GOVERNMENT AND REBELLION

A sermon delivered in the North Broad Street Presbyterian Church, Sunday Morning, April 28 1861, By

Rev. E. E. Adams. 

Published by Request. 

1861. 

Government and Rebellion. 

 An evil man seeketh only rebellion; therefore a cruel messenger shall be sent against him. --Prov. Xvii. 11. 

We have in these words this plain announcement--that Rebellion is a crime, and shall be visited with terrible judgment. Solomon here speaks his ownconvictions; God declares his thought, and utters his sanction of law. This is also the expression of natural conscience, --vindicating in ourbreast the Divine procedure, when the majesty of insulted government isasserted, and penalty applied. 

God never overlooks rebellion against his throne--never pardons the rebeluntil he repent and submit. God does not command us to forgive ouroffending fellow-men, unless they repent. "If thy brother trespass againstthee seven times in a day, and seven times in a day turn to thee, saying, I repent, thou shalt forgive him. " God is in a forgiving attitude; soought we to be. But he does not _express_ forgiveness until the rebelexpresses penitence; neither are we under obligation to _pronounce_ anenemy forgiven until he signify his compunction and sorrow, and desistfrom his injurious conduct. If my child rebel against my law and myrightful discipline, I am not allowed by the spirit of love to pursue himwith vengeance; neither am I bound by the law of God to release him fromthe penalty of his sin, until he shall have exhibited signs of submission, of sorrow, and of obedience. I may pity him, and cherish toward him the_spirit_ of forgiveness; but for his own sake, for the order of thehousehold, and on account of my innate sense of justice, I must notpronounce his acquittal, nor declare the controversy ended, until he shallhave satisfied my governmental authority, and the sentiment of justicewhich both his own conscience and mine, constitutionally, and therefore bynecessity, cherish. And I do not see that Government can safely pardon arebel against its statutes, its honor and its common brotherhood, untilhis rebellion cease; until he bow to law, confess his crime, and signifyhis sorrow. I speak not of oppressive government, of iniquitous law; butof _good_ government, of statutes healthful, humane, equal. Although inthe former case rebellion cannot be justified until every constitutionalmeasure has been resorted to for redress, --then, if redress be not given, the voice of the people in all representative governments may legallychange oppressive for just laws, and oppressors for rulers who shallregard the popular will. And in despotisms, when the people have the_power_ to redress their wrongs, and to enter on a career of developmentin mind and morals, in the arts of civilization, --when every other coursefails--"resistance to tyrants is obedience to God!" Man was not _made_ fortyranny. He was not made for any form of government that crushes out hisintellect and his religious capabilities. He was made to be governedmorally; to be under righteous law; law which, while it restrains passion, selfishness and crime, gives a man all the freedom that he is able andwilling to _use_ safely for himself, and for the commonwealth; all that isconsistent with individual development and the national good. 

I am not one of those who believe that the voice of the people is, withoutexception, the voice of God. It was not so at the Deluge, but quite thereverse. It was not so when Israel clamored for a king--not in mercy butin anger, God gave them their request. It was not so when Absalom stolethe hearts of the people, and stirred up rebellion against his father. Andyet, when a nation, independent of party, free from the excitements ofmomentary interest, without the influence of ambitious leaders, under thecalm guidance of reason, history, and the spirit of the age, --risesspontaneously against oppression, against iniquity, and _demands_ justlaws; rights for all; free thought, free speech, free labor, free worship;when compacts are not violated; when moderation is maintained; when thespirit of humanity is preserved, --_then_, I believe, "the voice of thepeople _is_ the voice of God. " I have no question that, in the greatprinciple, Cromwell and his puritan hosts were right in theirrevolutionary action. I could never doubt that our fathers did a noble, glorious, and Christian deed in throwing off the yoke of Britain, andproclaiming a new government for themselves and their posterity. It wasright to contend and bleed for equal representation, for freedom ofconscience, and for an independent nationality in which these high endscould be secured. 

