite keen on them. I must say they tasted rather mustybesides being very hard, but I think the men chiefly objected to avery small brown beetle which was abundant in them. 

When the sun got low we tied up to the bank for twenty minutes and agood many of the men had a bathe; but owing to the current we had tomake them keep within a yard or two of the bank. 

Next morning, Wednesday, a half-gale was blowing against us andprogress was slower than ever. The river got wider again, nearly 200yards in places, and the wind lashed it into waves. It was a greatbore, because you couldn't put anything down for a second. Also threedays confined to a minute deck-space made me rather bilious. 

In the afternoon the wind blew us ashore when we were in sight ofAmara, and it took nearly half an hour to get us off again. Finally, we arrived here about 5 p. M. 

This is a town of about 10, 000 inhabitants, on the left bank of theTigris. On the river front is a quay about a mile long, and an equallylong row of continental-looking houses. It almost reminds one ofDieppe at moments. The river is about 150 yards wide, and on the otherside there are hardly any houses, just a narrow fringe of dates andsome fields. All the inhabitants of the river-front have been turnedout and it is occupied with offices, stores, hospitals and billets. Weoccupy a block of four houses, which have a common courtyard behindthem, a great cloistered yard, which makes an admirable billet for themen. 

We officers live in two of the houses, the third is Orderly Room, etc. , and the fourth is used by some Native Regiment Officers. Thereis no furniture whatever, so it is like camping with a house for atent. We sleep on the roof and live on the verandahs of the littleinner courts. It is decidedly cooler than Basra, and last night Iwanted a blanket before dawn for the first time since April (excludingthe Hills, of course). In my room now (2. 45 p. M. ) it is 96° but thereis plenty of breeze about. 

It seems to be just a chance when the mail goes out: I hope to writeto Papa later on in the week and give him the news of this place andthe regiment. If I spell names of places without a capital letter itwill be for an obvious reason. Also note that the place which ismarked on the map Kut-al-Amara is always referred to here as Kut. 

_P. S_. --In regard to what you say about the ducks, I'm told that tealare common in Turkey and snipe in Arabia, but not so common as mallardin England or pintail in India. The bitterns here boom just like guns. 

 * * * * *

ATT. 1/4 HANTS, I. E. F. "D, "C/o INDIA OFFICE, S. W. 

AMARAH, _September 4th_, 1915. 

To R. K. 

Yours from Albemarle Street reached me just before we left Basra. Itgave me the first news of Charles Lister's second wound. We get almostno news here. Potted _Reuter_ is circulated most days, but each unitmay only keep it half an hour, so its two to one against one's seeingit. My only resource is the _Times_ which laboriously dogs my stepsfrom England: but it has already been pinched en route four times, soI can't rely on seeing even that: therefore in the matter ofcasualties, please be as informative as you can, regardless oforiginality. 

As I told you in my last letter that I was going to Nasiriyah, itwon't surprise you to find I've got here instead. We reached Basra (itwould be much nicer to spell it Bassorah, but I can't be bothered to)on the feast of St. Bartholomew, which the Military call 24/8/15. Considering what places are like out here, B. Is wonderfullyattractive and picturesque. At least Ashar is, which is the port;Beroea: Corinth:: Ashar: Basra. To begin with it stands between sixand eight feet above the river level, an almost unique eminence. Thenlots of major and minor creeks branch out from the river and from themain streets. All round and in every unbuilt on space are endlessgroves of date palms, with masses of yellow dates. The creeks areembanked with brick and lined with popular café's where incrediblenumbers of Arabs squat and eat or drink huggas and hacshish and thelike. The creeks and river swarm with bhellums and mahilas. A bhellumis a cross between a gondola and a Canada canoe: and a mahila is abarge like the ones used by King Arthur, Elaine or the Lady ofShallott: and its course and destination are generally equally vague. 

We stayed six days at B. Mainly on a captured Turkish pilgrim ship. Isuggest a Turkish pilgrimage as a suitable outlet for the ascetictendencies of your more earnest spikelets. It was hot, but nothingfabulous. My faithful thermometer never got beyond 104 in my cabin. Thedisadvantage of any temperature over 100 indoors is that the fan makesyou hotter instead of cooler. There are only two ways of dealing withthis difficulty. One is to drink assiduously and keep an evaporationbath automatically going: but on this ship the drinks used to give outabout 4 p. M. And when it comes to neat Tigris-cum-Euphrates, I prefer itapplied externally. So I used to undress at intervals and sponge allover and then stand in front of the fan. While you're wet it'sdeliciously cool: as soon as you feel the draught getting warm, youdress again and carry on. This plan can't be done here as there are nofans. I suppose you realised that Austen Chamberlain was only indulginghis irrepressible sense of humour when he announced in the H. Of C. Thatin Mesopotamia "The health of troops has on the whole been good. Ice andfans are installed wherever possible, " _i. E. _ nowhere beyond Basra. Thehot weather sickness casualties have been just over 30% of the totalforce: but as they were nearly all heat-stroke and malaria, it ought tobe much better now. Already the nights are cool enough for a blanket tobe needed just before dawn. Of course they run up the sick list byinsane folly. When we moved to our Turkish ship there was every hour ofthe day or night to choose from to do it in, and plenty of coveredbarges to do it in. So they selected 10 a. M. , put 150 men into an openbarge, gave them no breakfast, and left them in the barge two hours tomove them 600 yards, and an hour unloading baggage afterwards! Result, out of my forty-nine, three heat-strokes on the spot, and four more sickthe next day. 

We left Basra on the 30th. It took us two-and-a-half days to do the130 miles up here, against a strong wind and current. The Regiment hasmoved here from Nasiriyah. This place is 130 miles North of Basra and120 South of Kut-el-Amarah (always known as Kut). As to our movements, the only kind of information I can give you would be something likethis. There are fifteen thousand blanks, according to trustworthyreports, at blank. We have blank brigades and our troops are blankingat blank which is two-thirds of the way from here to blank; and Ithink our intention is to blank with all our three blanks as soon aspossible, but this blank is remaining on lines of communications herefor the present. Not very interesting is it? So I won't reel off anymore. 

From the little scraps of news that have come through, it looks as ifthe Balkans were going to be the centre of excitement. If Bulgaria hasagreed to let the Germans through as I suspect she has, I'd bet onboth Greece and Roumania joining the Allies. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_September 4th_, 1915. 

TO HIS FATHER. 

We get hardly any news up here, so please kindly continue yourfunction of war correspondent whenever you have time, and especiallymention any casualties which affect me. 

One of the few bits of news which have reached us is a report of aspeech of yours in which you mention that Milner's Committeerecommended the Government to guarantee 45s. A year for four years, but the Government wouldn't. Reuter deduces from this that we havefound a way of keeping the whip hand of submarines: but it looks to memuch more like Free Trade shibboleths + the fact that there hasalready been a 30% increase in the area under wheat. I hope you willhave written me something about this. 

Now for the military news. This battalion, when we arrived here, wasnominally nearly 300 strong, but actually it could hardly have paraded100. This reduction is nearly all due to sickness. The deaths from allcauses only total between forty and fifty, out of the original 800:and of these about twenty-five, I think, were killed in action. Butthere has been an enormous amount of sickness during the hot weather, four-fifths of which has been heat-stroke and malaria. There have beena few cases of enteric and a certain number of dysentery; but next toheat and malaria more men have been knocked out by sores and boilsthan by any disease. It takes ages for the smallest sore to heal. 

Of the original thirty officers, eight are left here, Major Stillwell, who is C. O. , one Captain, Page-Roberts, a particularly nice fellow, and five subalterns, named Harris, Forbes, Burrell, Bucknill andChitty: (Chitty is in hospital): and Jones, the M. O. , also a very niceman and a pretty good M. O. Too. The new Adjutant is a Captain from 2ndNorfolks named Floyd: he is also nice and seems good: was onWillingdon's staff and knows Jimmy. 

In honour of our arrival, they have adopted Double Company system. Iam posted to "A" Double Company, of which the Company Commander andonly other officer is Harris, aet. 19. So I am second in command andfour platoon commanders at once, besides having charge of themachine-guns (not that I am ever to parade with them) while Chitty issick. It sounds a lot, but with next to no men about, the work islessened. On paper, "A" D. C was seventy-two strong, which, with myfifty, makes 122: but in fact, of these 122, twenty-five are sick andsixteen detached permanently for duties at headquarters and so on, leaving eighty-one. And these eighty-one are being daily more and moreabsorbed into fatigues of various kinds and less and less availablefor parade. In a day or two we shall be the only English battalionremaining here, so that all the duties which can't be entrusted toIndian troops will fall on us. 

I haven't had time to observe the birds here very much yet, but theyseem interesting, especially the water-birds. With regard to what Iwrote to Mamma about the teal, people who have been up the river saythey saw a very big flock of them at Kut. There were a lot of snipewith them and about twenty bitterns, which surprises me. And abouteighty miles north of here there is a mud flat where great numbers ofmallards are assembling for migration northwards: and there are morebitterns there than there are higher up even. These flocks about theequinoxes are very curious. I expect the mallards will migratenorthwards, and the teal soon afterwards will become very scarce, butI hope the bitterns will stay where they are. The snipe are lessinteresting: they move about all over the place, wherever they canpick up most food. These people put the size of the flock of teal at ahundred and fifty and the mallards at five hundred, but you should, Ithink, multiply the first by a hundred and the second only by ten. 

I got Mamma's letter via the India Office just after we got here. Iquite agree with her view of war, though I must admit the officers of1/4 Hants seem to me improved by it. While sitting on that courtmartial at Agra I expressed my view in a sonnet which I append, foryou to show to Mamma:

 How long, O Lord, how long, before the flood Of crimson-welling carnage shall abate? From sodden plains in West and East the blood Of kindly men streams up in mists of hate Polluting Thy clear air: and nations great In reputation of the arts that bind The world with hopes of Heaven, sink to the state Of brute barbarians, whose ferocious mind Gloats o'er the bloody havoc of their kind, Not knowing love or mercy. Lord, how long Shall Satan in high places lead the blind To battle for the passions of the strong? Oh, touch thy children's hearts, that they may know Hate their most hateful, pride their deadliest foe. 

I must stop now, as a mail is going out and one never knows when thenext will be. 

 * * * * *

NORFOLK HOUSE. AMARAH, _September 13th_, 1915. 

TO HIS FATHER. 

As I have written the news to Mamma this week I will tell you what Igather of the campaign and country generally. 

There's no doubt that old Townshend, the G. O. C. , means to push on toBaghdad "ekdum"; and if the Foreign Office stops him there will behuge indignâ. It seems to me that the F. O. Should have made itselfquite explicit on the point, one way or the other months ago: to pullup your general in full career is exasperating to him and verywasteful, as he has accumulated six months' supplies for an army of16, 000 up here, which will have to be mostly shipped back if he ispulled up at Kut. The soldiers all say the F. O. Played the same trickon Barratt in the cold weather. They let him get to Qurnah, and hewanted and prepared to push on here and to Nasiryah, which were thenthe Turkish bases. But the F. O. Stopped him and consequently the Turkscould resume the offensive, and nearly beat us at Shaibah. The_political_ people say that the soldiers had only themselves to thankthey were nearly beaten at Shaibah. They were warned in December thatthe whole area between Sh. And Basrah would be flooded later on, andwere urged either to dig a canal or build a causeway; but theypooh-poohed it: and consequently all supplies and ammunition atShaibah had to be carried across 8 miles of marsh, 4ft. To 1in. Deep. 

As for the country, it is said to be very fertile wherever properlyirrigated. At present the water is distributed about as badly as itcould be. The annual rise of the river makes vast feverish swamps, and the rest of the country is waterless. Any stray Bedouin tribe thatfeels like growing a crop can go and cut a hole in the bank andirrigate a patch for one season and then leave it; and these cuts formnew channels which as often as not lose themselves in a swamp. Meanwhile this haphazard draining off of the water is seriouslyimpairing the main streams, especially that of the Euphrates, which isnow almost unnavigable in the low water season. To develop the countrytherefore means (1) a comprehensive irrigation and drainage scheme. Willcock's scheme I believe is only for irrigation. I don't know howmuch the extreme flatness of the country would hamper such a scheme. Here we are 200 miles by river from the sea and only 28ft. Abovesea-level. It follows (2) that we must control the country and thenomad tribes from the highest _barrage_ continuously down to the sea. (3) We must have security that the Turks don't interfere with therivers above our barrage, or even neglect the river banks. 

All this seems to me to point to a repetition of our Egyptianexperience. We shall be drawn, whether we like it or not, into avirtual protectorate at least as far up as the line Kut-Nasiryah, along the Shatt-al-Hai, and that will have to extend laterally on theeast to the Persian frontier and on the west to the Arabian tableland. I don't see how we can hope to get off with less: and that being so, Ibelieve it would be better to take on the whole at once. North of theShatt-al-Hai line (_i. E_. Kut-Nasiryah) it would be very exhausting togo, and very awkward politically, as you soon get among the holyplaces of the Shiahs, especially Karbala, which is their Mecca. Butit's no use blinking the fact that a river is a continuous whole, andexperience shows that the power which controls the mouth is sooner orlater forced to climb to its source, especially when its up-streamneighbours are hostile and not civilised. And what power ofGovernment will be left to Turkey after the war? It looks as if shewill be as bankrupt, both financially and politically, as Persia; andI see no real hope of avoiding a partition à la Persia into Britishand Russian spheres of interest. In that case it seems to me theBritish sphere should go to the Shatt-al-Hai, and the Russian beginwhere the plain ends, or at any rate north of Mosul. Are you atliberty to tell me whether there is already an understanding withRussia about this country, and if so how far it goes?

As for the climate, I don't think it is any worse than the plains ofIndia. When it is properly drained the fever will be much less: andunder peace conditions the water can be properly purified and the heatdealt with. The obvious port is Basra; it is said that the bar outsideFao could easily be dredged to 26ft. The only other really goodharbour is Koweit, I gather: but our game is to support theindependence of K. : make it the railway terminus, but by using Basrayou make your rail-freight as low as possible and have your commercialport where you can directly control matters. 

I wish they would get a move on in the Dardanelles. It seems to meGermany is running a fearful risk by committing herself so deeply intothe interior of Russia at this time of year. The only explanation Ican find is that at each rush she has been much nearer to cutting offa Russian army than has transpired and so is tempted on: nearerperhaps than the Russians ever intended, which may be the reason ofthe Grand Duke's removal to the Caucasus. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_September 11th_. 

TO HIS MOTHER. 

For the men, newspapers would be as welcome as anything. I think Papamight divert those weekly papers from Agra here, as they get a largesupply in the Regimental Reading Room at Agra. 

What strikes me about the 1/4th is that they are played out. They'veno vitality left in them. Out of about 300 men there are seventy sick, mostly with trifling stomach or feverish attacks or sores, which arobust man would get over in two days; but it takes them a fortnight, and then a week or two afterwards they crock up again. One notices thesame in their manner. They are listless and when off duty just lieabout. When I see men bathing or larking it is generally some of ourdrafts. I hope the cold weather will brace them up a bit. I do wish Ihad more gifts in the entertaining line, though of course there arevery few men left to entertain when you've allowed for all our guardsand the men just off guard. 

 * * * * *

The house is two-storeyed, with thick brick walls, built round an openwell-like court. There is a broad verandah all round the court, on towhich every room opens. There is also a balcony on the W. Sideoverlooking the river. We sleep on the roof a. P. U. The sun sets rightopposite this balcony, behind a palm-grove, and the orange afterglowsare reflected all up the westward bend of the river, which is verylovely: though personally I like the more thrilling cloud sunsetsbetter than these still rich glowings of the desert. 

 * * * * *

The men sleep in huts just behind. These are sensibly built of brick. Only the S. Side is walled up, and even there a space is left betweenthe wall and the ceiling. The rest is just fenced with reed trelliswork. The roofs are of reed matting, the floors brick withfloor-boards for sleeping on. Boards and bedding are put out in thesun by day. The men are very contented in them. If I ask my men howthey like it compared to India, they all say they like it better. "Why, you gets a decent dinner here, Sir. " My experience quiteconfirms that of Sir Redvers Buller and other great authorities. Ifyou feed T. A. Well you can put him in slimy trenches and he'll beperfectly happy: but he'd never be contented in Buckingham Palace onIndian rations. Here we are of course on war rations, cheese, baconand jam, bully beef and quite decent mutton, and condensed milk. Vegetables are scarce, so lime juice is an issue: and they are saidjust to have made beer one, which would be the crown of bliss. Everyman gets (if he's there) five grains of quinine a day. There are, however, far fewer mosquitoes than I expected. I've only seen onemyself. The only great pest is flies: but even of those there are farfewer here than in Basra. 

When I hear what the 1/4th have been through, I think we are inluxury. They had a very rough trek to Ahway and Illah in Persia inMay, and coming back much exhausted were stationed a month in AsharBarracks (Basra). Here for a fortnight it never went below 100° bynight and was 115° by day--damp heat: and the barracks (Turkish) werein a state which precluded rest: the record bag for one man in onemorning was sixty fleas from his puttees alone. And of course whatAusten told the H. Of C. About fans, ice and fruit was all eyewash. 

