FERDINAND DE SOTO, THE

 DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI

 BY

 JOHN S. C. ABBOTT. 

 NEW YORK: DODD & MEAD, No. 762 BROADWAY. 1873. 

 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1873, by DODD & MEAD, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 

 WM. MCCREA & CO. , Stereotypers, LANGE, LITTLE & HILLMAN, Newburgh, N. Y. PRINTERS, 108 TO 114 WOOSTER STREET, N. Y. 

 _AMERICAN PIONEERS AND PATRIOTS. _

 FERDINAND DE SOTO. 

 THE

 DISCOVERER OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 

 BY JOHN S. C. ABBOTT. 

 ILLUSTRATED. 

 NEW YORK: DODD & MEAD, No. 762 BROADWAY. 1873. 

[Illustration]

PREFACE. 

Mr. Theodore Irving, in his valuable history of the "Conquest ofFlorida, " speaking of the astonishing achievements of the SpanishCavaliers, in the dawn of the sixteenth century says:

 "Of all the enterprises undertaken in this spirit of daring adventure, none has surpassed, for hardihood and variety of incident, that of the renowned Hernando de Soto, and his band of cavaliers. It was poetry put in action. It was the knight-errantry of the old world carried into the depths of the American wilderness. Indeed the personal adventures, the feats of individual prowess, the picturesque description of steel-clad cavaliers, with lance and helm and prancing steed, glittering through the wildernesses of Florida, Georgia, Alabama, and the prairies of the Far West, would seem to us mere fictions of romance, did they not come to us recorded in matter of fact narratives of contemporaries, and corroborated by minute and daily memoranda of eye-witnesses. "

These are the wild and wondrous adventures which I wish here torecord. I have spared no pains in obtaining the most accurateinformation which the records of those days have transmitted to us. It is as wrong to traduce the dead as the living. If one should becareful not to write a line which dying he would wish to blot, heshould also endeavor to write of the departed in so candid andpaternal a spirit, while severely just to the truth of history, as tobe safe from reproach. One who is aiding to form public opinionrespecting another, who has left the world, should remember that hemay yet meet the departed in the spirit land. And he may perhaps begreeted with the words, "Your condemnation was too severe. You did notmake due allowance for the times in which I lived. You have held up myname to unmerited reproach. "

Careful investigation has revealed De Soto to me as by no means so bada man as I had supposed him to have been. And I think that the candidreader will admit that there was much, in his heroic but melancholycareer, which calls for charitable construction and sympathy. 

The authorities upon which I have mainly relied for my statements, aregiven in the body of the work. There is no country on the globe, whoseearly history is so full of interest and instruction as our own. Thewriter feels grateful to the press, in general, for the kindly spiritin which it has spoken of the attempt, in this series, to interest thepopular reader in those remarkable incidents which have led to theestablishment of this majestic republic. 

CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER I. 

_Childhood and Youth. _

 PAGE

 Birthplace of Ferdinand De Soto. --Spanish Colony at Darien. --Don Pedro de Avila, Governor of Darien. --Vasco Nuñez. --Famine. --Love in the Spanish Castle. --Character of Isabella. --Embarrassment of De Soto. --Isabella's Parting Counsel. 9

CHAPTER II. 

_The Spanish Colony. _

 Character of De Soto. --Cruel Command of Don Pedro. --Incident. --The Duel. --Uracca. --Consternation at Darien. --Expedition Organized. --Uracca's Reception of Espinosa and his Troops. --The Spaniards Retreat. --De Soto Indignant. --Espinosa's Cruelty, and Deposition from Command. 21

CHAPTER III. 

_Life at Darien. _

 Reinforcements from Spain. --Aid sent to Borrica. --Line of Defense Chosen by the Natives. --Religion of the Buccaneers. --The Battle and the Rout. --Strategy of Uracca. --Cruelty of Don Pedro. --The Retreat. --Character of Uracca. --Embarrassment of Don Pedro. --Warning of M. Codro. --Expedition of Pizarro. --Mission of M. Codro. --Letter of De Soto to Isabella. 37

CHAPTER IV. 

_Demoniac Reign. _

 Giles Gonzales. --Unsuccessful Contest of De Soto with Gonzales. --Bold Reply of De Soto to the Governor. --Cruelty of Don Pedro to M. Codro. --Assassination of Cordova. --New Expedition of Discovery. --Revenge upon Valenzuela. --Reign of Don Pedro at Nicaragua. --Unwise Decision of De Soto. 55

CHAPTER V. 

_The Invasion of Peru. _

 The Kingdom of Peru. --Its Metropolis. --The Desperate Condition of Pizarro. --Arrival of De Soto. --Character of the Spaniards. --Exploring Tour of De Soto. --The Colony at San Miguel. --The General Advance. --Second Exploration of De Soto. --Infamous Conduct of the Pizarros. 72

CHAPTER VI. 

_The Atrocities of Pizarro. _

 Fears of Pizarro. --Honorable Conduct of the Inca. --The March to Caxamarca. --Hospitable Reception. --Perfidious Attack upon the Inca. --His Capture and Imprisonment. --The Honor of De Soto. --The Offered Ransom. --Treachery and Extortion of Pizarro. 90

CHAPTER VII. 

_The Execution of the Inca, and Embarrassments of De Soto. _

 Pledges of Pizarro. --His Perfidy. --False Mission of De Soto. --Execution of the Inca. --His Fortitude. --Indignation of De Soto. --Great Embarrassments. --Extenuating Considerations. --Arrival of Almagro. --March Towards the Capital. 107

CHAPTER VIII. 

_De Soto Returns to Spain. _

 Dreadful Fate of Chalcukima. --His Fortitude. --Ignominy of Pizarro. --De Soto's Advance upon Cuzco. --The Peruvian Highway. --Battle in the Defile. --De Soto takes the Responsibility. --Capture of the Capital and its Conflagration. --De Soto's Return to Spain. --His Reception there. --Preparations for the Conquest of Florida. 126

CHAPTER IX. 