The first government of which we have account was a Theocracy--that is, "the government of God. " _He_ was the only King. He revealed the law, appointed leaders, gave rules for worship, instruction and warfare. Thusin the outset did he set up his claims among men. He established the greatprecedent, which men ought to have followed, which the world has ignored;but to which the thoughts and the will of the race shall ultimatelyreturn. It is true _now_ that government, as such, is ordained of God. Allgovernment, in its elemental authority, is a theocracy. All power is ofGod; he ordains law. He originates the idea of civil compact. While, therefore, the principles of governments among men may be defective, andthe administration wrong and hurtful, the great _fact_ of government is a_Divine fact. Good_ government is _emphatically God's_ government--intendedto suppress evil, to promote holiness and happiness. "The powers that beare ordained of God. " "Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteththe ordinance of God: and they that resist shall receive to themselvesdamnation. " Despisers of government are enumerated by the Apostle as amongthe most flagitious of men. There are _statutes_ in almost every governmentwhich may not be absolutely right; some which may be oppressive. These areto be distinguished from the principles, from the general bearing of agovernment, and endured for the good therein, or be rid of byconstitutional and safe methods. It is a duty of each subject and citizento surrender some of his desires and preferences--some of his convictionspossibly--for the _general_ sentiment--the comprehensive good; while he hasthe privilege of convincing by fair argument all others, and winning themto his views and measures if possible, without violence, withoutinfringement of law. It is not to be expected that every man should beabsolutely satisfied with any government. If he is called to yield onlyhis share of personal interest and preference, for the sake of all theprotection and blessing in which he participates in common with the state, his reason, his conscience, his patriotism will joyfully acquiesce; he willfreely make so much sacrifice for the interests of the whole, knowing verywell that every other citizen is likely to be under an equal sacrifice. Natural, individual liberty, without law, is only barbarism. Where everyman is free to do whatever his worst passions prompt, there is in fact nofreedom; there is tyranny; for the strong will subdue the weak, bone andmuscle will govern mind and conscience. In laws and governments men havetheir best thoughts; human _law_ is likely to be better than humannature. Men feel the need of restraint--are convinced of the necessity oflaw. They therefore make laws in self-defence; if thereby they would _not_restrain their own selfishness, they _would_ restrain the selfishnessof others; but that which is made a barrier to _one_ bad subject isalso a defence against all;--thus men do restrain themselves by theirdefences against others. Thus it is that, with healthful convictions, menmay control diseased passion; with a right _ideal_ is intimatelyjoined a safe actuality; with good law, a comparatively good condition. Even in the worst administration, and when the public mind is mostdemoralized, there may remain the purity of law; the sublime thought. If the mind finds itself sinking into lawlessness and disorganism, andborne away by the pressure of evil, it can look upward, and, catching newenergy from the unquenched light--

 "Spring into the realm of the ideal. "

Our destiny is ideal. We are on our way to the Unseen. The ideal draws usupward, --_real_ now, to the spirits of just men made perfect--to be realto us when we are perfect--_once_ ideal to them, as now to us. We mustkeep above us the model of life and of law which we have not yet attained. Let it never be dim. It is a star shining through time's night! A bannerwaving from the throne of God. It tells us of the goal. It points out ourfuturity--the altitude of our virtue, our exaltation, our bliss. 

Our subject is GOVERNMENT AND MAN. We proceed to consider it in athree-fold aspect, inquiring

 I. _What is good government?_ II. _What constitutes rebellion against such government?_ III. _What is the duty of each citizen when rebellion exists?_

I. _What is a good government_?

No citizen looks for an absolutely perfect form of nationality--of law. But we have a right to ask for good government. We have been accustomed tothink that it depends more on administration than on principle; and theline of the poet, "That which is best administered, is best, " is aproverb, to the sentiment of which we too freely yield. No doubt agovernment with bad statutes and wrong laws, may be so administered as toproduce a tolerable degree of national comfort and development for aseason; while a Constitution perfect in its theories and principles, maybe so maladministered as to corrupt and distract, impoverish anddemoralize, a people. And yet, I agree with an old patriot of the pastcentury who said, "There is no foundation to imagine that the goodness orbadness of any government depends solely upon its administration. It mustbe allowed that the ultimate design of government is to restrain thecorruptions of human nature; and, since human nature is the same at alltimes and in all places, the same form of government which is best for onenation is best for all nations, if they would _only agree to adopt_ it. "

There is a deep thought in this remark. We often say, for example, "Franceis not fit for a republican form of government, " and it is true; but thatis _not_ to say, "A republican form of government is not fit for France, "if the population would agree to adopt and preserve it. Man, in hisfallen state, is not fit for the holy government of God; but that holygovernment is, nevertheless, the _only_ one that is fit for man as a moralbeing; and it is man's ignorance and folly, his guilt and ruin, that hedoes not adopt it. It is owing to the ignorance and wickedness of theworld that it is not fit for a representative government; and that all donot choose Christ to be their King. 