 * * * * *

A man in our Coy. Died last night. I'd never seen him or knew he wasill. I was rather shocked at the way nobody seemed to care a bit. TheAdjt. Just looked in and said "who owns Pte. Taylor A. " Harris said "Ido: is he dead?" Adjt. "Yes: you must bury him to-morrow. " Harris:"Right o. " Exit Adjt. To do Harris justice, he doesn't know the manand thought he was still at Nasiriyah. None of the man's old Coy. Officers are here. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. _September_ 21, 1915. 

TO HIS MOTHER. 

The provision for the sick and wounded is on the whole fairly goodnow. Six months ago it was very inadequate, too few doctors and notenough hospital accommodation. My men who were in the Base Hospital atBasra spoke very well of it: it had 500 men in it then, and is capableof indefinite expansion. The serious cases are invalided to India bythe hospital ship _Madras_. It is said that 10, 000 have gone back toIndia in this way. It is a curious fact that the Indian troopssuffered from heat-stroke every bit as much as the British. 

There are now four hospitals here (1) a big one for native troops, (2)one for British troops which has expanded till it occupies three largehouses, (3) one for British officers, which will be used for all ranksif the casualties next Saturday are heavy, (4) one for civilians. There seems to be no lack of drugs or dressings or invalid foods. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. _September_ 24, 1915. 

TO N. B. 

Two letters from you rolled up together this mail, for both of whichmany thanks. 

Like everyone else you write under the cloud of Warsaw and in theexpectation of the enemy forthwith dashing back on us in the West. Butthe last two months have made it much harder for him to do that soon, if at all: and I hope the month which will pass before you get thiswill have made it harder still. I found it difficult weeks ago toexplain what induced the Germans to commit themselves so deeply intothe interior of Russia so late in the season, and I came to theconclusion that with each forward movement they had been much nearerto enveloping and smashing the Russians than the Reuters would haveled one to suppose: and so had been lured on. 

It now looks to me as if they are playing for one of two alternatives. If Von Below can get round their right flank he will try a lastenvelopment: if that flank falls back far enough to uncover Petrograd, he will make a dash for P. But all that will mean locking up evenbigger forces in the East. Indeed it seems so reckless that I can onlyaccount for it by supposing either that they are confident of rushingPetrograd and paralysing Russia within a few weeks: or that they arein a desperate plight and know it. 

As for the future, I think it would be a mistake to expect this war toproduce a revolution in human nature and equally wrong to thinknothing has been achieved if it doesn't. What I do hope is that itwill mark a distinct stage towards a more Christian conception ofinternational relations. I'm afraid that for a long time to come therewill be those who will want to wage war and will have to be crushedwith their own weapons. But I think this insane and devilish cult ofwar will be a thing of the past. War will only remain as an unpleasantmeans to an end. The next stage will be, one hopes, the gradualrealisation that the ends for which one wages war are generallyselfish: and anyway that law is preferable to force as a method ofsettling disputes. As to whether National ideals can be Christianideals, in the strict sense they can't very well: because so large apart of the Christian ideal lies in self-suppression and self-denialwhich of course can only find its worth in individual conduct and itsmeaning in the belief that this life is but a preparation for a futurelife: whereas National life is a thing of this world and therefore thelaw of its being must be self-development and self-interest. ThePrussians interpret this crudely as mere self-assertion and the willto power. The Christianising of international relations will bebrought about by insisting on the contrary interpretation--that ourhighest self-development and interest is to be attained by respectingthe interests and encouraging the development of others. The rootfallacy to be eradicated of course, is that one Power's gain isanother's loss; a fallacy which has dominated diplomacy and is thenegation of law. I think we are perceptibly breaking away from it: thegreat obstacle to better thinking now is the existence of so manybackward peoples incapable (as we think) of seeking their ownsalvation. Personally I don't see how we can expect the Christianisingprocess to make decisive headway until the incapables are partitionedout among the capables. Meanwhile let us hope that each new war willbe more unpopular and less respectable than the last. 

I'm afraid I haven't even the excuse of a day's fishing without anyfish. 

Now for your letter of August 11th. I'm sorry you are discouragedbecause the programme you propounded to Auntie's work-party inFebruary has not been followed. But comfort yourself with thereflection that the programme which Kaiser Bill propounded to _his_work-party has not been followed either. 

Your Balkan programme, or rather Bob's, does not at present show muchmore sign of fulfilment than the one you propounded to Auntie'swork-party, I'm afraid. 

As usual nothing whatever has happened here. Elaborate arrangementshave been made to have a battle to-morrow 120 miles up the river atKut. It ought to be quite a big show: the biggest yet out here. As thefloods are gone now it may be possible to walk right round them andcapture the lot. If we pull off a big success the G. O. C. Is very keento push on to Baghdad, but it is a question whether the Cabinet willallow it. It means another 200 miles added to the L. Of c. : and couldonly be risked if we were confident of the desert Arabs remainingquiet. Personally I see no solid argument for our going to Baghdad, and several against it (1) the advance would take us right through thesacred Shiah country, quite close to Karbala itself (Karbala is to theShiah Mohammedans--and the vast majority of Indian Mahommedans areShiahs--what Mecca is to the Sunnis; and Baghdad itself is a holycity). It would produce tremendous excitement in India and probablyopen mutiny among the Moslem troops here if they were ordered up. (2)Surely Russia wouldn't like it. (3) We can't expect to hold itpermanently. Everything, so far as I can see, points to portioningthis country into a British sphere and a Russian, with a neutral beltin between, on the Persian model, except that the "spheres" may beavowed protectorates. The British one must come up far enough to letus control the irrigation and drainage of Lower Mesopotamia properly:and stop short of the holy cities: say to the line Kut-el-Amarah(commonly called Kut)--Nasiriyah, along the Shatt-al-Hai. The Russianswould, I suppose, come down to about Mosul. 

This campaign is being conducted on gentlemanly lines. When we took alot of prisoners at Nasiriyah we allowed the officers to send back fortheir kits. In return, last week, when one of our aeroplanes came downin the enemy's lines and the two airmen were captured, they sent aflag of truce across to us to let us know that the prisoners wereunhurt and to fetch their kits. 

I just missed Sir Mark Sykes who cruised through here two days ago. Ihave written to him in the hope of catching him on his way back. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. _September_ 27, 1915. 

TO R. K. 

After censoring about 100 of my Company's letters I feel this will bea very incorrect performance. What strikes one too is the great gainin piquancy of style achieved by the omission of all punctuation. Howcould I equal this for instance "The Bible says this is a land of milkand honey there is plenty of water and dust about if thats what theymean?" or "The sentry shot an Arab one night soon after we got here Isaw him soon afterwards caught him in the chest a treat it did. "

I'm so glad to hear that Foss is getting on well: let me know theextent and nature of the damage. We hardly ever get a casualty listhere: and I can't take that to mean there have been none lately: so mynews of fractured friends hangs on the slender thread of the safearrival of my _Times_ every week--and on you and others who are notgiven to explaining that Bloggs will have given me all the news, nodoubt. 

The War Office, fond as ever of its little joke, having written myC. O. A solemn letter to say they couldn't entertain the idea of mypromotion seeing that under the Double Coy. System the establishmentof Captains is reduced to seven and so on, and having thereby inducedhim to offer me the unique felicity of bringing a draft to this merryland, has promptly gazetted my promotion, and antedated it to April2nd, so that I find myself a Double Coy. Commander and no end of ablood. My importance looks more substantial on paper than on parade:for of the 258 men in "A" Double Coy. I can never muster more thanabout thirty in the flesh. You see so many have overeaten themselveson the ice and fresh vegetables which Austen dwelt upon in the H. OfC. Or have caught chills from the supply of punkahs and fans (_ib. _)that 137 have been invalided to India and twenty-five more are sickhere. Then over fifty are on jobs which take them away from the Coy. And from ten to twenty go on guards every day. However my dignity isrecognised by the grant of a horse and horse allowance. 

Unless it is postponed again, the great battle up-river should becoming off to-day. I hope it is, as it is the coolest day we've hadsince April. In fact it is a red-letter day, being the first on whichthe temperature has failed to reach 100° in this room. You wouldn'tbelieve me how refreshing a degree 96° can be. 

We have also heard fairy-tale like rumours of an advance of FourThousand Yards in France, but I have not seen it in black and whiteyet. 

Having so few men available there are not many parades, in fact from 7to 8 a. M. About four times a week is all that I've been putting in. And as a tactful Turk sank the barge containing all my Company'sdocuments sometime in July there is an agreeable shortage of officebusiness. So I am left to pass a day of cultured leisure and tomeditate on the felicity of the Tennysonian "infinite torment offlies. " I read Gibbon and Tennyson and George Eliot and the _Times_ byturns, with intervals of an entertaining work, the opening sentence ofwhich is "Birds are warm-blooded vertebrate animals oviparous andcovered with feathers, the anterior limbs modified into wings, theskull articulating with the vertebral column by a single occipitalcondyle" and so on. I also work spasmodically at Hindustani. I ratherfancy my handwriting in the Perso-Arabic script. Arabic proper I amdiscouraged from by the perverse economy of its grammar and syntax. Itneeds must have two plurals, one for under ten and one for over, twenty-three conjugations, and yet be without the distinction of pastand future. Which is worse even than the Hindustani alphabet with novowels and four z's--so _unnecessary_, isn't it, as my Aunts wouldsay. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_September_ 29, 1915. 

TO HIS FATHER. 

One's system has got so acclimatised to high temperatures that I findit chilly and want my greatcoat to sit in at any temperature under80°, under 100° is noticeably warm. 

The men are getting livelier already and the sick list will soon, Ihope, shrink. The chief troubles are dust and flies. About four daysper week a strong and often violent wind blows from the N. W. , full ofdust from the desert, and this pervades everything. The moment thewind stops the flies pester one. They all say that this place isflyless compared to Nasiriyah, where they used to kill a pint and ahalf a day by putting saucers of formalin and milk on the mess tableand still have to use one hand with a fan all the time while eatingwith the other, to prevent getting them into their mouths. Here it isonly a matter of half a dozen round one's plate--we feed on the firstfloor, which is a gain. In the men's bungalows I try to keep them downby insisting on every scrap of food being either swept away or coveredup: and the presence or absence of flies is incidentally a good testas to whether the tables and mugs, etc. , have been properly cleaned. They are worse in the early morning. When I ride through the townbefore breakfast they settle all up the sunny side of me from boot totopi, about two to the square inch, and nothing but hitting them willmake them budge. They are disgusting creatures. Of course the filthyhabits of the natives encourage them. The streets are littered withevery kind of food-scraps and dirt: and the Arab has only twoW. C. 's--the street and the river. Our chief tyranny in his eyes isthat we have posted sanitary police about who fine him 2_s_. If heuses either: but like all reforms it is evaded on a large scale. Thetheory that the sun sweetens everything is not quite true. Even afterseveral days' sun manure is very offensive and prolific: and manyparts of the streets are not reached by the sun at all: and in anycase the flies get to work much sooner than the sun. 

We have just had news from the front that a successful action has beenfought, the enemy's left flank turned and several hundred prisonerstaken--our own casualties under 500. So the show seems to have come offup to time. We were afraid it might have to be postponed, as a raidingparty got round and cut our L. Of C. , but this does not appear to haveworried them. I hope they will be able to follow this success up andcapture all their guns and stores, if not a large proportion of theirforces. 

Two days ago we got the best news that we have had for a very longtime from both European fronts, an advance of from one to three milesover nearly half the Western front, with about 14, 000 prisoners: andRussian reports of 8, 000 dead in front of one position and capturestotalling something like 20, 000. Since then no news has come through, which is very tantalising, as one longs to know whether the forwardmove has been continued. I am afraid even if it has there will be moreenormous casualty lists than ever. 

The most boring thing about this place is that there are no amusingways of taking exercise, which is necessary to keep one fit. As adouble Coy. Commander I have a horse, a quiet old mare which doesnothing worse than shy and give an occasional little buck on startingto canter. But the rides are very dull. There are only three which onemay call A, B and C, thus:

[Illustration]

A is the flooded area, and when it is dry it is caked as hard asbrick, and not a vegetable to vary the landscape. 

B takes one through the little ground, the four cemeteries, and thedeserted brick-kilns: by the time one is through these it is generallytime to go home: and even beyond it is market gardens and one can onlyride on foot-paths: and there are only two foot-paths through thebarbed wire defences. 

C is good soft-surfaced desert, much the best riding ground though itsvirtues are negative. But to reach it one has to cross the Tigris bythe boat-bridge, and this is apt to be cut at any moment for thepassage of boats, which means a delay of half an hour, not to belightly risked before breakfast: and in the afternoons the intervalbetween excessive sun and darkness is very brief. It is too hot toride with pleasure before 4. 30 and the sun sets at 5. 30: and the dustywind is at its worst till about 5. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_October_ 7, 1915. 

TO HIS BROTHER. 

Thanks awfully for your letter. It was one of the best I've had for along time. And many congratulations on the birth of a daughter. I'mdelighted it went off so well, and only hope she and Grace are bothflourishing. 

I am sorry to hear about Benison. I suppose he was in some unit orother. You saw of course that Stolley was killed some time ago. 

At present, at any rate, we're a very comfortable distance behind thefiring line. This has been the advanced base for the Kut show. By riverwe are 130 miles above Basra and about the same below Kut. The actionthere on the 27th and 28th was a great success, but the pursuit wasunfortunately hung up and prevented our reaping quite the full fruits. This was partly due to a raid on our L. Of C. Scuppering somebarge-loads of fuel, but chiefly to the boats getting stuck on mudbanks. This river is devilish hard to navigate just now. It winds like acorkscrew, and though it looks 150 yards wide, the navigable channel isquite narrow, and only 4ft. To 6ft. Deep at that. So all the river boatshave to be flat bottomed, and the strong current and violent N. W. Windkeeps pushing them on the mud banks at every bend. 

[Illustration]

The Turks had, they think, 15, 000 men and 32 guns. Their position wastwelve miles long and most elaborately entrenched and wired with allthe German devices, and rested on a marsh at either end. 

We had about 10, 000 men of all arms and 25 or 27 guns, seven of themon river boats, I think. Townshend's attack was as follows. He madeall his reconnaissances and preparations as for an attack on theirright flank, and on Monday, 27th he deployed a brigade, A. On thatside of the river, leaving only two battalions, B. On the right bank, and keeping two battalions in reserve, C. For various reasons thisattack had made very little progress by sunset and was last seendigging itself in. Then as soon as it got dark almost the whole of A. Together with the reserve C. Was ordered to march round to the enemy'sleft flank and attack Fort E. At dawn. So they moved off, intending togo between Marsh 1 and Marsh 2; but in the dark they went roundoutside Marsh 2, and at dawn after a twelve mile march foundthemselves at G. They completely surprised and quickly captured FortE. And the section E. And F. , their casualties here being mainly fromour own artillery, as was inevitable: but they were enfiladed from F. And had to reform and dig themselves in on a front parallel with theriver, and send for artillery support. 

Meanwhile the skeleton left on our left flank and the force B. Werepressing a frontal attack, supported by the guns: and by the afternoonthe outflanking force A. Was able to resume its advance, which it waskeen to finish as the men were very tired and had run out of water. But just then the whole Turkish reserve turned up on their right frontand flank, having been hurried back from the right flank to which ourfeint had drawn them, across the bridge D. Whence they deployed increscent formation. Apparently this new danger had a very bracingeffect on the thirsty ones; it is a rash man that stands between T. A. And his drink. They went straight for the centre of the crescent, asfar as I can make out, with the Turkish reserves on their front andflanks and the Turkish firing line in their rear. This was where mostof the casualties occurred, but after a stiff fight the Turks brokeand ran: and there was a tremendous crush at the bridge D. Where theystarted shooting each other freely. 

Meanwhile, the Turkish Commander announced that he had received atelegram from the Sultan requiring the immediate presence of himselfand army at Constantinople: so the firing line took the hint andstarted for the new alignment by the shortest route. However, aseverybody's great idea was to put the river between himself and theenemy he'd been facing, two streams met at the bridge D. And therewere further scenes. By this time it was dark, and our troops wereutterly exhausted, so nothing more was done for the moment. 

Our casualties were 85 killed and 1, 158 wounded, an extraordinaryproportion. We haven't had any reliable information of the enemy'slosses yet: but we took about 1, 300 prisoners. 

I must stop now. I am very fit and a Capt. , 3rd Senior Officer outhere for the moment (excluding Adjutant O. M. O. ) and am commanding "A"double Coy. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_October_8, 1915

TO N. B. 

Two lots of letters arrived this mail, including yours of August 30thand September 6th, for which many thanks. 

