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 +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | Transcriber's Note: | | | | Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has | | been preserved. | | | | Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. For | | a complete list, please see the end of this document. | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+

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[Illustration: PRIVATE EDWARD ALVA TRUEBLOOD]

_Observations of an American Soldier DuringHis Service With the A. E. F. In France_

In theFlash RangingService

_by_

_Private Edward Alva Trueblood_

[Illustration]

Press ofTHE NEWS PUBLISHING COMPANYSacramento, California1919

[Illustration]

"I pledge allegiance to my Flag and tothe Republic for which it stands--one nation, indivisible, with libertyand justice for all. "

 This book is a record of the personal observations of a private soldier in the Flash Ranging Service of the American Expeditionary Forces in France. It not only relates his experiences while in France, but also tells of going over and returning. In brief, it is a soldier's story from the time he left America to help crush the autocracy of Germany, until he returned again after fighting was over. 

Contents

Chapter Page

 I. Going Over 1

 II. Our First Glimpse of France 10

 III. From Brest to Langres 18

 IV. Nearing the Front 29

 V. Preparation for Battle 37

 VI. The Great St. Mihiel Drive 42

 VII. Gassed 54

VIII. Hospital Experiences 63

 IX. Home Again 72

In the Flash Ranging Service

_By Private Edward Alva Trueblood_

Chapter I. 

Going Over. 

When the sun arose on the 22nd of June, 1918, three great transportswere lying out in the stream of New York harbor. They were filled withAmerican soldiers for duties overseas. They were well camouflaged andwell convoyed. The previous afternoon they had pulled away from aJersey City pier, where they had taken on their human cargoes, andthey were undoubtedly under sealed orders. They had slipped awayquietly from the piers without attracting undue attention, and whilethey moved to the location where they anchored for the night, not asoldier's uniform could have been detected from shore even after themost scrutinizing search with the best binoculars obtainable. Thedeparture was made without a word of warning and not a fond good-bye. It was accomplished with a methodical silence that called foradmiration. It is the way Uncle Sam does things during war times. 

Just before 9 o'clock on that beautiful June morning, simultaneouslybut without communicating with each other, each of those transportsbegan to weigh anchor, and except for the click, click, click of themachinery all was silent. Precisely at 9:05, without the blast of awhistle, the sound of a gong, or the hoisting of a signal flag on themast, but like so many automatic machines, these vessels turned theirprows to the sea and began their long voyage. 

Among those who sailed on one of the vessels of this transport fleetwere the members of the Twenty-ninth Engineers, A. E. F. , of which Iwas a member, being attached to Company C. Our departure was anoccasion never to be forgotten. 

As we glided out of the great harbor and saw first the Statue ofLiberty, then all trace of our native land disappear from sight, andwe realized that we were on our way to fight the most savage, inhumanand despicable foe that has ever drawn a lance, a feeling of solemnthoughtfulness came over most of the boys. Many of them were soaffected, as they knew a certain percentage of us must inevitably fallin battle, that they went below to spend a few hours by themselves inserious thought. I am not ashamed to say that I was one of those whosought solace for my feelings in thoughtful solitude. 

The vessel upon which we sailed was an Italian transport, by name, the"King of Italy. " It was accompanied by a French and a former Germanliner and was convoyed by a destroyer and a cruiser. On the second dayout we picked up four more transports, making seven in all in ourfleet. 

There were 1, 500 American soldiers on our transport and approximatelythe same on four of the other transports. Two of them, however, carried more than 3, 500 men, making a total of about 15, 000 men onthat one fleet bound for duty overseas. Of the 1, 500 men on the Kingof Italy, 500 were white and 1, 000 colored troops. No trouble wascaused by this mixture of races because of good management. The whiteand colored boys were kept on different parts of the boat and allguard duty was in the hands of the white troops. 

For the first few hours after sailing, thoughts of home lingered inthe minds of most of the boys, but these were hastily banished when wehad our first life drill. This took place at 2 o'clock on our firstday out. The drill was a thorough one, and it soon became apparent tomost of the boys that even if we should be torpedoed by a submarinewhile going across, our troops would have no difficulty in gettingaway from the boat before it took its final plunge toward the bottomof the sea. In the life drill, every man had his place. He wasassigned to a certain boat and could take no other. The lower deckswere emptied first, and then those above, one at a time. I was bunkedon the fifth deck, hence, as the liner had six decks, would have beenamong the last to leave the ship, in case of disaster. 

The object of the life drill, of course, was to make it possible toempty the boat of troops quickly and in military order in the eventthat the boat became a submarine victim. Every man was instructed atthe sound of the alarm to go to his bunk and stand there until givenfurther orders. In the meantime, he was to put on his life belt. Theboys marched out to the life boats only when they received orders fromtheir superiors to do so. After a few drills, we mastered themanoeuver and it would have been possible for us to have emptied thatboat of 1, 500 soldiers in twelve minutes, if such action had beennecessary. 

We had life drills two or three times a day all the way across. Thesignal for the drill was four siren blasts, and when we heard thoseblasts, there was a lively time on deck for a few minutes, until theship, in theory, had been abandoned. 

American people, who believe in giving their soldiers the right kindof treatment, and particularly wholesome food, would have beenrighteously indignant, if they could have known how poorly we were fedwhile on that transport. Those at home were buying Liberty Bonds andpaying heavy war taxes so that the boys in the fighting forces wouldbe well fed and clothed, and yet, it is hard to imagine how men couldhave been treated worse, so far as food is concerned than were the menof this boat. I am going to be just as frank as I know how indescribing food conditions with the hope that by calling publicattention to this petty graft, such practices will be stopped, so faras American fighting men are concerned. To any who have weak stomachs, I suggest that they skip over the next two or three pages, as thedetails may nauseate them. 

The kitchens and mess rooms of the transport were on the top deck. Meal tickets were issued to the men, and when they went to mess, thetickets were punched. This is the way the Government kept track of thenumber of meals served, as these tickets were collected when we leftthe boat. The white men were fed first, and the colored troopersafterwards. This was done so as to keep free of any possibility ofracial trouble, and apparently it worked well. 

After the second day out, our "chow, " which is the soldier's name forfood of all kinds, was vile. It consisted largely of spoiled beef andsuch foods as spoiled rabbits. When I say spoiled, I mean just whatthe word implies. These rabbits were positively in a state of decay. They had been in cold storage for a long time, evidently a very longtime. They had been carried in the ice boxes without being drawn, andwhen exposed to the air the odor of decay was so strong that they werepositively nauseating. I saw strong men turn exceedingly sick justfrom the stench, and I do not believe it is an exaggeration to saythat there was more upset stomachs on that trip from the decayingrabbits that were given us to eat than from the action of the sea. 

The beef that we were given consisted of only the poorest and toughestparts. The good cuts went to the mess for the army officers and forthe officers and crew of the ship. The potatoes that we were fed werethe poorest that I have ever seen. They were served about half cooked, and were small, wet, soggy and unpalatable. It was seldom that apotato fit to eat was given to the men. We received rice severaltimes, but it was only about half cooked. During one meal we weregiven bologne sausage, and after some of the boys had eaten theirallotment, the discovery was made that the sausage was full ofmaggots. The soup was like water with neither flavor nor body. Thebread served was Italian-French bread made with sour dough, and not atall palatable to an American, who has been accustomed to sweet andwholesome bread. The coffee was of the poorest quality--probablymostly chickory--and we were given neither milk nor sugar for it. Theresult was that most of the boys did not touch their coffee at all. The only seasoning given our food was an insufficiency of salt. Everything served was tasteless, unpalatable and unwholesome. 

That there was better food on the boat, we knew, for we could see itgoing to the officers' tables. They were served chicken two or threetimes a week--the men never. Officers were given fresh fruit at everymeal--the men not at all. Officers were given palatable, sweet bread;the men only when they would pay for it out of their own pockets andthen at a big price. 

It is my opinion that the owners of the boat on which I sailed made anenormous profit off those meals served to the soldiers. Certainly theGovernment would not have given the soldiers such unfit food. TheGovernment is to blame to this extent, however, in not seeing that theship owners lived up to their contract to feed the men properly. Therewas a man on board who was supposed to see that the men were givenwholesome and nourishing food, but he failed absolutely to perform hisduty. Whether he was in the company's pay or simply negligent, Icannot say, for I do not know. But it is a fact that he did notperform his duty and 1, 500 men were fed spoiled and unnourishing foodas a result. Men who indulge in "graft" of this kind are no betterthan traitors, and should be treated as such by the Government. 

As a part of the uneatable diet we were given, numerous complaintswere made. We were not long in being told that we could purchasesomething in the way of wholesome food for ourselves, if we had themoney. This was done on the sly. We could purchase a palatable steakfor $1. 50 or $2, or we could get chops for about the same price. Achicken would cost about $4. All the boys who had money were forced tobuy food this way or go hungry. Many of the boys ate only enough tokeep them alive. Often two would go in together and buy a steak or achicken, each putting up half of the money. Even then, we could notget the food we wanted, as only a limited quantity could be "sneaked"out. 

We could buy sweet bread in the canteen on the boat for 25 cents aloaf, and a small loaf at that. That was the only way we could get it. Sweet rolls, the kind that sell four for a nickle at home, cost twofor a nickle. Oranges, apples, bananas and other kinds of fruit cost25 cents each. Unable to eat the food in the mess room, most of theboys had to pay the exorbitant prices asked at the canteen or gohungry. 

We had no sugar at all. The Government must have provided a sugarration for us, so my conclusion is that it was stolen by someone inconnection with the boat management and used in some form of graft. Because it was necessary for them to buy so much of their food, allthe boys who had money with which they expected to buy things whenthey landed on the other side, were without a penny when the boatdocked. 

Every afternoon between 2 and 3 o'clock, the Y. M. C. A. Workers whowere on the transport came on deck and held song services. Manyfamiliar hymns were sung. These meetings were very popular at first, but gradually the fascination for them wore off, and toward the latterpart of the voyage they were but lightly attended. 

The "Y" workers did promote one form of entertainment, however, thatthe boys thoroughly enjoyed. This was boxing. Every afternoon severalbouts would be held. Nearly every company had a fighter and he wasmatched with the best man of some other company. Lively bouts of aboutthree or four rounds were fought. The colored soldiers took to thissport keenly and they furnished some good contests among themselves. White men, however, were not permitted to box the colored soldiers, assuch a bout might have led to a racial difference. Members of theship's crew also wanted to partake in the sport and they furnishedseveral bouts. The sailors, however, were somewhat awkward at first, but they were game and they afforded us many a good laugh. Those whohad charge of the boxing never let a bout go to a knockout. When oneman was apparently getting the worst of it or was clearly outboxed, the bout would be stopped. 

Very strict rules were issued on the boat with regard to lights atnight. Every porthole was closed, and every precaution taken so thatnot a gleam of light could be seen. The men were warned that anyonewho attempted to make a light would be shot on the spot. The fleetmoved along in the darkness at full speed ahead. That it did not meetwith accident was due to excellent management on the part of theGovernment. 

All the boats in our fleet were camouflaged. The King of Italy hadgreat irregular streaks of black and white painted across it. One ofthe boats in our fleet had a really remarkable picture of a sinkingship painted on its side. Another had two ships painted on its sideand was camouflaged to look like two vessels instead of one. While thecamouflaged ships appeared strange at first, we soon were used to theunusual appearance, and thought nothing of them. A camouflaged vesselis visible to the naked eye, almost as plain as one that has not beendaubed with paint, but it is through the mirrors of a periscope thatthe camouflage is effective. In reflecting the picture on the horizon, the mirrors lose some of the rays of light, so officers explained tome, hence the eyes of the periscope are unable to detect thecamouflage. 

Our voyage passed pleasantly with smooth seas until the eleventh day, when the water was a little choppy, and then for the first time someof the boys were a little sea sick. 

It was my fortune to see our first and only brush with a submarine. Ithappened about 4 o'clock in the morning on the twelfth day out. Thesea was choppy and the night very dark and cold. I was on guard dutyon the sixth deck of our vessel, and I noticed unusual activity on thepart of the destroyers that were convoying our fleet. Our transportstopped dead still. In a moment four shots were fired from thedestroyer. I could see the fire from the gun plainly. It was anexciting moment and the first real guns of war that I had ever heard. Depth bombs were also dropped, then all was still again. All thishappened without disturbing the men asleep on our boat, and in themorning they were told that the transport had been attacked bysubmarines. It was the belief that the destroyer had sunk one of theU-boats. 

We were given orders on the twelfth day to sleep in our clothes withour life belts on during the rest of the trip. This was issued so thatthere would be no delay in getting off the boat if we were hit by atorpedo. That night, being unused to sleeping with clothes on, was arestless one for most of us. The following night, however, notwithstanding the fact that we were fully dressed, we slept well. 

We were also joined on that day by a flotilla of destroyers. The sightof these boats was hailed with joy, for we knew we were nearing land. We had not been informed, however, in what country nor at what port wewould land, but we had hoped that it would be France, and we soonlearned that our destination was France. 

The torpedo boat flotilla that accompanied us during the last two dayswas made up mostly of American and British destroyers, though therewere two French boats among them. They made a lively scene, and surelygave us great protection. If a speck would appear on the horizon, twoboats would be off to investigate it, and would return later to jointhe fleet. We were also accompanied on the last day of the voyage bytwo airplanes as a further protection against submarines. 

We sighted land on the thirteenth day, and it was a welcome view. Everybody was happy and eager to disembark. It was quite a contrastfrom the feeling that existed just after we left New York harbor. Wewere a merry crowd as we entered the harbor of Brest and we were gladto see a large city again. We disembarked at 3 o'clock in theafternoon. Before leaving the boat, we were given "leaving rations, "which consisted of a loaf of sour bread, a can of bully beef and asmall piece of cheese. This was given to us because we had a longmarch ahead and our kitchens would not be in place for several hours. We were taken off the transport on barges built especially for thatpurpose. We were then marched to the Napoleon Barracks, built by theEmperor Napoleon, eight miles from Brest, and were glad to put ourfeet on land again, even though the march was a long one after athirteen day sea voyage. We had only a passing glimpse of Brest, butdid not mind that as we knew we would have opportunity to visit thecity later. 