Were a score of the professional politicians of our land to frame aConstitution for us in full accordance with their own schemes and choice, we would soon find ourselves under an oligarchy of schemers, who cared forthe Republic only so far as to secure from it their own fame andemolument. Were as many brokers or merchants to make and administer ourlaws, without regard to other industrial interests, we should have anoligarchy of trade. Were as many husbandmen, or mechanics, or lawyers, tohave full control of our legislation and government, we would have oneinterest towering above all others, and true equalization, truebrotherhood, just representation, healthful nationality would beimpossible. Or, were we dependent on officers in the army or navy for ourgovernment, legislative and administrative, we would be likely to havemany of our rights circumscribed. Were as many clergymen to frame aConstitution, and administer laws, we might be under a crushingpriesthood. A government of mere scholars, poets or orators, would be onlya sublime dream. A Constitution of philosophies alone, would glitter withabstractions beautiful, cold, grand as the snow-capt Alps, and as distant, too, from the actualities of men! A government of mere gentlemen who havenothing to do but think for slaves, to enjoy the chase and therace-ground, to extol their pedigree, and traduce labor, and leadretainers to war--would be a government for the few over the many, anaristocracy of blood and privilege, of curled moustache and taper fingers;but not a republic of patriots, of self-made men, of equal privilege andjust laws. It would be a return to semi-barbarism, to the age of LouisXIV. , or even of Charles I. 

This is now the strong tendency in the Rebel States: even along our freeborder, but below it, such is the system of representation, that a countycontaining only about 3, 000 inhabitants, sends as many representatives tothe legislature as another county of 30, 000, and a single proprietor castsas many votes as a whole commune. So much liberty of citizens is alreadysacrificed to the chevalier, to the system of forced service. 

But were a select number of experienced men, of true statesmen, embracingdifferent pursuits and professions, educated in different parts of theworld, and drawn together by grand national events, --statesmen born in theage when liberty had its first grand revival, and was guarded by sobernessof thought, and tried by every variety and extent of sacrifice--by men whohad no professional, exclusive interest to provide for, but who expectedto fight and die for their convictions, who sought only to lay thefoundation of a nationality for future generations, and for the world; whoaimed at a healthful union of all popular interests, both among poor andrich, among masters and dependents; who provided for freedom of actionunder law; of worship and education, of commerce, agriculture, and thearts; for the easy and equitable support of government, --for itsperpetuity indeed, infusing into it elements that appeal powerfully, bothto the self-interest and the patriotism of the citizens, --I say, were suchmen, with such ends in view, by such sacrifice, to frame such agovernment, containing the most delicate balance of interests, with strongchecks against the encroachment of any branch, either the legislative, executive or judicial, giving all trades and professions, and all men, anequal chance for excellence, influence, and honor; you would not hesitateto pronounce that a good government, even though you might find slightexception to some of its terms, though you might not interpret as othersdo, all its constitutional phrases. 

In view of the protection which such a constitution affords, especially ifit had been tested, for a period of eighty years, by all the inward strainof domestic evils, and all the outward pressure of invasion; by theinfluence of foreign envy, of intrigue, of hostility; by the debasingpower of disloyalty, the incompetency of rulers, and the generaldegeneracy of human nature; I say, in view of all these untowardinfluences, the government which could still retain its majesty and power, still stretch its Aegis over every national and individual right--youwould pronounce the best, both for ruler and people, that ever blessed anation. And you would not hesitate to declare _that_ man a _traitor_, whoshould attempt _to weaken_ and destroy it!

Now we pretend to say that _our_ government was thus formed by thechoicest wisdom and patriotism of the world, with the largest liberty inview, under the restraint of law, giving equitable privilege to all itscitizens, and so balancing its different departments that they aremutually a defence. We pretend to claim for our government the loftiestpurpose, the most comprehensive views, and the best practical results. Weclaim for it justice, equality, and power. It does not stand out--a thingdistinct from the people and the states. It is not an objective poweronly, but subjective; it is in every State and in every freeman. It is notin machinery, which can be set in motion and work out certain results, asif every part of it were iron or steel, and put into action by appliedheat; but in _men_, in minds, in hearts, in the family circle, in thechurch, in every throb of patriotism, in every fibre of the husbandman andthe artizan, in the pastor's prayers, and the student's living thoughts. It is in the _nation_ like latent fire, like a hidden life--evoked in timeof peril, and flashing along the telegraph, breathed in song, uttered inoratory, thundered from the cannon's mouth, hung out in streaming bannerswhose "every hue was born in heaven, " felt in firm resolve, illustrated inresponse to the call of country and of law. Where is our government? Notat Washington alone. That is but its symbol. It is throughout all ourLoyal States. It is enthroned on the granite hills of New Hampshire, sendsits voice along the Alleghanies, and on the swelling floods of theMississippi, and spreads its wing over the children of the West, even tothe shores of Oregon. It lives in every cottage, and every mansion, andhas a throne in every true, free, noble, Christian heart. 

