PROCOPIUS

With an English Translation by H. B. Dewing

In Seven Volumes

II

HISTORY OF THE WARS, BOOKS III AND IV

LondonWilliam Heinemann LtdCambridge, MassachusettsHarvard University Press

MCMLXXI

First Printed 1916

CONTENTS

 HISTORY OF THE WARS--

 PAGE BOOK III. --THE VANDALIC WAR 1 BOOK IV. --THE VANDALIC WAR _(CONTINUED)_ 209

 INDEX 461

PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

HISTORY OF THE WARS. 

BOOK III

THE VANDALIC WAR

I

Such, then, was the final outcome of the Persian War for the EmperorJustinian; and I shall now proceed to set forth all that he did againstthe Vandals and the Moors. But first shall be told whence came the hostof the Vandals when they descended upon the land of the Romans. AfterTheodosius, the Roman Emperor, had departed from the world, havingproved himself one of the most just of men and an able warrior, hiskingdom was taken over by his two sons, Arcadius, the elder, receivingthe Eastern portion, and Honorius, the younger, the Western. [Jan. 17, 395 A. D. ] But the Roman power had been thus divided as far back as thetime of Constantine and his sons; for he transferred his government toByzantium, and making the city larger and much more renowned, allowed itto be named after him. 

Now the earth is surrounded by a circle of ocean, either entirely or forthe most part (for our knowledge is not as yet at all clear in thismatter); and it is split into two continents by a sort of outflow fromthe ocean, a flow which enters at the western part and forms this Seawhich we know, beginning at Gadira[1] and extending all the way to theMaeotic Lake. [2] Of these two continents the one to the right, as onesails into the Sea, as far as the Lake, has received the name of Asia, beginning at Gadira and at the southern[3] of the two Pillars ofHeracles. Septem[4] is the name given by the natives to the fort at thatpoint, since seven hills appear there; for "septem" has the force of"seven" in the Latin tongue. And the whole continent opposite this wasnamed Europe. And the strait at that point separates the twocontinents[5] by about eighty-four stades, but from there on they arekept apart by wide expanses of sea as far as the Hellespont. For at thispoint they again approach each other at Sestus and Abydus, and once moreat Byzantium and Chalcedon as far as the rocks called in ancient timesthe "Dark Blue Rocks, " where even now is the place called Hieron. For atthese places the continents are separated from one another by a distanceof only ten stades and even less than that. 

Now the distance from one of the Pillars of Heracles to the other, ifone goes along the shore and does not pass around the Ionian Gulf andthe sea called the Euxine but crosses from Chalcedon[6] to Byzantium andfrom Dryous[7] to the opposite mainland, [8] is a journey of two hundredand eighty-five days for an unencumbered traveller. For as to the landabout the Euxine Sea, which extends from Byzantium to the Lake, it wouldbe impossible to tell everything with precision, since the barbariansbeyond the Ister River, which they also call the Danube, make the shoreof that sea quite impossible for the Romans to traverse--except, indeed, that from Byzantium to the mouth of the Ister is a journey of twenty-twodays, which should be added to the measure of Europe by one making thecomputation. And on the Asiatic side, that is from Chalcedon to thePhasis River, which, flowing from the country of the Colchians, descendsinto the Pontus, the journey is accomplished in forty days. So that thewhole Roman domain, according to the distance along the sea at least, attains the measure of a three hundred and forty-seven days' journey, if, as has been said, one ferries over the Ionian Gulf, which extendsabout eight hundred stades from Dryous. For the passage across thegulf[9] amounts to a journey of not less than four days. Such, then, wasthe size of the Roman empire in the ancient times. 

And there fell to him who held the power in the West the most of Libya, extending ninety days' journey--for such is the distance from Gadira tothe boundaries of Tripolis in Libya; and in Europe he received as hisportion territory extending seventy-five days' journey--for such is thedistance from the northern[10] of the Pillars of Heracles to the IonianGulf. [11] And one might add also the distance around the gulf. And theemperor of the East received territory extending one hundred and twentydays' journey, from the boundaries of Cyrene in Libya as far asEpidamnus, which lies on the Ionian Gulf and is called at the presenttime Dyrrachium, as well as that portion of the country about the EuxineSea which, as previously stated, is subject to the Romans. Now one day'sjourney extends two hundred and ten stades, [12] or as far as from Athensto Megara. Thus, then, the Roman emperors divided either continentbetween them. And among the islands Britain, which is outside thePillars of Heracles and by far the largest of all islands, was counted, as is natural, with the West; and inside the Pillars, Ebusa, [13] whichlies in the Mediterranean in what we may call the Propontis, just insidethe opening where the ocean enters, about seven days' journey from theopening, and two others near it, Majorica and Minorica, as they arecalled by the natives, were also assigned to the Western empire. Andeach of the islands in the Sea itself fell to the share of that one ofthe two emperors within whose boundaries it happened to lie. 

II

Now while Honorius was holding the imperial power in the West, barbarians took possession of his land; and I shall tell who they wereand in what manner they did so. [395-423 A. D. ] There were many Gothicnations in earlier times, just as also at the present, but the greatestand most important of all are the Goths, Vandals, Visigoths, andGepaedes. In ancient times, however, they were named Sauromatae andMelanchlaeni;[14] and there were some too who called these nationsGetic. All these, while they are distinguished from one another by theirnames, as has been said, do not differ in anything else at all. For theyall have white bodies and fair hair, and are tall and handsome to lookupon, and they use the same laws and practise a common religion. Forthey are all of the Arian faith, and have one language called Gothic;and, as it seems to me, they all came originally from one tribe, andwere distinguished later by the names of those who led each group. Thispeople used to dwell above the Ister River from of old. Later on theGepaedes got possession of the country about Singidunum[15] andSirmium, [16] on both sides of the Ister River, where they have remainedsettled even down to my time. 

But the Visigoths, separating from the others, removed from there and atfirst entered into an alliance with the Emperor Arcadius, but at a latertime (for faith with the Romans cannot dwell in barbarians), under theleadership of Alaric, they became hostile to both emperors, and, beginning with Thrace, treated all Europe as an enemy's land. Now theEmperor Honorius had before this time been sitting in Rome, with never athought of war in his mind, but glad, I think, if men allowed him toremain quiet in his palace. But when word was brought that thebarbarians with a great army were not far off, but somewhere among theTaulantii, [17] he abandoned the palace and fled in disorderly fashion toRavenna, a strong city lying just about at the end of the Ionian Gulf, while some say that he brought in the barbarians himself, because anuprising had been started against him among his subjects; but this doesnot seem to me trustworthy, as far, at least, as one can judge of thecharacter of the man. And the barbarians, finding that they had nohostile force to encounter them, became the most cruel of all men. Forthey destroyed all the cities which they captured, especially thosesouth of the Ionian Gulf, so completely that nothing has been left to mytime to know them by, unless, indeed, it might be one tower or one gateor some such thing which chanced to remain. And they killed all thepeople, as many as came in their way, both old and young alike, sparingneither women nor children. Wherefore even up to the present time Italyis sparsely populated. They also gathered as plunder all the money outof all Europe, and, most important of all, they left in Rome nothingwhatever of public or private wealth when they moved on to Gaul. But Ishall now tell how Alaric captured Rome. 

After much time had been spent by him in the siege, and he had not beenable either by force or by any other device to capture the place, heformed the following plan. Among the youths in the army whose beards hadnot yet grown, but who had just come of age, he chose out three hundredwhom he knew to be of good birth and possessed of valour beyond theiryears, and told them secretly that he was about to make a present ofthem to certain of the patricians in Rome, pretending that they wereslaves. And he instructed them that, as soon as they got inside thehouses of those men, they should display much gentleness and moderationand serve them eagerly in whatever tasks should be laid upon them bytheir owners; and he further directed them that not long afterwards, onan appointed day at about midday, when all those who were to be theirmasters would most likely be already asleep after their meal, theyshould all come to the gate called Salarian and with a sudden rush killthe guards, who would have no previous knowledge of the plot, and openthe gates as quickly as possible. After giving these orders to theyouths, Alaric straightway sent ambassadors to the members of thesenate, stating that he admired them for their loyalty toward theiremperor, and that he would trouble them no longer, because of theirvalour and faithfulness, with which it was plain that they were endowedto a remarkable degree, and in order that tokens of himself might bepreserved among men both noble and brave, he wished to present each oneof them with some domestics. After making this declaration and sendingthe youths not long afterwards, he commanded the barbarians to makepreparations for the departure, and he let this be known to the Romans. And they heard his words gladly, and receiving the gifts began to beexceedingly happy, since they were completely ignorant of the plot ofthe barbarian. For the youths, by being unusually obedient to theirowners, averted suspicion, and in the camp some were already seen movingfrom their positions and raising the siege, while it seemed that theothers were just on the point of doing the very same thing. But when theappointed day had come, Alaric armed his whole force for the attack andwas holding them in readiness close by the Salarian Gate; for ithappened that he had encamped there at the beginning of the siege. Andall the youths at the time of the day agreed upon came to this gate, and, assailing the guards suddenly, put them to death; then they openedthe gates and received Alaric and the army into the city at theirleisure. [Aug. 24, 410 A. D. ] And they set fire to the houses which werenext to the gate, among which was also the house of Sallust, who inancient times wrote the history of the Romans, and the greater part ofthis house has stood half-burned up to my time; and after plundering thewhole city and destroying the most of the Romans, they moved on. At thattime they say that the Emperor Honorius in Ravenna received the messagefrom one of the eunuchs, evidently a keeper of the poultry, that Romehad perished. And he cried out and said, "And yet it has just eaten frommy hands!" For he had a very large cock, Rome by name; and the eunuchcomprehending his words said that it was the city of Rome which hadperished at the hands of Alaric, and the emperor with a sigh of reliefanswered quickly: "But I, my good fellow, thought that my fowl Rome hadperished. " So great, they say, was the folly with which this emperor waspossessed. 

But some say that Rome was not captured in this way by Alaric, but thatProba, a woman of very unusual eminence in wealth and in fame among theRoman senatorial class, felt pity for the Romans who were beingdestroyed by hunger and the other suffering they endured; for they werealready even tasting each other's flesh; and seeing that every good hopehad left them, since both the river and the harbour were held by theenemy, she commanded her domestics, they say, to open the gates bynight. 

Now when Alaric was about to depart from Rome, he declared Attalus, oneof their nobles, emperor of the Romans, investing him with the diademand the purple and whatever else pertains to the imperial dignity. Andhe did this with the intention of removing Honorius from his throne andof giving over the whole power in the West to Attalus. With such apurpose, then, both Attalus and Alaric were going with a great armyagainst Ravenna. But this Attalus was neither able to think wiselyhimself, nor to be persuaded by one who had wisdom to offer. So whileAlaric did not by any means approve the plan, Attalus sent commanders toLibya without an army. Thus, then, were these things going on. 

And the island of Britain revolted from the Romans, and the soldiersthere chose as their king Constantinus, a man of no mean station. [407A. D. ] And he straightway gathered a fleet of ships and a formidable armyand invaded both Spain and Gaul with a great force, thinking to enslavethese countries. But Honorius was holding ships in readiness and waitingto see what would happen in Libya, in order that, if those sent byAttalus were repulsed, he might himself sail for Libya and keep someportion of his own kingdom, while if matters there should go againsthim, he might reach Theodosius and remain with him. For Arcadius hadalready died long before, and his son Theodosius, still a very youngchild, [18] held the power of the East. [408-450 A. D. ] But while Honoriuswas thus anxiously awaiting the outcome of these events and tossed amidthe billows of uncertain fortune, it so chanced that some wonderfulpieces of good fortune befell him. For God is accustomed to succourthose who are neither clever nor able to devise anything of themselves, and to lend them assistance, if they be not wicked, when they are in thelast extremity of despair; such a thing, indeed, befell this emperor. For it was suddenly reported from Libya that the commanders of Attalushad been destroyed, and that a host of ships was at hand from Byzantiumwith a very great number of soldiers who had come to assist him, thoughhe had not expected them, and that Alaric, having quarrelled withAttalus, had stripped him of the emperor's garb and was now keeping himunder guard in the position of a private citizen. [411 A. D. ] Andafterwards Alaric died of disease, and the army of the Visigoths underthe leadership of Adaulphus proceeded into Gaul, and Constantinus, defeated in battle, died with his sons. However the Romans neversucceeded in recovering Britain, but it remained from that time on undertyrants. And the Goths, after making the crossing of the Ister, at firstoccupied Pannonia, but afterwards, since the emperor gave them theright, they inhabited the country of Thrace. And after spending no greattime there they conquered the West. But this will be told in thenarrative concerning the Goths. 

III

Now the Vandals dwelling about the Maeotic Lake, since they were pressedby hunger, moved to the country of the Germans, who are now calledFranks, and the river Rhine, associating with themselves the Alani, aGothic people. Then from there, under the leadership of Godigisclus, they moved and settled in Spain, which is the first land of the Romanempire on the side of the ocean. At that time Honorius made an agreementwith Godigisclus that they should settle there on condition that itshould not be to the detriment of the country. But there was a law amongthe Romans, that if any persons should fail to keep their property intheir own possession, and if, meanwhile, a time amounting to thirtyyears should pass, that these persons should thenceforth not be entitledto proceed against those who had forced them out, but they were excludedby demurrer[19] from access to the court; and in view of this heestablished a law that whatever time should be spent by the Vandals inthe Roman domain should not by any means be counted toward thisthirty-year demurrer. And Honorius himself, when the West had beendriven by him to this pass, died of disease. [Aug. 27, 423 A. D. ] Nowbefore this, as it happened, the royal power had been shared by Honoriuswith Constantius, the husband of Placidia, the sister of Arcadius andHonorius; but he lived to exercise the power only a few days, and then, becoming seriously ill, he died while Honorius was still living, [421A. D. ] having never succeeded in saying or in doing anything worthrecounting; for the time was not sufficient during which he lived inpossession of the royal power. Now a son of this Constantius, Valentinian, a child just weaned, was being reared in the palace ofTheodosius, but the members of the imperial court in Rome chose one ofthe soldiers there, John by name, as emperor. This man was both gentleand well-endowed with sagacity and thoroughly capable of valorous deeds. At any rate he held the tyranny five years[20] and directed it withmoderation, and he neither gave ear to slanderers nor did he do anyunjust murder, willingly at least, nor did he set his hand to robbingmen of money; but he did not prove able to do anything at all againstthe barbarians, since his relations with Byzantium were hostile. Againstthis John, Theodosius, the son of Arcadius, sent a great army and Asparand Ardaburius, the son of Aspar, as generals, and wrested from him thetyranny and gave over the royal power to Valentinian, who was still achild. And Valentinian took John alive, and he brought him out in thehippodrome of Aquileia with one of his hands cut off and caused him toride in state on an ass, and then after he had suffered much illtreatment from the stage-performers there, both in word and in deed, heput him to death. [426 A. D. ] Thus Valentinian took over the power of theWest. But Placidia, his mother, had reared this emperor and educated himin an altogether effeminate manner, and in consequence he was filledwith wickedness from childhood. For he associated mostly with sorcerersand those who busy themselves with the stars, and, being anextraordinarily zealous pursuer of love affairs with other men's wives, he conducted himself in a most indecent manner, although he was marriedto a woman of exceptional beauty. [455 A. D. ] And not only was this true, but he also failed to recover for the empire anything of what had beenwrested from it before, and he both lost Libya in addition to theterritory previously lost and was himself destroyed. And when heperished, it fell to the lot of his wife and his children to becomecaptives. Now the disaster in Libya came about as follows. 

There were two Roman generals, Aetius and Boniface, especially valiantmen and in experience of many wars inferior to none of that time atleast. These two came to be at variance in regard to matters of state, but they attained to such a degree of highmindedness and excellence inevery respect that if one should call either of them "the last of theRomans" he would not err, so true was it that all the excellentqualities of the Romans were summed up in these two men. One of these, Boniface, was appointed by Placidia general of all Libya. Now this wasnot in accord with the wishes of Aetius, but he by no means disclosedthe fact that it did not please him. For their hostility had not as yetcome to light, but was concealed behind the countenance of each. Butwhen Boniface had got out of the way, Aetius slandered him to Placidia, saying that he was setting up a tyranny and had robbed her and theemperor of all Libya, and he said that it was very easy for her to findout the truth; for if she should summon Boniface to Rome, he would nevercome. And when the woman heard this, Aetius seemed to her to speak welland she acted accordingly. But Aetius, anticipating her, wrote toBoniface secretly that the mother of the emperor was plotting againsthim and wished to put him out of the way. And he predicted to him thatthere would be convincing proof of the plot; for he would be summonedvery shortly for no reason at all. Such was the announcement of theletter. And Boniface did not disregard the message, for as soon as thosearrived who were summoning him to the emperor, he refused to give heedto the emperor and his mother, disclosing to no one the warning ofAetius. So when Placidia heard this, she thought that Aetius wasexceedingly well-disposed towards the emperor's cause and took underconsideration the question of Boniface. But Boniface, since it did notseem to him that he was able to array himself against the emperor, andsince if he returned to Rome there was clearly no safety for him, beganto lay plans so that, if possible, he might have a defensive alliancewith the Vandals, who, as previously stated, had established themselvesin Spain not far from Libya. There Godigisclus had died and the royalpower had fallen to his sons, Gontharis, who was born to him from hiswedded wife, and Gizeric, [21] of illegitimate birth. But the former wasstill a child and not of very energetic temper, while Gizeric had beenexcellently trained in warfare, and was the cleverest of all men. Boniface accordingly sent to Spain those who were his own most intimatefriends and gained the adherence of each of the sons of Godigisclus onterms of complete equality, it being agreed that each one of the three, holding a third part of Libya, should rule over his own subjects; but ifa foe should come against any one of them to make war, that they shouldin common ward off the aggressors. On the basis of this agreement theVandals crossed the strait at Gadira and came into Libya, and theVisigoths in later times settled in Spain. But in Rome the friends ofBoniface, remembering the character of the man and considering howstrange his action was, were greatly astonished to think that Bonifacewas setting up a tyranny, and some of them at the order of Placidia wentto Carthage. There they met Boniface, and saw the letter of Aetius, andafter hearing the whole story they returned to Rome as quickly as theycould and reported to Placidia how Boniface stood in relation to her. And though the woman was dumbfounded, she did nothing unpleasant toAetius nor did she upbraid him for what he had done to the emperor'shouse, for he himself wielded great power and the affairs of the empirewere already in an evil plight; but she disclosed to the friends ofBoniface the advice Aetius had given, and, offering oaths and pledges ofsafety, entreated them to persuade the man, if they could, to return tohis fatherland and not to permit the empire of the Romans to lie underthe hand of barbarians. And when Boniface heard this, he repented of hisact and of his agreement with the barbarians, and he besought themincessantly, promising them everything, to remove from Libya. But sincethey did not receive his words with favour, but considered that theywere being insulted, he was compelled to fight with them, and beingdefeated in the battle, he retired to Hippo[22] Regius, a strong city inthe portion of Numidia that is on the sea. There the Vandals made campunder the leadership of Gizeric and began a siege; for Gontharis hadalready died. And they say that he perished at the hand of his brother. The Vandals, however, do not agree with those who make this statement, but say that Gontharis' was captured in battle by Germans in Spain andimpaled, and that Gizeric was already sole ruler when he led the Vandalsinto Libya. This, indeed, I have heard from the Vandals, stated in thisway. But after much time had passed by, since they were unable to secureHippo Regius either by force or by surrender, and since at the same timethey were being pressed by hunger, they raised the siege. And a littlelater Boniface and the Romans in Libya, since a numerous army had comefrom both Rome and Byzantium and Aspar with them as general, decided torenew the struggle, and a fierce battle was fought in which they werebadly beaten by the enemy, and they made haste to flee as each onecould. And Aspar betook himself homeward, and Boniface, coming beforePlacidia, acquitted himself of the suspicion, showing that it had arisenagainst him for no true cause. 

IV

So the Vandals, having wrested Libya from the Romans in this way, madeit their own. And those of the enemy whom they took alive they reducedto slavery and held under guard. Among these happened to be Marcian, wholater upon the death of Theodosius assumed the imperial power. At thattime, however, Gizeric commanded that the captives be brought into theking's courtyard, in order that it might be possible for him, by lookingat them, to know what master each of them might serve withoutdegradation. And when they were gathered under the open sky, aboutmidday, the season being summer, they were distressed by the sun and satdown. And somewhere or other among them Marcian, quite neglected, wassleeping. Then an eagle flew over him spreading out his wings, as theysay, and always remaining in the same place in the air he cast a shadowover Marcian alone. And Gizeric, upon seeing from the upper storey whatwas happening, since he was an exceedingly discerning person, suspectedthat the thing was a divine manifestation, and summoning the manenquired of him who he might be. And he replied that he was aconfidential adviser of Aspar; such a person the Romans call a"domesticus" in their own tongue. And when Gizeric heard this andconsidered first the meaning of the bird's action, and then rememberedhow great power Aspar exercised in Byzantium, it became evident to himthat the man was being led to royal power. He therefore by no meansdeemed it right to kill him, reasoning that, if he should remove himfrom the world, it would be very clear that the thing which the bird haddone was nothing (for he would not honour with his shadow a king who wasabout to die straightway), and he felt, too, that he would be killinghim for no good cause; and if, on the other hand, it was fated that inlater times the man should become king, it would never be within hispower to inflict death upon him; for that which has been decided upon byGod could never be prevented by a man's decision. But he bound Marcianby oaths that, if it should be in his power, he would never take up armsagainst the Vandals at least. [450 A. D. ] Thus, then, Marcian wasreleased and came to Byzantium, and when at a later time Theodosius diedhe received the empire. And in all other respects he proved himself agood emperor, but he paid no attention at all to affairs in Libya. Butthis happened in later times. 

At that time Gizeric, after conquering Aspar and Boniface in battle, displayed a foresight worth recounting, whereby he made his good fortunemost thoroughly secure. For fearing lest, if once again an army shouldcome against him from both Rome and Byzantium, the Vandals might not beable to use the same strength and enjoy the same fortune, (since humanaffairs are wont to be overturned by Heaven and to fail by reason of theweakness of men's bodies), he was not lifted up by the good fortune hehad enjoyed, but rather became moderate because of what he feared, andso he made a treaty with the Emperor Valentinian providing that eachyear he should pay to the emperor tribute from Libya, and he deliveredover one of his sons, Honoric, as a hostage to make this agreementbinding. So Gizeric both showed himself a brave man in the battle andguarded the victory as securely as possible, and, since the friendshipbetween the two peoples increased greatly, he received back his sonHonoric. And at Rome Placidia had died before this time, and after her, Valentinian, her son, also died, having no male offspring, but twodaughters had been born to him from Eudoxia, the child of Theodosius. And I shall now relate in what manner Valentinian died. 

There was a certain Maximus, a Roman senator, of the house of thatMaximus[23] who, while usurping the imperial power, was overthrown bythe elder Theodosius and put to death, and on whose account also theRomans celebrate the annual festival named from the defeat of Maximus. This younger Maximus was married to a woman discreet in her ways andexceedingly famous for her beauty. For this reason a desire came overValentinian to have her to wife. And since it was impossible, much as hewished it, to meet her, he plotted an unholy deed and carried it tofulfilment. For he summoned Maximus to the palace and sat down with himto a game of draughts, and a certain sum was set as a penalty for theloser; and the emperor won in this game, and receiving Maximus' ring asa pledge for the agreed amount, he sent it to his house, instructing themessenger to tell the wife of Maximus that her husband bade her come asquickly as possible to the palace to salute the queen Eudoxia. And she, judging by the ring that the message was from Maximus, entered herlitter and was conveyed to the emperor's court. And she was received bythose who had been assigned this service by the emperor, and led into acertain room far removed from the women's apartments, where Valentinianmet her and forced her, much against her will. And she, after theoutrage, went to her husband's house weeping and feeling the deepestpossible grief because of her misfortune, and she cast many curses uponMaximus as having provided the cause for what had been done. Maximus, accordingly, became exceedingly aggrieved at that which had come topass, and straightway entered into a conspiracy against the emperor; butwhen he saw that Aetius was exceedingly powerful, for he had recentlyconquered Attila, who had invaded the Roman domain with a great army ofMassagetae and the other Scythians, the thought occurred to him thatAetius would be in the way of his undertaking. And upon considering thismatter, it seemed to him that it was the better course to put Aetius outof the way first, paying no heed to the fact that the whole hope of theRomans centred in him. And since the eunuchs who were in attendance uponthe emperor were well-disposed toward him, he persuaded the emperor bytheir devices that Aetius was setting on foot a revolution. AndValentinian, judging by nothing else than the power and valour of Aetiusthat the report was true, put the man to death. [Sept. 21, 454 A. D. ]Whereupon a certain Roman made himself famous by a saying which heuttered. For when the emperor enquired of him whether he had done wellin putting Aetius to death, he replied saying that, as to this matter, he was not able to know whether he had done well or perhaps otherwise, but one thing he understood exceedingly well, that he had cut off hisown right hand with the other. 

So after the death of Aetius, [24] Attila, since no one was a match forhim, plundered all Europe with no trouble and made both emperorssubservient and tributary to himself. For tribute money was sent to himevery year by the emperors. At that time, while Attila was besiegingAquileia, a city of great size and exceedingly populous situated nearthe sea and above the Ionian Gulf, they say that the following goodfortune befell him. For they tell the story that, when he was able tocapture the place neither by force nor by any other means, he gave upthe siege in despair, since it had already lasted a long time, andcommanded the whole army without any delay to make their preparationsfor the departure, in order that on the morrow all might move from thereat sunrise. And the following day about sunrise, the barbarians hadraised the siege and were already beginning the departure, when a singlemale stork which had a nest on a certain tower of the city wall and wasrearing his nestlings there suddenly rose and left the place with hisyoung. And the father stork was flying, but the little storks, sincethey were not yet quite ready to fly, were at times sharing theirfather's flight and at times riding upon his back, and thus they flewoff and went far away from the city. And when Attila saw this (for hewas most clever at comprehending and interpreting all things), hecommanded the army, they say, to remain still in the same place, addingthat the bird would never have gone flying off at random from there withhis nestlings, unless he was prophesying that some evil would come tothe place at no distant time. Thus, they say, the army of the barbarianssettled down to the siege once more, and not long after that a portionof the wall--the very part which held the nest of that bird--for noapparent reason suddenly fell down, and it became possible for the enemyto enter the city at that point, and thus Aquileia was captured bystorm. Such is the story touching Aquileia. 

Later on Maximus slew the emperor with no trouble and secured thetyranny, and he married Eudoxia by force. [455 A. D. ] For the wife towhom he had been wedded had died not long before. And on one occasion inprivate he made the statement to Eudoxia that it was all for the sake ofher love that he had carried out all that he had done. And since shefelt a repulsion for Maximus even before that time, and had beendesirous of exacting vengeance from him for the wrong done Valentinian, his words made her swell with rage still more against him, and led heron to carry out her plot, since she had heard Maximus say that onaccount of her the misfortune had befallen her husband. And as soon asday came, she sent to Carthage entreating Gizeric to avenge Valentinian, who had been destroyed by an unholy man, in a manner unworthy both ofhimself and of his imperial station, and to deliver her, since she wassuffering unholy treatment at the hand of the tyrant. And she impressedit upon Gizeric that, since he was a friend and ally and so great acalamity had befallen the imperial house, it was not a holy thing tofail to become an avenger. For from Byzantium she thought no vengeancewould come, since Theodosius had already departed from the world andMarcian had taken over the empire. [Mar. 17, 455 A. D. ]

V

And Gizeric, for no other reason than that he suspected that much moneywould come to him, set sail for Italy with a great fleet. And going upto Rome, since no one stood in his way, he took possession of thepalace. Now while Maximus was trying to flee, the Romans threw stones athim and killed him, and they cut off his head and each of his othermembers and divided them among themselves. But Gizeric took Eudoxiacaptive, together with Eudocia and Placidia, the children of herself andValentinian, and placing an exceedingly great amount of gold and otherimperial treasure[25] in his ships sailed to Carthage, having sparedneither bronze nor anything else whatsoever in the palace. He plunderedalso the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, and tore off half of the roof. Now this roof was of bronze of the finest quality, and since gold waslaid over it exceedingly thick, it shone as a magnificent and wonderfulspectacle. [26] But of the ships with Gizeric, one, which was bearing thestatues, was lost, they say, but with all the others the Vandals reachedport in the harbour of Carthage. Gizeric then married Eudocia toHonoric, the elder of his sons; but the other of the two women, beingthe wife of Olybrius, a most distinguished man in the Roman senate, hesent to Byzantium together with her mother, Eudoxia, at the request ofthe emperor. Now the power of the East had by now fallen to Leon, whohad been set in this position by Aspar, since Marcian had already passedfrom the world. [457 A. D. ]

Afterwards Gizeric devised the following scheme. He tore down the wallsof all the cities in Libya except Carthage, so that neither the Libyansthemselves, espousing the cause of the Romans, might have a strong basefrom which to begin a rebellion, nor those sent by the emperor have anyground for hoping to capture a city and by establishing a garrison in itto make trouble for the Vandals. Now at that time it seemed that he hadcounselled well and had ensured prosperity for the Vandals in the safestpossible manner; but in later times when these cities, being withoutwalls, were captured by Belisarius all the more easily and with lessexertion, Gizeric was then condemned to suffer much ridicule, and thatwhich for the time he considered wise counsel turned out for him to befolly. For as fortunes change, men are always accustomed to change withthem their judgments regarding what has been planned in the past. Andamong the Libyans all who happened to be men of note and conspicuous fortheir wealth he handed over as slaves, together with their estates andall their money, to his sons Honoric and Genzon. For Theodorus, theyoungest son, had died already, being altogether without offspring, either male or female. And he robbed the rest of the Libyans of theirestates, which were both very numerous and excellent, and distributedthem among the nation of the Vandals, and as a result of this theselands have been called "Vandals' estates" up to the present time. And itfell to the lot of those who had formerly possessed these lands to be inextreme poverty and to be at the same time free men; and they had theprivilege of going away wheresoever they wished. And Gizeric commandedthat all the lands which he had given over to his sons and to the otherVandals should not be subject to any kind of taxation. But as much ofthe land as did not seem to him good he allowed to remain in the handsof the former owners, but assessed so large a sum to be paid on thisland for taxes to the government that nothing whatever remained to thosewho retained their farms. And many of them were constantly being sentinto exile or killed. For charges were brought against them of manysorts, and heavy ones too; but one charge seemed to be the greatest ofall, that a man, having money of his own, was hiding it. Thus theLibyans were visited with every form of misfortune. 

The Vandals and the Alani he arranged in companies, appointing over themno less than eighty captains, whom he called "chiliarchs, "[27] making itappear that his host of fighting men in active service amounted toeighty thousand. And yet the number of the Vandals and Alani was said informer times, at least, to amount to no more than fifty thousand men. However, after that time by their natural increase among themselves andby associating other barbarians with them they came to be an exceedinglynumerous people. But the names of the Alani and all the otherbarbarians, except the Moors, were united in the name of Vandals. Atthat time, after the death of Valentinian, Gizeric gained the support ofthe Moors, and every year at the beginning of spring he made invasionsinto Sicily and Italy, enslaving some of the cities, razing others tothe ground, and plundering everything; and when the land had becomedestitute of men and of money, he invaded the domain of the emperor ofthe East. And so he plundered Illyricum and the most of the Peloponnesusand of the rest of Greece and all the islands which lie near it. Andagain he went off to Sicily and Italy, and kept plundering and pillagingall places in turn. And one day when he had embarked on his ship in theharbour of Carthage, and the sails were already being spread, the pilotasked him, they say, against what men in the world he bade them go. Andhe in reply said: "Plainly against those with whom God is angry. " Thuswithout any cause he kept making invasions wherever chance might leadhim. 

VI

And the Emperor Leon, wishing to punish the Vandals because of thesethings, was gathering an army against them; and they say that this armyamounted to about one hundred thousand men. And he collected a fleet ofships from the whole of the eastern Mediterranean, shewing greatgenerosity to both soldiers and sailors, for he feared lest from aparsimonious policy some obstacle might arise to hinder him in hisdesire to carry out his punishment of the barbarians. Therefore, theysay, thirteen hundred centenaria[28] were expended by him to no purpose. But since it was not fated that the Vandals should be destroyed by thisexpedition, he made Basiliscus commander-in-chief, the brother of hiswife Berine, a man who was extraordinarily desirous of the royal power, which he hoped would come to him without a struggle if he won thefriendship of Aspar. For Aspar himself, being an adherent of the Arianfaith, and having no intention of changing it for another, was unable toenter upon the imperial office, but he was easily strong enough toestablish another in it, and it already seemed likely that he would plotagainst the Emperor Leon, who had given him offence. So they say thatsince Aspar was then fearful lest, if the Vandals were defeated, Leonshould establish his power most securely, he repeatedly urged uponBasiliscus that he should spare the Vandals and Gizeric. 

[467 A. D. ] Now before this time Leon had already appointed and sentAnthemius, as Emperor of the West, a man of the senate of great wealthand high birth, in order that he might assist him in the Vandalic war. And yet Gizeric kept asking and earnestly entreating that the imperialpower be given to Olybrius, who was married to Placidia, the daughter ofValentinian, and on account of his relationship[29] well-disposed towardhim, and when he failed in this he was still more angry and keptplundering the whole land of the emperor. Now there was in Dalmatia acertain Marcellianus, one of the acquaintances of Aetius and a man ofrepute, who, after Aetius had died in the manner told above, [30] nolonger deigned to yield obedience to the emperor, but beginning arevolution and detaching all the others from allegiance, held the powerof Dalmatia himself, since no one dared encounter him. But the EmperorLeon at that time won over this Marcellianus by very careful wheedling, and bade him go to the island of Sardinia, which was then subject to theVandals. And he drove out the Vandals and gained possession of it withno great difficulty. And Heracleius was sent from Byzantium to Tripolisin Libya, and after conquering the Vandals of that district in battle, he easily captured the cities, and leaving his ships there, led his armyon foot toward Carthage. Such, then, was the sequence of events whichformed the prelude of the war. 

But Basiliscus with his whole fleet put in at a town distant fromCarthage no less than two hundred and eighty stades (now it so happenedthat a temple of Hermes had been there from of old, from which fact theplace was named Mercurium; for the Romans call Hermes "Mercurius"), andif he had not purposely played the coward and hesitated, but hadundertaken to go straight for Carthage, he would have captured it at thefirst onset, and he would have reduced the Vandals to subjection withouttheir even thinking of resistance; so overcome was Gizeric with awe ofLeon as an invincible emperor, when the report was brought to him thatSardinia and Tripolis had been captured, and he saw the fleet ofBasiliscus to be such as the Romans were said never to have had before. But, as it was, the general's hesitation, whether caused by cowardice ortreachery, prevented this success. And Gizeric, profiting by thenegligence of Basiliscus, did as follows. Arming all his subjects in thebest way he could, he filled his ships, but not all, for some he kept inreadiness empty, and they were the ships which sailed most swiftly. Andsending envoys to Basiliscus, he begged him to defer the war for thespace of five days, in order that in the meantime he might take counseland do those things which were especially desired by the emperor. Theysay, too, that he sent also a great amount of gold without the knowledgeof the army of Basiliscus and thus purchased this armistice. And he didthis, thinking, as actually did happen, that a favouring wind would risefor him during this time. And Basiliscus, either as doing a favour toAspar in accordance with what he had promised, or selling the moment ofopportunity for money, or perhaps thinking it the better course, did ashe was requested and remained quietly in the camp, awaiting the momentfavourable to the enemy. 

But the Vandals, as soon as the wind had arisen for them which they hadbeen expecting during the time they lay at rest, raised their sails and, taking in tow the boats which, as has been stated above, they had madeready with no men in them, they sailed against the enemy. And when theycame near, they set fire to the boats which they were towing, when theirsails were bellied by the wind, and let them go against the Roman fleet. And since there were a great number of ships there, these boats easilyspread fire wherever they struck, and were themselves readily destroyedtogether with those with which they came in contact. And as the fireadvanced in this way the Roman fleet was filled with tumult, as wasnatural, and with a great din that rivalled the noise caused by the windand the roaring of the flames, as the soldiers together with the sailorsshouted orders to one another and pushed off with their poles thefire-boats and their own ships as well, which were being destroyed byone another in complete disorder. And already the Vandals too were athand ramming and sinking the ships, and making booty of such of thesoldiers as attempted to escape, and of their arms as well. But therewere also some of the Romans who proved themselves brave men in thisstruggle, and most of all John, who was a general under Basiliscus andwho had no share whatever in his treason. For a great throng havingsurrounded his ship, he stood on the deck, and turning from side to sidekept killing very great numbers of the enemy from there, and when heperceived that the ship was being captured, he leaped with his wholeequipment of arms from the deck into the sea. And though Genzon, the sonof Gizeric, entreated him earnestly not to do this, offering pledges andholding out promises of safety, he nevertheless threw himself into thesea, uttering this one word, that John would never come under the handsof dogs. 

So this war came to an end, and Heracleius departed for home; forMarcellianus had been destroyed treacherously by one of hisfellow-officers. And Basiliscus, coming to Byzantium, seated himself asa suppliant in the sanctuary of Christ the Great God ("Sophia"[31] thetemple is called by the men of Byzantium who consider that thisdesignation is especially appropriate to God), and although, by theintercession of Berine, the queen, he escaped this danger, he was notable at that time to reach the throne, the thing for the sake of whicheverything had been done by him. For the Emperor Leon not longafterwards destroyed both Aspar and Ardaburius in the palace, because hesuspected that they were plotting against his life. [471 A. D. ] Thus, then, did these events take place. 

VII

[Aug. 11, 472 A. D. ] Now Anthemius, the emperor of the West, died at thehand of his son-in-law Rhecimer, and Olybrius, succeeding to the throne, a short time afterward suffered the same fate. [Oct. 10, 472 A. D. ] Andwhen Leon also had died in Byzantium, the imperial office was taken overby the younger Leon, the son of Zeno and Ariadne, the daughter of Leon, while he was still only a few days old. And his father having beenchosen as partner in the royal power, the child forthwith passed fromthe world. [474 A. D. ] Majorinus also deserves mention, who had gainedthe power of the West before this time. For this Majorinus, whosurpassed in every virtue all who have ever been emperors of the Romans, did not bear lightly the loss of Libya, but collected a veryconsiderable army against the Vandals and came to Liguria, intendinghimself to lead the army against the enemy. For Majorinus never showedthe least hesitation before any task and least of all before the dangersof war. But thinking it not inexpedient for him to investigate first thestrength of the Vandals and the character of Gizeric and to discover howthe Moors and Libyans stood with regard to friendship or hostilitytoward the Romans, he decided to trust no eyes other than his own insuch a matter. Accordingly he set out as if an envoy from the emperor toGizeric, assuming some fictitious name. And fearing lest, by becomingknown, he should himself receive some harm and at the same time preventthe success of the enterprise, he devised the following scheme. Hishair, which was famous among all men as being so fair as to resemblepure gold, he anointed with some kind of dye, which was especiallyinvented for this purpose, and so succeeded completely in changing itfor the time to a dark hue. And when he came before Gizeric, thebarbarian attempted in many ways to terrify him, and in particular, while treating him with engaging attention, as if a friend, he broughthim into the house where all his weapons were stored, a numerous andexceedingly noteworthy array. Thereupon they say that the weapons shookof their own accord and gave forth a sound of no ordinary or casualsort, and then it seemed to Gizeric that there had been an earthquake, but when he got outside and made enquiries concerning the earthquake, since no one else agreed with him, a great wonder, they say, came overhim, but he was not able to comprehend the meaning of what had happened. So Majorinus, having accomplished the very things he wished, returned toLiguria, and leading his army on foot, came to the Pillars of Heracles, purposing to cross over the strait at that point, and then to march byland from there against Carthage. And when Gizeric became aware of this, and perceived that he had been tricked by Majorinus in the matter of theembassy, he became alarmed and made his preparations for war. And theRomans, basing their confidence on the valour of Majorinus, alreadybegan to have fair hopes of recovering Libya for the empire. [461 A. D. ]But meantime Majorinus was attacked by the disease of dysentery anddied, a man who had shewn himself moderate toward his subjects, and anobject of fear to his enemies. [July 24, 474 A. D. ] And another emperor, Nepos, upon taking over the empire, and living to enjoy it only a fewdays, died of disease, and Glycerius after him entered into this officeand suffered a similar fate. [474-475 A. D. ] And after him Augustusassumed the imperial power. There were, moreover, still other emperorsin the West before this time, but though I know their names well, Ishall make no mention of them whatever. For it so fell out that theylived only a short time after attaining the office, and as a result ofthis accomplished nothing worthy of mention. Such was the course ofevents in the West. 

But in Byzantium Basiliscus, being no longer able to master his passionfor royal power, made an attempt to usurp the throne, and succeededwithout difficulty, since Zeno, together with his wife, sought refuge inIsauria, which was his native home. [471 A. D. ] And while he wasmaintaining his tyranny for a year and eight months he was detested bypractically everyone and in particular by the soldiers of the court onaccount of the greatness of his avarice. And Zeno, perceiving this, collected an army and came against him. And Basiliscus sent an armyunder the general Harmatus in order to array himself against Zeno. Butwhen they had made camp near one another, Harmatus surrendered his armyto Zeno, on the condition that Zeno should appoint as Caesar Harmatus'son Basiliscus, who was a very young child, and leave him as successorto the throne upon his death. And Basiliscus, deserted by all, fled forrefuge to the same sanctuary as formerly. And Acacius, the priest of thecity, put him into the hands of Zeno, charging him with impiety and withhaving brought great confusion and many innovations into the Christiandoctrine, having inclined toward the heresy of Eutyches. And this wasso. And after Zeno had thus taken over the empire a second time, hecarried out his pledge to Harmatus formally by appointing his sonBasiliscus Caesar, but not long afterwards he both stripped him of theoffice and put Harmatus to death. And he sent Basiliscus together withhis children and his wife into Cappadocia in the winter season, commanding that they should be destitute of food and clothes and everykind of care. And there, being hard pressed by both cold and hunger, they took refuge in one another's arms, and embracing their loved ones, perished. And this punishment overtook Basiliscus for the policy he hadpursued. These things, however, happened in later times. 

But at that time Gizeric was plundering the whole Roman domain just asmuch as before, if not more, circumventing his enemy by craft anddriving them out of their possessions by force, as has been previouslysaid, and he continued to do so until the emperor Zeno came to anagreement with him and an endless peace was established between them, bywhich it was provided that the Vandals should never in all time performany hostile act against the Romans nor suffer such a thing at theirhands. And this peace was preserved by Zeno himself and also by hissuccessor in the empire, Anastasius And it remained in force until thetime of the emperor Justinus. But Justinian, who was the nephew ofJustinus, succeeded him in the imperial power, and it was in the reignof this Justinian that the war with which we are concerned came to pass, in the manner which will be told in the following narrative. [477 A. D. ]Gizeric, after living on a short time, died at an advanced age, havingmade a will in which he enjoined many things upon the Vandals and inparticular that the royal power among them should always fall to thatone who should be the first in years among all the male offspringdescended from Gizeric himself. So Gizeric, having ruled over theVandals thirty-nine years from the time when he captured Carthage, died, as I have said. 

VIII

And Honoric, the eldest of his sons, succeeded to the throne, Genzonhaving already departed from the world. During the time when thisHonoric ruled the Vandals they had no war against anyone at all, exceptthe Moors. For through fear of Gizeric the Moors had remained quietbefore that time, but as soon as he was out of their way they both didmuch harm to the Vandals and suffered the same themselves. And Honoricshewed himself the most cruel and unjust of all men toward theChristians in Libya. For he forced them to change over to the Arianfaith, and as many as he found not readily yielding to him he burned, ordestroyed by other forms of death; and he also cut off the tongues ofmany from the very throat, who even up to my time were going about inByzantium having their speech uninjured, and perceiving not the leasteffect from this punishment; but two of these, since they saw fit to goin to harlots, were thenceforth no longer able to speak. And afterruling over the Vandals eight years he died of disease; and by that timethe Moors dwelling on Mt. Aurasium[32] had revolted from the Vandals andwere independent (this Aurasium is a mountain of Numidia, about thirteendays' journey distant from Carthage and fronting the south); and indeedthey never came under the Vandals again, since the latter were unable tocarry on a war against Moors on a mountain difficult of access andexceedingly steep. 

After the death of Honoric the rule of the Vandals fell to Gundamundus, the son of Genzon, the son of Gizeric. [485 A. D. ] For he, in point ofyears, was the first of the offspring of Gizeric. This Gundamundusfought against the Moors in numerous encounters, and after subjectingthe Christians to still greater suffering, he died of disease, being nowat about the middle of the twelfth year of his reign. [496 A. D. ] And hisbrother Trasamundus took over the kingdom, a man well-favoured inappearance and especially gifted with discretion and highmindedness. However he continued to force the Christians to change their ancestralfaith, not by torturing their bodies as his predecessors had done, butby seeking to win them with honours and offices and presenting them withgreat sums of money; and in the case of those who would not bepersuaded, he pretended he had not the least knowledge of what manner ofmen they were. [33] And if he caught any guilty of great crimes whichthey had committed either by accident or deliberate intent, he wouldoffer such men, as a reward for changing their faith, that they shouldnot be punished for their offences. And when his wife died withoutbecoming the mother of either male or female offspring, wishing toestablish the kingdom as securely as possible, he sent to Theoderic, theking of the Goths, asking him to give him his sister Amalafrida to wife, for her husband had just died. And Theoderic sent him not only hissister but also a thousand of the notable Goths as a bodyguard, who werefollowed by a host of attendants amounting to about five thousandfighting men. And Theoderic also presented his sister with one of thepromontories of Sicily, which are three in number, --the one which theycall Lilybaeum, --and as a result of this Trasamundus was accounted thestrongest and most powerful of all those who had ruled over the Vandals. He became also a very special friend of the emperor Anastasius. It wasduring the reign of Trasamundus that it came about that the Vandalssuffered a disaster at the hands of the Moors such as had never befallenthem before that time. 

There was a certain Cabaon ruling over the Moors of Tripolis, a manexperienced in many wars and exceedingly shrewd. This Cabaon, uponlearning that the Vandals were marching against him, did as follows. First of all he issued orders to his subjects to abstain from allinjustice and from all foods tending towards luxury and most of all fromassociation with women; and setting up two palisaded enclosures, heencamped himself with all the men in one, and in the other he shut thewomen, and he threatened that death would be the penalty if anyoneshould go to the women's palisade. And after this he sent spies toCarthage with the following instructions: whenever the Vandals in goingforth on the expedition should offer insult to any temple which theChristians reverence, they were to look on and see what took place; andwhen the Vandals had passed the place, they were to do the opposite ofeverything which the Vandals had done to the sanctuary before theirdeparture. And they say that he added this also, that he was ignorant ofthe God whom the Christians worshipped, but it was probable that if Hewas powerful, as He was said to be, He should wreak vengeance upon thosewho insulted Him and defend those who honoured Him. So the spies came toCarthage and waited quietly, observing the preparation of the Vandals;but when the army set out on the march to Tripolis, they followed, clothing themselves in humble garb. And the Vandals, upon making campthe first day, led their horses and their other animals into the templesof the Christians, and sparing no insult, they acted with all theunrestrained lawlessness natural to them, beating as many priests asthey caught and lashing them with many blows over the back andcommanding them to render such service to the Vandals as they wereaccustomed to assign to the most dishonoured of their domestics. And assoon as they had departed from there, the spies of Cabaon did as theyhad been directed to do; for they straightway cleansed the sanctuariesand took away with great care the filth and whatever other unholy thinglay in them, and they lighted all the lamps and bowed down before thepriests with great reverence and saluted them with all friendliness; andafter giving pieces of silver to the poor who sat about thesesanctuaries, they then followed after the army of the Vandals. And fromthen on along the whole route the Vandals continued to commit the sameoffences and the spies to render the same service. And when they werecoming near the Moors, the spies anticipated them and reported to Cabaonwhat had been done by the Vandals and by themselves to the temples ofthe Christians, and that the enemy were somewhere near by. And Cabaon, upon learning this, arranged for the encounter as follows. He marked offa circle in the plain where he was about to make his palisade, andplaced his camels turned sideways in a circle as a protection for thecamp, making his line fronting the enemy about twelve camels deep. Thenhe placed the children and the women and all those who were unfit forfighting together with their possessions in the middle, while hecommanded the host of fighting men to stand between the feet of thoseanimals, covering themselves with their shields. [34] And since thephalanx of the Moors was of such a sort, the Vandals were at a loss howto handle the situation; for they were neither good with the javelin norwith the bow, nor did they know how to go into battle on foot, but theywere all horsemen, and used spears and swords for the most part, so thatthey were unable to do the enemy any harm at a distance; and theirhorses, annoyed at the sight of the camels, refused absolutely to bedriven against the enemy. And since the Moors, by hurling javelins ingreat numbers among them from their safe position, kept killing boththeir horses and men without difficulty, because they were a vastthrong, they began to flee, and, when the Moors came out against them, the most of them were destroyed, while some fell into the hands of theenemy; and an exceedingly small number from this army returned home. Such was the fortune which Trasamundus suffered at the hands of theMoors. And he died at a later time, having ruled over the Moorstwenty-seven years. 