CHAPTER II. 

Our First Glimpse of France

At Brest, the American soldiers got their first idea of the magnitudeof the work that the American Government was doing in the prosecutionof the war. Prior to our arrival there we had heard a great deal aboutthe construction work in French ports that the Americans hadundertaken, but our ideas of just what this work was, were more orless vague. At Brest we saw just what it was. We saw miles of concretepiers that had been built in record-breaking time with American skill, American speed and American thoroughness. This work was a revelationto all France, and the magnitude of the task, together with theremarkably short time in which it was completed, stamp it as one ofthe wonders of the war and as a lasting tribute to American ingenuityand efficiency. These piers and warehouses of American constructionplayed a great part in ending the war, for they enabled the AmericanGovernment not only to land millions of troops in France, but toprovide adequate food, ammunition, guns and other necessary suppliesfor these men. Nothing like it had ever been done before in thehistory of the world. 

Soon after we left the boat at Brest, the men were lined up on thepier and given a sensible and appreciated address by the CommandingOfficer. He told us that now more than ever before, since we were uponforeign soil, orders were to be obeyed to the letter. We were told tobe careful in all that we did because by our actions the French peoplewould judge the American nation. He advised us to do everythingcommanded of us by our officers with snap and thoroughness, so as toshow the French people that we were not raw recruits; that we werereal soldiers; that we could do as well at any task, if not better, than the soldiers of Europe. The boys, to a man, lived up to thoseinstructions, and it was not long before the world knew that theAmerican soldier was the equal of any on earth. 

After this interesting advice was received we swung into squad rightand our first march on French territory began. We first marched morethan a mile through the railroad yards in Brest. These were all ofAmerican construction. We saw miles of warehouses, filled with variouskinds of material of war and great quantities of food, not only forthe American soldiers, but for the civilians of France as well. Thesewarehouses were of wooden construction, and so different in design andmaterial from other buildings in Brest that we recognized at once thatthey were built by Yankees. For this reason, we greeted them asfriends; it was like looking upon a familiar scene. 

Most everything else, however, that met our eyes had a decidedlyforeign look. The railroad trains in the yards were French, andentirely different from those of this country. The freight cars have adiminutive look. They are only about half the size of American carsand they rest upon single trucks. The locomotives are much smallerthan ours and have brass boilers. We did not see anything of thefamiliar dark red American box car and the giant American locomotivesuntil we got into the interior of France. 

We passed many peasant women and children while we were marchingthrough the railroad yards. Some of them were offering cakes and nutsfor sale, others were begging white bread from us. It was here that wefirst heard those two French words that became so familiar to usbefore we left France, "Donnez moi. " It was "donnez moi" this and"donnez moi" that, especially from the children who begged cigarettes, pennies, and anything else that the American boys might have to giveaway. 

Brest is built on hills, some of which rise abruptly and give apicturesque look to the old city. As we marched through the residencepart of the city, the women from the windows gave us a hearty welcome, waving flags and calling "Vive les Amerique. " Our march took us over awinding roadway through the district where the poorer classes livedand we did not get a view of the more attractive parts of the city onour arrival. The street we marched along was paved with broken rockand was in excellent condition; it was crossed several times byoverhead railroad tracks built on massive arches of masonry. 

Our first impressions are rather difficult to describe becauseeverything had such different appearance from familiar things inAmerica. One noticeable feature was the character of the construction. The buildings are of stone or some other such inflammable material, with roofs of slate or tile. There are no frame buildings, exceptthose that have been constructed by Americans since April, 1917. 

The dress and the habits of the people differ materially from those ofAmerica. Most of the lower classes wear sabots, or wooden shoes. Somewear sabots with leather tops. But few, if any, all leather shoes arein use among the lower classes. While all shades and colors of clotheswere worn by children, we noticed that the women were nearly alldressed in black. This, we believed to be because they had lostrelatives in the war, and we later found that our conclusion was thecorrect one. Among the poorer classes the men wear large looselyfitting trousers and tight jackets. They wear a peculiar hat, with atightly fitting crown, a broad round brim, and two streamers of blackribbon about eighteen inches long hanging down in back. The middleclasses dress more like Americans, though not with as well madeclothes as one is accustomed to see in this country. 

After marching about five miles, we were given a rest in an open fieldin the outskirts of Brest. Here we were again addressed by an officerand cautioned to be careful about coming in contact with the Frenchpeople, and particularly with the women and children of the lowerclasses. We were informed that the lower classes of women and thepeasant children are nearly all syphylitic, especially in seaporttowns. This sent a shudder through us, for we had already beenfondling some of the French children, before we realized the necessityfor caution. The warning was heeded and thereafter the boys kept thepeasants at a distance. 

As we resumed our march, we began to get into a cultivated district. The rolling land along the roadway was cut up into small farms rangingin size from a half acre to about two and a half acres. The boundarylines of these farms were hedges; there were no fences, such as wehave in America. The land was planted to truck gardens, berries, fruittrees, etc. , and at the time that we saw them, they were in goodcondition and apparently quite productive. 

It was about 6 o'clock in the evening and after a long and hard marchthat we arrived at the Napoleon Barracks, where we were to have a fewdays' rest before going into the interior. These barracks are quiteextensive. They are built of stone and are surrounded by a stone wall. The wall is about three feet thick and twenty feet high, and it wouldbe a difficult matter for anyone to scale it. To keep soldiers fromtrying to get out, broken glass is cemented into it for the entirelength on top. The purpose of this was to make it so dangerous thatno soldier would attempt to climb it. There are two arched gatewaysleading to the interior. These archways are fitted with heavy gates, which were originally designed as defense gates in case of attack. Themain buildings within the enclosure are of two stories and are builtof stone. We were not long in being assigned to the bunks that we wereto occupy during our stay. These were two decked affairs with amattress of slats about two inches apart to sleep on. They were aboutas uncomfortable as anyone can imagine and most of the boys preferredto sleep on the floor. These barracks had been occupied by manyAmerican boys who had gone before us. We saw thousands of Americannames written on the walls, and occasionally we would run across onethat we knew. And, like the other, we too wrote our names, for theboys who followed to read and comment upon. 

Our meal for the first night at the barracks consisted of the rationswe had been given upon leaving the ship--bully beef, sour bread andcheese. Our cooks got their fires started and gave us some coffee, which stimulated us after our long and tiresome march. 

After eating, we were permitted to write to our folks at home, and allof us spent the evening in correspondence. We were not permitted towrite while on board ship, so most of us had several letters to send. I wrote until 11 o'clock that night. I was surprised to find that itwas not yet dark. The long and appreciated twilight is due to the factthat Brest is a great distance farther north than Sacramento, and thiswas in the middle of summer, when the evenings are longest. 

Not all of the buildings within the walls at the barracks are ofancient construction. Several were recently built, such as a hospital, a bath house for the accommodation of our men, the Y. M. C. A. Hut, etc. At this particular place the "Y" hut was appreciated by usbecause it afforded us amusement, we could buy fruit, cakes, tobaccoand other articles there, and we could attend to our correspondencethere. We were assembled there on one occasion to hear two addresseson the ways and habits of the French people, which were to benefit us. We also exchanged our American money at the hut for French money. Fora dollar we received five francs and seventy centimes, and it wasamusing to see the boys studying over the French money system, as itwas difficult to understand at first. Some of the boys, not knowingthe value of the French franc, paid enormous prices for fruits, candies, etc. , to French women and girls, who peddled these articles. 

While at the Napoleon Barracks we saw the first American wounded. Theywere soldiers who had participated in the defense against the Germandrive which began in March, 1918. It was from them that we firstlearned the real horrors of war. Some had only one arm; others hadlost a leg; still others were suffering from shell shock. Those whowere suffering from shell shock were the most pitiful, as the leastunusual noise startled them. 

I had the good fortune to be placed on a motor truck detail duringthree days of our brief stay at Brest. This gave me an opportunity ofseeing most of the city. It has about 120, 000 inhabitants, is one ofthe chief ports of France and has a harbor that is protected by natureas well as by strong fortifications. Lying as it does, among thehills, there is much natural beauty in the city and its surroundings. The streets are about as wide as those of the average American city, although there are a number of very narrow streets that cut into themain thoroughfares at angles and these reminded me somewhat of thenarrow streets of Boston. The city is kept clean and there arenumerous parks and public squares. The latter are frequented mostly bywomen and children, though it is not uncommon to see French soldiers, home from the front on leave, lounging in them. The warm bloodedFrench people have ideas that differ widely from those of Americans inmany respects, and it is nothing unusual to see a French couple makinglove in broad daylight with persons passing by on all sides, in one ofthese public parks. Occasionally one would see an American soldiersitting with a French Mademoiselle. French troops were often drillingin these squares--not troops that had participated in the war, butcompanies of younger men who were being trained for war. It wasinteresting to watch them and to contrast their manoeuvers with ours. 

There are no skyscrapers in Brest, that is to say, there are no talloffice buildings there, although the city is an important businesspoint. The only tall structures are the churches and an old castle, dating from the thirteenth century. The business buildings are all oftwo or three stories. The stores are not as up to date as the retailestablishments in America, and the methods of doing business areentirely different from ours. Goods are not on display in the open asthey are in American stores, but are kept in show cases. If you areinterested in a certain piece of goods, the clerk takes it out of theshow case and exhibits it to you. If you do not buy it, the article isplaced right back in the show case. The clerks are mostly girls. Theyare plainly dressed but always neat. Most of them wear black. They areby no means as well dressed as American girls who work in stores. TheFrench store employes are very poorly paid, the average wage for aclerk being two and a half francs, or about 50 cents in American moneya day. 

During the war, Brest was very much of a cosmopolitan city. On thestreets most any day could be seen the uniforms of the soldiers andsailors of all the Allied nations--French, British, Italian, Portuguese, American and others. The uniforms of the different nationsare of different hues and they gave a tinge of color to the crowds onthe streets. They ranged from spotless white to faded blues. Theuniforms of the Italian soldiers, in my opinion, were the mostattractive. They were a pretty gray, well made and attractive indesign. The uniform of the American soldier, while not the prettiest, is the most serviceable. For war use it is no doubt the best. TheBritish wear uniforms very much like ours, although a little differentin shade and design. They are serviceable and neat but not attractive. The coat has a small lapel and large brass buttons that are alwayswell shined. The home guards of the French army wore flashy coats andtrousers. The trousers were either blue with a broad red stripe or redwith a blue stripe. 

I regret that our brief stay in Brest did not give me a betteropportunity to see the mediaeval churches and castles in the vicinity. But war is serious business with no time for sightseeing and on thethird night after our arrival, we received our orders to march at 4o'clock the following morning. It was a restless night for we knewthat every day from now on would take us nearer to the front and tothe fight. At 3:30 o'clock on the morning of our departure we were allup and dressed and were packing our belongings. We came to companyfront promptly at 4 o'clock, just as the dawn was breaking; in a veryfew minutes we were marching out of the historic Napoleon Barracksnever to see them again. The morning was cool and crisp; it wasconducive to lively marching and we stepped along at a fast clip, passing three companies of infantry on the way to Brest. The march wasan eight mile "hike" and we made it without a stop until we reachedthe railroad yards at Brest. We were then assigned to compartments inFrench railroad coaches. Most of them were second and third classcoaches, although there were a few first class cars for the officers. There were five compartments to a car and eight men were assigned toeach compartment; as we also had to make room for our luggage, we werecrowded and uncomfortable. However, we made the best of the unpleasantconditions, and patiently awaited the starting of the train, which wasto take us through a country new and strange to us, and nearer to thewar zone. 

CHAPTER III. 

From Brest to Langres

Before our train pulled out of Brest we were ordered out of ourcrowded compartments in the French railroad coaches for the purpose ofbringing in traveling rations. These consisted of canned bully beef, canned jam, canned beans and bread. The bread that was given to ushere was made into enormous loaves--the largest that any of us hadever seen. The loaves were sixteen or eighteen inches wide, from twoand a half to three feet long and eight or nine inches high. They wereAmerican-made and were white and wholesome. The outside crust was hardbut palatable and the inside was soft and flaky like home-made bread. We afterwards learned that these loaves had been baked weeks inadvance and that they were kept fresh and palatable by the use of achemical. Each compartment of eight men was given three of these largeloaves which, together with a number of cans of beans, bully beef andjam, were to keep us supplied with food until we reached Langres, ineastern France, which was our destination. We had previouslylearned--on our trip overseas--to conserve food, and none of thissupply was wasted. We stored it away in our cramped quarters and sawthat it got proper care. 

As we sat in the train waiting for it to start, we looked out upon thebay of Brest and saw numerous tugs busy along the waterfront. Theywere all engaged in war work of some kind. We also saw more Americantroops being landed at the wharf, just as we were landed a few daysprevious, and we knew their thoughts and feelings. In the air therewere several airplanes and dirigible balloons giving needed protectionto the ships that were entering the harbor. 

While we were still in the yards of Brest, we also saw for the firsttime in France, numerous Chinese coolies, who were doing with theirlabor their part toward winning the war. They worked on the railroadtracks in large gangs. To the Eastern boys who were not acquaintedwith this class of Chinese laborers, they were quite a curiosity, butto the Western boys, the sight was nothing unusual. The coolies, however, were not dressed in the customary Chinese clothes, as inCalifornia, but were in a garb more like that which American laborerswear. They had on overalls, loose blouses or jumpers, heavy leathershoes and straw hats. 

We pulled out of Brest about 10 o'clock in the morning. The train wasmade up of about twenty-five or thirty of those small anduncomfortable French coaches, and it moved very slowly. To one used tothe fast first-class American trains, this French train seemedexceedingly slow, unaccommodating and tiresome. We first climbedgradually up the hills, overlooking the bay, and were furnished with awonderful view. We could see far out to sea, and were in partcompensated for the lack of comforts to which an American isaccustomed when traveling, by the beauty of the scenery, and the manystrange and interesting sights that were constantly meeting our eyes. 