That it is a _good_ government, you have only in imagination to blot fromthe face of the earth whatever has grown up under its protection andencouragement, by the will and the blessing of the Almighty, during thefourscore years of its existence; level all the cities, sink the commerce, prostrate the schools and churches, obliterate all the science, historyand thought it has fostered, quench the light of oratory, turn back thewheel of improvement, and leave us at the opening of 1776; estimate allthe freedom of act, of utterance, of industry; reckon the sum of humancomforts, even of luxuries, it has brought to our hand. Look at all ourships, our mechanism, our homes, our sanctuaries, our institutions ofmorality, of mercy and of religion; our wealth, intelligence, order, power; consider the elevation given to millions in the worst form ofcivilization in the land, showing that such is the vitalizing force of ournational life, that even slavery here, bad as it is--and we know ofnothing worse as a system--lifts men above the natural license of savageexistence. Consider all this, and much more, that I may not stop to utter, and you cannot--you _do_ not--no sane mind _can_ question the supremeexcellence--I had almost said the _divine_ excellence--of ourgovernment. And if there were need of other proof, we have only to remindyou with what promptness the call of our noble Chief Magistrate wasanswered from every free State--from the city and the hamlet; from thebank, the bar, the press and the pulpit; from the workshop and the soil;from the calm and comfort of home and ease and affluence, and from thecottage of the poor, as if the pulse of the government were beating inevery vein, and the will of the Cabinet had its home in every bosom!Strong men, young men, aged men, men of leisure, Christian men--all readyto march under the stars and stripes, or to pour out their treasure forothers. Mothers and wives and sisters, with breaking hearts and tremulousbenedictions, bidding the heroes go--offering them on their country'saltar. Oh, it would not be thus but for the true manhood which ourgovernment infuses into loyal citizens. It would not be so, but for theChristianity it protects without dictation, and acknowledges withoutostentation. 

II. We come now to the question, _What constitutes rebellion against goodgovernment_?

There may be criminal rebellion even against a wicked and oppressivegovernment. The people may take the law into their own hands, and put todeath, or imprison their rulers, without _first_ having triedconstitutional methods of redress. But I speak of rebellion against _good_government--such as we have already had in review. There is a differencebetween insurrection and rebellion. The former is an act of a people orpopulation against a single statute, or against a portion of thelegislative enactments, without necessarily growing into warfare, orrevolt against the whole constitution and the laws. This may becomerebellion. There is also a difference between rebellion and revolution. The latter, in a political sense, is a change, either wholly or in part, of the constitution. This may be effected by argument and a peacefulvote--by abdication, by a change of national policy in view of some newrelation, and by general consent, or by warfare. "The revolution inEngland in 1688, was occasioned by the abdication of James II. , theestablishment of the House of Orange on the throne, and the restoring ofthe constitution to its primitive state. "

Our revolution of '76, and onward, was not a rebellion; it was resistanceof oppression, of burdensome taxation without equal representation, and itresulted in our distinct nationality. 

The revolutions of France have been of a similar character; they havesprung from oppression of the most severe and unnatural kind. This was thefact, at least, in 1797 and in 1830. In 1848, when it was my lot to be inthe midst of it, the revolution arose from the selfish conduct of LouisPhilippe, who enriched himself and his family out of the nationaltreasury, and encouraged his sons in a course which was at war withnational precedent, with the commercial interests and democraticindividualism of the French; for with their imperial prestiges and tastesthey are extreme in their personal democracy. 

But all these revolutions resulted in good to the people. Education, public spirit, enterprise, labor, all the arts of civilization, and evenevangelical Christianity received a new impulse. Mind was opened andenlarged; the people thought for themselves, and sighed for knowledge anda better faith. 

Revolution is going on silently, from year to year, in England. Thenobility yield by slow, almost imperceptible degrees, to the demands ofthe people. It is by this process that the Government avoids the shockswhich startle Austria, France and Italy. 