IX

[523 A. D. ] And Ilderic, the son of Honoric, the son of Gizeric, nextreceived the kingdom, a ruler who was easily approached by his subjectsand altogether gentle, and he shewed himself harsh neither to theChristians nor to anyone else, but in regard to affairs of war he was aweakling and did not wish this thing even to come to his ears. Hoamer, accordingly, his nephew and an able warrior, led the armies against anywith whom the Vandals were at war; he it was whom they called theAchilles of the Vandals. During the reign of this Ilderic the Vandalswere defeated in Byzacium by the Moors, who were ruled by Antalas, andit so fell out that they became enemies instead of allies and friends toTheoderic and the Goths in Italy. For they put Amalafrida in prison anddestroyed all the Goths, charging them with revolutionary designsagainst the Vandals and Ilderic. However, no revenge came fromTheoderic, for he considered himself unable to gather a great fleet andmake an expedition into Libya, and Ilderic was a very particular friendand guest-friend of Justinian, who had not yet come to the throne, butwas administering the government according to his pleasure; for hisuncle Justinus, who was emperor, was very old and not altogetherexperienced in matters of state. And Ilderic and Justinian made largepresents of money to each other. 

Now there was a certain man in the family of Gizeric, Gelimer, the sonof Geilaris, the son of Genzon, the son of Gizeric, who was of such ageas to be second only to Ilderic, and for this reason he was expected tocome into the kingdom very soon. This man was thought to be the bestwarrior of his time, but for the rest he was a cunning fellow and baseat heart and well versed in undertaking revolutionary enterprises and inlaying hold upon the money of others. Now this Gelimer, when he saw thepower coming to him, was not able to live in his accustomed way, butassumed to himself the tasks of a king and usurped the rule, though itwas not yet due him; and since Ilderic in a spirit of friendliness gavein to him, he was no longer able to restrain his thoughts, but allyingwith himself all the noblest of the Vandals, he persuaded them to wrestthe kingdom from Ilderic, as being an unwarlike king who had beendefeated by the Moors, and as betraying the power of the Vandals intothe hand of the Emperor Justinus, in order that the kingdom might notcome to him, because he was of the other branch of the family; for heasserted slanderously that this was the meaning of Ilderic's embassy toByzantium, and that he was giving over the empire of the Vandals toJustinus. And they, being persuaded, carried out this plan. [530 A. D. ]Thus Gelimer seized the supreme power, and imprisoned Ilderic, after hehad ruled over the Vandals seven years, and also Hoamer and his brotherEuagees. 

[527 A. D. ] But when Justinian heard these things, having alreadyreceived the imperial power, he sent envoys to Gelimer in Libya with thefollowing letter: "You are not acting in a holy manner nor worthily ofthe will of Gizeric, keeping in prison an old man and a kinsman and theking of the Vandals (if the counsels of Gizeric are to be of effect), and robbing him of his office by violence, though it would be possiblefor you to receive it after a short time in a lawful manner. Do youtherefore do no further wrong and do not exchange the name of king forthe title of tyrant, which comes but a short time earlier. But as forthis man, whose death may be expected at any moment, allow him to bearin appearance the form of royal power, while you do all the things whichit is proper that a king should do; and wait until you can receive fromtime and the law of Gizeric, and from them alone, the name which belongsto the position. For if you do this, the attitude of the Almighty willbe favourable and at the same time our relations with you will befriendly. " Such was his message. But Gelimer sent the envoys away withnothing accomplished, and he blinded Hoamer and also kept Ilderic andEuagees in closer confinement, charging them with planning flight toByzantium. And when this too was heard by the Emperor Justinian, he sentenvoys a second time and wrote as follows: "We, indeed, supposed thatyou would never go contrary to our advice when we wrote you the formerletter. But since it pleases you to have secured possession of the royalpower in the manner in which you have taken and now hold it, get from itwhatever Heaven grants. But do you send to us Ilderic, and Hoamer whomyou have blinded, and his brother, to receive what comfort they can whohave been robbed of a kingdom or of sight; for we shall not let thematter rest if you do not do this. And I speak thus because we are ledby the hope which I had based on our friendship. And the treaty withGizeric will not stand as an obstacle for us. For it is not to make warupon him who has succeeded to the kingdom of Gizeric that we come, butto avenge Gizeric with all our power. "

When Gelimer had read this, he replied as follows: "King Gelimer to theEmperor Justinian. Neither have I taken the office by violence nor hasanything unholy been done by me to my kinsmen. For Ilderic, whileplanning a revolution against the house of Gizeric, was dethroned by thenation of the Vandals; and I was called to the kingdom by my years, which gave me the preference, according to the law at least. Now it iswell for one to administer the kingly office which belongs to him andnot to make the concerns of others his own. Hence for you also, who havea kingdom, meddling in other's affairs is not just; and if you break thetreaty and come against us, we shall oppose you with all our power, calling to witness the oaths which were sworn by Zeno, from whom youhave received the kingdom which you hold. " The Emperor Justinian, uponreceiving this letter, having been angry with Gelimer even before then, was still more eager to punish him. And it seemed to him best to put anend to the Persian war as soon as possible and then to make anexpedition to Libya; and since he was quick at forming a plan and promptin carrying out his decisions, Belisarius, the General of the East, wassummoned and came to him immediately, no announcement having been madeto him nor to anyone else that he was about to lead an army againstLibya, but it was given out that he had been removed from the officewhich he held. And straightway the treaty with Persia was made, as hasbeen told in the preceding narrative. [35]

X

And when the Emperor Justinian considered that the situation was asfavourable as possible, both as to domestic affairs and as to hisrelations with Persia, he took under consideration the situation inLibya. But when he disclosed to the magistrates that he was gathering anarmy against the Vandals and Gelimer, the most of them began immediatelyto show hostility to the plan, and they lamented it as a misfortune, recalling the expedition of the Emperor Leon and the disaster ofBasiliscus, and reciting how many soldiers had perished and how muchmoney the state had lost. But the men who were the most sorrowful ofall, and who, by reason of their anxiety, felt the keenest regret, werethe pretorian prefect, whom the Romans call "praetor, " and theadministrator of the treasury, and all to whom had been assigned thecollection of either public or imperial[36] taxes, for they reasonedthat while it would be necessary for them to produce countless sums forthe needs of the war, they would be granted neither pardon in case offailure nor extension of time in which to raise these sums. And everyone of the generals, supposing that he himself would command the army, was in terror and dread at the greatness of the danger, if it should benecessary for him, if he were preserved from the perils of the sea, toencamp in the enemy's land, and, using his ships as a base, to engage ina struggle against a kingdom both large and formidable. The soldiers, also, having recently returned from a long, hard war, and having not yettasted to the full the blessings of home, were in despair, both becausethey were being led into sea-fighting, --a thing which they had notlearned even from tradition before then, --and because they were sentfrom the eastern frontier to the West, in order to risk their livesagainst Vandals and Moors. But all the rest, as usually happens in agreat throng, wished to be spectators of new adventures while othersfaced the dangers. 

But as for saying anything to the emperor to prevent the expedition, noone dared to do this except John the Cappadocian, the pretorian prefect, a man of the greatest daring and the cleverest of all men of his time. For this John, while all the others were bewailing in silence thefortune which was upon them, came before the emperor and spoke asfollows: "O Emperor, the good faith which thou dost shew in dealing withthy subjects enables us to speak frankly regarding anything which willbe of advantage to thy government, even though what is said and done maynot be agreeable to thee. For thus does thy wisdom temper thy authoritywith justice, in that thou dost not consider that man only as loyal tothy cause who serves thee under any and all conditions, nor art thouangry with the man who speaks against thee, but by weighing all thingsby pure reason alone, thou hast often shewn that it involves us in nodanger to oppose thy purposes. Led by these considerations, O Emperor, Ihave come to offer this advice, knowing that, though I shall giveperhaps offence at the moment, if it so chance, yet in the future theloyalty which I bear you will be made clear, and that for this I shallbe able to shew thee as a witness. For if, through not hearkening to mywords, thou shalt carry out the war against the Vandals, it will comeabout, if the struggle is prolonged for thee, that my advice will winrenown. For if thou hast confidence that thou wilt conquer the enemy, itis not at all unreasonable that thou shouldst sacrifice the lives of menand expend a vast amount of treasure, and undergo the difficulties ofthe struggle; for victory, coming at the end, covers up all thecalamities of war. But if in reality these things lie on the knees ofGod, and if it behoves us, taking example from what has happened in thepast, to fear the outcome of war, on what grounds is it not better tolove a state of quiet rather than the dangers of mortal strife? Thou artpurposing to make an expedition against Carthage, to which, if one goesby land, the journey is one of a hundred and forty days, and if one goesby water, he is forced to cross the whole open sea and go to its veryend. So that he who brings thee news of what will happen in the campmust needs reach thee a year after the event. And one might add that ifthou art victorious over thy enemy, thou couldst not take possession ofLibya while Sicily and Italy lie in the hands of others; and at the sametime, if any reverse befall thee, O Emperor, the treaty having alreadybeen broken by thee, thou wilt bring the danger upon our own land. Infact, putting all in a word, it will not be possible for thee to reapthe fruits of victory, and at the same time any reversal of fortune willbring harm to what is well established. It is before an enterprise thatwise planning is useful. For when men have failed, repentance is of noavail, but before disaster comes there is no danger in altering plans. Therefore it will be of advantage above all else to make fitting use ofthe decisive moment. "

Thus spoke John; and the Emperor Justinian, hearkening to his words, checked his eager desire for the war. But one of the priests whom theycall bishops, who had come from the East, said that he wished to have aword with the emperor. And when he met Justinian, he said that God hadvisited him in a dream, and bidden him go to the emperor and rebuke him, because, after undertaking the task of protecting the Christians inLibya from tyrants, he had for no good reason become afraid. "And yet, "He had said, "I will Myself join with him in waging war and make himlord of Libya. " When the emperor heard this, he was no longer able torestrain his purpose, and he began to collect the army and the ships, and to make ready supplies of weapons and of food, and he announced toBelisarius that he should be in readiness, because he was very soon toact as general in Libya. Meanwhile Pudentius, one of the natives ofTripolis in Libya, caused this district to revolt from the Vandals, andsending to the emperor he begged that he should despatch an army to him;for, he said, he would with no trouble win the land for the emperor. AndJustinian sent him Tattimuth and an army of no very great size. Thisforce Pudentius joined with his own troops and, the Vandals beingabsent, he gained possession of the land and made it subject to theemperor. And Gelimer, though wishing to inflict punishment uponPudentius, found the following obstacle in his way. 

There was a certain Godas among the slaves of Gelimer, a Goth by birth, a passionate and energetic fellow possessed of great bodily strength, but appearing to be well-disposed to the cause of his master. To thisGodas Gelimer entrusted the island of Sardinia, in order both to guardthe island and to pay over the annual tribute. But he neither coulddigest the prosperity brought by fortune nor had he the spirit to endureit, and so he undertook to establish a tyranny, and he refused tocontinue the payment of the tribute, and actually detached the islandfrom the Vandals and held it himself. And when he perceived that theEmperor Justinian was eager to make war against Libya and Gelimer, hewrote to him as follows:

"It was neither because I yielded to folly nor because I had sufferedanything unpleasant at my master's hands that I turned my thoughtstowards rebellion, but seeing the extreme cruelty of the man both towardhis kinsmen and toward his subjects, I could not, willingly at least, bereputed to have a share in his inhumanity. For it is better to serve ajust king than a tyrant whose commands are unlawful. But do thou joinwith me to assist in this my effort and send soldiers so that I may beable to ward off my assailants. "

And the emperor, on receiving this letter, was pleased, and he sentEulogius as envoy and wrote a letter praising Godas for his wisdom andhis zeal for justice, and he promised an alliance and soldiers and ageneral, who would be able to guard the island with him and to assisthim in every other way, so that no trouble should come to him from theVandals. But Eulogius, upon coming to Sardinia, found that Godas wasassuming the name and wearing the dress of a king and that he hadattached a body-guard to his person. And when Godas read the emperor'sletter, he said that it was his wish to have soldiers, indeed, come tofight along with him, but as for a commander, he had absolutely nodesire for one. And having written to the emperor in this sense, hedismissed Eulogius. 

XI

The emperor, meanwhile, not having yet ascertained these things, waspreparing four hundred soldiers with Cyril as commander, who were toassist Godas in guarding the island. And with them he also had inreadiness the expedition against Carthage, ten thousand foot-soldiers, and five thousand horsemen, gathered from the regular troops and fromthe "foederati. " Now at an earlier time only barbarians were enlistedamong the foederati, those, namely, who had come into the Romanpolitical system, not in the condition of slaves, since they had notbeen conquered by the Romans, but on the basis of complete equality. [37]For the Romans call treaties with their enemies "foedera. " But at thepresent time there is nothing to prevent anyone from assuming this name, since time will by no means consent to keep names attached to the thingsto which they were formerly applied, but conditions are ever changingabout according to the desire of men who control them, and men paylittle heed to the meaning which they originally attached to a name. Andthe commanders of the foederati were Dorotheus, the general of thetroops in Armenia, and Solomon, who was acting as manager for thegeneral Belisarius; (such a person the Romans call "domesticus. " Nowthis Solomon was a eunuch, but it was not by the devising of man that hehad suffered mutilation, but some accident which befell him while inswaddling clothes had imposed this lot upon him); and there were alsoCyprian, Valerian, Martinus, Althias, John, Marcellus, and the Cyrilwhom I have mentioned above; and the commanders of the regular cavalrywere Rufinus and Aļgan, who were of the house of Belisarius, andBarbatus and Pappus, while the regular infantry was commanded byTheodorus, who was surnamed Cteanus, and Terentius, Zaļdus, Marcian, andSarapis. And a certain John, a native of Epidamnus, which is now calledDyrrachium, held supreme command over all the leaders of infantry. Amongall these commanders Solomon was from a place in the East, at the veryextremity of the Roman domain, where the city called Daras now stands, and Aļgan was by birth of the Massagetae whom they now call Huns; andthe rest were almost all inhabitants of the land of Thrace. And therefollowed with them also four hundred Eruli, whom Pharas led, and aboutsix hundred barbarian allies from the nation of the Massagetae, allmounted bowmen; these were led by Sinnion and Balas, men endowed withbravery and endurance in the highest degree. And for the whole forcefive hundred ships were required, no one of which was able to carry morethan fifty thousand medimni, [38] nor any one less than three thousand. And in all the vessels together there were thirty thousand sailors, Egyptians and Ionians for the most part, and Cilicians, and onecommander was appointed over all the ships, Calonymus of Alexandria. Andthey had also ships of war prepared as for sea-fighting, to the numberof ninety-two, and they were single-banked ships covered by decks, inorder that the men rowing them might if possible not be exposed to thebolts of the enemy. Such boats are called "dromones"[39] by those of thepresent time; for they are able to attain a great speed. In these sailedtwo thousand men of Byzantium, who were all rowers as well as fightingmen; for there was not a single superfluous man among them. AndArchelaus was also sent, a man of patrician standing who had alreadybeen pretorian prefect both in Byzantium and in Illyricum, but he thenheld the position of prefect of the army; for thus the officer chargedwith the maintenance of the army is designated. But as general withsupreme authority over all the emperor sent Belisarius, who was incommand of the troops of the East for the second time. And he wasfollowed by many spearmen and many guards as well, men who were capablewarriors and thoroughly experienced in the dangers of fighting. And theemperor gave him written instructions, bidding him do everything asseemed best to him, and stating that his acts would be final, as if theemperor himself had done them. The writing, in fact, gave him the powerof a king. Now Belisarius was a native of Germania, which lies betweenThrace and Illyricum. These things, then, took place in this way. 

Gelimer, however, being deprived of Tripolis by Pudentius and ofSardinia by Godas, scarcely hoped to regain Tripolis, since it wassituated at a great distance and the rebels were already being assistedby the Romans, against whom just at that moment it seemed to him bestnot to take the field; but he was eager to get to the island before anyarmy sent by the emperor to fight for his enemies should arrive there. He accordingly selected five thousand of the Vandals and one hundred andtwenty ships of the fastest kind, and appointing as general his brotherTzazon, he sent them off. And so they were sailing with great enthusiasmand eagerness against Godas and Sardinia. In the meantime the EmperorJustinian was sending off Valerian and Martinus in advance of the othersin order to await the rest of the army in the Peloponnesus. And whenthese two had embarked upon their ships, it came to the emperor's mindthat there was something which he wished to enjoin upon them, --a thingwhich he had wished to say previously, but he had been so busied withthe other matters of which he had to speak that his mind had beenoccupied with them and this subject had been driven out. He summonedthem, accordingly, intending to say what he wished, but upon consideringthe matter, he saw that it would not be propitious for them to interrupttheir journey. He therefore sent men to forbid them either to return tohim or to disembark from their ships. And these men, upon coming nearthe ships, commanded them with much shouting and loud cries by no meansto turn back, and it seemed to those present that the thing which hadhappened was no good omen and that never would one of the men in thoseships return from Libya to Byzantium. For besides the omen theysuspected that a curse also had come to the men from the emperor, not atall by his own will, so that they would not return. Now if anyone shouldso interpret the incident with regard to these two commanders, Valerianand Martinus, he will find the original opinion untrue. But there was acertain man among the body-guards of Martinus, Stotzas by name, who wasdestined to be an enemy of the emperor, to make an attempt to set up atyranny, and by no means to return to Byzantium, and one might supposethat curse to have been turned upon him by Heaven. But whether thismatter stands thus or otherwise, I leave to each one to reason out as hewishes. But I shall proceed to tell how the general Belisarius and thearmy departed. 

XII

[533 A. D. ] In the seventh year of Justinian's reign, at about the springequinox, the emperor commanded the general's ship to anchor off thepoint which is before the royal palace. Thither came also Epiphanius, the chief priest of the city, and after uttering an appropriate prayer, he put on the ships one of the soldiers who had lately been baptized andhad taken the Christian name. And after this the general Belisarius andAntonina, his wife, set sail. And there was with them also Procopius, who wrote this history; now previously he had been exceedingly terrifiedat the danger, but later he had seen a vision in his sleep which causedhim to take courage and made him eager to go on the expedition. For itseemed in the dream that he was in the house of Belisarius, and one ofthe servants entering announced that some men had come bearing gifts;and Belisarius bade him investigate what sort of gifts they were, and hewent out into the court and saw men who carried on their shoulders earthwith the flowers and all. And he bade him bring these men into the houseand deposit the earth they were carrying in the portico; and Belisariustogether with his guardsmen came there, and he himself reclined on thatearth and ate of the flowers, and urged the others to do likewise; andas they reclined and ate, as if upon a couch, the food seemed to themexceedingly sweet. Such, then, was the vision of the dream. 

And the whole fleet followed the general's ship, and they put in atPerinthus, which is now called Heracleia, [40] where five days' time wasspent by the army, since at that place the general received as a presentfrom the emperor an exceedingly great number of horses from the royalpastures, which are kept for him in the territory of Thrace. And settingsail from there, they anchored off Abydus, and it came about as theywere delaying there four days on account of the lack of wind that thefollowing event took place. Two Massagetae killed one of their comradeswho was ridiculing them, in the midst of their intemperate drinking; forthey were intoxicated. For of all men the Massagetae are the mostintemperate drinkers. Belisarius, accordingly, straightway impaled thesetwo men on the hill which is near Abydus. And since all, and especiallythe relatives of these two men, were angry and declared that it was notin order to be punished nor to be subject to the laws of the Romans thatthey had entered into an alliance (for their own laws did not make thepunishment for murder such _as_ this, they said); and since they werejoined in voicing the accusation against the general even by Romansoldiers, who were anxious that there should be no punishment for theiroffences, Belisarius called together both the Massagetae and the rest ofthe army and spoke as follows: "If my words were addressed to men nowfor the first time entering into war, it would require a long time forme to convince you by speech how great a help justice is for gaining thevictory. For those who do not understand the fortunes of such strugglesthink that the outcome of war lies in strength of arm alone. But you, who have often conquered an enemy not inferior to you in strength ofbody and well endowed with valour, you who have often tried yourstrength against your opponents, you, I think, are not ignorant that, while it is men who always do the fighting in either army, it is God whojudges the contest as seems best to Him and bestows the victory inbattle. Now since this is so, it is fitting to consider good bodilycondition and practice in arms and all the other provision for war ofless account than justice and those things which pertain to God. Forthat which may possibly be of greatest advantage to men in need wouldnaturally be honoured by them above all other things. Now the firstproof of justice would be the punishment of those who have committedunjust murder. For if it is incumbent upon us to sit in judgment uponthe actions which from time to time are committed by men toward theirneighbours, and to adjudge and to name the just and the unjust action, we should find that nothing is more precious to a man than his life. Andif any barbarian who has slain his kinsman expects to find indulgence inhis trial on the ground that he was drunk, in all fairness he makes thecharge so much the worse by reason of the very circumstance by which, ashe alleges, his guilt is removed. For it is not right for a man underany circumstances, and especially when serving in an army, to be sodrunk as readily to kill his dearest friends; nay, the drunkennessitself, even if the murder is not added at all, is worthy of punishment;and when a kinsman is wronged, the crime would clearly be of greatermoment as regards punishment than when committed against those who arenot kinsmen, at least in the eyes of men of sense. Now the example isbefore you and you may see what sort of an outcome such actions have. But as for you, it is your duty to avoid laying violent hands uponanyone without provocation, or carrying off the possessions of others;for I shall not overlook it, be assured, and I shall not consider anyoneof you a fellow-soldier of mine, no matter how terrible he is reputed tobe to the foe, who is not able to use clean hands against the enemy. Forbravery cannot be victorious unless it be arrayed along with justice. "So spoke Belisarius. And the whole army, hearing what was said andlooking up at the two men impaled, felt an overwhelming fear come overthem and took thought to conduct their lives with moderation, for theysaw that they would not be free from great danger if they should becaught doing anything unlawful. 

XIII

After this Belisarius bethought him how his whole fleet should alwayskeep together as it sailed and should anchor in the same place. For heknew that in a large fleet, and especially if rough winds should assailthem, it was inevitable that many of the ships should be left behind andscattered on the open sea, and that their pilots should not know whichof the ships that put to sea ahead of them it was better to follow. Soafter considering the matter, he did as follows. The sails of the threeships in which he and his following were carried he painted red from theupper corner for about one third of their length, and he erected uprightpoles on the prow of each, and hung lights from them, so that both byday and by night the general's ships might be distinguishable; then hecommanded all the pilots to follow these ships. Thus with the threeships leading the whole fleet not a single ship was left behind. Andwhenever they were about to put out from a harbour, the trumpetsannounced this to them. 

And upon setting out from Abydus they met with strong winds whichcarried them to Sigeum. And again in calm weather they proceeded moreleisurely to Malea, where the calm proved of the greatest advantage tothem. For since they had a great fleet and exceedingly large ships, asnight came on everything was thrown into confusion by reason of theirbeing crowded into small space, and they were brought into extremeperil. At that time both the pilots and the rest of the sailors shewedthemselves skilful and efficient, for while shouting at the top of theirvoices and making a great noise they kept pushing the ships apart withtheir poles, and cleverly kept the distances between their differentvessels; but if a wind had arisen, whether a following or a head wind, it seems to me that the sailors would hardly have preserved themselvesand their ships. But as it was, they escaped, as I have said, and put inat Taenarum, which is now called Caenopolis. [41] Then, pressing on fromthere, they touched at Methone, and found Valerian and Martinus withtheir men, who had reached the same place a short time before. And sincethere were no winds blowing, Belisarius anchored the ships there, anddisembarked the whole army; and after they were on shore he assigned thecommanders their positions and drew up the soldiers. And while he wasthus engaged and no wind at all arose, it came about that many of thesoldiers were destroyed by disease caused in the following manner. 

The pretorian prefect, John, was a man of worthless character, and soskilful at devising ways of bringing money into the public treasury tothe detriment of men that I, for my part, should never be competent todescribe this trait of his. But this has been said in the precedingpages, when I was brought to this point by my narrative. [42] But I shalltell in the present case in what manner he destroyed the soldiers. Thebread which soldiers are destined to eat in camp must of necessity beput twice into the oven, and be cooked so carefully as to last for avery long period and not spoil in a short time, and loaves cooked inthis way necessarily weigh less; and for this reason, when such bread isdistributed, the soldiers generally received as their portion one-fourthmore than the usual weight. [43] John, therefore, calculating how hemight reduce the amount of firewood used and have less to pay to thebakers in wages, and also how he might not lose in the weight of thebread, brought the still uncooked dough to the public baths of Achilles, in the basement of which the fire is kept burning, and bade his men setit down there. And when it seemed to be cooked in some fashion or other, he threw it into bags, put it on the ships, and sent it off. And whenthe fleet arrived at Methone, the loaves disintegrated and returnedagain to flour, not wholesome flour, however, but rotten and becomingmouldy and already giving out a sort of oppressive odour. And the loaveswere dispensed by measure[44] to the soldiers by those to whom thisoffice was assigned, and they were already making the distribution ofthe bread by quarts and bushels. And the soldiers, feeding upon this inthe summer time in a place where the climate is very hot, became sick, and not less than five hundred of them died; and the same thing wasabout to happen to more, but Belisarius prevented it by ordering thebread of the country to be furnished them. And reporting the matter tothe emperor, he himself gained in favour, but he did not at that timebring any punishment upon John. 

These events, then, took place in the manner described. And setting outfrom Methone they reached the harbour of Zacynthus, where they took inenough water to last them in crossing the Adriatic Sea, and after makingall their other preparations, sailed on. But since the wind they had wasvery gentle and languid, it was only on the sixteenth day that they cameto land at a deserted place in Sicily near which Mount Aetna rises. Andwhile they were being delayed in this passage, as has been said, it sohappened that the water of the whole fleet was spoiled, except thatwhich Belisarius himself and his table-companions were drinking. Forthis alone was preserved by the wife of Belisarius in the followingmanner. She filled with water jars made of glass and constructed a smallroom with planks in the hold of the ship where it was impossible for thesun to penetrate, and there she sank the jars in sand, and by this meansthe water remained unaffected. So much, then, for this. 

XIV

And as soon as Belisarius had disembarked upon the island, he began tofeel restless, knowing not how to proceed, and his mind was tormented bythe thought that he did not know what sort of men the Vandals wereagainst whom he was going, and how strong they were in war, or in whatmanner the Romans would have to wage the war, or what place would betheir base of operations. But most of all he was disturbed by thesoldiers, who were in mortal dread of sea-fighting and had no shame insaying beforehand that, if they should be disembarked on the land, theywould try to show themselves brave men in the battle, but if hostileships assailed them, they would turn to flight; for, they said, theywere not able to contend against two enemies at once, both men andwater. Being at a loss, therefore, because of all these things, he sentProcopius, his adviser, to Syracuse, to find out whether the enemy hadany ships in ambush keeping watch over the passage across the sea, either on the island or on the continent, and where it would be best forthem to anchor in Libya, and from what point as base it would beadvantageous for them to start in carrying on the war against theVandals. And he bade him, when he should have accomplished his commands, return and meet him at the place called Caucana, [45] about two hundredstades distant from Syracuse, where both he and the whole fleet were toanchor. But he let it be understood that he was sending him to buyprovisions, since the Goths were willing to give them a market, thishaving been decided upon by the Emperor Justinian and Amalasountha, themother of Antalaric, [46] who was at that time a boy being reared underthe care of his mother, Amalasountha, and held sway over both the Gothsand the Italians. For when Theoderic had died and the kingdom came tohis nephew, Antalaric, who had already before this lost his father, Amalasountha was fearful both for her child and for the kingdom andcultivated the friendship of Justinian very carefully, and she gave heedto his commands in all matters and at that time promised to provide amarket for his army and did so. 

Now when Procopius reached Syracuse, he unexpectedly met a man who hadbeen a fellow-citizen and friend of his from childhood, who had beenliving in Syracuse for a long time engaged in the shipping business, andhe learned from him what he wanted; for this man showed him a domesticwho had three days before that very day come from Carthage, and he saidthat they need not suspect that there would be any ambush set for thefleet by the Vandals. For from no one in the world had they learned thatan army was coming against them at that time, but all the active menamong the Vandals had actually a little before gone on an expeditionagainst Godas. And for this reason Gelimer, with no thought of an enemyin his mind and regardless of Carthage and all the other places on thesea, was staying in Hermione, which is in Byzacium, four days' journeydistant from the coast; so that it was possible for them to sail withoutfearing any difficulty and to anchor wherever the wind should call them. When Procopius heard this, he took the hand of the domestic and walkedto the harbour of Arethousa where his boat lay at anchor, making manyenquiries of the man and searching out every detail. And going on boardthe ship with him, he gave orders to raise the sails and to make allspeed for Caucana. And since the master of the domestic stood on theshore wondering that he did not give him back the man, Procopius shoutedout, when the ship was already under way, begging him not to be angrywith him; for it was necessary that the domestic should meet thegeneral, and, after leading the army to Libya, would return after nolong time to Syracuse with much money in his pocket. 

But upon coming to Caucana they found all in deep grief. For Dorotheus, the general of the troops of Armenia, had died there, leaving to thewhole army a great sense of loss. But Belisarius, when the domestic hadcome before him and related his whole story, became exceedingly glad, and after bestowing many praises upon Procopius, he issued orders togive the signal for departure with the trumpets. And setting sailquickly they touched at the islands of Gaulus and Melita, [47] which markthe boundary between the Adriatic and Tuscan Seas. There a strong eastwind arose for them, and on the following day it carried the ships tothe point of Libya, at the place which the Romans call in their owntongue "Shoal's Head. " For its name is "Caputvada, " and it is five days'journey from Carthage for an unencumbered traveller. 

XV

And when they came near the shore, the general bade them furl the sails, throw out anchors from the ships, and make a halt; and calling togetherall the commanders to his own ship, he opened a discussion with regardto the disembarkation. Thereupon many speeches were made inclining toeither side, and Archelaus came forward and spoke as follows:

"I admire, indeed, the virtue of our general, who, while surpassing allby far in judgment and possessing the greatest wealth of experience, andat the same time holding the power alone, has proposed an opendiscussion and bids each one of us speak, so that we shall be able tochoose whichever course seems best, though it is possible for him todecide alone on what is needful and at his leisure to put it intoexecution as he wishes. But as for you, my fellow officers--I do notknow how I am to say it easily--one might wonder that each one did nothasten to be the first to oppose the disembarkation. And yet Iunderstand that the making of suggestions to those who are entering upona perilous course brings no personal advantage to him who offers theadvice, but as a general thing results in bringing blame upon him. Forwhen things go well for men, they attribute their success to their ownjudgment or to fortune, but when they fail, they blame only the one whohas advised them. Nevertheless I shall speak out. For it is not rightfor those who deliberate about safety to shrink from blame. You arepurposing to disembark on the enemy's land, fellow-officers; but in whatharbour are you planning to place the ships in safety? Or in what city'swall will you find security for yourselves? Have you not then heard thatthis promontory--I mean from Carthage to Iouce--extends, they say, for ajourney of nine days, altogether without harbours and lying open to thewind from whatever quarter it may blow? And not a single walled town isleft in all Libya except Carthage, thanks to the decision ofGizeric. [48] And one might add that in this place, they say, water isentirely lacking. Come now, if you wish, let us suppose that someadversity befall us, and with this in view make the decision. For thatthose who enter into contests of arms should expect no difficulty is notin keeping with human experience nor with the nature of things. If, then, after we have disembarked upon the mainland, a storm should fallupon us, will it not be necessary that one of two things befall theships, either that they flee away as far as possible, or perish uponthis promontory? Secondly, what means will there be of supplying us withnecessities? Let no one look to me as the officer charged with themaintenance of the army. For every official, when deprived of the meansof administering his office, is of necessity reduced to the name andcharacter of a private person. And where shall we deposit oursuperfluous arms or any other part of our necessaries when we arecompelled to receive the attack of the barbarians? Nay, as for this, itis not well even to say how it will turn out. But I think that we oughtto make straight for Carthage. For they say that there is a harbourcalled Stagnum not more than forty stades distant from that city, whichis entirely unguarded and large enough for the whole fleet. And if wemake this the base of our operations, we shall carry on the war withoutdifficulty. And I, for my part, think it likely that we shall winCarthage by a sudden attack, especially since the enemy are far awayfrom it, and that after we have won it we shall have no further trouble. For it is a way with all men's undertakings that when the chief pointhas been captured, they collapse after no long time. It behoves us, therefore, to bear in mind all these things and to choose the bestcourse. " So spoke Archelaus. 

And Belisarius spoke as follows: "Let no one of you, fellow-officers, think that my words are those of censure, nor that they are spoken inthe last place to the end that it may become necessary for all to followthem, of whatever sort they may be. For I have heard what seems best toeach one of you, and it is becoming that I too should lay before youwhat I think, and then with you should choose the better course. But itis right to remind you of this fact, that the soldiers said openly alittle earlier that they feared the dangers by sea and would turn toflight if a hostile ship should attack them, and we prayed God to shewus the land of Libya and allow us a peaceful disembarkation upon it. Andsince this is so, I think it the part of foolish men first to pray toreceive from God the more favourable fortune, then when this is giventhem, to reject it and go in the contrary direction. And if we do sailstraight for Carthage and a hostile fleet encounters us, the soldierswill remain without blame, if they flee with all their might--for adelinquency announced beforehand carries with it its own defence--butfor us, even if we come through safely, there will be no forgiveness. Now while there are many difficulties if we remain in the ships, it willbe sufficient, I think, to mention only one thing, --that by whichespecially they wish to frighten us when they hold over our heads thedanger of a storm. For if any storm should fall upon us, one of twothings, they say, must necessarily befall the ships, either that theyflee far from Libya or be destroyed upon this headland. What then underthe present circumstances will be more to our advantage to choose? tohave the ships alone destroyed, or to have lost everything, men and all?But apart from this, at the present time we shall fall upon the enemyunprepared, and in all probability shall fare as we desire; for inwarfare it is the unexpected which is accustomed to govern the course ofevents. But a little later, when the enemy have already made theirpreparation, the struggle we shall have will be one of strength evenlymatched. And one might add that it will be necessary perhaps to fighteven for the disembarkation, and to seek for that which now we havewithin our grasp but over which we are deliberating as a thing notnecessary. And if at the very time, when we are engaged in conflict, astorm also comes upon us, as often happens on the sea, then whilestruggling both against the waves and against the Vandals, we shall cometo regret our prudence. As for me, then, I say that we must disembarkupon the land with all possible speed, landing horses and arms andwhatever else we consider necessary for our use, and that we must dig atrench quickly and throw a stockade around us of a kind which cancontribute to our safety no less than any walled town one might mention, and with that as our base must carry on the war from there if anyoneshould attack us. And if we shew ourselves brave men, we shall lacknothing in the way of provisions. For those who hold the mastery overtheir enemy are lords also of the enemy's possessions; and it is the wayof victory, first to invest herself with all the wealth, and then to setit down again on that side to which she inclines. Therefore, for youboth the chance of safety and of having an abundance of good things liesin your own hands. "

When Belisarius had said this, the whole assembly agreed and adopted hisproposal, and separating from one another, they made the disembarkationas quickly as possible, about three months later than their departurefrom Byzantium. And indicating a certain spot on the shore the generalbade both soldiers and sailors dig the trench and place the stockadeabout it. And they did as directed. And since a great throng was workingand fear was stimulating their enthusiasm and the general was urgingthem on, not only was the trench dug on the same day, but the stockadewas also completed and the pointed stakes were fixed in place allaround. Then, indeed, while they were digging the trench, somethinghappened which was altogether amazing. A great abundance of water sprangforth from the earth, a thing which had not happened before in Byzacium, and besides this the place where they were was altogether waterless. Nowthis water sufficed for all uses of both men and animals. And incongratulating the general, Procopius said that he rejoiced at theabundance of water, not so much because of its usefulness, as because itseemed to him a symbol of an easy victory, and that Heaven wasforetelling a victory to them. This, at any rate, actually came to pass. So for that night all the soldiers bivouacked in the camp, settingguards and doing everything else as was customary, except, indeed, thatBelisarius commanded five bowmen to remain in each ship for the purposeof a guard, and that the ships-of-war should anchor in a circle aboutthem, taking care that no one should come against them to do them harm. 

XVI

But on the following day, when some of the soldiers went out into thefields and laid hands on the fruit, the general inflicted corporalpunishment of no casual sort upon them, and he called all the armytogether and spoke as follows: "This using of violence and the eating ofthat which belongs to others seems at other times a wicked thing only onthis account, that injustice is in the deed itself, as the saying is;but in the present instance so great an element of detriment is added tothe wrongdoing that--if it is not too harsh to say so--we must considerthe question of justice of less account and calculate the magnitude ofthe danger that may arise from your act. For I have disembarked you uponthis land basing my confidence on this alone, that the Libyans, beingRomans from of old, are unfaithful and hostile to the Vandals, and forthis reason I thought that no necessaries would fail us and, besides, that the enemy would not do us any injury by a sudden attack. But nowthis your lack of self-control has changed it all and made the oppositetrue. For you have doubtless reconciled the Libyans to the Vandals, bringing their hostility round upon your own selves. For by nature thosewho are wronged feel enmity toward those who have done them violence, and it has come round to this that you have exchanged your own safetyand a bountiful supply of good things for some few pieces of silver, when it was possible for you, by purchasing provisions from willingowners, not to appear unjust and at the same time to enjoy theirfriendship to the utmost. Now, therefore, the war will be between youand both Vandals and Libyans, and I, at least, say further that it willbe against God himself, whose aid no one who does wrong can invoke. Butdo you cease trespassing wantonly upon the possessions of others, andreject a gain which is full of dangers. For this is that time in whichabove all others moderation is able to save, but lawlessness leads todeath. For if you give heed to these things, you will find Godpropitious, the Libyan people well-disposed, and the race of the Vandalsopen to your attack. "

With these words Belisarius dismissed the assembly. And at that time heheard that the city of Syllectus was distant one day's journey from thecamp, lying close to the sea on the road leading to Carthage, and thatthe wall of this city had been torn down for a long time, but theinhabitants of the place had made a barrier on all sides by means of thewalls of their houses, on account of the attacks of the Moors, andguarded a kind of fortified enclosure; he, accordingly, sent one of hisspearmen, Boriades, together with some of the guards, commanding them tomake an attempt oh the city, and, if they captured it, to do no harm init, but to promise a thousand good things and to say that they had comefor the sake of the people's freedom, that so the army might be able toenter into it. And they came near the city about dusk and passed thenight hidden in a ravine. But at early dawn, meeting country folk goinginto the city with waggons, they entered quietly with them and with notrouble took possession of the city. And when day came, no one havingbegun any disturbance, they called together the priest and all the othernotables and announced the commands of the general, and receiving thekeys of the entrances from willing hands, they sent them to the general. 

On the same day the overseer of the public post deserted, handing overall the government horses. And they captured also one of those who areoccasionally sent to bear the royal responses, whom they call"veredarii"[49]; and the general did him no harm but presented him withmuch gold and, receiving pledges from him, put into his hand the letterwhich the Emperor Justinian had written to the Vandals, that he mightgive it to the magistrates of the Vandals. And the writing was asfollows: "Neither have we decided to make war upon the Vandals, nor arewe breaking the treaty of Gizeric, but we are attempting to dethroneyour tyrant, who, making light of the testament of Gizeric, hasimprisoned your king and is keeping him in custody, and those of hisrelatives whom he hated exceedingly he put to death at the first, andthe rest, after robbing them of their sight, he keeps under guard, notallowing them to terminate their misfortunes by death. Do you, therefore, join forces with us and help us in freeing yourselves from sowicked a tyranny, in order that you may be able to enjoy both peace andfreedom. For we give you pledges in the name of God that these thingswill come to you by our hand. " Such was the message of the emperor'sletter. But the man who received this from Belisarius did not dare topublish it openly, and though he shewed it secretly to his friends, heaccomplished nothing whatever of consequence. 

XVII

And Belisarius, having arrayed his army as for battle in the followingmanner, began the march to Carthage. He chose out three hundred of hisguards, men who were able warriors, and handed them over to John, whowas in charge of the expenditures of the general's household; such aperson the Romans call "optio. "[50] And he was an Armenian by birth, aman gifted with discretion and courage in the highest degree. This John, then, he commanded to go ahead of the army, at a distance of not lessthan twenty stades, and if he should see anything of the enemy, toreport it with all speed, so that they might not be compelled to enterinto battle unprepared. And the allied Massagetae he commanded to travelconstantly on the left of the army, keeping as many stades away or more;and he himself marched in the rear with the best troops. For hesuspected that it would not be long before Gelimer, following them fromHermione, would make an attack upon them. And these precautions weresufficient, for on the right side there was no fear, since they weretravelling not far from the coast. And he commanded the sailors tofollow along with them always and not to separate themselves far fromthe army, but when the wind was favouring to lower the great sails, andfollow with the small sails, which they call "dolones, "[51] and when thewind dropped altogether to keep the ships under way as well as theycould by rowing. 

And when Belisarius reached Syllectus, the soldiers behaved withmoderation, and they neither began any unjust brawls nor did anythingout of the way, and he himself, by displaying great gentleness andkindness, won the Libyans to his side so completely that thereafter hemade the journey as if in his own land; for neither did the inhabitantsof the land withdraw nor did they wish to conceal anything, but theyboth furnished a market and served the soldiers in whatever else theywished. And accomplishing eighty stades each day, we completed the wholejourney to Carthage, passing the night either in a city, should it sohappen, or in a camp made as thoroughly secure as the circumstancespermitted. Thus we passed through the city of Leptis and Hadrumetum andreached the place called Grasse, three hundred and fifty stades distantfrom Carthage. In that place was a palace of the ruler of the Vandalsand a park the most beautiful of all we know. For it is excellentlywatered by springs and has a great wealth of woods. And all the treesare full of fruit; so that each one of the soldiers pitched his tentamong fruit-trees, and though all of them ate their fill of the fruit, which was then ripe, there was practically no diminution to be seen inthe fruit. 

But Gelimer, as soon as he heard in Hermione that the enemy were athand, wrote to his brother Ammatas in Carthage to kill Ilderic and allthe others, connected with him either by birth or otherwise, whom he waskeeping under guard, and commanded him to make ready the Vandals and allothers in the city serviceable for war, in order that, when the enemygot inside the narrow passage at the suburb of the city which they callDecimum, [52] they might come together from both sides and surround themand, catching them as in a net, destroy them. And Ammatas carried thisout, and killed Ilderic, who was a relative of his, and Euagees, and allthe Libyans who were intimate with them. For Hoamer had already departedfrom the world. [53] And arming the Vandals, he made them ready, intending to make his attack at the opportune moment. But Gelimer wasfollowing behind, without letting it be known to us, except, indeed, that, on that night when we bivouacked in Grasse, scouts coming fromboth armies met each other, and after an exchange of blows they eachretired to their own camp, and in this way it became evident to us thatthe enemy were not far away. As we proceeded from there it wasimpossible to discern the ships. For high rocks extending well into thesea cause mariners to make a great circuit, and there is a projectingheadland, [54] inside of which lies the town of Hermes. Belisariustherefore commanded Archelaus, the prefect, and Calonymus, the admiral, not to put in at Carthage, but to remain about two hundred stades awayuntil he himself should summon them. And departing from Grasse we cameon the fourth day to Decimum, seventy stades distant from Carthage. 

XVIII

And on that day Gelimer commanded his nephew Gibamundus with twothousand of the Vandals to go ahead of the rest of the army on the leftside, in order that Ammatas coming from Carthage, Gelimer himself fromthe rear, and Gibamundus from the country to the left, might unite andaccomplish the task of encircling the enemy with less difficulty andexertion. But as for me, during this struggle I was moved to wonder atthe ways of Heaven and of men, noting how God, who sees from afar whatwill come to pass, traces out the manner in which it seems best to himthat things should come to pass, while men, whether they are deceived orcounsel aright, know not that they have failed, should that be theissue, or that they have succeeded, God's purpose being that a pathshall be made for Fortune, who presses on inevitably toward that whichhas been foreordained. For if Belisarius had not thus arranged hisforces, commanding the men under John to take the lead, and theMassagetae to march on the left of the army, we should never have beenable to escape the Vandals. And even with this planned so by Belisarius, if Ammatas had observed the opportune time, and had not anticipated thisby about the fourth part of a day, never would the cause of the Vandalshave fallen as it did; but as it was, Ammatas came to Decimum aboutmidday, in advance of the time, while both we and the Vandal army werefar away, erring not only in that he did not arrive at the fitting time, but also in leaving at Carthage the host of the Vandals, commanding themto come to Decimum as quickly as possible, while he with a few men andnot even the pick of the army came into conflict with John's men. And hekilled twelve of the best men who were fighting in the front rank, andhe himself fell, having shewn himself a brave man in this engagement. And the rout, after Ammatas fell, became complete, and the Vandals, fleeing at top speed, swept back all those who were coming from Carthageto Decimum. For they were advancing in no order and not drawn up as forbattle, but in companies, and small ones at that; for they were comingin bands of twenty or thirty. And seeing the Vandals under Ammatasfleeing, and thinking their pursuers were a great multitude, they turnedand joined in the flight. And John and his men, killing all whom theycame upon, advanced as far as the gates of Carthage. And there was sogreat a slaughter of Vandals in the course of the seventy stades thatthose who beheld it would have supposed that it was the work of an enemytwenty thousand strong. 

At the same time Gibamundus and his two thousand came to Pedion Halon, which is forty stades distant from Decimum on the left as one goes toCarthage, and is destitute of human habitation or trees or anythingelse, since the salt in the water permits nothing except salt to beproduced there; in that place they encountered the Huns and were alldestroyed. Now there was a certain man among the Massagetae, well giftedwith courage and strength of body, the leader of a few men; this man hadthe privilege handed down from his fathers and ancestors to be the firstin all the Hunnic armies to attack the enemy. For it was not lawful fora man of the Massagetae to strike first in battle and capture one of theenemy until, indeed, someone from this house began the struggle with theenemy. So when the two armies had come not far from each other, this manrode out and stopped alone close to the army of the Vandals. And theVandals, either because they were dumbfounded at the courageous spiritof the man or perhaps because they suspected that the enemy werecontriving something against them, decided neither to move nor to shootat the man. And I think that, since they had never had experience ofbattle with the Massagetae, but heard that the nation was very warlike, they were for this reason terrified at the danger. And the man, returning to his compatriots, said that God had sent them thesestrangers as a ready feast. Then at length they made their onset and theVandals did not withstand them, but breaking their ranks and neverthinking of resistance, they were all disgracefully destroyed. 

XIX

But we, having learned nothing at all of what had happened, were goingon to Decimum. And Belisarius, seeing a place well adapted for a camp, thirty-five stades distant from Decimum, surrounded it with a stockadewhich was very well made, and placing all the infantry there and callingtogether the whole army, he spoke as follows: "Fellow-soldiers, thedecisive moment of the struggle is already at hand; for I perceive thatthe enemy are advancing upon us; and the ships have been taken far awayfrom us by the nature of the place; and it has come round to this thatour hope of safety lies in the strength of our hands. For there is not afriendly city, no, nor any other stronghold, in which we may put ourtrust and have confidence concerning ourselves. But if we should showourselves brave men, it is probable that we shall still overcome theenemy in the war; but if we should weaken at all, it will remain for usto fall under the hand of the Vandals and to be destroyed disgracefully. And yet there are many advantages on our side to help us on towardvictory; for we have with us both justice, with which we have comeagainst our enemy (for we are here in order to recover what is our own), and the hatred of the Vandals toward their own tyrant. For the allianceof God follows naturally those who put justice forward, and a soldierwho is ill-disposed toward his ruler knows not how to play the part of abrave man. And apart from this, we have been engaged with Persians andScythians all the time, but the Vandals, since the time they conqueredLibya, have seen not a single enemy except naked Moors. And who does notknow that in every work practice leads to skill, while idleness leads toinefficiency? Now the stockade, from which we shall have to carry on thewar, has been made by us in the best possible manner. And we are able todeposit here our weapons and everything else which we are not able tocarry when we go forth; and when we return here again, no kind ofprovisions can fail us. And I pray that each one of you, calling to mindhis own valour and those whom he has left at home, may so march withcontempt against the enemy. "

After speaking these words and uttering a prayer after them, Belisariusleft his wife and the barricaded camp to the infantry, and himself setforth with all the horsemen. For it did not seem to him advantageous forthe present to risk an engagement with the whole army, but it seemedwise to skirmish first with the horsemen and make trial of the enemy'sstrength, and finally to fight a decisive battle with the whole army. Sending forward, therefore, the commanders of the foederati, [55] hehimself followed with the rest of the force and his own spearmen andguards. And when the foederati and their leaders reached Decimum, theysaw the corpses of the fallen--twelve comrades from the forces of Johnand near them Ammatas and some of the Vandals. And hearing from theinhabitants of the place the whole story of the fight, they were vexed, being at a loss as to where they ought to go. But while they were stillat a loss and from the hills were looking around over the whole countrythereabouts, a dust appeared from the south and a little later a verylarge force of Vandal horsemen. And they sent to Belisarius urging himto come as quickly as possible, since the enemy were bearing down uponthem. And the opinions of the commanders were divided. For some thoughtthat they ought to close with their assailants, but the others said thattheir force was not sufficient for this. And while they were debatingthus among themselves, the barbarians drew near under the leadership ofGelimer, who was following a road between the one which Belisarius wastravelling and the one by which the Massagetae who had encounteredGibamundus had come. But since the land was hilly on both sides, it didnot allow him to see either the disaster of Gibamundus or Belisarius'stockade, nor even the road along which Belisarius' men were advancing. But when they came near each other, a contest arose between the twoarmies as to which should capture the highest of all the hills there. For it seemed a suitable one to encamp upon, and both sides preferred toengage with the enemy from there. And the Vandals, coming first, tookpossession of the hill by crowding off their assailants and routed theenemy, having already become an object of terror to them. And the Romansin flight came to a place seven stades distant from Decimum, where, asit happened, Uliaris, the personal guard of Belisarius, was, with eighthundred guardsmen. And all supposed that Uliaris would receive them andhold his position, and together with them would go against the Vandals;but when they came together, these troops all unexpectedly fled at topspeed and went on the run to Belisarius. 