Soon after we left the ocean we came to a fertile farming section, inwhich crops of various kinds, such as grains, fruits, garden truck, etc. , were grown. We had known that the farms in European countriesare small, especially those of France, as compared with farms inAmerica, but it was necessary for us to see the actual size of thesesmall farms to realize how diminutive they are. As in the vicinity ofBrest, mentioned in a previous chapter, the cultivated areas ranged insize from a half acre to two and a half acres. Rarely we would see aplace as large as five acres, but that was the exception. No fencesseparated these farms, but the boundaries were marked by hedges andoccasionally a low stone wall. In these small fields cultivation isnot practiced as in this country, but the land is tilled in narrowstrips. The numerous different textures of the soil, accounted for thelarge number of strips. Each strip was planted to a crop to which itwas best suited. 

The highways through this farming section are kept in excellentcondition. They are built of rock and give the impression from thetrain window that a motor trip through France would be a delight. Rowsof trees are planted along all the highways, the poplar treepredominating, but other trees being used frequently as well. Theby-roads are of dirt but appear to be kept in good condition. Theyalso have trees planted along them; this seems to be a characteristicof France, and readers will recall that in all war pictures wherethese roads have been shown, the rows of trees are always there. Thisis an excellent feature and one that California with its rapidlyincreasing mileage of concrete roads, might well follow. 

Very few automobiles were seen on these highways, except those engagedin war transportation. Of course at the time that I made myobservations, the country was engaged in war, and in peace times nodoubt more automobiles belonging to civilians are in use. It is afact, however, there are comparatively few automobiles among the civilpopulation of France. Only the very rich own them. The masses of thepeople do not possess them, as in America. The civil population eitherwalk along these highways or travel in horse-drawn carts and wagons. The carts are different from any that we see in America. Frequentlythey are heavily constructed with wheels of from six to eight feet indiameter. They are fitted with brakes, which are used on the grades. They have a long body, that is, long for a cart, and this is ladenwith the varied products of the small farms which are in this waytaken to market. Most frequently these carts are drawn by one horse, though it is not unusual to see two or three horses hitched to onewhen the load is heavy. When more than one horse is used, the animalsare not hitched abreast, but tandem. The wheel horse is hitchedbetween two long heavy shafts and his duty seems to be largely that ofsteering the unwieldy conveyance, while the front horse or horses domost of the pulling. The harness is heavy and the rear horse isprotected from sores that might be caused by rubbing, by a heavy andwell padded saddle and a heavy girth. It was a common sight to see awoman driving one of these carts and guiding the wheel horse andhandling the brakes, while boys were either driving or leading theleaders. These strange and cumbersome rigs, so different from any thatwe had ever seen before, interested and amused us. 

The crops in the section through which we passed on our first day outof Brest appeared to be good. They gave me, a Californian withconsiderable farming experience, the impression that agriculture hasbeen very carefully studied by the French. Occasionally we would seesmall tracts lying fallow, apparently to give the land a needed rest, while other tracts were being cultivated. On some of the small farmsit was haying season. We were surprised as we noted the methods of theFrench farmer in this particular branch of husbandry. The hay was cutmostly by women and children with scythes. An American mower probablyhad never been seen there. It seemed like a tremendous waste of humanenergy to see these women and children doing such hard manual labor inthe field, when a modern mower would cut the entire field in a veryshort time. It seems to me there should be a field for the sale ofAmerican mowers and other modern American farm machinery in the ruraldistricts of France. While the farms are so small that the individualfarmer could not, perhaps, afford to buy a mower, still, severalfarmers could go in together and buy one, or the community as a wholecould buy one, for the common use of all who needed it. Here issomething that the French and American Governments might get togetheron, for surely the French want to conserve the energy of their womenand children who now do this hard work, and the Americans want a widermarket for their modern farm equipment. It must be said, however, thatthe women of the French peasantry who were doing this hard work, appeared strong and healthful, and were enured to this difficultlabor, no doubt, through many generations of this hard farm life. 

We noticed as we got away from the coast, that there was a change inthe style of dress of the peasants. We no longer saw the round hatswith the ribbon streamers hanging down behind, so familiar in therural districts around Brest. The dress of the peasants, farther inthe interior, was more like that of the laboring classes of America. The men and women both wore serviceable clothes of dark material, butfew of them wore anything on their heads. Sabots were worn instead ofleather shoes. The women wore a sort of an Arctic sock over thestockings; the men frequently wore no socks at all. Occasionally thesabots would be several sizes too large for the wearer, but were madeto fit by stuffing straw in them. This must have been ratheruncomfortable, but the French peasantry seemed not to mind it at all. 

While the horse is the principal draft animal in France, oxen arealso used by some farmers. Most Western boys have seen teams of oxen, as they are still in use in some of the mountain districts ofCalifornia, or at least they were still in use up to a few years ago;but to the Eastern boys an ox team was a new and interesting sight, and there was much comment upon it. 

The first large city at which we stopped after leaving Brest wasNantes. This is a popular and ancient city, famous for the edict ofNantes, and more famous still, perhaps, because of the revocation ofthat edict by Louis XIV, which led to disastrous religious wars. Nantes is also famous as the birthplace of Jules Verne, whose "TwentyThousand Leagues Under the Sea, " became an actuality during the worldwar. It is a city of about 150, 000 and is an important industrialcenter, having extensive shipyards, factories, wharves, etc. It is onthe right bank of the Loire River, about thirty-five miles from itsmouth and is one of the chief ports of entry of France. 

Nantes has a very interesting history and it contains many ancient andfamous edifices. It was not our privilege, however, to see any more ofthe city than the views afforded from the train, for we stopped herebut a short time. It was there that we got our first taste of Frenchcoffee, which is very different from that made and served in America. It was furnished to us by the French Government. At first it wasdistasteful to us, but after drinking it a few times we became used toit and later on we really liked it. 

We were now in the rich valley of the Loire, one of the mostproductive and one of the most famous in France. It is not nearly solarge as the Sacramento Valley, in California, nor as fertile, yet itsfame extends around the world. It is drained by the Loire River, whichis the longest river in France, being more than 600 miles in length, and being navigable for ships as far as Nantes and for river boatsfor more than five hundred miles of its length. 

In the valley of the Loire we began to see the beautiful vineyards ofFrance. In this district the farms as a rule were a little larger thanthose we saw on our way from Brest to Nantes, and consequently thehedges were less numerous. It was an exceedingly picturesque scenethat met our eyes as we rolled along in the slow train. One noticeablefact was that each little vineyard was of a different shade of greenfrom that of its nearest neighbors, due perhaps, to a differentvariety of plant, or to a variation of soil. There seemed to be no twoof just the same shade. It was also in the Valley of the Loire that wesaw considerable fruit production. Orchards were more numerous herethan on the coast. They were planted to most of the deciduous treeswith which we of California are familiar, although prunes seemed topredominate. 

While we were traveling through this valley we were greeted with somefamiliar sights and sounds. These were the American box car andlocomotive and the sound of the whistle of a U. S. A. Train. Wegreeted the American rolling stock as companions, and were truely gladto see them. We could easily distinguish between the sound of thewhistle of an American locomotive and that of a French engine, theAmerican whistle being deep and the French shrill. It may seem strangeto think that I comment upon such a small matter as a locomotivewhistle, but when one is in a foreign land, amid foreign scenes andsounds, a familiar sound is good to hear, even though it is asunmusical as a deep blast of an American-made locomotive. 

Our next stop at a place of importance was at Tours--historic Tours. This is a city of more than 100, 000 inhabitants and is one of the mostinteresting cities in France. 

I spent several weeks here in a hospital after being gassed on theMetz front and I will speak in more detail of this city in a laterchapter. 

At Tours we were given more freedom than at any previous stop, andhere our officers bought chocolates, tobacco and fruit and distributedthem among the men. These dainties were the first we had since leavingBrest and were surely appreciated. 

After leaving Tours we continued to wind through the Valley of theLoire along the Loire River, and I must say that the vineyards andorchards between Tours and Orleans, our next stop, were the prettiestthat I saw in all of France. In this particular part of the valley thetrees and vines are exceedingly prolific, as compared with trees andvines in other parts of France. They are not, however, as prolific asthose of California. The trees do not attain as large a growth asthose of this State and the vines are less vigorous. The fruit isneither as large nor does it have the quality of ours. The 1918 fruitcrop was a large one, as measured by French standards, but yield peracre, I am sure, would be small as compared with the yield per acre ofa first class Sacramento river orchard. The difference of the qualityand the yield as compared with our fruits, is undoubtedly due to thefact that for centuries the lands of the Loire have been cultivated, while our lands are new and contain all their natural richness. Thevineyards are planted differently from ours. The vines are four feetapart one way and eight feet apart another, while ours are usuallyplanted eight or ten feet apart each way. Having been reared on aCalifornia vineyard, I was naturally very much interested in thevineyards of France, and I examined those that I had the opportunityof visiting very carefully. I inspected some of the grapes that werepronounced first class by French vineyardists, and found them to bevery inferior to California grapes. The berries were smaller and theycontained less juice. 

The farther we traveled into the interior of France, the moreinterested the people became in us. In other words, the nearer we cameto the scene of action, the greater was the enthusiasm of the Frenchpeople over our arrival. While we excited but small interest in thesmall towns on the coast, as we got closer to the front, there weredelegations of women and children at the station waving to us at everysmall or large town through which we passed. Cries of "ViveL'Amerique" were more frequent, and we had hopes that the persistent"donnez moi" would be heard less frequently, but it was not. We neverceased hearing it as long as there were French children around. 

We arrived at Orleans late in the evening of the third day of ourtrip, and here we received a very hearty welcome from the American RedCross, as we did at Tours. The station at Orleans was more like anAmerican station than any that we had yet seen in France. It was largeand equipped with several tracks, as are most American stations. Orleans is full of interest, but we were not permitted to stop therelong. We continued on our journey all night and the next day were outof the Valley of the Loire and into a hilly section. While the scenerywas attractive, there were fewer cultivated areas and the soil wasless productive. We now began to see more of the American waractivities in France. We saw tented cities that had been built fortroops in record time; we saw camps where American soldiers were beingdrilled; and we saw great quantities of American implements of warsuch as airplanes, ammunition, light and heavy artillery, etc. In thisregion we also passed three hospital trains coming from the front withAmerican soldiers who had been wounded, and we knew we were gettingvery near the fighting. We also noticed a decided difference in theFrench inhabitants. We detected a deeper interest in the war amongthese people who were so near the battle line than in those fartheraway, and we noted that not a young man was to be seen among thecivilians in eastern France--they were all at the front fighting tosave their homes from the ruthless Hun. 

At 4 o'clock in the afternoon of the fourth day after we had leftBrest, we arrived at Langres, which was our destination, so far astrain travel was concerned. It was a great relief to leave thosecrowded compartments in that uncomfortable train. The distance fromBrest to Langres by the route we traveled probably does not exceed sixhundred miles, yet it took us four days and three nights to make thedistance. A first class American train would cover the same distancein about sixteen hours. At times our train moved so slowly that a mancould get out and keep up with it by running along the side. Therewere no conveniences on the train, such as American travelers areaccustomed to. For instance, there were no toilets, and the trainwould stop every three or four hours at some small station wherelatrines were provided for our use. No one knows how miserable we wereon this trip, and the only thing that kept the boys from complainingwas the fact that the country was new to us and strange sights andscenes made us forget our discomfort. Still, we did not have things asbad as some of the American boys, who were compelled to travel acrossFrance in box cars. 

We were all glad to stretch our legs at Langres, and after we weregiven a little refreshing exercise, we were loaded on motor trucks andtaken to our barracks, located in a stone building formerly used as aconvent. 

The city of Langres is beautifully situated. It is on a hill thatrises from a plateau. It is a city of great antiquity, dating from thetime of the Romans. There can be no doubt but that its originallocation was selected because of its strategic position, as it is onthe summit of a ridge and commands the situation in every direction. In mediaeval times it was a stronghold for the feudal lords and inmodern times it is still of importance as a fortress. The city issurrounded by a defense wall, built hundreds of years ago, and aroundthe outside of the wall was a moat, wide and deep. In feudal days thismoat was part of the defense works and it was kept filled with water. It was dry when we visited and has been so for many years, as a moatwould be but as slight obstructure in modern warfare. But it made thecity well nigh impregnable in the mediaeval days before gunpowder wasinvented and when most fighting was of the hand to hand kind. Weentered the city through an arched gate and crossed the moat on abridge which could be drawn up in case of attack. At present the gateis always kept lowered, but it could be drawn up if necessary. It waseasy to picture in the mind's eye as we looked at these relics offormer days, the feudal barons of the age of chivalry, sallying forthfrom this ancient stronghold on their steeds to make war or to plunderand prepared to retreat behind this moat and wall where they would besafe in the event that they were opposed by superior forces. I couldnot but think, as I stood upon this historic ground, that we ourselveswere making history and that the fight that we were then preparing tomake, while less romantic than the skirmishes of the feudal barons, was vastly more important to the welfare of the world. 

Situated as it is upon an eminence, a view that is beyond descriptionis to be obtained from Langres. From the ramparts one may see theupper valley of the Marne with its checkerboard of farms of varioushues; the Vosges; and on a clear day the white peak of Mont Blanc, onehundred and sixty miles distant. 

In strong contrast with the way in which ancient warriors enteredLangres, we were loaded onto motor trucks and taken up the steep andwinding way that led to the gates of the city by means of the mostmodern way of transportation. Our eyes were fastened on the odditiesof this strangely interesting city as we wound through the streets, some of which were narrow, others wide, past well kept parks andbuildings older than most of the modern governments, and we werefilled with a sort of reverence for this historic spot as we took ourplaces in the barracks made ready for us. 

CHAPTER IV

Nearing the Front

After we were installed in the barracks at Langres and had ourpersonal belongings straightened out, we were given the day toourselves. This was the first freedom that we had had since ourarrival in France. The boys, of course, all went to the businesssection of the city, where many of them were given their first glimpseof French customs and French methods of merchandising. As I had beenfortunate in getting into the business section of Brest while we werethere, this was not new to me, but to most of the boys it was a novelexperience. They spent their time and much of their money in theFrench stores, buying small articles of various kinds. One oddity ofthe freedom that we were given here was the fact that the Americansoldiers, although forbidden to buy alcoholic liquors in America, werepermitted to buy them without restrictions in France, and it is onlytelling the plain truth to say that many of them sampled the Frenchbeers, wines and cognac. 