Such is the variety of honest opinion among men on all subjects; sodifferent are the degrees of information, and the opportunities of judgingwith regard to the best measures of government; such a diversity exists inthe interests and abilities of a people, --that they may be good citizenswithout being satisfied altogether with the constitution, or with thosewho administer its laws. There will be different political parties. It isthe glory of a government that the people are allowed to think and vote asthey please, and to express their honest opinions. Perhaps with us, expression is too free, especially in regard to public men and measures. We may have diverse views and convictions, and yet feel and act loyally. But men who endeavor by any influence or means to lessen the loyalty ofothers, to alienate the love of the people from the government, and whosignify their own aversion, not by condemning a single statute and seekingits lawful repeal, but by heaping abuse on the constitution and on thosewho are chosen to administer the laws, by avowing their hostility to thegovernment and its policy, or their purpose to resist and war againstit, --are in a posture of rebellion. Those who, being in office, commandingthe arms and other property of the government, cause them to be removed soas to weaken its power and strengthen those in actual rebellion, or whoare threatening the same; those who aid and comfort a population orsoldiery who are in a state of actual resistance, and finally, those whodo openly and avowedly renounce the authority of the government to whichthey have sworn allegiance, or take up arms to attack its strongholds, seize or destroy its property, or injure the soldiers and citizens who aresent to protect it, --are in a state of rebellion against its laws andagainst the commonwealth over which it holds the shield of its authority. 

Korah was a rebel and a traitor, who having, by intrigue, inspired someother leaders with the spirit of sedition, succeeded in drawing from theirallegiance to Moses and Aaron, a large number of the people, who cametogether in a mob to demand a different administration. They were invitedto refer the matter to the Divine decision, but they stoutly refused, accusing Moses of assumption, thus endeavoring to destroy his authorityover the nation. That was rebellion. Again, in the reign of David, his sonAbsalom drew the people from their allegiance, then seized the reins ofgovernment and pursued his father with an army. That was rebellion againstwholesome law, against the will of God. 

Now we have the painful fact before us, that rebellion has sprung upagainst our good government. Men in many quarters have secretly plotted, and openly avowed hostility to our Federal Union. Eight of our States havepassed the Ordinance of Secession, four or five others are assuming anattitude of hostility to the General Government, or refusing to complywith the Executive, who calls on them to aid in the defence of theCapital. This state of things has been preceded by acts of treachery onthe part of leading men in the States, by seizure of arms, money, andpublic defences, --the property of the government. A new Confederacy isformed, contrary to oaths and compacts, for the purpose of destroying ourUnion, and giving perpetuity to slavery. It has attacked our forts, adulterated our coin, stolen our arms, proclaimed piracy against ourcommerce, set a price on the head of our Chief Magistrate, threatened ourCapital, and raised armies to exterminate, if possible, our nationality. And all this it has done without one act of the Government to provoke suchprocedure; without any oppression; without any threat; but in the face ofevery honorable proposal on our part, after long and patient endurance oftheir encroachment and plunders; even until foreign journals deride us forour forbearance, and the rebels themselves insult our delay. 

There are those who have compared this rebellion with our revolution of'76. There could hardly be a wider distinction, both in principle and infact, than between these two movements. The Colonies, had been oppressedby "navigation laws, " intended by the British Parliament to crush outtheir commerce for a whole century, from 1660 to 1775. Their weaknessduring that period did not allow of resistance. They were taxedoppressively, while they were not allowed a representation. This was inviolation of Magna Charta; for the government of Great Britain wasrepresentative. Having been aided by the Colonists during the Seven Years'War, in the subjugation of Canada, the Parent Government--without askingtaxation through the regular action of the Colonial Government--assumedthe right to tax our expanding commerce, and commenced a vigorousenforcement of revenue laws. "Writs of Assistance" were issued, wherebyofficers of the king were allowed to break open any citizen's store ordwelling, to search for, and seize foreign merchandise; sheriffs also werecompelled to assist in the work. The sanctions of private life might, bythis act be invaded at any time by hirelings; and bad as it was in itself, it was liable to more monstrous abuse. Then came the "_sugar bill_, "imposing enormous duties on various articles of merchandise from the WestIndies, and greatly crippling Colonial commerce: then the infamous StampAct, by which every legal instrument, in order to validity, must have theseal of the British Government--deeds, diplomas, &c. , costing fromthirty-six cents to ten dollars apiece: then the duty on tea; and, finally, the quartering of soldiers on our citizens in time of peace, forthe express purpose of subjugating our industry and energy to the selfishpurposes of the crown. 

It is enough to say, that the rebels against our Government have sufferedno oppression. They do not set forth any legal ground of Secession. Thegovernment has done nothing to call out their indignation, or to inflicton them a wrong. They have had more than their share of public office;they have had a larger representation, in proportion to their freecitizens, than we have; they have been protected in their claims, evenagainst the convictions of the North; we yielding, as a political demand, what we do not wholly admit as a Christian duty. We have assisted them byenactments, by money, and by arms, in the preservation of a system at warwith our conscience, and with our liberties. We have paid for lands whichthey occupy; and after all their indignities and taunts, and attacks onour citizens, their plunders, and their warlike demonstrations, we havebeen patient; and are even now imposing on ourselves restraint from theexecution of that chastisement, which many of their sober and awedcitizens acknowledge to be just, and which, if the call were made by theExecutive, would at once be hurled on the rebels by an indignant people, like the rush of destiny. 