From then on I am unable to say what happened to Gelimer that, havingthe victory in his hands, he willingly gave it up to the enemy, unlessone ought to refer foolish actions also to God, who, whenever Hepurposes that some adversity shall befall a man, touches first hisreason and does not permit that which will be to his advantage to cometo his consideration. For if, on the one hand, he had made the pursuitimmediately, I do not think that even Belisarius would have withstoodhim, but our cause would have been utterly and completely lost, sonumerous appeared the force of the Vandals and so great the fear theyinspired in the Romans; or if, on the other hand, he had even riddenstraight for Carthage, he would easily have killed all John's men, who, heedless of everything else, were wandering about the plain one by oneor by twos and stripping the dead. And he would have preserved the citywith its treasures, and captured our ships, which had come rather near, and he would have withdrawn from us all hope both of sailing away and ofvictory. But in fact he did neither of these things. Instead hedescended from the hill at a walk, and when he reached the level groundand saw the corpse of his brother, he turned to lamentations, and, incaring for his burial, he blunted the edge of his opportunity--anopportunity which he was not able to grasp again. Meantime Belisarius, meeting the fugitives, bade them stop, and arrayed them all in order andrebuked them at length; then, after hearing of the death of Ammatas andthe pursuit of John, and learning what he wished concerning the placeand the enemy, he proceeded at full speed against Gelimer and theVandals. But the barbarians, having already fallen into disorder andbeing now unprepared, did not withstand the onset of the Romans, butfled with all their might, losing many there, and the battle ended atnight. Now the Vandals were in flight, not to Carthage nor to Byzacium, whence they had come, but to the plain of Boulla and the road leadinginto Numidia. So the men with John and the Massagetae returned to usabout dusk, and after learning all that had happened and reporting whatthey had done, they passed the night with us in Decimum. 

XX

But on the following day the infantry with the wife of Belisarius cameup and we all proceeded together on the road toward Carthage, which wereached in the late evening; and we passed the night in the open, although no one hindered us from marching into the city at once. For theCarthaginians opened the gates and burned lights everywhere and the citywas brilliant with the illumination that whole night, and those of theVandals who had been left behind were sitting as suppliants in thesanctuaries. But Belisarius prevented the entrance in order to guardagainst any ambuscade being set for his men by the enemy, and also toprevent the soldiers from having freedom to turn to plundering, as theymight under the concealment of night. On that day, since an east windarose for them, the ships reached the headland, and the Carthaginians, for they already sighted them, removed the iron chains of the harbourwhich they call Mandracium, and made it possible for the fleet to enter. Now there is in the king's palace a room filled with darkness, which theCarthaginians call Ancon, where all were cast with whom the tyrant wasangry. In that place, as it happened, many of the eastern merchants hadbeen confined up to that time. For Gelimer was angry with these men, charging them with having urged the emperor on to the war, and they wereabout to be destroyed, all of them, this having been decided upon byGelimer on that day on which Ammatas was killed in Decimum; to such anextremity of danger did they come. The guard of this prison, uponhearing what had taken place in Decimum and seeing the fleet inside thepoint, entered the room and enquired of the men, who had not yet learnedthe good news, but were sitting in the darkness and expecting death, what among their possessions they would be willing to give up and besaved. And when they said they desired to give everything he might wish, he demanded nothing of all their treasures, but required them all toswear that, if they escaped, they would assist him also with all theirpower when he came into danger. And they did this. Then he told themthem the whole story, and tearing off a plank from the side toward thesea, he pointed out the fleet approaching, and releasing all from theprison went out with them. 

But the men on the ships, having as yet heard nothing of what the armyhad done on the land, were completely at a loss, and slackening theirsails they sent to the town of Mercurium; there they learned what hadtaken place at Decimum, and becoming exceedingly joyful sailed on. Andwhen, with a favouring wind blowing, they came to within one hundred andfifty stades of Carthage, Archelaus and the soldiers bade them anchorthere, fearing the warning of the general, but the sailors would notobey. For they said that the promontory at that point was without aharbour and also that the indications were that a well-known storm, which the natives call Cypriana, would arise immediately. And theypredicted that, if it came upon them in that place, they would not beable to save even one of the ships. And it was as they said. So theyslackened their sails for a short time and deliberated; and they did notthink they ought to try for Mandracium (for they shrank from violatingthe commands of Belisarius, and at the same time they suspected that theentrance to Mandracium was closed by the chains, and besides they fearedthat this harbour was not sufficient for the whole fleet) but Stagnumseemed to them well situated (for it is forty stades distant fromCarthage), and there was nothing in it to hinder them, and also it waslarge enough for the whole fleet. There they arrived about dusk and allanchored, except, indeed, that Calonymus with some of the sailors, disregarding the general and all the others, went off secretly toMandracium, no one daring to hinder him, and plundered the property ofthe merchants dwelling on the sea, both foreigners and Carthaginians. 

On the following day Belisarius commanded those on the ships todisembark, and after marshalling the whole army and drawing it up inbattle formation, he marched into Carthage; for he feared lest he shouldencounter some snare set by the enemy. There he reminded the soldiers atlength of how much good fortune had come to them because they haddisplayed moderation toward the Libyans, and he exhorted them earnestlyto preserve good order with the greatest care in Carthage. For all theLibyans had been Romans in earlier times and had come under the Vandalsby no will of their own and had suffered many outrages at the hands ofthese barbarians. For this very reason the emperor had entered into warwith the Vandals, and it was not holy that any harm should come fromthem to the people whose freedom they had made the ground for taking thefield against the Vandals. [Sept. 15, 533 A. D. ] After such words ofexhortation he entered Carthage, and, since no enemy was seen by them, he went up to the palace and seated himself on Gelimer's throne. There acrowd of merchants and other Carthaginians came before Belisarius withmuch shouting, persons whose homes were on the sea, and they made thecharge that there had been a robbery of their property on the precedingnight by the sailors. And Belisarius bound Calonymus by oaths to bringwithout fail all his thefts to the light. And Calonymus, taking the oathand disregarding what he had sworn, for the moment made the money hisplunder, but not long afterwards he paid his just penalty in Byzantium. For being taken with the disease called apoplexy, he became insane andbit off his own tongue and then died. But this happened at a later time. 

XXI

But then, since the hour was appropriate, Belisarius commanded thatlunch be prepared for them, in the very place where Gelimer wasaccustomed to entertain the leaders of the Vandals. This place theRomans call "Delphix, " not in their own tongue, but using the Greek wordaccording to the ancient custom. For in the palace at Rome, where thedining couches of the emperor were placed, a tripod had stood from oldentimes, on which the emperor's cupbearers used to place the cups. Now theRomans call a tripod "Delphix, " since they were first made at Delphi, and from this both in Byzantium and wherever there is a king's diningcouch they call the room "Delphix"; for the Romans follow the Greek alsoin calling the emperor's residence "Palatium. " For a Greek named Pallaslived in this place before the capture of Troy and built a noteworthyhouse there, and they called this dwelling "Palatium"; and when Augustusreceived the imperial power, he decided to take up his first residencein that house, and from this they call the place wherever the emperorresides "Palatium. " So Belisarius dined in the Delphix and with him allthe notables of the army. And it happened that the lunch made forGelimer on the preceding day was in readiness. And we feasted on thatvery food and the domestics of Gelimer served it and poured the wine andwaited upon us in every way. And it was possible to see Fortune in herglory and making a display of the fact that all things are hers and thatnothing is the private possession of any man. And it fell to the lot ofBelisarius on that day to win such fame as no one of the men of his timeever won nor indeed any of the men of olden times. For though the Romansoldiers were not accustomed to enter a subject city without confusion, even if they numbered only five hundred, and especially if they made theentry unexpectedly, all the soldiers under the command of this generalshowed themselves so orderly that there was not a single act ofinsolence nor a threat, and indeed nothing happened to hinder thebusiness of the city; but in a captured city, one which had changed itsgovernment and shifted its allegiance, it came about that no man'shousehold was excluded from the privileges of the marketplace; on thecontrary, the clerks drew up their lists of the men and conducted thesoldiers to their lodgings, just as usual, [56] and the soldiersthemselves, getting their lunch by purchase from the market, rested aseach one wished. 

Afterwards Belisarius gave pledges to those Vandals who had fled intothe sanctuaries, and began to take thought for the fortifications. Forthe circuit-wall of Carthage had been so neglected that in many placesit had become accessible to anyone who wished and easy to attack. For nosmall part of it had fallen down, and it was for this reason, theCarthaginians said, that Gelimer had not made his stand in the city. Forhe thought that it would be impossible in a short time to restore such acircuit-wall to a safe condition. And they said that an old oracle hadbeen uttered by the children in earlier times in Carthage, to the effectthat "gamma shall pursue beta, and again beta itself shall pursuegamma. " And at that time it had been spoken by the children in play andhad been left as an unexplained riddle, but now it was perfectly clearto all. For formerly Gizeric had driven out Boniface and now Belisariuswas doing the same to Gelimer. This, then, whether it was a rumour or anoracle, came out as I have stated. 

At that time a dream also came to light, which had been seen oftenbefore this by many persons, but without being clear as to how it wouldturn out. And the dream was as follows. Cyprian, [57] a holy man, isreverenced above all others by the Carthaginians. And they have foundeda very noteworthy temple in his honour before the city on the sea-shore, in which they conduct all other customary services, and also celebratethere a festival which they call the "Cypriana"; and the sailors areaccustomed to name after Cyprian the storm, which I mentionedlately, [58] giving it the same name as the festival, since it is wont tocome on at the time at which the Libyans have always been accustomed tocelebrate the festival. This temple the Vandals took from the Christiansby violence in the reign of Honoric. And they straightway drove outtheir priests from the temple in great dishonour, and themselvesthereafter attended to the sacred festival which, they said, nowbelonged to the Arians. And the Libyans, indeed, were angry on thisaccount and altogether at a loss, but Cyprian, they say, often sent thema dream saying that there was not the least need for the Christians tobe concerned about him; for he himself as time went on would be his ownavenger. And when the report of this was passed around and came to allthe Libyans, they were expecting that some vengeance would come upon theVandals at some time because of this sacred festival, but were unable toconjecture how in the world the vision would be realized for them. Now, therefore, when the emperor's expedition had come to Libya, since thetime had already come round and would bring the celebration of thefestival on the succeeding day, the priests of the Arians, in spite ofthe fact that Ammatas had led the Vandals to Decimum, cleansed the wholesanctuary and were engaged in hanging up the most beautiful of thevotive offerings there, and making ready the lamps and bringing out thetreasures from the store-houses and preparing all things with exactness, arranging everything according to its appropriate use. But the events inDecimum turned out in the manner already described. And the priests ofthe Arians were off in flight, while the Christians who conform to theorthodox faith came to the temple of Cyprian, and they burned all thelamps and attended to the sacred festival just as is customary for themto perform this service, and thus it was known to all what the vision ofthe dream was foretelling. This, then, came about in this way. 

XXII

And the Vandals, recalling an ancient saying, marvelled, understandingclearly thereafter that for a man, at least, no hope could be impossiblenor any possession secure. And what this saying was and in what mannerit was spoken I shall explain. When the Vandals originally, pressed byhunger, were about to remove from their ancestral abodes, a certain partof them was left behind who were reluctant to go and not desirous offollowing Godigisclus. And as time went on it seemed to those who hadremained that they were well off as regards abundance of provisions, andGizeric with his followers gained possession of Libya. And when this washeard by those who had not followed Godigisclus, they rejoiced, sincethenceforth the country was altogether sufficient for them to live upon. But fearing lest at some time much later either the very ones who hadconquered Libya, or their descendants, should in some way or other bedriven out of Libya and return to their ancestral homes (for they neversupposed that the Romans would let Libya be held for ever), they sentambassadors to them. And these men, upon coming before Gizeric, saidthat they rejoiced with their compatriots who had met with such success, but that they were no longer able to guard the land of which he and hismen had thought so little that they had settled in Libya. They prayedtherefore that, if they laid no claim to their fatherland, they wouldbestow it as an unprofitable possession upon themselves, so that theirtitle to the land might be made as secure as possible, and if anyoneshould come to do it harm, they might by no means disdain to die inbehalf of it. Gizeric, accordingly, and all the other Vandals thoughtthat they spoke fairly and justly, and they were in the act of grantingeverything which the envoys desired of them. But a certain old man whowas esteemed among them and had a great reputation for discretion saidthat he would by no means permit such a thing. "For in human affairs, "he said, "not one thing stands secure; nay, nothing which now exists isstable for all time for men, while as regards that which does not yetexist, there is nothing which may not come to pass. " When Gizeric heardthis, he expressed approval and decided to send the envoys away withnothing accomplished. Now at that time both he himself and the man whohad given the advice were judged worthy of ridicule by all the Vandals, as foreseeing the impossible. But when these things which have been toldtook place, the Vandals learned to take a different view of the natureof human affairs and realized that the saying was that of a wise man. 

Now as for those Vandals who remained in their native land, neitherremembrance nor any name of them has been preserved to my time. [59] Forsince, I suppose, they were a small number, they were either overpoweredby the neighbouring barbarians or they were mingled with them not at allunwillingly and their name gave way to that of their conquerors. Indeed, when the Vandals were conquered at that time by Belisarius, no thoughtoccurred to them to go from there to their ancestral homes. For theywere not able to convey themselves suddenly from Libya to Europe, especially as they had no ships at hand, but paid the penalty[60] therefor all the wrongs they had done the Romans and especially theZacynthians. For at one time Gizeric, falling suddenly upon the towns inthe Peloponnesus, undertook to assault Taenarum. And being repulsed fromthere and losing many of his followers he retired in complete disorder. And while he was still filled with anger on account of this, he touchedat Zacynthus, and having killed many of those he met and enslaved fivehundred of the notables, he sailed away soon afterwards. And when hereached the middle of the Adriatic Sea, as it is called, he cut intosmall pieces the bodies of the five hundred and threw them all about thesea without the least concern. But this happened in earlier times. 

XXIII

But at that time Gelimer, by distributing much money to the farmersamong the Libyans and shewing great friendliness toward them, succeededin winning many to his side. These he commanded to kill the Romans whowent out into the country, proclaiming a fixed sum of gold for each mankilled, to be paid to him who did the deed. And they killed many fromthe Roman army, not soldiers, however, but slaves and servants, whobecause of a desire for money went up into the villages stealthily andwere caught. And the farmers brought their heads before Gelimer anddeparted receiving their pay, while he supposed that they had slainsoldiers of the enemy. 

At that time Diogenes, the aide of Belisarius, made a display ofvalorous deeds. For having been sent, together with twenty-two of thebody-guards, to spy upon their opponents, he came to a place two days'journey distant from Carthage. And the farmers of the place, beingunable to kill these men, reported to Gelimer that they were there. Andhe chose out and sent against them three hundred horsemen of theVandals, enjoining upon them to bring all the men alive before him. Forit seemed to him a most remarkable achievement to make captive apersonal aide of Belisarius with twenty-two body-guards. Now Diogenesand his party had entered a certain house and were sleeping in the upperstorey, having no thought of the enemy in mind, since, indeed, they hadlearned that their opponents were far away. But the Vandals, comingthere at early dawn, thought it would not be to their advantage todestroy the doors of the house or to enter it in the dark, fearing lest, being involved in a night encounter, they might themselves destroy oneanother, and at the same time, if that should happen, provide a way ofescape for a large number of the enemy in the darkness. But they didthis because cowardice had paralyzed their minds, though it would havebeen possible for them with no trouble, by carrying torches or evenwithout these, to catch their enemies in their beds not only withoutweapons, but absolutely naked besides. But as it was, they made aphalanx in a circle about the whole house and especially at the doors, and all took their stand there. But in the meantime it so happened thatone of the Roman soldiers was roused from sleep, and he, noticing thenoise which the Vandals made as they talked stealthily among themselvesand moved with their weapons, was able to comprehend what was beingdone, and rousing each one of his comrades silently, he told them whatwas going on. And they, following the opinion of Diogenes, all put ontheir clothes quietly and taking up their weapons went below. There theyput the bridles on their horses and leaped upon them unperceived byanyone. And after standing for a time by the court-yard entrance, theysuddenly opened the door there, and straightway all came out. And thenthe Vandals immediately closed with them, but they accomplished nothing. For the Romans rode hard, covering themselves with their shields andwarding off their assailants with their spears. And in this way Diogenesescaped the enemy, losing two of his followers, but saving the rest. Hehimself, however, received three blows in this encounter on the neck andthe face, from which indeed he came within a little of dying, and oneblow also on the left hand, as a result of which he was thereafterunable to move his little finger. This, then, took place in this way. 

And Belisarius offered great sums of money to the artisans engaged inthe building trade and to the general throng of workmen, and by thismeans he dug a trench deserving of great admiration about thecircuit-wall, and setting stakes close together along it he made anexcellent stockade about the fortifications. And not only this, but hebuilt up in a short time the portions of the wall which had suffered, athing which seemed worthy of wonder not only to the Carthaginians, butalso to Gelimer himself at a later time. For when he came as a captiveto Carthage, he marvelled when he saw the wall and said that his ownnegligence had proved the cause of all his present troubles. This, then, was accomplished by Belisarius while in Carthage. 

XXIV

But Tzazon, the brother of Gelimer, reached Sardinia with the expeditionwhich has been mentioned above[61] and disembarked at the harbour ofCaranalis[62]; and at the first onset he captured the city and killedthe tyrant Godas and all the fighting men about him. And when he heardthat the emperor's expedition was in the land of Libya, having as yetlearned nothing of what had been done there, he wrote to Gelimer asfollows: "Know, O King of the Vandals and Alani, that the tyrant Godashas perished, having fallen into our hands, and that the island is againunder thy kingdom, and celebrate the festival of triumph. And as for theenemy who have had the daring to march against our land, expect thattheir attempt will come to the same fate as that experienced by thosewho in former times marched against our ancestors. " And those who tookthis letter sailed into the harbour of Carthage with no thought of theenemy in mind. And being brought by the guards before the general, theyput the letter into his hands and gave him information on the mattersabout which he enquired, being thunderstruck at what they beheld andawed at the suddenness of the change; however, they suffered nothingunpleasant at the hand of Belisarius. 

At this same time another event also occurred as follows. A short timebefore the emperor's expedition reached Libya, Gelimer had sent envoysinto Spain, among whom were Gothaeus and Fuscias, in order to persuadeTheudis, the ruler of the Visigoths, [63] to establish an alliance withthe Vandals. And these envoys, upon disembarking on the mainland aftercrossing the strait at Gadira, found Theudis in a place situated farfrom the sea. And when they had come up to the place where he was, Theudis received them with friendliness and entertained them heartily, and during the feast he pretended to enquire how matters stood withGelimer and the Vandals. Now since these envoys had travelled to himrather slowly, it happened that he had heard from others everythingwhich had befallen the Vandals. For one merchant ship sailing for tradehad put out from Carthage on the very same day as the army marched intothe city, and finding a favouring wind, had come to Spain. From those onthis ship Theudis learned all that had happened in Libya, but he forbadethe merchants to reveal it to anyone, in order that this might notbecome generally known. And when Gothaeus and his followers replied thateverything was as well as possible for them, he asked them for whatpurpose, then, they had come. And when they proposed the alliance, Theudis bade them go to the sea-coast; "For from there, " he said, "youwill learn of the affairs at home with certainty. " And the envoys, supposing that the man was in his cups and his words were not sane, remained silent. But when on the following day they met him and mademention of the alliance, and Theudis used the same words a second time, then at length they understood that some change of fortune had befallenthem in Libya, but never once thinking of Carthage they sailed for thecity. And upon coming to land close by it and happening upon Romansoldiers, they put themselves in their hands to do with them as theywished. And from there they were led away to the general, and reportingthe whole story, they suffered no harm at his hand. These things, then, happened thus. And Cyril, [64] upon coming near to Sardinia and learningwhat had happened to Godas, sailed to Carthage, and there, finding theRoman army and Belisarius victorious, he remained at rest; andSolomon[65] was sent to the emperor in order to announce what had beenaccomplished. 

XXV

But Gelimer, upon reaching the plain of Boulla, which is distant fromCarthage a journey of four days for an unencumbered traveller, not farfrom the boundaries of Numidia, began to gather there all the Vandalsand as many of the Moors as happened to be friendly to him. Few Moors, however, joined his alliance, and these were altogether insubordinate. For all those who ruled over the Moors in Mauretania and Numidia andByzacium sent envoys to Belisarius saying that they were slaves of theemperor and promised to fight with him. There were some also who evenfurnished their children as hostages and requested that the symbols ofoffice be sent them from him according to the ancient custom. For it wasa law among the Moors that no one should be a ruler over them, even ifhe was hostile to the Romans, until the emperor of the Romans shouldgive him the tokens of the office. And though they had already receivedthem from the Vandals, they did not consider that the Vandals held theoffice securely. Now these symbols are a staff of silver covered withgold, and a silver cap, --not covering the whole head, but like a crownand held in place on all sides by bands of silver, --a kind of whitecloak gathered by a golden brooch on the right shoulder in the form of aThessalian cape, and a white tunic with embroidery, and a gilded boot. And Belisarius sent these things to them, and presented each one of themwith much money. However, they did not come to fight along with him, nor, on the other hand, did they dare give their support to the Vandals, but standing out of the way of both contestants, they waited to see whatwould be the outcome of the war. Thus, then, matters stood with theRomans. 

But Gelimer sent one of the Vandals to Sardinia with a letter to hisbrother Tzazon. And he went quickly to the coast, and finding by chancea merchant-ship putting out to sea, he sailed into the harbour ofCaranalis and put the letter into the hands of Tzazon. Now the messageof the letter was as follows:

"It was not, I venture to think, Godas who caused the island to revoltfrom us, but some curse of madness sent from Heaven which fell upon theVandals. For by depriving us of you and the notables of the Vandals, ithas seized and carried off from the house of Gizeric absolutely all theblessings which we enjoyed. For it was not to recover the island for usthat you sailed from here, but in order that Justinian might be masterof Libya. For that which Fortune had decided upon previously it is nowpossible to know from the outcome. Belisarius, then, has come against uswith a small army, but valour straightway departed and fled from theVandals, taking good fortune with her. For Ammatas and Gibamundus havefallen, because the Vandals lost their courage, and the horses andshipyards and all Libya and, not least of all, Carthage itself, are heldalready by the enemy. And the Vandals are sitting here, having paid withtheir children and wives and all their possessions for their failure toplay the part of brave men in battle, and to us is left only the plainof Boulla, where our hope in you has set us down and still keeps us. Butdo you have done with such matters as rebel tyrants and Sardinia and thecares concerning these things, and come to us with your whole force asquickly as possible. For when men find the very heart and centre of allin danger, it is not advisable for them to consider minutely othermatters. And struggling hereafter in common against the enemy, we shalleither recover our previous fortune, or gain the advantage of notbearing apart from each other the hard fate sent by Heaven. "

When this letter had been brought to Tzazon, and he had disclosed itscontents to the Vandals, they turned to wailing and lamentation, notopenly, however, but concealing their feelings as much as possible andavoiding the notice of the islanders, silently among themselves theybewailed the fate which was upon them. And straightway setting in ordermatters in hand just as chance directed, they manned the ships. Andsailing from there with the whole fleet, on the third day they came toland at the point of Libya which marks the boundary between theNumidians and Mauretanians. And they reached the plain of Boullatravelling on foot, and there joined with the rest of the army. And inthat place there were many most pitiable scenes among the Vandals, whichI, at least, could never relate as they deserve. For I think that evenif one of the enemy themselves had happened to be a spectator at thattime, he would probably have felt pity, in spite of himself, for theVandals and for human fortune. For Gelimer and Tzazon threw their armsabout each other's necks, and could not let go, but they spoke not aword to each other, but kept wringing their hands and weeping, and eachone of the Vandals with Gelimer embraced one of those who had come fromSardinia, and did the same thing. And they stood for a long time as ifgrown together and found such comfort as they could in this, and neitherdid the men of Gelimer think fit to ask about Godas (for their presentfortune had prostrated them and caused them to reckon such things as hadpreviously seemed to them most important with those which were nowutterly negligible), nor could those who came from Sardinia bringthemselves to ask about what had happened in Libya. For the place wassufficient to permit them to judge of what had come to pass. And indeedthey did not make any mention even of their own wives and children, knowing well that whoever of theirs was not there had either died orfallen into the hands of the enemy. Thus, then, did these things happen. 

FOOTNOTES:

[1]

Cadiz. 

[2]

Sea of Azov. 

[3]

Abila. 

[4]

Or Septem Fratres. 

[5]

Most ancient geographers divided the inhabited world into threecontinents, but some made two divisions. It was a debated question withthese latter whether Africa belonged to Asia or to Europe; of. Sallust, _Jugurtha_, 17. 

[6]

Kadi Keui. 

[7]

More correctly Hydrous, Lat. Hydruntum (Otranto). 

[8]

At Aulon (Avlona). 

[9]

Adding these four days to the other items (285, 22, 40), the total is351 days. 

[10]

Calpe (Gibraltar). 

[11]

_i. E. _, instead of stopping at Otranto, one might also reckon in thecoast-line around the Adriatic to Dyrrachium. 

[12]

About twenty-four English miles. 

[13]

Iviza. 

[14]

"Black-cloaks. "

[15]

Belgrade. 

[16]

Mitrovitz. 

[17]

In Illyricum. 

[18]

He ascended the throne at the age of seven. 

[19]

That is, the actual occupant could enter a demurrer to the formerowner's action for recovery, citing his own occupancy for thirty yearsor more. The new law extended the period during which the oustedproprietor could recover possession, by admitting no demurrer from theoccupant so far as the years were concerned during which the Vandalsshould be in possession of the country. 

[20]

This is an error; he really ruled only eighteen months. 

[21]

Geiseric, Gaiseric, less properly Genseric. 

[22]

Now corrupted to Bona. 

[23]

Emperor in Gaul, Britain and Spain 383-388. Aspiring to be Emperor ofthe West, he invaded Italy, was defeated by Theodosius, and put todeath. 

[24]

This is an error, for Attila died before Aetius. 

[25]

Including the famous treasure which Titus had brought from Jerusalem, cf. IV. Ix. 5. 

[26]

Domitian had spent 12, 000 talents (£2, 400, 000) on the gilding alone;Plutarch, _Publ. _ 15. 

[27]

_i. E. _ "leaders of a thousand. "

[28]

130, 000 Roman pounds; cf. Book I. Xxii. 4. The modern equivalent isunknown. 

[29]

Placidia's sister, Eudocia, was wife of Honoric, Gizeric's son. 

[30]

See chap. Iv. 27. 

[31]

_i. E. _ "wisdom. "

[32]

Jebel Auress. 

[33]

_i. E. _ to what sect or religion they belonged. 

[34]

Cf. Book IV. Xi. 17 ff. 

[35]

Book I. Xxii. 16. 

[36]

The "imperial" taxes were for the emperor's privy purse, the fiscus. 

[37]

These foederati were private bands of troops under the leadership ofcondottiere; these had the title of "count" and received from the statean allowance for the support of their bands. 

[38]

The medimnus equalled about one and a half bushels. 

[39]

_i. E. _ "runners. "

[40]

Eregli, on the Sea of Marmora. 

[41]

Cape Matapan. 

[42]

Book I. Xxiv. 12-15; xxv. 8-10. 

[43]

The ration of this twice-baked bread represented for the same weightone-fourth more wheat than when issued in the once-baked bread. He wasevidently paid on the basis of so much per ration, in weight, of theonce-baked bread, but on account of the length of the voyage the otherkind was requisitioned. 

[44]

Instead of by weight. 

[45]

Now Porto Lombardo. 

[46]

Or Athalaric. 

[47]

Now Gozzo and Malta. 

[48]

Cf. III. V. 8 ff. 

[49]

_i. E. _ couriers, from _veredus_, "post-horse. "

[50]

An adjutant, the general's own "choice. "

[51]

Topsails. 

[52]

_i. E. _ _Decimum miliarium_, tenth milestone from Carthage. 

[53]

Before 533 A. D. 

[54]

Hermaeum, Lat. Mercurii promontorium (Cape Bon). 

[55]

"Auxiliaries"; see chap. Xi. 3, 4. 

[56]

The troops were billeted as at a peaceful occupation. 

[57]

St. Cyprian (_circa_ 200-257 A. D. ), Bishop of Carthage. 

[58]

Chap. Xx. 13. 

[59]

Compare the remarks of Gibbon, iv. P. 295. 

[60]

In _Arcana_, 18, 5 ff. , Procopius estimates the number of the Vandals inAfrica, at the time of Belisarius, at 80, 000 males, and intimates thatpractically all perished. 

[61]

Chap. Xi. 23. 

[62]

Cagliari. 

[63]

On this Theudis and his accession to the throne of the Visigoths inSpain see V. Xii. 50 ff. 

[64]

The leader of a band of _foederati_. Cf. III. Xi. 1, 6, xxiv. 19. 

[65]

Also a _dux foederatorum_, and _domesticus_ of Belisarius. Cf. III. Xi. 5 ff. 

 * * * * *

 HISTORY OF THE WARS:

 * * * * *

BOOK IV

THE VANDALIC WAR (_Continued_)

I

Gelimer, seeing all the Vandals gathered together, led his army againstCarthage. And when they came close to it, they tore down a portion ofthe aqueduct, --a structure well worth seeing--which conducted water intothe city, and after encamping for a time they withdrew, since no one ofthe enemy came out against them. And going about the country there theykept the roads under guard and thought that in this way they werebesieging Carthage; however, they did not gather any booty, nor plunderthe land, but took possession of it as their own. And at the same timethey kept hoping that there would be some treason on the part of theCarthaginians themselves and such of the Roman soldiers as followed thedoctrine of Arius. They also sent to the leaders of the Huns, andpromising that they would have many good things from the Vandals, entreated them to become their friends and allies. Now the Huns evenbefore this had not been well-disposed toward the cause of the Romans, since they had not indeed come to them willingly as allies (for theyasserted that the Roman general Peter had given an oath and then, disregarding what had been sworn, had thus brought them to Byzantium), and accordingly they received the words of the Vandals, and promisedthat when they should come to real fighting they would turn with themagainst the Roman army. But Belisarius had a suspicion of all this (forhe had heard it from the deserters), and also the circuit-wall had notas yet been completed entirely, and for these reasons he did not thinkit possible for his men to go out against the enemy for the present, buthe was making his preparations within as well as possible. And one ofthe Carthaginians, Laurus by name, having been condemned on a charge oftreason and proved guilty by his own secretary, was impaled byBelisarius on a hill before the city, and as a result of this the otherscame to feel a sort of irresistible fear and refrained from attempts attreason. And he courted the Massagetae with gifts and banquets and everyother manner of flattering attention every day, and thus persuaded themto disclose to him what Gelimer had promised them on condition of theirturning traitors in the battle. And these barbarians said that they hadno enthusiasm for fighting, for they feared that, if the Vandals werevanquished, the Romans would not send them back to their native land, but they would be compelled to grow old and die right there in Libya;and besides they were also concerned, they said, about the booty, lestthey be robbed of it. Then indeed Belisarius gave them pledges that, ifthe Vandals should be conquered decisively, they would be sent withoutthe least delay to their homes with all their booty, and thus he boundthem by oaths in very truth to assist the Romans with all zeal incarrying through the war. 

And when all things had been prepared by him in the best way possible, and the circuit-wall had been already completed, he called together thewhole army and spoke as follows: "As for exhortation, fellow Romans, Ido not know that it is necessary to make any to you, --men who haverecently conquered the enemy so completely that Carthage here and thewhole of Libya is a possession of your valour, and for this reason youwill have no need of admonition that prompts to daring. For the spiritsof those who have conquered are by no means wont to be overcome. But Ithink it not untimely to remind you of this one thing, that, if you onthe present occasion but prove equal to your own selves in valour, straightway there will be an end for the Vandals of their hopes, and foryou of the battle. Hence there is every reason why you should enter intothis engagement with the greatest eagerness. For ever sweet to men istoil coming to an end and reaching its close. Now as for the host of theVandals, let no one of you consider them. For not by numbers of men norby measure of body, but by valour of soul, is war wont to be decided. And let the strongest motive which actuates men come to your minds, namely, pride in past achievement. For it is a shame, for those at leastwho have reason, to fall short of one's own self and to be foundinferior to one's own standard of valour. For I know well that terrorand the memory of misfortunes have laid hold upon the enemy and compelthem to become less brave, for the one fills them with fear because ofwhat has already happened, and the other brushes aside their hope ofsuccess. For Fortune, once seen to be bad, straightway enslaves thespirit of those who have fallen in her way. And I shall explain how thestruggle involves for you at the present time a greater stake thanformerly. For in the former battle the danger was, if things did not gowell for us, that we should not take the land of others; but now, if wedo not win the struggle, we shall lose the land which is our own. Inproportion, then, as it is easier to possess nothing than to be deprivedof what one has, just so now our fear touches our most vital concernsmore than before. And yet formerly we had the fortune to win the victorywith the infantry absent, but now, entering the battle with Godpropitious and with our whole army, I have hopes of capturing the campof the enemy, men and all. Thus, then, having the end of the war readyat hand, do not by reason of any negligence put it off to another time, lest you be compelled to seek for the opportune moment after it has runpast us. For when the fortune of war is postponed, its nature is not toproceed in the same manner as before, especially if the war be prolongedby the will of those who are carrying it on. For Heaven is accustomed tobring retribution always upon those who abandon the good fortune whichis present. But if anyone considers that the enemy, seeing theirchildren and wives and most precious possessions in our hands, will bedaring beyond reason and will incur risks beyond the strength which theyhave, he does not think rightly. For an overpowering passion springingup in the heart in behalf of what is most precious is wont to diminishmen's actual strength and does not allow them to make full use of theirpresent opportunities. Considering, then, all these things, it behoovesyou to go with great contempt against the enemy. "

II

After such words of exhortation, Belisarius sent out all the horsemen onthe same day, except five hundred, and also the guardsmen and thestandard, which the Romans call "bandum, "[1] entrusting them to John theArmenian, and directing him to skirmish only, if opportunity shouldarise. And he himself on the following day followed with the infantryforces and the five hundred horsemen. And the Massagetae, deliberatingamong themselves, decided, in order to seem in friendly agreement withboth Gelimer and Belisarius, neither to begin fighting for the Romansnor to go over to the Vandals before the encounter, but whenever thesituation of one or the other army should be bad, then to join thevictors in their pursuit of the vanquished. Thus, then, had this matterbeen decided upon by the barbarians. And the Roman army came upon theVandals encamped in Tricamarum, one hundred and fifty stades distantfrom Carthage. So they both bivouacked there at a considerable distancefrom one another. And when it was well on in the night, a prodigy cameto pass in the Roman camp as follows. The tips of their spears werelighted with a bright fire and the points of them seemed to be burningmost vigorously. This was not seen by many, but it filled withconsternation the few who did see it, not knowing how it would come out. And this happened to the Romans in Italy again at a much later time. Andat that time, since they knew by experience, they believed it to be asign of victory. But now, as I have said, since this was the first timeit had happened, they were filled with consternation and passed thenight in great fear. 

And on the following day Gelimer commanded the Vandals to place thewomen and children and all their possessions in the middle of thestockade, although it had not the character of a fort, and calling alltogether, he spoke as follows: "It is not to gain glory, or to retrievethe loss of empire alone, O fellow Vandals, that we are about to fight, so that even if we wilfully played the coward and sacrificed these ourbelongings we might possibly live, sitting at home and keeping our ownpossessions; but you see, surely, that our fortunes have come round tosuch a pass that, if we do not gain the mastery over the enemy, weshall, if we perish, leave them as masters of these our children and ourwives and our land and all our possessions, while if we survive, therewill be added our own enslavement and to behold all these enslaved; butif, indeed, we overcome our foes in the war, we shall, if we live, passour lives among all good things, or, after the glorious ending of ourlives, there will be left to our wives and children the blessings ofprosperity, while the name of the Vandals will survive and their empirebe preserved. For if it has ever happened to any men to be engaged in astruggle for their all, we now more than all others realize that we areentering the battle-line with our hopes for all we have resting whollyupon ourselves. Not for our bodies, then, is our fear, nor in death isour danger, but in being defeated by the enemy. For if we lose thevictory, death will be to our advantage. Since, therefore, the casestands so, let no one of the Vandals weaken, but let him proudly exposehis body, and from shame at the evils that follow defeat let him courtthe end of life. For when a man is ashamed of that which is shameful, there is always present with him a dauntless courage in the face ofdanger. And let no recollection of the earlier battle come into yourminds. For it was not by cowardice on our part that we were defeated, but we tripped upon obstacles interposed by fortune and were overthrown. Now it is not the way of the tide of fortune to flow always in the samedirection, but every day, as a rule, it is wont to change about. Inmanliness it is our boast that we surpass the enemy, and that in numberswe are much superior; for we believe that we surpass them no less thantenfold. And why shall I add that many and great are the incentiveswhich, now especially, urge us on to valour, naming the glory of ourancestors and the empire which has been handed down to us by them? Forin our case that glory is obscured by our unlikeness to our kindred, while the empire is bent upon fleeing from us as unworthy. And I passover in silence the wails of these poor women and the tears of ourchildren, by which, as you see, I am now so deeply moved that I amunable to prolong my discourse. But having said this one thing, I shallstop, --that there will be for us no returning to these most preciouspossessions if we do not gain the mastery over the enemy. Rememberingthese things, shew yourselves brave men and do not bring shame upon thefame of Gizeric. "

After speaking such words, Gelimer commanded his brother Tzazon todeliver an exhortation separately to the Vandals who had come with himfrom Sardinia. And he gathered them together a little apart from thecamp and spoke as follows: "For all the Vandals, fellow soldiers, thestruggle is in behalf of those things which you have just heard the kingrecount, but for you, in addition to all the other considerations, it sohappens that you are vying with yourselves. For you have recently beenvictorious in a struggle for the maintenance of our rule, and you haverecovered the island for the empire of the Vandals; there is everyreason, therefore, for you to make still greater display of your valour. For those whose hazard involves the greatest things must needs displaythe greatest zeal for warfare also. Indeed, when men who struggle forthe maintenance of their rule are defeated, should it so happen, theyhave not failed in the most vital part; but when men are engaged inbattle for their all, surely their very lives are influenced by theoutcome of the struggle. And for the rest, if you shew yourselves bravemen at the present time, you will thereby prove with certainty that thedestruction[2] of the tyrant Godas was an achievement of valour on yourpart; but if you weaken now, you will be deprived of even the renown ofthose deeds, as of something which does not belong to you at all. Andyet, even apart from this, it is reasonable to think that you will havean advantage over the rest of the Vandals in this battle. For those whohave failed are dismayed by their previous fortune, while those who haveencountered no reverse enter the struggle with their courage unimpaired. And this too, I think, will not be spoken out of season, that if weconquer the enemy, it will be you who will win the credit for thegreatest part of the victory, and all will call you saviours of thenation of the Vandals. For men who achieve renown in company with thosewho have previously met with misfortune naturally claim the betterfortune as their own. Considering all these things, therefore, I saythat you should bid the women and children who are lamenting their fateto take courage even now, should summon God to fight with us, should gowith enthusiasm against the enemy, and lead the way for our compatriotsinto this battle. "

III

After both Gelimer and Tzazon had spoken such exhortations, they led outthe Vandals, and at about the time of lunch, when the Romans were notexpecting them, but were preparing their meal, they were at hand andarrayed themselves for battle along the bank of the stream. Now thestream at that place is an ever-flowing one, to be sure, but its volumeis so small that it is not even given a special name by the inhabitantsof the place, but it is designated simply as a brook. So the Romans cameto the other bank of this river, after preparing themselves as well asthey could under the circumstances, and arrayed themselves as follows. The left wing was held by Martinus and Valerian, John, Cyprian, Althias, and Marcellus, and as many others as were commanders of thefoederati[3]; and the right was held by Pappas, Barbatus, and Aļgan, andthe others who commanded the forces of cavalry. And in the centre Johntook his position, leading the guards and spearmen of Belisarius andcarrying the general's standard. And Belisarius also came there at theopportune moment with his five hundred horsemen, leaving the infantrybehind advancing at a walk. For all the Huns had been arrayed in anotherplace, it being customary for them even before this not to mingle withthe Roman army if they could avoid so doing, and at that timeespecially, since they had in mind the purpose which has previously beenexplained, [4] it was not their wish to be arrayed with the rest of thearmy. Such, then, was the formation of the Romans. And on the side ofthe Vandals, either wing was held by the chiliarchs, and each one ledthe division under him, while in the centre was Tzazon, the brother ofGelimer, and behind him were arrayed the Moors. But Gelimer himself wasgoing about everywhere exhorting them and urging them on to daring. Andthe command had been previously given to all the Vandals to use neitherspear nor any other weapon in this engagement except their swords. 

After a considerable time had passed and no one began the battle, Johnchose out a few of those under him by the advice of Belisarius andcrossing the river made an attack on the centre, where Tzazon crowdedthem back and gave chase. And the Romans in flight came into their owncamp, while the Vandals in pursuit came as far as the stream, but didnot cross it. And once more John, leading out more of the guardsmen ofBelisarius, made a dash against the forces of Tzazon, and again beingrepulsed from there, withdrew to the Roman camp. And a third time withalmost all the guards and spearmen of Belisarius he took the general'sstandard and made his attack with much shouting and a great noise. Butsince the barbarians manfully withstood them and used only their swords, the battle became fierce, and many of the noblest of the Vandals fell, and among them Tzazon himself, the brother of Gelimer. Then at last thewhole Roman army was set in motion, and crossing the river they advancedupon the enemy, and the rout, beginning at the centre, became complete;for each of the Roman divisions turned to flight those before them withno trouble. And the Massagetae, seeing this, according to theiragreement among themselves[5] joined the Roman army in making thepursuit, but this pursuit was not continued for a great distance. Forthe Vandals entered their own camp quickly and remained quiet, while theRomans, thinking that they would not be able to fight it out with theminside the stockade, stripped such of the corpses as had gold upon themand retired to their own camp. And there perished in this battle, of theRomans less than fifty, but of the Vandals about eight hundred. 

But Belisarius, when the infantry came up in the late afternoon, movedas quickly as he could with the whole army and went against the camp ofthe Vandals. And Gelimer, realising that Belisarius with his infantryand the rest of his army was coming against him straightway, withoutsaying a word or giving a command leaped upon his horse and was off inflight on the road leading to Numidia. And his kinsmen and some few ofhis domestics followed him in utter consternation and guarding withsilence what was taking place. And for some time it escaped the noticeof the Vandals that Gelimer had run away, but when they all perceivedthat he had fled, and the enemy were already plainly seen, then indeedthe men began to shout and the children cried out and the women wailed. And they neither took with them the money they had nor did they heed thelaments of those dearest to them, but every man fled in completedisorder just as he could. And the Romans, coming up, captured the camp, money and all, with not a man in it; and they pursued the fugitivesthroughout the whole night, killing all the men upon whom they happened, and making slaves of the women and children. And they found in this campa quantity of wealth such as has never before been found, at least inone place. For the Vandals had plundered the Roman domain for a longtime and had transferred great amounts of money to Libya, and sincetheir land was an especially good one, nourishing abundantly with themost useful crops, it came about that the revenue collected from thecommodities produced there was not paid out to any other country in thepurchase of a food supply, but those who possessed the land always keptfor themselves the income from it for the ninety-five years during whichthe Vandals ruled Libya. And from this it resulted that their wealth, amounting to an extraordinary sum, returned once more on that day intothe hands of the Romans. So this battle and the pursuit and the captureof the Vandals' camp happened three months after the Roman army came toCarthage, at about the middle of the last month, which the Romans call"December. " [533 A. D. ]

IV

Then Belisarius, seeing the Roman army rushing about in confusion andgreat disorder, was disturbed, being fearful throughout the whole nightlest the enemy, uniting by mutual agreement against him, should do himirreparable harm. And if this thing had happened at that time in any wayat all, I believe that, not one of the Romans would have escaped andenjoyed this booty. For the soldiers, being extremely poor men, uponbecoming all of a sudden masters of very great wealth and of women bothyoung and extremely comely, were no longer able to restrain their mindsor to find any satiety in the things they had, but were so intoxicated, drenched as they were by their present good fortunes, that each onewished to take everything with him back to Carthage. And they were goingabout, not in companies but alone or by twos, wherever hope led them, searching out everything roundabout among the valleys and the roughcountry and wherever there chanced to be a cave or anything such asmight bring them into danger or ambush. For neither did fear of theenemy nor their respect for Belisarius occur to them, nor indeedanything else at all except the desire for spoils, and beingovermastered by this they came to think lightly of everything else. AndBelisarius, taking note of all this, was at a loss as to how he shouldhandle the situation. But at daybreak he took his stand upon a certainhill near the road, appealing to the discipline which no longer existedand heaping reproaches upon all, soldiers and officers alike. Thenindeed, those who chanced to be near, and especially those who were ofthe household of Belisarius, sent the money and slaves which they had toCarthage with their tentmates and messmates, and themselves came upbeside the general and gave heed to the orders given them. 

And he commanded John, the Armenian, with two hundred men to followGelimer, and without slackening their speed either night or day topursue him, until they should take him living or dead. And he sent wordto his associates in Carthage to lead into the city all the Vandals whowere sitting as suppliants in sanctuaries in the places about the city, giving them pledges and taking away their weapons, that they might notbegin an uprising, and to keep them there until he himself should come. And with those who were left he went about everywhere and gathered thesoldiers hastily, and to all the Vandals he came upon he gave pledgesfor their safety. For it was no longer possible to catch anyone of theVandals except as a suppliant in the sanctuaries. And from these he tookaway their weapons and sent them, with soldiers to guard them, toCarthage, not giving them time to unite against the Romans. And wheneverything was as well settled as possible, he himself with the greaterpart of the army moved against Gelimer with all speed. But John, aftercontinuing the pursuit five days and nights, had already come not farfrom Gelimer, and in fact he was about to engage with him on thefollowing day. But since it was not fated that Gelimer should becaptured by John, the following obstacle was contrived by fortune. Amongthose pursuing with John it happened that there was Uliaris, the aide ofBelisarius. Now this man was a passionate fellow and well favoured instrength of heart and body, but not a very serious man, but one whogenerally took delight in wine and buffoonery. This Uliaris on the sixthday of the pursuit, being drunk, saw a bird sitting in a tree at aboutsunrise, and he quickly stretched his bow and despatched a missile atthe bird. And he missed the bird, but John, who was behind it, he hit inthe neck by no will of his own. And since the wound was mortal, Johnpassed away a short time afterwards, leaving great sorrow at his loss tothe Emperor Justinian and Belisarius, the general, and to all the Romansand Carthaginians. For in manliness and every sort of virtue he was wellendowed, and he shewed himself, to those who associated with him, gentleand equitable to a degree quite unsurpassed. Thus, then, John fulfilledhis destiny. As for Uliaris, when he came to himself, he fled to acertain village which was near by and sat as a suppliant in thesanctuary there. And the soldiers no longer pressed the pursuit ofGelimer, but they cared for John as long as he survived, and when he haddied they carried out all the customary rites in his burial, andreporting the whole matter to Belisarius they remained where they were. And as soon as he heard of it, he came to John's burial, and bewailedhis fate. And after weeping over him and grieving bitterly at the wholeoccurrence, he honoured the tomb of John with many gifts and especiallyby providing for it a regular income. However, he did nothing severe toUliaris, since the soldiers said that John had enjoined upon them by themost dread oaths that no vengeance should come to him, since he had notperformed the unholy deed with deliberate intent. 

Thus, then, Gelimer escaped falling into the hands of the enemy on thatday. And from that time on Belisarius pursued him, but upon reaching astrong city of Numidia situated on the sea, ten days distant fromCarthage, which they call Hippo Regius, [6] he learned that Gelimer hadascended the mountain Papua and could no longer be captured by theRomans. Now this mountain is situated at the extremity of Numidia and isexceedingly precipitous and climbed only with the greatest difficulty(for lofty cliffs rise up toward it from every side), and on it dwellbarbarian Moors, who were friends and allies to Gelimer, and an ancientcity named Medeus lies on the outskirts of the mountain. There Gelimerrested with his followers. But as for Belisarius, he was not able tomake any attempt at all on the mountain, much less in the winter season, and since his affairs were still in an uncertain state, he did not thinkit advisable to be away from Carthage; and so he chose out soldiers, with Pharas as their leader, and set them to maintain the siege of themountain. Now this Pharas was energetic and thoroughly serious andupright in every way, although he was an Erulian by birth. And for anErulian not to give himself over to treachery and drunkenness, but tostrive after uprightness, is no easy matter and merits abundantpraise. [7] But not only was it Pharas who maintained orderly conduct, but also all the Erulians who followed him. This Pharas, then, Belisarius commanded to establish himself at the foot of the mountainduring the winter season and to keep close guard, so that it wouldneither be possible for Gelimer to leave the mountain nor for anysupplies to be brought in to him. And Pharas acted accordingly. ThenBelisarius turned to the Vandals who were sitting as suppliants in thesanctuaries in Hippo Regius, --and there were many of them and of thenobility--and he caused them all to accept pledges and arise, and thenhe sent them to Carthage with a guard. And there it came about that thefollowing event happened to him. 