I had an experience in a French barber shop that may be of interest, as it shows the difference between French and American barbers. TheFrench barber does his work very rapidly, in fact so rapidly when heis shaving that the patron wonders whether or not he is going to getout of the chair uninjured. I ordered a haircut, a shave, a shampooand a face massage. I had much difficulty at first in making my wantsunderstood, particularly as to the manner in which I wanted my haircut. This finally made clear, I sat in the chair and the barber wentto work on me with his sharp shears. His hands moved like lightningand it seemed like no more than two minutes that he had the job done. It was the fastest hair cutting I ever witnessed and a good job, too. He then proceeded to shave me, and for speed he exceeded his alreadyphenomenal record as a hair cutter. He put a thin lather on my faceand then with a thin razor--the thinnest I ever saw--he slashed off afour days' growth with six strokes--one down the right cheek, one downthe left cheek, one across the entire upper lip, one--a fancy curvedstroke--across the chin, then up one side of the neck and a finalstroke up the other. In less time than it takes to tell, the job wasdone, and it was a clean smooth shave too. But while he was slashingthat razor around I was uneasy. It was my first and last experiencewith a French barber; thereafter, it was safety first. The massage wasexcellent, but what impressed me about the shampoo was the smallamount of water used. Water must be costly in Langres from the waythat barber conserved it, but with no more than a handful of water, hedid his work well. The face waters used by French barbers are allhighly perfumed, in fact, too much so for the rough Westerner. When aman leaves a barber shop he carries a sickening sweet aroma with himand his friends know where he has been when he is as much as a hundredyards away. It may be of interest to note that the shave, hair cut, shampoo and massage cost me two and a half francs, or a little lessthan 50 cents American money. The price of the same service in theaverage American shop at the present time (August, 1919) would beabout $1. 65. 

The following day the men in our detachment were assigned to variouskinds of work at Langres. I was given a motor truck to drive. It wasin very poor condition and my first duty was to get it in workingorder. I spent three days overhauling it and had it in fairserviceable shape. But after putting all this work on it, I had thepleasure of running it only about three days, for I received orders, along with 208 others, to pack and get ready for a special course in amilitary school. I had only half an hour's time to get ready, but atthe appointed time I was prepared to go, and with the boys chosen forthe schooling, was loaded onto a motor truck and taken to Fort St. Menge, one of the numerous protecting forts around Langres. This wasan old fort, apparently built many years ago. It was situated on thesummit of a mountain and was surrounded by a moat, which, however, wasdry. It was substantially built and exceedingly interesting. Thebarracks were built underground and of stone. They were sealed andwere water-tight. Soil from ten to fifteen feet in depth covered thesestone compartments and they were proof from the bombs of other days, but would have but feebly resisted the modern high explosives. Therewere also several tunnels leading from various parts of the interiorto the outer walls, so that men could be taken to any part of the fortthat might be attacked without being exposed to the enemy's fire. About a thousand men could be billeted there. 

Water for this fort was supplied from two deep wells and raised by apeculiar lift pump, different from any that I ever saw before. It wasa sort of combination of a lift and pressure pump and was of Europeandesign and manufacture. The wells were deep and the water good, forFrance. 

On the day after our arrival there we commenced our work. We weregiven a stiff drilling for three weeks, with scarcely a minute's rest. We often worked until two or three o'clock in the morning. Our dailyroutine was as follows: Arise at 5 o'clock; breakfast at 6;calisthenics and manual of arms drill from 6:30 to 7:30; instructionfrom 8 to 12; lunch from 12 to 1; instruction from 1 to 5; eveninginstruction from 7 to 10, and often until 1, 2 or 3 o'clock the nextmorning. It was here that we received advanced learning inintelligence lines for our work in the war. 

We studied with French and American instruments such as were thenbeing used by the Allied armies on the western front. I cannotdescribe these instruments in detail or tell much about ourinstruction because I have given my oath never to reveal any of thedetails of this work. I am permitted, however, to name some of theseinstruments, such as the subterranean microphone, sizorscope, horoscope, perpendicular and horizontal range finder, elongatedthree-power French binocular, instruments for determining the heightof airplanes, etc. We had to acquire a practical knowledge in the useof all these instruments, as they were to be our future implements ofwarfare, and in matters of this kind, accuracy is of vast importance. We also had to learn the signals of the French, British, Italian andAmerican aviators; the international Morse code; to send and receivemessages perfectly under all conditions; to have a practical knowledgeof the use of telephone and telegraph instruments; their attention andrepair; and how to keep the lines of communication in working order atall times and under any and all conditions. 

From this brief summary, it can be readily understood that theGovernment crowded plenty of work upon us during those three weeks. Atthe completion of the courses examinations were given, and only 86 ofus out of a class of 208 succeeded in reaching the requiredpercentage. Of the others most remained to take the course foranother three weeks, while a few were released from the work as notqualified for that particular kind of service. 

All the time that we were studying we were drilled just as though wewere actually at war. We were compelled to dig in, to find the rangeon certain objects and to direct imaginary artillery fire upon them. We had to find the range of airplanes that passed over us, just asthough they were enemy planes. This drilling was as near like actualwarfare as it was possible to make it and because of this, we graspedthe meaning of our work and the details very quickly. 

We were also drilled thoroughly in the art of camouflage. To besuccessful in camouflage, one must learn to imitate nature and that iswhat we had to study, and one's tracks must always be covered. Asuccessful bit of camouflage not only deceives the eyes of the enemyaerial observers, but it also deceives the lens of the enemy camera. To make this perfectly clear, it should be said that the lens ofcameras used in warfare are exceedingly delicate and frequently whenthe plate of an aerial photograph is developed, it reveals a spot thatmeans some extraordinary work on the part of the enemy, which the eyesof the aviator did not detect. It can be readily understood, therefore, that unless the camera is also deceived, the camouflage hasnot been well done, for enemy planes, having located the spot by meansof their photograph, could plan to bomb it, but if the plate did notshow anything, then the camouflage is successful. 

While we were at Fort St. Menge we received our gas masks and we werecompelled to go through many gas mask drills. This was done so wewould become efficient in putting them on when we got to the frontline. With a little practice we got so we could adjust them in aremarkably short time. We were also given our steel helmets whilehere, and we realized fully that we were getting nearer and nearer tothe scene of action, and that our sham warfare would soon give way toactual fighting. We were also drilled in rifle shooting and by thetime we were ready to leave, we were in every way fit to participatein the great struggle in which we were soon to take part. 

As soon as our schooling was completed, we were told to get ready toleave for Langres, so we packed up and we were compelled to "hike"back to that city. At Langres we spent two days in getting ready forthe front. We were ordered to leave fully equipped with the best ofthose things that we had to have. This meant that new articles wereissued to many of us. For instance, if a man had a pair of shoes thatwas partly worn, he was given a new pair, and some of our old clotheswere turned in for new garments. These were two busy days and our timewas entirely occupied in getting ready. We were limited as to thethings we could take with us. We were given our barrack bags and toldto put in these bags all the things that we had to leave and thatthose of us who returned would receive their bags when they got back. My bag contained a number of toilet articles, clothes and otherarticles that I took with me from the United States. I never saw thatbag again, as I was gassed and wounded and never went back to Langres, but I suppose that it has long since become the property of some oneelse. 

When we were ready to leave Langres we marched with full equipment toa station three miles from the barracks we were leaving, where we werebilleted in wooden billets. Here we spent the night. We had to get upat 4 o'clock in the morning to take an early train. It was a bittercold morning, but we did not notice this much, as we were on our wayto the scene of action and our thoughts were on the future. A cup ofcoffee, a couple of doughnuts and a bun was the only breakfast that wehad, but it was all we wished. We carried traveling rations, of whichwe made good use later on. We boarded the train at 4:30 o'clock androde on a fast passenger train until 11 o'clock, when we arrived atToul. We traveled in second and third class passenger coaches. At Toulwe were well received by the Red Cross, which furnished us with somefood, and this, together with our traveling rations, provided us witha hearty meal. 

We left Toul at 1 o'clock and marched toward the front. We were soonwithin the sound of the heavy guns. We continued on the road forseveral hours, and then, as we were getting into the zone where shellsfell occasionally, we were told to thin out our ranks so that if ashell fell among us our casualties would be light. From then on, wemarched about eight or ten feet apart in single file on each side ofthe road. We were ordered to wear our steel helmets as a protectionagainst shrapnel. Some did not see the need of doing this, but most ofus were glad to take the precaution. We crossed several narrow gaugetracks on our march, and saw trains carrying supplies of all kinds tothe battle front. They were pulled by gasoline engines. We also sawour first barbed wire entanglements. These were built back of thelines as a protection to the French in case the Germans should breakthrough on that front. They were about twenty-five feet in width andextended north and south as far as the eye could see. Later on we sawbarbed wire entanglements as much as 250 feet in width, put up as abarrier to the Boche, should they break through. 

Airplanes were now very numerous. They were darting back and forth atvarious heights. We were anxious to see an airplane battle, but nonetook place on that front on that day. We could see observationballoons in the distance. Those in the very far distance we knew to beenemy observers. 

We marched until 7 o'clock, when we reached a woods, where we werepermitted to stop. We were given our evening meal, which consisted ofbully beef and hard tack. The woods was our sheltering place for thenight. Some of the boys said they slept well that night, but I will beabsolutely truthful and say that I did not. The knowledge that we wereunder shell fire and the unforeseen events that the immediate futureheld in store for me so weighed upon my mind that I could scarcelyclose my eyes. I really do not understand how any of the boys slept. We could hear the screech of the shells as they whizzed by, but, fortunately, none of them hit near us. Only a few days before severalhundred American boys were gassed in this same woods, and our gasguard kept a close watch for gas shells. 

The next day we proceeded on toward the Verdun front. We marched allday long, with only occasional stops. We were not in the open, however, going from one woods to another; when we marched in the open, only small bodies of men would move at a time. At 11 p. M. We stoppedmarching and made our camp for the night. Most of the boys were soweary from their long "hike" that they wrapped up in their overcoats, lay down on the ground and went right to sleep. We remained three dayshere waiting for orders. We were near the front, could hear the gunsall the time and the occasional rattle of a machine gun. When ourorders did finally come, we were told to march back over part of thesame route we had come and we finally stopped close to Novient. It washere that we saw our first action and it was here that we finished oureducation in the work that we were to do under the supervision of theFrench, who held this front before it was taken over by theAmericans. 

CHAPTER V. 

Preparation for Battle

We were billeted at Novient for three days in wrecks of buildings thathad been ruined by Hun shells. At first we did not do much workbecause it was not definitely known whether or not we were to remainthere. 

Although we were in the war zone and under shell fire at all times, wewere amazed when we learned that there were still a few Frenchpeasants in the vicinity. These were mostly old men and old women, anda few, but very few, children. These peasants would not leave theirold homes, though requested to do so by the French Government. Theypreferred to remain there and be killed by a Hun Shell, if that was tobe their fate, than to leave the spot that they so dearly loved. Theyoung men of these towns were all fighting at the front and the youngwomen had gone to the larger cities, farther from the front, wherethey found employment at good wages. 

Most of these old peasants kept a cow or two and a few chickens andthey sold milk and eggs to the American soldiers, thus realizing asmall profit for their great hazard. We paid seven francs or about$1. 35 for a dozen eggs and four francs or about 70 cents for a gallonof milk. We were indeed glad to get these luxuries, even at theseprices and considered ourselves fortunate. In Novient two beer shopswere also conducted and sold the soldiers light wines and beers, theprices being one franc or nearly 20 cents for a small bottle of beer, five francs for a bottle of red wine and from seven to ten francs fora bottle of white wine. 

After three days at Novient, we moved forward toward the trenches, where we were to complete our training for work in the Flash Service. At this time we were divided into small detachments, there beingfourteen men in the detachment to which I was assigned. We were takento a woods about a mile and a half from Novient, and there had ourfirst introduction to the French S. R. O. T. , or service similar toour Flash Service. 

In this woods we were billeted underground, where we were protectedfrom shell fire. Each detachment was billeted with an equal number ofFrench, and it was from the fourteen French in our detachment that wewere to complete our education for the special work for which we werepreparing. In other words, we were to learn the practical applicationfrom the French of the knowledge that we had learned in the school atFort St. Menge. 

Our first experience in actual war work was in an observation tower inthis woods. This tower was 65 feet in height. It was cylindrical inform and built of steel about half an inch in thickness. The interiorwas about five feet in diameter. In the tank (so-called) was a lookoutpost for observation work. It had small slits on all sides that couldbe readily opened and shut, through which we were to take ourobservations. We entered the tower through a trap door in the bottom, and the men working at the post locked the door while they were attheir duty. The tower was erected in a thick growth of tall trees, andwas well camouflaged. It was securely hidden from Hun eyes, yet gaveus a full view of the Hun trenches in that vicinity. It was from thistower that I first saw the enemy, and got my first glimpse of the Hunlines and got my first full view of a modern battlefield. 

The French outer trench was only one-quarter of a mile from thistower. The German trenches were just a little way beyond those of theFrench, the distance varying from fifty yards to a quarter of a mile, according to the terrain. With our strong glasses, we could get anexcellent view of everything that Fritz did in this part of the line. 

In this tower the French taught us their secrets of observation inmodern warfare. They showed us how to locate German batteries, machinegun nests, railroads, troop movements, supply trains, aerial activity, observation balloons, etc. We paid particular attention to watchinghow often Hun airplanes arose, where they crossed our lines, whetheror not they were fired on by our anti-aircraft guns, the number of Hunplanes in the air, the purpose of their flights, etc. It wasparticularly important to get the point where the German aviatorscrossed the Allied lines. Their planes followed a system in this so asto try to avoid our anti-aircraft guns. They would cross at a certainpoint for one or two days, then, believing that if they attempted tocross there again they would meet with a warm reception, they wouldchange the location, thus keeping the Allies guessing all the time. The French remained with us about ten days, during which time weacquired sufficient knowledge to take up the work ourselves, and theAmerican troops then took over this section of the line. 