_The Landing in Florida. _

 The Departure from Spain. --Arrival in Cuba. --Leonora and Tobar. --Isabella Invested with the Regency. --Sad Life of Isabella. --Sailing of the Expedition. --The Landing at Tampa Bay. --Outrages of Narvaez. --Noble Spirit of Ucita. --Unsuccessful Enterprises. --Disgrace and Return of Porcallo. 144

CHAPTER X. 

_The March to Ochile. _

 The March Commenced. --The Swamps of Florida. --Passage of the Morass. --Heroism of Sylvestre. --Message to Acuera. --His Heroic Reply. --Fierce Hostility of the Indians. --Enter the Town of Ocali. --Strange Incident. --Death of the Bloodhound. --Historical Discrepancies. --Romantic Entrance to Ochile. 163

CHAPTER XI. 

_The Conspiracy and its Consequences. _

 The Three Brother Chieftains. --Reply of Vitachuco to his Brothers. --Feigned Friendship for the Spaniards. --The Conspiracy. --Its Consummation and Results. --Clemency of De Soto. --The Second Conspiracy. --Slaughter of the Indians. --March of the Spaniards for Osachile. --Battle in the Morass. 180

CHAPTER XII. 

_Winter Quarters. _

 Incidents of the March. --Passage of the River. --Entering Anhayea. --Exploring Expeditions. --De Soto's desire for Peace. --Capture of Capafi. --His Escape. --Embarrassments of De Soto. --Letter of Isabella. --Exploration of the Coast. --Discovery of the Bay of Pensacola. --Testimony Respecting Cofachiqui. --The March Resumed. 199

CHAPTER XIII. 

_Lost in the Wilderness. _

 Incidents at Achise. --Arrival at Cofa. --Friendly Reception by Cofaqui. --The Armed Retinue. --Commission of Patofa. --Splendors of the March. --Lost in the Wilderness. --Peril of the Army. --Friendly Relations. --The Escape from the Wilderness. --They Reach the Frontiers of Cofachiqui. --Dismissal of Patofa. --Wonderful Reception by the Princess of Cofachiqui. 220

CHAPTER XIV. 

_The Indian Princess. _

 Crossing the River. --Hospitable Reception. --Attempts to visit the Queen Mother. --Suicide of the Prince. --Futile search for Gold. --The Discovery of Pearls. --The Pearl Fishery. --The Princess a Captive. --Held in Silken Chains. --Her Escape. --Location of Cutifachiqui. --The March Resumed. 240

CHAPTER XV. 

_The Dreadful Battle of Mobila. _

 The Army in Alabama. --Barbaric Pageant. --The Chief of Tuscaloosa. --Native Dignity. --Suspected Treachery of the Chief. --Mobila, its Location and Importance. --Cunning of the Chief. --The Spaniards Attacked. --Incidents of the Battle. --Disastrous Results. 259

CHAPTER XVI. 

_Days of Darkness. _

 The Melancholy Encampment. --The Fleet at Pensacola. --Singular Resolve of De Soto. --Hostility of the Natives. --Beautiful Scenery. --Winter Quarters on the Yazoo. --Feigned Friendship of the Cacique. --Trickery of Juan Ortiz. --The Terrible Battle of Chickasaw. --Dreadful Loss of the Spaniards. 276

CHAPTER XVII. 

_The Discovery of the Mississippi. _

 The Fortress of Hostile Indians. --Its Capture. --The Disastrous Conflict. --The Advance of the Army. --Discovery of the Mississippi River. --Preparations for Crossing. --Extraordinary Pageants. --Unjustifiable Attack. --The passage of the River. --Friendly Reception by Casquin. --Extraordinary Religious Festival. 296

CHAPTER XVIII. 

_Vagrant Wanderings. _

 Trickery of Casquin. --The March to Capaha. --The Battle and its Results. --Friendly Relations with Capaha. --The Return Journey. --The March Southward. --Salt Springs. --The Savages of Tula. --Their Ferocity. --Anecdote. --Despondency of De Soto. 315

CHAPTER XIX. 

_Death of De Soto. _

 Ascent of the Mississippi. --Revenge of Guachoya. --Sickness of De Soto. --Affecting Leave-taking. --His Death and Burial. --The March for Mexico. --Return to the Mississippi. --Descent of the River. --Dispersion of the Expedition. --Death of Isabella. 334

CHAPTER I. 

_Childhood and Youth. _

 Birthplace of Ferdinand De Soto. --Spanish Colony at Darien. --Don Pedro de Avila, Governor of Darien. --Vasco Nuñez. --Famine. --Love in the Spanish Castle. --Character of Isabella. --Embarrassment of De Soto. --Isabella's Parting Counsel. 

In the interior of Spain, about one hundred and thirty miles southwestof Madrid, there is the small walled town of Xeres. It is remote fromall great routes of travel, and contains about nine thousandinhabitants, living very frugally, and in a state of primitivesimplicity. There are several rude castles of the ancient nobilityhere, and numerous gloomy, monastic institutions. In one of thesedilapidated castles, there was born, in the year 1500, a boy, whoreceived the name of Ferdinand de Soto. His parents were Spanishnobles, perhaps the most haughty class of nobility which has everexisted. It was, however, a decayed family, so impoverished as to findit difficult to maintain the position of gentility. The parents werenot able to give their son a liberal education. Their rank did notallow them to introduce him to any of the pursuits of industry; andso far as can now be learned, the years of his early youth were spentin idleness. 

Ferdinand was an unusually handsome boy. He grew up tall, well formed, and with remarkable muscular strength and agility. He greatly excelledin fencing, horseback riding, and all those manly exercises which werethen deemed far more essential for a Spanish gentleman than literaryculture. He was fearless, energetic, self-reliant; and it was manifestthat he was endowed with mental powers of much native strength. 