In the house of Gelimer there was a certain scribe named Boniface, aLibyan, and a native of Byzacium, a man exceedingly faithful to Gelimer. At the beginning of this war Gelimer had put this Boniface on a veryswift-sailing ship, and placing all the royal treasure in it commandedhim to anchor in the harbour of Hippo Regius, and if he should see thatthe situation was not favourable to their side, he was to sail with allspeed to Spain with the money, and go to Theudis, the leader of theVisigoths, where he was expecting to find safety for himself also, should the fortune of war prove adverse for the Vandals. So Boniface, aslong as he felt hope for the cause of the Vandals, remained there; butas soon as the battle in Tricamarum took place, with all the otherevents which have been related, he spread his canvas and sailed awayjust as Gelimer had directed him. But an opposing wind brought him back, much against his will, into the harbour of Hippo Regius. And since hehad already heard that the enemy were somewhere near, he entreated thesailors with many promises to row with all their might for some othercontinent or for an island. But they were unable to do so, since a verysevere storm had fallen upon them and the waves of the sea were risingto a great height, seeing that it was the Tuscan sea, [8] and then itoccurred to them and to Boniface that, after all, God wished to give themoney to the Romans and so was not allowing the ship to put out. However, though they had got outside the harbour, they encountered greatdanger in bringing their ship back to anchorage. And when Belisariusarrived at Hippo Regius, Boniface sent some men to him. These hecommanded to sit in a sanctuary, and they were to say that they had beensent by Boniface, who had the money of Gelimer, but to conceal the placewhere he was, until they should receive the pledges of Belisarius thatupon giving Gelimer's money he himself should escape free from harm, having all that was his own. These men, then, acted according to theseinstructions, and Belisarius was pleased at the good news and did notdecline to take an oath. And sending some of his associates he took thetreasure of Gelimer and released Boniface in possession of his own moneyand also with an enormous sum which he plundered from Gelimer'streasure. 

V

And when he returned to Carthage, he put all the Vandals in readiness, so that at the opening of spring he might send them to Byzantium; and hesent out an army to recover for the Romans everything which the Vandalsruled. And first he sent Cyril to Sardinia with a great force, havingthe head of Tzazon, since these islanders were not at all willing toyield to the Romans, fearing the Vandals and thinking that what had beentold them as having happened in Tricamarum could not be true. And heordered this Cyril to send a portion of the army to Corsica, and torecover for the Roman empire the island, which had been previouslysubject to the Vandals; this island was called Cyrnus in early times, and is not far from Sardinia. So he came to Sardinia and displayed thehead of Tzazon to the inhabitants of the place, and he won back both theislands and made them tributary to the Roman domain. And to Caesarea[9]in Mauretania Belisarius sent John with an infantry company which heusually commanded himself; this place is distant from Carthage a journeyof thirty days for an unencumbered traveller, as one goes towards Gadiraand the west; and it is situated upon the sea, having been a great andpopulous city from ancient times. Another John, one of his ownguardsmen, he sent to Gadira on the strait and by one of the Pillars ofHeracles, to take possession of the fort there which they call"Septem. "[10] And to the islands which are near the strait where theocean flows in, called Ebusa and Majorica and Minorica[11] by thenatives, he sent Apollinarius, who was a native of Italy, but had comewhile still a lad to Libya. And he had been rewarded with great sums ofmoney by Ilderic, who was then leader of the Vandals, and after Ilderichad been removed from the office and was in confinement, as has beentold in the previous narrative, [12] he came to the Emperor Justinianwith the other Libyans who were working in the interest of Ilderic, inorder to entreat his favour as a suppliant. And he joined the Romanexpedition against Gelimer and the Vandals, and proved himself a braveman in this war and most of all at Tricamarum. And as a result of hisdeeds there Belisarius entrusted to him these islands. And laterBelisarius sent an army also into Tripolis to Pudentius andTattimuth, [13] who were being pressed by the Moors there, and thusstrengthened the Roman power in that quarter. 

He also sent some men to Sicily in order to take the fortress inLilybaeum, as belonging to the Vandals' kingdom, [14] but he was repulsedfrom there, since the Goths by no means saw fit to yield any part ofSicily, on the ground that this fortress did not belong to the Vandalsat all. And when Belisarius heard this, he wrote to the commanders whowere there as follows: "You are depriving us of Lilybaeum, the fortressof the Vandals who are the slaves of the emperor, and are not actingjustly nor in a way to benefit yourselves, and you wish to bring uponyour ruler, though he does not so will it and is far distant from thescene of these actions, the hostility of the great emperor, whosegood-will he has, having won it with great labour. And yet how could youbut seem to be acting contrary to the ways of men, it you recentlyallowed Gelimer to hold the fortress, but have decided to wrest from theemperor, Gelimer's master, the possessions of the slave? You, at least, should not act thus, most excellent sirs. But reflect that, while it isthe nature of friendship to cover over many faults, hostility does notbrook even the smallest misdeeds, but searches the past for everyoffence, and allows not its enemy to grow rich on what does not in theleast belong to them. [15] Moreover, the enemy fights to avenge thewrongs which it says have been done to its ancestors; and whereas, iffriendship thus turned to hostility fails in the struggle, it suffers noloss of its own possessions, yet if it succeeds, it teaches thevanquished to take a new view of the indulgence which has been shewnthem in the past. See to it, then, that you neither do us further harmnor suffer harm yourselves, and do not make the great emperor an enemyto the Gothic nation, when it is your prayer that he be propitioustoward you. For be well assured that, if you lay claim to this fortress, war will confront you immediately, and not for Lilybaeum alone, but forall the possessions you claim as yours, though not one of them belongsto you. "

Such was the message of the letter. And the Goths reported these thingsto the mother[16] of Antalaric, and at her direction made the followingreply: "The letter which you have written, most excellent Belisarius, carries sound admonition, but pertinent to some other men, not to us theGoths. For there is nothing of the Emperor Justinian's which we havetaken and hold; may we never be so mad as to do such a thing! The wholeof Sicily we claim because it is our own, and the fortress of Lilybaeumis one of its promontories. And if Theoderic gave his sister, who wasthe consort of the king of the Vandals, one of the trading-ports ofSicily for her use, this is nothing. For this fact could not afford abasis for any claim on your part. But you, O General, would be actingjustly toward us, if you should be willing to make the settlement of thematters in dispute between us, not as an enemy, but as a friend. Andthere is this difference, that friends are accustomed to settle theirdisagreements by arbitration, but enemies by battle. We, therefore, shall commit this matter to the Emperor Justinian, to arbitrate[17] inwhatever manner seems to him lawful and just. And we desire that thedecisions you make shall be as wise as possible, rather than as hasty aspossible, and that you, therefore, await the decision of your emperor. "Such was the message of the letter of the Goths. And Belisarius, reporting all to the emperor, remained quiet until the emperor shouldsend him word what his wish was. 

VI

But Pharas, having by this time become weary of the siege for manyreasons, and especially because of the winter season, and at the sametime thinking that the Moors there would not be able to stand in hisway, undertook the ascent of Papua with great zeal. Accordingly he armedall his followers very carefully and began the ascent. But the Moorsrushed to the defence, and since they were on ground which was steep andvery hard to traverse, their efforts to hinder those making the ascentwere easily accomplished. But Pharas fought hard to force the ascent, and one hundred and ten of his men perished in this struggle, and hehimself with the remainder was beaten back and retired; and as a resultof this he did not dare to attempt the ascent again, since the situationwas against him, but he established as careful a guard as possible, inorder that those on Papua, being pressed by hunger, might surrenderthemselves; and he neither permitted them to run away nor anything to bebrought in to them from outside. Then, indeed, it came about thatGelimer and those about him, who were nephews and cousins of his andother persons of high birth, experienced a misery which no one coulddescribe, however eloquent he might be, in a way which would equal thefacts. For of all the nations which we know that of the Vandals is themost luxurious, and that of the Moors the most hardy. For the Vandals, since the time when they gained possession of Libya, used to indulge inbaths, all of them, every day, and enjoyed a table abounding in allthings, the sweetest and best that the earth and sea produce. And theywore gold very generally, and clothed themselves in the Medic garments, which now they call "seric, "[18] and passed their time, thus dressed, intheatres and hippodromes and in other pleasureable pursuits, and aboveall else in hunting. And they had dancers and mimes and all other thingsto hear and see which are of a musical nature or otherwise meritattention among men. And the most of them dwelt in parks, which werewell supplied with water and trees; and they had great numbers ofbanquets, and all manner of sexual pleasures were in great vogue amongthem. But the Moors live in stuffy huts[19] both in winter and in summerand at every other time, never removing from them either because of snowor the heat of the sun or any other discomfort whatever due to nature. And they sleep on the ground, the prosperous among them, if it should sohappen, spreading a fleece under themselves. Moreover, it is notcustomary among them to change their clothing with the seasons, but theywear a thick cloak and a rough shirt at all times. And they have neitherbread nor wine nor any other good thing, but they take grain, eitherwheat or barley, and, without boiling it or grinding it to flour orbarley-meal, they eat it in a manner not a whit different from that ofanimals. Since the Moors, then, were of a such a sort, the followers ofGelimer, after living with them for a long time and changing theiraccustomed manner of life to such a miserable existence, when at lasteven the necessities of life had failed, held out no longer, but deathwas thought by them most sweet and slavery by no means disgraceful. 

Now when this was learned by Pharas, he wrote to Gelimer as follows: "Itoo am a barbarian and not accustomed to writing and speaking, nor am Iskilful in these matters. But that which I am forced as a man to know, having learned from the nature of things, this I am writing you. What inthe world has happened to you, my dear Gelimer, that you have cast, notyourself alone, but your whole family besides, into this pit? Is it, forsooth, that you may avoid becoming a slave? But this is assuredlynothing but youthful folly, and making of 'liberty' a mere shibboleth, as though liberty were worth possessing at the price of all this misery!And, after all, do you not consider that you are, even now, a slave tothe most wretched of the Moors, since your only hope of being saved, ifthe best happens, is in them? And yet why would it not be better inevery way to be a slave among the Romans and beggared, than to bemonarch on Mount Papua with Moors as your subjects? But of course itseems to you the very height of disgrace even to be a fellow slave withBelisarius! Away with the thought, most excellent Gelimer. Are notwe, [20] who also are born of noble families, proud that we are now inthe service of an emperor? And indeed they say that it is the wish ofthe Emperor Justinian to have you enrolled in the senate, thus sharingin the highest honour and being a patrician, as we term that rank, andto present you with lands both spacious and good and with great sums ofmoney, and that Belisarius is willing to make himself responsible foryour having all these things, and to give you pledges. Now as for allthe miseries which fortune has brought you, you are able to bear withfortitude whatever comes from her, knowing that you are but a man andthat these things are inevitable; but if fortune has purposed to temperthese adversities with some admixture of good, would you of yourselfrefuse to accept this gladly? Or should we consider that the good giftsof fortune are not just as inevitable as are her undesirable gifts? Yetsuch is not the opinion of even the utterly senseless; but you, it wouldseem, have now lost your good judgment, steeped as you are inmisfortunes. Indeed, discouragement is wont to confound the mind and tobe transformed to folly. If, however, you can bear your own thoughts andrefrain from rebelling against fortune when she changes, it will bepossible at this very moment for you to choose that which will be whollyto your advantage, and to escape from the evils which hang over you. "

When Gelimer had read this letter and wept bitterly over it, he wrote inreply as follows: "I am both deeply grateful to you for the advice whichyou have given me and I also think it unbearable to be a slave to anenemy who wrongs me, from whom I should pray God to exact justice, if Heshould be propitious to me, --an enemy who, though he had neverexperienced any harm from me either in deeds which he suffered or inwords which he heard, provided a pretext for a war which was unprovoked, and reduced me to this state of misfortune, bringing Belisarius againstme from I know not where. And yet it is not at all unlikely that healso, since he is but a man, though he be emperor too, may havesomething befall him which he would not choose. But as for me, I am notable to write further. For my present misfortune has robbed me of mythoughts. Farewell, then, dear Pharas, and send me a lyre and one loafof bread and a sponge, I pray you. " When this reply was read by Pharas, he was at a loss for some time, being unable to understand the finalwords of the letter, until he who had brought the letter explained thatGelimer desired one loaf because he was eager to enjoy the sight of itand to eat it, since from the time when he went up upon Papua he had notseen a single baked loaf. A sponge also was necessary for him; for oneof his eyes, becoming irritated by lack of washing, was greatly swollen. And being a skilful harpist he had composed an ode relating to hispresent misfortune, which he was eager to chant to the accompaniment ofa lyre while he wept out his soul. When Pharas heard this, he was deeplymoved, and lamenting the fortune of men, he did as was written and sentall the things which Gelimer desired of him. However he relaxed thesiege not a whit, but kept watch more closely than before. 

VII

And already a space of three months had been spent in this siege and thewinter was coming to an end. And Gelimer was afraid, suspecting that hisbesiegers would come up against him after no great time; and the bodiesof most of the children who were related to him[21] were dischargingworms in this time of misery. And though in everything he was deeplydistressed, and looked upon everything, --except, indeed, death, --withdissatisfaction, he nevertheless endured the suffering beyond allexpectation, until it happened that he beheld a sight such as thefollowing. A certain Moorish woman had managed somehow to crush a littlecorn, and making of it a very tiny cake, threw it into the hot ashes onthe hearth. For thus it is the custom among the Moors to bake theirloaves. And beside this hearth two children were sitting, in exceedinglygreat distress by reason of their hunger, the one being the son of thevery woman who had thrown in the cake, and the other a nephew ofGelimer; and they were eager to seize the cake as soon as it should seemto them to be cooked. And of the two children the Vandal got ahead ofthe other and snatched the cake first, and, though it was stillexceedingly hot and covered with ashes, hunger overpowered him, and hethrew it into his mouth and was eating it, when the other seized him bythe hair of the head and struck him over the temple and beat him againand thus compelled him with great violence to cast out the cake whichwas already in his throat. This sad experience Gelimer could not endure(for he had followed all from the beginning), and his spirit wasweakened and he wrote as quickly as possible to Pharas as follows: "Ifit has ever happened to any man, after manfully enduring terriblemisfortunes, to take a course contrary to that which he had previouslydetermined upon, consider me to be such a one, O most excellent Pharas. For there has come to my mind your advice, which I am far from wishingto disregard. For I cannot resist fortune further nor rebel againstfate, but I shall follow straightway wherever it seems to her best tolead; but let me receive the pledges, that Belisarius guarantees thatthe emperor will do everything which you recently promised me. For I, indeed, as soon as you give the pledges, shall put both myself into yourhands and these kinsmen of mine and the Vandals, as many as are herewith us. "

Such were the words written by Gelimer in this letter. And Pharas, having signified this to Belisarius, as well as what they had previouslywritten to each other, begged him to declare as quickly as possible whathis wish was. And Belisarius (since he was greatly desirous of leadingGelimer alive to the emperor), as soon as he had read the letter, becameoverjoyed and commanded Cyprian, a leader of foederati, [22] to go toPapua with certain others, and directed them to give an oath concerningthe safety of Gelimer and of those with him, and to swear that he wouldbe honoured before the emperor and would lack nothing. And when thesemen had come to Pharas, they went with him to a certain place by thefoot of the mountain, where Gelimer came at their summons, and afterreceiving the pledges just as he wished he came with them to Carthage. And it happened that Belisarius was staying for a time in the suburb ofthe city which they call Aclas. Accordingly Gelimer came before him inthat place, laughing with such laughter as was neither moderate nor thekind one could conceal, and some of those who were looking at himsuspected that by reason of the extremity of his affliction he hadchanged entirely from his natural state and that, already besidehimself, he was laughing for no reason. But his friends would have itthat the man was in his sound mind, and that because he had been born ina royal family, and had ascended the throne, and had been clothed withgreat power and immense wealth from childhood even to old age, and thenbeing driven to flight and plunged into great fear had undergone thesufferings on Papua, and now had come as a captive, having in this wayhad experience of all the gifts of fortune, both good and evil, for thisreason, they believed, he thought that man's lot was worthy of nothingelse than much laughter. Now concerning this laughter of Gelimer's, leteach one speak according to his judgment, both enemy and friend. ButBelisarius, reporting to the emperor that Gelimer was a captive inCarthage, asked permission to bring him to Byzantium with him. At thesame time he guarded both him and all the Vandals in no dishonour andproceeded to put the fleet in readiness. 

Now many other things too great to be hoped for have before now beenexperienced in the long course of time, and they will continue as longas the fortunes of men are the same as they now are; for those thingswhich seem to reason impossible are actually accomplished, and manytimes those things which previously appeared impossible, when they havebefallen, have seemed to be worthy of wonder; but whether such events asthese ever took place before I am not able to say, wherein the fourthdescendant of Gizeric, and his kingdom at the height of its wealth andmilitary strength, were completely undone in so short a time by fivethousand men coming in as invaders and having not a place to castanchor. For such was the number of the horsemen who followed Belisarius, and carried through the whole war against the Vandals. For whether thishappened by chance or because of some kind of valour, one would justlymarvel at it. But I shall return to the point from which I have strayed. 

VIII

So the Vandalic war ended thus. But envy, as is wont to happen in casesof great good fortune, was already swelling against Belisarius, althoughhe provided no pretext for it. For some of the officers slandered him tothe emperor, charging him, without any grounds whatever, with seeking toset up a kingdom for himself, [23] a statement for which there was nobasis whatever. But the emperor did not disclose these things to theworld, either because he paid no heed to the slander, or because thiscourse seemed better to him. But he sent Solomon and gave Belisarius theopportunity to choose whichever of two things he desired, either to cometo Byzantium with Gelimer and the Vandals, or to remain there and sendthem. And Belisarius, since it did not escape him that the officers werebringing against him the charge of seeking supreme power, was eager toget to Byzantium, in order that he might clear himself of the charge andbe able to proceed against his slanderers. Now as to the manner in whichhe learned of the attempt of his accusers, I shall explain. When thosewho denounced him wished to present this slander, fearing lest the manwho was to carry their letter to the emperor should be lost at sea andthus put a stop to their proceedings, they wrote the aforesaidaccusation on two tablets, purposing to send two messengers to theemperor in two ships. And one of these two sailed away without beingdetected, but the second, on account of some suspicion or other, wascaptured in Mandracium, and putting the writing into the hands of hiscaptors, he made known what was being done. So Belisarius, havinglearned in this way, was eager to come before the emperor, as has beensaid. Such, then, was the course of these events at Carthage. 

But the Moors who dwelt in Byzacium and in Numidia turned to revolt forno good reason, and they decided to break the treaty and to risesuddenly against the Romans. And this was not out of keeping with theirpeculiar character. For there is among the Moors neither fear of God norrespect for men. For they care not either for oaths or for hostages, even though the hostages chance to be the children or brothers of theirleaders. Nor is peace maintained among the Moors by any other means thanby fear of the enemies opposing them. Now I shall set forth in whatmanner the treaty was made by them with Belisarius and how it wasbroken. When it came to be expected that the emperor's expedition wouldarrive in Libya, the Moors, fearing lest they should receive some harmfrom it, consulted the oracles of their women. For it is not lawful inthis nation for a man to utter oracles, but the women among them as aresult of some sacred rites become possessed and foretell the future, noless than any of the ancient oracles. So on that occasion, when theymade enquiry, as has been said, the women gave the response: "Thereshall be a host from the waters, the overthrow of the Vandals, destruction and defeat of the Moors, when the general of the Romansshall come unbearded. " When the Moors heard this, since they saw thatthe emperor's army had come from the sea, they began to be in great fearand were quite unwilling to fight in alliance with the Vandals, but theysent to Belisarius and established peace, as has been statedpreviously, [24] and then remained quiet and waited for the future, tosee how it would fall out. And when the power of the Vandals had nowcome to an end, they sent to the Roman army, investigating whether therewas anyone unbearded among them holding an office. And when they saw allwearing full beards, they thought that the oracle did not indicate thepresent time to them, but one many generations later, interpreting thesaying in that way which they themselves wished. Immediately, therefore, they were eager to break the treaty, but their fear of Belisariusprevented them. For they had no hope that they would ever overcome theRomans in war, at least with him present. But when they heard that hewas making his departure together with his guards and spearmen, and thatthe ships were already being filled with them and the Vandals, theysuddenly rose in arms and displayed every manner of outrage upon theLibyans. For the soldiers were both few in each place on the frontierand still unprepared, so that they would not have been able to standagainst the barbarians as they made inroads at every point, nor toprevent their incursions, which took place frequently and not in an openmanner. But men were being killed indiscriminately and women with theirchildren were being made slaves, and the wealth was being plundered fromevery part of the frontier and the whole country was being filled withfugitives. These things were reported to Belisarius when he was justabout setting sail. And since it was now too late for him to returnhimself, he entrusted Solomon with the administration of Libya and healso chose out the greatest part of his own guards and spearmen, instructing them to follow Solomon and as quickly as possible to punishwith all zeal those of the Moors who had risen in revolt and to exactvengeance for the injury done the Romans. And the emperor sent anotherarmy also to Solomon with Theodoras, the Cappadocian, and Ildiger, whowas the son-in-law of Antonina, the wife of Belisarius. And since it wasno longer possible to find the revenues of the districts of Libya setdown in order in documents, as the Romans had recorded them in formertimes, [25] inasmuch as Gizeric had upset and destroyed everything in thebeginning, Tryphon and Eustratius were sent by the emperor, in order toassess the taxes for the Libyans each according to his proportion. Butthese men seemed to the Libyans neither moderate nor endurable. 

IX

Belisarius, upon reaching Byzantium with Gelimer and the Vandals, wascounted worthy to receive such honours, as in former times were assignedto those generals of the Romans who had won the greatest and mostnoteworthy victories. And a period of about six hundred years had nowpassed since anyone had attained these honours, [26] except, indeed, Titus and Trajan, and such other emperors as had led armies against somebarbarian nation and had been victorious. For he displayed the spoilsand slaves from the war in the midst of the city and led a processionwhich the Romans call a "triumph, " not, however, in the ancient manner, but going on foot from his own house to the hippodrome and then againfrom the barriers until he reached the place where the imperial throneis. [27] And there was booty, --first of all, whatever articles are wontto be set apart for the royal service, --thrones of gold and carriages inwhich it is customary for a king's consort to ride, and much jewelrymade of precious stones, and golden drinking cups, and all the otherthings which are useful for the royal table. And there was also silverweighing many thousands of talents and all the royal treasure amountingto an exceedingly great sum (for Gizeric had despoiled the Palatium inRome, as has been said in the preceding narrative), [28] and among thesewere the treasures of the Jews, which Titus, the son of Vespasian, together with certain others, had brought to Rome after the capture ofJerusalem. And one of the Jews, seeing these things, approached one ofthose known to the emperor and said: "These treasures I think itinexpedient to carry into the palace in Byzantium. Indeed, it is notpossible for them to be elsewhere than in the place where Solomon, theking of the Jews, formerly placed them. For it is because of these thatGizeric captured the palace of the Romans, and that now the Roman armyhas captured that the Vandals. " When this had been brought to the earsof the Emperor, he became afraid and quickly sent everything to thesanctuaries of the Christians in Jerusalem. And there were slaves in thetriumph, among whom was Gelimer himself, wearing some sort of a purplegarment upon his shoulders, and all his family, and as many of theVandals as were very tall and fair of body. And when Gelimer reached thehippodrome and saw the emperor sitting upon a lofty seat and the peoplestanding on either side and realized as he looked about in what an evilplight he was, he neither wept nor cried out, but ceased not saying overin the words of the Hebrew scripture:[29] "Vanity of vanities, all isvanity. " And when he came before the emperor's seat, they stripped offthe purple garment, and compelled him to fall prone on the ground and doobeisance to the Emperor Justinian. This also Belisarius did, as being asuppliant of the emperor along with him. And the Emperor Justinian andthe Empress Theodora presented the children of Ilderic and his offspringand all those of the family of the Emperor Valentinian with sufficientsums of money, and to Gelimer they gave lands not to be despised inGalatia and permitted him to live there together with his family. However, Gelimer was by no means enrolled among the patricians, since hewas unwilling to change from the faith of Arius. 

[Jan. 1, 535 A. D. ] A little later the triumph[30] was celebrated by, Belisarius in the ancient manner also. For he had the fortune to beadvanced to the office of consul, and therefore was borne aloft by thecaptives, and as he was thus carried in his curule chair, he threw tothe populace those very spoils of the Vandalic war. For the peoplecarried off the silver plate and golden girdles and a vast amount of theVandals' wealth of other sorts as a result of Belisarius' consulship, and it seemed that after a long interval of disuse an old custom wasbeing revived. [31] These things, then, took place in Byzantium in themanner described. 

X

And Solomon took over the army in Libya; but in view of the fact thatthe Moors had risen against him, as has been told previously, and thateverything was in suspense, he was at a loss how to treat the situation. For it was reported that the barbarians had destroyed the soldiers inByzacium and Numidia and that they were pillaging and plunderingeverything there. But what disturbed most of all both him and allCarthage was the fate which befell Aļgan, the Massagete, and Rufinus, the Thracian, in Byzacium. For both were men of great repute both in thehousehold of Belisarius and in the Roman army, one of them, Aļgan, beingamong the spearmen of Belisarius, while the other, as the mostcourageous of all, was accustomed to carry the standard of the generalin battle; such an officer the Romans call "bandifer. "[32] Now at thetime referred to these two men were commanding detatchments of cavalryin Byzacium, and when they saw the Moors plundering everything beforethem and making all the Libyans captives, they watched in a narrow passwith their followers for those who were escorting the booty, and killedthem and took away all the captives. And when a report of this came tothe commanders of the barbarians, Coutzinas and Esdilasas andIourphouthes and Medisinissas, who were not far away from this pass, they moved against them with their whole army in the late afternoon. Andthe Romans, being a very few men and shut off in a narrow place in themidst of many thousands, were not able to ward off their assailants. Forwherever they might turn, they were always shot at from the rear. Then, indeed, Rufinus and Aļgan with some few men ran to the top of a rockwhich was near by and from there defended themselves against thebarbarians. Now as long as they were using their bows, the enemy did notdare come directly to a hand-to-hand struggle with them, but they kepthurling their javelins among them; but when all the arrows of the Romanswere now exhausted, the Moors closed with them, and they defendedthemselves with their swords as well as the circumstances permitted. Butsince they were overpowered by the multitude of the barbarians, Aļganfell there with his whole body hacked to pieces, and Rufinus was seizedby the enemy and led away. But straightway one of the commanders, Medisinissas, fearing lest he should escape and again make trouble forthem, cut off his head and taking it to his home shewed it to his wives, for it was a remarkable sight on account of the extraordinary size ofthe head and the abundance of hair. And now, since the narration of thehistory has brought me to this point, it is necessary to tell from thebeginning whence the nations of the Moors came to Libya and how theysettled there. 

When the Hebrews had withdrawn from Egypt and had come near theboundaries of Palestine, Moses, a wise man, who was their leader on thejourney, died, and the leadership was passed on to Joshua, the son ofNun, who led this people into Palestine, and, by displaying a valour inwar greater than that natural to a man, gained possession of the land. And after overthrowing all the nations he easily won the cities, and heseemed to be altogether invincible. Now at that time the whole countryalong the sea from Sidon as far as the boundaries of Egypt was calledPhoenicia. And one king in ancient times held sway over it, as is agreedby all who have written the earliest accounts of the Phoenicians. Inthat country there dwelt very populous tribes, the Gergesites and theJebusites and some others with other names by which they are called inthe history of the Hebrews. [33] Now when these nations saw that theinvading general was an irresistible prodigy, they emigrated from theirancestral homes and made their way to Egypt, which adjoined theircountry. And finding there no place sufficient for them to dwell in, since there has been a great population in Aegypt from ancient times, they proceeded to Libya. And they established numerous cities and tookpossession of the whole of Libya as far as the Pillars of Heracles, andthere they have lived even up to my time, using the Phoenician tongue. They also built a fortress in Numidia, where now is the city calledTigisis. In that place are two columns made of white stone near by thegreat spring, having Phoenician letters cut in them which say in thePhoenician tongue: "We are they who fled from before the face of Joshua, the robber, the son of Nun. " There were also other nations settled inLibya before the Moors, who on account of having been established therefrom of old were said to be children of the soil. And because of thisthey said that Antaeus, their king, who wrestled with Heracles inClipea, [34] was a son of the earth. And in later times those who removedfrom Phoenicia with Dido came to the inhabitants of Libya as to kinsmen. And they willingly allowed them to found and hold Carthage. But as timewent on Carthage became a powerful and populous city. And a battle tookplace between them and their neighbours, who, as has been said, had comefrom Palestine before them and are called Moors at the present time, andthe Carthaginians defeated them and compelled them to live a very greatdistance away from Carthage. Later on the Romans gained the supremacyover all of them in war, and settled the Moors at the extremity of theinhabited land of Libya, and made the Carthaginians and the otherLibyans subject and tributary to themselves. And after this the Moorswon many victories over the Vandals and gained possession of the landnow called Mauretania, extending from Gadira as far as the boundaries ofCaesarea, [35] as well as the most of Libya which remained. Such, then, is the story of the settlement of the Moors in Libya. 

XI

Now when Solomon heard what had befallen Rufinus and Aļgan, he madeready for war and wrote as follows to the commanders of the Moors:"Other men than you have even before this had the ill fortune to losetheir senses and to be destroyed, men who had no means of judgingbeforehand how their folly would turn out. But as for you, who have theexample near at hand in your neighbours, the Vandals, what in the worldhas happened to you that you have decided to raise your hands againstthe great emperor and throw away your own security, and that too whenyou have given the most dread oaths in writing and have handed over yourchildren as pledges to the agreement? Is it that you have determined tomake a kind of display of the fact that you have no consideration eitherfor God or for good faith or for kinship itself or for safety or for anyother thing at all? And yet, if such is your practice in matters whichconcern the divine, in what ally do you put your trust in marchingagainst the emperor of the Romans? And if you are taking the field tothe destruction of your children, what in the world is it in behalf ofwhich you have decided to endanger yourselves? But if any repentance hasby now entered your hearts for what has already taken place, write tous, that we may satisfactorily arrange with you touching what hasalready been done; but if your madness has not yet abated, expect aRoman war, which will come upon you together with the oaths which youhave violated and the wrong which you are doing to your own children. "

Such was the letter which Solomon wrote. And the Moors replied asfollows: "Belisarius deluded us with great promises and by this meanspersuaded us to become subjects of the Emperor Justinian; but theRomans, while giving us no share in any good thing, expected to have us, though pinched with hunger, as their friends and allies. Therefore it ismore fitting that you should be called faithless than that the Moorsshould be. For the men who break treaties are not those who, whenmanifestly wronged, bring accusation against their neighbours and turnaway from them, but those who expect to keep others in faithful alliancewith them and then do them violence. And men make God their enemy, notwhen they march against others in order to recover their ownpossessions, but when they get themselves into danger of war byencroaching upon the possessions of others. And as for children, thatwill be your concern, who are not permitted to marry more than one wife;but with us, who have, it may be, fifty wives living with each of us, offspring of children can never fail. "

When Solomon had read this letter, he decided to lead his whole armyagainst the Moors. So after arranging matters in Carthage, he proceededwith all his troops to Byzacium. And when he reached the place which iscalled Mammes, [36] where the four Moorish commanders, whom I havementioned a little before, [37] were encamped, he made a stockade forhimself. Now there are lofty mountains there, and a level space near thefoothills of the mountains, where the barbarians had made preparationsfor the battle and arranged their fighting order as follows. They formeda circle of their camels, just as, in the previous narrative, [38] I havesaid Cabaon did, making the front about twelve deep. And they placed thewomen with the children within the circle; (for among the Moors it iscustomary to take also a few women, with their children, to battle, andthese make the stockades and huts for them and tend the horsesskilfully, and have charge of the camels and the food; they also sharpenthe iron weapons and take upon themselves many of the tasks inconnection with the preparation for battle); and the men themselves tooktheir stand on foot in between the legs of the camels, having shieldsand swords and small spears which they are accustomed to hurl likejavelins. And some of them with their horses remained quietly among themountains. But Solomon disregarded one half of the circle of the Moors, which was towards the mountain, placing no one there. For he feared lestthe enemy on the mountain should come down and those in the circleshould turn about and thus make the men drawn up there exposed to attackon both sides in the battle. But against the remainder of the circle hedrew up his whole army, and since he saw the most of them frightened andwithout courage, on account of what had befallen Aļgan and Rufinus, andwishing to admonish them to be of good cheer, he spoke as follows: "Menwho have campaigned with Belisarius, let no fear of these men enter yourminds, and, if Moors gathered to the number of fifty thousand havealready defeated five hundred Romans, let not this stand for you as anexample. But call to mind your own valour, and consider that while theVandals defeated the Moors, you have become masters of the Vandals inwar without any effort, and that it is not right that those who haveconquered the greater should be terrified before those who are inferior. And indeed of all men the Moorish nation seems to be the most poorlyequipped for war's struggle. For the most of them have no armour at all, and those who have shields to hold before themselves have only smallones which are not well made and are not able to turn aside what strikesagainst them. And after they have thrown those two small spears, if theydo not accomplish anything, they turn of their own accord to flight. Sothat it is possible for you, after guarding against the first attack ofthe barbarians, to win the victory with no trouble at all. But as toyour equipment of arms, you see, of course, how great is the differencebetween it and that of your opponents. And apart from this, both valourof heart and strength of body and experience in war and confidencebecause you have already conquered all your enemies, --all theseadvantages you have; but the Moors, being deprived of all these things, put their trust only in their own great throng. And it is easier for afew who are most excellently prepared to conquer a multitude of men notgood at warfare than it is for the multitude to defeat them. For whilethe good soldier has his confidence in himself, the cowardly mangenerally finds that the very number of those arrayed with him producesa want of room that is full of peril. Furthermore, you are warranted indespising these camels, which cannot fight for the enemy, and whenstruck by our missiles will, in all probability, become the cause ofconsiderable confusion and disorder among them. And the eagerness forbattle which the enemy have acquired on account of their former successwill be your ally in the fight. For daring, when it is kept commensuratewith one's power, will perhaps be of some benefit even to those who makeuse of it, but when it exceeds one's power it lends into danger. Bearingthese things in mind and despising the enemy, observe silence and order;for by taking thought for these things we shall win the victory over thedisorder of the barbarians more easily and with less labour. " Thus spokeSolomon. 

And the commanders of the Moors also, seeing the barbarians terrified atthe orderly array of the Romans, and wishing to recall their host toconfidence again, exhorted them in this wise: "That the Romans havehuman bodies, the kind that yield when struck with iron, we have beentaught, O fellow-soldiers, by those of them whom we have recently met, the best of them all, some of whom we have overwhelmed with our spearsand killed, and the others we have seized and made our prisoners of war. And not only is this so, but it is now possible to see also that weboast great superiority over them in numbers. And, furthermore, thestruggle for us involves the very greatest things, either to be mastersof all Libya or to be slaves to these braggarts. It is thereforenecessary for us to be in the highest degree brave men at the presenttime. For it is not expedient that those whose all is at stake should beother than exceedingly courageous. And it behoves us to despise theequipment of arms which the enemy have. For if they come on foot againstus, they will not be able to move rapidly, but will be worsted by theagility of the Moors, and their cavalry will be terrified both by thesight of the camels, and by the noise they make, which, rising above thegeneral tumult of battle, will, in all likelihood, throw them intodisorder. And if anyone by taking into consideration the victory of theRomans over the Vandals thinks them not to be withstood, he is mistakenin his judgment. For the scales of war are, in the nature of the case, turned by the valour of the commander or by fortune; and Belisarius, whowas responsible for their gaining the mastery over the Vandals, has now, thanks to Heaven, been removed out of our way. And, besides, we too havemany times conquered the Vandals and stripped them of their power, andhave thus made the victory over them a more feasible and an easier taskfor the Romans. And now we have reason to hope to conquer this enemyalso if you shew yourselves brave men in the struggle. "

After the officers of the Moors had delivered this exhortation, theybegan the engagement. And at first there arose great disorder in theRoman army. For their horses were offended by the noise made by thecamels and by the sight of them, and reared up and threw off theirriders and the most of them fled in complete disorder. And in themeantime the Moors were making sallies and hurling all the small spearswhich they had in their hands, thus causing the Roman army to be filledwith tumult, and they were hitting them with their missiles while theywere unable either to defend themselves or to remain in position. Butafter this, Solomon, observing what was happening, leaped down from hishorse himself first and caused all the others to do the same. And whenthey had dismounted, he commanded the others to stand still, and, holding their shields before them and receiving the missiles sent by theenemy, to remain in their position; but he himself, leading forward notless than five hundred men, made an attack upon the other portion of thecircle. [39] These men he commanded to draw their swords and kill thecamels which stood at that point. Then the Moors who were stationedthere beat a hasty retreat, and the men under Solomon killed about twohundred camels, and straightway, when the camels fell, the circle becameaccessible to the Romans. And they advanced on the run into the middleof the circle where the women of the Moors were sitting; meanwhile thebarbarians in consternation withdrew to the mountain which was close by, and as they fled in complete disorder the Romans followed behind andkilled them. And it is said that ten thousand of the Moors perished inthis encounter, while all the women together with the children were madeslaves. And the soldiers secured as booty all the camels which they hadnot killed. Thus the Romans with all their plunder went to Carthage tocelebrate the festival of triumph. 

XII

But the barbarians, being moved with anger, once more took the field ina body against the Romans, leaving behind not one of their number, andthey began to overrun the country in Byzacium, sparing none of any ageof those who fell in their way. And when Solomon had just marched intoCarthage it was reported that the barbarians with a great host had comeinto Byzacium and were plundering everything there. He thereforedeparted quickly with his whole army and marched against them. And whenhe reached Bourgaon, where the enemy were encamped, he remained somedays in camp over against them, in order that, as soon as the Moorsshould get on level ground, he might begin the battle. But since theyremained on the mountain, he marshalled his army and arrayed it forbattle; the Moors, however, had no intention of ever again engaging inbattle with the Romans in level country (for already an irresistiblefear had come over them), but on the mountain they hoped to overcomethem more easily. Now Mt. Bourgaon is for the most part precipitous andon the side toward the east extremely difficult to ascend, but on thewest it is easily accessible and rises in an even slope. And there aretwo lofty peaks which rise up, forming between them a sort of vale, verynarrow, but of incredible depth. Now the barbarians left the peak of themountain unoccupied, thinking that on this side no hostile movementwould be made against them; and they left equally unprotected the spaceabout the foot of the mountain where Bourgaon was easy of access. But atthe middle of the ascent they made their camp and remained there, inorder that, if the enemy should ascend and begin battle with them, theymight at the outset, being on higher ground, shoot down upon theirheads. They also had on the mountain many horses, prepared either forflight or for the pursuit, if they should win the battle. 

Now when Solomon saw that the Moors were unwilling to fight anotherbattle on the level ground, and also that the Roman army was opposed tomaking a siege in a desert place, he was eager to come to an encounterwith the enemy on Bourgaon. But inasmuch as he saw that the soldierswere stricken with terror because of the multitude of their opponents, which was many times greater than it had been in the previous battle, hecalled together the army and spoke as follows: "The fear which the enemyfeel toward you needs no other arraignment, but voluntarily pleadsguilty, bringing forward, as it does, the testimony of its ownwitnesses. For you see, surely, our opponents gathered in so many tensand tens of thousands, but not daring to come down to the plain andengage with us, unable to feel confidence even in their own selves, buttaking refuge in the difficulty of this place. It is therefore not evennecessary to address any exhortation to you, at the present time atleast. For those to whom both the circumstances and the weakness of theenemy give courage, need not, I think, the additional assistance ofwords. But of this one thing it will be needful to remind you, that ifwe fight out this engagement also with brave hearts, it will remain forus, having defeated the Vandals and reduced the Moors to the samefortune, to enjoy all the good things of Libya, having no thoughtwhatever of an enemy in our minds. But as to preventing the enemy fromshooting down upon our heads, and providing that no harm come to us fromthe nature of the place, I myself shall make provision. "

After making this exhortation Solomon commanded Theodorus, who led the"excubitores[40]" (for thus the Romans call their guards), to take withhim a thousand infantrymen toward the end of the afternoon and with someof the standards to go up secretly on the east side of Bourgaon, wherethe mountain is most difficult of ascent and, one might say, impracticable, commanding him that, when they arrived near the crest ofthe mountain, they should remain quietly there and pass the rest of thenight, and that at sunrise they should appear above the enemy anddisplaying the standards commence to shoot. And Theodoras did asdirected. And when it was well on in the night, they climbed up theprecipitous slope and reached a point near the peak without beingnoticed either by the Moors or even by any of the Romans; for they werebeing sent out, it was said, as an advance guard, to prevent anyone fromcoming to the camp from the outside to do mischief. And at early dawnSolomon with the whole army went up against the enemy to the outskirtsof Bourgaon. And when morning had come and the enemy were seen near athand, the soldiers were completely at a loss, seeing the summit of themountain no longer unoccupied, as formerly, but covered with men whowere displaying Roman standards; for already some daylight was beginningto shew. But when those on the peak began their attack, the Romansperceived that the army was their own and the barbarians that they hadbeen placed between their enemy's forces, and being shot at from bothsides and having no opportunity to ward off the enemy, they thought nomore of resistance but turned, all of them, to a hasty flight. And sincethey could neither run up to the top of Bourgaon, which was held by theenemy, nor go to the plain anywhere over the lower slopes of themountain, since their opponents were pressing upon them from that side, they went with a great rush to the vale and the unoccupied peak, someeven with their horses, others on foot. But since they were a numerousthrong fleeing in great fear and confusion, they kept killing eachother, and as they rushed into the vale, which was exceedingly deep, those who were first were being killed constantly, but their plightcould not be perceived by those who were coming up behind. And when thevale became full of dead horses and men, and the bodies made a passagefrom Bourgaon to the other mountain, then the remainder were saved bymaking the crossing over the bodies. And there perished in thisstruggle, among the Moors fifty thousand, as was declared by those ofthem who survived, but among the Romans no one at all, nor indeed didanyone receive even a wound, either at the hand of the enemy or by anyaccident happening to him, but they all enjoyed this victory unscathed. All of the leaders of the barbarians also made their escape, exceptEsdilasas, who received pledges and surrendered himself to the Romans. So great, however, was the multitude of women and children whom theRomans seized as booty, that they would sell a Moorish boy for the priceof a sheep to any who wished to buy. And then the remainder of the Moorsrecalled the saying of their women, to the effect that their nationwould be destroyed by a beardless man. [41]

So the Roman army, together with its booty and with Esdilasas, marchedinto Carthage; and those of the barbarians who had not perished decidedthat it was impossible to settle in Byzacium, lest they, being few, should be treated with violence by the Libyans who were theirneighbours, and with their leaders they went into Numidia and madethemselves suppliants of Iaudas, who ruled the Moors in Aurasium. [42]And the only Moors who remained in Byzacium were those led by Antalas, who during this time had kept faith with the Romans and together withhis subjects had remained unharmed. 

XIII

But during the time when these things were happening in Byzacium, Iaudas, who ruled the Moors in Aurasium, bringing more than thirtythousand fighting men, was plundering the country of Numidia andenslaving many of the Libyans. Now it so happened that Althias[43] inCenturiae was keeping guard over the forts there; and he, being eager totake from the enemy some of their captives, went outside the fort withthe Huns who were under his command, to the number of about seventy. Andreasoning that he was not able to cope with such a great multitude ofMoors with only seventy men, he wished to occupy some narrow pass, sothat, while the enemy were marching through it, he might be able tosnatch up some of the captives. And since there are no such roads there, because flat plains extend in every direction, he devised the followingplan. 

There is a city not far distant, named Tigisis, then an unwalled place, but having a great spring at a place which was very closely shut in. Althias therefore decided to take possession of this spring, reasoningthat the enemy, compelled by thirst, would surely come there; for thereis no other water at all close by. Now it seemed to all upon consideringthe disparity of the armies that his plan was insane. But the Moors cameup feeling very much wearied and greatly oppressed by the heat in thesummer weather, and naturally almost overcome by an intense thirst, andthey made for the spring with a great rush, having no thought of meetingany obstacle. But when they found the water held by the enemy, they allhalted, at a loss what to do, the greatest part of their strength havingbeen already expended because of their desire for water. Iaudastherefore had a parley with Althias and agreed to give him the thirdpart of the booty, on condition that the Moors should all drink. ButAlthias was by no means willing to accept the proposal, but demandedthat he fight with him in single combat for the booty. And thischallenge being accepted by Iaudas, it was agreed that if it so fell outthat Althias was overcame, the Moors should drink. And the whole Moorisharmy was rejoiced, being in good hope, since Althias was lean and nottall of body, while Iaudas was the finest and most warlike of all theMoors. Now both of them were, as it happened, mounted. And Iaudas hurledhis spear first, but as it was coming toward him Althias succeeded withamazing skill in catching it with his right hand, thus filling Iaudasand the enemy with consternation. And with his left hand he drew his bowinstantly, for he was ambidextrous, and hit and killed the horse ofIaudas. And as he fell, the Moors brought another horse for theircommander, upon which Iaudas leaped and straightway fled; and theMoorish army followed him in complete disorder. And Althias, by thustaking from them the captives and the whole of the booty, won a greatname in consequence of this deed throughout all Libya. Such, then, wasthe course of these events. 

And Solomon, after delaying a short time in Carthage, led his armytoward Mt. Aurasium and Iaudas, alleging against him that, while theRoman army was occupied in Byzacium, he had plundered many of the placesin Numidia. And this was true. Solomon was also urged on against Iaudasby the other commanders of the Moors, Massonas and Ortaļas, because oftheir personal enmity; Massonas, because his father Mephanias, who wasthe father-in-law of Iaudas, had been treacherously slain by him, andOrtaļas, because Iaudas, together with Mastinas, who ruled over thebarbarians in Mauretania, had purposed to drive him and all the Moorswhom he ruled from the land where they had dwelt from of old. So theRoman army, under the leadership of Solomon, and those of the Moors whocame into alliance with them, made their camp on the river Abigas, whichflows along by Aurasium and waters the land there. But to Iaudas itseemed inexpedient to array himself against the enemy in the plain, buthe made his preparations on Aurasium in such a way as seemed to himwould offer most difficulty to his assailants. This mountain is aboutthirteen days' journey distant from Carthage, and the largest of allknown to us. For its circuit is a three days' journey for anunencumbered traveller. And for one wishing to go upon it the mountainis difficult of access and extremely wild, but as one ascends andreaches the level ground, plains are seen and many springs which formrivers and a great number of altogether wonderful parks. And the grainwhich grows here, and every kind of fruit, is double the size of thatproduced in all the rest of Libya. And there are fortresses also on thismountain, which are neglected, by reason of the fact that they do notseem necessary to the inhabitants. For since the time when the Moorswrested Aurasium from the Vandals, [44] not a single enemy had until nowever come there or so much as caused the barbarians to be afraid thatthey would come, but even the populous city of Tamougadis, situatedagainst the mountain on the east at the beginning of the plain, wasemptied of its population by the Moors and razed to the ground, in orderthat the enemy should not only not be able to encamp there, but shouldnot even have the city as an excuse for coming near the mountain. Andthe Moors of that place held also the land to the west of Aurasium, atract both extensive and fertile. And beyond these dwelt other nationsof the Moors, who were ruled by Ortaļas, who had come, as was statedabove, as an ally to Solomon and the Romans. And I have heard this mansay that beyond the country which he ruled there was no habitation ofmen, but desert land extending to a great distance, and that beyond thatthere are men, not black-skinned like the Moors, but very white in bodyand fair-haired. So much, then, for these things. 

And Solomon, after bribing the Moorish allies with great sums of moneyand earnestly exhorting them, began the ascent of Mt. Aurasium with thewhole army arrayed as for battle, thinking that on that day he would dobattle with the enemy and just as he was have the matter out with themaccording as fortune should wish. Accordingly the soldiers did not eventake with them any food, except a little, for themselves and theirhorses. And after proceeding over very rough ground for about fiftystades, they made a bivouac. And covering a similar distance each daythey came on the seventh day to a place where there was an ancientfortress and an ever-flowing stream. The place is called "ShieldMountain" by the Romans in their own tongue. [45] Now it was reported tothem that the enemy were encamped there, and when they reached thisplace and encountered no enemy, they made camp and, preparing themselvesfor battle, remained there; and three days' time was spent by them inthat place. And since the enemy kept altogether out of their way, andtheir provisions had failed, the thought came to Solomon and to thewhole army that there had been some plot against them on the part of theMoors who were their allies; for these Moors were not unacquainted withthe conditions of travel on Aurasium, and understood, probably, what hadbeen decided upon by the enemy; they were stealthily going out to meetthem each day, it was said, and had also frequently been sent to theircountry by the Romans to reconnoitre, and had decided to make nothingbut false reports, in order, no doubt, that the Romans, with no priorknowledge of conditions, might make the ascent of Mt. Aurasium withoutsupplies for a longer time or without preparing themselves otherwise inthe way which would be best. And, all things considered, the Romans weresuspicious that an ambush had been set for them by men who were theirallies and began to be afraid, reasoning that the Moors are said to beby nature untrustworthy at all times and especially whenever they marchas allies with the Romans or any others against Moors. So, rememberingthese things, and at the same time being pinched by hunger, theywithdrew from there with all speed without accomplishing anything, and, upon reaching the plain, constructed a stockade. 