Our conveniences while here were not good, but they were as good as weexpected. We accepted our lot without protest. All our provisions hadto be carried in at night on our backs, as it would have beendangerous for a supply train to attempt to bring anything in duringthe day. There was no water at all in our immediate vicinity. Thatwhich we used for cooking and drinking purposes had to be carried froma spring about three-quarters of a mile distant. While going to thisspring on one occasion, we located a blackberry patch, which gave us alittle diversion. We conserved our flour for several days, and thenpicked enough blackberries for pie. On two occasions we had blackberrypie and it is no exaggeration to say that it was absolutely the bestmorsel of food that any of us had ever tasted. It was a luxury, Iventure to say, that but few soldiers in the extreme front linetrenches were privileged to enjoy. 

A few days after the French left this front to us, we became awarethat we were preparing for some big military manoeuver. What it was, of course, we were not told; we knew, however, that it was to be on agigantic scale. It subsequently developed that we were preparing forthe great St. Mihiel drive, that wonderful independent plunge intoGerman lines by American troops, which straightened out the St. Mihielsalient and showed definitely to the Germans that ultimately they wereto be defeated. 

A brief description of this preparation may be of interest. Our firstintimation of this manoeuver was the bringing up of great quantitiesof ammunition. This was placed in the woods and well camouflaged. Next, heavy artillery came up in greater quantities than we had anyidea that the American army had in France. Then light artillery wasbrought up in numbers proportional to the heavy guns. Then thousandsof fresh troops were marched up and placed under the cover of thewoods. These men marched up at night, so as not to be seen by Hunairplanes. It should be stated here that during this preparationAllied air machines had complete mastery of the aerial situation andas soon as a Hun plane appeared on the horizon, it was pursued untilit either was brought down, or it escaped back to its lines. 

While the infantry was stationed in these woods, no time was lost. Themen were given their final instructions in fighting Bosch. They weredrilled hard every day and they became particularly efficient in theuse of the bayonet, a weapon that in the hands of a Yank the Germansfear worse than anything else that I know of. Rifle practice, ofcourse, could not be indulged in while in these woods, because thenoise might attract German attention, but bayonet drills neverceased. Thorough drilling was also given in the use of machine guns. Men were instructed how to repair guns, were told what to do in casecertain parts of the gun were injured, were shown how to take gunsapart and put them together again, and before the end of the drilling, these men became as efficient in machine gun work as Fritz himself. 

The last step of the preparation was the bringing up of the tanks. These came up at night in great numbers. There were tanks of allkinds, from the huge British machines to the "petite" or little Frenchtank. These were also camouflaged and concealed in the woods. Afterthe tanks were brought up, their gunners were given a final thoroughdrilling in the use of their guns, their machines, etc. We had neverbefore seen such a vast equipment of war material. 

It is difficult to express my feelings during the final days of thispreparation. I knew that something of a gigantic nature had beenplanned and that the time was close at hand. I also knew that whateverit was it would surely succeed, for nothing could resist the combinedforce of all that preparation when the final word was given. I cannotbut admit that enormous quantity of ammunition, the vast number oflight and heavy guns, the thousands of men ready for the fray, causedme to feel a certain indescribable sadness, for I knew, that althoughsuccess was sure to follow our drive, some of these brave boys were topay the price with their lives. On September 11th, the boys weredrilled for the last time. We were then required to strip our bodiesof all our clothes and to smear ourselves with a salve. This was apreparation that was designed to protect the body from burns in casewe encountered the deadly mustard gas. 

After dark and all during the night there was a steady stream of mengoing to their positions in the trenches. They knew that the time forthe manoeuver to start was near, but whether it was to be 24 or 48hours, they did not know. But we of the Flash Service did; we knewthat at one minute past midnight on the morning of September 12th, thezero hour, the Germans were to be given their great surprise party, and we counted the minutes as they were ticked off the watch untilthat time arrived. 

CHAPTER VI

The Great St. Mihiel Drive

It was exactly at 12:01 o'clock on the morning of September 12th, whenthe great St. Mihiel drive began, and when all the preparation ofwhich I told in the preceding chapter was brought into play in thefirst great independent movement of American troops, which was to givethe Germans a warning of what they were to expect from the army fromacross the seas, of which they had so sneeringly spoken. The driveopened with a demoralizing barrage, the greatest of the kind that, upto that time, had ever been laid down by artillery. It greatlyexceeded in the number of guns brought into action and in amount ofammunition used, any barrage that either the Germans or the Allieshad, prior to that time, attempted. It was like letting hell looseupon the Germans in the salient at all points within the range of ourguns. Language is inadequate to describe this barrage and none exceptthose who were actual participants in the drive will be able tovisualize in the mind the terror that General Pershing's guns belchedforth on that momentous occasion. Those who have imaginative minds maybe able to form some faint conception of what this great battle waslike, if they can picture thousands of guns--heavy, medium andlight--belching forth their fire with ceaseless regularity for sixlong hours. It was pitch dark when the first guns opened with theirroar, but it was not long before the heavens were lighted with abrilliant pyrotechnic display, something like elaborate Fourth of Julyfireworks, but multiplied by millions in intensity. The heavyartillery spit forth long flames as they were discharged. The longflash, the rapidity with which it is dashed from the gun muzzle, andits sudden disappearance, reminded me of a serpent's tongue. Andserpents' tongues they were, indeed, to German hopes, for as sure asthese are facts, the St. Mihiel drive sealed the doom of the despisedHuns. As far as the eye could see, these flashes were being repeatedat stated intervals, and in front of them were the smaller and morerapid flashes of the medium artillery; and adding their flame, smokeand noise to the din far out in front was the famous light artillery, which did such effective work throughout the war. 

It was not long after the barrage began before the Germans began tothrow star shells. These were for the purpose of lighting up No Man'sLand. They are thrown to a height of several hundred feet, and as theyslowly descend, they burn a brilliant white light. These added to thebrilliancy of the fireworks. The object of the Germans in throwingthese star shells was to keep No Man's Land lighted so as to be readyto repel our attack. They knew, of course, that our barrage was to befollowed up with a charge, but they did not know at what hour it wasto be launched. The star shells were thrown so that they could not betaken unawares in the dark. 

Far behind the line in Fritz' territory we could see our shellsbursting. The telltale flash meant that the Huns were getting a doseof severe medicine, though we could at that moment only guess at thedestruction that was being wrought. Later we were to see the havocworked by our accurate artillerymen. 

The object of this demoralizing barrage was to break up the morale ofthe Germans and in general to pave the way for our infantry chargethat was to follow. It shattered the German trenches, plowed throughtheir barbed wire entanglements and kept those who survived in a stateof great nervous tension, because they knew a great charge was tofollow. Our guns were also trained on such objects as headquarters, railroads, heavy artillery emplacements, cross roads, ammunitiondumps, aviation hangars, etc. , from information that had previouslybeen obtained by the Flash and Sound Ranging sections. The heavyartillery did great damage far in the rear. The medium artillery, nothaving the range of the heavy guns, did not reach so far back with itsfire, but demoralized things generally wherever its shells hit. Italso had for its purpose the breaking up of any attack that might beplanned as a counter offensive. The light artillery is of smallercaliber and fires more rapidly. This did wonderful execution and was agreat help in winning the war. 

It was exactly 6 o'clock when the demoralizing barrage stopped, and itwas followed by a protecting barrage. There is quite a differencebetween a demoralizing barrage and a protecting barrage. Ademoralizing barrage is just what its name signifies, a demoralizingrain of shells upon the enemy. A protecting barrage is for the purposeof protecting the infantry as it charges into the enemy's lines and itis raised slowly as the infantry advances so as to keep over the headsof the marching soldiers. As soon as the protecting barrage was firedin this drive, the first waves of infantry went over the top. 

Most people have a misconception of what going over the top is. Theprevailing idea is that a great mass of troops rush over the top andinto the German trenches. What really occurs is this: The men climbout of the trenches at an ordinary pace in a thin line from six to tenfeet apart. This is followed in a few seconds by another thin lineabout the same distance apart, and then another, and so on until thereare thousands of men advancing over No Man's Land, but they arescattered over a large area. The object in scattering them is toreduce losses in case an enemy shell falls among them. I have seen ashell fall among men advancing this way without hitting any of them, and I have also seen several fall from a single shell. Another reasonfor these thin waves is the fact that when advancing in this formationthe men offer a poorer target to the machine guns of the enemy, whilein mass formation, a machine gun could mow down in a short time awhole company. 

Just ahead of the waves of infantry in this drive, wiggled the tanks. These cumbersome, awkward, ugly but efficient machines were of greathelp to the foot soldiers. They not only made a path through thebarbed wire entanglements that the artillery had not destroyed, butthey hunted out and destroyed German machine gun nests, which were sodangerous to the infantry. The tanks had a very difficult task andthey performed it well. Too much credit cannot be given to the tankcrews. They were brave, skillful and good fighters. It is true theywere in a measure protected behind the steel walls of the machine, but, on the other hand, they were exposed to heavy fire, it was hotand disagreeable within and in case of being struck by a shell orrunning onto a mine, the horrors were worse than those to which otherfighters were exposed. The greatest danger was that of being trappedwithin and burned to death in case a shell hits the gasoline tank; anumber were destroyed in that manner. So I give full credit to thetank men for their heroic services--they braced the greatest dangerswithout knowing such a word as "fear. "

As our boys went over the top they were given the protection of anaerial squadron. Only those who were advancing toward the Hun lines onthat day, with full realization of their duties and their dangers, know what a feeling of protection these hovering planes gave us. Theyflew low, frequently just over the heads of the men, and poured theirdeadly machine gun fire into such of the Hun trenches as the artilleryhad not destroyed--and, no matter how thoroughly the artillery doesits work, there is always plenty left for the other branches of thearmy to do. These daring airmen also dropped fishtail bombs on theHuns. These men were the bravest of the brave. They had the courage, grit and combative qualities of the lion. They are constantly in greatdanger. They are fired upon from below by enemy anti-aircraft guns, and frequently from above by enemy planes. They are also exposed, whenthey fly low, to rifle fire and machine guns and machines arefrequently brought down by such fire. During a drive of this kind theyalso face the danger of running into their own barrage and arerestricted as to the area in which they may manoeuver. We cannot givethese fearless men of the flying corps too much praise for their work. While men in all branches of the American army were brave and all didtheir duty, I think the airmen, like the tank men, deserve a specialmeed of praise for their daring, and when I say this, I intend in noway to detract from the bravery of the men in any other branch of theservice. 

The Flash Service, to which I belonged, was not a fighting unit. Whilewe were heavily armed, so that we could defend ourselves and fight ifnecessary, we were not, in the strict sense of the word, combatants. It was more important for us to keep the lines of communication inworking order, to give the artillery the range on certain objects, tolocate machine gun nests and direct fire upon them so they could bedestroyed, than to fight, for there were sufficient numbers in otherbranches of the army for that purpose. But we did not overlook anopportunity to help our cause, and it is with a great deal of pleasurethat I tell of a machine gun nest of thirteen men captured by three ofthe men of our detachment, though of a different post from mine. Itwas during the early morning of the first day of the drive. It shouldbe stated that the American infantry advanced so rapidly that itfrequently went right by carefully concealed machine gun nests. Thiswas just what the Germans wanted them to do, because they opened firefrom the rear and rained bullets on our men from two sides. The threemen that captured the nest of which I am telling were just in back ofthe second wave of infantry that went over the top, following it upfor the purpose of establishing our line of communication from frontto rear. They came upon this nest as the Huns were preparing to fireat our advancing men. When they first located the nest the Americanshad their revolvers carefully wrapped in greased coils and in theirholsters, not expecting to use them--the greased coils being to keepthe weapons from rusting from the dampness of the trenches. Theseresourceful American boys lost no time, however, in getting theirweapons ready for use, and by a quick and intrepid manoeuver, theyapproached the Huns, covered them with their revolvers, and compelledthem to surrender without so much as firing a shot. The Huns weretaken to the rear, and their gun, a Vicker, became a trophy of war. 

It was about 9 o'clock in the morning while we were advancing that Icame upon a petite French tank, which had run upon a Hun mine and hadbeen completely destroyed. The machine was reduced to a pile of junk, and it was hardly believable that a mine would work such destruction. The heavy iron was torn in shreds, and while we knew it was a tank andwe knew what had happened to it, it was now nothing but scrap iron. 

Just about that time the infantry was capturing thousands of Hunprisoners--men who had occupied the front German trenches and who wereovercome by our boys. As I was advancing, I saw 3, 700 German prisonersmarching to the rear, and as it was still early in the day, you mayknow with what thoroughness our boys were doing their work. Amongthese prisoners was a German officer who knew the location of themines that had been planted to destroy tanks, bridges, roads, etc. TheAmericans were not long in learning this and they compelled him topoint out these locations. Under his guidance, 52 mines weredestroyed. These might have done great damage to American tanks andsoldiers if they had not been set off. As it was, they opened apathway through which our tanks passed without danger. 

As we went forward into the territory that had been held by the Huns, we could see the results of our own work, that is to say, we could seeobjects upon which we had given the range to the artillery, completelydestroyed. It was gratifying to note that our work and the work of theartillery had been so accurate. Objects, such as headquarters, railroad tracks, cross roads, that we had located through our strongglasses before the drive, and upon which we had given the distance tothe gunners, had been shattered by direct hits, speaking wonders forthe marksmanship of the American gunners. At some places we saw scoresof men and animals that had been killed by shell fire; at others wesaw trenches that had been as completely wiped out as though theynever existed; we also saw ammunition dumps that had been hit and setafire and which burned steadily for several days. These wereexceedingly dangerous places, and we kept a good distance from themuntil they burned completely out, as the exploding shells threw flyingmetal for a distance of a hundred yards or more. We also came acrossrailroad trains that had been hit as they were proceeding, and sobadly crippled that they had to be abandoned by the enemy, later to becaptured by us. 