When quite a lad he attracted the attention of a wealthy Spanishnobleman, Don Pedro de Avila, who sent him to one of the Spanishuniversities, probably that of Saragossa, and maintained him there forsix years. Literary culture was not then in high repute; but it wasdeemed a matter of very great moment that a nobleman of Spain shouldexcel in horsemanship, in fencing, and in wielding every weapon ofattack or defence. 

Ferdinand became quite renowned for his lofty bearing, and for allchivalric accomplishments. At the tournaments, and similar displays ofmartial prowess then in vogue, he was prominent, exciting the envy ofcompetitive cavaliers, and winning the admiration of the ladies. 

Don Pedro became very proud of his foster son, received him to hisfamily, and treated him as though he were his own child. The Spanishcourt had at that time established a very important colony at theprovince of Darien, on the Isthmus of Panama. This isthmus, connectingNorth and South America, is about three hundred miles long and fromforty to sixty broad. A stupendous range of mountains runs along itscentre, apparently reared as an eternal barrier between the Atlanticand Pacific oceans. From several of the summits of this ridge thewaters of the two oceans can at the same time be distinctly seen. Herethe Spanish court, in pursuit of its energetic but cruel conquest ofAmerica, had established one of its most merciless colonies. There wasgold among the mountains. The natives had many golden ornaments. Theyhad no conception of the value of the precious ore in civilized lands. Readily they would exchange quite large masses of gold for a few glassbeads. The great object of the Spaniards in the conquest of Darien wasto obtain gold. They inferred that if the ignorant natives, withoutany acquaintance with the arts, had obtained so much, there must beimmense quantities which careful searching and skilful mining wouldreveal. 

The wanton cruelties practised by the Spaniards upon the unoffendingnatives of these climes seem to have been as senseless as they werefiendlike. It is often difficult to find any motive for theiratrocities. These crimes are thoroughly authenticated, and yet theyoften seem like the outbursts of demoniac malignity. Anything like afaithful recital of them would torture the sensibilities of ourreaders almost beyond endurance. Mothers and maidens were hunted andtorn down by bloodhounds; infant children were cut in pieces, andtheir quivering limbs thrown to the famished dogs. 

The large wealth and the rank of Don Pedro de Avila gave him muchinfluence at the Spanish court. He succeeded in obtaining themuch-coveted appointment of Governor of Darien. His authority wasvirtually absolute over the property, the liberty, and the lives of arealm, whose extended limits were not distinctly defined. 

Don Pedro occupied quite an imposing castle, his ancestral mansion, inthe vicinity of Badajoz. Here the poor boy Ferdinand, though descendedfrom families of the highest rank, was an entire dependent upon hisbenefactor. The haughty Don Pedro treated him kindly. Still heregarded him, in consequence of his poverty, almost as a favoredmenial. He fed him, clothed him, patronized him. 

It was in the year 1514 that Don Pedro entered upon his office ofGovernor of Darien. The insatiate thirst for gold caused crowds toflock to his banners. A large fleet was soon equipped, and more thantwo thousand persons embarked at St. Lucar for the golden land. Themost of these were soldiers; men of sensuality, ferocity, and thirstfor plunder. Not a few noblemen joined the enterprise; some to add totheir already vast possessions, and others hoping to retrieve theirimpoverished fortunes. 

A considerable number of priests accompanied the expedition, and it isvery certain that some of these at least were actuated by a sinceredesire to do good to the natives, and to win them to the religion ofJesus:--that religion which demands that we should do to others as wewould that others should do to us, and whose principles, the governor, the nobles, and the soldiers, were ruthlessly trampling beneath theirfeet. Don Pedro, when measured by the standard of Christianity, wasproud, perfidious and tyrannical. The course he pursued upon hisarrival in the country was impolitic and almost insane. 

His predecessor in the governorship was Vasco Nuñez. He had been onthe whole a prudent, able and comparatively merciful governor. He hadentered into trade with the natives, and had so far secured their goodwill as to induce them to bring in an ample supply of provisions forhis colony. He had sent out Indian explorers, with carefulinstructions to search the gold regions among the mountains. DonPedro, upon assuming the reins of government, became very jealous ofthe popularity of Nuñez, whom he supplanted. His enmity soon became soimplacable that, without any cause, he accused him of treason andordered him to be decapitated. The sentence was executed in the publicsquare of Acla. Don Pedro himself gazed on the cruel spectacleconcealed in a neighboring house. He seemed ashamed to meet thereproachful eye of his victim, as with an axe his head was cut offupon a block. 

All friendly relations with the Indians were speedily terminated. Theywere robbed of their gold, of their provisions, and their persons wereoutraged in the most cruel manner. The natives, terror-stricken, fledfrom the vicinity of the colony, and suddenly the Spaniards found alltheir supplies of provisions cut off. More than two thousand werecrowded into a narrow space on the shores of the gulf, with nopossibility of obtaining food. They were entirely unprepared for anyfarming operations, having neither agricultural tools nor seed. Neither if they had them could they wait for the slow advent of theharvest. Famine commenced its reign, and with famine, its invariableattendant, pestilence. In less than six months, of all the glitteringhosts, which with music and banners had landed upon the isthmus, expecting soon to return to Europe with their ships freighted withgold, but a few hundred were found alive, and they were haggard and inrags. 

The Spaniards had robbed the Indians of their golden trinkets, butthese trinkets could not be eaten and they would purchase no food. They were as worthless as pebbles picked from the beach. Often lumpsof gold, or jewels of inestimable value, were offered by one starvingwretch to another for a piece of mouldy bread. The colony would havebecome entirely extinct, but for the opportune arrival of vessels fromSpain with provisions. Don Pedro had sent out one or two expeditionsof half-famished men to seize the rice, Indian corn, and other food, wherever such food could be found. 