If I said that this war means the denying of Christianity I ought tohave explained myself more. That phrase is so often used loosely thatpeople don't stop to think exactly what they mean. If the Germansdeliberately brought about the war to aggrandise themselves, as Ibelieve they did, that was a denial of Christianity, _i. E. _ adeliberate rejection of Christian principles and disobedience toChrist's teaching: and it makes no difference in that case that it wasa national and not an individual act. But once the initiating evil wasdone, it involved the consequence, as evil always does, of leavingother nations only a choice of evils. In this case the choice forEngland was between seeing Belgium and France crushed, and war. Inchoosing war I can't admit there was any denial of Christianity, and Idon't think you can point to any text, however literally you press theinterpretation, which will bear a contrary construction. Take "Resistnot him that doeth evil" as literally as you like, in its context. Itobviously refers to an individual resisting a wrong committed againsthimself, and the moral basis of the doctrine seems to me twofold: (1)As regards yourself, self-denial, loving your enemies, etc. , is thedivine law for the soul; (2) as regards the wronger nothing is solikely to better him as your unselfish behaviour. The doctrine plainlydoes not refer to wrongs committed in your presence against others. Our Lord Himself overthrew the tables of the money-changers. And themoral basis of His resistance to evil here is equally clear if youtolerate evils committed against others: (1) your own morale andcourage is lowered: it is shirking; (2) the wronger is merelyencouraged. If I take A. 's coat and A. Gives me his cloak also, I maybe touched. But B. 's acquiescence in the proceeding cannot possiblytouch me and only encourages me. Now the Government of a country isnearly always in the position of B. Not A. , because a country is notan individual. In our case we were emphatically in the position of B. :but I would justify the resistance of Belgium on the same grounds. 

Of course as I said last week, national standards can't be asself-sacrificing as individual standards: and never can be until allthe individuals in a nation are so Christian as to choose unanimouslythe self-sacrificing course. 

I agree that the Dardanelles outlook is very serious, and it now looksas if Germany had got Bulgaria to come in against us. We ought toconcentrate on a decision there as vigorously as the Germans did inPoland, and let us hope with more success. 

The big offensive in France came off and seems to have done remarkablywell for a few days: but we have heard nothing more of it for over aweek. I'm afraid that means we exhausted ourselves and lost heavily. 

The outstanding fact here is that the hot weather is over. It is nowonly unpleasant to be out from 10 till 4, and then only in the sun. The transition is going on rapidly and by the end of this month Iexpect to see cold weather conditions established. I have playedfootball twice and been out shooting twice. There is a large blackpartridge to be shot here which is very good to eat. 

I can give you no details about the Kut fight. In fact you probablyknow more than we do: I must stop now. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_October_ 11, 1915. 

TO L. R. 

The weather has got cooler so rapidly that I have been shooting andplaying football quite happily. The chief things to shoot are a bigblack partridge (which will soon be extinct) and a little brown dove, later on there are snipe, and already there are duck, but these areunapproachable. Many thanks for your letters of August 27th, andSeptember 8th, which arrived together this mail. 

I think Mrs. Ricketts takes an unduly optimistic view when she saysthe Germans mean the war to be decided out here. Nothing would suit usbetter. Meanwhile, we certainly seem to mean to go to Baghdad, andthat will mean at least one other big fight: but so far they show nosign of moving us up to the firing line. This last show was a bigsuccess and nearly was a much bigger, only our men having fought fortwo days and marched twelve miles in the intervening night and havingrun out of water, were not able to press the pursuit very vigorously. I take it the next show will come off in about three weeks' time, sooner if possible. 

I have heard a good deal vaguely about the Angels at Mons. It is veryinteresting. I gather that A. Machen wrote a magazine story and thatthis has got embodied with the real stories and is therefore supposedto have originated them. If Begbie's forthcoming book on them is good, do send it to me. We have had no such stories out here, so far as Iknow. 

As to being pessimistic about the future, I think our mistake was tounderestimate Germany's striking force. You must always keep theGerman calculations in mind as well as our hopes, and you will seethat the former have been falsified quite as much as the latter--infact much more. They calculated--and not without having worked it allout thoroughly--that their superior armaments and mobility wouldenable them (1) to smash France within a few weeks, (2) to manoeuvreround the Russians and defeat their armies in detail till they suedfor peace, (3) to dominate the continent and organise it for thesettlement with England. We ought to be devoutly thankful that (1)failed: but Instead we assumed that the worst was over and that (2)would fail as signally. As a matter of fact (2) looks like failingafter all; but it has been near success for much longer than (1) wasand consequently has achieved more. But if you remember, both Papa andK. Said at the outset it would be a three years' war: which clearlymeant that they expected us to get the worst of it the first year, equalise matters the second year and not be decisively victorious tillthe third year. 

Luly has plenty of friends at Agra and is really very happy there, soyou may be at ease about him. 

Many thanks for your offer to send us things for the cold. But thedanger is overlapping, so I will refer you to Mamma, to whom I wroteabout it some time back: and I hope _she_ is combining with Mrs. Bowker of Winchester (wife of 1/4th Colonel) who is organising thesending of things to the battalion as a whole. You might mention toMamma that, in addition to the articles I've told her of, newspapersand magazines would be very acceptable. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_October_ 17, 1915. 

TO N. B. 

Many thanks for your little letter wishing me Godspeed out here, ithas only just followed me on, and reached me soon after your letter ofSeptember 12th in which you ask me about Persia. I assure you I knowless of what is happening in Persia--though we can see the Persianhills from here--than you do. Your letter was my first news of theConsul General's death, which I have seen since in _The Times_ aswell. All I know is that German gold working on the chroniclawlessness has made the whole country intolerably disturbed. TheGovernment is powerless. The disorder is mainly miscellaneous robbery:in the north there is a good deal of hostility to Russia, but nothingapproaching organised war or a national rising. In May Arab raidersthreatened Ahwaz where the Anglo-Persian Oil Company's pipe-line runs;and at the Persian Government's request a force, including 1/4 Hants, went up there and dispersed them. Then in August the unrest in Bushiregot acute, and two officers were killed in an ambush. So they sent aforce to occupy it. I don't know how large it was; I imagine twobattalions or so and a few guns. Since then I've heard nothing. MarkSykes, whom I saw about October 6th, said he thought things werequieter there now. 

For the Persian situation generally, up to last year, the best accountI've seen is in Gilbert Murray's pamphlet on "The Foreign Policy ofSir E. Grey. " There's no doubt these weak corrupt semi-civilisedStates are a standing temptation to intriguers like the Germans and soa standing danger to peace. That is going to be the crux here too, after the war. If I make up my mind and have the energy, I will writemy views more fully on the subject in a week or two. 

There is a lull here and no news. But there seems no doubt that we aregoing to push up to Baghdad. The enemy are now in their last andstrongest position, only twenty miles from B. : and we areconcentrating against it. Undoubtedly large reinforcements are ontheir way up, but we don't know how many. I expect you may look fornews from these parts about November 7th. 

It is getting quite cold. Yesterday the wind began again and we allhad to take to our overcoats, which seems absurd as it was over 80°. To-day it was only 74° indoors all the morning and we sat about in"British warms. " And the nights seem Arctic. To get warm last night Ihad to get into my flea-bag and pile a sheet, a rug and a kaross ontop of that: it was 70° when I went to bed and went down to 62° atdawn. As it goes down to 32° later on, I foresee we shall be smotheredin the piles of bed-clothes we shall have to accumulate. 

I continue to play football and ride intermittently. I believe I couldmount a middle-sized English horse without serious inconvenience now. I have begun to try to pick up a little Arabic from the functionaryknown as the Interpreter. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_October_ 18, 1915. 

TO M. H. 

I'm so glad the saris are what you wanted. If you pay £5 into my a/cat Childs, it will be simplest. 

Everyone--except I suppose the victims--seems to have regarded theZeppelin raid as a first-class entertainment. I think they do usvastly more good than harm, but it would be a satisfaction to bag one. 

So poor Charles Lister was killed after all. He is a tremendous loss. And ----, who could have been spared much better, has been under firein Gallipoli for months without being touched. 

I agree with Charlie's sentiments. What is so desperately trying aboutthe Army system is that mere efflux of time puts a man who may be, andgenerally is, grossly stupid, in command of much more intelligentpeople, whose lives are at his bungling mercy. If Napoleon, who wonhis Italian campaign at 27, had been in the British Army he wouldn'thave become a Major till 1811. It is an insane system which nobusiness would dream of adopting. Yet it wouldn't do to abolish it, oryou destroy the careers of 4/5 of your Officers. The reform I shouldlike would be to make every third promotion in any regimentcompulsorily regardless of seniority. 

I am having a few lessons in Arabic now, but it is a much moredifficult language than Hindustani, and the only available "Munshi" isthe regimental interpreter who can't read and speaks very brokenEnglish, and the only available book deals with classical Egyptian andSyrian Arabic, which are to the Arabic of to-day as Latin, French andItalian are to Spanish. So my acquirements are likely to be limited. 

There is absolutely no news here. Reinforcements are said to be comingbut have not arrived. The next show should come off about November10th. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_October_ 11, 1915. 

TO R. K. 

I have just seen in the _Times_ that Charles Lister died of hiswounds. It really is heart-breaking. All the men one had so fondlyhoped would make the world a little better to live in seem to be takenaway. And Charles was a spirit which no country can afford to lose. Ifeel so sorry for you too: he must have been very dear to youpersonally. How the world will hate war when it can pause to thinkabout it. 

I had quite a cheerful letter from Foss this mail. I wonder he wasn'tmore damaged, as the bullet seems to have passed through some veryimportant parts of him. I am rather dreading the lists which arebound to follow on our much-vaunted advance of three weeks ago. As forthe Dardanelles, it is an awful tragedy. And now with Bulgaria againstus and Greece obstructed by her King, success is farther off thanever. 

No, Luly is not with me: I was the only officer with the draft. As forimpressions of our surroundings they are definite but not alwayscommunicable. 

If this neighbourhood could certainly be identified with Eden, onecould supply an entirely new theory of the Fall of Adam. Here atAmarah we are 200 miles by river from the sea and 28ft. Above sealevel. Within reach of the water anything will grow: but as the Turkslevied a tax on trees the date is the only one which has survived. There are little patches of corn and fodder-stuff along the banks, anda few vegetable gardens round the town. Otherwise the whole place is adesert and as flat as this paper: except that we can see the barebrown Persian mountains about forty miles off to the N. N. E. 

The desert grows little tufts of prickly scrub here and there, otherwise it is like a brick floor. In the spring it is flooded, andas the flood recedes the mud cakes into a hard crust on which ahorse's hoof makes no impression; but naturally the surface is veryrough in detail, like a muddy lane after a frost. So it is vile foreither walking or riding. 

The atmosphere can find no mean between absolute stillness--which tilllately meant stifling heat--and violent commotion in the form of N. W. Gales which blow periodically, fogging the air with dust and makinglife almost intolerable while they last. These gales have ceased to bebaking hot, and in another month or two they will be piercingly cold. 

The inhabitants are divided into Bedouins and town-Arabs. The formerare nomadic and naked, and live in hut-tents of reed matting. Thelatter are just like the illustrations in family Bibles. 

What I _should_ be grateful for in the way of literature is if youcould find a portable and readable book on the history of these parts. I know it's rather extensive, but if there are any such books on themore interesting periods you might tell Blackwell to send them to me:I've got an account there. My Gibbon sketches the doings of the firstfour Caliphs: but what I should like most would be the subsequenthistory, the Baghdad Caliphs, Tartar Invasion, Turkish Conquest, etc. For the earlier epochs something not too erudite and very popularwould be most suitable. Mark Sykes tells me he is about to publish aLittle Absul's History of Islam, but as he is still diplomatising outhere I doubt if it will be ready for press soon. 

As for this campaign, you will probably know more about the Kut battlethan I do. Anyway the facts were briefly these. The Turks had a verystrongly entrenched position at Kut, with 15, 000 men and 35 guns. Wefeinted at their right and then outflanked their left by a night marchof twelve miles. (Two brigades did this, while one brigade held themin front. ) Then followed a day's hard fighting as the out-flankers hadto storm three redoubts successfully before they could properlyenfilade the position. Just as they had done it the whole Turkishreserve turned up on their right and they had to turn on it and defeatit, which they did. But by that time it was dark, the troops wereabsolutely exhausted and had finished all their water. Nobody couldtell how far the river was, so the only thing to do was to bivouac andwait for daylight. In the night the Turks cleared out and got away. Ifwe could have pressed on and seized their bridge, we should havealmost wiped them out: but it was really wonderful we did as much aswe did under the circumstances. Our casualties were 1243, but only 85killed. The Turkish losses are not known: we captured about 1400 and12 of the guns: we buried over 400, but don't know how many the localArabs buried. Our pursuit was delayed by the mud-banks on the river, and the enemy was able to get clear and reform in their next position, about ninety miles further north. We are now concentrating againstthem and it is authoritatively reported that large reinforcements havebeen sent from India. This means they intend going for Baghdad. Itseems to me rash: but I suppose there is great need to assert ourprestige with the Moslem world, even at the expense of our popularity:for B. Is a fearfully sacred place. 

I should also like from Blackwell's a good and up-to-date map of theseparts, _i. E. _ from the Troad to the Persian Gulf. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_October_ 21, 1915. 

TO HIS MOTHER. 

It is hard from here to be patient with the Government for not takinga bolder line all round and saying frankly what they want. They areomnipotent if they would only lead. Now we hear that Carson hasresigned. I can't hitch that on to the conscription crisis, yet itdoesn't say it is from ill-health: it is a puzzle. 

Life is as uneventful as usual here. I have nearly finished _The Womanin White_. It is really one of the best thrillers I've read, and CountFosco more than fulfils my expectations: I wonder if Haldane keepswhite mice. I have also finished Tennyson. I have read him rightthrough in the course of the year, which is much the best way to reada poet, as you can follow the development of his thoughts. His mind, to my thinking, was profound but not of very wide range, and strangelyabstract. His only pressing intellectual problems are those ofimmortality and evil, and he reached his point of view on those beforehe was forty. He never advances or recedes from the positionsummarised in the preface to "In Memoriam, " d. 1849. The result isthat his later work lacks the inspiration of restlessness anddiscovery, and he tends to put more and more of his genius into thetechnique of his verse and less into the meaning. The versification ismarvellous, but one gets tired of it, and he often has nothing to sayand has to spin out commonplaces in rich language. One feels this evenin the "Idylls of the King, " which are the best of his later or middlelong efforts: they are artificial, not impulsive; Virgil, not Homer;Meredith calls them 'dandiacal flutings, ' which is an exaggeration. But I can quite see how irritating Tennyson must be to ardent scepticslike Meredith and the school which is now in the ascendant. To them apoet is essentially a rebel, and Tennyson refused to be a rebel. Thatis why they can't be fair to him and accuse him of being superficial. I think that a very shallow criticism of him. He saw and states thewhole rebels' position--"In Memoriam" is largely a debate between theShelley-Swinburne point of view and the Christian. Only he states itso abstractly that to people familiar with Browning's concrete andhumanised dialectic it seems cold and artificial. But it's really hissincerest and deepest thought, and he deliberately rejects the rebelposition as intellectually and morally untenable: and adopts aposition of aquiescent agnosticism on the problem of evil subject toan unshakeable faith in immortality and the Love of God. This is ared rag to your Swinburnes. That is why I asked you to send meSwinburne, as I want to get to the bottom of his position. Shelley's Iknow, and it is, in my opinion a much more obvious, easier, and moresuperficial one than Tennyson's: besides being based on a distortedview of Christianity. Shelley in fact wanted to abolish Christianityas the first step towards teaching men to be Christian. 

Of all the agnostics, Meredith is the one that appeals to me most: butI've not read his poetry, which I believe has much more of hisphilosophy in it than his novels have. 

_P. S. _ I have just seen your appeal in the _Hampshire Herald_ for £500for a motor ambulance boat, in which you say the Red Cross havealready sent us two such boats. All I can say is that nobody in thisregiment has ever seen or heard of these boats: and they certainlyhave not been used for transporting sick and wounded either fromNasiriyah or from Kut. If they were in Mesopotamia at all, it isincredible that we shouldn't have heard of them. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_October_ 22, 1915. 

TO L. R. 

I don't think there is any likelihood of Luly's coming here. For onething our battalion 1/6th is too weak to afford another draft atpresent; and even if it sent one there are many officers who would beasked before Luly. As a matter of fact we have just heard we 1/4th aregetting large reinforcements from our proper resources, _viz. _ 250from 2/4th at Quetta and 50 from those invalided in the hot weather. 

Your letter of September 5th arrived well after that of September22nd. 

I'm glad the ---- are optimistic: if Belgians can be we should be ableto. But I can't help feeling the Government is lamentably weak andwanting in leadership: the policy of keeping the nation in the darkseems to me to be insane. 

There is no news to report here. We still do very little work, but theweather is quite pleasant. I am very well. 

There is not much to do. The country is very dull for walking andriding. 

The birds here are very few compared to those in India. On the riverthere are pied Kingfishers. On the flooded land and especially on themud-flats round it there are large numbers of sandpipers, Kentish andringed plovers, stints and stilts, terns and gulls, ducks and teal, egrets and cranes: but as there is not a blade of vegetation within amile of them there are no facilities for observation, still less forshooting. 