We advanced about ten kilometers the first day, and then our men weredirected to dig in. Here we met with our first real resistance. Theenemy counter attacked during the night, but his charges were finallybroken up by our accurate fire. 

Our advance that day had been rapid and had penetrated deeply into theenemy line. This had been possible because of the rapidity with whichour supplies had been brought up. The roads for the most part were notbadly cut up, and those that were damaged were quickly repaired by ourengineers. Bridges had been hastily built, obstructions removed fromhighways, and shell holes filled in so that traffic could go on almostuninterruptedly. This made it possible for all necessary munitions tomove forward. 

One thing that was annoying to our advance was the German "pill boxes"in which machine gunners were placed. These pill boxes were ofconcrete. They were round and flat, a few square, and took their namebecause of their resemblance to a pill box. They had slits about sixinches wide and eighteen inches long in the concrete through which theHuns fired their machine guns at our troops. Our most effective weaponagainst these pill boxes was our one pounders. They fired a smallshell directly at the box and continued to fire until they got therange of the slit. The shells would then penetrate the slit and hitthe other side of the box, exploding when they did so, and killing orwounding the occupants. Once the range was obtained, our gunners keptpouring in these shells until there was no longer any fear that theFritz soldiers in that box would harm any more Americans. Our boys putmany of these pill boxes out of commission with big loss to the enemy. They made duty in a pill box certain death for the Huns when anyAmericans were around. 

We spent a rather restless night after our first day's advance. Thoughwe had marched many miles and were mentally and physically fatigued, it was not easy to sleep. We were in constant danger of counter attackand of being shelled by the enemy, and the sensation was not pleasant. 

Early in the morning of September 13th, the second day of the drive, we advanced again in the gray of the early dawn. It was between 8 and9 o'clock on this morning that I saw a great aerial fight in whichprobably thirty-five and perhaps forty machines participated. We hadadvanced so far the first day that the Germans sent their aircraft outin numbers on the second day to look at the territory that had beenlost. Our men were ready for them. It was the most thrilling sight Iever witnessed, and I cannot imagine anything more sensational. Atfirst these machines were very high in the air, perhaps ten thousandfeet, for they were mere specks in the sky to the natural vision. Itwas wonderful to see them manoeuvering for positions of advantage. They twisted, turned, looped and dove. At times two or three would bevery close together and then again they would separate. Little whitepuffs of smoke told the tale that the machine guns were in action. They reminded me of bees swarming, as they buzzed and circled aroundeach other in the air. As they fought they descended, coming nearer toearth and thus plainer to our vision. Suddenly one dropped out of theranks, a struck machine. We knew it was permanently out of commissionthe minute it started to fall, for it dropped like a dead bird. It wasa Hun machine and it dropped close to where I was located, so close infact that within a few minutes I was inspecting it and taking smallsouvenirs to send home from its collapsed wings. Then another dropped, but it fell far from where we were located and its descent was soswift that we could not see its insignia and were unable to tellwhether or not it was a Hun machine. Then one came down wounded, butstill able to fly. It was an American machine, for it sought refuge inback of our lines. And so the fight continued for a few minutes--itdid not last long--until a total of eight machines dropped and severalothers flew away wounded. Just what percentage of Hun and Alliedplanes fell, I was never able to ascertain, but the best evidence thatthe majority of them were Hun machines was the fact that the remainingenemy planes soon departed from the aerial battle field, leaving theAllied planes in complete control. The Allied fleet of planes in thisfight was composed mostly of Americans, though our airmen were aidedby a couple of British and a couple of French machines. 

We continued our advance throughout the second day, though we did notproceed as rapidly as on the first day. This was because the roadswere in poorer condition and supplies could not be so rapidly movedforward and for the further reason that the country was more woodedand offered Fritz a better opportunity for defense. Our boys werecounter-attacked on several occasions, but each time they sent theHuns flying to the rear with heavy losses. In hand to hand fighting, such as often resulted when counter attacks were lodged, the Germanswere no match for the Americans, who seemed to excel in close workwhich required bravery, skill and dash. In fact, it was in this kindof work that our boys showed Fritz what we mean in America by "punch. "

On the third day we advanced as far as Thiacourt, which was ourobjective. On this day we also met with stubborn resistance. It washere that we encountered many pill boxes and it required considerabledifficult and accurate work to put them out of business. 

It was on the night of September 15th that we saw our hardestfighting, and were given a taste of how hard Germans could fight whenpressed. It was on this night that our losses were the heaviest of thedrive. 

My post was dug in on a ridge that was occupied by a detachment ofincomparable fighters--the Marines. The ridge was only about 500 yardsin length. The roads being in bad condition, we were unable to get theprotection of any artillery. All that we had to keep Fritz at bay onthis ridge was about forty machine guns, which were no match for theheavy shells that the Huns were pouring on us, having our range to anicety. We were in what is known as "graves, " or shallow trenches, nothaving had time to dig deep trenches or to strengthen our positions aswe were constantly under fire. But these Marines laid down a machinegun barrage, the first that I had ever seen. They kept up the fire allnight and thus held Fritz away. It was a tense period. Hun shells weredropping all around us and frequently right among us, but the machineguns never ceased their excellent defensive work. When day broke, andthe Hun ceased firing, only seventeen of these machine guns and theircrews were in condition to fight. Twenty-three of them had beendestroyed by the German artillery. It was a sad sight that met oureyes the morning when we saw the losses that we had suffered duringthe night. 

It was on the night of the fourth day of the drive that fresh men werebrought up, and those of us who had been out in front during the drivewere relieved. It was, indeed, a great relief. It permitted us torelax our bodies and minds after four days of steady strain, with nomore food than was sufficient to sustain us and without rest duringthe entire time. We were grateful to be away for a short time from thedevastating fire that the Huns were pouring into our front linetrenches in an endeavor to check a further penetration into theirlines, but we were still under shell fire. 

We were taken a short distance to the rear, where we were billeted inGerman dugouts. The day before these had been occupied by Germanofficers. They were elaborately fitted up with all things necessaryfor luxury and comfort, such as beds, bathtubs, electric lights, etc. 

It was here, seemingly as a reward for my small services in the greatfight, that I met my friend and companion, McKinley Johnston, ofSacramento. Nothing could have pleased me more for McKinley Johnstonis like a brother to me, having been my companion since boyhood. Itwas with him that I had talked of enlisting long before I volunteered, and it was he who enlisted with me. Though we became soldiers togetherand entered the same company, the fortunes of war separated us inFrance, and united us at a moment that was most gratifying to us both. We sat down together and related our experiences. He was driving atruck, and from him I learned of remarkable escapes that he had hadfrom death during the four days of the drive. On one occasion a Hunshell, sufficient in size to have blown him to atoms, lodged in histruck among supplies and failed to explode. I saw the shell myself, also saw the hole in the top of the truck through which it passed andcan vouch for the truthfulness of the story. On another occasion ashrapnel shell exploded on the road just to the right of his truck. When it burst, it sent small pieces of metal flying in all directions. About twenty-five or thirty of these passed through his truck, but notone struck him. I saw the holes they made. The motor of the truck wasnot as fortunate as the driver. A number of the pieces passed throughthe hood and lodged in the engine. It was damaged considerably, but itstill ran and McKinley was able to complete his trip. I marveled atthese stories because they concerned a young man of whom I am veryfond, but escapes of this kind were numerous in these days and almostevery soldier who passed through the drive can truthfully tell ofsimilar escapes. We were facing death all the time and the remarkablething is that so many of us did pass through the drive and come outalive. 

CHAPTER VII

Gassed

One of the happiest days that I experienced during the period that Iwas at war was on Friday, September 20, 1918. On this day, afterhaving made several visits to our new posts in the front line, I cameback to our billet, where, to my delight and surprise, I found eightletters from home awaiting me. No one knows the joy that a letter fromhome gives to a soldier on the firing line. It is like taking him outof hell and placing him back on earth again. For several days we hadbeen in the very thickest of the fight, facing death at every minute, seeing our companions fall around us, doing everything we possiblycould to help our side win, and willing to go back and do it all overagain without complaint--and then to get these welcome letters fromdear ones 9, 000 miles away right in the midst of it all. Is it anywonder that on such occasions we frequently gave way to our emotions?

The letters that I received were enjoyed not only by me, but by mycompanion, McKinley Johnston, as well, as he knew all of my people andwas as familiar as I was with the things that they wrote about. It isa peculiar circumstance, but it is a fact, nevertheless, that all ofthe boys, even those who did not know my folks and who came from otherStates than California, were interested in these letters. They werenews from home and that is what all the boys were craving. They wantedto read anything that came from America. So, after reading theletters, I passed them all around and every boy in the camp read them. After getting the letters back, I read them over several times. Several of them contained photographs of familiar scenes and faces, and it seemed good to look upon them again, for no one knew but thatit might be the last time we would see them. I thought it would be anice thing to sit right down and write, after reading these letters, but when I attempted it, I was so overcome with emotion caused bythoughts of those who were near and dear to me, that I was unable togive expression to my thoughts. 

The position of the American troops at this time was not favorable. The enemy held the commanding ground, and was concealed in woods, while our troops were out in the open. The Boche could see what wewere doing while we were unable to detect his moves. Thisdisadvantage, you might well know, would not long be tolerated byAmericans. We wanted the commanding ground and we wanted to put Fritzin the open. So on Monday, September 23rd, we gave Fritz a three-hourbarrage and it was a hot one. By the time the barrage started, all ourlight artillery had been brought up and put in place, and we were ableto rain shells from the famous 75's upon the enemy in torrents. Thisbarrage was for the purpose of breaking up the morale of the Germans. We were counter-barraged by the Huns, and for a time they made it hotfor us. But our superiority began to show after about an hour'sfiring. The men in the Flash Division worked hard to give our gunnersthe correct location of the German batteries. We worked hard and fastand the accuracy of our effort was shown by the silencing of theGerman guns. One by one they ceased firing, as the American artillery, with the data we supplied them, dropped shells on the Hun batteries. 

It was just about 5:45 in the morning when our artillery ceased firingand our boys advanced again. This time our objectives were only abouttwo kilometers in back of the German front trenches. We met withstubborn resistance at first, but with the usual Americandetermination and pluck, we soon forced the Boche back. 

It was here that I first saw the German minnewafers and trench mortarsat work. The shells thrown from the minnewafers are as much feared asany German weapon of war. They are thrown from a large gun with asmooth bore and short barrel. The projectile is shaped like a rollingpin, though it is much larger. In each end, or handle of the shell, isa cap, which explodes as the handle strikes the ground. As theprojectile somersaults as it travels, one handle or the other is sureto hit the earth, so there are no "duds" that I saw among theseshells. They explode with a terrific racket and tear up the earth fora great distance around the spot where they land. They are not thrownvery high in the air, and are intended for use in close fighting, thatis to say, two or three hundred yards. As the shells whirl through theair, you can plainly hear them whistling, and if you look sharply youcan occasionally see them coming. These minnewafers and mortars are ofvarious ranges--from three and four inches up to twelve and fourteeninches. Aside from these trench guns, the Germans in this fight alsoresisted heavily with machine gun nests and one pounders. 

In going over the top this time, we did not have the protection thatwe did when the St. Mihiel drive started. In other words, we did nothave any tanks or any aerial protection, but had to advance with onlysuch help as the artillery could give us. 

The Germans were well protected and it took clever work to outwitthem. Their machine gun nests were always cleverly concealed. Many ofthem were concealed in trees, and it was a common sight to see ourinfantrymen advance unseen by the machine gunners, and then with theirrifles, shoot them out of the trees. I had seen machine gun nests intrees before, but never so many as this time. Not only were theynumerous, but they were so well provided with ammunition that theycould fire thousands of rounds of shells, if necessary. I have seenlong belts of cartridges hanging to limbs of trees, all ready for useon the part of the gunners. I have also seen many of these beltsattached together so as to provide an almost endless chain ofcartridges for the gun. Under one tree where there had been a nest, Isaw empty cartridge shells eight inches deep, which was some shootingfor a short fight such as this was. That machine gun had certainlydone all that could be expected of it. 

We gained our objectives at 4 o'clock of the afternoon of the day thedrive started. We were then in the best possible position, so far asground is concerned, as it was possible for us to occupy. We had takenthe commanding ground from Fritz, and we began digging in so as to beready for a counter attack. All during that night we dug our trenches, making them deep and as safe as possible. Between 3 and 5 o'clock thenext morning, the expected attack came. We experienced a heavyshelling from the German artillery. Of course, our light artillerythat had been hastily brought up was not slow in returning the fire. Our barrage was very accurate and eventually the Huns were silenced. 

It was at this time that I was called upon to witness the greatesthorror of war--that of seeing some of my dearest friends fall from theenemy's fire before my very eyes. I was working in a post with threeother men. We had been constantly together since the drive began andour hardships that we had undergone resulted in a bond of friendshipthat held us together like brothers. All three of these men werekilled during this barrage. Two of them were instantly killed and thethird lived but a short time after being hit, dying about 6 o'clock inthe morning. 

When you consider that we were working in a post that was not morethan twelve feet in diameter, you may well imagine my feelings as Isaw these boys fall. I fully expected that my turn would come at anyminute, but I kept at work so as to keep my mind off the gruesomesurroundings. 

The next twenty-four hours were about the worst that I experiencedthroughout the war. My post was right out in front, and I was the onlyman left in it. Our communication lines had been badly cut up byGerman shells, and I was unable to make a report of the disaster thatour post had suffered to headquarters. I could not leave the post, because I could not leave the instruments. They were too valuable tobe left there with no one guarding them, and it would not do to leaveany chance of their falling into the hands of the enemy. So I remainedat the post all day. About 7 o'clock in the evening, men fromheadquarters fixed the communicating lines and I made my report of theloss of three men. Help was immediately dispatched to me, but, because we were heavily shelled again that night by the Huns, it wasimpossible for aid to reach me. It was not until 4 o'clock the nextmorning that a detachment reached the post and I was relieved. 