After this Solomon established a part of the army in Numidia to serve asa guard and with the remainder went to Carthage, since it was alreadywinter. There he arranged and set everything in order, so that at thebeginning of spring he might again march against Aurasium with a largerequipment and, if possible, without Moors as allies. At the same time heprepared generals and another army and a fleet of ships for anexpedition against the Moors who dwell in the island of Sardinia; forthis island is a large one and flourishing besides, being about twothirds as large as Sicily (for the perimeter of the island makes ajourney of twenty days for an unencumbered traveller); and lying, as itdoes, between Rome and Carthage, it was oppressed by the Moors who dweltthere. For the Vandals in ancient times, being enraged against thesebarbarians, sent some few of them with their wives to Sardinia andconfined them there. But as time went on they seized the mountains whichare near Caranalis, at first making plundering expeditions secretly uponthose who dwelt round about, but when they became no less than threethousand, they even made their raids openly, and with no desire forconcealment plundered all the country there, being calledBarbaricini[46] by the natives. It was against these barbarians, therefore, that Solomon was preparing the fleet during that winter. Such, then, was the course of events in Libya. 

XIV

And in Italy during these same times the following events took place. Belisarius was sent against Theodatus and the Gothic nation by theEmperor Justinian, and sailing to Sicily he secured this island with notrouble. And the manner in which this was done will be told in thefollowing pages, when the history leads me to the narration of theevents in Italy. For it has not seemed to me out of order first torecord all the events which happened in Libya and after that to turn tothe portion of the history touching Italy and the Goths. 

During this winter Belisarius remained in Syracuse and Solomon inCarthage. And it came about during this year that a most dread portenttook place. For the sun gave forth its light without brightness, likethe moon, during this whole year, and it seemed exceedingly like the sunin eclipse, for the beams it shed were not clear nor such as it isaccustomed to shed. And from the time when this thing happened men werefree neither from war nor pestilence nor any other thing leading todeath. And it was the time when Justinian was in the tenth year of hisreign. [536-537 A. D. ]

[536 A. D. ] At the opening of spring, when the Christians werecelebrating the feast which they call Easter, there arose a mutiny amongthe soldiers in Libya. I shall now tell how it arose and to what end itcame. 

After the Vandals had been defeated in the battle, as I have toldpreviously, [47] the Roman soldiers took their daughters and wives andmade them their own by lawful marriage. And each one of these women kepturging her husband to lay claim to the possession of the lands which shehad owned previously, saying that it was not right or fitting if, whileliving with the Vandals, they had enjoyed these lands, but afterentering into marriage with the conquerors of the Vandals they were thento be deprived of their possessions. And having these things in mind, the soldiers did not think that they were bound to yield the lands ofthe Vandals to Solomon, who wished to register them as belonging to thecommonwealth and to the emperor's house and said that while it was notunreasonable that the slaves and all other things of value should go asbooty to the soldiers, the land itself belonged to the emperor and theempire of the Romans, which had nourished them and caused them to becalled soldiers and to be such, not in order to win for themselves suchland as they should wrest from the barbarians who were trespassing onthe Roman empire, but that this land might come to the commonwealth, from which both they and all others secured their maintenance. This wasone cause of the mutiny. And there was a second, concurrent, cause also, which was no less, perhaps even more, effective in throwing all Libyainto confusion. It was as follows: In the Roman army there were, as ithappened, not less than one thousand soldiers of the Arian faith; andthe most of these were barbarians, some of these being of theErulian[48] nation. Now these men were urged on to the mutiny by thepriests of the Vandals with the greatest zeal. For it was not possiblefor them to worship God in their accustomed way, but they were excludedboth from all sacraments and from all sacred rites. For the EmperorJustinian did not allow any Christian who did not espouse the orthodoxfaith to receive baptism or any other sacrament. But most of all theywere agitated by the feast of Easter, during which they found themselvesunable to baptize[49] their own children with the sacred water, or doanything else pertaining to this feast. And as if these things were notsufficient for Heaven, in its eagerness to ruin the fortunes of theRomans, it so fell out that still another thing provided an occasion forthose who were planning the mutiny. For the Vandals whom Belisarius tookto Byzantium were placed by the emperor in five cavalry squadrons, inorder that they might be settled permanently in the cities of the East;he also called them the "Vandals of Justinian, " and ordered them tobetake themselves in ships to the East. Now the majority of these Vandalsoldiers reached the East, and, filling up the squadrons to which theyhad been assigned, they have been fighting against the Persians up tothe present time; but the remainder, about four hundred in number, afterreaching Lesbos, waiting until the sails were bellied with the wind, forced the sailors to submission and sailed on till they reached thePeloponnesus. And setting sail from there, they came to land in Libya ata desert place, where they abandoned the ships, and, after equippingthemselves, went up to Mt. Aurasium and Mauretania. Elated by theiraccession, the soldiers who were planning the mutiny formed a stillcloser conspiracy among themselves. And there was much talk about thisin the camp and oaths were already being taken. And when the rest wereabout to celebrate the Easter festival, the Arians, being vexed by theirexclusion from the sacred rites, purposed to attack them vigorously. 

And it seemed best to their leading men to kill Solomon in the sanctuaryon the first day of the feast, which they call the great day. [March 23, 536 A. D. ] And they were fortunate enough not to be found out, since noone disclosed this plan. For though there were many who shared in thehorrible plot, no word of it was divulged to any hostile person as theorders were passed around, and thus they succeeded completely inescaping detection, for even the spearmen and guards of Solomon for themost part and the majority of his domestics had become associated withthis mutiny because of their desire for the lands. And when theappointed day had now come, Solomon was sitting in the sanctuary, utterly ignorant of his own misfortune. And those who had decided tokill the man went in, and, urging one another with nods, they put theirhands to their swords, but they did nothing nevertheless, either becausethey were filled with awe of the rites then being performed in thesanctuary, or because the fame of the general caused them to be ashamed, or perhaps also some divine power prevented them. 

And when the rites on that day had been completely performed and allwere betaking themselves homeward, the conspirators began to blame oneanother with having turned soft-hearted at no fitting time, and theypostponed the plot for a second attempt on the following day. And on thenext day they acted in the same manner and departed from the sanctuarywithout doing anything, and entering the market place, they reviled eachother openly, and every single man of them called the next onesoft-hearted and a demoralizer of the band, not hesitating to censurestrongly the respect felt for Solomon. For this reason, indeed, theythought that they could no longer without danger remain in Carthage, inasmuch as they had disclosed their plot to the whole city. The most ofthem, accordingly, went out of the city quickly and began to plunder thelands and to treat as enemies all the Libyans whom they met; but therest remained in the city, giving no indication of what their ownintentions were but pretending ignorance of the plot which had beenformed. 

But Solomon, upon hearing what was being done by the soldiers in thecountry, became greatly disturbed, and ceased not exhorting those in thecity and urging them to loyalty toward the emperor. And they at firstseemed to receive his words with favour, but on the fifth day, when theyheard that those who had gone out were secure in their power, theygathered in the hippodrome and insulted Solomon and the other commanderswithout restraint. And Theodorus, the Cappadocian, being sent there bySolomon, attempted to dissuade them and win them by kind words, but theylistened to nothing of what was said. Now this Theodorus had a certainhostility against Solomon and was suspected of plotting against him. Forthis reason the mutineers straightway elected him general over them byacclamation, and with him they went with all speed to the palacecarrying weapons and raising a great tumult. There they killed anotherTheodorus, who was commander of the guards, a man of the greatestexcellence in every respect and an especially capable warrior. And whenthey had tasted this blood, they began immediately to kill everyone theymet, whether Libyan or Roman, if he were known to Solomon or had moneyin his hands; and then they turned to plundering, going up into thehouses which had no soldiers to defend them and seizing all the mostvaluable things, until the coming of night, and drunkenness followingtheir toil, made them cease. 

And Solomon succeeded in escaping unnoticed into the great sanctuarywhich is in the palace, and Martinus joined him there in the lateafternoon. And when all the mutineers were sleeping, they went out fromthe sanctuary and entered the house of Theodorus, the Cappadocian, whocompelled them to dine although they had no desire to do so, andconveyed them to the harbour and put them on the skiff of a certainship, which happened to have been made ready there by Martinus. AndProcopius also, who wrote this history, was with them, and about fivemen of the house of Solomon. And after accomplishing three hundredstades they reached Misuas, the ship-yard of Carthage, and, since theyhad reached safety, Solomon straightway commanded Martinus to go intoNumidia to Valerian and the others who shared his command, and endeavourto bring it about that each one of them, if it were in any way possible, should appeal to some of the soldiers known to him, either with money orby other means, and bring them back to loyalty toward the emperor. Andhe sent a letter to Theodorus, charging him to take care of Carthage andto handle the other matters as should seem possible to him, and hehimself with Procopius went to Belisarius at Syracuse. And afterreporting everything to him which had taken place in Libya, he beggedhim to come with all speed to Carthage and defend the emperor, who wassuffering unholy treatment at the hands of his own soldiers, Solomon, then, was thus engaged. 

XV

But the mutineers, after plundering everything in Carthage, gathered inthe plain of Boulla, and chose Stotzas, [50] one of the guards ofMartinus, and a passionate and energetic man, as tyrant over them, withthe purpose of driving the emperor's commanders out of all Libya andthus gaining control over it. And he armed the whole force, amounting toabout eight thousand men, and led them on to Carthage, thinking to winover the city instantly with no trouble. He sent also to the Vandals whohad run away from Byzantium with the ships and those who had not gonethere with Belisarius in the beginning, either because they had escapednotice, or because those who were taking off the Vandals at that timetook no account of them. Now they were not fewer than a thousand, andafter no great time they joined Stotzas and the army with enthusiasm. And a great throng of slaves also came to him. And when they drew nearCarthage, Stotzas sent orders that the people should surrender the cityto him as quickly as possible, on condition of their remaining free fromharm. But those in Carthage and Theodorus, in reply to this, refusedflatly to obey, and announced that they were guarding Carthage for theemperor. And they sent to Stotzas Joseph, the secretary of the emperor'sguards, a man of no humble birth and one of the household of Belisarius, who had recently been sent to Carthage on some mission to them, and theydemanded that Stotzas should go no further in his violence. But Stotzas, upon hearing this, straightway killed Joseph and commenced a siege. Andthose in the city, becoming terrified at the danger, were purposing tosurrender themselves and Carthage to Stotzas under an agreement. Suchwas the course of events in the army in Libya. 

But Belisarius selected one hundred men from his own spearmen andguards, and taking Solomon with him, sailed into Carthage with one shipat about dusk, at the time when the besiegers were expecting that thecity would be surrendered to them on the following day. And since theywere expecting this, they bivouacked that night. But when day had comeand they learned that Belisarius was present, they broke up camp asquickly as possible and disgracefully and in complete disorder beat ahasty retreat And Belisarius gathered about two thousand of the armyand, after urging them with words to be loyal to the emperor andencouraging them with large gifts of money, he began the pursuit of thefugitives. And he overtook them at the city of Membresa, three hundredand fifty stades distant from Carthage. There both armies made camp andprepared themselves for battle, the forces of Belisarius making theirentrenchment at the River Bagradas, and the others in a high anddifficult position. For neither of them saw fit to enter the city, sinceit was without walls. And on the day following they joined battle, themutineers trusting in their numbers, and the troops of Belisariusdespising their enemy as both without sense and without generals. AndBelisarius, wishing that these thoughts should be firmly lodged in theminds of his soldiers, called them all together and spoke as follows:--

"The situation, fellow-soldiers, both for the emperor and for theRomans, falls far short of our hopes and of our prayers. For we have nowcome to a combat in which even the winning of the victory will not bewithout tears for us, since we are fighting against kinsmen and men whohave been reared with us. But we have this comfort in our misfortune, that we are not ourselves beginning the battle, but have been broughtinto the conflict in our own defence. For he who has framed the plotagainst his dearest friends and by his own act has dissolved the ties ofkinship, dies not, if he perishes, by the hands of his friends, buthaving become an enemy is but making atonement to those who havesuffered wrong. And that our opponents are public enemies and barbariansand whatever worse name one might call them, is shewn not alone byLibya, which has become plunder under their hands, nor by theinhabitants of this land, who have been wrongfully slain, but also bythe multitude of Roman soldiers whom these enemies have dared to kill, though they have had but one fault to charge them with--loyalty to theirgovernment. And it is to avenge these their victims that we have nowcome against them, having with good reason become enemies to those whowere once most dear. For nature has made no men in the world eitherfriends or opponents to one another, but it is the actions of men inevery case which, either by the similarity of the motives which actuatethem unite them in alliance, or by the difference set them in hostilityto each other, making them friends or enemies as the case may be. That, therefore, we are fighting against men who are outlaws and enemies ofthe state, you must now be convinced; and now I shall make it plain thatthey deserve to be despised by us. For a throng of men united by no law, but brought together by motives of injustice, is utterly unable bynature to play the part of brave men, since valour is unable to dwellwith lawlessness, but always shuns those who are unholy. Nor, indeed, will they preserve discipline or give heed to the commands given byStotzas. For when a tyranny is newly organized and has not yet won thatauthority which self-confidence gives, it is, of necessity, looked uponby its subjects with contempt. Nor is it honoured through any sentimentof loyalty, for a tyranny is, in the nature of the case, hated; nor doesit lead its subjects by fear, for timidity deprives it of the power tospeak out openly. And when the enemy is handicapped in point of valourand of discipline, their defeat is ready at hand. With great contempt, therefore, as I said, we should go against this enemy of ours. For it isnot by the numbers of the combatants, but by their orderly array andtheir bravery, that prowess in war is wont to be measured. "

So spoke Belisarius. And Stotzas exhorted his troops as follows: "Menwho with me have escaped our servitude to the Romans, let no one of youcount it unworthy to die on behalf of the freedom which you have won byyour courage and your other qualities. For it is not so terrible a thingto grow old and die in the midst of ills, as to return again to it afterhaving gained freedom from oppressive conditions. For the interval whichhas given one a taste of deliverance makes the misfortune, naturallyenough, harder to bear. And this being so, it is necessary for you tocall to mind that after conquering the Vandals and the Moors youyourselves have enjoyed the labours of war, while others have becomemasters of all the spoils. And consider that, as soldiers, you will becompelled all your lives to be acquainted with the dangers of war, either in behalf of the emperor's cause, if, indeed, you are again hisslaves, or in behalf of your own selves, if you preserve this presentliberty. And whichever of the two is preferable, this it is in yourpower to choose, either by becoming faint-hearted at this time, or bypreferring to play the part of brave men. Furthermore, this thought alsoshould come to your minds, --that if, having taken up arms against theRomans, you come under their power, you will have experience of nomoderate or indulgent masters, but you will suffer the extreme ofpunishment, and, what is more, your death will not have been unmerited. To whomsoever of you, therefore, death comes in this battle, it is plainthat it will be a glorious death; and life, if you conquer the enemy, will be independent and in all other respects happy; but if you aredefeated, --I need mention no other bitterness than this, that all yourhope will depend upon the mercy of those men yonder. And the conflictwill not be evenly matched in regard to strength. For not only are theenemy greatly surpassed by us in numbers, but they will come against uswithout the least enthusiasm, for I think that they are praying for ashare of this our freedom. " Such was the speech of Stotzas. 

As the armies entered the combat, a wind both violent and exceedinglytroublesome began to blow in the faces of the mutineers of Stotzas. Forthis reason they thought it disadvantageous for them to fight the battlewhere they were, fearing lest the wind by its overpowering force shouldcarry the missiles of the enemy against them, while the impetus of theirown missiles would be very seriously checked. They therefore left theirposition and moved toward the flank, reasoning that if the enemy alsoshould change front, as they probably would, in order that they mightnot be assailed from the rear, the wind would then be in their faces. But Belisarius, upon seeing that they had left their position and incomplete disorder were moving to his flank, gave orders immediately toopen the attack. And the troops of Stotzas were thrown into confusion bythe unexpected move, and in great disorder, as each one could, they fledprecipitately, and only when they reached Numidia did they collectthemselves again. Few of them, however, perished in this action, andmost of them were Vandals. For Belisarius did not pursue them at all, for the reason that it seemed to him sufficient, since his army was verysmall, if the enemy, having been defeated for the present, should getout of his way. And he gave the soldiers the enemy's stockade toplunder, and they took it with not a man inside. But much money wasfound there and many women, the very women because of whom this war tookplace. [51] After accomplishing this, Belisarius marched back toCarthage. And someone coming from Sicily reported to him that a mutinyhad broken out in the army and was about to throw everything intoconfusion, unless he himself should return to them with all speed andtake measures to prevent it. He there therefore arranged matters inLibya as well as he could and, entrusting Carthage to Ildiger andTheodorus, went to Sicily. 

And the Roman commanders in Numidia, hearing that the troops of Stotzashad come and were gathering there, prepared for battle. Now thecommanders were as follows: of foederati, [52] Marcellus and Cyril, ofthe cavalry forces, Barbatus, and of infantry Terentius and Sarapis. All, however, took their commands from Marcellus, as holding theauthority in Numidia. He, therefore, upon hearing that Stotzas with somefew men was in a place called Gazophyla, [53] about two days' journeydistant from Constantina, [54] wished to anticipate the gathering of allthe mutineers, and led his army swiftly against them. And when the twoarmies were near together and the battle was about to commence, Stotzascame alone into the midst of his opponents and spoke as follows:

"Fellow-soldiers, you are not acting justly in taking the field againstkinsmen and those who have been reared with you, and in raising armsagainst men who in vexation at your misfortunes and the wrongs you havesuffered have decided to make war upon the emperor and the Romans. Or doyou not remember that you have been deprived of the pay which has beenowing you for a long time back, and that you have been robbed of theenemy's spoil, which the law of war has set as prizes for the dangers ofbattle? And that the others have claimed the right to live sumptuouslyall their lives upon the good things of victory, while you have followedas if their servants? If, now, you are angry with me, it is within yourpower to vent your wrath upon this body, and to escape the pollution ofkilling the others; but if you have no charge to bring against me, it istime for you to take up your weapons in your own behalf. " So spokeStotzas; and the soldiers listened to his words and greeted him withgreat favour. And when the commanders saw what was happening, theywithdrew in silence and took refuge in a sanctuary which was inGazophyla. And Stotzas combined both armies into one and then went tothe commanders. And finding them in the sanctuary, he gave pledges andthen killed them all. 

XVI

When the emperor learned this, he sent his nephew Germanus, a man ofpatrician rank, with some few men to Libya. And Symmachus also andDomnicus, men of the senate, followed him, the former to be prefect andcharged with the maintenance of the army, while Domnicus was to commandthe infantry forces. For John, [55] who had held the office of prefect, had already died of disease. And when they had sailed into Carthage, Germanus counted the soldiers whom they had, and upon looking over thebooks of the scribes where the names of all the soldiers wereregistered, he found that the third part of the army was in Carthage andthe other cities, while all the rest were arrayed with the tyrantagainst the Romans. He did not, therefore, begin any fighting, butbestowed the greatest care upon his army. And considering that thoseleft in Carthage were the kinsmen or tentmates of the enemy, he keptaddressing many winning words to all, and in particular said that he hadhimself been sent by the emperor to Libya in order to defend thesoldiers who had been wronged and to punish those who had unprovokeddone them any injury. And when this was found out by the mutineers, theybegan to come over to him a few at a time. And Germanus both receivedthem into the city in a friendly manner and, giving pledges, held themin honour, and he gave them their pay for the time during which they hadbeen in arms against the Romans. And when the report of these acts wascirculated and came to all, they began now to detach themselves in largenumbers from the tyrant and to march to Carthage. Then at last Germanus, hoping that in the battle he would be evenly matched in strength withhis opponents, began to make preparations for the conflict. 

But in the meantime Stotzas, already perceiving the trouble, and fearinglest by the defection of still others of his soldiers the army should bereduced still more, was pressing for a decisive encounter immediatelyand trying to take hold of the war with more vigour. And since he hadsome hope regarding the soldiers in Carthage, that they would come overto him, and thought that they would readily desert if he came near them, he held out the hope to all his men; and after encouraging themexceedingly in this way, he advanced swiftly with his whole army againstCarthage. And when he had come within thirty-five stades of the city, hemade camp not far from the sea, and Germanus, after arming his wholearmy and arraying them for battle, marched forth. And when they were alloutside the city, since he had heard what Stotzas was hoping for, hecalled together the whole army and spoke as follows:

"That there is nothing, fellow-soldiers, with which you can justlyreproach the emperor, and no fault which you can find with what he hasdone to you, this, I think, no one of you all could deny; for it was hewho took you as you came from the fields with your wallets and one smallfrock apiece and brought you together in Byzantium, and has caused youto be so powerful that the Roman state now depends upon you. And that hehas not only been treated with wanton insult, but has also suffered themost dreadful of all things at your hands, you yourselves, doubtless, know full well. And desiring that you should preserve the memory ofthese things for ever, he has dismissed the accusations brought againstyou for your crimes, asking that this debt alone be due to him fromyou--shame for what you have done. It is reasonable, therefore, thatyou, being thus regarded by him, should learn anew the lesson of goodfaith and correct your former folly. For when repentance comes at thefitting time upon those who have done wrong, it is accustomed to makethose who have been injured indulgent; and service which comes in seasonis wont to bring another name to those who have been called ungrateful. 

"And it will be needful for you to know well this also, that if at thepresent time you shew yourselves completely loyal to the emperor, noremembrance will remain of what has gone before. For in the nature ofthings every course of action is characterized by men in accordance withits final outcome; and while a wrong which has once been committed cannever be undone in all time, still, when it has been corrected by betterdeeds on the part of those who committed it, it receives the fittingreward of silence and generally comes to be forgotten. Moreover, if youact with any disregard of duty toward these accursed rascals at thepresent time, even though afterwards you fight through many wars inbehalf of the Romans and often win the victory over the enemy, you willnever again be regarded as having requited the emperor as you canrequite him to-day. For those who win applause in the very matter oftheir former wrong-doing always gain for themselves a fairer apology. Asregards the emperor, then, let each one of you reason in some such way. But as for me, I have not voluntarily done you any injustice, and I havedisplayed my good-will to you by all possible means, and now, facingthis danger, I have decided to ask this much of you all: let no manadvance with us against the enemy contrary to his judgement. But ifanyone of you is already desirous of arraying himself with them, withoutdelay let him go with his weapons to the enemy's camp, granting us thisone favour, that it be not stealthily, but openly, that he has decidedto do us wrong. Indeed, it is for this reason that I am making myspeech, not in Carthage, but after coming on the battle-field, in orderthat I might not be an obstacle to anyone who desires to desert to ouropponents, since it is possible for all without danger to shew theirdisposition toward the state. " Thus spoke Germanus. And a great uproarensued in the Roman army, for each one demanded the right to be thefirst to display to the general his loyalty to the emperor and to swearthe most dread oaths in confirmation. 

XVII

Now for some time the two armies remained in position opposite eachother. But when the mutineers saw that nothing of what Stotzas hadforetold was coming to pass, they began to be afraid as having beenunexpectedly cheated of their hope, and they broke their ranks andwithdrew, and marched off to Numidia, where were their women and themoney from their booty. And Germanus too came there with the whole armynot long afterwards, having made all preparations in the best waypossible and also bringing along many wagons for the army. Andovertaking his opponents in a place which the Romans call ScalaeVeteres, he made his preparations for battle in the following manner. Placing the wagons in line facing the front, he arrayed all the infantryalong them under the leadership of Domnicus, so that by reason of havingtheir rear in security they might fight with the greater courage. Andthe best of the horsemen and those who had come with him from Byzantiumhe himself had on the left of the infantry, while all the others heplaced on the right wing, not marshalled in one body but in threedivisions. And Ildiger led one of them, Theodoras the Cappadociananother, while the remaining one, which was larger, was commanded byJohn, the brother of Pappus, with three others. Thus did the Romansarray themselves. 

And the mutineers took their stand opposite them, not in order, however, but scattered, more in the manner of barbarians. And at no greatdistance many thousands of Moors followed them, who were commanded by anumber of leaders, and especially by Iaudas and Ortaļas. But not all ofthem, as it happened, were faithful to Stotzas and his men, for many hadsent previously to Germanus and agreed that, when they came into thefight, they would array themselves with the emperor's army against theenemy. However, Germanus could not trust them altogether, for theMoorish nation is by nature faithless to all men. It was for this reasonalso that they did not array themselves with the mutineers, but remainedbehind, waiting for what would come to pass, in order that with thosewho should be victorious they might join in the pursuit of thevanquished. Such was the purpose, then, of the Moors, in followingbehind and not mingling with the mutineers. 

And when Stotzas came close to the enemy and saw the standard ofGermanus, he exhorted his men and began to charge against him. But themutinous Eruli who were arrayed about him did not follow and even triedwith all their might to prevent him, saying that they did not know thecharacter of the forces of Germanus, but that they did know that thosearrayed on the enemy's right would by no means withstand them. If, therefore, they should advance against these, they would not only giveway themselves and turn to flight, but would also, in all probability, throw the rest of the Roman army into confusion; but if they shouldattack Germanus and be driven back and put to rout, their whole causewould be ruined on the spot. And Stotzas was persuaded by these words, and permitted the others to fight with the men of Germanus, while hehimself with the best men went against John and those arrayed with him. And they failed to withstand the attack and hastened to flee in completedisorder. And the mutineers took all their standards immediately, andpursued them as they fled at top speed, while some too charged upon theinfantry, who had already begun to abandon their ranks. But at thisjuncture Germanus himself, drawing his sword and urging the whole ofthat part of the army to do the same, with great difficulty routed themutineers opposed to him and advanced on the run against Stotzas. Andthen, since he was joined in this effort by the men of Ildiger andTheodorus, the two armies mingled with each other in such a way that, while the mutineers were pursuing some of their enemy, they were beingovertaken and killed by others. And as the confusion became greater andgreater, the troops of Germanus, who were in the rear, pressed on stillmore, and the mutineers, falling into great fear, thought no longer ofresistance. But neither side could be distinguished either by their owncomrades or by their opponents. For all used one language and the sameequipment of arms, and they differed neither in figure nor in dress norin any other thing whatever. For this reason the soldiers of the emperorby the advice of Germanus, whenever they captured anyone, asked who hewas; and then, if he said that he was a soldier of Germanus, they badehim give the watchword of Germanus, and if he was not at all able togive this, they killed him instantly. In this struggle one of the enemygot by unnoticed and killed the horse of Germanus, and Germanus himselffell to the ground and came into danger, and would have been lost hadnot his guards quickly saved him by forming an enclosure around him andmounting him on another horse. 

As for Stotzas, he succeeded in this tumult in escaping with a few men. But Germanus, urging on his men, went straight for the enemy's camp. There he was encountered by those of the mutineers who had beenstationed to guard the stockade. A stubborn fight took place around itsentrance, and the mutineers came within a little of forcing back theiropponents, but Germanus sent some of his followers and bade them maketrial of the camp at another point. These men, since no one wasdefending the camp at this place, got inside the stockade with littletrouble. And the mutineers, upon seeing them, rushed off in flight, andGermanus with all the rest of the army dashed into the enemy's camp. There the soldiers, finding it easy to plunder the goods of the camp, neither took any account of the enemy nor paid any further heed to theexhortations of their general, since booty was at hand. For this reasonGermanus, fearing lest the enemy should get together and come upon them, himself with some few men took his stand at the entrance of thestockade, uttering many laments and urging his unheeding men to returnto good order. And many of the Moors, when the rout had taken place inthis way, were now pursuing the mutineers, and, arraying themselves withthe emperor's troops, were plundering the camp of the vanquished. ButStotzas, at first having confidence in the Moorish army, rode to them inorder to renew the battle. But perceiving what was being done, he fledwith a hundred men, and succeeded with difficulty in making his escape. And once more many gathered about him and attempted to engage with theenemy, but being repulsed no less decisively than before, if not evenmore so, they all came over to Germanus. And Stotzas alone with some fewVandals withdrew to Mauretania, and taking to wife the daughter of oneof the rulers, remained there. And this was the conclusion of thatmutiny. 

XVIII

Now there was among the body-guards of Theodorus, the Cappadocian, acertain Maximinus, an exceedingly base man. This Maximinus had first gota very large number of the soldiers to join with him in a conspiracyagainst the government, and was now purposing to attempt a tyranny. Andbeing eager to associate with himself still more men, he explained theproject to others and especially to Asclepiades, a native of Palestine, who was a man of good birth and the first of the personal friends ofTheodorus. Now Asclepiades, after conversing with Theodorus, straightwayreported the whole matter to Germanus. And he, not wishing as yet, whileaffairs were still unsettled, to begin any other disturbance, decided toget the best of the man by cajoling and flattering him rather than bypunishment, and to bind him by oaths to loyalty toward the government. Accordingly, since it was an old custom among all Romans that no oneshould become a body-guard of one of the commanders, unless he hadpreviously taken the most dread oaths and given pledges of his loyaltyboth toward his own commander and toward the Roman emperor, he summonedMaximinus, and praising him for his daring, directed him to be one ofhis body-guards from that time forth. And he, being overjoyed at theextraordinary honour, and conjecturing that his project would in thisway get on more easily, took the oath, and though from that time forthhe was counted among the body-guards of Germanus, he did not hesitate todisregard his oaths immediately and to strengthen much more than everhis plans to achieve the tyranny. 

Now the whole city was celebrating some general festival, and many ofthe conspirators of Maximinus at about the time of lunch came accordingto their agreement to the palace, where Germanus was entertaining hisfriends at a feast, and Maximinus took his stand beside the couches withthe other body-guards. And as the drinking proceeded, someone enteredand announced to Germanus that many soldiers were standing in greatdisorder before the door of the court, putting forward the charge thatthe government owed them their pay for a long period. And he commandedthe most trusty of the guards secretly to keep close watch overMaximinus, allowing him in no way to perceive what was being done. Thenthe conspirators with threats and tumult proceeded on the run to thehippodrome, and those who shared their plan with them gathered graduallyfrom the houses and were assembling there. And if it had so chanced thatall of them had come together, no one, I think, would have been ableeasily to destroy their power; but, as it was, Germanus anticipatedthis, and, before the greater part had yet arrived, he straightway sentagainst them all who were well-disposed to himself and to the emperor. And they attacked the conspirators before they expected them. And then, since Maximinus, for whom they were waiting to begin the battle forthem, was not with them, and they did not see the crowd gathered to helpthem, as they had thought it would be, but instead even beheld theirfellow-soldiers unexpectedly fighting against them, they consequentlylost heart and were easily overcome in the struggle and rushed off inflight and in complete disorder. And their opponents slew many of them, and they also captured many alive and brought them to Germanus. Those, however, who had not already come to the hippodrome gave no indicationof their sentiment toward Maximinus. And Germanus did not see fit to goon and seek them out, but he enquired whether Maximinus, since he hadsworn the oath, had taken part in the plot. And since it was provedthat, though numbered among his own body-guards he had carried on hisdesigns still more than before, Germanus impaled him close by thefortifications of Carthage, and in this way succeeded completely inputting down the sedition. As for Maximinus, then, such was the end ofhis plot. 

XI

[539-540 A. D. ] And the emperor summoned Germanus together with Symmachusand Domnicus and again entrusted all Libya to Solomon, in the thirteenthyear of his reign; and he provided him with an army and officers, amongwhom were Rufinus and Leontius, the sons of Zaunas the son ofPharesmanas, and John, the son of Sisiniolus. For Martinus andValerianus had already before this gone under summons to Byzantium. AndSolomon sailed to Carthage, and having rid himself of the sedition ofStotzas, he ruled with moderation and guarded Libya securely, settingthe army in order, and sending to Byzantium and to Belisarius whateversuspicious elements he found in it, and enrolling new soldiers to equaltheir number, and removing those of the Vandals who were left andespecially all their women from the whole of Libya. And he surroundedeach city with a wall, and guarding the laws with great strictness, herestored the government completely. And Libya became under his rulepowerful as to its revenues and prosperous in other respects. 

And when everything had been arranged by him in the best way possible, he again made an expedition against Iaudas and the Moors on Aurasium. And first he sent forward Gontharis, one of his own body-guards and anable warrior, with an army. Now Gontharis came to the Abigas River andmade camp near Bagaļs, a deserted city. And there he engaged with theenemy, but was defeated in battle, and retiring to his stockade wasalready being hard pressed by the siege of the Moors. But afterwardsSolomon himself arrived with his whole army, and when he was sixtystades away from the camp which Gontharis was commanding, he made astockade and remained there; and hearing all that had befallen the forceof Gontharis, he sent them a part of his army and bade them keep up thefight against the enemy with courage. But the Moors, having gained theupper hand in the engagement, as I have said, did as follows. The AbigasRiver flows from Aurasium, and descending into a plain, waters the landjust as the men there desire. For the natives conduct this stream towhatever place they think it will best serve them at the moment, for inthis plain there are many channels, into which the Abigas is divided, and entering all of them, it passes underground, and reappears againabove the ground and gathers its stream together. This takes place overthe greatest part of the plain and makes it possible for the inhabitantsof the region, by stopping up the waterways with earth, or by againopening them, to make use of the waters of this river as they wish. Soat that time the Moors shut off all the channels there and thus allowedthe whole stream to flow about the camp of the Romans. As a result ofthis, a deep, muddy marsh formed there through which it was impossibleto go; this terrified them exceedingly and reduced them to a state ofhelplessness. When this was heard by Solomon, he came quickly. But thebarbarians, becoming afraid, withdrew to the foot of Aurasium. And in aplace which they call Babosis they made camp and remained there. SoSolomon moved with his whole army and came to that place. And uponengaging with the enemy, he defeated them decisively and turned them toflight. Now after this the Moors did not think it advisable for them tofight a pitched battle with the Romans; for they did not hope toovercome them in this kind of contest; but they did have hope, based onthe difficult character of the country around Aurasium, that the Romanswould in a short time give up by reason of the sufferings they wouldhave to endure and would withdraw from there, just as they formerly haddone. The most of them, therefore, went off to Mauretania and thebarbarians to the south of Aurasium, but Iaudas with twenty thousand ofthe Moors remained there. And it happened that he had built a fortresson Aurasium, Zerboule by name. Into this he entered with all the Moorsand remained quiet. But Solomon was by no means willing that time shouldbe wasted in the siege, and learning that the plains about the city ofTamougade were full of grain just becoming ripe, he led his army intothem, and settling himself there, began to plunder the land. Then, afterfiring everything, he returned again to the fortress of Zerboule. 

But during this time, while the Romans were plundering the land, Iaudas, leaving behind some of the Moors, about as many as he thought would besufficient for the defence of the fortress, himself ascended to thesummit of Aurasium with the rest of the army, not wishing to stand siegein the fort and have provisions fail his forces. And finding a highplace with cliff's on all sides of it and concealed by perpendicularrocks, Toumar by name, he remained quietly there. And the Romansbesieged the fortress of Zerboule for three days. And using their bows, since the wall was not high, they hit many of the barbarians upon theparapets. And by some chance it happened that all the leaders of theMoors were hit by these missiles and died. And when the three days' timehad passed and night came on, the Romans, having learned nothing of thedeath of the leaders among the Moors, were planning to break up thesiege. For it seemed better to Solomon to go against Iaudas and themultitude of the Moors, thinking that, if he should be able to capturethat force by siege, the barbarians in Zerboule would with less troubleand difficulty yield to the Romans. But the barbarians, thinking thatthey could no longer hold out against the siege, since all their leadershad now been destroyed, decided to flee with all speed and abandon thefortress. Accordingly they fled immediately in silence and withoutallowing the enemy in any way to perceive it, and the Romans also atdaybreak began to prepare for departure. And since no one appeared onthe wall, although the besieging army was withdrawing, they began towonder and fell into the greatest perplexity among themselves. And inthis state of uncertainty they went around the fortress and found thegate open from which the Moors had departed in flight. And entering thefortress they treated everything as plunder, but they had no thought ofpursuing the enemy, for they had set out with light equipment and werefamiliar with the country round about. And when they had plunderedeverything, they set guards over the fortress, and all moved forward onfoot. 

XX

And coming to the place Toumar, where the enemy had shut themselves inand were remaining quiet, they encamped near by in a bad position, wherethere would be no supply of water, except a little, nor any othernecessary thing. And after much time had been spent and the barbariansdid not come out against them at all, they themselves, no less than theenemy, if not even more, were hard pressed by the siege and began to beimpatient. And more than anything else, they were distressed by the lackof water; this Solomon himself guarded, giving each day no more than asingle cupful to each man. And since he saw that they were openlydiscontented and no longer able to bear their present hardships, heplanned to make trial of the place, although it was difficult of access, and called all together and exhorted them as follows: "Since God hasgranted to the Romans to besiege the Moors on Aurasium, a thing whichhitherto has been beyond hope and now, to such as do not see what isactually being done, is altogether incredible, it is necessary that wetoo should lend our aid to the help that has come from above, and notprove false to this favour, but undergoing the danger with enthusiasm, should reach after the good fortune which is to come from success. Forin every case the turning of the scales of human affairs depends uponthe moment of opportunity; but if a man, by wilful cowardice, is traitorto his fortune, he cannot justly blame it, having by his own actionbrought the guilt upon himself. Now as for the Moors, you see theirweakness surely and the place in which they have shut themselves up andare keeping guard, deprived of all the necessities of life. And as foryou, one of two things is necessary, either without feeling any vexationat the siege to await the surrender of the enemy, or, if you shrink fromthis, to accept the victory which goes with the danger. And fightingagainst these barbarians will be the more free from danger for us, inasmuch as they are already fighting with hunger and I think they willnever even come to an engagement with us. Having these things in mind atthe present time, it behooves you to execute all your orders witheagerness. "

After Solomon had made this exhortation, he looked about to see fromwhat point it would be best for his men to make an attempt on the place, and for a long time he seemed to be in perplexity. For the difficultnature of the ground seemed to him quite too much to contend with. Butwhile Solomon was considering this, chance provided a way for theenterprise as follows. There was a certain Gezon in the army, afoot-soldier, "optio"[56] of the detachment to which Solomon belonged;for thus the Romans call the paymaster. This Gezon, either in play or inanger, or perhaps even moved by some divine impulse, began to make theascent alone, apparently going against the enemy, and not far from himwent some of his fellow-soldiers, marvelling greatly at what he wasdoing. And three of the Moors, who had been stationed to guard theapproach, suspecting that the man was coming against them, went on therun to confront him. But since they were in a narrow way, they did notproceed in orderly array, but each one went separately. And Gezon struckthe first one who came upon him and killed him, and in this way hedespatched each of the others. And when those in the rear perceivedthis, they advanced with much shouting and tumult against the enemy. Andwhen the whole Roman army both heard and saw what was being done, without waiting either for the general to lead the way for them or forthe trumpets to give the signal for battle, as was customary, nor indeedeven keeping their order, but making a great uproar and urging oneanother on, they ran against the enemy's camp. There Rufinus andLeontius, the sons of Zaunas the son of Pharesmanes, made a splendiddisplay of valorous deeds against the enemy. And by this the Moors wereterror-stricken, and when they learned that their guards also had beendestroyed, they straightway turned to flight where each one could, andthe most of them were overtaken in the difficult ground and killed. AndIaudas himself, though struck by a javelin in the thigh, still made hisescape and withdrew to Mauretania. But the Romans, after plundering theenemy's camp, decided not to abandon Aurasium again, but to guardfortresses which Solomon was to build there, so that this mountain mightnot be again accessible to the Moors. 

Now there is on Aurasium a perpendicular rock which rises in the midstof precipices; the natives call it the Rock of Geminianus; there the menof ancient times had built a tower, making it very small as a place ofrefuge, strong and unassailable, since the nature of the positionassisted them. Here, as it happened, Iaudas had a few days previouslydeposited his money and his women, setting one old Moor in charge asguardian of the money. For he could never have suspected that the enemywould either reach this place, or that they could in all time capturethe tower by force. But the Romans at that time, searching through therough country of Aurasium, came there, and one of them, with a laugh, attempted to climb up to the tower; but the women began to taunt him, ridiculing him as attempting the impossible; and the old man, peeringout from the tower, did the same thing. But when the Roman soldier, climbing with both hands and feet, had come near them, he drew his swordquietly and leaped forward as quickly as he could, and struck the oldman a fair blow on the neck, and succeeded in cutting it through. Andthe head fell down to the ground, and the soldiers, now emboldened andholding to one another, ascended to the tower, and took out from thereboth the women and the money, of which there was an exceedingly greatquantity. And by means of it Solomon surrounded many of the cities inLibya with walls. 

And after the Moors had retired from Numidia, defeated in the mannerdescribed, the land of Zabe, which is beyond Mt. Aurasium and is called"First Mauretania, " whose metropolis is Sitiphis, [57] was added to theRoman empire by Solomon as a tributary province; for of the otherMauretania Caesarea is the first city, where was settled Mastigas[58]with his Moors, having the whole country there subject and tributary tohim, except, indeed, the city of Caesarea. For this city Belisarius hadpreviously recovered for the Romans, as has been set forth in theprevious narrative[59]; and the Romans always journey to this city inships, but they are not able to go by land, since Moors dwell in thatcountry. And as a result of this all the Libyans who were subjects ofthe Romans, coming to enjoy secure peace and finding the rule of Solomonwise and very moderate, and having no longer any thought of hostility intheir minds, seemed the most fortunate of all men. 

XXI

But in the fourth year after this it came about that all their blessingswere turned to the opposite. [543-544 A. D. ] For in the seventeenth yearof the reign of the Emperor Justinian, Cyrus and Sergius, the sons ofBacchus, Solomon's brother, were assigned by the emperor to rule overthe cities in Libya, Cyrus, the elder, to have Pentapolis, [60] andSergius Tripolis. And the Moors who are called Leuathae came to Sergiuswith a great army at the city of Leptimagna, [61] spreading the reportthat the reason they had come was this, that Sergius might give them thegifts and insignia of office which were customary[62] and so make thepeace secure. But Sergius, persuaded by Pudentius, a man of Tripolis, ofwhom I made mention in the preceding narrative[63] as having served theEmperor Justinian against the Vandals at the beginning of the VandalicWar, received eighty of the barbarians, their most notable men, into thecity, promising to fulfil all their demands; but he commanded the restto remain in the suburb. Then after giving these eighty men pledgesconcerning the peace, he invited them to a banquet. But they say thatthese barbarians had come into the city with treacherous intent, thatthey might lay a trap for Sergius and kill him. And when they came intoconference with him, they called up many charges against the Romans, andin particular said that their crops had been plundered wrongfully. AndSergius, paying no heed to these things, rose from the seat on which hewas sitting, with intent to go away. And one of the barbarians, layinghold upon his shoulder, attempted to prevent him from going. Then theothers began to shout in confusion, and were already rushing togetherabout him. But one of the body-guards of Sergius, drawing his sword, despatched that Moor. And as a result of this a great tumult, as wasnatural, arose in the room, and the guards of Sergius killed all thebarbarians. But one of them, upon seeing the others being slain, rushedout of the house where these things were taking place, unnoticed byanyone, and coming to his tribemates, revealed what had befallen theirfellows. And when they heard this, they betook themselves on the run totheir own camp and together with all the others arrayed themselves inarms against the Romans. Now when they came near the city of Leptimagna, Sergius and Pudentius confronted them with their whole army. And thebattle becoming a hand-to-hand fight, at first the Romans werevictorious and slew many of the enemy, and, plundering their camp, secured their goods and enslaved an exceedingly great number of womenand children. But afterwards Pudentius, being possessed by a spirit ofreckless daring, was killed; and Sergius with the Roman army, since itwas already growing dark, marched into Leptimagna. 

At a later time the barbarians took the field against the Romans with agreater array. And Sergius went to join his uncle Solomon, in order thathe too might go to meet the enemy with a larger army; and he found therehis brother Cyrus also. And the barbarians, coming into Byzacium, maderaids and plundered a great part of the country there; and Antalas (whomI mentioned in the preceding narrative[64] as having remained faithfulto the Romans and as being for this reason sole ruler of the Moors inByzacium) had by now, as it happened, become hostile to Solomon, becauseSolomon had deprived him of the maintenance with which the emperor hadhonoured him and had killed his brother, charging him withresponsibility for an uprising against the people of Byzacium. So atthat time Antalas was pleased to see these barbarians, and making anoffensive and defensive alliance with them, led them against Solomon andCarthage. 

And Solomon, as soon as he heard about this, put his whole army inmotion and marched against them, and coming upon them at the city ofTebesta, distant six days' journey from Carthage, he established hiscamp in company with the sons of his brother Bacchus, Cyrus and Sergiusand Solomon the younger. And fearing the multitude of the barbarians, hesent to the leaders of the Leuathae, reproaching them because, while atpeace with the Romans, they had taken up arms and come against them, anddemanding that they should confirm the peace existing between the twopeoples, and he promised to swear the most dread oaths, that he wouldhold no remembrance of what they had done. But the barbarians, mockinghis words, said that he would of course swear by the sacred writings ofthe Christians, which they are accustomed to call Gospels. Now sinceSergius had once taken these oaths and then had slain those who trustedin them, [65] it was their desire to go into battle and make a test ofthese same sacred writings, to see what sort of power they had againstthe perjurers, in order that they might first have absolute confidencein them before they finally entered into the agreement. When Solomonheard this, he made his preparations for the combat. 

And on the following day he engaged with a portion of the enemy as theywere bringing in a very large booty, conquered them in battle, seizedall their booty and kept it under guard. And when the soldiers weredissatisfied and counted it an outrage that he did not give them theplunder, he said that he was awaiting the outcome of the war, in orderthat they might distribute everything then, according to the share thatshould seem to suit the merit of each. But when the barbarians advanceda second time, with their whole army, to give battle, this time some ofthe Romans stayed behind and the others entered the encounter with noenthusiasm. At first, then, the battle was evenly contested, but later, since the Moors were vastly superior by reason of their great numbers, the most of the Romans fled, and though Solomon and a few men about himheld out for a time against the missiles of the barbarians, afterwardsthey were overpowered by the enemy, and fleeing in haste, reached aravine made by a brook which flowed in that region. And there Solomon'shorse stumbled and threw him to the ground, and his body-guards liftedhim quickly in their arms and set him upon his horse. But overcome bygreat pain and unable to hold the reins longer, he was overtaken andkilled by the barbarians, and many of his guards besides. Such was theend of Solomon's life. 

XXII

After the death of Solomon, Sergius, who, as has been said, was hisnephew, took over the government of Libya by gift of the emperor. Andthis man became the chief cause of great ruin to the people of Libya, and all were dissatisfied with his rule--the officers because, beingexceedingly stupid and young both in character and in years, he provedto be the greatest braggart of all men, and he insulted them for no justcause and disregarded them, always using the power of his wealth and theauthority of his office to this end; and the soldiers disliked himbecause he was altogether unmanly and weak; and the Libyans, not onlyfor these reasons, but also because he had shown himself strangely fondof the wives and the possessions of others. But most of all John, theson of Sisiniolus, was hostile to the power of Sergius; for, though hewas an able warrior and was a man of unusually fair repute, he foundSergius absolutely ungrateful. For this reason neither he nor anyoneelse at all was willing to take up arms against the enemy. But almostall the Moors were following Antalas, and Stotzas came at his summonsfrom Mauretania. And since not one of the enemy came out against them, they began to sack the country, making plunder of everything withoutfear. At that time Antalas sent to the Emperor Justinian a letter, whichset forth the following:

"That I am a slave of thy empire not even I myself would deny, but theMoors, having suffered unholy treatment at the hands of Solomon in timeof peace, have taken up arms under the most severe constraint, notlifting them against thee, but warding off our personal enemy; and thisis especially true of me. For he not only decided to deprive me of themaintenance, which Belisarius long before specified and thou didstgrant, but he also killed my own brother, although he had no wrongdoingto charge against him. We have therefore taken vengeance upon him whowronged us. And if it is thy will that the Moors be in subjection to thyempire and serve it in all things as they are accustomed to do, commandSergius, the nephew of Solomon, to depart from here and return to thee, and send another general to Libya. For thou wilt not be lacking in menof discretion and more worthy than Sergius in every way; for as long asthis man commands thy army, it is impossible for peace to be establishedbetween the Romans and the Moors. "

Such was the letter written by Antalas. But the emperor, even afterreading these things and learning the common enmity of all towardSergius, was still unwilling to remove him from his office, out ofrespect for the virtues of Solomon and especially the manner of hisdeath. Such, then, was the course of these events. 

But Solomon, the brother of Sergius, who was supposed to havedisappeared from the world together with his uncle Solomon, wasforgotten by his brother and by the rest as well; for no one had learnedthat he was alive. But the Moors, as it happened, had taken him alive, since he was very young; and they enquired of him who he was. And hesaid that he was a Vandal by birth, and a slave of Solomon. He said, moreover, that he had a friend, a physician, Pegasius by name, in thecity of Laribus near by, who would purchase him by giving ransom. So theMoors came up close to the fortifications of the city and calledPegasius and displayed Solomon to him, and asked whether it was hispleasure to purchase the man. And since he agreed to purchase him, theysold Solomon to him for fifty pieces of gold. But upon getting insidethe fortifications, Solomon taunted the Moors as having been deceived byhim, a mere lad; for he said that he was no other than Solomon, the sonof Bacchus and nephew of Solomon. And the Moors, being deeply stung bywhat had happened, and counting it a terrible thing that, while having astrong security for the conduct of Sergius and the Romans, they hadrelinquished it so carelessly, came to Laribus and laid siege to theplace, in order to capture Solomon with the city. And the besieged, interror at being shut in by the barbarians, for they had not even carriedin provisions, as it happened, opened negotiations with the Moors, proposing that upon receiving a great sum of money they shouldstraightway abandon the siege. Whereupon the barbarians, thinking thatthey could never take the city by force--for the Moors are not at allpractised in the storming of walls--and at the same time not knowingthat provisions were scarce for the besieged, welcomed their words, andwhen they had received three thousand pieces of gold, they abandoned thesiege, and all the Leuathae retired homeward. 