There are several buzzards and falcons and a few kites, but vulturesare conspicuous by their absence. There are no snakes or crocodileseither. Scavenging is left to dogs and jackals; and there is a hoodedcrow, not very abundant, which is peculiar to this country, havingwhite where the European and Eastern Asiatic species have grey--ahandsome bird. In the river there are a few sharks and a greatabundance of a carp-like fish which runs up to a very large size. TheQuartermaster can buy two 70lb. Fish every morning for the men'sbreakfasts, and has been offered one of 120lb. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH, _October_ 31, 1915. 

TO N. B. 

I do hope your "fifty submarines" is true. I shan't think much of youif you can't get official confirmation from Cousin Arthur: but if heis impenetrably discreet, you might at least get him to explain--orpass it on to me if you know already--what conceivable harm it coulddo if we published the bare numbers of submarines "accounted for"without any particulars of when, where, or how. 

As for this campaign it is the old story of the Empire repeatingitself. When it began they only meant to secure the oil-pipe andprotect British interests at Basra. But they found to their greatsurprise that you can't stay comfortably on the lower waters of agreat river with an enemy above you any more than you could live in aflat with the lodger above continually threatening your life. A riverlike the Tigris or Euphrates is a unit, and the power which occupiesits mouth will inevitably be drawn to its source unless it meets theboundaries of a strong and civilised state on the way. Turkey will beneither after the war. 

What has happened so far?

[Sidenote: Dec. -Jan. ]

We occupied the Shattal-Arab as far as Kurnah. We sat still. TheTurks, based on Nasiriyah attacked us and nearly recaptured Basra. 

[Sidenote: April]

We beat them at Shaiba, and for safety's sake had to push them fromtheir base. 

[Sidenote: May]

Then the double advance to Amarah and Nasiriyah. 

[Sidenote: July]

We pushed the Turks out, and they promptly reformed at Kut andprepared to threaten us again. So we pushed forward again and beatthem at Kut. 

[Sidenote: September]

Now they have reformed at a point, only twenty miles from ----, theirpresent base. We shall go for them there no doubt, and push them backonce more. But what does it all lead to? Imagine peace restored. Whatwill Turkey be like? She will be bankrupt, chaotic, totally incapableof keeping order among these murderous Bedouins. The country would bea second Persia under her. Persia is intolerable enough for theEuropeans who trade there at present: but the plight of this countrymight easily be worse. We are bound to control the bit from Basra tothe sea to protect existing interests. The whole future of thatarea--as of all Mesopotamia--depends on a scientific scheme ofdrainage and irrigation. At present half the country is marsh and halfdesert. Why? Because under Turkish rule the river is never dredged, the banks are never repaired, stray Arabs can cut haphazard canals andleave them to form marshes, and so on. Now an irrigation and drainagescheme is vitally necessary, but (1) it involves a large outlay; (2)to be effective it must start a long way up-stream; (3) there must besecurity for the good government _not only_ of the area included inthe scheme, but of the whole course of the river above it. TheseAsiatic rivers are tricky things: they run for hundreds of milesthrough alluvial plains which are as flat as your hand. Here atAmarah, 200 miles from the mouth of the Tigris, we are only 28ft. Above sea-level. Consequently the river's course is very easilyaltered. Look at Stanford's map of this region and see how theEuphrates has lost itself between Nasiriyah and Basra--"old channel, ""new channel, " creeks, marshes, lakes, flood-areas and so on; theplace is a nightmare. That kind of thing is liable to happen anywhereif the river is neglected. So that our schemes for Lower Mesopotamiamight be spoilt by the indolence of those in possession higher up theriver: let alone the security of the trade-routes which would be atthe mercy of wild Arabs if Turkey collapses. 

All this inclines me more and more to believe that we shall be forced, sooner or later, to occupy the whole Mesopotamian plain as far asMosul or to whatever point is the southern limit of Russian control. At first I favoured a "neutral zone" from Mosul to Kut, and Ishouldn't be surprised if that plan still finds favour at home. Butfrankly I see no prospect of a strong enough Government to make theneutral zone workable; on the contrary everything points to theabsorption of the Persian neutral zone by either us or Russia, probably us. 

I am still a Captain, but no longer a Coy. Commander. A large draftfrom India has arrived, 11 officers and 319 men from 1/4th and 2/4th, invalids returned. I am now second in command of a Coy. Of respectablesize. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_October_ 10, 1915. 

TO HIS FATHER. 

I agree with most of your reflections about the moral justification ofwar. War is an evil, because it is the product of sin and involvesmore sin and much suffering. But that does not mean it is necessarilywrong to fight. Once evil is at work, one of its chief results is toleave good people only a choice of evils, wherein the lesser evilbecomes a duty. I'm not prepared to say we've been wholly guiltless inthe whole series of events which produced this war: but in thesituation of July, 1914, produced as it was by various sinful acts, Iam quite sure it was our duty to fight, and that it is our duty tofight on till German militarism is crushed. And I certainly can'tbelieve we ought not to have made such a treaty with Belgium as wedid. You've got to face the fact that the spirit which produces war isstill dominant. Fight that spirit by all means: but while it existsdon't suppose your own duty is merely to keep out of wars. That seemsto me a very selfish and narrow view. As for our Lord in a bayonetcharge, one doesn't easily imagine it: but that is because it isinconsistent with His mission, rather than His character. I can'timagine a Christian _enjoying_ either a bayonet charge, or hanging acriminal, or overthrowing the tables of a money-changer, or any otherform of violent retribution. 

Your sight of the Zeppelin must have been thrilling. You don't make itclear whether it was by day or night. I am curious to see if my nextbatch of _Times_ will mention it. Clearly it is very hard to damageZs. By gun-fire: but I don't understand quite why our aeroplanes can'tdo more against them. Do they get right back to Germany beforedaylight?

I have been out shooting three times this week, with Patmore of 1/7thHants, and we got three partridges, six partridges and seven dovesrespectively. The partridges are big black ones, as large as younggrouse, and very good to eat: but they will soon be extinct here as weare operating much in the same way as "the officers" do at Blackmoor. The doves were reported as sand-grouse, and certainly come flightingin from the desert very much in the s. -g. Manner: but they are verylike turtle doves when shot. 

On our way home after the first shoot, I saw a falcon catch a swallowon the wing. It had missed one and we were watching it. It flewstraight and rather fast past us, just within shot, fairly high. Aswallow came sailing at full speed from the opposite direction andwould have passed above and to the right of the falcon, and about 6ft. From it. The latter took no notice of it till the crucial moment, when it swerved and darted upwards, exactly as a swallow itself doesafter flies, and caught the swallow neatly in its talons. It thenproceeded on its way so calmly that if you had taken your eye off itfor 1/5th second you wouldn't have known it had deviated from itscourse. It then planed down and settled about 400 yards away on theground. 

I have written to Top such details of the Kut battle as I could gatherfrom eye-witness: but I don't think it forms a reliable account, andyou will probably find the official version rather different, when itcomes out. Anyway it appears to be beyond doubt now that we mean topush on to Baghdad, in spite of your _Beatus possidens_. It was onlylack of water and the exhaustion of the troops which prevented a muchlarger haul this time: and now they are concentrating against the nextposition, 90 miles further north. We hear again on good authority that8, 000 reinforcements are coming out. They will certainly be needed ifwe are to hold Baghdad. It seems to me a very rash adventure:especially as Bulgaria's intervention may enable the Turks to send anArmy Corps down to Baghdad, in which case we should certainly have toretire. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_All Saints_, 1915. 

TO R. K. 

Your letters have been so splendidly regular that I'm afraid a gap ofthree weeks may mean you've been ill: but I can't be surprised atanyone at home breaking down under the constant strain of nearness andfrequent news. Mesopotamia and a bi-weekly Reuter are certainlyefficient sedatives; and the most harrowing crisis of the Russianarmies is only rescued from the commonplace by its unintelligibility. Even the heart-breaking casualties, reaching us five weeks old, havenothing like the stab they have in England. 

Life here requires a Jane Austen to record it. Our interests arefocussed on the most ridiculous subjects. Recently they took anecclesiastical turn, which I think should be reported to you. Thestation was left "spiritually" in charge of a Y. M. C. A. Deacon for afortnight: and discussion waxed hot in the Mess as to what a Deaconwas. The prevailing opinion was that he "was in the Church, " but not"consecrated"; so far Lay instinct was sound, if a little vague. Thenour Scotch Quartermaster laid it down that a Deacon was as good as aParson in that he could wear a surplice, but inferior to a parson inthat he couldn't marry you. But the crux which had most practicalinterest for us was whether he could bury us. It was finally decidedthat he could: but fortunately in actual fact his functions wereconfined to organising a football tournament and exhibiting a cinemafilm. 

He was succeeded by a priest from the notorious diocese of Bombay: whoproceeded to shift the table which does duty for altar to the E. Sideof the R. A. T. A. Room and furnish the neighbourhood of it into a faintresemblance to a Church. But what has roused most speculation is the"green thing he wears over his surplice for the early service andtakes off before Parade service. " I suggested that it was a precautionagainst these chilly mornings. 

Gibbon has more to say about these parts than I thought: and I find healludes to them off and on right down to 1453, so if you haven't beenable to find a suitable book, I can carry on with that philosopher'sepitome. 

A large draft has just reached us from India, 11 officers and 319men. They are partly returned invalids, but mainly 2/4th from Quetta. We shall now be a fairly respectable strength. 

Cold weather conditions are almost established now. It is only over80° for a few hours each day, and between 8 p. M. And 9 a. M. I wear agreatcoat. A senior captain having arrived with the draft has takenover "A" Coy. And I remain as second in command. There is singularlylittle to do at present--about one hour per day. 

I wonder if you know any of the officers in this push. There is Chittyof Balliol, a contemporary of Luly's: and one Elton among thenewly-joined, said to be a double first. 

They have made me censor of civil telegrams. 

I see no prospect of peace for a year yet, and not much of our leavingthis country till well after peace. I used to think I wasn't easilybored: but it is hard to keep a fresh and lively interest in thisflattest and emptiest of countries. 

_P. S. Tuesday_. --The mail is in for once before the outward mail goes, and it brings yours of 1. 10. 15. What you report about Charles Listeris exactly what I should have expected. It is an element in all thebest lives that their owners are reckless about throwing them away;but it's a little consolation to know that he didn't succeed exactly. 

Most of my new letters are rather gloomy about the French offensive. We used gas and we're held up: and we're being diddled all round bykings in the Balkans. 

Elton, by the way, was up at Balliol, a scholar 1911--and knows you, though whether individually or collectively I know not. 

Also one Pirie of Exeter has come with the draft. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_November_ 4, 1915. 

TO L. R. 

I enclose an extract from a speech which might have been made by you, but was made by--who do you think? Our modern St. David. 

I read Oliver's _Ordeal by Battle_ before I left Agra. Most of myrelations sent me a copy. So far only one has sent me A. J. B. 's _Theismand Humanism_: books are always welcome: but as their ultimate fate isvery uncertain, it is wiser to stick to cheap ones. 

I think the idea of R---- on an Economy League is too delicious. Ishould so like to hear the details of their economies. 

I hope you have noticed the correspondence in The _Times_ on WildBirds and Fruit Growers, and that the latter contemplate invoking theaid of the Board of Agriculture in exterminating the former. 

The birds here increase as the weather gets colder. Geese, duck andteal are to be seen flighting every day. We shot a pochard on Tuesdayand a plover yesterday. Large flocks of night-herons visit theflood-lands and rooks have become common. White wagtails appeared ingreat numbers a few weeks ago, and sand-grouse are reported in vastnumbers further north. 

As there is no news, perhaps it would interest you to know, how welive in these billets. 

The house is very convenient on the whole, though cold, as there is noglass in the large windows and the prevailing N. W. Wind blows cleanthrough, and there are no fire-places. 

As to our mode of existence, my day is almost uniformly as follows:

6. 30 _a. M. _ Am called and drink 1 cup cocoa and eat 4 biscuits. 7. 15 _a. M. _ Get up. 7. 45 _a. M. _ Finished toilet and read _Times_ till breakfast. 8. 0 Breakfast. Porridge, scrambled eggs, bread and jam, tea. 8. 30-9. 15. Read _Times_. 9. 15-10. 15. Parade (or more often _not_, about twice a week 1 parade). 10. 15-1. 0 Read and write, unless interrupted by duties. 1. 0 Lunch. Cold meat, pudding, cheese and bread, lemonade. 1. 30-4. 0. Read and write. 4. 0. Tea, bread and jam. 4. 30. Censor Civil Telegrams. 4. 45-6. 15. Take exercise, _e. G. _, walk, ride, fish, shoot, or play football. 6. 15. Have a bath. 6. 30-7. 30. Play skat, or talk on verandah. 7. 30. Mess. Soup, fish, meat, veg. , pudding, savoury, beer or whisky. 8. 45-10. 15 Bridge. 10. 15. Go to bed. 

Such is the heroic existence of those who are bearing their country'sburden in this remote and trying corner of the globe!

_Enclosure_. 

"Meanwhile, let personal recrimination drop. It is the poison of allgood counsel. In every controversy there are mean little men whoassume that their own motives in taking up a line are of the mostexalted and noble character, but that those who dare differ from themare animated by the basest personal aims. Such men are a smallfaction, but they are the mischief-makers that have many a timeperverted discussion into dissension. Their aim seems to be to spreaddistrust and disunion amongst men whose co-operation is essential tonational success. These creatures ought to be stamped out relentlesslyby all parties as soon as they are seen crawling along the floor. "

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_November_ 18, 1915. 

TO L. R. 

As this week is Xmas mail, I have only time to wish you every blessingand especially those of peace and goodwill which are so sadly needednow. 

I am dreadfully sorry to hear that S. 's cancer is reappearing. We needmore of her sort just now. I pray that she may get over it, but thereis no disease which leaves less hope. 

I suppose everyone is struck by the weakness of a democracy in wartime as compared with an autocracy like the German. It is a complaintas old as Demosthenes. But it does not shake my faith in democracy asthe best form of Government, because mere strength and efficiency isnot my ideal. If a magician were to offer to change us to-morrow into astate on the German model, I shouldn't accept the offer, not even forthe sake of winning the war. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_November_ 23, 1915. 

TO HIS MOTHER. 

I strained a muscle in my leg at football yesterday and consequentlycan't put my foot to the ground at all to-day. It is a great nuisanceas I'm afraid it will prevent my going on our little trek into thedesert, which will probably come off next Monday. 

The news of the fight at Suliman Pak came through yesterday morningand we had a holiday on spec, and a salute of twenty-one guns wasordered to be fired. The first effort at 8 a. M. Was a ludicrousfiasco. The Volunteer Artillery, having no 'blank, ' loaded the gunswith charges of plain cordite. The result was that as each round wasfired it made about as much noise as a shot-gun, and the packet ofcordite would hop out of the barrel and burn peacefully on the groundten yards away, like a Bengal match. Gorringe arrived in the middle ina fine rage, and stopped the show. I took a snapshot of him doing sowhich I hope will come out. He then ordered the salute to be fired atnoon with live shell. This was quite entertaining. They ranged on theflood-land where we go after the geese, 3, 700 yards: and it took theshells about ten seconds to get there. There were some Arab shepherdswith their flocks between us and the water, and they didn't appear toenjoy it. They "scorned the sandy Libyan plain as one who wants tocatch a train. "

_Thursday_. As luck would have it, orders came round at 1 p. M. Yesterday for half the Battalion (including A. Coy. ) to moveup-stream at once: and after an afternoon and evening of many flustersand changes of plan, they have just gone off this morning. My wretchedleg prevents my going with them: but it is much better to-day and Ihope to be able to go by the next boat. Destination is unknown but itcan only be Kut or Baghdad: and I infer the latter from the facts (1)that Headquarters (C. O. , Adjt. Q. M. Etc. ) have gone, which means thatthe other half Battalion is likely to follow shortly: and (2) thatthey won't want a whole Battalion at Kut. The scale of garrison outhere is about as follows. Towns under 5, 000 one Coy. Or nothing, 5, 000-10, 000 two Coys. Over 10, 000 a (nominal) Battalion: bar Basrawhere there are only three men and one boy. Baghdad being about150, 000 may reasonably require two Brigades or a Division. We haven'theard yet whether we've got Baghdad. They may even have more fightingto do, though most people don't think so. 

I will try to cable before I go up. 

The M. O. Says I have slightly overstretched my calf-muscles. I jumpedrather high at a bouncing ball while I was running: and I came downsomehow with my left leg stuck out in such a way that the knee wasbent the wrong way: and so overstretched the muscles at the back ofthe calf. But I can already walk with two sticks, and hope to be ableto get on a boat in two or three days time. A week on the boat willgive it a further rest. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_December 1, 1915. _

TO HIS MOTHER. 

Sophy's death affects me more than any since Goppa's. She was the mostintimate of all my aunts, as I have constant memories of her from theearliest times I can remember till she went to live at Oxford. I wasalways devoted to her, and she had an almost uncanny power of readingmy thoughts. I don't feel there can have been a shade of bitterness indeath for her, though she loved life; but there is something woefullypathetic in its circumstances, the pain, the loneliness, the misery ofthe war. 

I thought about her all yesterday. The sunset was the most wonderful Ihave seen out here, and it seemed to say that though God could be veryterrible yet he was supremely tender and beautiful. How blank andfutile a sunset would be to a consistent materialist, as A. J. B. Pointsout in his lectures. 