A detachment was also sent from headquarters for the purpose ofremoving the bodies of my three dead companions. They were taken backof the lines to a beautiful spot in the woods, and there they wereburied. Because of the fondness of the men of our detachment for theseand for the further reason that fighting had slackened up some, wewere able to give these men a little better burial than is accordedmost soldiers who fall on the field of battle. In most cases a graveis dug, the body wrapped in a blanket and deposited without a casketand without ceremony. But for these boys, some of the men in ourdetachment made boxes to serve as coffins out of material that we hadcaptured from an engineering dump. One big grave was dug and thebodies were laid in it side by side. One of the boys said a prayer andthe graves of these brave lads, way out there in the woods in France, were covered over. This is one of the incidents of the war that willnever leave my mind, as two of the boys were among my dearest friends. 

I realize that my escape from death while at that post was by a narrowmargin. It seemed to be the beginning of a number of miraculousescapes, such as many soldiers experience. Mine came in such rapidsuccession that I began to have a feeling that Fritz would get me yet. About 11 o'clock at night on the 30th of September I was aroused frommy bed in a dugout to repair the communication lines, it being part ofthe duty of our detachment to keep the lines in working order when notobserving. It wasn't very pleasant, of course, to get out of bed inthe middle of the night, but this was the luckiest call that I hadever had. I had not been out more than five minutes when Fritz scoreda direct hit with a big shell upon that billet, destroying everythingit in. If I had not been called out, I would have been killed. Fortunately for our post, all the other members were on duty at thetime, so we all escaped. But while I escaped with my life, the shelldestroyed all of my personal belongings. This resulted in mydiscomfiture for many days, as I will relate. I had previouslycaptured a pair of German officer's boots, which I would put on whencalled out at night, rather than my regulation army shoes and leggins. On this night I slipped on these boots, and my army shoes were torn toshreds. Therefore, I was compelled to wear the German boots, and theywere the most uncomfortable things that I had ever had on my feet. Though they were my size, I could not get used to them, and theyburned and blistered my heels so that I could hardly walk. As we wereway out in front, it was not easy to get new shoes from headquarters. My foot troubles became so serious that my officer granted me a dayoff duty for the purpose of trying to find a pair of shoes that wouldfit me. I spent the entire time in a fruitless search. I found severalpairs of shoes that belonged to boys who had been killed, but theywould not fit me, so finally I had to give it up. I wore those Bocheboots sixteen days, and I had to keep going all the time with sore andblistered feet. I suffered more from those German boots than fromanything else in the war. 

On October 4th I had another interesting experience and narrow escape, which was as close as any that I ever want to experience. I was one ofa detail that was sent after water. We had to go from our dugouts adistance of about two kilometers. On our way there we were walking ina gully. Fritz had probably used that gully for the same purposehimself when he held that ground, and he probably knew that we wouldbe using it too. At any rate, he had the range to a nicety. On our wayhe first dropped a number of gas shells around us. We hastily put onour masks and escaped injury. But the gas shells were followed by afew high explosives. A flying fragment severed the air tube of my gasmask. This meant immediate death, unless there was quick action. I hadthe presence of mind to take hold of the tube, so as to prevent anygas from entering my lungs, and then I ran to high ground. The reasonI sought high ground is because the chlorine gas is heavy and settlesin low places and is not likely to be as thick if high ground can bereached. I was accompanied by one of the buddies, who saw my plightand ran to assist me. By a stroke of luck that seems almostunbelievable, we ran across a salvage dump on the ridge to which weran, and there we found a good gas mask, which I hurriedly slipped on, and used until a new one was issued to me. As if to add insult toinjury, while I was having trouble with the mask, I was struck on theshoulder by a piece of shrapnel. The fragment, however, had aboutspent its force, and while I was knocked down by the force of the blowand suffered from a bruised shoulder for several days, the skin wasnot broken and my injury did not reach the dignity of a wound. 

We proceeded on and got our water, and on our way back we were shelledagain when we were in approximately the same place. This time one ofthe men received a small scratch from a piece of flying shell. It justbroke the skin between the knee and the thigh, but was so small thatit did not cause any inconvenience. Shortly after this, another bit ofshrapnel hit my helmet and knocked it off my head. I gave the boyscause for a hearty laugh as I scrambled on all fours after my "tinderby, " and no doubt I cut an amusing figure. Fritz seemed to bepicking on me all day, but I was glad that I got off so lightly afterbeing exposed to so much danger. 

There is no room for sentiment in the army. Birthdays usually don'tmean much. It just happened, however, that I had a day off of post onOctober 6th, and, that being my birthday, the occasion was made doublypleasant. But the thing that made the day a perfect one for me was thefact that when I reached headquarters I found fourteen letters fromhome. I have already told how happy I felt when I received eightletters--well, fourteen made me feel just twice that happy. They werefrom relatives and friends and no gift could have made my birthdaymore pleasant. 

October 16th was another red letter day for me. On that date I had adetail to pack in supplies, and I had the great fortune to find a newpair of shoes, just my size. What a relief to get rid of thoseuncomfortable ill-fitting, detestable German boots. If there was onething that made me hate Germans worse than anything else, it was thosehorrid German boots. The boys said they were a hoodoo and that if Icontinued to wear them Fritz would get me sure. However that may be, Idid not cease to have close calls. The very next day I got a smallsniff of chlorination gas. It happened while I was fixingcommunication lines. I did not get enough to hurt me, but it made medeathly sick. I was unable to do much for a couple of days, and wastaken to headquarters, where I was assigned to the duty of fixingcommunication lines, which were constantly in danger of being broken. On October 24th two of us were sent to repair a break, which welocated at 5 o'clock in the morning. Dawn was just breaking and theplace where we found the break was in the woods. The Germans hadduring the night thrown a lot of chlorine gas shells into this woods, so we donned our masks. The break in the line was a difficult one torepair. We soon found that we could not do it with our gas maskson--one or the other must take his mask off. We could not returnwithout making the repair. To a soldier there is no such word as fail. It is either do or die. The buddy who was with me was a married manwith a baby at home. I, being unmarried, could certainly not ask himto take off his mask, while I kept mine on. So I stripped mine off, made the repair, and while doing so was gassed severely. With the aidof the buddy, I was able to reach our billet. There I was put on astretcher and taken to a field dressing station. As the old sayinggoes, it never rains but it pours; gassing was not the only trouble Iwas destined to experience on that day. As I was being carried toheadquarters a shell exploded nearby and I was struck in the leg by apiece of shrapnel. It was a small but painful wound just below theleft knee. I tried to accept it with a smile, and I was really gladthat I was struck instead of one of the other men, as I was alreadyout of the fight, while if one of them had been wounded, it would havebeen two out of commission instead of one. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Hospital Experiences. 

After being gassed and wounded, I was taken immediately to a dressingstation, where the wound in my leg was carefully, but hurriedlydressed and my throat was swabbed with a preparation used in allhospitals to relieve the severe burning in the throat caused by gas. Of all the unpleasant experiences that I had at war, this throatswabbing was the worst. It seemed to me like the surgeon who performedthis act had found in my throat a bottomless pit, and as the swab wentup and down my burning esophagus, I suffered great agony. Although Iknew this treatment was necessary, if I was to recover speedily fromthe gas burns, I could scarcely endure it. 

As soon as the wound in my leg was dressed and my throat doctored, Iwas examined as to my physical condition by a Major, who labeled mewith a tag upon which was written, "tuberculosis. " This, of course, was very annoying and caused me considerable worry. It was certainlynot a pleasant word for one to receive when lying in the conditionthat I then was. But I afterwards learned, much to the relief of mymind, that this tag had been put on me by the Major as a warning tothe next surgeon into whose hands I should fall, against tuberculosis. In other words, in my condition, it was necessary to take precautionsagainst the white plague. 

I experienced great pains in my throat and lungs from the gas andseemed to be choking. My strength was entirely gone, and I was aboutas miserable as one could be. I could not utter a sound and anyattempt to speak only increased my pain. I relate these facts aboutthe agony that I suffered simply to show what a terrible weapon of warthis deadly phosgene gas is, and to emphasize the villainy of the Hungovernment in using it after having agreed with other nations yearsbefore not to do so. 

I was placed on a cot and made as comfortable as possible under thecircumstances and was awaiting a motor truck to take me to a basehospital. On all sides of me were other wounded and gassed boys. Someof them were exceedingly jolly and talkative, notwithstanding theirpitiable condition. I remember one boy in particular, who was about myown age. He was going over on a raid and was shot through the temple. The bullet entered on one side an inch or two above the eye, and wentstraight through, passing out the other side at about the samedistance above the eye. It passed through apparently, without strikingthe brain, and the boy was fully conscious while the wound wasdressed and seemed to be quite jolly. I watched the surgeon shave bothsides of his head around the wound to prevent infection, and thencarefully dress his head, without administering any anesthetic. Imarveled at the boy's condition, with such a nasty wound, but whatsurprised me still more was several months later when I was on boardship on my way home, there was this same boy with his wound entirelyhealed. Two little white scars, one on each temple, were the onlymarks that told of his awful experience. 

From the dressing station I was taken to a field hospital, aboutfifteen kilometers to the rear, and there placed in a ward in a tent. The purpose of the field hospital is to treat soldiers who are tooseverely wounded to be taken to base hospitals. My wound was againexamined, cleaned and dressed and again the terrible swab went itsdepth. About 4 o'clock that afternoon I was loaded into anotherstretcher on an ambulance and taken to Base Hospital 51 at Toul. Thedistance from the field hospital to Toul was about twenty-fivekilometers and we did not reach there until about 9 o'clock thatnight. The trip was a rough one, and I suffered greatly. I positivelybelieve my recovery would have been much faster, had I not beentransferred so hastily to this hospital. I was placed in a ward in alarge hospital built of stone. In this hospital the wounded men wereclassified in accordance with the nature of their wounds. I was notlong in this hospital when a nurse took charge of me, and again, Ireceived that awful swab. Each time it seemed worse than before andhow I dreaded the time when it was to be given again! But much to mysurprise and pleasure, my treatment was changed at this hospital. Mychest and throat were massaged by the nurse with an oil that broughtme immediate relief. This nurse continued this treatment several timesa day and night and I began to feel a little better. All this time, however, I was unable to utter a word, and I began to wonder whetheror not my speech was permanently injured. In my predicament, however, I soon learned the sign language. It is remarkable how well a man canmake himself understood merely by the use of his hands. I had notrouble at all in making my wants known. I was in the base hospital atToul for fourteen days and all of that time I coughed up great chunksof solid matter and mouthfuls of blood, as the result of the burningthat I had received. After the seventh day, the nurse stopped the useof the swab, much to my delight, but continued the more appreciatedmassage. 

On the morning of my fifteenth day at this hospital, I was able tomake my wants known by a faint whisper, and on that day I wastransferred to another hospital. I was placed in a motor car and takento the railroad station, about half a mile distant and there loaded onto a French hospital train, our destination being Tours. Before thetrain pulled out of the station, American Red Cross workers, always inevidence in every city in France, came and made us as comfortable aspossible. They gave us coffee and doughnuts, hot chocolate andcigarettes, and their kindness was greatly appreciated by all thewounded on that train. 

All the members of the crew of the train were French, and there wasalso several French surgeons aboard. They all showed much interest inthe American troops. They asked us many questions about America andthe American people. The fighting qualities of our boys were highlypraised by them. The members of the crew in particular were interestedabout working conditions in America, and were anxious to know whetheror not they would have any difficulty in getting work if they came tothis country. They showed plainly that they had been so favorablyimpressed by Americans in France that they had a longing to become apart of this great nation. 

It took us a day and a night to reach Tours. The journey was atiresome one and we were glad when the train finally stopped at Tours. Again we were put on motor ambulances and taken to Base Hospital 7, inthe suburbs of the city. We were immediately given a physicalexamination, and all our personal effects, including our clothes, weretaken from us, except a few toilet articles. We were then given a bathrobe, a towel and soap and taken to a warm shower. It was with greatdelight that we got under that shower and enjoyed a thorough bath. Theshowers were of American make and were built large enough so thattwenty-five or thirty men could take a bath at a time. After theshower we were given a solution to rub on our bodies for the purposeof killing the cooties. The time had come, I am glad to say, when weand the cooties, must forever part. But the cootie in the front linetrenches was not altogether an enemy. That may sound strange, but thefact is, when we were fighting the cooties and chasing them out of ourdug-outs, our minds were not on our more serious troubles and we wereunmindful of the dangers that surrounded us. So there were times whenthe cooties were really friends and they kept our minds and handsoccupied. 

After the bath, we were taken back to the ward and were not allowed tohave any clothes for three days. This was probably so there would beno chance of a stray cootie getting into our new outfit. When threedays had elapsed, however, we were given slips, which we filled out inaccordance with our needs. When I got back into a uniform, life at thehospital was more pleasant. With the aid of crutches I was able tomove around a little and to enjoy the company of other boys. The timewas spent in playing cards, light conversation, and other amusements. We kept our minds off our rough experiences at the front. 

I had an unusually pleasant experience soon after I was at Tours. ARed Cross nurse came to our ward to take orders for our small wants, such as candy, cigarettes, tobacco, writing paper and such articles. She spoke a few words to me and then passed on. It was the first timeI had spoken to an American girl since leaving the United States. Afew minutes later one of the boys told me she was from the West andthen one said he thought she was from California. I could not waituntil she came to bring our supplies, but immediately started out tolook her up, so anxious was I to see and talk with a Californian. Ifound her and told her I was from California and that I had heard thatshe was from that State, too. To my great pleasure and surprise, Ilearned that she was from Sacramento, my home town, and that she wasacquainted with my folks and knew of me. Her name is Miss Mae Forbes, and after her patriotic work in France, she is home again inSacramento. One must experience the delight of meeting a charmingyoung woman from his own town, in far-off France, and under thecircumstances that I did, to appreciate my feelings at this time. Itis an experience that I will always remember as one of the most happyof my life. It was only a few days later that I made my way, withoutthe aid of crutches this time, to the American Red Cross station whereI again met Miss Forbes and had a long and pleasant chat with herabout California. Miss Forbes introduced me to the other members ofthe station, and from that time until I left Tours, it was like myhome. I spent many a pleasant hour there and its memories will alwaysbe dear to me. 