XXIII

But Antalas and the army of the Moors were gathering again in Byzaciumand Stotzas was with them, having some few soldiers and Vandals. AndJohn, the son of Sisiniolus, being earnestly entreated by the Libyans, gathered an army and marched against them. Now Himerius, the Thracian, was commander of the troops in Byzacium, and at that time he was orderedby John to bring with him all the troops there, together with thecommanders of each detachment, and come to a place called Menephesse, which is in Byzacium, and join his force there. But later, upon hearingthat the enemy were encamped there, John wrote to Himerius telling whathad happened and directing him to unite with his forces at anotherplace, that they might not go separately, but all together, to encounterthe enemy. But by some chance those who had this letter, making use ofanother road, were quite unable to find Himerius, and he together withhis army, coming upon the camp of the enemy, fell into their hands. Nowthere was in this Roman army a certain youth, Severianus, son ofAsiaticus, a Phoenician and a native of Emesa, commanding a detachmentof horse. This man alone, together with the soldiers under him, fifty innumber, engaged with the enemy. And for some time they held out, butlater, being overpowered by the great multitude, they ran to the top ofa hill in the neighbourhood on which there was also a fort, but onewhich offered no security. For this reason they surrendered themselvesto their opponents when they ascended the hill to attack them. And theMoors killed neither him nor any of the soldiers, but they madeprisoners of the whole force; and Himerius they kept under guard, andhanded over his soldiers to Stotzas, since they agreed with greatreadiness to march with the rebels against the Romans; Himerius, however, they threatened with death, if he should not carry out theircommands. And they commanded him to put into their hands by some devicethe city of Hadrumetum on the sea. And since he declared that he waswilling, they went with him against Hadrumetum. And upon coming near thecity, they sent Himerius a little in advance with some of the soldiersof Stotzas, dragging along, as it seemed, some Moors in chains, and theythemselves followed behind. And they directed Himerius to say to thosein command of the gates of the city that the emperor's army had won adecisive victory, and that John would come very soon, bringing aninnumerable multitude of Moorish captives; and when in this manner thegates had been opened to them, he was to get inside the fortificationstogether with those who went with him. And he carried out theseinstructions. And the citizens of Hadrumetum, being deceived in this way(for they could not distrust the commander of all the troops inByzacium), opened wide the gates and received the enemy. Then, indeed, those who had entered with Himerius drew their swords and would notallow the guards there to shut the gates again, but straightway receivedthe whole army of the Moors into the city. And the barbarians, afterplundering it and establishing there some few guards, departed. And ofthe Romans who had been captured some few escaped and came to Carthage, among whom were Severianus and Himerius. For it was not difficult forthose who wished it to make their escape from Moors. And many also, notat all unwillingly, remained with Stotzas. 

Not long after this one of the priests, Paulus by name, who had beenappointed to take charge of the sick, in conferring with some of thenobles, said: "I myself shall journey to Carthage and I am hopeful thatI shall return quickly with an army, and it will be your care to receivethe emperor's forces into the city. " So they attached some ropes to himand let him down by night from the fortifications, and he, coming to thesea-shore and happening upon a fishing-vessel which was thereabouts, wonover the masters of this boat by great sums of money and sailed off toCarthage. And when he had landed there and come into the presence ofSergius, he told the whole story and asked him to give him aconsiderable army in order to recover Hadrumetum. And since this by nomeans pleased Sergius, inasmuch as the army in Carthage was not great, the priest begged him to give him some few soldiers, and receiving notmore than eighty men, he formed the following plan. He collected a largenumber of boats and skiffs and embarked on them many sailors and Libyansalso, clad in the garments which the Roman soldiers are accustomed towear. And setting off with the whole fleet, he sailed at full speedstraight for Hadrumetum. And when he had come close to it, he sent somemen stealthily and declared to the notables of the city that Germanus, the emperor's nephew, had recently come to Carthage, and had sent a veryconsiderable army to the citizens of Hadrumetum. And he bade them takecourage at this and open for them one small gate that night. And theycarried out his orders. Thus Paulus with his followers got inside thefortifications, and he slew all the enemy and recovered Hadrumetum forthe emperor; and the rumour about Germanus, beginning there, went evento Carthage. And the Moors, as well as Stotzas and his followers, uponhearing this, at first became terrified and went off in flight to theextremities of Libya, but later, upon learning the truth, they countedit a terrible thing that they, after sparing all the citizens ofHadrumetum, had suffered such things at their hands. For this reasonthey made raids everywhere and wrought unholy deeds upon the Libyans, sparing no one whatever his age, and the land became at that time forthe most part depopulated. For of the Libyans who had been left somefled into the cities and some to Sicily and the other islands. Butalmost all the notables came to Byzantium, among whom was Paulus also, who had recovered Hadrumetum for the emperor. And the Moors with stillless fear, since no one came out against them, were plunderingeverything, and with them Stotzas, who was now powerful. For many Romansoldiers were following him, some who had come as deserters, and otherswho had been in the beginning captives but now remained with him oftheir own free will. And John, who was indeed a man of some reputationamong the Moors, was remaining quiet because of the extreme hostility hehad conceived against Sergius. 

XXIV

At this time the emperor sent to Libya, with some few soldiers, anothergeneral, Areobindus, a man of the senate and of good birth, but not atall skilled in matters of warfare. And he sent with him Athanasius, aprefect, who had come recently from Italy, and some few Armenians led byArtabanes and John, sons of John, of the line of the Arsacidae, [66] whohad recently left the Persian army and as deserters had come back to theRomans, together with the other Armenians. And with Areobindus was hissister and Prejecta, his wife, who was the daughter of Vigilantia, thesister of the Emperor Justinian. The emperor, however, did not recallSergius, but commanded both him and Areobindus to be generals of Libya, dividing the country and the detachments of soldiers between them. Andhe enjoined upon Sergius to carry on the war against the barbarians inNumidia, and upon Areobindus to direct his operations constantly againstthe Moors in Byzacium. And when this expedition lauded at Carthage, Sergius departed forthwith for Numidia with his own army, andAreobindus, upon learning that Antalas and Stotzas were encamped nearthe city of Siccaveneria, which is three days' journey distant fromCarthage, commanded John, the son of Sisiniolus, to go against them, choosing out whatever was best of the army; and he wrote to Sergius tounite with the forces of John, in order that they might all with onecommon force engage with the enemy. Now Sergius decided to pay no heedto the message and have nothing to do with this affair, and John with asmall army was compelled to engage with an innumerable host of theenemy. And there had always been great enmity between him and Stotzas, and each one used to pray that he might become the slayer of the otherbefore departing from the world. At that time, accordingly, as soon asthe fighting was about to come to close quarters, both rode out fromtheir armies and came against each other. And John drew his bow, and, asStotzas was still advancing, made a successful shot and hit him in theright groin, and Stotzas, mortally wounded, fell there, not yet dead, but destined to survive this wound only a little time. And all came upimmediately, both the Moorish army and those who followed Stotzas, andplacing Stotzas with little life in him against a tree, they advancedupon their enemy with great fury; and since they were far superior innumbers, they routed John and all the Romans with no difficulty. Then, indeed, they say, John remarked that death had now a certain sweetnessfor him, since his prayer regarding Stotzas had reached fulfilment. Andthere was a steep place near by, where his horse stumbled and threw himoff. And as he was trying to leap upon the horse again, the enemy caughtand killed him, a man who had shown himself great both in reputation andin valour. And Stotzas learned this and then died, remarking only thatnow it was most sweet to die. In this battle John, the Armenian, brotherof Artabanes, also died, after making a display of valorous deedsagainst the enemy. And the emperor, upon hearing this, was very deeplygrieved because of the valour of John; and thinking it inexpedient forthe two generals to administer the province, he immediately recalledSergius and sent him to Italy with an army, and gave over the wholepower of Libya to Areobindus. 

XXV

And two months after Sergius had departed from there, Gontharis essayedto set up a tyranny in the following manner. He himself, as it happened, was commanding the troops in Numidia and spending his time there forthat reason, but he was secretly treating with the Moors that they mightmarch against Carthage. Forthwith, therefore, an army of the enemy, having been gathered into one place from Numidia and Byzacium, went withgreat zeal against Carthage. And the Numidians were commanded byCoutzinas and Iaudas, and the men of Byzacium by Antalas. And with himwas also John, the tyrant, and his followers; for the mutineers, afterthe death of Stotzas, had set him up as ruler over themselves. And whenAreobindus learned of their attack, he summoned to Carthage a number ofthe officers with their men, and among them Gontharis. And he was joinedalso by Artabanes and the Armenians. Areobindus, accordingly, badeGontharis lead the whole army against the enemy. And Gontharis, thoughhe had promised to serve him zealously in the war, proceeded to act asfollows. One of his servants, a Moor by birth and a cook by trade, hecommanded to go to the enemy's camp, and to make it appear to all othersthat he had run away from his master, but to tell Antalas secretly thatGontharis wished to share with him the rule of Libya. So the cookcarried out these directions, and Antalas heard the word gladly, butmade no further reply than to say that worthy enterprises are notproperly brought to pass among men by cooks. When this was heard byGontharis, he immediately sent to Antalas one of his body-guards, Ulitheus by name, whom he had found especially trustworthy in hisservice, inviting him to come as close as possible to Carthage. For, ifthis were done, he promised him to put Areobindus out of the way. SoUlitheus without the knowledge of the rest of the barbarians made anagreement with Antalas that he, Antalas, should rule Byzacium, havinghalf the possessions of Areobindus and taking with him fifteen hundredRoman soldiers, while Gontharis should assume the dignity of king, holding the power over Carthage and the rest of Libya. And aftersettling these matters he returned to the Roman camp, which they hadmade entirely in front of the circuit-wall, distributing amongthemselves the guarding of each gate. And the barbarians not longafterwards proceeded straight for Carthage in great haste, and they madecamp and remained in the place called Decimum. [67] And departing fromthere on the following day, they were moving forward. But some of theRoman army encountered them, and engaging with them unexpectedly, slew asmall number of the Moors. But these were straightway called back byGontharis, who rebuked them for acting with reckless daring and forbeing willing to give the Romans foreknowledge of the danger into whichthey were thrown. 

But in the meantime Areobindus sent to Coutzinas secretly and began totreat with him with regard to turning traitor. And Coutzinas promisedhim that, as soon as they should begin the action, he would turn againstAntalas and the Moors of Byzacium. For the Moors keep faith neither withany other men nor with each other. This Areobindus reported toGontharis. And he, wishing to frustrate the enterprise by having itpostponed, advised Areobindus by no means to have faith in Coutzinas, unless he should receive from him his children as hostages. SoAreobindus and Coutzinas, constantly sending secret messages to eachother, were busying themselves with the plot against Antalas. AndGontharis sent Ulitheus once more and made known to Antalas what wasbeing done. And he decided not to make any charges against Coutzinas nordid he allow him to know that he had discovered the plot, nor indeed didhe disclose anything of what had been agreed upon by himself andGontharis. But though enemies and hostile at heart to one another, theywere arrayed together with treacherous intent, and each of them wasmarching with the other against his own particular friend. With suchpurposes Coutzinas and Antalas were leading the Moorish army againstCarthage. And Gontharis was intending to kill Areobindus, but, in orderto avoid the appearance of aiming at sole power, he wished to do thissecretly in battle, in order that it might seem that the plot had beenmade by others against the general, and that he had been compelled bythe Roman army to assume command over Libya. Accordingly he circumventedAreobindus by deceit, and persuaded him to go out against the enemy andengage with them, now that they had already come close to Carthage. Hedecided, therefore, that on the following day he would lead the wholearmy against the enemy at sunrise. But Areobindus, being veryinexperienced in this matter and reluctant besides, kept holding backfor no good reason. For while considering how he should put on hisequipment of arms and armour, and making the other preparations for thesally, he wasted the greatest part of the day. He accordingly put offthe engagement to the following day and remained quiet. But Gontharis, suspecting that he had hesitated purposely, as being aware of what wasbeing done, decided openly to accomplish the murder of the general andmake his attempt at the tyranny. 

XXVI

And on the succeeding day he proceeded to act as follows. Opening widethe gates where he himself kept guard, he placed huge rocks under them, that no one might be able easily to shut them, and he placed armouredmen with bows in their hands about the parapet in great numbers, and hehimself, having put on his breastplate, took his stand between thegates. And his purpose in doing this was not that he might receive theMoors into the city; for the Moors, being altogether fickle, aresuspicious of all men. And it is not unnatural that they are so; forwhoever is by nature treacherous toward his neighbours is himself unableto trust anyone at all, but he is compelled to be suspicious of all men, since he estimates the character of his neighbour by his own mind. Forthis reason, then, Gontharis did not hope that even the Moors wouldtrust him and come inside the circuit-wall, but he made this move inorder that Areobindus, falling into great fear, might straightway rushoff in flight, and, abandoning Carthage as quickly as he could, mightbetake himself to Byzantium. And he would have been right in hisexpectation had not winter come on just then and frustrated his plan. [544-545 A. D. ] And Areobindus, learning what was being done, summonedAthanasius and some of the notables. And Artabanes also came to him fromthe camp with two others and he urged Areobindus neither to lose heartnor to give way to the daring of Gontharis, but to go against himinstantly with all his men and engage him in battle, before any furthertrouble arose. At first, then, Areobindus sent to Gontharis one of hisfriends, Phredas by name, and commanded him to test the other's purpose. And when Phredas returned and reported that Gontharis by no means deniedhis intention of seizing the supreme power, he purposed immediately togo against him arrayed for battle. 

But in the meantime Gontharis slandered Areobindus to the soldiers, saying that he was a coward and not only possessed with fear of theenemy, but at the same time quite unwilling to give them, his soldiers, their pay, and that he was planning to run away with Anastasius and thatthey were about to sail very soon from Mandracium[68], in order that thesoldiers, fighting both with hunger and with the Moors, might bedestroyed; and he enquired whether it was their wish to arrest both andkeep them under guard. For thus he hoped either that Areobindus, perceiving the tumult, would turn to flight, or that he would becaptured by the soldiers and ruthlessly put to death. Moreover hepromised that he himself would advance to the soldiers money of his own, as much as the government owed them. And they were approving his wordsand were possessed with great wrath against Areobindus, but while thiswas going on Areobindus together with Artabanes and his followers camethere. And a battle took place on the parapet and below about the gatewhere Gontharis had taken his stand, and neither side was worsted. Andall were about to gather from the camps, as many as were well disposedto the emperor, and capture the mutineers by force. For Gontharis hadnot as yet deceived all, but the majority remained still uncorrupted inmind. But Areobindus, seeing then for the first time the killing of men(for he had not yet, as it happened, become acquainted with this sight), was terror-stricken and, turning coward, fled, unable to endure what hesaw. 

Now there is a temple inside the fortifications of Carthage hard by thesea-shore, the abode of men who are very exact in their practice ofreligion, whom we have always been accustomed to call "monks"; thistemple had been built by Solomon not long before, and he had surroundedit with a wall and rendered it a very strong fortress. And Areobindus, fleeing for refuge, rushed into the monastery, where he had already senthis wife and sister. Then Artabanes too ran away, and all the restwithdrew from Carthage as each one could. And Gontharis, having takenthe city by assault, with the mutineers took possession of the palace, and was already guarding both the gates and the harbour most carefully. First, then, he summoned Athanasius, who came to him without delay, andby using much flattery Athanasius made it appear that what had been donepleased him exceedingly. And after this Gontharis sent the priest of thecity and commanded Areobindus, after receiving pledges, to come to thepalace, threatening that he would besiege him if he disobeyed and wouldnot again give him pledges of safety, but would use every means tocapture and put him to death. So the priest, Reparatus, stoutly declaredto Areobindus that in accordance with the decision of Gontharis he wouldswear that no harm would come to him from Gontharis, telling also whathe had threatened in case he did not obey. But Areobindus became afraidand agreed that he would follow the priest immediately, if the priest, after performing the rite of the sacred bath[69] in the usual manner, should swear to him by that rite and then give him pledges for hissafety. So the priest did according to this. And Areobindus withoutdelay followed him, clad in a garment which was suitable neither for ageneral nor for any one else in military service, but altogetherappropriate to a slave or one of private station; this garment theRomans call "casula"[70] in the Latin tongue. And when they came nearthe palace, he took in his hands the holy scriptures from the priest, and so went before Gontharis. And falling prone he lay there a longtime, holding out to him the suppliant olive-branch and the holyscriptures, and with him was the child which had been counted worthy ofthe sacred bath by which the priest had given him the pledge, as hasbeen told. And when, with difficulty, Gontharis had raised him to hisfeet, he enquired of Gontharis in the name of all things holy whetherhis safety was secure. And Gontharis now bade him most positively to beof good cheer, for he would suffer no harm at his hands, but on thefollowing day would be gone from Carthage with his wife and hispossessions. Then he dismissed the priest Reparatus, and bade Areobindusand Athanasius dine with him in the palace. And during the dinner hehonoured Areobindus, inviting him to take his place first on the couch;but after the dinner he did not let him go, but compelled him to sleepin a chamber alone; and he sent there Ulitheus with certain others toassail him. And while he was wailing and crying aloud again and againand speaking many entreating words to them to move them to pity, theyslew him. Athanasius, however, they spared, passing him by, I suppose, on account of his advanced age. 

XXVII

And on the following day Gontharis sent the head of Areobindus toAntalas, but decided to deprive him of the money and of the soldiers. Antalas, therefore, was outraged, because he was not carrying outanything of what had been agreed with him, and at the same time, uponconsidering what Gontharis had sworn and what he had done to Areobindus, he was incensed. For it did not seem to him that one who had disregardedsuch oaths would ever be faithful either to him or to anyone else atall. So after considering the matter long with himself, he was desirousof submitting to the Emperor Justinian; for this reason, then, hemarched back. And learning that Marcentius, who commanded the troops inByzacium, had fled to one of the islands which lie off the coast, hesent to him, and telling him the whole story and giving pledges, persuaded him by kind words to come to him. And Marcentius remained withAntalas in the camp, while the soldiers who were on duty in Byzacium, being well disposed to the emperor, were guarding the city ofHadrumetum. But the soldiers of Stotzas, being not less than a thousand, perceiving what was being done, went in great haste, with John leadingthem, to Gontharis; and he gladly received them into the city. Now therewere five hundred Romans and about eighty Huns, while all the rest wereVandals. And Artabanes, upon receiving pledges, went up to the palacewith his Armenians, and promised to serve the tyrant according to hisorders. But secretly he was purposing to destroy Gontharis, havingpreviously communicated this purpose to Gregorius, his nephew, and toArtasires, his body-guard. And Gregorius, urging him on to theundertaking, spoke as follows:

"Artabanes, the opportunity is now at hand for you, and you alone, towin the glory of Belisarius--nay more, even to surpass that glory byfar. For he came here, having received from the emperor a mostformidable army and great sums of money, having officers accompanyinghim and advisers in great numbers, and a fleet of ships whose like wehave never before heard tell of, and numerous cavalry, and arms, andeverything else, to put it in a word, prepared for him in a mannerworthy of the Roman empire. And thus equipped he won back Libya for theRomans with much toil. But all these achievements have so completelycome to naught, that they are, at this moment, as if they had neverbeen--except indeed, that there is at present left to the Romans fromthe victory of Belisarius the losses they have suffered in lives and inmoney, and, in addition, that they are no longer able even to guard thegood things they won. But the winning back of all these things for theemperor now depends upon the courage and judgment and right hand of youalone. Therefore consider that you are of the house of the Arsacidae byancient descent, and remember that it is seemly for men of noble birthto play the part of brave men always and in all places. Now manyremarkable deeds have been performed by you in behalf of freedom. Forwhen you were still young, you slew Acacius, [71] the ruler of theArmenians, and Sittas, [72] the general of the Romans, and as a result ofthis becoming known to the king Chosroes, you campaigned with himagainst the Romans. And since you have reached so great a station thatit devolves upon you not to allow the Roman power to lie subject to adrunken dog, show at this time that it was by reason of noble birth anda valorous heart that at the former time, good sir, you performed thosedeeds; and I as well as Artasires here will assist you in everything, sofar as we have the power, in accordance with your commands. "

So spoke Gregorius; and he excited the mind of Artabanes still moreagainst the tyrant. But Gontharis, bringing out the wife and the sisterof Areobindus from the fortress, compelled them to remain at a certainhouse, showing them no insult by any word or deed whatsoever, nor didthey have provisions in any less measure than they needed, nor were theycompelled to say or to do anything except, indeed, that Prejecta wasforced to write to her uncle[73] that Gontharis was honouring themexceedingly and that he was altogether guiltless of the murder of herhusband, and that the base deed had been done by Ulitheus, Gontharis byno means approving. And Gontharis was persuaded to do this byPasiphilus, a man who had been foremost among the mutineers in Byzacium, and had assisted Gontharis very greatly in his effort to establish thetyranny. For Pasiphilus maintained that, if he should do this, theemperor would marry the young woman to him, and in view of his kinshipwith her would give also a, dowry of a large sum of money. And Gonthariscommanded Artabanes to lead the army against Antalas and the Moors inByzacium. For Coutzinas, having quarrelled with Antalas, had separatedfrom him openly and allied himself with Gontharis; and he gave Gontharishis son and his mother as hostages. So the army, under the leadership ofArtabanes, proceeded immediately against Antalas. And with Artabanes wasJohn also, the commander of the mutineers of Stotzas, and Ulitheus, thebody-guard of Gontharis; and there were Moors also following him, led byCoutzinas. And after passing by the city of Hadrumetum, they came upontheir opponents somewhere near there, and making a camp a little apartfrom the enemy, they passed the night. And on the day after that Johnand Ulitheus, with a detachment of the army, remained there, whileArtabanes and Coutzinas led their army against their opponents. And theMoors under Antalas did not withstand their attack and rushed off inflight. But Artabanes of a sudden wilfully played the coward, andturning his standard about marched off towards the rear. For this reasonUlitheus was purposing to kill him when he came into the camp. ButArtabanes, by way of excusing himself, said he feared lest Marcentius, coming to assist the enemy from the city of Hadrumetum, where he thenhappened to be, would do his forces irreparable harm; but Gontharis, hesaid, ought to march against the enemy with the whole army. And at firsthe considered going to Hadrumetum with his followers and uniting withthe emperor's forces. But after long deliberation it seemed to himbetter to put Gontharis out of the world and thus free both the emperorand Libya from a difficult situation. Returning, accordingly, toCarthage, he reported to the tyrant that he would need a larger army tomeet the enemy. And Gontharis, after conferring with Pasiphilus, consented, indeed, to equip his whole army, but purposed to place aguard in Carthage, and in person to lead the army against the enemy. Each day, therefore, he was destroying many men toward whom he felt anysuspicion, even though groundless. And he gave orders to Pasiphilus, whom he was intending to appoint in charge of the garrison of Carthage, to kill all the Greeks[74] without any consideration. 

XXVIII

And after arranging everything else in the very best way, as it seemedto him, Gontharis decided to entertain his friends at a banquet, withthe intention of making his departure on the following day. And in aroom where there were in readiness three couches which had been therefrom ancient times, he made the banquet. So he himself reclined, as wasnatural, upon the first couch, where were also Athanasius and Artabanes, and some of those known to Gontharis, and Peter, a Thracian by birth, who had previously been a body-guard of Solomon. And on both the othercouches were the first and noblest of the Vandals. John, however, whocommanded the mutineers of Stotzas; was entertained by Pasiphilus in hisown house, and each of the other leaders wherever it suited the severalfriends of Gontharis to entertain them. Artabanes, accordingly, when hewas bidden to this banquet, thinking that this occasion furnished him asuitable opportunity for the murder of the tyrant, was planning to carryout his purpose. He therefore disclosed the matter to Gregorius and toArtasires and three other body-guards, bidding the body-guards getinside the hall with their swords (for when commanders are entertainedat a banquet it is customary for their body-guards to stand behindthem), and after getting inside to make an attack suddenly, at whatevermoment should seem to them most suitable; and Artasires was to strikethe first blow. At the same time he directed Gregorius to pick out alarge number of the most daring of the Armenians and bring them to thepalace, carrying only their swords in their hands (for it is not lawfulfor the escort of officers in a city to be armed with anything else), and leaving these men in the vestibule, to come inside with thebody-guards; and he was to tell the plan to no one of them, but to makeonly this explanation, that he was suspicious of Gontharis, fearing thathe had called Artabanes to this banquet to do him harm, and thereforewished that they should stand beside the soldiers of Gontharis who hadbeen stationed there on guard, and giving the appearance of indulging insome play, they were to take hold of the shields which these guardscarried, and waving them about and otherwise moving them keep constantlyturning them up and down; and if any tumult or shouting took placewithin, they were to take up these very shields and come to the rescueon the run. Such were the orders which Artabanes gave, and Gregoriusproceeded to put them into execution. And Artasires devised thefollowing plan: he cut some arrows into two parts and placed them on thewrist of his left arm, the sections reaching to his elbow. And afterbinding them very carefully with straps, he laid over them the sleeve ofhis tunic. And he did this in order that, if anyone should raise hissword over him and attempt to strike him, he might avoid the chance ofsuffering serious injury; for he had only to thrust his left arm infront of him, and the steel would break off as it crashed upon the wood, and thus his body could not be reached at any point. 

With such purpose, then, Artasires did as I have said. And to Artabaneshe spoke as follows: "As for me, I have hopes that I shall prove equalto the undertaking and shall not hesitate, and also that I shall touchthe body of Gontharis with this sword; but as for what will follow, I amunable to say whether God in His anger against the tyrant willco-operate with me in this daring deed, or whether, avenging some sin ofmine, He will stand against me there and be an obstacle in my way. If, therefore, you see that the tyrant is not wounded in a vital spot, doyou kill me with my sword without the least hesitation, so that I maynot be tortured by him into saying that it was by your will that Irushed into the undertaking, and thus not only perish myself mostshamefully, but also be compelled against my will to destroy you aswell. " And after Artasires had spoken such words he too, together withGregorius and one of the body-guards, entered the room where the coucheswere and took his stand behind Artabanes. And the rest, remaining by theguards, did as they had been commanded. 

So Artasires, when the banquet had only just begun, was purposing to setto work, and he was already touching the hilt of his sword. ButGregorius prevented him by saying in the Armenian tongue that Gonthariswas still wholly himself, not having as yet drunk any great quantity ofwine. Then Artasires groaned and said: "My good fellow, how fine a heartI have for the deed, and now you have for the moment wrongfully hinderedme!" And as the drinking went on, Gontharis, who by now was thoroughlysaturated with wine, began to give portions of the food to thebody-guards, yielding to a generous mood. And they, upon receiving theseportions, went outside the building immediately and were about to eatthem, leaving beside Gontharis only three body-guards, one of whomhappened to be Ulitheus. And Artasires also started to go out in orderto taste the morsels with the rest. But just then a kind of fear cameover him lest, when he should wish to draw his sword, something mightprevent him. Accordingly, as soon as he got outside, he secretly threwaway the sheath of the sword, and taking it naked under his arm, hiddenby his cloak, he rushed in to Gontharis, as if to say something withoutthe knowledge of the others. And Artabanes, seeing this, was in a feverof excitement, and became exceedingly anxious by reason of thesurpassing magnitude of the issue at stake; he began to move his head, the colour of his countenance changed repeatedly, and he seemed to havebecome altogether like one inspired, on account of the greatness of theundertaking. And Peter, upon seeing this, understood what was beingdone, but he did not disclose it to any of the others, because, beingwell disposed to the emperor, he was exceedingly pleased by what wasgoing on. And Artasires, having come close to the tyrant, was pushed byone of the servants, and as he retreated a little to the rear, theservant observed that his sword was bared and cried out saying: "What isthis, my excellent fellow?" And Gontharis, putting his hand to his rightear, and turning his face, looked at him. And Artasires struck him withhis sword as he did so, and cut off a piece of his scalp together withhis fingers. And Peter cried out and exhorted Artasires to kill the mostunholy of all men. And Artabanes, seeing Gontharis leaping to his feet(for he reclined close to him), drew a two-edged dagger which hung byhis thigh--a rather large one--and thrusting it into the tyrant's leftside clean up to the hilt, left it there. And the tyrant none the lesstried to leap up, but having received a mortal wound, he fell where hewas. Ulitheus then brought his sword down upon Artasires as if to strikehim over the head; but he held his left arm above his head, and thusprofited by his own idea in the moment of greatest need. For sinceUlitheus' sword had its edge turned when it struck the sections ofarrows on his arm, he himself was unscathed, and he killed Ulitheus withno difficulty. And Peter and Artabanes, the one seizing the sword ofGontharis and the other that of Ulitheus who had fallen, killed on thespot those of the body-guards who remained. Thus there arose, as wasnatural, an exceedingly great tumult and confusion. And when this wasperceived by those of the Armenians who were standing by the tyrant'sguards, they immediately picked up the shields according to the planwhich had been arranged with them, and went on the run to thebanquet-room. And they slew all the Vandals and the friends ofGontharis, no one resisting. 

Then Artabanes enjoined upon Athanasius to take charge of the money inthe palace: for all that had been left by Areobindus was there. And whenthe guards learned of the death of Gontharis, straightway many arrayedthemselves with the Armenians; for the most of them were of thehousehold of Areobindus. With one accord, therefore, they proclaimed theEmperor Justinian triumphant. And the cry, coming forth from a multitudeof men, and being, therefore, an exceedingly mighty sound, was strongenough to reach the greater part of the city. Wherefore those who werewell-disposed to the emperor leaped into the houses of the mutineers andstraightway killed them, some while enjoying sleep, others while takingfood, and still others while they were awe-struck with fear and interrible perplexity. And among these was Pasiphilus, but not John, forhe with some of the Vandals fled to the sanctuary. To these Artabanesgave pledges, and making them rise from there, sent them to Byzantium, and having thus recovered the city for the emperor, he continued toguard it. And the murder of the tyrant took place on the thirty-sixthday of the tyranny, in the nineteenth year of the reign of the EmperorJustinian. [545-546 A. D. ]

And Artabanes won great fame for himself from this deed among all men. And straightway Prejecta, the wife of Areobindus, rewarded him withgreat sums of money, and the emperor appointed him general of all Libya. But not long after this Artabanes entreated the emperor to summon him toByzantium, and the emperor fulfilled his request. And having summonedArtabanes, he appointed John, the brother of Pappus, sole general ofLibya. And this John, immediately upon arriving in Libya, had anengagement with Antalas and the Moors in Byzacium, and conquering themin battle, slew many; and he wrested from these barbarians all thestandards of Solomon, and sent them to the emperor--standards which theyhad previously secured as plunder, when Solomon had been taken from theworld. [75] And the rest of the Moors he drove as far as possible fromthe Roman territory. But at a later time the Leuathae came again with agreat army from the country about Tripolis to Byzacium, and united withthe forces of Antalas. And when John went to meet this army, he wasdefeated in the engagement, and losing many of his men, fled to Laribus. And then indeed the enemy, overrunning the whole country there as far asCarthage, treated in a terrible manner those Libyans who fell in theirway. But not long afterward John collected those of the soldiers who hadsurvived, and drawing into alliance with him many Moors and especiallythose under Coutzinas, came to battle with the enemy and unexpectedlyrouted them. And the Romans, following them up as they fled in completedisorder, slew a great part of them, while the rest escaped to theconfines of Libya. Thus it came to pass that those of the Libyans whosurvived, few as they were in number and exceedingly poor, at last andafter great toil found some peace. 

FOOTNOTES:

[1]

The _vexillum praetorium_ carried by the cavalry of the imperial guard, IV. X. 4 below; cf. Lat. _pannum_. 

[2]

See III. Xxiv. 1. 

[3]

"Auxiliaries"; see Book III. Xi. 3 and note. 

[4]

Chap. I. 3. 

[5]

Chap. I. 3. 

[6]

Now Bona; it was the home and burial-place of St. Augustine. 

[7]

The Eruli, or Heruli, were one of the wildest and most corrupt of thebarbarian tribes. They came from beyond the Danube. On their origin, practices, and character, see VI. Xiv. 

[8]

The Greek implies that the Tuscan Sea was stormy, like the Adriatic. TheSyrtes farther east had a bad reputation. 

[9]

About twelve miles west of Algiers, originally Iol, now Cherchel; namedafter Augustus. 

[10]

See III. I. 6 and note. 

[11]

See III. I. 18. 

[12]

Book III. Ix. 9. 

[13]

See III. X. 23

[14]

Lilybaeum had been ceded to the Vandals by Theoderic as dower of hissister Amalafrida on her marriage to Thrasamund, the African king (III. Viii. 13). 

[15]

"Friendship" and "hostility" refer to the present relations betweenJustinian and the Goths and what they may become. 

[16]

Amalasountha. 

[17]

The correspondence between Queen Amalasountha and Justinian is given inV. Iii. 17. 

[18]

In Latin _serica_, "silk, " as coming from the Chinese (Seres). 

[19]

Cf. Thucydides' description of the huts in which the Athenians livedduring the great plague. 

[20]

Pharas and the other Eruli. 

[21]

Cf. Ch. Vi. 4. 

[22]

"Auxiliaries"; see Book III. Xi. 3. 

[23]

_i. E. _ there in Africa, as successor to the throne of the Vandal kings. 

[24]

Book III. Xxv. 2-4. 

[25]

Examples of the Roman system have come to light in Egyptian papyri: cf. The declarations of personal property, [Greek: apographai], _Pap. Lond. _, I. , p. 79; _Flinders Petrie Pap. _, III. , p. 200, ed. Mahaffy andSmyly. 

[26]

Since a triumph was granted only to an _imperator_, after theestablishment of the principate by Augustus all triumphs were celebratedin the name of the emperor himself, the victorious general receivingonly the _insignia triumphalia_. The first general to refuse a triumphwas Agrippa, after his campaign in Spain, about 550 years beforeBelisarius' triumph in Constantinople. 

[27]

The barriers (_carceres_), or starting-point for the racers, were at theopen end of the hippodrome, the imperial box at the middle of the courseat the right as one entered. 

[28]

Cf. Book III. V. 3; that was in A. D. 455. The spoliation of Jerusalem byTitus had taken place in A. D. 70. 

[29]

Ecclesiastes, i. 2. 

[30]

Not an actual "triumph, " but a triumphal celebration of his inaugurationas consul. 

[31]

The reference is to the old custom of distributing to the populacelargesses (_congiaria_) of money or valuables on the occasion of eventsof interest to the imperial house, such as the emperor's assumption ofthe consular office, birthdays, etc. The first largess of this kind wasmade by Julius Caesar. 

[32]

Cf. Book IV. Ii. 1. 

[33]

The Canaanites of the Old Testament. 

[34]

_i. E. _, Clypea, or Aspis, now Kalibia, on the Carthaginian coast. 

[35]

_i. E. _, from Tangier, opposite Cadiz, to Algiers. On Caesarea see IV. V. 5 and note. 

[36]

"On the borders of Mauretania" according to Procopius, _De aedificiis_, vi. 6. 18. 

[37]

Chap. X. 6. 

[38]

Book III. Viii. 25, 26. 

[39]

The side toward the mountains; cf. § 20. 

[40]

In the late Empire the _excubitores_, 300 in number, constituted theselect guard of the palace. Their commander, _comes excubitorum_, heldhigh rank at court; cf. VIII. Xxi. 1, where we are told that Belisariusheld this position, and _Arcana_ 6. 10, where Justin, afterwardsemperor, is mentioned. 

[41]

Cf. Chap. Viii. 14. Procopius has explained in III. Xi. 6 that Solomonwas a eunuch. 

[42]

See III. Viii. 5. 

[43]

A _comes foedtratorum_, mentioned in III. Xi. 6. 

[44]

Book III. Viii. 5. 

[45]

_i. E. _ Clypea. Not the place mentioned in IV. X. 24. 

[46]

The region in the interior of Sardinia called Barbargia or Barbagiastill preserves this name. But Procopius' explanation of the origin ofthe barbarian settlers there has not been generally accepted. 

[47]

Book III. Xviii. 7 ff. 

[48]

IV. Iv. 30 and note. 

[49]

Baptism was administered only during the fifty days between Easter andPentecost. Justinian had forbidden the baptism of Arians. 

[50]

Cf. III. Xi. 30. 

[51]

Cf. Chap. Xiv. 8. 

[52]

"Auxiliaries"; see Book III. Xi. 3. 

[53]

More correctly Gadiaufala, now Ksar-Sbehi. 

[54]

Cirta, later named Constantina, now Constantine (Ksantina). 

[55]

John the Cappadocian, cf. I. Xxiv. 11 ff. 

[56]

See Book III. Xvii. 1 and note. 

[57]

Now Setif. 

[58]

Called Mastinas in IV. Xiii. 19. 

[59]

Book IV. V. 5. 

[60]

Cyrenaica. 

[61]

Now Lebida. 

[62]

Cf. III. Xxv. 4 ff. 

[63]

Book III. X. 22 ff. 

[64]

Book IV. Xii. 30. 

[65]

A reference to his slaughter of the eighty notables, IV. Xxi. 7, where, however, nothing is said of an oath sworn on the Gospels. 

[66]

Cf. Book II. Iii. 32. 

[67]

Cf. Book III. Xvii. 11, xxi. 23. 

[68]

The port of Carthage; see III. Xx. 3. 

[69]

_i. E. _ baptism. 

[70]

A garment with a cowl, like the _cucullus_. 

[71]

Cf. Book II. Iii. 25. 

[72]

Cf. Book II. Iii. 15. 

[73]

Justinian. 

[74]

A contemptuous term for "subjects of the emperor. "

[75]

See Book IV. Xxi. 27. 

 * * * * *

INDEX

Abigas River, in Numidia, flowing down from Mt. Aurasium, IV. Xix. 7, 11, xiii. 20; its many channels, IV. Xix. 11-13; turned upon the Roman camp, IV. X. 14

Abydus, city on the Hellespont, III. I. 8; the Roman fleet delayed there, III. Xii. 7-xiii. 5

Acacius, ruler of Armenians; slain by Artabanes, IV. Xxvii. 17

Acacius, priest of Byzantium, delivers over Basiliscus, III. Vii. 22

Achilles, Bath of, in Byzantium, III. Xiii. 16

Achilles, The, of the Vandals, name applied to Hoamer, III. Ix. 2

Aclas, suburb of Carthage, IV. Vii. 13

Adaulphus, king of the Visigoths, III. Ii. 37

Adriatic Sea, divided from the Tuscan Sea by the islands Gaulus and Melite, III. Xiv. 16; crossed by the Roman fleet, III. Xiii. 21; the scene of one of Gizeric's atrocities, III. Xxii. 18

Aetius, Roman general; his splendid qualities, III. Iii. 14, 15; rival of Boniface, III. Iii. 15; whom he slanders to Placidia, III. Iii. 17; writes a deceitful letter to Boniface, III. Iii. 18, 28; spared by Placidia by reason of his great power, III. Iii. 29; defeats Attila, III. Iv. 24; Maximus plans to destroy him, III. Iv. 24, 25; slandered to the emperor, III. Iv. 26; his death, III. Iv. 27, vi. 7; a great loss to the emperor, III. Iv. 28

Aetna, mountain in Sicily, III. Xiii. 22

Aļgan, a Massagete, bodyguard of Belisarius, III, xi. 7, 9, IV. X. 4; commander of cavalry, III. Xi. 7; on the right wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. Iii. 4; makes a successful attack upon the Moors in Byzacium, IV. X. 5; his force in turn annihilated by the Moors, IV. X. 6 ff. ; his death, IV. X. 10, xi. 22

Alani, a Gothic people, allies of the Vandals in their migration, III. Iii. 1; with the Vandals in Africa, III. V. 18, 19, xxiv. 3; lose their individuality as a people, III. V. 21

Alaric, king of the Visigoths, invades Europe, III, ii, 7; captures Rome by a trick, III. Ii. 14-23; plunders the city, III. Ii. 24; declares Attalus emperor of the Romans, III. Ii. 28; marches with Attalus against Ravenna, III. Ii. 29; opposes sending of commanders to Libya by Attalus, III. Ii. 30; quarrels with Attalus, and reduces him from the kingship, III. Ii. 36; dies of disease, III. Ii. 37

Alexandria, the home of Calonymus, III. Xi. 14

Althias, commander of Roman auxiliaries, III. Xi. 6; on the left wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. Iii. 4; commander of Huns in Numidia, IV. Xiii. 2; his encounter with Iaudas, IV. Xiii. 3-16; his fame from the deed, IV. Xiii. 17

Amalasountha, mother of Antalaric; makes an agreement with Justinian, III. Xiv. 5; courts his friendship to secure protection, III. Xiv. 6; appealed to by the Goths in regard to Lilybaeum, IV. V. 18

Amalafrida, sister of Theoderic; sought and given in marriage to Trasamundus, III. Viii. 11, 12; presented with Lilybaeum, III. Viii. 13; put under guard by the Vandals, III. Ix. 4

Ammatas, brother of Gelimer; instructed to prepare to meet the Romans near Carthage, III. Xvii. 11, xviii. 1; kills his kinsmen in prison, III. Xvii. 12; his inopportune arrival at Decimum, III. Xviii. 4, 5; on the day before Easter, III. Xxi. 23; engages with John there and is defeated, III. Xviii. 5, 6; his death, III. Xviii. 6; xix. 30, xx. 6, xxv. 15; his body found by the Romans, III. Xix. 14

Anastasius, emperor of the East, keeps peace with the Vandals, III. Vii. 26, viii. 14

Ancon, a dungeon in the royal residence in Carthage, III. Xx. 4; unexpected release of Roman merchants confined there, III. Xx. 5-9

Antaeus, the mythical wrestler, king in Libya, IV. X. 24

Antalas, ruler of the Moors in Byzacium, III. Ix. 3, IV. Xxv. 2; remains faithful to the Romans, IV. Xii. 30; becomes hostile to Solomon, IV. Xxi. 17; joins forces with the Leuathae, IV. Xxi. 18; gathers almost all the Moors under him, IV. Xxii. 5; writes a letter to Justinian, IV. Xxii. 6-10; gathers his army again, IV. Xxiii. 1; Areobindus sends an army against him, IV. Xxiv. 6; makes an agreement with Gontharis for the destruction of Areobindus, IV. Xxv. 6-10; Coutzinas agrees to turn against him, IV. 25, 15, 18; hears of the plot of Coutzinas and keeps his knowledge secret, IV. Xxv. 19-21; resents the sending of the head of Areobindus to him by Gontharis, IV. Xxvii. 1, 2; decides to side with Justinian, IV. Xxvii. 4; persuades Marcentius to come to him, IV. Xxvii. 5, 6; Artabanes sent against him, IV. Xxvii. 23; his quarrel with Coutzinas, IV. Xxvii. 24; Artabanes marches against him, IV. Xxvii. 25; his army spared by Artabanes, IV. Xxvii. 28, 29; defeated by John, IV. Xxviii. 46, 47

Anthemius, a wealthy senator, appointed emperor of the West by Leon, III. Vi. 5; killed by his son-in-law, Rhecimer, III. Vii. 1

Antonina, wife of Belisarius, mother-in-law of Ildiger, IV. Viii. 24; sets sail with Belisarius for Africa, III. Xii. 2; preserves drinking water for Belisarius and his attendants, III. Xiii. 23, 24; with the army at Decimum, III, xix. 11, xx. 1

Apollinaris, a native of Italy; comes to Justinian to seek support for Ilderic, IV. V. 7, 8; his good services to the Romans, IV. V. 9; sent to the islands of Ebusa, Majorica, and Minorica, with an army, IV. V. 7

Aquileia, city in Italy, III. Iii. 9; its size and importance, III. Iv. 30; besieged and captured by Attila, III. Iv. 30 ff. 

Arcadius, elder son of Theodosius I; receives the eastern empire, III. I. 2; brother of Honorius and Placidia, III. Iii. 4; his alliance with the Visigoths, III. Ii. 7; succeeded by his son Theodosius II, III. Ii. 33

Archelaus, a patrician; manager of expenditures of the African expedition, III. Xi. 17; advises against disembarking on the African coast, III. Xv. 2-17; ordered by Belisarius not to take the fleet into Carthage, III. Xvii. 16; commands the fleet to anchor off Carthage, III. Xx. 11

Ardaburius, son of Aspar, Roman general; sent against the tyrant John, III. Iii. 8; destroyed by Leon, III. Vi. 27

Areobindus, a senator; sent as general to Libya, IV. Xxiv. 1; his inexperience in warfare, IV. Xxiv. 1, xxv. 25, xxvi. 16; accompanied by his sister and wife, IV. Xxiv. 3; shares the rule of Libya with Sergius, IV. Xxiv. 4, 5; sends John against Antalas and Stotzas, IV. Xxiv. 6; writes to Sergius to unite with John, IV. Xxiv. 7; made sole commander of Libya, IV. Xxiv. 16; sends Gontharis against the Moors, IV. Xxv. 4, 5; arranges with Coutzinas to turn against the other Moors, IV. Xxv. 15; tells Gontharis of his dealings with Coutzinas, IV. Xxv. 16; persuaded by G. To postpone the engagement, IV. Xxv. 17, 18; his death planned and finally accomplished by Gontharis, IV. Xxv. 22-xxvi. 33; treasure left by him in the palace, IV. Xxviii. 35; sister of, IV. Xxiv. 3; placed in a fortress for her safety, IV. Xxvi. 18; removed from the fortress by Gontharis, IV. Xxvii. 20

Arethusa, harbour of Syracuse, III. Xiv. 11

Ariadne, daughter of Leon, wife of Zenon, and mother of Leon the younger, III. Vii. 2; flees to Isauria with Zenon, III. Vii. 18

Arian faith, disqualified one for the office of emperor, III. Vi. 3; followed by all Goths, III. Ii, 5; by the Vandals, III. Viii. 4, xxi. 20; by some among the Roman soldiers, IV. I, 4, xiv. 12, 21; adhered to steadfastly by Gelimer, IV. Ix. 14; Arian priests of the Vandals, III. Xxi. 23, 25

Armenia, III. Xi. 5; Armenians, sent with Areobindus to Libya, IV. Xxiv. 2; follow Artabanes in entering the service of Gontharis, IV. Xxvii. 9; support Artabanes in his plot against Gontharis, IV. Xxviii. 8, 34, 36

Arsacidae, the ancient royal family of Armenia, IV. Xxiv. 2, xxvii. 16

Artabanes, son of John, of the Arsacidae; sent to Libya in command of Armenians, IV. Xxiv. 2; known to Chosroes for his brave deeds, IV. Xxvii. 17; brother of John, IV. Xxiv. 15; uncle of Gregorius, IV. Xxvii. 10; joins Areobindus, IV. Xxv. 4; supports him against Gontharis, IV. Xxvi. 7, 13, 19; enters the service of Gontharis, IV. Xxvii. 9; his plot to kill the tyrant, IV. Xxvii. 10; urged on by Gregorius, IV. Xxvii. 11-19; sent against Antalas, IV. Xxvii. 23, 25; joins battle, but allows the enemy to escape, IV. Xxvii. 27-29; threatened by Ulitheus, IV. Xxvii. 30; his excuses, IV. Xxvii. 31, 32; after deliberation returns to Carthage, IV. Xxvii. 33, 35; entertained by Gontharis at a banquet, IV. Xxviii. 3; arranges to carry out his plot against Gontharis, IV. Xxviii. 6-9; Artasires makes a request of him, IV. Xxviii. 12, 13; he succeeds in destroying Gontharis with his own hand, IV. Xxviii. 15-30; assisted by Peter, cuts down the body-guards who remain, IV. Xxviii. 33; directs Athanasius to look after the treasure of Areobindus, IV. Xxviii. 35; sends John and others to Byzantium, IV. Xxviii. 40; wins great fame, IV, xxviii. 42; rewarded with money by Prejecta, IV. Xxviii. 43; made general of all Libya, IV. Xxviii. 43; summoned to Byzantium, IV. Xxviii. 44. 

Artasires, body-guard of Artabanes; shares knowledge of his plot against Gontharis, IV. Xxvii. 10, 18; renders good service in the execution of the plot, IV. Xxviii. 7-32; his ingenious protection for his arm, IV. Xxviii. 10, 11, 31

Asclepiades, a native of Palestine and friend of Theodorus, IV. Xviii. 3; reveals the plot of Maximinus to Theodorus and Germanus, IV. Xviii. 4

Asia, the continent to the right of the Mediterranean as one sails into it, III. I. 5; distance from Europe at different points, III. I. 7, 8; distance along the Asiatic side of the Euxine, III. I. 11

Asiaticus, father of Severianus, IV. Xxiii. 6

Aspar, Roman general; father of Ardaburius, III. Iii. 8; of the Arian faith, III. Vi. 3; his great power in Byzantium, III. Iv. 8; sent against the tyrant John, III. Iii. 8; defeated by the Vandals in Libya, III. Iii. 35; returns home, III. Iii. 36; makes Leon emperor of the East, III. V. 7; his friendship sought by Basiliscus, III. Vi. 2; quarrels with Leon, III. Vi. 3; urges Basiliscus to spare the Vandals, III. Vi. 4, 16; destroyed by Leon, III. Vi. 27; the emperor Marcian had been his adviser, III. Iv. 7

Atalaric, son of Amalasuntha; ruler of the Goths, III. Xiv. 5; succeeded his grandfather Theoderic, III. Xiv. 6

Athanasius, sent with Areobindus to Libya, IV. Xxiv. 2; summoned by Areobindus, IV. Xxvi. 6; being summoned by Gontharis, pretends to be pleased, IV. Xxvi. 21, 22; with Areobindus entertained by Gontharis, IV. Xxvi. 31; spared by the assassins of Gontharis, IV. Xxvi. 33; entertained by Gontharis at a second banquet, IV. Xxviii. 3; directed by Artabanes to look after the treasure of Areobindus, IV. Xxviii. 35

Athens, its distance from Megara a measure of one day's journey, III. I. 17

Attalus, made king of the Visigoths and declared emperor of the Romans by Alaric, III. Ii. 28; of noble family, _ibid. _; his lack of discretion, III. Ii. 29; marches with Alaric against Ravenna, _ibid. _; sends commanders alone to Libya against the advice of Alaric, III. Ii. 30, 32; failure of his attempt upon Libya, _ibid. _; quarrels with Alaric, and is reduced from the kingship, III. Ii. 36

Attila, leader of the Huns, defeated by Aetius, III. Iv. 24; overruns Europe, III. Iv. 29; besieges and captures Aquileia; III. Iv. 30 ff. 