The natives had sufficient intelligence to perceive that the colonistswere fast wasting away. The Indians were gentle and amiable incharacter, and naturally timid; with no taste for the ferocitiesof war. But emboldened by the miseries of the colonies, and beginningto despise their weakness, they fell upon the foraging parties withgreat courage and drove them back ignominiously to the coast. The arrival of the ships to which we have referred with provisionsand reinforcements, alone saved the colony from utter extinction. 

Don Pedro, after having been in the colony five years, returned toSpain to obtain new acquisitions of strength in men and means for theprosecution of ever-enlarging plans of wealth and ambition. North andsouth of the narrow peninsula were the two majestic continents ofNorth and South America. They both invited incursions, where nationscould be overthrown, empires established, fame won, and wheremountains of gold might yet be found. 

It seems that De Soto had made the castle of Don Pedro, near Badajoz, his home during the absence of the governor. There all his wants hadbeen provided for through the charitable munificence of his patron. Heprobably had spent his term time at the university. He was nownineteen years of age, and seemed to have attained the full maturityof his physical system, and had developed into a remarkably elegantyoung man. 

The family of Don Pedro had apparently remained at the castle. Hissecond daughter, Isabella, was a very beautiful girl in her sixteenthyear. She had already been presented at the resplendent court ofSpain, where she had attracted great admiration. Rich, beautiful andof illustrious birth, many noblemen had sought her hand, and among therest, one of the princes of the blood royal. But Isabella and DeSoto, much thrown together in the paternal castle, had very naturallyfallen in love with each other. 

The haughty governor was one day exceedingly astounded and enraged, that De Soto had the audacity to solicit the hand of his daughter inmarriage. In the most contemptuous and resentful manner, he repelledthe proposition as an insult. De Soto was keenly wounded. He washimself a man of noble birth. He had no superior among all the youngnoblemen around him, in any chivalric accomplishment. The only thingwanting was money. Don Pedro loved his daughter, was proud of herbeauty and celebrity, and was fully aware that she had a very decidedwill of her own. 

After the lapse of a few days, the governor was not a little alarmedby a statement, which the governess of the young lady ventured to maketo him. She assured him that Isabella had given her whole heart to DeSoto, and that she had declared it to be her unalterable resolve toretire to a convent, rather than to become the wife of any otherperson. Don Pedro was almost frantic with rage. As totally devoid ofmoral principle as he was of human feelings, he took measures to haveDe Soto assassinated. Such is the uncontradicted testimony ofcontemporary historians. But every day revealed to him more clearlythe strength of Isabella's attachment for De Soto, and theinflexibility of her will. He became seriously alarmed, not only fromthe apprehension that if her wishes were thwarted, no earthly powercould prevent her from burying herself in a convent, but he evenfeared that if De Soto were to be assassinated, she would, byself-sacrifice, follow him to the world of spirits. This caused him tofeign partial reconciliation, and to revolve in his mind more cautiousplans for his removal. 

He decided to take De Soto back with him to Darien. The historians ofthose days represent that it was his intention to expose his youngprotégé to such perils in wild adventures in the New World, as wouldalmost certainly secure his death. De Soto himself, proud though poor, was tortured by the contemptuous treatment which he received, evenfrom the menials in the castle, who were aware of his rejection bytheir proud lord. He therefore eagerly availed himself of theinvitation of Don Pedro to join in a new expedition which he wasfitting out for Darien. 

He resolved, at whatever sacrifice, to be rich. The acquisition ofgold, and the accumulation of fame, became the great objects of hisidolatry. With these he could not only again claim the hand ofIsabella, but the haughty Don Pedro would eagerly seek the allianceof a man of wealth and renown. Thousands of adventurers were thencrowding to the shores of the New World, lured by the accounts of theboundless wealth which it was said could there be found, and inspiredby the passion which then pervaded Christendom, of obtaining celebrityby the performance of chivalric deeds. 

Many had returned greatly enriched by the plunder of provinces. Thenames of Pizarro and Cortez had been borne on the wings of renownthrough all the countries of Europe, exciting in all honorable mindsdisgust, in view of their perfidy and cruelty, and inspiring otherswith emotions of admiration, in contemplation of their heroicadventures. 

De Soto was greatly embarrassed by his poverty. Both his parents weredead. He was friendless; and it was quite impossible for him toprovide himself with an outfit suitable to the condition of a Spanishgrandee. The insulting treatment he had received from Don Pedrorendered it impossible for him to approach that haughty man as asuppliant for aid. But Don Pedro did not dare to leave De Soto behindhim. The family were to remain in the ancestral home. And it was verycertain that, Don Pedro being absent, ere long he would hear of theelopement of Ferdinand and Isabella. Thus influenced, he offered DeSoto a free passage to Darien, a captain's commission with a suitableoutfit, and pledged himself that he should have ample opportunity ofacquiring wealth and distinction, in an expedition he was even thenorganizing for the conquest of Peru. As Don Pedro made these overturesto the young man, with apparently the greatest cordiality, assumingthat De Soto, by embarking in the all-important enterprise, wouldconfer a favor rather than receive one, the offer was eagerlyaccepted. 

Don Pedro did everything in his power to prevent the two lovers fromhaving any private interview before the expedition sailed. But theingenuity of love as usual triumphed over that of avarice. Isabellaand De Soto met, and solemnly pledged constancy to each other. Itseems that Isabella thoroughly understood the character of her father, and knew that he would shrink from no crime in the accomplishment ofhis purposes. As she took her final leave of her lover, she said tohim, very solemnly and impressively, "Ferdinand, remember that one treacherous friend is more dangerousthan a thousand avowed enemies. "

CHAPTER II. 