Now, I grant, for I do not wish to make the matter worse than it isagainst them, that in the North, individuals have demanded more than theSouth were able, at once, to give. Some have pushed reform faster than itwould bear, faster than the laws of Providence would allow; but it washonestly and conscientiously done. We have sometimes in our warmth, uttered irritating words; but all this has been returned by blows, and bysavage vindictiveness. We have shown a willingness, of late, to yield somethings; to abide by the sense of the whole people; but these States are, by their rulers, declared _out of the Union_, without appeal to thepeople; they have commenced the war, and now they are regarded by thewhole world as in a state of rebellion, not of justifiable revolution. They would submit to no method of adjustment that we could honorablyallow. They desired war, as they have been for years preparing for it, atthe expense of the Government, and in its service and trust, drawing theirlife from the bosom which they now sting; and because freedom will nolonger bow, as it has done for a whole generation, to their will, theyrebel, proclaim a system of piracy, and threaten the subjugation of thewhole American people. It is a deep, and long determined treason, runninginto the whole national life, and is become to ourselves a question of_personal_ liberty. 

III. What then, we ask, _is the duty of all citizens when good governmentis assailed by rebellion_?

Doubtless, _one_ duty is to inquire whether they have in any waycontributed criminally to the occasion or the causes of such rebellion;whether they have demanded too much of the disaffected, or encouraged awrong spirit in them by coinciding with views leading to their presentattitude; whether they have participated in any way with a policycalculated to irritate, to defy, to provoke honest minds to anger? Whetheras individuals, as Christians, they have been bitter and harsh, andvengeful, or are so now; and if they find any such spirit, it becomes themto repent, and school themselves into Christian charity and moderation. But, notwithstanding any possible error in the past, the Christian citizenmust consecrate himself to the defence of the government and its _policy_;for however, there is a distinction ordinarily between the two; in acrisis that involves a nation's life, the policy which would save it, isthe spirit of government and order. 

The true Christian will pray, and speak, and write, and labor, and die forits success! Will give assurance of his sympathy and support, and refuseto do any act that can be construed into _comfort_ to the rebels. He willencourage troops called to support the government, and its policy, givingthem food, clothing, advice, BIBLES AND ARMS. He will rouse theirpatriotism, and call down on them the benediction of heaven. This is theduty of ministers, and magistrates, of churches and individual Christians. And if the rebellion continue, it is their duty to advocate and help toform armies of sufficient numbers and power to utterly subjugate therebels, and, if they cannot otherwise be brought to submit, put an end totheir existence. That is what God did by the hand of Israel, to Korah andAbsalom; and it is the legitimate issue, if needs be, of all successfulresistance, --of all defensive warfare. To deny it, is to deny the right ofself-defence. It is to put a man in a position where he must love hisenemy better than himself and children, which even Christianity does notdemand, though it does enjoin forbearance, charity, and sacrifice. To denythis is to condemn the principles of our Revolution, and to sanction theplunder and destruction of national property and being. 

What, therefore, is our duty, now that rebellion actually rages againstour mild, equal, good Government--the best, on the whole, that the worldever saw? rebellion without cause; with no legitimate ground of offence;rebellion for the sake of a dark and demoralizing system, that has robbedhalf the nation of its conscience, and cursed it with an inveterateidolatry. What is our duty? What is mine as a citizen, a Christian, aminister of God--as a man? What is yours? Plainly to ask, What haveI--either by demanding too much, not in abstract right, but in the lightof present possibility--contributed towards this fearful condition? Whatby my love of money, my sanction of oppression, my apologies for wrong, mycomplaint against government, my support of wrong principles, my neglectto vote and pray for the right, my boast of national greatness, my worshipof power and neglect of goodness, my forgetfulness of God? What by allthese, and more that I do not think of, have I done palpably, possibly, toward bringing on this terrible crime against justice, humanity and law?Then it is my duty to repent of all this and deplore it. It is also myduty to strive against personal hatred and revenge, and to pray for mycountry's enemies just as I would for my own, and _because_ they are myown--not that they prosper in their rebellion, but that they repent andfind mercy, and acknowledge the authority against which they are at war. It is our duty specially to pity and pray for the multitudes of goodcitizens and their families, who cannot escape from among the rebels, andwho are in great jeopardy; men who love law and the Constitution, and thewhole country; who are either resisting, under the greatest pressure, theevil that is upon them, or yielding through fear and force. We feel forthem; we call them our brothers. But it is also my duty and yours tosupport our government--our administration; to pray for and sympathizewith our President and his Cabinet in their most trying posture, in themidst of such perils, and with so meagre means for the moment, ofestablishing order, and setting the nationality in permanent security. Itis our duty to report traitors to the police, that they may be lawfullycared for; to help our militia and volunteers with every comfort anddefence; to hold up the arm of government so long as rebels remain. 