Augustus, emperor of the West, III. Vii. 15

Aurasium, a mountain in Numidia; distance from Carthage, III. Viii. 5, IV. Xiii. 22; its great size, fruitful plateaus, and defences, IV. Xiii. 23-25; source of the Abigas River there, IV. Xiii. 20, xix. 11; adjoins First Mauretania, IV. Xx. 30; taken by the Moors from the Vandals, III. Viii. 5, IV. Xiii. 26; its west side also held by the Moors, IV. Xiii. 27; Moors of, ruled by Iaudas, IV. Xii. 29, xiii. 1; Solomon marches thither, IV. Xiii. 18; Iaudas establishes himself there, IV. Xiii. 21; ascended by Solomon, IV. Xiii. 30 ff. ; the Romans eluded by the Moors on the mountain, IV. Xiii. 35, 36; Solomon prepares more carefully for a second attempt, IV. Xiii. 40; in which he succeeds completely in dislodging the Moors from there, IV. Xix. 5-xx. 20; fortified and held by the Romans, IV. Xx. 22; capture of Iaudas' treasure there, IV. Xx. 23-29; fugitive Vandals return thither, IV. Xiv. 19

Babosis, place in Numidia, IV. Xix. 16

Bacchus, brother of Solomon, and father of Cyrus and Sergius, IV. Xxi. 1, 19; father of Solomon the younger, IV. Xxi. 19, xxii. 17

Bagaļs, a deserted city near the Abigas River, IV. Xix. 7

Bagradas River, in Libya, IV. Xv. 13

Balas, leader of the Massagetae, III. Xi. 12

Bandifer, "standard-bearer" (Latin), cf. Bandum, IV. X. 4

Bandum, the Latin term for "standard" in Procopius' time, IV. Ii. 1

Barbaricini, name applied to the Moors in Sardinia, IV. Xiii. 44

Barbatus, commander of Roman cavalry, III. Xi. 7, IV. Xv. 50; on the Roman right wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. Iii. 4; his death, IV. Xv. 59

Basiliscus, brother of Berine; commander of an expedition against the Vandals, III. Vi. 2; his aspirations to the throne, _ibid. _; urged by Aspar to spare the Vandals, III. Vi. 4; landing in Africa, makes a complete failure of the expedition, III. Vi. 10-24, x. 2; returning to Byzantium, becomes a suppliant, III. Vi. 26; saved by Berine, _ibid. _; makes himself tyrant in Byzantium, III. Vii. 18; his misrule, III. Vii. 19; sends an army under Harmatus to meet Zenon, III. Vii. 20; becomes a suppliant, III. Vii. 22; exiled to Cappadocia and dies, III. Vii. 24, 25

Basiliscus, son of Harmatus, III. Vii. 21; made Caesar and then removed by Zenon, III. Vii. 23

Belisarius, Roman general; a native of "Germany, " III. Xi. 21; summoned from the East, III. Ix. 25; ordered to be in readiness to lead the African expedition, III. X. 21; made commander-in-chief of the African expedition with unlimited power, III. Xi. 18, 20; sets sail for Africa, III. Xii. 2; punished two Massagetae for murder, III. Xii. 9; addresses the army at Abydus, III. Xii. 10-21; provides for the safe navigation of the fleet, III. Xiii. 1-4; disembarks the army at Methone, III. Xiii. 9 ff. ; provides a supply of bread for the army, III. Xiii. 20; his wife preserves the drinking water, III. Xiii. 23, 24; sends Procopius to Syracuse to get information, III. Xiv. 3 ff. ; his anxiety regarding the Vandals and the attitude of his own soldiers, III. Xiv. 1, 2; starts from Sicily toward Africa, III. Xiv. 15; holds a consultation regarding disembarking on the African coast, III. Xv. 1 ff. ; disembarks the army and fortifies a camp, III. Xv. 31-33; orders the fleet not to put in at Carthage, III. Xvii. 10; commands five men to remain on each ship, III. Xv. 36; punishes some of the soldiers for stealing and addresses the army, III. Xvi. 1-8; advances with the army to Decimum, where he defeats the Vandals in an engagement, III. Xvi. 9-xix. 33, xxi. 16. Xxii. 14; captures with ease the unwalled cities of Libya, III. V. 9; prevents the army from entering Carthage on the evening of their arrival, III. Xx. 2; his commands respected by the greater part of the fleet, III. Xx. 15; enters Carthage with his army, III. Xx. 17; exhorts the soldiers to moderation, III. Xx. 18-20; sits upon the throne of Gelimer, III. Xx. 21; hears and answers complaints of Carthaginian citizens, III. Xx. 22, 23; lunches in Gelimer's palace, III. Xxi. 1, 5; enjoys great renown by reason of the peaceful entry into Carthage, III. Xxi. 8; his treaties with the Moors, III. Xxv. 2-9, IV. Viii. 11 ff. , xi. 9; considers the repair of the fortifications of Carthage, III. Xxi. 11; presses on the work of repairing them, III. Xxiii. 19, 20; spares the messengers of Tzazon, III. Xxiv. 6; and the envoys of Gelimer, III. Xxiv. 17; takes measures to prevent desertions to the Vandals, IV, i. 7-11; addresses the army, IV. I. 12-25; defeats the Moors in the battle of Tricamarum, IV. Ii. 1-iii. 18; attacks the Vandal camp, IV. Iii. 19; takes measures to stop the disorder in the Roman army, IV. Iv. 6-8; sends John the Armenian to pursue Gelimer, IV. Iv. 9; himself follows Gelimer, IV. Iv. 13; mourns the death of John the Armenian, IV. Iv. 24; spares Uliaris, IV. Iv, 25; continues the pursuit of Gelimer, IV. Iv. 26; leaves Pharas to besiege Gelimer, IV. Iv. 28; sends suppliant Vandals to Carthage, IV. Iv. 32; captures Boniface with the treasures of Gelimer, IV. Iv. 33-41; returns to Carthage, IV. V. 1; sends out armies to recover many lost provinces, V. V. 1-10; makes an unsuccessful expedition to Sicily, IV. V. 11; writes a letter to the Goths, IV. V. 12-17; their reply, IV. V. 8-24; reports to Justinian, IV. V. 25; receives the report of Pharas regarding Gelimer, IV. Vii. 10; sends Cyprian with instructions, IV. Vii. 11; receives Gelimer at Aclas, IV. Vii. 13, 14; reports the capture of Gelimer, IV. Vii. 17; the victim of unjust slander, IV. Viii. 1, 2; given choice of going to Byzantium or remaining in Carthage, IV. Viii. 4; chooses the former IV. Viii. 5; learns of the accusation of treason to be brought against him, IV. Viii. 6, 7; hears the report of the uprising of the Moors, IV. Viii. 22; leaves Solomon in charge of Libya, IV. Viii. 23; returning to Byzantium, receives great honours, IV, ix. 1 ff. ; brings Vandals with him, IV. Ix. 1, xiv. 17; pays homage to Justinian in the hippodrome, IV. Ix. 12; later celebrates a "triumph" in the old manner, IV. Ix. 15; becomes a consul, _ibid. _; distributes much wealth of the Vandals to the people, IV. Ix. 16; subjugates Sicily, IV. Xiv. 1; passes the winter in Syracuse, IV. Xiv. 4, 41; Solomon begs him to come to Carthage from Syracuse to put down the mutiny, IV. Xiv. 41, 42; arrives at Carthage in time to prevent its surrender, IV. Xv. 9-10; pursues and overtakes the fugitives, IV. Xv. 11, 12; encamps at the Bagradas River and prepares for battle, IV. Xv. 13-15; addresses the army, IV. Xv. 16-29; defeats Stotzas' army, IV. Xv. 40 ff. ; forbids pursuit of the enemy, but allows their camp to be plundered, IV. Xv. 46, 47; returns to Carthage, IV. Xv. 47; upon receipt of unfavourable news, sets sail for Sicily, IV. Xv. 48, 49; Solomon sends suspected soldiers to him, IV. Xix. 3; counted the chief cause of the defeat of the Vandals, IV. Xi. 44. 

Berine, wife of the Emperor Leon, and sister of Basiliscus, III. Vi. 2; gains clemency for Basiliscus, III. Vi. 26

Boniface, Roman general; his splendid qualities, III. Iii. 14, 15; rival of Aetius, III. Iii. 15; made general of all Libya, III. Iii. 16; slandered by Aetius, III. Iii. 17; summoned to Rome by Placidia, III. Iii. 18; refuses to come, III. Iii. 20; makes an alliance with the Vandals, III. Iii. 22, 25; the true cause of his conduct discovered by his friends, III. Iii. 27, 28; urged by Placidia to return to Rome, III. Iii. 29; unable to persuade the Vandals to withdraw, meets them in battle and is twice defeated, III. Iii. 30-35, xxi. 16; returns to Rome, III. Iii. 36

Boniface, the Libyan, a native of Byzacium; entrusted by Gelimer with his wealth, IV. Iv. 33, 34; falls into the hands of Belisarius, IV. Iv. 35-41

Boriades, body-guard of Belisarius; sent to capture Syllectus, III. Xvi. 9

Boulla, Plain of, distance from Carthage, III. Xxv. 1; near the boundary of Numidia, _ibid. _; the Vandals gather there, III. Xix. 32, xxv. 1; the only territory left to the Vandals, III. Xxv. 16; Gelimer and Tzazon meet there, III. Xxv. 22; mutineers gather there, IV. Xv. 1

Bourgaon, mountain in Byzacium; battle there with the Moors, IV. Xii. 3 ff. 

Britain, counted in the Western empire, III. I. 18; revolts from the Romans, III. Ii. 31; not recovered by the Romans, but held by tyrants, III. Ii. 38

Byzacium, a Moorish province in Libya, III. Xix. 32; a dry region, III. Xv. 34; the town Hermione there, III. Xiv. 10; Moors of, defeat the Vandals, III. Ix. 3; Moors, of, seek alliance with the Romans, III. Xxv. 3; the home of Boniface, the Libyan, IV. Iv. 33; Moors of, revolt, IV. Viii. 9, x. 2, xii. 1, 2; Roman force annihilated there, IV. X. 3 ff. ; Solomon marches thither to confront the Moors, IV. Xi. 14; Moors of, suffer a crushing defeat, IV. Xii. 21-25; abandoned by the Moors, IV. Xii. 29; except those under Antalas, IV. Xii. 30; plundered by the Leuathae, IV. Xxi. 17; Moors gather there once more, IV. Xxiii. 1; Himerius of Thrace commander there, IV. Xxiii. 3, 14; Moors march, thence against Carthage, IV. Xxv. 2; defeated by John, IV. Xxviii. 46; subsequent battles, IV. Xxviii. 47 ff. 

Byzantium, distance from the mouth of the Danube, III. I. 10; from Carthage, III. X. 14; its chief priest Epiphanius, III. Xii. 2; natives of, as rowers in the Roman fleet, III. Xi. 16

Cabaon, a Moorish ruler, prepares to meet the Vandals, III. Viii. 15-16; sends spies to Carthage, III. Viii. 17 ff. ; receives the report of his spies, III. Viii. 24; prepares for the conflict, III. Viii. 25, 26, IV. Xi. 17; defeats the enemy, III. Viii. 28

Caenopolis, name of Taenarum in Procopius' time, III. Xiii. 8

Caesar, a title given to one next below the emperor in station, III. Vii. 21, 23

Caesarea, first city of "Second Mauretania, " IV. Xx. 31; situated at its eastern extremity, IV. X. 29; distance from Carthage, IV. V. 5; recovered for the Romans by Belisarius, _ibid. _, IV. Xx. 32

Calonymus, of Alexandria, admiral of the Roman fleet, III. Xi. 14; ordered by Belisarius not to take the fleet into Carthage, III. Xvii. 16; enters the harbour Mandracium with a few ships, and plunders the houses along the sea, III. Xx. 16; bound by oath to return his plunder, III. Xx. 23; disregards his oath, but later dies of apoplexy in Byzantium, III. Xx. 24, 25

Capitolinus, see Jupiter. 

Cappadocia, Basiliscus exiled thither, III. Vii. 24

Caputvada, a place on the African coast; distance from Carthage, III. Xiv. 17; the Roman army lands there, _ibid. _

Caranalis, town in Sardinia, captured by Tzazon, III. Xxiv. 1, xxv. 10, IV. Xiii. 44

Carthage, city in Africa, founded by Dido, IV. X. 25; grows to be the metropolis of Libya, IV. X. 26, 27; captured by the Romans, IV. X. 28; after the Vandal occupation, its wall preserved by Gizeric, III. V. 6; the only city with walls in Libya, III. Xv. 9; its defences neglected by the Vandals, III. Xxi. 11, 12; entered by the Roman army under Belisarius, III. Xx. 17, 21; its fortifications restored by Belisarius, III. Xxiii. 19, 20; besieged by Gelimer, IV. I. 3; by Stotzas, IV. Xv. 8; its surrender prevented by Belisarius, IV. Xv. 9, 10; the harbours, Stagnum, III. Xv. 15, xx. 15, and Mandracium, III. Xx. 3, 14, IV. Xxvi. 10; the ship-yard Misuas, IV. Xiv. 40; its suburb Aclas, IV. Vii. 13; and Decimum, III. Xvii. 11; its aqueduct, IV. I. 2; its hippodrome, IV. Xiv. 31, xviii. 11; its palace, III. Xx, 21, IV. Xiv. 34, xviii. 8, xxvi. 20; the priest of the city, Reparatus, IV. Xxvi. 24, 31; monastery built and fortified there by Solomon, IV. Xxvi. 17; an ancient saying among the children there, III. Xxi. 14-16; church of St. Cyprian, and a special annual festival in his honour, III. Xxi. 17, 18; distance from Aurasium, III, viii. 5, IV. Xiii. 22; from the Plain of Boulla, III. Xxv. 1; from Byzantium, III. X. 14; from Caesarea, IV. V. 5; from Caputvada, III. Xiv. 17; from Decimum, III. Xvii. 17; from Grasse, III. Xvii. 8; from Hippo Regius, IV. Iv. 26; from Iouce, III, xv. 8; from Membresa, IV. Xv. 12; from Mercurium, III. Vi. 10; from Siccaveneria, IV. Xxiv. 6; from Stagnum, III. Xv. 15, xx. 15; from Tebesta, IV. Xxi. 19; from Tricamarum, IV. Ii. 4

Casula (Latin), garment befitting one of humble station, IV. Xxvi. 26

Caucana, place in Sicily, III. Xiv. 4, 11, 14; distance from Syracuse, III. Xiv. 4

Centenarium, a sum of money, so called because it "weighs one hundred pounds" (I. Xxii. 4), III. Vi. 2

Centuriae, place in Numidia, IV. Xiii. 2

Chalcedon, city opposite Byzantium, III. I. 8, 9; distance from the Phasis River, III. I. 11

Chiliarch, III. V. 18, IV. Iii. 8

Chosroes, Persian king; Artabanes known to him, IV. Xxvii. 17

Christ, His temple in Byzantium, III. Vi. 26

Christians, persecuted by Honoric, III. Viii. 3, 4, xxi. 19; by Gundamundus, III. Viii. 7; courted by Trasamundus, III. Viii. 9, 10; not troubled by Ilderic, III. Ix. 1; Justinian reproached for not protecting them, III. X. 19; the church of St. Cyprian taken from them by the Vandals, III. Xxi. 19; consoled in a dream sent by St. Cyprian, III. Xxi. 21; recover the church of St. Cyprian, III. Xxi. 25; in Jerusalem, receive the treasures of the temple, IV. Ix. 9; reverence their churches and their worship, III. Viii. 17, 18, 20, 24; their rite of baptism, III. Xii. 2, IV. Xxvi. 25, 28; their feast of Easter, IV. Xiv. 7; if not of the orthodox faith, excluded from the church, IV. Xiv. 14; Christian scriptures, IV. Xxi. 21, xxvi. 28; Christian teaching, offended against by Basiliscus, III. Vii. 22

Cilicians, as sailors in the African expedition, III. Xi. 14

Clipea, city in Africa, IV. X. 24

Clypea, see Shield Mountain

Colchis, at the end of the Black Sea, III. I. 11

Constantina, city in Africa; distance from Gazophyla, IV. Xv. 52

Constantine the Great; division of the Roman empire dating from his time, III. I. 3; his enlargement of Byzantium and giving of his name to the city, _ibid. _

Constantinus, chosen king by the soldiers in Britain, III. Ii. 31; his invasion of Spain and Gaul, _ibid. _; defeated and killed in battle, III. Ii. 37

Constantius, husband of Placidia, partner in the royal power with Honorius; his brief reign and death, III. Iii. 4; father of Valentinian, III. Iii. 5

Corsica, called Cyrnus in ancient times, IV. V. 3; Cyril sent thither with an army, _ibid. _; recovered for the Roman empire, IV. V. 4

Coutzinas, a Moorish ruler, joins in an attack upon a Roman force, IV. X. 6; agrees to turn against the other Moors, IV. Xxv. 2, 15; his further dealings with Areobindus, IV. Xxv. 17, 18; ignorant of Antalas' knowledge of his plot, IV. Xxv. 20, 21; separates from Antalas, and sides with Gontharis, IV. Xxvii. 24; marches with Artabanes against Antalas, IV. Xxvii. 25, 27; in alliance with John, IV. Xxviii. 50

Cteanus, name applied to Theodorus, III. Xi. 7

Cyanean Rocks, or "Dark Blue Rocks" at the mouth of the Bosphorus, III. I. 8

Cyprian, commander of Roman auxiliaries, III. Xi. 6; on the left wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. Iii. 4; sent by Belisarius to bring Gelimer from Papua, IV. Vii. 11

Cyprian, a saint, especially reverenced at Carthage, III. Xxi. 17; a church to him there and a festival celebrated in his honour, III. Xxi. 18, 23, 25; sends a dream to devout Christians, III. Xxi. 21

Cypriana, a periodic storm on the African coast, III. Xx. 12

Cypriana, a festival celebrated at Carthage, in honour of Cyprian, from which the storm was named, III. Xxi. 18

Cyrene, city in Africa, marking the division between the eastern and western empires, III. I. 16

Cyril, sent as commander of an army to Sardinia, III. Xi. 1, 6; avoids Sardinia and sails to Carthage, III. Xxiv. 19; sent to Sardinia and Corsica with an army, IV. V. 2, 3; wins them back for the empire, IV. V. 4; commander of auxiliaries in Numidia, IV. Xv. 50; his death, IV. Xv. 59

Cyrnus, ancient name of Corsica, IV. V. 3

Cyrus, son of Bacchus and brother of Sergius; becomes ruler of Pentapolis in Libya, IV. Xxi. 1, 16; brother of Solomon the younger, IV. Xxi. 19; marches with Solomon against the Moors, ibid. 

Dalmatia, held by Marcellianus as tyrant, III. Vi. 7

Danube River, called also the Ister, III. I. 10

Daras, city on the eastern frontier of the empire; home of Solomon, III. Xi. 9

December, IV. In. 28

Decimum, suburb of Carthage, III. Xvii. 11, 17, xviii. 5, xix. 1, 14, 23, 33, xx. 6, 7, 10, xxi. 23, 24, IV. Xxv. 12; the Vandals routed there, III. Xviii. 7-11, xix. 31; distance from Carthage, III. Xvii. 17; from Pedion Halon, III. Xviii. 12

Delphi, tripods first made there, III. Xxi. 3

Delphix, a word used by the Romans to designate a royal banquet room, III. Xxi. 2, 3; in the palace of Gelimer, III. Xxi. 5

Dido, her emigration from Phoenicia, IV. X. 25

Diogenes, guardsman of Belisarius; his notable exploit on a scouting expedition, III. Xxiii. 5-18

Dolones, the large sails on ships, III. Xvii. 5

Domesticus, a title designating a kind of confidential adviser, III. Iv. 7, xi. 5

Domnicus, senator, accompanies Germanus to Libya, IV. Xvi. 2; at the battle of Scalae Veteres, IV. Xvii. 4; summoned to Byzantium, IV. Xix. 1

Dorotheus, general of Armenia; commander of auxiliaries, III. Xi. 5; his death; III. Xiv. 14

Dromon, a swift ship of war, III. Xi. 15, 16, xv. 36

Dryous, city on the east coast of Italy, III. I. 9, 12

Dyrrachium, the name of Epidamnus in Procopius' time, III. I. 16, xi. 8

Easter, a feast of the Christians, IV. Xiv. 7; Arians annoyed by exclusion from it, IV. Xiv, 15

Ebusa, island in the western Mediterranean, so-called by the natives, III. I. 18; Apollinarius sent thither with an army, IV. V. 7

Egypt, formerly marked the limit of Phoenicia, IV. X. 15; densely populated from ancient times, IV. X. 19; the migration of the Hebrews from there, IV. X. 13; the Phoenicians pass through it on their way to Libya, IV. X. 18

Egyptians, as sailors in the African expedition, III. Xi. 14

Emesa, city in Syria; home of Severianus, IV. Xxiii. 6

Epidamnus (Dyrrachium), city on the Ionian Sea, III. I. 16; home of John, III. Xi. 8

Epiphanius, chief priest of Byzantium; blesses the fleet, III. Xii. 2

Eruli, Roman auxiliaries in the African expedition, III. Xi. 11; their untrustworthy character, IV. Iv. 30; of the Arian faith, IV. Xiv. 12; dissuade Stotzas from attacking Germanus, IV. Xvii. 14, 15

Esdilasas, a Moorish ruler; joins in an attack upon a Roman force, IV. X. 6 ff. ; surrenders himself to the Romans, IV. Xii. 26; brought to Carthage, IV. Xii. 29

Euagees, brother of Hoamer; imprisoned by Gelimer, III. Ix. 9. 14; killed in prison by Ammatas, III. Xvii. 12

Eudocia, daughter of Eudoxia; taken captive by Gizeric, III. V. 3; married to Honoric, III. V. 6

Eudoxia, daughter of Theodosius and wife of Valentinian, III. Iv. 15, 20; mother of Eudocia and Placidia, III. V. 3; forced to be the mistress of Maximus, III. Iv. 86; invites Gizeric to avenge her, III. Iv. 37-39; taken captive by Gizeric, III. V. 3; sent to Byzantium, III. V. 6

Eulogius, Roman envoy to Godas, III. X. 32, 33; returns with his reply, III. X. 34

Europe, the continent opposite Asia, III. I. 7, xxii. 15; distance from Asia at different points, III. I. 7, 8; distance along the European side of the Euxine, III. I. 10; extent of the western empire in, III. I. 14; invaded by Alaric, III. Ii. 7; all its wealth plundered by the Visigoths, III. Ii. 13; overrun by Attila, III. Iv. 29

Eustratius, sent to Libya to assess the taxes, IV. Viii. 25

Eutyches, heresy of, III. Vii. 22

Euxine Sea, distance around it, III. I. 10, 11; receives the waters of the Phasis, III. I. 11

Excubitori, a Latin name for "guard, " IV. Xii. 17

Foederati, auxiliary troops, III. Xi. 2, 3, 5, xix. 13, 14, IV. Iii. 4, vii. 11, xv. 50

Foedus (Latin) "treaty, " III. Xi. 4

Franks, name used for all the Germans in Procopius' time, III. Iii. 1

Fuscias, sent as envoy to Spain by Gelimer, III. Xxiv. 7 ff. 

Gadira, the strait of Gibraltar at the western extremity of the Mediterranean, III. I. 4, 5, xxiv. 8, IV. V. 5, 6; width of the strait, III. I. 7; distance from Tripolis, III. I. 14; and from the Ionian Sea, III. I. 15; marking the limit of Mauretania, IV. X. 29; the Vandals cross there, III. Iii. 26; _see_ Heracles, Pillars of

Galatia, lands there given to Gelimer, IV. Ix. 13

Gaulus, island between the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian Seas, III. Xiv. 16

Gaul, the Visigoths retire thither, III. Ii. 13, 37; invaded by Constantius, III. Ii. 31

Gazophyla, place in Numidia, IV. Xv. 62; distance from Constantina, _ibid. _; Roman commanders take sanctuary there, IV. Xv. 59

Geilaris, son of Genzon and father of Gelimer, III. Ix. 6

Gelimer, king of the Vandals; son of Geilaris, III. Ix. 6; brother of Tzazon, III. Xi. 23, xxiv. 1; and of Ammatas, III. Xvii. 11; uncle of Gibamundus, III. Xviii. 1; his character, III. Ix. 7; encroaches upon the authority of Ilderic, III. Ix. 8; secures the royal power, _ibid. _; allowed by the Goths to hold Lilybaeum, IV. V. 13; imprisons Ilderic, Hoamer, and Euagees, III. Ix. 9; defies Justinian, and shews further cruelty to the imprisoned princes, III. Ix. 14; replies to Justinian, III. Ix. 20-23; Justinian prepares an expedition against him, III. X. 1 ff. ; sends envoys to Spain, III. Xxiv. 7; his slave Godas becomes tyrant of Sardinia, III. X. 25-27; sends an expedition to Sardinia, III. Xi. 22, 23; his ignorance of the approaching Roman expedition, III. Xiv. 10; entrusts his wealth to Boniface, IV. Iv. 34; confines Roman merchants in a dungeon in the palace, III. Xx. 5, 6; expected by Belisarius to make an attack, III. Xvii. 4; writes to his brother in Carthage, III. Xvii. 11; follows the Roman army, III. Xvii. 14; plans his attack upon the Roman army, III. Xviii. 1; comes upon the Romans with a large force of cavalry, III. Xix. 18; anticipates them in seizing a point of advantage, III. Xix. 20-22; by a great blunder loses the chance of defeating the Roman armies, III. Xix. 25-29; attacked and routed by Belisarius, III. Xix. 30, 31, xxi. 16; flees to the Plain of Boulla, III. Xix. 32; Belisarius sits upon his throne, III. Xx. 21; his banquet-hall, servants, and even food, used by the Romans, III. Xxi. 1-6; reason for his not staying in Carthage, III. Xxi. 12; encourages Libyan farmers to kill Roman soldiers, III. Xxiii. 1-4; eluded by a party of Roman scouts, III. Xxiii. 6-16; Tzazon writes to him from Sardinia, III. Xxiv. 2-4; collects the Vandals in the Plain of Boulla, III. Xxv. 1; sends a letter to Tzazon in Sardinia, III. Xxv. 10-18; leads the Vandals against Carthage, IV. I. 1; cuts the aqueduct and tries to besiege the city, IV. I. 2, 3; prepares the Vandals for battle at Tricamarum, and addresses the army, IV. Ii. 8-22; at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. Iii. 9; flees from the Vandals' camp, IV. Iii. 20; pursued by John the Armenian, IV. Iv. 9, 14; and by Belisarius, IV. Iv. 13, 26; escapes his pursuers, and takes refuge on Mt. Papua, IV. Iv. 26, 28; Moors there friendly to him, IV. Iv. 27; Pharas set to guard him, IV. Iv. 28, 31; suffers great misery on Mt. Papua, IV. Vi. 4, 14; receives a letter from Pharas, IV. Vi. 15-26; replies with a letter, IV. Vi. 27-30; the meaning of his strange request, IV. Vi. 31-33; after enduring extreme suffering, is induced by a piteous sight to surrender, IV. Vii. 1-6; writes a second time to Pharas, IV. Vii. 6-9; Cyprian comes to Papua to take him prisoner, IV. Vii. 11; surrenders himself, IV. Vii. 12; meets Belisarius at Aclas, IV. Vii. 14; his unexpected laughter, IV. Vii. 14-16; marvels at the restoration of the fortifications of Carthage by Belisarius, III. Xxiii. 20, 21; his capture reported by Belisarius, IV. Vii. 17; reaches Byzantium with Belisarius, IV, ix. 1; a slave in Belisarius' triumph, IV. Ix. 10; before Justinian in the hippodrome, IV. Ix. 11, 12; given lands in Galatia, but not made a patrician, IV. Ix. 13, 14; nephew of, IV. Vii. 4

Geminianus, Rock of, on Mt Aurasium, IV. Xx. 23

Genzon, son of Gizeric; receives Libyan slaves, III. V. 11; tries to save John, III. Vi. 24; father of Gundamundus and Trasamundus, III. Viii. 6, 8; and of Geilaris, III. Ix. 6; his death, III. Viii. 1

Gergesites, ancient people of Phoenicia, IV. X. 17; emigrate to Egypt and then to Libya, IV. X. 18, 19

Gepaides, one division of the Gothic peoples, III. Ii. 2; their location, III. Ii. 6

Getic, a name sometime applied to the Gothic peoples, III. Ii. 2

Gezon, a Roman infantryman, paymaster of his company, IV. Xx. 12; scales the fortress of Toumar and leads the army to its capture, IV. Xx. 13-16

Germania, the home of Belisarius, III. Xi. 21

Germans, called Franks in Procopius' time, III. Iii. 1; according to one account killed Gontharis, III. Iii. 33

Germanus, Roman general, nephew of Justinian; sent to Libya, IV. Xvi. 1; makes a count of the loyal part of the army, IV. Xvi. 3; wins over many mutineers by persuasion, IV. Xvi. 4-6; prepares to meet Stotzas in battle, IV. Xvi. 7; arrays his army for battle, IV. Xvi. 10; addresses his troops, IV. Xvi. 11-24; follows the mutineers into Numidia, IV. Xvii. 2; overtaking the enemy at Scalae Veteres, prepares for battle, IV. Xvii. 3-6; receives offers of desertion from the Moors with Stotzas, IV. Xvii. 9; not able to trust them, IV. Xvii. 10; Stotzas proposes to attack his division, IV. Xvii. 13; rallies the Romans, IV. Xvii. 18; routs the mutineers, IV. Xvii. 19, 20; his horse killed under him, IV. Xvii. 23; orders his men to distinguish their comrades by the countersign, IV. Xvii. 22; captures and plunders the enemy's camp, IV. Xvii. 24-29; tries to restore order in the army, IV. Xvii. 30; defeats Stotzas in a second battle, IV. Xvii. 34; learns the plot of Maximinus from Asclepiades; IV. Xviii. 4; invites Max. To join his body-guards, IV. Xviii. 5, 6; frustrates the attempt of Maximinus, IV. Xviii. 8-15; examines Max. And impales him, IV. Xviii. 17, 18; summoned to Byzantium, IV. Xix. 1; false report of his coming to Carthage, IV. Xxiii. 23, 25

Gibamundus, nephew of Gelimer, III. Xviii. 1; sent to attack the Roman army on the left, _ibid. _; his force destroyed at Pedion Halon, III. Xviii. 12, 19, xix. 18, 19, xxv. 15

Gizeric, king of the Vandals; son of Godigisclus and brother of Gontharis, III. Iii. 23; father of Honoric, Genzon, and Theodorus, III. V. 6, 11, vi. 24; becomes ruler of the Vandals with his brother, III. Iii. 23; according to one account destroyed his brother Gontharis, III. Iii. 33; his great ability, III. Iii. 24; invited by Boniface to share Libya, III. Iii. 25; leads the Vandals into Libya, III. Iii. 33; besieges Hippo Regius, III. Iii. 32, 34; discovers Marcian among Roman captives, III. Iv. 3-8; spares his life and makes him swear friendship to the Vandals, III. Iv. 9, 10; secures possession of Libya, III. Xxi. 16, xxii. 4; secures his power by making a compact with Valentinian and giving his son as a hostage, III. Iv. 12-14, xvi. 13; receives his son back, III. Iv. 14; receives ambassadors from the Vandals who had not emigrated, III. Xxii. 7; at first hears them with favour, but later refuses their petition, III. Xxii. 9-11; makes an attempt on Taenarum, III. Xxii. 16; attacks Zacynthus and brutally massacres many of the inhabitants, III. Xxii. 17, 18; invited by Eudoxia to punish Maximus, III. Iv. 38, 39; despoils the city of Rome, III. V. 1 ff. IV. Ix. 5, 8; takes captive Eudoxia and her daughters, III. V. 3; removes the walls of Libyan cities, III. V. 8, xv. 9; wins ridicule thereby in later times, III. V. 9; destroyed all the tax records of Libya, IV. Viii. 25; enslaves notable Libyans and takes property from others, III. V. 11, 12; exempts confiscated lands from taxation, III. V. 14; with the Moors, makes many inroads into Roman provinces III. V. 22-25; Aspar urges Basiliscus to spare him, III. Vi. 4; desires the appointment of Olyvrius as emperor of the West, III. Vi. 6; his fear of Leon, III. Vi. 11; persuades Basiliscus to delay, III. Vi. 12-16; destroys the Roman fleet, III. Vi. 17-21; receives Majorinus disguised as an envoy, III. Vii. 6, 7, 9, 10; prepares to meet the army of Majorinus, III. Vii. 12; forms a compact with Zenon, III. Vii. 26, ix. 23; his death and his will, III. Vii. 29, 30. Ix. 10, xvi. 13; the "law of Gizeric, " III. Ix. 12

Glycerius, emperor of the West, dies after a very short reign, III. Vii. 15

Godas, a Goth, slave of Gelimer; sets up a tyranny in Sardinia, III. X. 25-27. Xi. 22, xxv. 11; invites Justinian to support him, III. X. 28-31; receives the envoy Eulogius, III. X. 33; sends him back with a letter, III. X. 34; the Vandals send an expedition against him, III. Xi. 23, xiv. 9; killed by Tzazon, xi, xxiv. 1, 3, IV. Ii. 27

Godigisclus, leader of the Vandals in their migration, III. Iii. 2, xxii. 3, 5; settles in Spain by agreement with Honorius, III. Iii. 2; dies in Spain, III. Ii. 23; father of Gontharis and Gizeric, III. Ii. 23

Gontharis, son of Godigisclus and brother of Gizeric; becomes ruler of the Vandals with his brother, III. Ii. 23; his mild character, III. Ii. 21; invited by Boniface to share Libya, III. Ii. 25; his death, III. Iii. 32, 33. 

Gontharis, body-guard of Solomon; sent forward against the Moors, IV. Xix. 6; camps near the Abigas River, IV. Xix. 7; defeated by the Moors and besieged in his camp, IV. Xix. 8; receives support from Solomon, IV. Xix. 9; attempts to set up a tyranny, IV. Xxv. 1 ff. ; summoned to Carthage and sent against the Moors, IV. Xxv. 4, 5; makes an agreement with Antalas to betray the Romans, IV. Xxv. 6-10; recalls Roman skirmishers, IV. Xxv. 14; hears of the treasonable plan of Coutzinas, IV. Xxv. 16; persuades Areobindus to postpone the engagement, IV. Xxv. 17, 18; reveals the plot to Antalas, IV. Xxv. 19; plans to kill Areobindus, IV. Xxv. 22; persuades him to join battle with the Moors, IV. Xxv. 23 ff. ; openly sets about establishing his tyranny, IV. Xxv. 28 ff. ; summons Athanasius, IV. Xxvi. 21; and Areobindus, IV. Xxvi. 23; his reception of Areobindus, IV. Xxvi. 27-32; has him assassinated, IV. Xxvi. 32, 33; offends Antalas by sending him the head of Areobindus, IV. Xxvii. 1, 2; receives the mutineers under John, IV. Xxvii. 7, 8; removes the wife and sister of Areobindus from the fortress, IV. Xxvii. 20; compels Prejecta to write a false report in a letter to Justinian for his own advantage, IV. Xxvii. 20-22; sends Artabanes against Antalas, IV. Xxvii. 23; Coutzinas sides with him, IV. Xxvii. 21; Artabanes determines to kill him, IV. Xxvii. 34; prepares a larger army against Antalas, IV. Xxvii. 36; destroys many in the city, IV. Xxvii. 37, 38; entertains Artabanes and others at a banquet, IV. Xxviii. 1 ff. ; his murder planned by Artabanes, IV. Xxviii. 6 ff; his death, IV. Xxviii. 27-30

Gospels, the sacred writings of the Christians; oaths taken upon them, IV. Xxi. 21. 

Gothaeus, sent as envoy to Spain by Gelimer, III. Xxiv. 7 ff. 

Goths, general description of the Gothic peoples, III. Ii. 2 ff. ; their migrations, III. Ii. 6 ff. ; their common religion and language, III. Ii. 5; enter Pannonia and then settle in Thrace for a time, III. Ii. 39; subdue the western empire, III. Ii. 40; in Italy, Belisarius sent against them, IV. Xiv. 1; furnish the Roman fleet a market in Sicily, III. Xiv. 5; refuse to give up Lilybaeum, IV. V. 11; receive a letter of remonstrance from Belisarius, IV. V. 12-17; their reply, IV. V. 18-24

Grasse, a place in Libya, III. Xvii. 8, 14, 17; its pleasant park, III. Xvii. 9, 10; distance from Carthage, III. Xvii. 8

Greece, plundered by Gizeric, III. V. 23

Greeks, contemptuous term for the subjects of the emperor, IV. Xxvii. 38

Gregorius, nephew of Artabanes; with him plans the murder of Gontharis, IV. Xxviii. 7-9; urges Artabanes to carry out the plot, IV. Xxvii. 10-19; takes his stand in the banquet-hall, IV. Xxviii. 14; restrains Artasires, IV. Xxviii. 16

Gundamundus, son of Gezon; becomes king of the Vandals, III. Viii. 6; his reign and death, III. Viii. 7; brother of Trasamundus, III. Viii. 8

Hadrumetum, city in Libya, III. Xvii. 8, IV. Xxvii. 26, 31, 33; taken by the Moors, IV. Xxiii. 11-15; recovered by Paulus, a priest, IV. Xxiii. 18-25, 29; guarded for the emperor, IV. Xxvii. 6

Harmatus, Roman General; marches against Zenon, III. Vii. 20; surrenders to him, III. Vii. 21; killed by Zenon, III. Vii. 23

Hebrews, their migration from Egypt to Palestine, IV. X. 13; history of the, IV. X. 17

Hebrew Scripture, quoted by Gelimer, IV. Ix. 11

Hellespont, strait between Sestus and Abydus, III. I. 7

Heracleia, the name of Perinthus in Procopius' time, III. Xii. 6

Heracles, wrestled with Antaeus in Clipea, IV. X. 24

Heracles, Pillars of, Gibraltar, III. I. 5, 9, 15, 18. Vii. 11, IV. X. 20

Heraclius, defeats the Vandals in Tripolis, III. Vi. 9; returns to Byzantium, III. Vi. 25

Hermes, called Mercury by the Romans, III. Vi. 10; town of Hermes or Mercurium, on the coast of Libya, III. Vi. 10, xvii. 15, xx. 10

Hermione, town in Byzacium; distance from the coast, III. Xiv. 10, xvii. 4, 11

Hieron, near the mouth of the Bosphorus, III. I. 8

Himerius of Thrace, commander in Byzacium; fails to unite with John, and falls into the hands of the Moors, IV. Xxiii. 3-5; guarded by the Moors, IV. Xxiii. 10; puts Hadrumetum into their hands, IV. Xxiii. 10-15; escapes to Carthage, IV. Xxiii. 17

Hippo Regius, a strong city of Numidia, III. Iii. 31, IV. Iv. 32; besieged by the Vandals, III. Iii. 32, 34; distance from Carthage, IV. Iv. 26; Boniface the Libyan captured there, IV. Iv. 34, 36, 39

Hoamer, nephew of Ilderic; acts as his general, III. Ix. 2; imprisoned by Gelimer, III. Ix. 9; blinded by Gelimer, III. Ix. 14, 17; his death, III. Xvii. 12

Honoric, son of Gizeric; given as a hostage to Valentinian, III. Iv. 13; returned, III, iv. 14; marries Eudocia, III. V. 6; receives Libyan slaves, III. V. 11; succeeds to the throne of the Vandals, III. Viii. 1, xxi. 19; makes war on the Moors, III. Viii. 1, 2; persecutes the Christians, III. Viii. 3, 4; his death, III. Viii. 5; father of Ilderic, III. Ix. 1; in his reign the church of St. Cyprian taken by the Arians, III. Xxi. 19

Honorius, younger son of Theodosius; receives the western empire, III. I. 2, ii. 1; brother of Arcadius and Placidia, III. Iii. 4; the western empire overrun by barbarians during his reign, III. Ii. 1; retires from Rome to Ravenna, III. Ii. 8, 9; accused of bringing in the Visigoths, III. Ii. 10; his stupid remark upon hearing of the fall of Rome, III. Ii. 25, 26; displaced from the throne of the western empire by Attalus, III. Ii. 28; prepares for flight either to Libya or to Byzantium, III. Ii. 32; his good fortune in extreme peril, III. Ii. 34-37; allows the Vandals to settle in Spain, III. Iii. 2; provides that they shall not acquire possession of the land, III. Iii. 3; shares royal power with Constantius, III. Iii. 4; his death, III. Iii. 4

Huns, see Massagetae. 

Iaudas, ruler of the Moors in Aurasium, IV. Xii. 29, xxv. 2; the best warrior among the Moors, IV. Xiii. 13; plunders Numidia, IV. Xiii. 1; his combat with Althias at Tigisis, IV. Xiii. 10-16; Solomon marches against him, IV. Xiii. 18; accused before Solomon by other Moorish rulers, IV. Xiii. 19; slays his father-in-law Mephanius, _ibid. _; establishes himself on Mt, Aurasium, IV. Xiii. 21; with the mutineers of Stotzas, IV. Xvii. 8; Solomon marches against him, IV. Xix. 5; remains on Mt. Aurasium, IV. Xix. 19; goes up to the top of Mt. Aurasium, IV. Xix. 21; escapes wounded from Toumar, IV. Xx. 21; deposited his treasures in a tower at the Rock of Geminianus, IV. Xx. 24

Ilderic, son of Honoric, becomes king of the Vandals, III. Ix. 1; an unwarlike ruler, _ibid. _; uncle of Hoamer, III. Ix. 2; suspected plot of the Goths against him, III. Ix. 4; on terms of special friendship with Justinian, III. Ix. 5; makes large gifts to Apollinarius, IV. V. 8; allows Gelimer to encroach upon his authority, III. Ix. 8; dethroned and imprisoned, III. Ix. 8, 9, 14, 17; killed in prison by Ammatas, III. Xvii. 11, 12; his sons and other offspring receive rewards from Justinian and Theodora, IV. Ix. 13

Ildiger, son-in-law of Antonina, IV. Viii. 24; sent to Libya with an army, _ibid. _; made joint commander of Carthage with Theodoras, IV. Xv. 49; at the battle of Scalae Veteres, IV. Xvii. 6, 19

Illyricum, III. Xi. 17, 21; plundered by Gizeric, III. V. 23

Ionian Sea, III. I. 9, 12, 15, ii. 9, 11

Ionians, as sailors in the African expedition, III. Xi. 14

Iouce, distance from Carthage, III. Xv. 8

Iourpouthes, a Moorish ruler, joins in an attack upon a Roman force, IV. X. 6 ff. 

Ister, called also the Danube, III. I. 10, ii. 6; crossed by the Goths, III. Ii. 39

Italy the brutal destruction of its cities and people by the Visigoths, III. Ii. 11, 12; invaded by Gizeric, III. V. 1 ff. , 22, 23

Jebusites, ancient people of Phoenicia, IV. X. 17; emigrate to Egypt and then to Libya, IV. X. 18, 19

Jerusalem, captured by Titus, IV. Ix. 5; Christians there receive back the treasures of the temple, IV. Ix. 9

Jews, their treasures brought to Byzantium by Belisarius, IV. Ix. 5; sent back to Jerusalem by Justinian, IV. Ix. 9; one of them warns the Romans not to keep the treasures of the temple in Jerusalem, IV. Ix. 6-8

John the Armenian; financial manager of Belisarius, III. Xvii. 1, 2; commanded to precede the Roman army, III. Xvii, 2, xviii. 3; engages with Ammatas at Decimum and defeats his force, III. Xviii. 5, 6; pursues the fugitives to Carthage, III. Xviii. 10, xix. 30; rejoins Belisarius, III. Xix. 33; entrusted with the command of a skirmishing force, IV. Ii. 1; in the centre at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. Iii. 5; begins the fighting, IV. Iii. 10, 12, 13; pursues Gelimer, IV, iv. 9, 14; killed accidentally by Uliaris, IV. Iv. 18, 19; his character, IV, iv. 20; cared for and buried by his soldiers, IV. Iv. 22; mourned by Belisarius, IV. Iv. 24

John, father of Artabanes and John, of the Arsacidae, IV. Xxiv. 2

John, commander of auxiliaries, III. Xi. 6; on the left wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. In. 4; sent with an army to Caesarea, IV. V. 5

John, a general under Basiliscus; his excellent fighting against the Vandals, III. Vi. 22-24

John the Cappadocian, urges Justinian not to make war on the Vandals, III. X. 7-17; praetorian perfect; supplies the army with bad bread, III. Xiii. 12 ff. 