I was in the hospital at Tours on November 11th, when the armisticewas signed. There was a great commotion in my ward when we firstlearned the news. Most of the boys were glad that the war was over andthat the lives of so many boys still at the front had been spared. Others said they hoped the end had not come so suddenly, as they wereanxious to recover and get back into the front line to take anothercrack at the despicable Huns. 

At this time I was gaining strength rapidly and was able to get aroundfairly well. I was given a pass out of the hospital, and with twoother boys who were fairly strong, we went into the business districtof Tours to witness the celebration. It was like a great city gonemad. The streets were crowded with civilians, and everybody was wavingflags. Most people had a French flag in one hand, and the flag of oneof the Allied nations in the other. The American flag predominatedabove all other Allied flags; in fact, the people of Tours seemed tobe very partial to America. "Vive l'Amerique" they shouted, "La guerreest fini. " They are very emotional and demonstrative. They lined thesidewalks of the business streets, waving their flags and shouting intheir native tongue, while an American Marine Band playing patrioticmusic, marched up one street and down another. It was a generalholiday and no business was done that day, and but very little forseveral days thereafter. All American soldiers in the city werelionized. When a group of enthusiastic Frenchmen would get hold of abuddy, they would insist on taking him to a cafe and buying the mostexpensive of wines. If we could have conserved all the liquor theFrench were willing to buy for us that day, dry America would notworry us. 

I was seated on a bench in one of the parks watching the demonstrationand contrasting it with the probable demonstrations in American citieson that day, when two flags, one French and the other American, dropped over my shoulders. I straightened up and the next thing I knewI was strongly clasped in the arms of a beautiful young French girl, elegantly dressed and bewitchingly charming. She kissed me ferventlyon each cheek. The sensation was pleasant, but it was ratherembarrassing inasmuch as it was in full view of hundreds of peoplewho were celebrating. If the shades of evening had been falling, thespot more secluded and the number reduced to two, it would have beenmore to my American tastes. However, I arose, conscious that I wasblushing, and offered the beauty my hand. She could scarcely speak aword of English and I scarcely a word of French, but we managed tomake each other understand that it was a pleasurable greeting. She wassoon on her way joyfully waving her flags, and I--well, I chargedmyself up with a lost opportunity for not being more proficient in thepolite use of the French language. 

We remained in the city until 9:30 that evening, and the people werestill celebrating. And they kept it up for several days and severalnights, so great was their joy in knowing that the war was over andthat the enemy had been crushed. 

My stay in Tours gave me some opportunity of seeing this ancient city. Tours lies in the heart of the Loire Valley, which is the garden ofFrance. It is 145 miles southwest of Paris by rail and is on the leftbank of the Loire River. It is an exceedingly old city and has aninteresting history. There are numerous castles and chateaux in thevicinity, which in peace times are visited annually by thousands oftourists. It contains a number of ancient buildings of interest. Innormal times it is no doubt one of the most interesting cities inFrance. 

The hospital in which I was treated was a very large one, in fact, itwas a great institution of many buildings. It contained forty-fivewards of fifty cots each. It covered a large area and had everycomfort for the men, such as a motion picture house, library, readingroom, etc. 

After I had been there about five weeks and had regained much of myphysical strength, the authorities in charge began to classify theboys, either for further duty, or for shipment home. All were anxiousto be put in class D, which meant the United States--God's country. Nobody wanted class A, which meant further duty with the army ofoccupation, and another year at least in Europe. It seemed very muchlike a lottery, as the boys who were able to do so, walked up andreceived their classification. I was exceedingly happy when I wasgiven class D, which meant that nothing would stop me from seeing"home and mother. "

After being classified, we were notified to make ourselves ready for atrip to the coast. Although we were not told that we were going home, we knew that the good old U. S. A. Was our ultimate destination. So Ireceived a pass and made my last visit to the business district ofTours for the purpose of purchasing some souvenirs of France for thewomen folks at home. The men I had already remembered with rings, madeduring my convalescing days at the hospital out of French two-francpieces. I might add that ring making was a favorite occupation of thepatients and we spent many pleasant moments working them out sittingon our cots, while a group of interested buddies would sit around andwatch and comment. 

I found it no easy matter to make my purchases. In the first place, the French merchants, knowing that many of the American boys had moneyto spend, asked about four prices for everything, and, secondly, theFrench methods of doing business are quite different from our own. Butby spending practically the entire day, by attempting Hebraic methodsin purchasing, and by pretending that I had only a few francs tospend, I managed to spend about $25 in buying the few things that Iwanted to bring home. 

I was then ready to leave, whenever Uncle Sam was willing to take me. 

CHAPTER IX. 

Home Again

On the morning of December 11th a number of the boys at the hospitalat Tours received orders to prepare for a trip to the coast. This wasthe most welcome news that we could have heard and we hastily got ourpersonal belongings together. It was about 10 o'clock when we wereplaced in ambulances and taken from the hospital. We were driven tothe railroad station about a mile distant, and there assigned toquarters in an American hospital train. 

This was the first American train I had been on since I arrived inFrance, and it certainly was a great relief to me to know that we werenot to be crowded into one of those uncomfortable, stuffy and tiresomeFrench trains. The American hospital train furnished an excellentexample of American efficiency, and when contrasted with the Frenchtrains. I could not but think how much more progressive our people arethan Europeans. We had everything that we needed, and plenty of it. Weenjoyed good beds, good food, and sufficient room to move aroundwithout encroaching upon the rights and the good natures of others. Wepulled out of Tours with no regrets on what was our most enjoyabletrain trip while in France. It was enjoyable for two reasons--first, we were traveling in comfort and as an American is used to traveling, and secondly, we were traveling toward home. 

The trip down the Loire Valley followed practically the same routethat we took on our way from Brest to Tours. The scenes, of course, were very much the same, except that the country now wore its wintercoat, while it was mid-summer on my previous trip. 

We arrived in Brest on December 13th, and to our surprise, we learnedthat President Wilson had just previously landed there, and the cityhad gone wild with enthusiasm over him. A tremendous crowd gatheredat the station to greet him. Bands were playing and the occasion was agala one. Our train stopped about a quarter of a mile away from thestation, where the President greeted a mass of French people andAmerican soldiers. I regret very much that I was unable to get a viewof the President while he was at Brest; that was not my fortune. Wedid, however, see his train pull out on its journey to Paris. 

Soon after we arrived at Brest we were told that we would be takenback on the "George Washington, " the liner upon which President Wilsoncrossed the Atlantic, and great was our joy. However, we were soondoomed to disappointment, for orders were changed, and we were takento the Carry On Hospital, just out of Brest. The ride to the hospitalwas a disagreeable one, as it had been raining and the streets weremuddy and wet. The ambulance rocked more like a boat than a motor car. We were assigned quarters and given food. We met a number of boys inthe various wards who were awaiting their time of departure. We askedthem about how long it was after arriving at Brest before soldierswere embarked for home, and they said the time varied all the way fromthree to thirty days. That was not very encouraging and we were hopingthat in our case it would be three days. The very next morning, however, a number of our boys received orders to get ready to depart. I was not included among them, to my sorrow, and had no idea how longI might be kept at Brest. It was only a day or two later when we weremade happy by the news that our time to depart had come. It was joyfulnews and made our hearts beat with the joy that only a returningsoldier knows. 

We were loaded on the hospital ship "La France, " which is a beautiful, four-funnel French liner, 796 feet in length. It was the third largestliner in use in transporting troops at that time. We took our placeson the boat about noon, but the big ship laid in the harbor allafternoon, and it was not until about sundown that she started to pullout and we bade "good-bye" to "la belle France. " One might think thatthere was a lot of cheering when the boat pulled out on the eventfulafternoon of December 17, 1918, but there was not. Some of the boys, it is true, cheered heartily. Most of us, however, were too full ofemotion to become wildly demonstrative. Our thoughts were on home, thefolks that are dear to us, and our beloved native land, and ouremotions were too strained for expression in cheers. 

The vessel was manned by French, who treated us splendidly for thefirst two days out. After that, however, they began to skimp on ourfood and to give us things of poor quality. For instance, we weregiven coffee without sugar or milk, cereals of poor quality withouteven salt in them, and no fruit, though it was understood that fruitwas to be a part of our diet. The boys complained bitterly at thistreatment, and finally our officers, knowing that we were not beingproperly fed, made an examination of the ship. They found severalhundred boxes of apples that were supposed to be for us, stowed awayin the hold. It had been the intention of the French in charge of thisboat to steal that fruit, evidently to sell it, at the expense of thewounded American soldiers on this hospital ship, who had fought andsaved their country from the Hunnish hordes. We had been cheated andovercharged for everything we purchased in France, and we knew it, butit surely did hurt when we were thus treated by men whose homes we hadsaved at the cost of our blood. I will say this: We did not hold thiskind of treatment against the French people as a whole, but toindividuals who are so unprincipled and so greedy that they arewilling to sacrifice the fair name of their people for a paltry gain. I might add here that it was the smallness of some of the individual"Y" workers that brought the Y. M. C. A. Into such disrepute amongthe American soldiers in France. This simply shows how important it isfor an individual to sustain the reputation of his country, or hisassociation, as the case may be, by honorable conduct. 

After our officers uncached the horde of stolen apples in the ship'shold, we were well fed and on the last two days of the journey had nocomplaint to make on this score. 

On December 24th at 10 a. M. Some far sighted individual shouted "Land"and what a welcome word it was. Columbus, watching from the deck ofthe Santa Maria, was not more happy when he first set eyes upon thefaint outline of the new world than we were as the dim blue shorelinebegan to rise upon the horizon. There was a mad rush to the deck andeverybody who could get out was soon watching over the rail. It wasnot long before the Statue of Liberty came into full view and therewas joy in our hearts for we knew that at last we were home. 

In a very few minutes our ship stopped and a pilot was taken aboard toguide the great vessel safely into the harbor. Next we were greeted bya yacht that steamed out beside us carrying a great sign, "WelcomeHome. " It was the 24th of December, and this boat carried a largeChristmas tree, typical of the season. 

As we entered the harbor, we were given a wonderful welcome. It seemedas though every whistle in the great city of New York had been broughtinto action to make noise on our account. Certainly every boat in theharbor from the smallest tug to the trans-Atlantic liners was blowinga blast; and the noise, though of an entirely different character, wasas deafening as that of a battle. Every window of all the greatbuildings that make up that wonderful skyline of New York was filledwith patriotic citizens waving a welcome to us. It was a great sightand one that the boys will never forget. It seemed so good to see ourown people again--our pretty girls, our fond fathers, our dearmothers, our elderly folks, and even our street gamins. It gave us afeeling that we would like to take them all in our arms, for they wereours and we were theirs. I knew, of course, that there would be noneof my folks to meet me, as my home is in California, but it did megood to see the other boys meet and greet their mothers, fathers, sisters and sweethearts. 

We started disembarking at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. I was on thetop deck and did not get off until 9 o'clock, being among the last toleave the ship. We were taken on a ferry to Jersey City, where we wereentertained and given food. Later in the evening we were taken to CampMerritt, New Jersey, by train. It did seem good to ride on a realAmerican train, on American soil, and among our countrymen. We arrivedat Camp Merritt at 11 o'clock at night and I was taken to thehospital. I was assigned to a ward and after getting comfortably fixedwas given a real American meal, and you may be sure that it wasthoroughly enjoyable. We had to stay in the barracks the next day toundergo a physical examination and for the further purpose of takingprecautions against the persistent cooties--some of the boys havingencountered them on the boat. 

The spirit of Christmas was everywhere manifest, and certainly I couldhave had no Christmas present better than to arrive in America onChristmas eve. The Red Cross brought us boxes of good things to eatand Christmas presents, and the people entertained us wonderfully. They took us on automobile rides in their private cars, to dinners, totheaters, etc. Their hospitality was of the real American sort and itwas deeply appreciated by the boys. 

At the very first opportunity after reaching camp, I sent a telegramto my parents in Sacramento, telling them that I had arrived safely. Ireceived an answer saying that all at home were well, that same day, and it was a welcome message. It was the first word I had heard fromhome since I had been gassed and wounded in October. I had beentransferred from place to place so frequently that my mail never quitecaught up with me. It kept following me around, and I did not get allmy letters until some weeks after I arrived home. 

I was in Camp Merritt for a month and five days, and during that timeI had an excellent opportunity of seeing New York. I made severaltrips to the metropolis and enjoyed seeing the points of interest ofthat great city. 

While at the camp I met Harry Nauman, a Sacramento boy, and greatlyenjoyed the pleasure of his company. From my folks I heard that JamesBrenton, my room mate at college, was also there. I looked him up andwas fortunate in finding him. We spent three or four pleasant daystogether before we departed for California. 

On the first day of February, I left the camp and was sent to theLetterman Hospital in San Francisco. The trip across the continent wasuneventful, except for the last one hundred miles of the journey. AtSacramento I again saw my folks after a year in the service and myfather and mother accompanied me to San Francisco, making the ridemost enjoyable as Dad related all the local happenings during the longtime that I was away. I spent several days in the Letterman Hospitaland was then honorably discharged from the service. 

I have endeavored to relate in a general way many of my experiences. Ihave not told all. Some of the more gruesome occurrences I have leftuntold, not believing that any good would come of their repetition. 

I can honestly say that I am glad that I went to war and that I foughtfor my country. The experience was of untold value to me, as it gaveme a broader and more serious view of life. Notwithstanding all thehorrors of war, if called upon again, I would willingly go. I am readyto serve my country any time it calls. We have a wonderful countryand a wonderful people. I realize that now more than I did before wewent to war. My rather limited observations lead me to believe that weare far ahead of any European country. If Americans live for America, if they put country above self, if they obey the laws and becomeacquainted with all the wonders of their own land, this nation willmake even greater progress in the future than it has in the past. Thewar brought out a wonderful spirit; let our spirit in times of peacebe just as patriotic. 

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