_The Spanish Colony. _

 Character of De Soto. --Cruel Command of Don Pedro. --Incident. --The Duel. --Uracca. --Consternation at Darien. --Expedition Organized. --Uracca's Reception of Espinosa and his Troops. --The Spaniards Retreat. --De Soto Indignant. --Espinosa's Cruelty, and Deposition from Command. 

It was in the year 1519, when the expedition sailed from St. Lucar forDarien. We have no account of the incidents which occurred during thevoyage. The fleet reached Darien in safety, and the Spanishadventurers, encased in coats of mail, which the arrows and javelinsof the natives could not pierce, mounted on powerful war horses, armedwith muskets and cannon, and with packs of ferocious bloodhounds attheir command, were all prepared to scatter the helpless nativesbefore them, as the whirlwind scatters autumnal leaves. 

De Soto was then but nineteen years of age. In stature and characterhe was a mature man. There are many indications that he was a youngman of humane and honorable instincts, shrinking from the deeds ofcruelty and injustice which he saw everywhere perpetrated around him. It is however probable, that under the rigor of military law, he attimes felt constrained to obey commands from which his kindly naturerecoiled. 

Don Pedro was a monster of cruelty. He gave De Soto command of a troopof horse. He sent him on many expeditions which required not onlygreat courage, but military sagacity scarcely to be expected in one soyoung and inexperienced. It is however much to the credit of De Soto, that the annalists of those days never mentioned his name inconnection with those atrocities which disgraced the administration ofDon Pedro. He even ventured at times to refuse obedience to the ordersof the governor, when commanded to engage in some service which hedeemed dishonorable. 

One remarkable instance of this moral and physical intrepidity is onrecord. Don Pedro had determined upon the entire destruction of alittle village occupied by the natives. The torch was to be applied, and men, women and children, were to be put to the sword. Don Pedrohad issued such a command as this, with as much indifference as hewould have placed his foot upon an anthill. It is not improbable thatone of the objects he had in view was to impose a revolting task uponDe Soto, that he might be, as it were, whipped into implicitobedience. He therefore sent one of the most infamous of his captainsto De Soto with the command that he should immediately take a troop ofhorse, proceed to the doomed village, gallop into its peaceful anddefenceless street, set fire to every dwelling, and with their keensabres, cut down every man, woman and child. It was a deed fit onlyfor demons to execute. 

De Soto deemed himself insulted in being ordered on such a mission. This was not war, --it was butchery. The defenceless natives could makeno resistance. Indignantly and heroically he replied:

"Tell Don Pedro, the governor, that my life and services are always athis disposal, when the duty to be performed is such as may become aChristian and a gentleman. But in the present case, I think thegovernor would have shown more discretion by entrusting you, CaptainPerez, with this commission, instead of sending you with the order tomyself. "

This reply Captain Perez might certainly regard as reflecting veryseverely upon his own character, and as authorizing him to demand thatsatisfaction which, under such circumstances, one cavalier expects ofanother. He however carried the message to the governor. Don Pedro washighly gratified. He saw that a duel was the necessary result. CaptainPerez was a veteran soldier, and was the most expert swordsman in thearmy. He was famed for his quarrelsome disposition; had alreadyfought many duels, in which he had invariably killed his man. In arencontre between the youthful De Soto and the veteran Captain Perez, there could be no doubt in the mind of the governor as to the result. He therefore smiled very blandly upon Captain Perez, and said inlanguage which the captain fully understood:

"Well, my friend, if you, who are a veteran soldier, can endure theinsolence of this young man, De Soto, I see no reason why an infirmold man like myself should not show equal forbearance. "

Captain Perez was not at all reluctant to take the hint. It was onlygiving him an opportunity to add another to the list of those who hadfallen before his sword. The challenge was immediately given. DeSoto's doom was deemed sealed. Duels in the Spanish army werefashionable, and there was no moral sentiment which recoiled in theslightest degree from the barbaric practice. 

The two combatants met with drawn swords in the presence of nearly allthe officers of the colonial army, and of a vast concourse ofspectators. The stripling De Soto displayed skill with his weaponwhich not only baffled his opponent, but which excited the surpriseand admiration of all the on-lookers. For two hours the deadlyconflict continued, without any decisive results. De Soto had receivedseveral trifling wounds, while his antagonist was unharmed. Atlength, by a fortunate blow, he inflicted such a gash upon the rightwrist of Perez, that his sword dropped from his hand. As he attemptedto catch it with his left hand, he stumbled and fell to the ground. DeSoto instantly stood over him with his sword at his breast, demandingthat he should ask for his life. The proud duellist, thus for thefirst time in his life discomfited, was chagrined beyond endurance. Insullen silence, he refused to cry for mercy. De Soto magnanimouslyreturned his sword to its scabbard, saying: "The life that is notworth asking for, is not worth taking. "

He then gracefully bowed to the numerous spectators and retired fromthe field, greeted with the enthusiastic acclaim of all who werepresent. This achievement gave the youthful victor prominence aboveany other man in the army. Perez was so humiliated by his defeat, thathe threw up his commission and returned to Spain. Thus the New Worldwas rid of one of the vilest of the adventurers who had cursed it. 

The region of the peninsula, and the adjoining territory of SouthAmerica, were at that time quite densely populated. The inhabitantsseem to have been a happy people, not fond of war, and yet by no meansdeficient in bravery. The Spanish colonists were but a handful amongthem. But the war horse, bloodhounds, steel coats of mail andgunpowder, gave them an immense, almost resistless superiority. 

There was at this time, about the year 1521, an Indian chief by thename of Uracca, who reigned over quite a populous nation, occupyingone of the northern provinces of the isthmus. He was a man of unusualintelligence and ability. The outrages which the Spaniards wereperpetrating roused all his energies of resentment, and he resolved toadopt desperate measures for their extermination. He gathered an armyof twenty thousand men. In that warm climate, in accordance withimmemorial usage, they went but half clothed. Their weapons weremainly bows, with poisoned arrows; though they had also javelins andclumsy swords made of a hard kind of wood. 