John, guardsman of Belisarius; sent to the Pillars of Heracles with an army, IV. V. 6

John, a Roman soldier, chosen emperor, III. Iii. 5; his virtues as a ruler, III. Iii. 6, 7; reduced from power by Theodosius, III. Iii. 8; captured, brutally abused, and killed by Valentinian, III. Iii. 9

John of Epidamnus, commander-in-chief of infantry, III. Xi. 8, IV. Xvi. 2

John, son of John, of the Arsacidae; sent to Libya in command of Armenians, IV. Xxiv. 2; brother of Artabanes, IV. Xxiv. 15; his death, _ibid. _

John the mutineer, succeeds Stotzas as general of the mutineers, IV. Xxv. 3; leads the mutineers to join Gontharis, IV. Xxvii. 7; marches with Artabanes against Antalas, IV. Xxvii. 25; does not take part in the battle, IV, xxvii. 27; entertained by Pamphilus at a banquet, IV. Xxviii. 5; taken from sanctuary, and sent to Byzantium, IV. Xxviii. 39, 40

John, brother of Pappus; at the battle of Scalae Veteres, IV. Xvii. 6, 16; made general of Libya, IV. Xxviii. 45; his varying fortunes in fighting with the Moors, IV. Xxviii. 46-51

John, son of Sisiniolus; sent as commander to Libya, IV. Xix. 1; especially hostile to Sergius, IV. Xxii. 3, 4; marches against the Moors, IV. Xxiii. 2; fails to meet Himerius, IV. Xxiii. 3-5; quarrels with Sergius, IV. Xxiii. 32; sent against Antalas and Stotzas, IV. Xxiv. C; meets the enemy at a great disadvantage, IV. Xxiv. 8; his enmity against Stotzas, IV, xxiv. 9; gives him a mortal wound in the battle, IV. Xxiv. 11; his army routed by the Moors, IV. Xxiv. 12; his death, IV. Xxiv. 13. 14; Justinian's sorrow at his death, IV. Xxiv. 16

Joseph, an imperial scribe, sent as envoy to Stotzas, IV. Xv. 7; killed by Stotzas, IV. Xv. 8

Joshua ("Jesus"), son of ("Naues"), brings the Hebrews into Palestine, IV. X. 13; subjugates the country, IV. X. 14; mentioned in a Phoenician inscription, IV. X. 22

Juppiter Capitolinus, temple of, in Rome, despoiled by Gizeric, III. V. 4

Justinian, succeeds his uncle Justinus as emperor, III. Vii. 27; on terms of especial friendship with Ilderic, III. Ix. 5; sends warning to Gelimer, III. Ix. 10-13; sends a second warning to Gelimer, III. Ix. 15-19; approached by Apollinarius and other Libyans seeking help for Ilderic, IV. V. 8; prepares to make war upon Gelimer, III. Ix. 24, 25; summons Belisarius from the East to command the African expedition, III. Ix. 25; makes preparations for the expedition, III. X. 1 ff. ; discouraged by John the Cappadocian, III. X. 7 ff. ; urged by a priest to prosecute the war, III. X. 18-20; continues preparations III. X. 21; invited by Godas to support him in Sardinia, III. X. 28-31; sends an envoy to him, III. X. 32; and later an army, III. Xi. 1; sends Valerianus and Martinus in advance of the African expedition, III. Xi. 24; despatches the expedition, III. Xii. 1 ff. ; makes an agreement with Amalasountha for a market, III. Xiv. 5; their mutual friendship, III. Xiv. 6; his letter to the Vandals, III. Xvi. 12-14; never properly delivered, III. Xvi. 15; the Goths appeal to him as arbiter, IV. V. 24; receives report of Belisarius regarding the dispute with the Goths, IV. V. 25; hears slander against Belisarius, IV. Viii. 2; sends Solomon to test him, IV. Viii. 4; sends the Jewish treasures back to Jerusalem, IV. Ix. 9; receives the homage of Gelimer and of Belisarius, IV. Ix. 12; distributes rewards to Gelimer and others, IV. Ix. 13; sends Belisarius against the Goths in Italy, IV. Xiv. 1; sends Germanus to Libya, IV. Xvi. 1; entrusts Solomon again with the command of Libya, IV. Xix. 1; receives a letter from Antalas, IV. Xxii. 6-10; refuses to recall Sergius, IV. Xxii. 11; sends Areobindus to Libya IV. Xxiv. 1; recalls Sergius and sends him to Italy, IV. Xxiv. 16; appoints Artabanes general of all Libya, IV. Xxviii. 43; summons him to Byzantium, IV. Xxviii. 44; uncle of Germanus, IV. Xvi. 1; and of Vigilantia, IV. Xxiv. 3; the Vandals of, IV. Xiv. 17; excluded all not of the orthodox faith from the church, IV. Xiv. 14; years of reign noted, III. Xii. 1, IV. Xiv. 6, xix. 1, xxi. 1, xxviii. 41

Justinus, Roman emperor, uncle of Justinian, III. Vii. 27; not a vigorous or skilful ruler, III. Ix. 5; Ilderic accused of betraying the Vandals to him, III. Ix. 8

Laribus or Laribous, city in Libya, IV. Xxii. 14, xxviii. 48; attacked by the Moors, IV. Xxii. 18-20

Latin tongue, the, III. I. 6, IV. Xiii. 33

Laurus, a Carthaginian; impaled by Belisarius, IV. I. 8

Leon, emperor of the East, III. V. 7; sends an expedition against the Vandals, III. Vi. 1 ff. , xx. 2; quarrels with Aspar, III. Vi. 3; appoints Anthemius emperor of the West, III. Vi. 5; wins over the tyrant Marcellianus and sends him against the Vandals in Sardinia, III. Vi. 8; dreaded by Gizeric, III. Vi. 11; his expedition destroyed by the Vandals, III. Vi. 17 ff. ; destroys Aspar and Ardaburius, III. Vi. 27; his death, III. Vii. 2; husband of Berine, III. Vi. 2; father of Ariadne, III. Vii. 2

Leon the younger, son of Zenon and Ariadne, III. Vii. 2; becomes emperor while an infant, III. Vii. 2; dies soon afterwards, III. Vii. 3

Leontius, son of Zaunus, sent as commander to Libya, IV. Xix. 1; fights valorously at the capture of Toumar, IV. Xx. 19; brother of Rufinus, _ibid. _

Leptes, city in Libya, III. Xvii. 8

Leptimagna, city in Tripolis; threatened by an army of Leuathae, IV. Xxi. 2, 13, 15

Lesbos, passed by the fugitive Vandals, IV. Xiv. 18

Leuathae, tribe of Moors; present demands to Sergius, IV. Xxi. 2; their representatives received by Sergius and killed, IV. Xxi. 4-10; come in arms against Leptimagna, IV. Xxi. 12; routed by the Romans, IV. Xxi. 14; march against the Romans a second time, IV. Xxi. 16; scorn the overtures of Solomon, IV. Xxi. 20-22; capture Solomon, son of Bacchus, IV. Xxii. 13; release him, IV. Xxii. 16; besiege Laribus, IV. Xxii. 18; depart to their homes IV. Xxii. 20; join the Moors of Byzacium against the Romans, IV. Xxviii. 47

Libya, included in "Asia, " III. I. 5; its aborigines, IV. X. 23; the Phoenicians emigrate thither, IV. X. 19; Phoenician tongue used there, IV. X. 20; subjugated by the Romans, IV. X. 28; failure of the Visigothic king Attalus to get a foothold there, III. Ii. 30, 32, 36; lost by Valentinian, III. Iii. 12; occupied by the Vandals, III. Iii. 26, xxii. 4; who remove the walls of the cities, III. V. 8, xv. 9; recovered for the Romans by Belisarius, III. Xvi. 9 ff. ; prospers under the rule of Solomon, IV. Xix. 3, xx. 33; who restores the walls of the cities, IV. Xix. 3, xx. 29; overrun by the Moors, IV. Xxiii. 26-31, xxviii. 49

Libyans, enslaved and impoverished by Gizeric, III. V. 11-13, 15-17; cannot trust the Vandals, III. Xvi. 3; their sufferings at the hands of the Vandals, III. Xx. 19; oppressed by the Moors, IV. Viii. 20, xxiii. 27; enjoy peace at last, IV. Xxviii. 52

Liguria, the army of Majorinus halts there, III. Vii. 4, 11

Lilybaeum, a promontory of Sicily; presented to Amalafrida, III. Viii. 13; Belisarius attempts unsuccessfully to take it, IV. V. 11; he asserts his claim, IV. V. 12 ff. ; the claim denied by the Goths, IV. V. 19 ff. 

Massagetae, called Huns in Procopius' time, III. Xi. 9; their love of wine, III. Xii. 8; their custom of allowing only members of a certain family to begin a battle, III. Xviii. 14; in the army of Aetius, III. Iv. 24; in the African expedition of Belisarius, III. Xi. 11, xii. 8-10, xvii. 3, xviii. 3, 12, 17, xix. 18, 33, IV. Xiii. 2; their doubtful allegiance, IV. I. 5, 6, 9-11, ii. 3, iii. 7, 16; with the mutineers under John, IV. Xxvii. 8

Maeotic Lake, at the eastern extremity of the "Mediterranean, " III. I. 4; limit of the Euxine, III. I. 10; home of the Vandals, III. Iii. 1

Majorica, island in the western Mediterranean, III. I. 18; Apollinarius sent thither with an army, IV. V. 7

Majorinus, emperor of the West; makes an expedition against the Vandals, III. Vii. 4-13; disguised as an envoy and received by Gizeric, III. Vii. 8-10; his death, III. Vii. 14

Malea, southern promontory of the Peloponnesus, III. Xiii. 5

Mammes, a place in Byzacium; Solomon encamps there, IV. Xi. 15; battle fought there, IV. Xi. 47-54

Mandracium, the harbour of Carthage, III. Xx. 14, 15, IV. Viii. 7, xxvi. 10; opened to the Roman fleet, III. Xx. 3; entered by Calonymus with a few ships, III. Xx. 16

Marcellianus, rules as independent tyrant over Dalmatia, III. Vi. 7; won over by Leon and sent to Sardinia against the Vandals, III. Vi. 8; destroyed by treachery, III. Vi. 25

Marcellus, commander of auxiliaries, III. Xi. 6; on the left wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. Iii. 4; commander-in-chief of Roman forces in Numidia, IV. Xv. 50, 51; leads his army against Stotzas, IV. Xv. 52; his death, IV. Xv. 59

Marcentius, commander in Byzacium; persuaded by Antalas to join him, IV. Xxvii. 5, 6, 31

Marcian, confidential adviser of Aspar, III. Iv. 7; taken prisoner by Gizeric, III. Iv. 2; his career foreshadowed by a sign, III. Iv. 4-8; spared by Gizeric, III. Iv. 9, 10; becomes emperor of the East, III. Iv. 10, 39; his successful reign, III. Iv. 11; his death, III. V. 7

Marcian, commander of infantry, III. Xi. 7

Martinus, commander of auxiliaries, III. Xi. 6, 29; sent with Valerian in advance of the African expedition, III. Xi. 24; meets the Roman fleet at Methone, III. Xiii. 9; on the left wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. Iii. 4; escapes with Solomon from the mutiny in Carthage IV. Xiv. 37-40; sent back to Numidia, IV. Xiv. 40; summoned to Byzantium, IV. Xix. 2

Massonas, son of Mephanias; a Moorish ruler, accuses Iaudas to Solomon, IV. Xiii. 19

Mastigas, Moorish ruler, IV. Xx. 31

Mastinas, ruler of Moors in Mauretania, IV. Xiii. 19

Mauritania, occupied by the Moors, IV. X. 29; Moors of, seek alliance with the Romans, III. Xxv. 3; ruled by Mastinas IV. Xiii. 19; fugitive Vandals return thither, IV. Xiv. 19; Iaudas retires thither, IV. Xx. 21; "First Mauritania, " called Zabe, subjugated by Solomon, IV. Xx. 30; Stotzas comes thence to joiZabetalas, IV. Xxii. 5; adjoins Numidia, III. Xxv. 21; city of Caesarea there, IV. V. 5

Maximinus, body-guard of Theodorus the Cappadocian; tries to set up a tyranny, IV. Xviii. 1-3; upon invitation of Germanus, becomes a body-guard of his, IV. Xviii. 6, 7; his attempt frustrated by Germanus, IV. Xviii. 8-15; examined by Germanus and impaled, IV. Xviii. 17, 18

Maximus the elder, his tyranny, III. Iv. 16; the festival celebrating his defeat, _ibid. _

Maximus, a Roman senator, III. Iv. 16; his wife outraged by Valentinian, III. Iv. 17-22; plans to murder Valentinian, III. Iv. 24; slanders and destroys Aetius, III. Iv. 25-27; kills Valentinian, and makes himself tyrant, III. Iv. 36; stoned to death, III. V. 2

Medeos, city at the foot of Mt. Papua in Numidia, IV. Iv. 27

Medic garments, _i. E. _ silk; called "seric" in Procopius' time, as coming from the Chinese (Seres); worn by the Vandals, IV. Vi. 7

Medissinissas, a Moorish ruler; joins in an attack upon a Roman force, IV. X. 6 ff. ; slays Rufinus, IV. X. 11

Megara, its distance from Athens the measure of a one day's journey, III. I. 17

Melanchlaenae, an old name for the Goths, III. Ii. 2

Melita, island between the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian Seas (Malta), III. Xiv. 16

Membresa, city in Libya, IV. Xv. 12; distance from Carthage, _ibid. _

Menephesse, place in Byzacium, IV. Xxiii. 3

Mephanias, a Moor, father of Massonas, and father-in-law of Iaudas, IV. Xiii. 10; treacherously slain by Iaudas, _ibid. _

Mercurium, a town near Carthage, III. Vi. 10, xvii. 15, xx. 10

Mercurius, the Latin name for Hermes, III. Vi. 10

Methone, a town in the Peloponnesus, III. Xiii. 9; the Roman fleet stops there, III. Xiii. 9-21

Minorica, island in the western Mediterranean, III. I. 18; Apollinarius sent thither with an army, IV. V. 7

Misuas, the ship-yard of Carthage, IV. Xiv. 40

Monks, their monastery in Carthage, IV. Xxvi. 17

Moors, a black race of Africa, IV. Xiii. 29; an account of their origin in Palestine, and migration westward, IV. X. 13 ff. ; driven away from Carthage, IV. X. 27, 28; possess themselves of much of Libya, IV. X. 29; take Mt. Aurasium from the Vandals, IV. Xiii. 26, 27; those beyond Mt. Aurasium ruled by Ortaļas, IV. Xiii. 28; on Aurasium, ruled by Iaudas, IV. Xii. 29, xiii. 1; of Mauritania, ruled by Mastinas, IV. Xiii. 19; inhabit Mt. Papua, IV. Iv. 27, vi. 19, 20; not merged with the Vandals, III. V. 21; their alliance secured by Gizeric, III. V. 22; make war on the Vandals, III. Viii. 1, 2; dwelling on Mt. Aurasium, establish their independence from the Vandals, III. Viii. 5; their wars with Gundamundus, III. Viii. 7; inflict a great disaster upon the Vandals, III. Viii. 15-28; of Byzacium, defeat the Vandals, III. Ix. 3; most of them seek alliance with the Romans, III. Xxv. 2-4, IV. Viii. 11 ff. ; their doubtful fidelity, III. Xxv. 9; stationed in the rear of the Vandals at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. Iii. 8; threaten the Roman power in Tripolis, IV. V. 10; on Mt. Papua, drive back Pharas and his men, IV. Vi. 1-3; of Byzacium and Numidia, rise and overrun the country, IV. Viii. 20-23, x. 1, 2; caught by Aļgan and Rufinus in an ambush, IV. X. 5; in turn annihilate the Roman force, IV. X. 6 ff. ; receive a warning letter from Solomon, IV. Xi. 1-8; their reply, IV. Xi. 9-13; Solomon marches against them, IV. Xi. 14; prepare for battle at Mammes, IV. Xi. 17, 18, 37-46; defeated by the Romans, IV. Xi. 47-54; rise against the Romans a second time, IV. Xii. 1; establish themselves on Mt. Bourgaon, IV. Xii. 3-9; suffer a crushing defeat, IV. Xii. 17 ff. ; finally understand their ancient prophecy, IV. Xii. 28; emigrate from Byzacium to Numidia, IV. Xii, 29; those under Antalas remain in Byzacium, IV. Xii. 30; of Aurasium, take up arms under Iaudas, IV. Xiii. 1 ff. ; checked by Althias at the spring of Tigisis, IV. Xiii. 8, 9; in the army of Solomon, IV. Xiii. 20; elude Solomon on Mt. Aurasium, IV. Xiii. 35, 36; Solomon prepares another expedition against them, IV. Xiii. 40; with the mutineers of Stotzas, IV. Xvii. 8; their uncertain allegiance, IV. Xvii. 9-12; join in the pursuit of the mutineers, IV. Xvii. 31; on Aurasium; Solomon marches against them, IV. Xix. 5; defeat Gontharis, IV. Xix. 8; flood the Roman camp, IV. Xix. 14; retire to Mt. Aurasium, IV. Xix. 16; defeated by Solomon, retire to the heights of Aurasium, IV. Xix. 17, 18; abandon the fortress of Zerboule to the Romans, IV. Xix. 23-32; overwhelmingly defeated at Toumar, IV, xx. 1 ff. ; defeat the Romans under Solomon, IV. Xxi. 25-28; gather under Antalas, IV. Xxii. 5; tricked by Solomon the younger, IV. Xxii. 12-17; attack Laribus, IV. Xxii. 18-20; gathered a second time by Antalas, IV. Xxiii. 1; capture Himerius and take Hadrumetum, IV. Xxiii. 10-15; lose Hadrumetum, IV. Xxiii. 25; pillage all Libya unhindered, IV. Xxiii. 26-32; defeat the Roman army at Siccaveneria, IV. Xxiv. 8-12; at the invitation of Gontharis, march against Carthage, IV. Xxv. 1, 2; of Coutzinas, in the army of Artabanes, IV. Xxvii. 25; of Byzacium, defeated by John, IV. Xxviii. 46; with the Leuathae defeat John, IV. Xxviii. 47, 48; routed in a third battle, IV. Xxviii. 50, 51; of Coutzinas, in alliance with John, IV. Xxviii. 50; in Sardinia, Solomon prepares an expedition against them, IV. Xiii. 41, 45; sent thither by the Vandals, IV. Xiii. 43; overrun the island, IV. Xiii. 42, 44; called Barbaricini, IV. Xiii. 44; their polygamy, IV. Xi. 13; untrustworthy by nature, IV. Xiii. 37, xvii. 10, even among themselves, IV. Xxv. 16; suspicious toward all, IV. Xxvi. 2; their hardiness as a nation, IV. Vi. 5, 10-13; their reckless character, IV. Viii. 10; their female oracles, IV. Viii. 13; their method of cooking bread, IV. Vii. 3; accustomed to take some women with their armies, IV. Xi. 18, 19; undesirable allies, IV. Xiii. 40; not practised in storming walls, IV. Xxii. 20; not diligent in guarding captives, IV. Xxiii. 17; the symbols of kingship among them received from the Roman emperor, III. Xxv. 5-7; Moorish old man, guardian of Iaudas' treasures, IV. Xx. 24; slain by a Roman soldier, IV. Xx. 27; Moorish woman, IV. Vii. 3

Moses, leader of the Hebrews, his death, IV. X. 13

Nepos, emperor of the West, dies after a reign of a few days, III. Vii. 15

Numidia, in Africa, adjoins Mauritania, III. Xxv. 21; its boundary near the plain of Boulla, III. Xxv. 1; Mt. Papua on its borders, IV. Iv. 27; includes Mt. Aurasium, III. Viii. 5; and the city of Hippo Regius, III. Iii. 31, IV. Iv. 26; and the city of Tigisis, IV. X. 21; Moors of, seek alliance with the Romans, III. Xxv. 3; plundered by the Moors, IV. Viii. 9, x. 2; plundered by Iaudas, IV. Xiii. 1, 18; a place of retreat for the mutineers of Stotzas, IV. Xv. 44, 50, xvii. 1; Romans retire from there, IV. Xx. 30; Gontharis commander there, IV. Xxv. 1; Moors of, march out against Carthage, IV. Xxv. 2

Nun ("Naues"), father of Joshua ("Jesus"), IV. X. 13, 22

Ocean, Procopius' conception of it as encircling the earth, III. 1. 4

Olyvrius, Roman senator, husband of Placidia, III. V. 6, vi. 6; becomes emperor of the West; killed after a short reign, III. Vii. 1

Optio (Latin), a kind of adjutant in the Roman army, III. Xvii. 1, IV. Xx. 12

Ortaļas, Moorish ruler beyond Mt. Aurasium, IV. Xiii. 19, 28; accuses Iaudas to Solomon, IV. Xiii. 19; with the mutineers of Stotzas, IV. Xvii. 8; his report of the country beyond his own, IV. Xiii. 29

Palatium, the imperial residence in Rome; said to be named from Pallas, III. Xxi. 4; despoiled by Gizeric, III. V. 34, IV. Ix. 5

Palestine, settlement of the Hebrews there, IV. X. 13; Moors emigrated therefrom, IV. X. 27

Pallas, an "eponymous" hero, used to explain the word "Palatium, " III. Xxi. 4

Pannonia, entered by the Goths, III. Ii. 39

Pappus, brother of John, IV. Xvii. 6, xxviii. 45; commander of cavalry, III. Xi. 7; on the right wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. Iii. 4

Papua, mountain in Numidia, IV. Iv. 27; Gelimer takes refuge there, IV. 26, 28; its ascent attempted by Pharas, IV. Vi. 1; closely besieged, IV. Iv. 28, vi. 3; Cyprian sent thither to receive Gelimer, IV. Vii. 11

Pasiphilus, a mutineer in the Roman army; active supporter of Gontharis, IV. Xxvii. 21, 22, 36, 38; entertains John at a banquet, IV. Xxviii. 3; his death, IV. Xxviii. 39

Patrician rank, III. Ii. 15, xi. 17, IV. Vi. 22, xvi. 1; Gelimer excluded from it because of Arianism, IV. Ix. 14

Paulus, a priest of Hadrumetum; rescues the city from the Moors, IV. Xxiii. 18-25; comes to Byzantium, IV. Xxiii. 29

Pedion Halon, in Libya, distance from Decimum; forces of Gibamundus destroyed there, III. Xviii. 12

Pegasius, friend of Solomon the younger, IV. Xxii. 14, 15

Peloponnesus, III. Xi. 24, IV. Xiv. 18; plundered by Gizeric, III. V. 23, xxii. 16

Pentapolis, part of Libya; its rule falls to Cyrus, IV. Xxi. 1

Perinthus, called Heracleia in Procopius' time, III, xii. 6

Persians, III. Xix. 7; make peace with the Romans, III. I. 1, ix. 25, 26; Vandals fight against them IV. Xiv. 18

Peter, Roman general, accused by the Massagetae of unfair dealing, IV. I. 6

Peter, of Thrace, body-guard of Solomon; at the banquet of Gontharis, IV. Xxviii. 3; looks with approval upon Artabanes' plot, IV. Xxviii. 24, 28; with Artabanes cuts down the body-guards who remain, IV. Xxviii. 33

Pharas, leader of Eruli, in the African expedition, III. Xi. 11; left in charge of the siege of Gelimer on Mt. Papua, IV. Iv. 28, 31, vi. 1, 3; his correspondence with Gelimer, IV. Vi. 15-30, vii. 6-9; learns the reasons for Gelimer's peculiar request, and fulfils it, IV. Vi. 31-34; reports to Belisarius, IV. Vii. 10; his good qualities, IV. Iv. 29, 31; an uneducated man, IV. Vi. 15

Pharesmanes, father of Zaunas, IV. Xix. 1, xx. 19

Phasis River, in Colchis, III. I. 11; distance from Chalcedon, _ibid. _

Phoenicia, its extent, IV. X. 15; ruled by one king in ancient times, IV. X. 16; home of various peoples, IV. X. 17; Dido's emigration therefrom, IV. X. 25; Phoenician tongue, spoken in Libya, IV. X. 20; Phoenician writing, on two stones in Numidia IV. X. 22

Phredas, friend of Areobindus, sent by him to Gontharis, IV. Xxvi. 8, 9

Placidia, sister of Arcadius and Honorius and wife of Constantius, III. Iii. 4; mother of Valentinian, brings him up in vicious ways, III. Iii. 10; as regent for her son, appoints Boniface general of all Libya, III. Iii. 16; gives ear to Aetius' slander of Boniface, III. Iii. 17, 18; summons him to Rome, III. Iii. 18; sends men to Boniface at Carthage, III. Iii. 27; upon learning the truth tries to bring him back, III. Iii. 28, 29; finally receives him back, III. Iii. 36; her death, III. Iv. 15

Placidia, daughter of Eudoxia and wife of Olyvrius; taken captive by Gizeric, III. V. 3, vi. 6; sent to Byzantium, III. V. 6

Pontus, see Euxine

Praetor, III. X. 3

Praetorian, see Prefect

Prefect, praetorian prefect (lit. "of the court"), III. X. 3, 7, xi. 17, xiii. 12; of the army, "financial manager, " III. Xi. 17. Cf. III. Xv. 13, xvii, 16, IV. Xvi. 2

Prejecta, daughter of Vigilantia and wife of Areobindus, accompanies him to Libya, IV. Xxiv. 3; placed in a fortress for her safety, IV. Xxvi. 18; removed from the fortress by Gontharis and compelled to give a false report in a letter to Justinian, IV. Xxvii. 20; presents a great sum of money to Artabanes, IV. Xxviii. 43

Proba, a notable woman of Rome; according to one account opened the gates of the city to Alaric, III. Ii. 27

Procopius, author of the History of the Wars; sails with Belisarius for Africa, III. Xii. 3; his reassuring dream, III. Xii. 3-5; sent by Belisarius to Syracuse to get information, III. Xiv. 3, 4, 7-13; praised by Belisarius III. Xiv. 15; congratulates Belisarius upon a good omen, III. Xv. 35; escapes from Carthage with Solomon, IV. Xiv. 39; goes to Belisarius in Syracuse, IV. Xiv. 41

Pudentius, of Tripolis; recovers this country for the Roman empire, III. X. 22-24, xi. 22, IV. Xxi. 3; receives support from Belisarius, IV. V. 10; persuades Sergius to receive only representatives of the Leuathae, IV. Xxi. 3; rights against the Leuathae, IV. Xxi. 13, 14; his death, IV. Xxii. 15

Ravenna, city in Italy; the refuge of Honorius, III. Ii. 9, 25; attacked by Alaric and Attalus, III. Ii. 29

Reparatus, priest of Carthage; sent by Gontharis to summon Areobindus, IV. Xxvi. 23; with difficulty persuades him to come, IV. Xxvi. 24-27; dismissed by Gontharis, IV. Xxvi. 31

Rhecimer, slays his father-in-law Anthemius, emperor of the West, III. Vii. 1

Rhine River, crossed by the Vandals, III. Iii. 1

Romans, subjects of the Roman empire, both in the East and in the West; mentioned constantly throughout; celebrate a festival commemorating the overthrow of Maximus, III. Iv. 16; accustomed to enter subject cities in disorder, III. Xxi. 9; require especial oaths of loyalty from body-guards of officers, IV. Xviii. 6; subjugate the peoples of Libya, IV. X. 28; lose Libya to Gizeric and the Vandals, III. Iii. 31-35; send an unsuccessful expedition under Basiliscus against the Vandals, III. Vi. 1-24; make peace with the Persians, III. Ix. 26; send a second expedition under Belisarius, III. Xi. 1 ff. ; defeat the Vandals at Decimum, III. Xviii. 5-19, xix. 31-33; at Tricamarum, IV. Ii. 4 ff. ; defeat the Moors at the battle of Mammes, IV. Xi. 47-54; on Mt. Bourgaon, IV. Xii. 19 ff. ; and on Mt. Aurasium, IV. Xix. 5-xx. 22; further conflicts with the Moors, IV. Xi. -xxviii. ; poverty of the Roman soldiers, IV. Iv. 3; their marriages with the Vandal women, IV. Xiv. 8; and their desire for the Vandals estates, IV. Xiv. 10; they make a mutiny, IV. Xiv. 7 ff. 

Rome, abandoned by Honorius, III. Ii. 8, 9; completely sacked by the Visigoths, III. Ii. 13; captured by Alaric, III. Ii. 14-23; sacked by Alaric, III. Ii. 24; according to one account, was delivered over to Alaric by Proba, III. Ii. 27; the suffering of the city during the siege of Alaric, III. Ii. 27; despoiled by Gizeric, III. V. 1 ff. , IV. Ix. 5

Rome, name of a cock of the Emperor Honorius, III. Ii. 26

Rufinus, of Thrace; of the house of Belisarius and his standard-bearer, IV. X. 3, 4; commander of cavalry, III. Xi. 7; makes a successful attack upon the Moors in Byzacium, IV. X. 5; his force in turn annihilated by the Moors, IV. X. 6 ff; captured and killed, IV. X. 10, 11, xi. 22

Rufinus, son of Zaunas and brother of Leontius; sent as commander to Libya, IV. Xix. 1; fights valorously at the capture of Toumar, IV. Xx. 19

Salarian Gate, at Rome, III. Ii. 17, 22

Sallust, Roman historian, the house of, burned by Alaric, III. Ii. 24

Sarapis, commander of Roman infantry, III. Xi. 7, IV. Xv. 50; his death, IV. Xv. 59

Sardinia, its size compared with that of Sicily, IV. Xiii. 42; half way between Rome and Carthage, _ibid. _; recovered by the Romans from the Vandals, III. Vi. 8, 11; occupied by the tyrant Godas, III. X. 26, 27; Gelimer sends an expedition to recover it, III. Xi. 22, 23; subdued by Tzazon, III, xxiv. 1, 3, IV. Ii. 25; avoided by Cyril, III. Xxiv. 19; Tzazon and his men summoned thence by Gelimer, III. Xxv. 10, 17, 24, 25; recovered for the Roman empire by Cyril, IV. V. 2, 4; Solomon sends an expedition against the Moors who had overrun the island, IV. Xiii. 41-45

Sauromatae, an old name for the Goths, III. Ii. 2

Scalae Veteres, place in Numidia, IV. Xvii. 3

Scythians, a barbarian people, III. Xix. 7; in the army of Attila, III. Iv. 24

Scriptures of the Christians; Areobindus seeks to protect himself by them, IV. Xxvi. 27; see also Gospel, and Hebrew Scriptures

Septem, fort at the Pillars of Heracles, III. I. 6; John sent thither with an army, IV. V. 6

Sergius, son of Bacchus, and brother of Cyrus; becomes ruler of Tripolis in Libya, IV. Xxi. 1; brother of Solomon the younger, IV. Xxi. 19; threatened by an army of Leuathae, IV. Xxi, 2; receives representative from them, IV. Xxi. 3 ff. ; meets them in battle, IV. Xxi. 13, 14; retires into the city, IV. Xxi. 15; and receives help from Solomon, IV. Xxi. 16, 19; succeeds Solomon in the command of Libya, IV. Xxii. 1; his misrule, IV. Xxii, 2; his recall demanded by Antalas, IV. Xxii. 9, 10; Justinian refuses to recall him, IV. Xxii. 11; appealed to by Paulus to save Hadrumetum, but does nothing, IV. Xxiii. 20, 21; quarrels with John, son of Sisiniolus, IV. Xxii. 3; xxiii. 32; shares the rule of Libya with Areobindus, IV. Xxiv. 4, 5; departs to Numidia, IV. Xxiv. 6; disregards Areobindus' instructions to unite with John, IV. Xxiv. 7, 8; recalled and sent to Italy, IV. Xxiv. 16, XXV. 1

Seric, see Medic Garments, IV. Vi. 7

Sestus, city on the Hellespont, III. I. 8

Severianus, son of Asiaticus, a Phoenician; his daring encounter with the Moors, IV. Xxiii. 6-9; escapes to Carthage, IV. Xxiii. 17

Shield Mountain (Clypea), ancient fort on Aurasium, IV. Xiii. 33

Shoal's Head, see Caputvada, III. Xiv. 17

Siccaveneria, city in Libya; distance from Carthage, IV. Xxiv. 6

Sicily, its size compared with that of Sardinia, IV. Xiii. 42; invaded by Gizeric, III. V. 22, 23; concessions given the Vandals there, III. Viii. 13, IV. V. 21; reached by the Roman fleet, III. Xiii. 22; expedition sent thither by Belisarius, IV. V. 11; claimed by the Goths, IV. V. 19; subjugated by Belisarius, IV. Xiv. 1; a mutiny there causes Belisarius to return to it, IV. Xv. 48, 49; refuge of Libyans, IV. Xxiii. 28

Sidon, city at the extremity of Phoenicia, IV. X. 15

Sigeum, promontory on the coast of the Troad, III. Xiii. 5

Singidunum, town in the land of the Gepaides, modern Belgrade, III. Ii. 6

Sinnion, leader of the Massagetae, III. Xi. 12

Sirmium, town in the land of the Gepaides, III. Ii. 6

Sisiniolus, father of John, IV. Xix. 1, xxii. 3, xxiii. 2, xxiv. 6

Sitiphis, metropolis of "First Mauritania, " IV. Xx. 30

Sittas, Roman general; slain by Artabanes, IV. Xxvii. 17

Sophia, name of the great church in Byzantium, III. Vi. 26

Solomon, commander of auxiliaries, III. Xi. 5; a eunuch, III. Xi. 6; a native of the country about Daras, III. Xi. 9; uncle of Bacchus, IV. Xxi. 1; sent to report Belisarius' victory to the emperor, III. Xxiv. 19; returns to Libya, IV. Viii. 4; left by Belisarius in charge of Libya, IV. Viii. 23; receives reinforcements from Byzantium, IV. Viii. 24; disturbed by the news of uprisings in Libya, IV. X. 1 _ff. _; writes to the Moorish leaders, IV. Xi. 1-8; their reply, IV. Xi. 9-13; moves against the Moors with his whole army, IV. Xi. 14; addresses his troops, IV. Xi. 23-36; inflicts a crushing defeat upon the enemy at Mammes, IV. Xi. 15 ff. ; receives word of the second Moorish uprising, and marches back, IV. Xii. 2; wins a brilliant victory on Mt. Bourgaon, IV. Xii. 3 ff. ; moves against Iaudas, IV. Xiii. 18; instigated against him by other Moorish leaders, IV. Xiii. 19; encamps on the Abigas River, IV. Xiii. 20; ascends Mt. Aurasium with few provisions, IV. Xiii. 30-33; eluded by the Moors, IV. Xiii. 35, 36; returns to Carthage, IV. Xiii. 39; prepares a second expedition against Mt. Aurasium, IV. Xiii. 40; and against Sardinia, IV. Xiii. 41. 45; passes the winter in Carthage, IV. Xiv. 4; opposed by the soldiers in regard to confiscated lands, IV. Xiv. 10; plan to assassinate him, IV. Xiv. 22; his guards implicated in the plot, IV. Xiv. 23; failure of the conspirators to act, IV. Xiv. 24-27; tries to win back the loyalty of his men, IV. Xiv. 30; insulted openly, IV. Xiv. 31; sends Theodorus to the mutineers, IV. Xiv. 32; his enmity toward Theodorus, IV. Xiv. 33; his acquaintances killed by the mutineers, IV. Xiv. 36; flees to a sanctuary in the palace, IV. Xiv. 37; joined by Martinus there, _ibid. _; they come out to the house of Theodorus, IV. Xiv. 38; escape in a boat to Misuas, whence he sends Martinus to Numidia, IV. Xiv. 40; writes to Theodorus, and departs to Syracuse, IV. Xiv. 41; begs Belisarius to come to Carthage, IV. Xiv. 42; returns with him, IV. Xv. 9; entrusted again with the command of Libya, IV. Xix. 1; his prosperous rule, IV. Xix. 3, 4, xx. 33; marches against Iaudas once more, IV. Xix. 5; sends Gontharis ahead, IV. Xix. 6; hears of the defeat of Gontharis, IV. Xix. 9; advances to the camp of Gontharis, thence to Babosis, IV. Xix. 16; defeats the Moors in battle, IV. Xix. 17; plunders the plain and then returns to Zerboule, IV. Xix. 20; which he unexpectedly captures, IV. Xix. 25-31; his care of the water supply during the siege of Toumar, IV. Xx. 3; addresses the army, IV. Xx. 4-9; tries to find a point of attack, IV. Xx. 10, 11; fortifies Mt. Aurasium against the Moors, IV. Xx, 22; fortifies many Libyan cities with money captured from Iaudas, IV. Xix. 3, xx. 29; subjugates Zabe, or "First Mauritania, " IV. Xx. 30; appealed to by Sergius for help, IV. Xxi. 16; incurs the enmity of Antalas, IV. Xxi. 17, xxii. 7, 8; marches against the Moors, IV. Xxi. 19; his overtures scorned by the Leuathae, IV. Xxi. 20-22; captures some booty and refuses to distribute it to the soldiers, IV. Xxi. 23, 24; defeated by the Moors and slain, IV. Xxi. 25-28; Justinian's regard for him, IV. Xxii. 11; builds and fortifies a monastery in Carthage, IV. Xxvi. 17; standards of, recovered from the Moors, IV. Xxviii. 46

Solomon the younger, brother of Cyrus and Sergius; marches with Solomon against the Moors, IV. Xxi. 19; his capture and release, IV. Xxii. 12-17

Solomon, king of the Jews, IV. Ix. 7

Sophia, temple of, in Byzantium; appropriateness of its name, III. Vi. 26

Spain, settled by the Vandals, III. Iii. 2, 22; invaded by Constantinus, III. Ii. 31; settled by the Visigoths, III. Iii. 26. Xxiv. 7, IV. Iv. 34

Stagnum, a harbour near Carthage, III. Xv. 15; the Roman fleet anchors there, III. Xx. 15, 16

Stotzas, a body-guard of Martinus, destined not to return to Byzantium, III. Xi. 30; chosen tyrant by the mutineers, IV. Xv. 1; marches on Carthage, IV. Xv. 2; invites the Vandals to join his army, IV. Xv. 3, 4; demands the surrender of Carthage, IV. Xv. 5; kills the envoy Joseph, and besieges Carthage, IV. Xv. 8; addresses his troops, IV. Xv. 30-39; defeated by Belisarius, IV. Xv. 40 ff. ; his forces gather in Numidia, IV. Xv. 50; the Romans march against him at Gazophyla, IV. Xv. 52; comes alone into the Roman army and addresses the soldiers, IV. Xv. 53-57; received with favour, IV. Xv. 58; kills the Roman commanders in a sanctuary, IV. Xv. 59; eager to fight a battle with Germanus, IV. Xvi. 8; approaches Carthage, hoping for defection from there, IV. Xvi. 9, 10; his hopes falsified, IV. Xvii. 1; defeated by Germanus at Scalae Veteres, IV. Xvii. 3 ff. ; escapes with a few men, IV. Xvii. 24; hopes to renew the battle with the help of the Moors, IV. Xvii. 32; makes his escape with difficulty, IV. Xvii. 33; suffers another defeat, IV. Xvii. 34; withdraws to Mauritania and marries the daughter of a Moorish chief, IV. Xvii. 35; the end of his mutiny, _ibid. _; IV. Xix. 3; joins Antalas, IV. Xxii. 5, xxiii. 1; receives Roman captives, IV. Xxiii. 10, 17; joins the Moors in plundering Libya, IV. Xxiii. 26-31; Areobindus sends an army against him, IV. Xxiv. 6; his enmity against John, IV, xxiv. 9; mortally wounded by him in battle, IV. Xxiv. 11; carried out of the battle, IV. Xxiv. 12; his death, IV. Xxiv. 14; succeeded by John as tyrant of the mutineers, IV. Xxv. 3

Syllectus, city in Libya, III. Xvi. 9; captured by Belisarius' men, III. Xvi. 11; entered by the Roman army, III. Xvii. 6

Symmachus, a Roman senator; accompanies Germanus to Libya, IV. Xvi. 2; summoned to Byzantium, IV. Xix. 1

Syracuse, city in Sicily, III. Xiv. 13; its harbour Arethusa, III. Xiv. 11; Procopius sent thither, III. Xiv. 3, 7; Belisarius passes the winter there, IV. Xiv. 4, 41; distance from Caucana, III. Xiv. 4

Taenarum, called Caenopolis in Procopius' time; promontory of the Peloponnesus, III. Xiii. 8; Gizeric repulsed from there, III. Xxii. 16

Tamougadis, a city at the foot of Mt. Aurasium; dismantled by the Moors, IV. Xiii. 26, xix. 20

Tattimuth, sent in command of an army to Tripolis, III. X. 23; receives support from Belisarius, IV. V. 10

Taulantii, a people of Illyricum, III. Ii. 9

Tebesta, city in Libya; distance from Carthage, IV. Xxi. 19

Terentius, Roman commander of infantry, III. Xi. 7, IV. Xv. 50

Theoderic, king of the Goths; gives his daughter in marriage to the king of the Vandals, and makes certain concessions in Sicily, III. Viii. 11-13, IV. V. 21; becomes hostile to the Vandals, III. Ix. 3; refrains from attacking them III. Ix. 5; his death, III. Xiv. 6; grandfather of Antalaric, _ibid. _; brother of Amalafrida, III. Viii. 11, 13

Theodora, wife of Justinian; distributes rewards to Gelimer and others, IV. Ix. 13

Theodorus, youngest son of Gizeric; his death, III. V. 11

Theodorus, called Cteanus, commander of infantry, III. Xi. 7

Theodorus, commander of guards; sent to the top of Mt. Bourgaon by Solomon, IV. Xii. 17; killed by the mutineers, IV. Xiv. 35; his excellent qualities as a soldier, _ibid. _

Theodorus, the Cappadocian; sent to Libya with an army, IV. Viii. 24; sent by Solomon to quiet the mutineers, IV. Xiv. 32; his enmity against Solomon, IV. Xiv. 33; elected general by the mutineers, IV. Xiv. 34; gives Solomon and Martinus dinner and helps them to escape, IV. Xiv. 38; bidden by Solomon to take care of Carthage, IV. Xiv. 41; refuses to surrender Carthage to Stotzas, IV. Xv. 6; made joint ruler of Carthage with Ildiger, IV. Xv. 49; at the battle of Scalae Veteres, IV. Xvii. 6, 19; learns of the plot of Maximinus from Asclepiades, IV. Xviii. 4

Theodosius I, Roman emperor, father of Arcadius and Honorius, III. I. 2; overthrows the tyranny of Maximus, III. Iv. 16

Theodosius II, son of Arcadius; becomes emperor of the East, III. Ii. 33, iii. 6; Honorius considers the possibility of finding refuge with him, III. Ii. 32; rears Valentinian, III. Iii. 5; makes him emperor of the West, III. Iii. 8; sends an army against the tyrant John, _ibid. _; his death, III. Iv. 39; succeeded by Marcian, III. Iv. 2, 10; father of Eudoxia, III. Iv. 15

Thrace, starting point of Alaric's invasion, III. Ii. 7; the Goths settle there for a time, III. Ii. 39; home of several Roman commanders, III. Xi. 10; adjoins "Germania, " III. Xi. 21; royal horse-pastures there, III. Xii. 6; home of Himerius, IV. Xxiii. 3; and of Peter, IV. Xxviii. 3

Thessalian cape, or chlamys, III. Xxv. 7

Theodatus, king of the Goths; Belisarius sent against him, IV. Xiv. 1

Theudis, king of the Visigoths, IV. Iv. 34; receives envoys from Gelimer, III. Xxiv. 7-16

Tigisis, city in Numidia, IV. X. 21; two Phoenician inscriptions there, IV. X. 22; its great spring, IV. Xiii. 5

Titus, Roman emperor, IV. Ix. 2; his capture of Jerusalem, IV. Ix. 5; son of Vespasian, _ibid. _

Toumar, place on the summit of Mt. Aurasium, IV. Xix. 22; besieged by the Romans, IV. Xx. 1 ff. ; scaled by Gezon and captured by Solomon, IV. Xx. 1-20

Trajan, Roman emperor, IV. Ix. 2

Trasamundus, brother of Gundamundus; becomes king of the Vandals, III. Viii. 8; tries to win over the Christians, III. Viii. 9, 10; asks the hand of Amalafrida, III. Viii. 11; becomes a friend of Anastasius, III. Viii. 14; his death, III. Viii. 29

Tricamarum, place in Libya; distance from Carthage, IV. Ii. 4; Vandals defeated there, IV. Iii. 1 ff. , iv. 35, v. 2, 9

Tripolis, district in Libya; distance from Gadira, III. I. 14; the Vandals there defeated by Heraclius, III. Vi. 9, 11; Moors dwelling there, III. Viii. 15; lost again by the Vandals, III. X. 22-24; Gelimer hopeless of recovering it, III. Xi. 22; Belisarius sends an army thither, IV. V. 10; rule of, falls to Sergius, IV. Xxi. 1; Leuathae come from there with a large army, IV. Xxviii. 47

Troy, III. Xxi. 4

Tryphon, sent to Libya to assess the taxes, IV. Viii. 25

Tuscan Sea, separated from the Adriatic by Gaulus and Melita, III. Xiv. 16; severity of its storms, IV. Iv. 37

Tzazon, brother of Gelimer; sent with an army to recover Sardinia, III. Xi. 23; overthrows and kills Godas in Sardinia, III. Xxiv. 1; writes to Gelimer, III. Xxiv. 2-4; receives a letter from him, III. Xxv. 10-18; thereupon departs for Libya, III. Xxv. 19-21; meets Gelimer in the Plain of Boulla, III. Xxv. 24; addresses his troops separately, IV. Ii. 23-32; commands the centre at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. In. 1, 8, 10, 12; his death, IV. Iii. 14; his head taken to Sardinia by Cyril, IV. V. 2, 4

Uliaris, body-guard of Belisarius, III. Xix. 23; his stupid action at Decimum, III. Xix. 24; kills John the Armenian accidentally, IV, iv. 15 ff. ; takes refuge in a sanctuary, IV. Iv. 21; spared by Belisarius, IV. Iv. 25

Ulitheus, trusted body-guard of Gontharis, IV. Xxv. 8; bears messages to Antalas, IV. Xxv. 8-11, 19; at Gontharis' order assassinates Areobindus, IV. Xxvi. 32, 33, xxvii. 20; marches with Artabanes against Antalas, IV. Xxvii. 25 ff. ; killed by Artasires at the banquet of Gontharis, IV. Xxviii. 19 ff. 

Valentinian, son of Constantius, reared by Theodosius, III. Iii. 5; made emperor of the West, III. Iii. 8; captures John and after brutal abuse kills him, III. Iii. 9; his viciousness resulting from early training, III. Iii. 10, 11; loses Libya to the empire, III. Iii. 12; receives tribute and a hostage from Gizeric, III. Iv. 13; returns the hostage, III. Iv. 14; slays Aetius, III. Iv. 27; outrages the wife of Maximus, III. Iv. 16 ff. ; slain by him, III. Iv. 15, 36; son of Placidia, III. Iii. 10; father of Eudocia and Placidia, III. V. 3, vi. 6; husband of Eudoxia, III. Iv. 15; members of his family receive rewards from Justinian and Theodora, IV. Ix. 13

Valerian, commander of auxiliaries, III. Xi. 6; sent with Martinus in advance of the African expedition, III. Xi. 24, 29; meets the Roman fleet at Methone, III. Xiii. 9; on the left wing at the battle of Tricamarum, IV. Iii. 4; Martinus sent to him in Numidia, IV. Xiv. 40; summoned to Byzantium, IV. Xix. 2

Vandals, a Gothic people, III. Ii. 2; whence they came into the Roman empire, III. I. 1, iii. 1 ff. ; a portion of them left behind and lost to memory, III. Xxii. 3, 13; settle in Spain, III. Iii. 2; their alliance sought by Boniface, III. Iii. 22, 25; cross from Spain into Libya, III. Iii. 26; defeat Boniface in battle, III. Iii. 31; besiege Hippo Regius, III. Iii. 32, 34; defeat a second Roman army, III. Iii. 35; secure possession of Libya, III. Xxii. 4; send Moors to Sardinia, IV. Xiii. 43; take the church of St. Cyprian at Carthage from the Christians, III. Xxi. 19; invade Italy and sack Rome, III. V. 1 ff. ; their numbers together with the Alani, III. V. 18-20; absorb all barbarian peoples associated with them except the Moors, III. V. 21; Leon sends an expedition against them, III. Vi. 1 ff. ; driven out of Sardinia by Marcellianus; III. Vi. 8; defeated in Tripolis by Heraclius, III. Vi. 9; lost Mt. Aurasium to the Moors, IV. Xiii. 26; enter into an "endless peace" with the emperor Zeno, III. Vii. 26; make war on the Moors, III. Viii. 1, 2; suffer a great disaster at the hands of the Moors, III. Viii. 15-28; defeated by the Moors, and become enemies of the Goths, III. Ix. 3; defeated many times by the Moors, IV. X. 29; Justinian prepares an expedition against them, III. X. 1 ff. ; lose Tripolis, III. X. 22-24; and Sardinia, III. X. 25-27; letter addressed to them by Justinian, III. Xvi. 12-14; recover Sardinia, III. Xxiv. 1; defeated by the Romans at Decimum, III. Xviii. 1 ff. ; greatly feared by the Roman army III. Xix. 27; collected by Gelimer in the Plain of Boulla, III. Xxv. 1 ff. ; besiege Carthage, IV. I. 3; invite the Huns to join them, IV. I. 5; defeated by the Romans at Tricamarum, IV. Ii. 4 ff. ; taken to Byzantium by Belisarius, IV. Xiv. 17; some of them go to the East, while the others escape to Libya, IV. Xiv. 17-19; together with their women, sent out of Libya, IV. Xix. 3; upon invitation of Stotzas, join the mutineers, IV. Xv. 3, 4; accumulate great wealth in Africa, IV. Iii. 26; not trusted by the Libyans, III. Xvi. 3; their effeminacy as a nation, IV. Vi. 5-9; their women, as wives of the Romans, incite them to mutiny, IV. Xiv. 8, 9; priests of, incite Romans of Arian faith to mutiny, IV. Xiv. 13; Vandals' estates, established by Gizeric, III. V. 12; Vandals of Justinian, IV. Xiv. 17

Veredarii (Latin), royal messengers, III. Xvi. 12

Vespasian, Roman emperor, father of Titus, IV. Ix. 5

Vigilantia, mother of Prejecta, and sister of Justinian, IV. Xxiv. 3

Visigoths, a Gothic people, III. Ii. 2; their alliance with Arcadius, III. Ii. 7; the destruction wrought by them in Italy, III. Ii. 11-12; settle in Spain, III. Iii. 26; IV. Iv. 34; invited to form alliance with the Vandals, III. Xxiv. 7

Zabe, called "First Mauritania"; subjugated by Solomon, IV. Xx. 30

Zacynthus, island off the coast of Greece, III. Xiii. 21; its inhabitants the victims of Gizeric's atrocity, III. Xxii. 15, 17, 18

Zaļdus, commander of Roman infantry, III. Xi. 7

Zaunus, son of Paresmanes, and father of Leontius and Rufinus, IV. Xix. 1, xx. 19

Zeno, emperor of the East; husband of Ariadne, and father of Leon the younger, III. Vii. 2; shares the empire with his infant son, III. Vii. 3; flees into Isauria, III. Vii. 18; gathers an army and marches against Basiliscus, III. Vii. 20; meets Harmatus and receives the army by surrender, III. Vii. 21; captures Basiliscus and banishes him, III. Vii. 22, 24; becomes emperor a second time, III. Vii. 23; kills Harmatus, _ibid. _; forms a compact with Gizeric, III. Vii. 26

Zerboule, fortress on Mt. Aurasium, IV. Xix. 19, 20; besieged by the Romans, IV. Xix. 23-27; abandoned by the Moors, IV. Xix. 28-32

 * * * * * *

Transcriber's Note:

 Periods added in index to some instances of Roman numerals to conform to rest of index. 

 Index Errata:

 Under Adriatic Sea "Melite" should read "Melita"

 "Apollonaris" should read "Apollonarius"

 "Arethusa" should read "Arethousa" (also under Syracuse)

 Under Ariadne "Zenon" should read "Zeno" Also under: Basiliscus, brother of Berine Basiliscus, son of Harmatus Gizeric Harmatus Leon the younger

 "Atalaric" should be "Antalaric"

 Under Atalaric "Amalasuntha" should be "Amalasountha"

 "Centenarium" should be "Centenaria"

 "Dromon" should be "Dromone"

 "Gepaides" should be "Gepaedes" Also under: Singidunum Sirmium

 Under Gizeric "Olyvrius" should be "Olybrius" Also under: Olyvrius Placidia

 "Heraclius" should be "Heracleius" also under: Tripolis Vandals

 Under Iaudas "Mephanius" should be "Mephanias"

 "Iourpouthes" should be "Iourphothes"

 Under John, the mutineer, "Pamphilus" should be "Pasiphilus"

 "Juppiter" should be "Jupiter"

 Under Leontius "Zaunus" should be "Zaunas" Also under: Zaunus

 "Leptes" should be "Leptis"

 "Medeos" should be "Medeus"

 "Medissinissas" should be "Medisinissas"

 Under Zaunus "Paresmanes" should be "Pharesmanes"