The result of publishing what he called my "hymn" in the _Times_ ofOctober 15th has been an application from an earnest Socialist forleave to print it on cards at 8_s. _ 6_d. _ a 1, 000 to create a demandfor an early peace! But I couldn't help focussing my thoughts of Sophyinto these lines:

 Strong Son of God is Love; and she was strong, For she loved much, and served; Rejoiced in all things human, only wrong Drew scorn as it deserved. Fair gift of God is faith: 'twas hers, to move The mountains, and ascend The Paradise of saints: which faith and love Made even Death her friend. 

My leg is much better but will still keep me here some days, as I amnot to go till fit to march. It is a great nuisance being unable totake exercise. I was in such splendid condition, and now I shall bequite soft again. However there are compensations. The others are onlyat Kut, which is as dull as this and much less comfortable; and theyhave only 60lb. Kits, which means precious little. 

Swinburne I will begin when I feel stronger. The Golden Ass hasn'tcome. I ordered it years ago, before the war, to be sent onpublication. It is a curious product of Latin decadence, about secondcentury; the first notable departure from the classical style. Themost celebrated thing in it is the story of Cupid and Psyche: didn'tCorreggio paint it round the walls of a palace in Rome? I went to seeit with Sophy. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_December 8, 1915. _

TO HIS MOTHER. 

We are more cheerful now. In the first place we are less cold. Thewind has dropped and we have devised various schemes for mitigatingthe excessive ventilation. I have hung two gaudy Arab rugs over mywindow, with a layer of _Times_ between them and the bars. Some geniushad an inspiration, acting on which we have pitched an E. P. Tent inthe mess room. It just fits and is the greatest success. Finally, Isent my bearer to speculate in a charcoal brazier. This also is agreat success. Three penn'orth of charcoal burns for ages and givesout any amount of heat; and there is no smell or smoke: far superiorto any stove I've ever struck. So we live largely like troglodytes indarkness but comparative warmth. Between breakfast and tea one can siton the sunny side of the verandah round the inner court, though allsunshine has still to be shared with the flies; but they're not theflies they were, more like English October flies. 

Secondly, as far as we can see, the main troubles up stream are over. My account to Papa last mail was not very accurate, but I will writehim the facts again, in the light of fuller information. Anywaythey're back at Kut now, and ought to be able to look after themselvestill our reinforcements come up. The first two boat-loads have arrivedhere this morning, and are pushing on. But it was a serious reverseand may have very bad effects here and in India and Persia unless itis promptly revenged. 

Owing to the Salsette's grounding, there will be no mail this week. 

My leg remains much the same. I can walk quite well with a slight limpbut the doctor won't let me walk more than fifty yards. I am verythankful I was stopped from going up to Kut. "A" Coy. Has been workingat top pressure there, entrenching and putting up wire entanglements. And now they will have to stand a siege, on forty days' rations, tillYounghusband and Gorringe can relieve them. So I should be very much_de trop_ there. I always felt that my _entreé_ into the footballworld should be pregnant with fate, and so it is proving. 

I have been reading some Swinburne. He disappoints me as amind-perverse, fantastic and involved. Obscure when he meanssomething, he is worse when he means nothing. As an imagination he iswonderful. His poetry is really a series of vivid and crowdingpictures only held together by a few general and loose, though bigideas. His style is marvellously musical but overweighted by hisclassical long-windedness and difficult syntax. Such a contrast toTennyson where the idea shines out of the language which is so simpleas to seem inevitable, and yet wonderfully subtle as well as musical. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_December_ 12, 1915. 

TO R. K. 

In the stress of the times I can't remember when I last wrote or whatI said, so please forgive repetitions and obscurities. 

Let me begin at November 24th, the day we heard of the victory atCtesiphon or Sulman Pak. That afternoon I crocked my leg at footer andhave been a hobbler ever since with first an elephantine calf and nowa watery knee, which however, like the Tigris, gets less watery daily. 

The very next day (November 25th) half the battalion, including my "A"Coy. , was ordered up stream and departed next morning, leaving mefuming at the fancied missing of a promenade into Baghdad. Butprovidence, as you may point out in your next sermon, is often kinderthan it seems. Two days later I could just walk and tried to embark:but the M. T. O. Stopped me at the last moment. (I have stood him abenedictine for this since. )

Meanwhile, events were happening up-river. The Press Bureau's account, I expect, compresses a great deal into "Subsequently our force took upa position lower down the river" or some such _façon de parler_. Whathappened was this. We attacked without reserves relying on the enemyhaving none. We have done it several times successfully: indeed ournumbers imposed the necessity generally. This time there werereinforcements en route, had we waited. But I anticipate. 

Well, we attacked, and carried their first line and half their secondbefore darkness pulled us up. A successful day, though expensive incasualties. We bivouacked in their first line. Daybreak revealed theunpleasant surprise of strong enemy reinforcements, who are said tohave diddled our spies by avoiding Baghdad: 5, 000 of them. As we hadstarted the affair about 12, 000 strong to their 15, 000, this wasserious. They attacked and were driven off. In the afternoon theyattacked again, in close formation: our artillery mowed them, but theycame on and on, kept it up all night, with ever fresh reinforcements, bringing them to 30, 000 strong all told. By dawn our men wereexhausted and the position untenable. A retreat was ordered, thatmeant ninety miles back to Kut over a baked billiard table. The enemypressed all the way. Once they surrounded our rear brigade. Twoofficers broke through their front lines to recall the front lot. Another evening we pitched a camp and left it empty to delay theenemy. Daily rearguard actions were fought. Five feverish days got usback to Kut, without disorder or great loss of men; but the loss inmaterial was enormous. All possible supplies had been brought close upto the firing line to facilitate our pursuit: mainly in barges, therest in carts. The wounded filled all the carts, so those supplies hadto be abandoned. The Tigris is a cork-screwed maze of mud-banks, noriver for the hasty withdrawal of congested barges under fire. You canimagine the scene. Accounts differ as to what we lost. _Certainly_, two gunboats (destroyed), one monitor (disabled and captured), thetelegraph barge and supply barge, besides all supplies, dumped on thebank. Most accounts add one barge of sick and wounded (400), theaeroplane barge, and a varying number of supply barges. In men fromfirst to last we lost nearly 5, 000: the Turks about 9, 000--a guess ofcourse. 

The tale of woe is nearly complete. My "A" Coy. Got as far as Kut andwas set to feverish entrenching and wiring. Now the whole force there, some 8, 000 in all, is cut off there and besieged. They have rations(some say half rations) for six weeks or two months, and ammunition. They are being bombarded, and have been attacked once, but repelled iteasily. We aren't worried about them; but I with my leg (like anotheregoist) can't be sorry to be out of it. I should like to be there tomother my men. Our Major is wounded and the other officers infants;the Captain a Colonial one I'm glad to say. 

Meanwhile our reinforcements have turned up in great numbers andexpect to be able to relieve Kut by the end of the month. I mustn'tparticularise too much. In fact I doubt whether this or any letterswill be allowed to go through this week. The men are warned only towrite postcards. The dear censor has more excuse where Indians areconcerned. I can walk short walks now. Life is rather slow, but I haveseveral books luckily. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_December_ 20, 1915. 

TO N. B. 

There is a double mail to answer this week and only two days to do itin, so this may be rather hurried. 

I do get the _Round Table_. I don't think it suggests a World State aspractical politics, but merely as the only ideal with which the mindcan be satisfied as an ultimate end. If you believe in a duty to allhumanity, logic won't stop short of a political brotherhood of theworld, since national loyalty implies in the last resort a denial ofyour duty to everyone outside your nation. But in fact, of course, menare influenced by sentiment and not logic: and I agree that, for agesto come at least, a World State wouldn't inspire loyalty. I don't eventhink the British Empire would for long, if it relied only on thesentiment of the Mother Country as home. The loyalty of each Dominionto the Empire in future generations will be largely rooted in its owndistinctive nationalism, paradoxical as that sounds: at least so Ibelieve. 

Please don't refrain from comments on passing events for fear theywill be stale. They aren't, because my _Times's_ are contemporary withyour letters: and the amount of news we get by Reuter's is negligible. Indeed Reuter's chiefly enlighten us as to events in Mesopotamia. Lastnight we heard that Chamberlain had announced in the House that theTurks lost 2, 000 and the Arabs 1, 000 in the attack on Kut on December12th: that was absolutely the first we'd heard of it, though Kut isonly ninety miles as the crow flies, and my Company is there! All wehear is their casualties, thrice a week. They now total 2 killed and11 wounded out of 180: nearly all my Company and 3 of my draftwounded. 

I want to be there very much, to look after them, poor dears: but Imust say that T. A's view that a place like Kut is desirable to be in_per se_ never fails to amaze me, familiar though it now is. I hadanother instance of it last night. About twelve of my draft were leftbehind on various duties when the Coy. Went up-river in such a hurry. Hearing that my knee was so much better they sent me a deputy to askme to make every effort to take them with me if I went up-river. Iagreed, of course, but what, as usual, struck me was that the motivesI can understand--that one's duty is with the Coy. When there'strouble around, or even that it's nicer to be with one's pals at Kutthan lonely at Amarah--didn't appear at all. The two things he keptharping on were (1) it's so dull to miss a "scrap" and (2) there maybe a special clasp given for Kut, and we don't want to miss it. Theyevidently regard the Coy. At Kut as lucky dogs having a treat: the"treat" when analysed (which they don't) consisting of 20lb. Kits inDecember, half-rations, more or less regular bombardment, no properbillets, no shops, no letters, and very hard work!

My leg is very decidedly better now. I can walk half-a-mile withoutfeeling any aches, and soon hope to do a mile. There is an obstinatelittle puffy patch which won't disappear just beside the knee-cap: butthe M. O. Says I may increase my walk each day up to the point where itbegins to ache. 

We have had no rain here for nearly a month; but there are lightclouds about which make the most gorgeous sunsets I ever saw. 

 * * * * *

EXTRACT FROM LETTER TO HIS MOTHER. 

_December, 1915. _

I am looking forward to this trek. Four months is a large enough sliceof one's time to spend in Amarah, and there will probably be moreinterest and fewer battles on this trek than could be got on any otherfront. The Censor has properly got the breeze up here, so I probablyshan't be able to tell you anything of our movements or to send youany wires: but I will try and let you hear something each week; and ifwe are away in the desert, we generally arrange--and I will tryto--for some officer who is within reach of the post to write you aline saying I am all right (which he hears by wireless) but can'twrite. That is what we have been doing for the people at Kut. Butthere are bound to be gaps, and they will tend to get more frequentand longer as we get further. 

No casualties from "A" Coy. For several days: so I hope its maintroubles are over. 

 * * * * *

EXTRACT OF LETTER TO P. C. 

_Xmas Day_, 1915. 

. .. I'm so glad Gwalior was a success. I think a good native state isthe most satisfactory kind of Government for India in many ways; but(a) so few are really good, if you go behind the scenes and think ofsuch fussy things as security of life and property, taxation and itsproportion to benefits received, justice and administration, education, freedom of the subject, and so on. (b) It spells stagnationand the abandonment of the hope of training the mass of the people toresponsibility; but I think that is an academic rather than practicalpoint at present. 

Christmas is almost unbearable in war-time: the pathos and thereproach of it. I am thankful that my Company is at Kut onhalf-rations. I don't of course mean that: but I'm thankful to bespared eating roast beef and plum pudding heartily, as these dearpachyderms are now doing with such relish. I'm glad they do, and I'ddo it too if my Company was here. I'm always thankful for my thinskin, but I'm glad dear God made thick ones the rule in this wintryworld. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

EXTRACT FROM LETTER TO N. B. 

It seems odd to get just now your letter answering my arguments_against_ the advance to Baghdad. They were twofold (1) Military, thatwe should not have the force to hold it and our communications wouldbe too vulnerable. These objections have been largely met (_a_) bylarge reinforcements, which will nearly double our forces when theyare all up, (_b_) by the monitors--the second is here now; they solvethe communication problem. I think now it will take a fresh Army Corpsfrom Constantinople to dislodge us: and I now hear that thedifficulties of _its_ communications would be very great. (2)Politically. I thought the occupation of Baghdad would cause trouble(_a_) with Russia, (_b_) with Indian soldiers, (_c_) with Moslemsgenerally. Here again (_a_) P. Tells me Russia is giving us a freehand, (_b_) trouble did occur with some Indian Regiments, but it tookthe mild form of a strike, and the disaffected units have beendispersed by Coys. Over the lines of communication. (_c_) As regardsMoslems in India, I think I was wrong. The bold course, even tobluffing, generally pays with Orientals. We have incurred theirresentment by fighting Turkey and on the whole we had better regaintheir respect by beating her. Of course we shall respect theirreligious feelings and prejudices in every practicable way. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_December_ 26, 1915. 

TO M. H. 

I hope you safely received the MS. I sent you last mail. 

Orders to move have interrupted my literary activities, and I shallhave to spend the few days before we start chiefly in testing thefitness of my leg for marching. I went shooting on Friday and walkedabout six miles quite successfully, bar a slight limp; and I mean toextend progressively up to twelve. 

The weather has suddenly turned wet, introducing us to a new vilenessof the climate. I hope it won't last--it means unlimited slime. 

I shan't be able to write much or often for some time, I expect, as weshall be marching pretty continuously, I reckon. I shall try and writeto Ma and Pa at each opportunity, and to you if there's time and paperavailable. Your little writing-block may come in handy. 

One of my draft has been killed and five wounded at Kut. Ourcasualties there are 21 out of 180. I shall look forward to seeing mymen again: I hope about the second Sunday after Epiphany. We shallthen march with a force equal to the King of France's on hiscelebrated and abortive expedition of ascent. Our destination is aprofound secret, but you may give Nissit three guesses and make herwrite me her answers on a Valentine. 

Christmas passed off quietly and cheerfully. T. A. Is so profoundlyinsensible of incongruities that he saw nothing to worry him in thelegend A MERRY CHRISTMAS and the latest casualty list on thesame wall of the R. A. T. A. Room: and he sang "Peace on earth and mercymild" and "Confound their politics" with equal gusto. And his temperis infectious while you're with him. 

The most perplexing Reuter's come through from the Balkans. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_Christmas Day_, 1915. 

TO R. K. 

I hope you got my last letter safely. I enclosed it in my home one tobe forwarded. 

There is little news from this theatre, and what there is we mayn'twrite, for the most part. 

My Coy. Is being bombarded at Kut still. They have had 21 casualtiesout of 180. One of my draft is killed and five wounded and hereeveryone is parroting about a Merry Christmas. Truly the military manis a pachyderm. 

This is likely to be the last you will hear of me for some time, though I hope to be able to dob out a post-card here and there, perhaps letters now and then. In a word, we're moving next week andare not likely to see billets again till we lodge with thedescendants, either of the Caliphs or of Abraham's early neighbours. 

My leg is so far recovered that I take it as almost certain I shallmarch too when we go. I am testing it to make sure first. Yesterday itdid six miles without damage, though the gait remains Hephaestian. 

The weather is still cold, and fine and dry. The sunsets areglorious. 

 * * * * *

AMARAH. 

_December_ 26, 1915. 

TO N. B. 

Christmas and submarines have made the mails very late and we haveagain been nearly a fortnight without any. 

We have got our orders to move and so I look forward to a fairlyprolonged period of trekking, during which it will hardly be possibleto do more than write odd postcards and occasional short letters; butI will write when I can. We start in two or three days time. 

I expect my leg will be all right for marching. When I heard we weremoving, I went to the hospital to consult the chief M. O. There aboutit. He examined _both_ my legs gravely and then firmly grasping thesound one pronounced that it had still an excess of fluid in it: whichI take to be a sincere though indirect tribute to the subsidence ofthe fluid in the crocked one. He proceeded to prescribe an exactlyreverse treatment to that recommended by the other M. O. , which had theadvantage of giving me official sanction for pretty well anything Ichose to do or not do. The upshot of it was that I decided to test theold leg for myself to determine whether it was fit for marching ornot. So I began with a six mile walk on Friday, shooting: and foundthat my graceful limb did not impede my progress nor develop into anygraver symptoms. I was more tired than I should have been a month ago, but that was natural. Yesterday was monopolised by Christmasfunctions; to-day I mean to try eight or nine miles, and ten or twelveto-morrow. If the thing is going to crock it had better do it beforeI start: but it shows no sign of it. 

The latest way of indicating latitude and longitude is like a date, _e. G. _ 32. 25/44/10: you can take the N. And E. For granted. 

It has most tactlessly begun to rain again to-day, and with an E. Windit may continue, which will mean a vile slime for marching. 

The Christmas sports were really great fun: one of them--one-minuteimpromptu speeches--would make quite a good house-party game. 

_P. S. _--You must think me brutal not to have mentioned my poor men. Ihave written so many letters this morning, I didn't notice it in thisone. They are still being bombarded and have had 21 casualties out of180: 5 killed, one of my draft, 2 officers slightly wounded. I hope tosee them about Twelfth Night--no, say second Sunday after Epiphany!

 * * * * *

CAMP. 

_January 3_, 1916. 