The tidings of the approach of this army excited the greatestconsternation at Darien. A shower of poisoned arrows from the strongarms of twenty thousand native warriors, driven forward by theenergies of despair, even these steel-clad adventurers could notcontemplate without dread. The Spaniards had taught the nativescruelty. They had hunted them down with bloodhounds; they had cut offtheir hands with the sword; they had fed their dogs with theirinfants; had tortured them at slow fires and cast their children intothe flames. They could not expect that the natives could be moremerciful than the Spaniards had been. 

Don Pedro, instead of waiting the arrival of his foes, decided toassail the army on its march, hoping to take it by surprise and tothrow consternation into the advancing ranks. He divided his army ofattack into two parties. One division of about one hundred men, hesent in two small vessels along the western coast of the isthmus, toinvade the villages of Uracca, hoping thus to compel the Indian chiefto draw back his army for the defence of his own territories. Thisexpedition was under the command of General Espinosa. 

The main body of the Spanish troops, consisting of about two hundredmen, marched along the eastern shore of the isthmus, intendingeventually to effect a junction with the naval force in the realms ofthe foe. The energetic, but infamous Francisco Pizarro, led thesetroops. A very important part of his command consisted of a band ofdragoons, thirty or forty in number, under the leadership of De Soto. His steel-clad warriors were well mounted, with housings which greatlyprotected their steeds from the arrows of the natives. 

The wary Indian chieftain, who developed during the campaign militaryabilities of a high order, had his scouts out in all directions. Theydiscerned in the distant horizon the approach of the two vessels, andswift runners speedily reported the fact to Uracca. He immediatelymarched with a force in his judgment sufficiently strong to crush theinvaders, notwithstanding their vast superiority in arms. 

The Spaniards entered a sheltered bay skirted by a plain, which couldbe swept by their guns, and where the Indian warriors would have noopportunity to hide in ambush. Uracca allowed the Spaniards todisembark unopposed. He stationed his troops, several thousand innumber, in a hilly country, several leagues distant from the place oflanding, which was broken with chasms and vast boulders, and coveredwith tropical forest. Here every Indian could fight behind a rampart, and the Spaniards could only approach in the scattered line ofskirmishers. The proud Spaniards advanced in their invading march withas much of war's pageantry as could be assumed. They hoped thatnodding plumes and waving banners, and trumpet peals, would strikewith consternation the heart of the Indians. 

Uracca calmly awaited their approach. His men were so concealed thatEspinosa could form no judgment of their numbers or position. Indeedhe was scarcely conscious that there was any foe there who wouldventure to oppose his march. Accustomed as he was to ride rough shodover the naked Indians, he was emboldened by a fatal contempt for theprowess of his foe. Uracca allowed the Spaniards to become entangledin the intricacies of rocks and gullies and gigantic forest trees, when suddenly he opened upon them such a shower of poisoned arrows asthe Spaniards had never encountered before. The touch of one of thesearrows, breaking the skin, caused immediate and intense agony, andalmost certain death. The sinewy arms of the Indians could throw thesesharp-pointed weapons with almost the precision and force of a bullet, and with far greater rapidity than the Spaniards could load and firetheir muskets. 

Espinosa found himself assailed by a foe outnumbering him ten ortwenty to one. The air was almost darkened with arrows, and every onewas thrown with unerring aim. The rout of the Spaniards was almostinstantaneous. Several were killed, many wounded. In a panic, theyturned and fled precipitately from the trap in which they had beencaught. The natives impetuously pursued, showing no quarter, evidentlydetermined to exterminate the whole band. 

It so happened that De Soto, with his dragoons, had left Pizarro'sband, and in a military incursion into the country, was approachingthe bay where Espinosa had landed his troops. Suddenly the clamor ofthe conflict burst upon his ear--the shouts of the Indian warriors andthe cry of the fugitive Spaniards. His little band put spurs to theirhorses and hastened to the scene of action. Very great difficultiesimpeded their progress. The rugged ground, encumbered by rocks andbroken by ravines, was almost impassable for horsemen. But the energyof De Soto triumphed over these obstacles, even when the bravest ofhis companions remonstrated and hesitated to follow him. At length hereached the open country over which the Spaniards were rushing to gaintheir ships, pursued by the Indians in numbers and strength whichseemed to render the destruction of the Spaniards certain. 

The natives stood in great dread of the horses. When they saw thedragoons, glittering in their steel armor, come clattering down uponthe plain, their pursuit was instantly checked. Espinosa, thusunexpectedly reinforced, rallied his panic-stricken troops, and ingood order continued the retreat to the ships. De Soto with hiscavalry occupied the post of danger as rear-guard. The Indianscautiously followed, watching for every opportunity which theinequalities of the ground might offer, to assail the invaders withshowers of arrows. Occasionally De Soto would halt and turn hishorses' heads towards the Indians. Apprehensive of a charge, theywould then fall back. The retreat was thus conducted safely, butslowly. 

The Spaniards had advanced many leagues from the shores of thePacific. They were now almost perishing from hunger and fatigue. Indian bands were coming from all directions to reinforce the nativetroops. The sun was going down and night was approaching. All heartswere oppressed with the greatest anxiety. Just then Pizarro, with histwo hundred men, made his appearance. He had not been far away, and acourier having informed him of the peril of the Spaniards, he hastenedto their relief. Night with its gloom settled down over the plain, andwar's hideous clamor was for a few hours hushed. The morning wouldusher in a renewal of the battle, under circumstances which caused theboldest hearts in the Spanish camp to tremble. 