This is _our_ country, bought with blood. It is second only to theredemption which Christ purchased for us! And if we are called to contendwith principalities and powers, and spiritual wickedness in high places, for the safety of our souls, surely we may contend with flesh and blood, with rebels and traitors, to save this glorious inheritance from the gulfof anarchy and the bonds of a lasting servitude. _War is terrible_, butslavery and plunder and the silent gangrene of national dishonor, briberyand perverted conscience are worse. The burst of a thunder cloud may breakdown a forest of lofty pines, but the slow delving of the mole mayundermine a thousand habitations. The secret corrosions of the ship-wormwill sink a fleet. 

This deep-working, inward ruin is appearing on the face of society. Thestupendous fact is, that from Baltimore, onward throughout the disaffectedStates, the population is under the guidance of mad leaders, and exposedto mob power. Thousands of good citizens are flying to us for protection;thousands more forced into the war against the country, and otherthousands sighing and praying in secret that God will give success to ourarms and rescue themselves and their families from ruin. For these, aswell as for our liberties and honors are we summoned to war; it were acrime to be inactive. The Bible is militant. Christianity is a warfarewith sin. Life is militant, --a perpetual fight with death. If ourblessings are worth praying for and praising for, they are worth_fighting_ for, and if not to be otherwise secured, _must be fought for_. 

I want this country to live! I want my children to grow up under itsshield! I want to see constitutional liberty mount above the obstacles ofages, and rise higher and higher here, I want Italy to look toward us nowwith hope! I cannot bear to hear the cry of shame that will come over theAtlantic from the vineyards of France, from the glaciers of Switzerland, and from the steppes of Russia, if we permit the walls of our blood-boughtinheritance to be broken down. For the sake of God, liberty, religion, allover the earth, I want our flag to be honored abroad. 

In the French revolution of '48, a deputation came to me to demand theAmerican church at Havre, for the purpose of holding a political meeting, I refused. They intimated that it would be torn down. I had only to assurethem that I would plant our flag on it, and if they touched it with rudehands, they would have to answer to our government. That was the last ofthe matter. This power we must have still; and to secure this the wholeNorth and West must awake, and act--for the multitudes who in the BorderStates demand our aid; for the thousands of laboring, suffering poor whotremble beneath the glance of the proud chevalier; for the sake of oureducation, our lands, our homes, our Christianity. We are sure thatsuccess on our part now will demonstrate to the world the inherent powerof our nation. They cannot behold the united action and offering of_nineteen millions_ in the free States--all animated with the spirit ofliberty, religion and law, and resolved to crush treason and rebellion atany cost--without a deeper conviction of our real might, without a newimpression of the majesty that reposes in a people's will! All Europeapproves of this war; and struggling nationalities look with anxiousexpectancy for the issue. 

It is a war for government, for order. It is against the power and rage ofthe mob, led on by ambitious men who are mad at the loss of power. Thereis nothing more sublime than law; holding unseen the hearts and interestsof millions, protecting their rights, and giving them full, happydevelopment. Our flag represents law, liberty, sublime sacrifice, nationallife. It is therefore right even for the Christian to fight for itsperpetuity. If I may defend myself and family, the nation is greater thanmy family and myself; and calls more powerfully for my service. And thiswar, entered on by necessity, and with the grand purpose of protectingorder and law, and rescuing a whole population from ruin, is inspiring inits motive, and therefore elevating in its influence. We are consciouslybetter, nobler, in proportion as we forget ourselves in the sublime ideaof our nationality, and all that this nationality can do. When men fightfor plunder, or victory alone, they labor downward, they become brutish;but a war for true liberty, for national life, for our homes and ourinheritance, and for the oppressed, is elevating, purifying. War isterrible in itself, and in some of its consequences, but there is a bow onthe cloud. When the bolt has spent itself in the pestiferous air, allnature is bright and glorious. With true discipline, soldiers are madevigorous in body; they are also quickened in mind by the tactics andincitements of warfare, they are ennobled by high motives, and may leavethe campaign better than when they entered it. Courage is awakened; loveof liberty and order inspired; benevolence increased; and loyalty exaltedby this war. What men bleed for they value. I have been delighted with theeagerness with which many soldiers whom I have visited, listened toChristian address, and received the word of God. It is a matter ofgratulation that but few arrests are made in our city in these days, notbecause the police are less watchful, but because the debased portion ofthe population are inspired with a better thought. It is also hopeful tofind, that many who entered our city as volunteers, or as draftedsoldiers, are actually being reformed from their evil habits, under thegreater strictness of camp discipline. 