TO P. C. 

. .. That afternoon the new draft arrived, headed by Jack Stillwell andLester Garland. They arrived only 45 strong, having reached Basra over100. Basra is a nest of military harpies who seize men for obscureduties and make them local sergts. Only 68 escaped from it; and ofthese 23 fell out on the march--another specimen of R. A. M. C. Efficiency. The M. O. At Quetta had merely passed down the line askingeach man "Are you fit?" and taking his answer. 

In this letter A. Stands for Amarah, C. For Kut, B. For Ali Gherbi. 

 * * * * *

B. 

_Sunday_, January 2, 1916. 

TO HIS FATHER. 

As I shan't be able to mention places in connection with ourmovements, I shall call the station we left on December 31st A. , thisplace B. And so on; and I think you ought to be able to follow, as Iwill make the lettering consistent. 

We left A. At 2 p. M. On Friday. The men were on barges slung on eitherside of the river-boat, on which various details, our officers and theGeneral and his staff were. 

I brought my gun and 150 cartridges, and was unexpectedly soonrewarded: for one of the A. C. C's staff came along after lunch andasked for someone to come with him in the motor-boat and shootpartridges. As I was the only one with a gun handy I went. We racedahead in the motor-boat for half-an-hour and then landed on the rightbank and walked up the river for two-and-a-half hours, not deviatingeven to follow up coveys. There were a lot of birds, but it was windyand they were wild and difficult. Also with only two guns and threesepoys we walked over as many as we put up. Craik (the A. D. C's name, he is an Australian parson in peace-time) was a poor performer andonly accounted for three. I got thirteen, a quail, a plover and ahare. I missed three or four sitters and lost two runners, but on thewhole shot quite decently, as the extreme roughness of the hard-bakedploughed (or rather mattocked) land is almost more of an obstacle togood shooting than the behaviour of the birds. Craik was a stayer, andas the wind dropped at sunset and the birds grew tamer he perseveredtill it was dark. Then we had to walk three-quarters-of-a-mile beforewe could find a place where the boat could get in near the bank: so wehad a longer and colder chase to catch up the ship than I hadbargained for, especially as I had foolishly forgotten to bring acoat. However, when I got too cold I snuggled up against the engineand so kept parts of me warm. Luckily the ship had to halt at the campof a marching column, so we caught her up in one-and-a-quarter hours. 

I pitched my bed on deck up against the boiler, and so was as warm astoast all night. 

Yesterday morning we steamed steadily along through absolutely barecountry. The chief feature was the extraordinary abundance ofsand-grouse. I told Mamma of the astonishing clouds of them whichpassed over A. Here they were in small parties or in flocks up to 200:but the whole landscape is dotted with them from 8 a. M. Till 11 andagain from 3 to 4: so that any random spot would give one much thesame shooting as we had at the Kimberley dams. An officer on boardtold me that when he was here two months ago, a brother officer hadkilled fifty to his own gun: and a Punjabi subaltern got twenty-onewith five shots. 

We reached here about 2 p. M. This place is only about forty-five milesfrom A. As the crow flies, but by river it takes sixteen hours, andwith various halts and delays it took us just twenty-four. We only ranon to one mud-bank. The effect was curious. The ship and the portbarge stopped dead though without any shock. The starboard bargemissed the mud and went on, snapping the hawsers and iron cablesuniting us. The only visible sign of the bank was an eddying of thecurrent over it: it was right in midstream. 

This is a most desolate place. Apart from the village with its fewpalms and gardens there seems not to be a blade of vegetation withinsight. To the N. E. The Persian hills are only fifteen miles away. Theyhave still a little snow (did I mention that the storm which gave usrain at A. Had capped these hills with a fine snow mantle?)

Here we found "D" Co. , which got stranded here when "A" Co. Got stuckin C. We are about forty-five or fifty miles from C. As the crowflies, and the guns can be heard quite plainly: but things have beenvery quiet the last few days. There is an enemy force of 2, 000 aboutten miles from here, but how long they and the ones at C. Will waitremains to be seen. 

We know nothing of our own movements yet and I couldn't mention themif we did. We have been put into a different brigade, but thebrigadier has not been appointed yet. The number of the brigade equalsthat of the ungrateful lepers or the bean-rows which Yeats intendedto plant at Innisfree. We are independent of any division. 

A mysterious Reuter has come through about conscription. As it quotesthe _Westminster_ as saying Asquith has decided on it, I'm inclined tobelieve it: but it goes on to talk obscurely of possible resignationsand a general election. 

This may catch the same mail as my letter to Mamma from A. 

_P. S. _ Please tell Mamma that just as we were embarking, the S. And T. Delivered me two packages, which turned out to be the long-lost bluejerseys. So there is hope for the fishing rods yet. 

 * * * * *

_Monday_, January 10, 1915. 

TO HIS MOTHER. 

I will use a spare hour to begin an account of our doings since I lastwrote, but I don't know when I shall be able to finish it, still lesswhen post it. 

We left B. Last Thursday morning and were told we should march sixteenmiles: we marched up the right bank, so our left flank was exposed tothe desert, and "D" Company did flank guard. My platoon formed theouter screen and we marched strung out in single file. There werecavalry patrols beyond us again, and anyway no Arab could come withinfive miles without our seeing him, so our guarding was a sinecure. 

We paraded as soon as it was light, at 7. 15 a. M. , but owing to thetransport delays, the column did not start till after 9. 0. Thetransport consists of: (a) ships and barges; (b) carts, mules andcamels. Each has its limitations. Ships tie you to the river-bank, soevery column must have some land transport. Camels can hardly moveafter rain: they slip and split themselves. The carts are fearfullyheld up by the innumerable ditches which are for draining the floodsback to the river. There are not nearly enough mules to go round andthey only carry 160lbs. Each. So you can imagine our transportdifficulties. The country supplies neither food, fodder nor fuel. Ourfirewood comes from India. If you leave the river you must carry everydrop of drinking water. So the transport line was three times as longas the column itself, and moved more slowly. 

Our new Brigadier turned up and proved to be a pleasant, sensible kindof man, looking rather like Lord Derby. Having just come from France, he keeps quite cool whatever we encounter. (P. S. We have had a newBrigadier since this one, I haven't yet seen the present one. )

The march was slow and rough, as most of the ground was hard-bakedplough. The country was as level and bare as a table, bar the ditches, and we hardly saw a human being all day. It took us till after 4 p. M. To do our sixteen miles. About 2 p. M. We began to hear firing and seeshrapnel in the distance, and it soon became clear that we wereapproaching a big battle. Consequently we had to push on beyond oursixteen miles, and went on till Sunset. By this time we were all veryfootsore and exhausted. The men had had no food since the nightbefore, the ration-cart having stuck in a ditch; and many of theinexperienced ones had brought nothing with them. My leg held outwonderfully well, and in fact has given me no trouble worth speakingof. 

We had to wait an hour for orders, the Brigadier knowing nothing ofthe General's intentions. By six it was quite dark, and the firing hadceased: and we got orders to retrace our steps to a certain campingplace (marked _I_ on sketch). This meant an extra mile, and immensetrouble and confusion in finding our way over ditches and then sortingkits in the dark: but finally we did it, ate a meal, and turned inabout 9. 30 p. M. Pretty well tired out, as we had been on the movefourteen hours and had marched about twenty-one miles. To put the lidon it, a sharp shower of exceedingly frigid rain surprised us all inour beauty sleep, about 11 p. M. And soaked the men's blankets andclothes. Luckily I had everything covered up, and I spread my overcoatover my head and slept on, breathing through the pocket-holes. 

(I will continue this in diary form and post it if and when I get achance. )

_Friday 7th. _ Started at 8. 30 and marched quietly about five miles. This brought us within view of the large village of D. , which isroughly half-way between B. And C. Between us and it the battle was infull swing. We halted by a pontoon bridge (2 on sketch), just out ofrange of the enemy's guns, and watched it for several hours. Owing tothe utter flatness of the ground, we could see very little of theinfantry. It was hot and the mirage blurred everything. Our artillerywas clearly very superior to theirs, both in quantity (quite five toone it seemed) and in the possession of high explosive shell, of whichthe enemy had none: but we were cruelly handicapped (_a_) by the factthat their men and guns were entrenched and ours exposed; and (_b_) bythe mirage, which made the location of their trenches and emplacementsalmost impossible. 

I had better not say much about the battle yet, but I will give arough sketch and describe our own experiences. I will only say this, that the two great difficulties our side had to contend with were: (1)the inability of the artillery to locate anything with certainly inthe mists and mirage, and (2) the difficulty of finding and gettinground the enemy's flanks. Either they had a far larger force than weexpected, or they were very skilfully spread out--for they covered anamazingly wide front, quite eight miles, I should say, or more. 

The battle was interesting to watch, but not exciting. The noise ofthe shells from field guns is exactly like that of a rocket going up. When the shell is coming towards you, there is a sharper hiss in it, like a whip. It gives you a second or two to get under cover and thencrack-whizz as the shrapnel whizzes out. The heavy shells from themonitors, etc. , make a noise more like a landslide of pebbles down abeach, only blurred as if echoed. Bobbety's "silk dress swishingthrough the air" does his imagination credit, but is not quiteaccurate, nor does it express the spirit of the things quite!

About 3. 30 we had orders to cross to the left bank. As we passed overthe bridge, we put up two duck, who had been swimming there peacefullywith the shells flying over their heads every half minute for hours. When we reached the left bank we marched as if to reinforce our rightflank. Presently the Brigadier made us line out into echelon ofcompanies in line in single rank, so that from a distance we lookedlike a brigade, instead of three companies. About 4 we came up to ahowitzer battery and lay down about 200 yards from it, thus:

[Illustration]

We had lain there about ten minutes when a hiss, crack, whizz, andshells began to arrive, invariably in pairs, about where I've put the1 and 2. We had a fine view. The first notice we had of each shell wasthe sudden appearance of a white puff, about thirty feet above ground, then a spatter of dust about thirty yards to the right, then thehiss-crack-whizz. They were ranging on the battery, but after a minuteor two they spotted the ammunition column, and a pair of shells burstat 3, then a pair at 4. So the column retreated in a hurry along thedotted arrow, and the shells following them began to catch us inenfilade. So Foster made us rise and move to the left in file. Just aswe were up, a pair burst right over my platoon. I can't conceive whynobody was hit. I noticed six bullets strike the ground in asemi-circle between me and the nearest man three paces away, andeveryone else noticed the same kind of thing, but nobody was touched. I don't suppose the enemy saw us at all: anyway, the next pair pitched100 yards beyond us, following the mules, and wounded three men in C. Company: and the next got two men of B. --all flesh wounds and notsevere. They never touched the ammunition column. 

We lay down in a convenient ditch, and only one more pair came ourway, as the enemy was ranging back to the battery. Of this pair, onehit the edge of the ditch and buried itself without exploding, and theother missed with its bullets, while the case bounced along and hit asergeant on the backside, not even bruising it. 

Just before 5 we got orders to advance in artillery formation. Myplatoon led, and we followed a course shown by the dotted line. We wentthrough the battery and about 300 yards beyond, and then had orders toreturn to camp. On this trip (which was mere window-dressing) no shellcame nearer than fifty yards: in fact our own battery made us jump muchmore. 

The whole episode was much more interesting than alarming. Fear isseated in the imagination, I think, and vanishes once the mind canassert itself. One feels very funky in the cold nights when nothing ishappening: but if one has to handle men under fire, one is braced upand one's attention is occupied. I expect rifle fire is much moretrying: but the fact that shell-fire is more or less unaimed at oneindividually, and also the warning swish, gives one a feeling of greatsecurity. 

We got back to camp near the river (4 on sketch) about 6, and dug aperimeter, hoping to settle down for the night. But at 7. 30 orderscame to move at 9. 30. We were told that an enemy force had workedround our right flank, and that our brigade had to do a night marcheastward down the river and attack it at dawn. So at 10 p. M. Wemarched with just a blanket apiece, leaving our kits in the camp. After we had gone, the Q. M. Made up a big fire and got in no fewerthan fifty-two wounded, who were trying to struggle back to the fielddressing station from the firing line four or five miles away. 

The fire attracted them and parties went out to help them in. I thinkit is very unsatisfactory that beyond the regimental stretcher-bearersthere is no ambulance to bring the wounded back: and how can a dozenstretchers convey 300 casualties five miles? It is a case of _sauvequi peut_ for the wounded: and when they get to the dressing stationthe congestion is very bad, thirty men in a tent, and only three orfour doctors to deal with 3, 000 or 4, 000 wounded. I mention this asconfirming my previous criticism of the medical service here. 

Well, we started out at 10 p. M. And marched slowly and silently tillnearly midnight. Then we bivouacked for four-and-a-half-hours (5 onsketch, ) and a more uncomfortable time I hope never to spend. We hadnot dared bring rugs for fear of losing them in the subsequent attack, so I had nothing but my Burberry, a muffler and a woollen helmet. Theground was bare earth everywhere, very damp and cold. I lay in a ditchand slept for three-quarters-of-an hour, and then woke with extremelycold feet, so I walked about a little, and then, finding Foster in thesame case, we both took off our Burberrys and laid one under us andone above and lay like babes in the wood. This expedient kept oneflank nicely warm, and soon I got North to make a pillow of my otherthigh, which kept _that_ warm: but from the knees downwards I wasincurably cold and never got to sleep again. The men were better off, having each a blanket, and sleeping in packets of four. 

_Saturday. _ At last 4. 30 a. M. Arrived and we started marching again. It was a blessing to get one's feet warm but the pleasures of themarch were strictly comparative. We trekked on eastwards along theriver-bank till sunrise, 7 a. M. , when we came on a camp of Arabs whofled shrieking at our approach (6 on sketch. ) At 7. 30, we halted andhad breakfast. Our united efforts failed to find enough fuel to boil akettle. We waited till 9, when the cavalry patrols returned andreported no sign of the enemy, so we marched back to the pontoonbridge (7 on sketch). I suspect our re-entry _qua_ stagereinforcements was the whole object of our expedition, and theout-flankers were a myth from the beginning. The march back was themost unpleasant we've had. It got hot and the ground was hard andrough and we were all very tired and footsore. A sleepless night takesthe stamina out of one. There and back our trek was about twelvemiles. 

On arrival at the bridge we were only allowed half-an-hour's rest andthen got orders to march out to take up an 'observation post' on theright flank. Being general reserve is no sinecure with bluffingtactics prevailing. 

This last lap was extremely trying. We marched in artillery formation, all very lame and stiff. We passed behind our yesterday's friend, thehowitzer battery, but at a more respectful distance from the enemy'sbattery. This latter showed no sign of life till we were nearly twomiles from the river. Then it started its double deliveries and someof them came fairly close to some of our platoon, but not to mine. 

It took us nearly two hours to drag ourselves three miles and the menhad hardly a kick in them when we reached the place assigned for ourpost (8 on sketch). We were ordered to entrench in echelon ofcompanies facing North. I thought it would take till dark to get usdug in (it was 2 p. M. ); but luckily our men, lined up ready to begindigging, caught the eye of the enemy as a fine enfilade target (orelse they saw our first line mules) and they started shelling us from6, 500 yards (Enemy's battery, 9 on sketch). The effect on the men wasmagical. They woke up and dug so well that we had fair cover withinhalf an hour and quite adequate trenches by 3. This bombardment wasquite exciting. The first few pairs were exactly over "D" Company'strench, but pitched about 100 yards beyond it. The next few wereexactly right in range, but about forty yards right, _i. E. _ behind us. Just as we were wondering where the third lot would be, our faithfulhowitzer battery and some heavy guns behind them, which opened allthey knew on the enemy battery as soon as they opened on us, succeededin attracting its fire to themselves. This happened three or fourtimes. Just as they were getting on to us the artillery saved us:there would be a sharp artillery duel and then the Turks would liequiet for ten minutes, then begin on us again. This went on until wewere too well dug in to be a tempting target, and they devotedthemselves to our battery. The curious part of it was that though wecould see the flash of their guns every time, the mirages made itimpossible to judge their ranges or even for our battery to observeits own fire properly. Our howitzer battery unfortunately was not in amirage, and they had its range to a yard and plastered it withshrapnel. If they had had high explosives they could have smashed it. 

About 4. 30 the mirage cleared and our guns had a free go for the firsttime that day: (in the morning mists last until the mirage begins). I'm told the mirage had put our guns over 1, 000 yards out in theirranging, but I doubt this. Anyway it is the fact that those guns andtrenches which were sited in mirages were practically untouched in aheavy two days' bombardment. 

In that last hour, however, between 4. 20 and dark, our heavy guns gotinto the enemy finely with their high explosives. They blew one of ourtormentors bodily into the air at 10, 500 yards, and silenced theothers, and chased every Turk out of the landscape. 

All the same, we were rather gloomy that night. Our line had made noprogress that we could hear of; we had had heavy losses (none in ourbattalion), and there seemed no prospect of dislodging the enemy. Their front was so wide we could not get round them, and frontalattacks on trenches are desperate affairs here if your artillery isparalysed by mirages. The troops who have come from France say that inthis respect this action has been more trying than either NeuveChappelle or Ypres, because, as they say, it is like advancing over abilliard-table all the way. 