In the night Generals Espinosa and Pizarro held a council of war, andcame to the inglorious resolve to steal away under the protection ofdarkness, leaving Uracca in undisputed possession of the field. Thisdecision excited the indignation of De Soto. He considered it adisgrace to the Spanish arms, and declared that it would only emboldenthe natives in all their future military operations. His bitterremonstrances were only answered by a sneer from General Espinosa, who assured him that the veteran captains of Spain would not look tohis youth and inexperience for guidance and wisdom. 

At midnight the Spaniards commenced their retreat as secretly andsilently as possible. But they had a foe to deal with who was noteasily to be deceived. His scouts were on the alert, and immediatenotice was communicated to Uracca of the movements of the Spaniards. The pursuit was conducted with as much vigor as the flight. For eightand forty hours the fugitives were followed so closely, and with suchfierce assailment, that large numbers of the rank and file perished. The officers and the dragoons of De Soto, wearing defensive armor, generally escaped unharmed. The remnant at length, weary andfamine-stricken, reached their ships and immediately put to sea. Withthe exception of De Soto's dragoons, they numbered but fifty men. Deeply despondent in view of their disastrous campaign, they sailedseveral leagues along the western coast of the isthmus towards thesouth, till they reached a flourishing Indian village called Borrica. Conscious that here they were beyond the immediate reach of Uracca'savenging forces, they ventured to land. They found all the men absent. They were probably in the ranks of the native army. 

General Espinosa, who was now chief in command, meanly sacked thedefenceless village and captured all the women and children, to besent to the West Indies and sold as slaves. The generous heart of DeSoto was roused by this outrage. He was an imperious man, and wasnever disposed to be very complaisant to his superiors. Sternlythe young captain rebuked Espinosa as a kidnapper, stealing thedefenceless; and he demanded that the prisoners should be set atliberty. An angry controversy ensued. De Soto accused Espinosa ofcowardice and imbecility, in ordering the troops of Spain to retreatbefore naked savages. Espinosa, whose domineering spirit could brookno opposition, accused De Soto of mutinous conduct, and threatened toreport him to the governor. De Soto angrily turned his heel upon hissuperior officer and called upon his troops to mount their horses. Riding proudly at their head, he approached the tent of Espinosa andthus addressed him:

"Señor Espinosa, the governor did not place me under your command, andyou have no claim to my obedience. I now give you notice, that if youretain these prisoners so cruelly and unjustly captured, you must doso at your own risk. If these Indian warriors choose to make anyattempt to recover their wives and their children, I declare to youupon my solemn oath, and by all that I hold most sacred, that theyshall meet with no opposition from me. Consider, therefore, whetheryou have the power to defend yourself and secure your prey, when Iand my companions have withdrawn from this spot. "

Pizarro does not seem to have taken any active part in this dispute, though he advised the headstrong Espinosa to give up his captives. While these scenes were transpiring, about one hundred of the men ofthe village returned. Most earnestly they entreated the release oftheir wives and children. If not peacefully released, it was prettyevident that they would fight desperately for their rescue. It wasquite apparent that the Indian runners had gone in all directions tosummon others to their aid. The withdrawal of De Soto left Espinosa soweakened that he could hardly hope successfully to repel such forces. Indeed he was so situated that, destitute of provisions andammunition, he did not dare to undertake a march back through thewilderness to Darien. He therefore very ungraciously consented tosurrender his captives. 

Governor Don Pedro had established his headquarters at Panama. DeSoto, accompanied by a single dragoon, who like himself was anadmirable horseman, rode with the utmost possible dispatch to Panama, where he informed the governor of the disasters which had befallenthe expedition, and of the precarious condition in which he had leftthe remnant of the troops. He also made such representation of themilitary conduct of General Espinosa as to induce the governor toremove him from the command and send General Herman Ponce to take hisplace. The garrison at Panama was then so weak that only forty mencould be spared to go to the relief of the troops at Borrica. 

In the mean time the Indian chief Uracca had received full informationof the position and condition of the Spanish troops. Very sagaciouslyhe formed his plan to cut off their retreat. Detachments of warriorswere placed at every point through which they could escape; they couldnot venture a league from their ramparts on any foraging expedition, and no food could reach them. They obtained a miserable subsistencefrom roots and herbs. 

At length De Soto returned with a fresh supply of ammunition and thesmall reinforcement. By the aid of his cavalry he so far broke up theblockade as to obtain food for the famishing troops. Still it was veryhazardous to attempt a retreat to Panama. With the reinforcements ledby General Ponce, their whole army, infantry and cavalry, amounted toless than one hundred and fifty men. They would be compelled on theirretreat to climb mountains, plunge into ragged ravines, threadtropical forests and narrow defiles, where armies of uncountedthousands of natives were ready to dispute their passage. 

CHAPTER III. 

_Life at Darien. _

 Reinforcements from Spain. --Aid sent to Borrica. --Line of Defense Chosen by the Natives. --Religion of the Buccaneers. --The Battle and the Rout. --Strategy of racca. --Cruelty of Don Pedro. --The Retreat. --Character of Uracca. --Embarrassment of Don Pedro. --Warning of M. Codro. --Expedition of Pizarro. --Mission of M. Codro. --Letter of De Soto to Isabella. 

While governor Don Pedro was awaiting with intense anxiety the receiptof intelligence from Borrica, a ship arrived from Spain bringing threeor four hundred adventurers, all of whom were eager for any militaryexpedition which would open to them an opportunity for plunder. Onehundred and fifty of these were regular soldiers, well taught in thedreadful trade of war. Don Pedro took these fresh troops and onehundred and fifty volunteers; and set out with the utmost expeditionfor Borrica. His impetuous nature was inspired with zeal to retrievethe disgrace which had befallen the Spanish arms. He took with himseveral pieces of ordnance, --guns with which the Indians thus far hadno acquaintance. 

Upon arriving at Borrica he very earnestly harangued his troops, reminding them of the ancient renown of the Spanish soldiers, andstimulating their cupidity by the assurance that the kingdom ofVeragua, over which Uracca reigned, was full of gold; and that allthat was now requisite for the conquest of the country and theaccumulation of princely wealth, was a display of the bravery evercharacteristic of Spanish troops. 