We are cheered also by the fact that the people generally are more earnestthan formerly in their attendance on divine worship; more solemn, and fullof feeling, and disposed to study the Bible, They need God. They look toGod. We all feel the Bible to be more than ever precious. Its solemnprophecies are swelling into fulfillment. The day of God is approaching, and the kingdoms of the earth are giving way for the coming of the GreatKing!

The feeling is, and ought to be, intense for the conflict. Let thequestion be decided. Let half a million of freemen be called, when thetime shall indicate, to form a line of fire along the boundary thatseparates Secession from loyalty. Let them take up their mighty marchthrough the revolted territory, if it will not otherwise submit, andproclaim as they go, "Liberty throughout the land!" Let the flag thatwaved over the suffering heroes of Valley Forge, and the conquerors ofYorktown, wave forever on the Capitol, and over every village and subjectin the land! Nay, it must be so. We must bow, if we do not conquer. Theyhave proclaimed it. Come down, then, from the Northern mountains, and outfrom the forests and the fields, ye sons of the Pilgrims, with your firmforce of will, and your achieving arms! Come up from the marts ofcommerce, ye daring children of the Empire State, and ye firm hearts ofNew Jersey and of Delaware! Come forth from the echoes of Erie, and theshores of Michigan and Superior! Come from the free air of WesternVirginia and Ohio, from the loyal districts of Maryland, Kentucky, andTennessee! Come forth from the great West! and with them, go, ye strongand true of my adopted State and City, who listened even in your cradles, to the bell which gives out its tones over the birth-place of ourliberties! Go forth, and live the epic that future ages shall sing: beyours the glory of _rooting this treason out_! And as they go, bless them, aged fathers with tremulous voice! and mothers, bid them God speed! wivesand sisters and Christian hearts, load them with your gifts and yourprayers! And when they are gone, remember them at the home altar, andbless God that your country does not want defenders; and when your tearsare dried up, and your cause is proclaimed triumphant, weep again tears ofjoy as you clasp the returning heroes to your arms! Or, if they shall beborne home to you wounded and worn in their country's service, be gratefulthat your eye can watch over them, and your hand minister to theirnecessities and griefs. Or finally, should they fall in battle, you willhave the consolation of knowing that they saved your country; that theydid something to consolidate its strength, and illustrate its glorybefore the world. For we are destined to conquer, --and after this trialthe nation will come forth as gold. We need to suffer that we may valueour liberties. From the valley of tears arise notes of victory andhallelujahs. Nations as well as saints, come up out of great tribulation. 

 "None die in vain Upon their country's war-fields! Every drop Of blood, thus poured for faith and freedom, hath A tone, which from the night of ages, from the gulf Of death, shall burst, and make its high appeal Sound unto earth and heaven. "

The motto now is--"No compromise! _Submission_! Give up the leaders ofrebellion! Bow to law! Nay, more--no longer _ask_ us to protect your darksystem!"

But it is possible that, while we stir ourselves up to a fiercebelligerency against rebellion, and rush into hot condemnation of thosewhom we once called "_brethren, " we_ are rebels against God! Some of youwho are equipping for the war, and ready to take the field in defence ofyour country and her laws, are in heart at war with holiness and God! Youmay see in the fever of our whole population what men think of treasonagainst a good earthly government! See also in the commands of God, in thelife and death of Jesus, in the declared interest and anxious watchfulnessof angels, in the whole glorified army that shall attend the Great Kingwhen he comes to set up his final assize, --what the Principalities andPowers in Heaven think of your treason against the holy government ofJehovah! Behold in the uplifted arm of Justice--hear in the voice of theJudge, what shall be done to him who will not repent! Now the offers ofpardon are made through the death and sacrifice of Jesus. Repent; forsakeyour sin; lay down your arms; retire from your rebellious attitude; andfrom the throne of Mercy shall the fact be proclaimed, that _you_ arepardoned and restored!