To crown our troubles, we were three miles from the river, which meantno water except for necessities--the men had no kits, and it was verycold, and we could not show lights. And finally, after midnight, itbegan to pour with rain!

_Sunday. _ At 5. 30 we stood to arms. It rained harder than ever andmost of us hadn't a dry stitch. At last it got light, the raingradually stopped, and a thoroughly depressed battalion breakfasted ina grey mist, expecting to be bombarded the moment it lifted. About8. 30 the mist cleared a little, and we looked in vain for ourtormentors. Our cavalry reconnoitred and, to our joy, we saw them rideclean over the place where the enemy's line had been the eveningbefore. They had gone in the night. 

A cold but drying wind sprang up and the sun came out for a shorttime, and we managed to get our things dry. At 1 o'clock we marchedback to the river and found the bridge gone. 

I think this makes a good place to stop, as it marks the end of ourfirst series of adventures and of the no doubt by now famous battle ofD. 

I enclose a sketch-map to explain our movements. For obvious reasons Ican't say much about the battle itself. 

(I will briefly bring this up to date, post it and try to get a cablethrough to you. )

When we reached the river (10 on sketch), it began to rain again andwe spent a very chill and damp afternoon on the bank awaiting orders. About dusk B. And C. Companies were ordered to cross the river toguard the hospital there, and D. Stayed to guard the hospital on theleft bank. Mercifully our ship was handy, so we got our tents andslept warm, though all our things were wettish. 

_Monday. _ A quiet morning, no orders. A Scotch mist shroudedeverything till noon and kept our things damp, but the sun got throughat last. 

C. Company returned to left bank, as all wounded were being shippedacross. (N. B. They had to bring them across in our ship. There isstill no sign of the Red Cross motor boats up _here_, though I'm gladto hear they've reached Basra. ) We got orders to march to D. By night. We started at 8 p. M. , "B. " Company marching parallel on the otherbank. It was seven or eight miles, but we went very slow, and did notget in till 1. 30 and our transport not till nearly 3, heavy gunssticking in the ditches. (N. B. Once we got behind the evacuatedTurkish line, we found that the ditches had been filled in to allowpassage of guns, an expedient which had apparently not occurred to theBritish Command, for no ditch had been filled in between B, and thispoint!)

_Tuesday. _ When morning came we found ourselves camped just oppositeD. (11 on sketch), and we are still there. Two fine days (though itfreezes at night) and rest have restored us. A mail arrived thismorning, bringing letters to December 7th, and your medical parcels. 

I only returned you the quinine and bandages, of which people in Amarahave plenty. They will come in handy for you to send out again. _Here_everything medical can be used, but I couldn't have brought any morethan I did. As it is, I've left a lot at Amarah. 

I must close now. On these cold nights the little kitchener isinvaluable, so is the soup. Of the various brands you sent, Ivelcon isthe best. The chocolate is my mainstay on day marches. Also the DietTablets are very good. Bivouac Cocoa is also good. The Kaross isinvaluable. 

Stanford's Map has arrived. 

 * * * * *

ON THE E. CANAL. 

_Saturday, January 15th_, 1916. 

TO HIS MOTHER. 

I will continue my account of our doings in diary form. Last week wehad a kind of general introduction to war. The last few days we haveseen a few of its more gruesome details. 

_12th, Wednesday. _ After posting your letter and one to Luly I readsome of the Mail's papers. We have had absolutely no outside newssince January 1st, and get very little even of the operations of ourown force. I then went to see Foster who has had to go sick and liveson our supply ship. About 20 per cent. Of our men are sick, mostlydiarrhoea and sore feet. The former is no doubt due to Tigris water. They don't carry the chlorinating plant on trek, and men often have toreplenish water-bottles during short halts. Personally I have so faravoided unboiled water. I have my bottle filled with tea beforeleaving camp, and can make that last me forty-eight hours, and eke itout with soup or cocoa in the Little Kitchener at bivouacs. 

In the evening "D. " Company had to find a firing party to shoot threeIndians, two N. C. Os. And one sepoy, for cowardice in the face of theenemy. I'm thankful that North and not I was detailed for the job. Ithink there is nothing more horrible in all war than these executions. Luckily they are rare. The men, however, didn't mind at all. I talkedto the corporal about it afterwards--a particularly nice and youthfulone, one of my draft--and remarked that it was a nasty job for him tohave to do. To which he replied gaily, "Well, sir, I 'ad a bit o' rustin my barrel wanted shootin' out, so it came in handy like. " T. A. Is awonderful and attractive creature. 

_13th, Thursday. _ Moved at 7 a. M. , carrying food and water for twodays. The enemy had been located on the E. Canal, about eight milesfrom D. , and our people were going to attack them. The idea was tohold them in front with a small force, while a much bigger force gotround their left flank (the Canal is on the left bank of the river). Our brigade was to support the frontal containing force. 

We marched about four miles and then halted about 9 a. M. There was astrong and cold S. E. Wind blowing, which prevented our hearing anyfiring, and we could see very little shelling. Our air plane firstreported that a certain fort, which stood about a mile in advance ofthe enemy's left flank, was strongly held; but we seem to have shelledthem out of that pretty easily, for about 2 p. M. It reported againthat the enemy had left his trenches on the Canal. 

About 3. 30 p. M. We advanced, and reached the aforesaid fort a littlebefore sunset. Here we heard various alarming and depressing reports, the facts underlying which, as far as I can make out at present, werethese. The Turks, seeing their left flank being turned, quitted theirposition and engaged the outflanking force, leaving only about 500 outof their 9, 000 to hold the canal. Our outflanking force, findingitself heavily engaged, sent and asked the frontal force to advance, to relieve the pressure. The frontal force, hearing at the same timethat the Turks had quitted their Canal trenches, advanced too rashlyand were surprised and heavily punished by the remnant left along theCanal, losing half their force and being obliged to retire. So whenthey met us they naturally gave us the impression that there was alarge force still holding the Canal, which we should have to tackle inthe morning. 

We dug ourselves in about 2, 000 yards from the Canal. It was very coldand windy, and we had not even a blanket, though I had luckily broughtboth my greatcoat and Burberry. There was a small mud hut just behindour trench, littered with Turkish rags. The signallers made a fireinside, and two stray Sikhs had rolled themselves up in a corner. Itwas not an inviting spot, but it was a choice between dirt and cold, and I had no hesitation in choosing dirt. So after a chill dinner, atwhich I drank neat lime-juice and neat brandy alternately (to save mywater-bottle intact), I turned into the hut. The other officers(except North) at first disdained it with disgust, but as the nightwore on they dropped in one by one, till by midnight we were lying inlayers like sardines. The Colonel was the last to surrender. I have agreat admiration for him. He is too old for this kind of game, andfeels the cold and fatigue very much: but he not only nevercomplains, but is always quietly making the best of things foreveryone and taking less than his share of anything good that isgoing. Nothing would induce him, on this occasion, to lie near thefire. 

_14th, Friday. _ The night having passed more pleasantly than couldhave been expected, we stood to arms in the trenches at 5. 30 a. M. Thisis a singularly unpleasing process, especially when all you have tolook forward to is the prospect of attacking 9, 000 Turks in trenchesbehind a Canal! But one's attention is fully occupied in trying tokeep warm. 

As soon as it was light we got orders to advance and marched inartillery formation to within 1, 200 yards of the Canal, where we foundsome hastily begun trenches of the day before, and proceeded to deepenthem. As there was no sign of the enemy, the conviction grew on usthat he must have gone in the night; and presently the order came tostop entrenching and form a line to clear up the battlefield, _i. E. _the space between us and the Canal. This included burying the dead andpicking up wounded, as the stretcher parties which had tried to bringthe wounded in during the night had been heavily fired on and unableto get further than where we were. 

I had never seen a dead man and rather dreaded the effect on my queasystomach; but when it came to finding, searching and burying them oneby one, all sense of horror--though they were not pleasant to lookupon--was forgotten in an overmastering feeling of pity, such as onefeels at the tragic ending of a moving story, only so oppressive as tomake the whole scene like a sad and impersonal dream, on which and asin a dream my mind kept recurring to a tableau which I must have seenover fifteen years ago in Madame Tussaud's of Edith finding the bodyof Harold after the battle of Hastings, and indeed the stiff corpseswere more like waxen models than anything that had lived. 

The wounded were by comparison a cheerful company, though theirsufferings during the eighteen hours they had lain there must havebeen fearful: but the satisfaction of being able to bring them in wasour predominant feeling. 

In the middle of this work we were suddenly recalled and ordered tomarch to the support of the outflanking force, of whose movements wehad heard absolutely nothing. But when we had fallen in, all they didwas to march us to the Canal, and thence along it back to the river, where we encamped about 1 p. M. And still are. 

It was a great comfort to be within reach of water again, though thewind and rain have made the river so muddy that a mug of water from itlooks exactly like a mug of tea with milk in it. 

The wind had continued unabated for two days and now blew almost agale. The dust was intolerable and made any attempts at washinghopeless. Indeed one's eyes got so full of it the moment they wereopened that we sat blinking like owls or shut them altogether. So itwas a cheerless afternoon, with rain threatening. Our supply ship withour tents had not come up, but the Major (Stillwell) had a bivouactent on the second line transport, which he invited me to share, anoffer which I gladly accepted. We made it as air-tight as possible, and built a wall of lumps of hard-baked mud to protect us fromsnipers, and slept quite reasonably warm. It came on to rain heavilyin the night, so I was lucky to be under shelter. 

_15th, Saturday. _ This morning it rained on and off till nearly noon, and the wind blew all day and the sun never got properly through: butthe rain had laid the dust. 

_N. B. _--With regard to parcels, none are arriving now, just whenthey're wanted. The fact is they have to economise their transportmost rigidly. A staff officer told me that our supply of river-boatsjust enables one boat (with its pair of barges alongside) to reach usevery day; our food for one day fills one entire barge, so that youcan imagine there is not much room to spare after ammunition and otherwar material has been put on board. The mahila convoys are extra, butas they take several weeks to do the journey their help is limited. 

I have just seen the padre who has been working in the field dressingstation. In his station there were two doctors, two nursing orderliesand two native sweepers; and these had to cope with 750 white woundedfor five days till they could ship them down the river. Altogether ourcasualties in the two battles have been well over 5, 000, so the Turkhas rather scored. 

This afternoon news is ([Greek: a]) that we have got a new Brigadier. Our brigade manages its commanders on the principle of the caliph andhis wives, and has not yet found a Sherazade. ([Greek: b]) that wehave got a brigade M. O. O. Ambulance. This is a luxury indeed. We areonly just over twenty miles from C. Now, so we hope to get throughafter one more battle. 

_16th, Sunday. _ Still in camp. No sun. More rain. Friday's gale andthe rise in the river has scattered our only pontoon bridge, andHeaven knows when another will be ready. All our skilledbridge-builders are in C. The people here seem quite incapable of evenbridging the Canal, twenty feet wide. Typical, very. 

I want a new shaving brush--badger's hair, not too large. 

Mail just going. Best love. 

_P. S. _--We had a Celebration on a boat this morning, which I was veryglad of, also a voluntary parade service. 

 * * * * *

LAST LETTER FROM R. P. TO L. PALMER GIVING STORYFROM JANUARY 12TH TO JANUARY 21ST. 

I wrote you last week a summary of our doings during the battle of D. Now I will tell you what we have done since, though it is mostlyunpleasant. 

The evening after I posted last week's letter "D. " Coy. Had to find afiring party to shoot a havildar, a lance-naik and a sepoy forcowardice in face of the enemy. Thank goodness North and not I wasdetailed for it. They helped dig their own graves and were very braveabout it. They lay down in the graves to be shot. Corp. Boughey wasone of the party and when I condoled with him afterwards on theunpleasantness of the job, he replied, "Well, Sir, I 'ad a bit of rustin my barrel wanted shootin' out so it come in handy like"!

_Thursday, 13th. _ We marched at 7 carrying food and water for twodays. We were in support of the frontal containing force. The enemywere on the Canal, eight miles off. We marched about four miles andthen halted, and waited most of the day for orders. A strong S. E. Windprevented us hearing anything of the battle but we could see a certainamount of shelling. About 3 p. M. We got orders to go up in support ofthe frontal force, which (we were told) had advanced, the enemy havingabandoned the Canal. We marched another three miles to a fort, whichstood about one and a quarter miles from the Canal, and from which wehad driven the enemy in the morning. Here we waited till after dark, when we heard that the frontal force had blundered into a Turkishrearguard holding the Canal, and had lost heavily and been obliged toretire. It is these disconcerting surprises which try one's spiritmore than anything else. We ate a cold and cheerless supper justbeyond the fort, and then dug ourselves in, with other units of ourbrigade on either side of us. It was windy and very cold. There was asmall and filthy hut with every mark of recent Turkish use, justbehind the trench, but sooner or later every officer (I among thefirst) came to the conclusion that dirt was preferable to cold, and weall packed in round a fire which our signallers had lit there. 

_Friday, 14th. _ After a tolerable night we stood to arms at 5. 30, awholly displeasing process. As soon as it was light, we advanced towithin 1, 200 yds. Of the Canal and started digging in. But it soonbecame clear that the enemy had cleared out in the night, so westopped digging and started to clear up the battlefield, _i. E. _, thespace between us and the Canal. The stretcher parties had been outduring the night, but they had been fired on so heavily that theycould not get beyond the 1, 200 yd. Line, so there were wounded to pickup as well as dead to bury and equipment to collect. The dead were sopitiable that one quite forgot their ghastliness; but it was agruesome job searching their pockets. The poor wounded had had afearful time too, lying out in the cold all night, but thesatisfaction of getting them in cheered one up. The ground was simplylittered with pointed bullets. 

In the middle of this job we were recalled and told to march to thesupport of our outflanking force; but by the time we were collectedand fallen in the need for our assistance had apparently passed, forwe were merely marched to the Canal and then along it to where itjoins the river; where we have been ever since. We got into camp heresoon after noon, and were very glad to be within reach of water again. The weather was the limit. It blew a gale all the afternoon, and thedust was so bad one could hardly open one's eyes. We had no tents, butthe Major (Stilwell) had a bivouac and invited me in with him, whichwas a blessing as it rained all night. 

_Saturday, 15th. _ Rained all the morning on and off. Afternoon greyand cold. Nothing doing and no news. Sniping at night. 

_Sunday, 16th. _ Morning grey and cold. Rained all the afternoon and isstill at it (8 p. M. ). Padre held a celebration on one of the boats, and an open air voluntary parade service. Dug a bridge-head perimetre. We are waiting for the bridge. The gale and the river bust it. 

_Monday, 17th. _ Rained on and off all day. Grey, cold and windy. Ordered to cross river as soon as bridge is ready. Bridge reportedready 6 p. M. So we struck camp. We took only what blankets we couldcarry. When we reached the bridge, we found it not finished, andsquatted till 8. 15. Then the bridge was finished and immediatelybroke. So we had to come back to camp and bivouac. Luckily theofficers tents were recoverable, but not the men's. 

_Tuesday, 18th. _ Rain stopped at 8 a. M. Whole place a sea of mud ankledeep, and slippery as butter. Nearly the whole bridge had been washedaway or sunk in the night. We got men's tents from the ship, clearedspaces from mud and pitched camp again. Rain started again about 1p. M. And continued till 4. The Canal or "Wadi" had meanwhile come downin heavy spate and broken that bridge, so we were doubly isolated. Iwent out to post piquets. It took two hours to walk three miles. Jubber Khan sick all day, so I had to manage for myself, helped byNorth's bearer. Foster being sick North is O. C. "D. " Coy. And I sharea 40lb. Tent with him. He is 2/4th, son of the Duke of Wellington'sAgent at Strathfieldsaye, but has served three years in N. Rhodesia, so is quite used to camp life. 

Desultory bombardment all day. 

_Wednesday 19th. _ Sun at last; first fine day since Thursday last. Orders to cross Wadi as soon as bridge repaired. Crossed at 4 p. M. Andcamped in a dry place. 

_Thursday, 20th. _ Fair, sun, heavy bombardment all day. Post going. 

 * * * * *

ACCOUNT OF FIGHTING WHICH TOOK PLACE IN THE ATTACK ONTHE TURKISH POSITION OF UM EL HANNA, ON JANUARY 21ST, 1916. 

_By an Officer who was There. _

The Turkish position, which is about ten miles up stream from ShaikhSaad, is on the left bank of the Tigris. The position is a very strongone, thoroughly entrenched, with the river protecting its right flankand absolutely secured on its left flank by a very extensive marshwhich stretches for miles. 

Our camp was about five miles from the Turkish position (downstream)but our forward trenches were within about 1, 000 yards of it. 

On January 20th our guns bombarded the enemy's trenches at intervalsduring the day, and on the following morning at 3 a. M. We moved out ofcamp preparatory to the attack which was to commence about 6. 30 a. M. 

The ---- Brigade was to push the main attack with the ---- Brigade(ours) in support of it, whilst a third brigade was to make a holdingattack on our right. 

The leading brigade entrenched itself during the night within about500 yards of the position, whilst our Regiment with one IndianRegiment formed the first line of supports. We were in our trenchesabout 1, 000 yards from the enemy's position, ready to make the attack, by 6 a. M. 

For some reason, which I do not know, the attack was delayed, and ourguns did not open fire till 7. 45 a. M. Instead of 6. 30 as originallyintended. 

At 7. 55 a. M. After our guns had bombarded the enemy's trenches foronly ten minutes the infantry were ordered to advance to the attack, our support line advancing at the same time. 

Our Battalion, which consisted of three Companies (one Coy. Being inKut-el-Amara) advanced in three lines, "B" Coy. Forming the first lineunder Lieut. Needham, "C" Coy. The second line under Capt. PageRoberts, and "D" Coy. The third line under Capt. North with Capt. TheHon. R. Palmer as his 2nd in command. Lt. -Col. Bowker was with thethird line. 

As soon as we left the trenches we were under a heavy rifle fire, andas we advanced this became more and more intense, with machine gun andshrapnel fire added. The ground was perfectly flat and open with noform of cover to be obtained, and our casualties soon became veryheavy. We continued to advance till we got to within about 150 yardsof the enemy's trenches, but by this time our casualties were so heavythat it was impossible to press home the attack withoutreinforcements, though at the extreme left of our line, our troopsactually got into the first line of trenches, but were bombed out ofthem again by the Turks. 

No reinforcements reached us, however, and we afterwards heard thatthe Regiment which should have come up in support of us was enfiladedfrom their right and was consequently drawn off in that direction. Allwe could do now was to hold on where we were, making what cover wecould with our entrenching tools, and this we did until darkness cameon, when we withdrew. 

The weather had been terrible all that day and night, there beingheavy rain with a bitterly cold wind coming off the snow hills. Theground became a sea of mud which made it most difficult to remove thewounded, and many of these had to lie out till the armistice wasarranged the following day. 

 * * * * *

FURTHER DESCRIPTIONS OF THE FIGHT AT UM EL HANNA, BY EYE-WITNESSES. 

_By an Officer of the 4th Hants. _

"The fighting on the 21st was a pure slaughter. It was too awful. .. . 

"The troops from France say that in all their experience there theynever suffered so much from weather conditions. 

"We were wet to the skin and there was a bitter wind coming off thesnow hills. Many poor fellows died from exposure that night, I amafraid; and many of the wounded were lying out for more thantwenty-four hours until the armistice was arranged the following day. "

 * * * * *

_Another written down from a Private's account. _

"The three Companies of Hampshires were in support, with two nativeRegiments, and a Battalion of Connaught Rangers. The Black Watch andSeaforths were in the firing line. The Hants men were next the river. The two native Regiments refused to leave their trenches when theysaw the fierce fire from the machine guns. The Connaughts werefighting further off. So the Hampshire men were obliged to go onalone. 'We never made a rush, and just walked slowly through the rain. A slow march to our deaths, I call it. '"

He then said they had got mixed up with the Black Watch and got intothe first Turkish trench, but had been driven out of it again. He sawCapt. Palmer fall about 200 yards from the trench but did not seewhether he got up again, or where he was wounded. 

 * * * * *

THORNFIELD, BITTERNE, SOUTHAMPTON, _10th August_, 1916. 

DEAR LADY SELBORNE, I have just received a letter from 2nd Lt. C. H. Vernon, 1/4 Hants(really 2/7 Hants attached) recording his search for my son's body onthe 7th April, 1916, its discovery (as he believes) and its burial. Healso adds that "at the same time he looked for Capt. Palmer's, butcould not find him. It was afterwards that he heard of his death inthe Turkish Camp, " and he adds, "Some stories have come through fromsurvivors as to how he lost his life. As far as we can gather, he wasthe only Hants officer actually to penetrate the Turkish trenches witha few men. That was on the extreme left close to the river. Our men, however, had not been supplied by the Indian Government with bombs. Consequently the Turks, being so provided, bombed them out, and onlyone or two men escaped capture or death. It was here that Capt. Palmerwas mortally wounded while trying to rally his men to hold thecaptured sector. "

I think you may like to have this extract about your gallant son. 

(_Signed_) J. T. BUCKNILL. 

 * * * * *

42, PALL MALL, LONDON, S. W. 

_8th March_, 1916. 

The Hampshires were informed that another Battalion was in front ofthem, and advanced without returning the hostile fire till they got to1, 000 yards from the Turkish trenches--they then found out that therewere no British troops in front, so opened fire and advanced. TheConnaught Rangers on their right remained behind when they found outthe mistake. Two native Battalions in reserve refused to budge, although their officers threatened them with their revolvers. Theartillery preparation proved insufficient, but the Hampshires got intoshell holes and held on till dark. The medical arrangements brokedown, there were insufficient stretcher-bearers, and no chloroform orsufficient bandages. No mention is made of the Arabs, however. 

There were seventy-five rank and file returned as missing after thefight, and a subaltern, Lieut. Lester Garland, took over the commandof the Battalion when my brother collapsed. 

The Turks claimed to have captured five officers in one action, butthere is so much "fog of war" in those parts that it is difficult toidentify their claims. 

(_Signed_) G. H. STILWELL. 

 * * * * *

42, PALL MALL. 

LONDON, S. W. 

_1st May_, 1916. 

At the armistice to collect the wounded it was agreed that allofficers and men that fell within 200 yards of the Turkish trenchesshould be picked up and retained by the Turks as prisoners, while allbeyond that zone should be removed by us. Your son was seen within 100yards of the Turkish trench when he fell, and it was reported thatfour of his men actually got inside the trench, but were driven out bybombs. My son was with the next platoon to yours, and Bucknill was alittle further on. They were obviously well in front, and fell in theenemy's zone. 

(_Signed_) G. H. STILWELL. 

 * * * * *

1/4TH HAMPSHIRE REGIMENT, I. E. F. "D, "

C/O INDIA OFFICE, S. W. 

_20th February_, 1916. 

I received your cable enquiring about your son to-day, and have wiredto the Adjutant General at the base at Basra enquiring whether he hasany information not known to the Regiment, as I very much regret tosay we have none whatever. All we know is that he started in theattack on the Turkish trenches on the 21st January and has not beenseen since. I write to-day as the mail is leaving, but will cable assoon as I get a reply from the base. Out of 310 who went into theattack we had 288 casualties. Bucknill and a good many men are missingas well. There was great difficulty in getting the wounded back as ithad to be done at night and the rain and mud were appalling. 

There was an armistice next day, but we were not allowed to go withina certain distance of the Turkish trenches, so all wounded within thatarea are probably prisoners. 

One other officer of ours was captured and we only found that outincidentally. There has been no official list of prisoners and I don'tthink the Army Headquarters here know who was taken. I don't knowwhether you would have the means of getting this from the Turksthrough the War Office. I believe attempts are being made here. Ithink there is a chance of his being a prisoner as the Regiment gotpretty near the trenches, but I can get no information from any of ourmen. I will cable at once if I hear anything. 

I saw yesterday a copy of the _Pioneer_ (Allahabad) for January 30th, and that reported your son wounded. I hoped, therefore, that he hadbeen sent to India and the medical people in this country had omittedto make any record of it, but I imagine in that case he would surelyhave cabled to you himself, and I fear the only hope is that he may bea prisoner of war. 

Your son was attached to my Company latterly and besides being verykeen and capable was a great favourite with the men, and we all misshim very much indeed. I hope your Lordship will accept my deepestsympathy in your anxiety, and I sincerely hope that your son may besafe. 

(_Signed_) H. M. FOSTER, _Capt. 1/4th Hants Regt. _

 * * * * *

H. M. S. "MANTIS, "

_May_, 1916. 

DEAR LORD SELBORNE. 

I am more grieved than I can say to have given you the news which Itelegraphed yesterday. I know how cruel the anxiety of doubt is, andtelegraphed to you when I had the evidence which I and my friends hereconsidered reliable. 

About six days ago I went out to the Turks to discuss terms for thesurrender of Kut. I spent the night in their camp and have been withthem several times since then. I asked them for information aboutthree names. About two of the names I could get little information. Onthe third day I received a message from Ali Jenab Bey, telling me thatyour son had died in hospital, and that all that could be done for himhad been done, and asking me to tell you how deeply he sympathisedwith you. The next day Ali Jenab and two other Turks came into ourcamp. One of them, Mohammed Riza, a relation of Jenab Pashas, told methat your son had been brought in after the fight on the 21st, slightly wounded in the shoulder and badly wounded in the chest. Hehad been well looked after by the Doctors and the Colonel of theRegiment (I could not find out which Regiment) had visited him, and atthe Doctor's wish sent him some brandy. He did not suffer and the endcame after four hours. 

It is useless to try to tell you how sorry I feel for you and all ofyours. In this campaign, which in my mind has been the most heroic ofall, many of our men who have given their lives have suffered verylong and very terribly, and when one hears of a friend who has gone, one is glad in this place, to know that he has been spared thatsacrifice. 

I am, Yours very sincerely, (_Signed_) AUBREY HERBERT. 

 * * * * *

APPENDIX I. 

THE OFFICIAL ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE TAKEN FROM SIR PERCYLAKE'S DESPATCH TO THE WAR OFFICE, PUBLISHEDOCTOBER, 1916. 

_It will be noticed that it differs from the private accounts in one ortwo particulars. _

_1st phase--January 19--23. _

After the battle of Wadi River General Aylmer's leading troops hadfollowed the retreating Turks to the Umm-el-Hannah position, andentrenched themselves at the mouth of the defile, so as to shut theenemy in and limit his power of taking the offensive. 

The weather at this period was extraordinarily unfavourable. Heavyrains caused the river to come down in flood and overflow its banks, and converted the ground on either bank into a veritable bog. 

Our bridge across the Wadi was washed away several times, while theboisterous winds greatly interfered with the construction of a bridgeacross the Tigris, here some 400 yards in width. 

It was essential to establish Artillery on the right bank of theTigris, so as to support, by enfilading fire, the attack of ourInfantry against the Hannah position. 

Guns and troops were ferried across, with difficulty, owing to thehigh wind and heavy squalls of rain, but by the 19th all troopsallotted to the right bank had crossed over and were established inthe positions from which they were required to co-operate with themain force on the left bank. 

Meanwhile, the leading Infantry Brigades on the left bank had pushednearer the enemy. January 20th was devoted to a systematic bombardmentof his position, and during the night the Infantry pushed forwardtheir advanced line to within 200 yards of the enemy's trenches. 

On the morning of the 21st, under cover of an intensive Artillerybombardment, our Infantry moved to the attack. On our right the troopsgot to within 100 yards of the enemy's line, but were unable toadvance further. Our left column, consisting of the Black Watch, 6thJats, and 41st Dogras, penetrated the front line with a rush, capturing trenches, which they held for about an hour and a half. Supports were sent forward, but, losing direction and coming underheavy fire, failed to reach them. Thus, left unsupported, ourpreviously successful troops, when Turkish counter-attacks developed, were overwhelmed by numbers and forced to retire. 

Heavy rain now began to fall and continued throughout the day. Telephone communication broke down, and communication by orderlybecame slow and uncertain. 

After further artillery bombardment the attack was renewed at 1 p. M. , but by this time the heavy rain had converted the ground into a sea ofmud, rendering rapid movement impossible. The enemy's fire was heavyand effective, inflicting severe losses, and though every effort wasmade, the assault failed. 

Our troops maintained their position until dark and then slowlywithdrew to the main trenches which had been previously occupied, some1, 300 yards from those of the enemy. 

As far as possible all the wounded were brought in during thewithdrawal, but their sufferings and hardships were acute under theexisting climatic conditions, when vehicles and stretcher-bearerscould scarcely move in the deep mud. 

To renew the attack on the 22nd was not practicable. The losses on the21st had been heavy, the ground was still a quagmire and the troopsexhausted. A six hours' armistice was arranged in order to bury thedead and remove the wounded to shelter. 

I cannot sufficiently express my admiration for the courage and doggeddetermination of the force engaged. For days they bivouacked indriving rain on soaked and sodden ground. Three times they were calledupon to advance over a perfectly flat country, deep in mud, andabsolutely devoid of cover, against well-constructed and well-plannedtrenches, manned by a brave and stubborn enemy approximately theirequal in numbers. They showed a spirit of endurance and self-sacrificeof which their country may well be proud. 

 * * * * *

APPENDIX II. 

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS FROM OFFICERS AND MEN OF THE 6TH HANTS. 

Your son was universally liked and respected by all ranks in thisBattalion, and one and all will regret his death and loss as much as Ido, who knew his sterling worth. His memory will be ever cherished byhis brother officers with whom he was so popular. 

(_Signed_) F. H. PLAYFAIR, _Col_. 

I was indeed sorry to receive your letter which my brother sent on tome, giving the news of your son's death from his wounds in the Turkishtrenches. I had great hopes that his wound might have been a slightone. 

May I offer Lady Selborne and yourself the most sincere sympathy bothof the Regiment and myself in this most sad loss which has come toyou. I can assure you both officers and men of the Regiment will misshim tremendously as he was so popular with all. 

(_Signed_) W. B. STILWELL, _Major_. 

---- shewed me the wire about Robert yesterday morning. I can't tellyou how sorry I feel for you all. I know I have never lost anyone whomeant anything like so much to me, and I am sure that his friendshipwas one of the greatest blessings for me, in every way, that God couldhave given me. 

When a fellow not only has such ideals but actually lives up to themwith the determination and consistency with which Robert did, I thinkthere is something very triumphant about his life. Anyway I know thathis influence will live on, not in his friends alone, but in everyonewith whom he came in contact. I wish you could know what a tremendouslot people thought of him in the Regiment, both officers and men, someof whom had little in common with him. 

With deepest sympathy for you all. 

Yours very sincerely, (_Signed_) PUREFOY CAUSTON. 

FROM A PRIVATE SOLDIER. 

I had only seen that Robert Palmer had been wounded; the issue givingthe subsequent and very terrible report had escaped me. I am moresorry than I can well express. Though I didn't know him personally yetit didn't take long to recognise him as one of the great strengths inthe Battalion, it was noticeable from the very first, from the way hehandled his Company and went about working for them--on the "Ultonia"it struck me. 

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS FROM SCHOOL AND COLLEGE FRIENDS. 

Accept my most grateful thanks for your kind words of sympathy. As yousay, this war, with all its terrible consequences, "had to be, " and itis some comfort to us to know that our sons, meant for other thingsthan violence, took their part in it serenely and cheerfully, with nomisgivings. 

I often think of your dear boy and of what he said about the war inthat sonnet. But what I most often think of him, as I can of my ownson, is "Blessed are the pure in heart. "

(_Signed_) A. K. COOK. 

I had looked forward myself to a great career for him: he had so manyqualities to ensure success: a sharp, keen mind, which proved itsliterary quality also at Oxford, an unfailing earnestness and highpurpose and a white character: no one could deny the brilliance andthe steadiness of his gifts. 

(_Signed_) M. J. RENDALL. 

I have just received the "Wykehamist War Roll" and _The Wykehamist_and in it find the sad news of your boy. I did not know definite newshad been received and was still hoping. May I add my letter ofsympathy to the many you will have had from all his friends, forthough sympathy does not do much good it does sometimes help a littleI believe, and say how very, very much I feel for you and LadySelborne in your loss. He was my senior prefect my first year at"Cook's, " and there never was a kinder, fairer and more liked prefectby the small boys all the time I was there, and indeed I think I havenever met a better fellow anywhere. 

(_Signed_) F. LUTTMAN-JOHNSON. 

I have only just learned from the announcement in to-day's papers thatyou have no longer any ground for hoping against hope. I did not meanto write to you, but the sense of the loss and of how England willmiss him in the years to come has been so strongly in my mind all daythat I thought perhaps you would not mind my trying to put it intowords. I did not see very much of him, but I have never forgotten thefirst impression of him that I got as external examiner at Winchester, when he was in Sixth Book and how I felt he was marked out for bigwork, and I had always looked forward to getting to know him better. It makes one feel very, very old when those on whom one relied tocarry on one's work and ideas are taken. But it is a happiness--or atleast a sort of shining consolation--to think that one will alwaysremember him as radiantly young. I have lost so many pupils who willnever grow up and always be just pupils. 

Please do not think of replying and pardon this intrusion. 

(_Signed_) A. ZIMMERN. 

Bobby was gold all through--for head and heart one in a million. Ofall the undergraduates I have known at Oxford during my twenty yearsof work there, he struck me as most certain by reason of his breadthand sobriety of judgment, intellectual force and sweetness ofdisposition to exercise a commanding influence for good in the publicaffairs of the country. Everyone admired and liked him and I know thathis influence among his contemporaries, an influence exercised veryquietly and unobtrusively, was quite exceptional from the very first. 

(_Signed_) HERBERT FISHER. 

Those of us who knew Bobby at Univ. And saw him afterwards in Londonknew that one way or another he would give his life to the country. The war has only determined the manner of his giving and made the lifemuch shorter, but his memory the more abiding. 

(_Signed_) ALEC PATERSON, _2nd Lieut_. 

[Illustration]

[Illustration: MAP ENCLOSED IN LETTER OF JAN. 10. ]