There was a deep and rapid river, the Arva, rushing down from themountains, which it was necessary for the Spaniards to cross in theirrenewed invasion of Veragua. On the northern banks of this streamUracca stationed his troops, selecting this spot with much skill ashis main line of defence. He however posted an advanced guard somemiles south of the stream in ground broken by hills, rocks andravines, through which the Spaniards would be compelled to pass, andwhere their cavalry could be of very little avail. 

By great effort Don Pedro had collected an army of about five hundredmen. Rapidly marching, he soon reached the spot of broken ground wherethe native troops were stationed awaiting their approach. 

It seems almost incomprehensible that this band of thieves andmurderers, who, without the slightest excuse or provocation, wereinvading the territory of the peaceful natives, carrying to theirhomes death and woe, that they might acquire fame for militaryexploits and return laden with plunder, could have looked to God forhis blessing upon their infamous expedition. But so it was. And stillmore strange to say, they did not apparently engage in these religiousservices with any consciousness of hypocrisy. The thoughtful mind isbewildered in contemplating such developments of the human heart. Previous to the attack the whole army was drawn up for prayers, whichwere solemnly offered by the ecclesiastics who always accompaniedthese expeditions. Then every soldier attended the confessional andreceived absolution. Thus he felt assured that, should he fall in thebattle, he would be immediately translated to the realms of the blest. 

Thus inspired by military zeal and religious fanaticism, the Spaniardsrushed upon the natives in a very impetuous assault. We are happy torecord that the natives stood nobly on the defence. They met theirassailants with such a shower of arrows and javelins that theSpaniards were first arrested in their march, then driven back, thenutterly routed and put to flight. In that broken ground where thecavalry could not be brought into action, where every native warriorstood behind a tree or a rock, and where the natives did not commencethe action till the Spaniards were within half bow shot of them, arrows and javelins were even more potent weapons of war than theclumsy muskets then in use. 

Upon the open field the arrows of the natives were quite impotent. Abullet could strike the heart at twice or three times the distance atwhich an arrow could be thrown. The Spaniards, hotly pursued, retreated from this broken ground several miles back into the openplain. Many were slain. Here the rout was arrested by the cavalry andthe discharges from the field-pieces, which broke the Indian ranks. 

The natives, however, boldly held their ground, and the Spaniards, disheartened and mortified by their discomfiture, encamped upon theplain. It was very evident that God had not listened to their prayers. 

For several days they remained in a state of uncertainty. For fivehundred Spaniards to retreat before eight hundred natives, wouldinflict a stigma upon their army which could never be effaced. Theydared not again attack the natives who were flushed with victory intheir stronghold. They were well aware that the band of warriorsbefore them was but the advanced guard of the great army of Uracca. These eight hundred natives were led by one of Uracca's brothers. Evenshould these Indians be attacked and repulsed, they had only toretreat a few miles, cross the river Arva in their canoes, and on thenorthern banks join the formidable army of twenty thousand men undertheir redoubtable chief, who had already displayed military abilitieswhich compelled the Spaniards to regard him with dread. 

Affairs were in this position when Uracca adopted a stratagem whichcompletely deceived the Spaniards and inflicted upon them very seriousloss. He caused several of his warriors to be taken captive. Whenclosely questioned by Don Pedro where gold was to be found, andthreatened with torture if they refused the information, they withgreat apparent reluctance directed their captors to a spot, at thedistance of but a few leagues, where the precious metal could beobtained in great abundance. These unlettered savages executed theirartifice with skill which would have done honor even to Europeandiplomatists. 

Don Pedro immediately selected a company of forty of his most reliablemen and sent them to the designated spot. Here they were surrounded byIndian warriors in ambush, and the whole party, with the exception ofthree, put to death. The three who escaped succeeded in reaching theSpanish camp with tidings of the disaster. Don Pedro in his rageordered his captives to be torn to pieces, by the bloodhounds. Theywere thrown naked to the dogs. The Spaniards looked on complacently, as the merciless beasts, with bloody fangs, tore them limb from limb, devouring their quivering flesh. The natives bore this awfulpunishment with fortitude and heroism, which elicited the admirationof their foes. With their last breath they exulted that they werepermitted to die in defence of their country. 

The expedition of Don Pedro had thus far proved an utter failure. Hehad already lost one-fourth of his army through the prowess of thenatives. The prospect before him was dark in the extreme. His troopswere thoroughly discouraged, and the difficulties still to beencountered seemed absolutely insurmountable. Humiliated as neverbefore, the proud Don Pedro was compelled to order a retreat. Hereturned to Panama, where, as we have mentioned, he had removed hisseat of government from Darien. Panama was north of Darien, or ratherwest, as the isthmus there runs east and west. Its seaport was on thePacific, not the Atlantic coast. 

Uracca, having thus rescued his country from the invaders, did notpursue the retreating Spaniards. He probably in this course actedwisely. Could Don Pedro have drawn his enemies into the open field, hecould undoubtedly have cut down nearly their whole army with grapeshot, musketry, and charges by his strongly mounted steel-cladcavaliers. A panic had however pervaded the Spanish camp. They were inconstant apprehension of pursuit. Even when they had reached Panama, they were day after day in intense apprehension of the approach oftheir outnumbering foes, by whose valor they had already beendiscomfited, and so greatly disgraced. 

 "When the Spaniards looked out towards the mountains and the plains, " writes the Spanish historian Herrera, "the boughs of trees and the very grass, which grew high in the savannas, appeared to their excited imagination to be armed with Indians. And when they turned their eyes towards the sea, they fancied that it was covered with canoes of their exasperated foemen. "

Uracca must have been in all respects an extraordinary man. We havethe record of his deeds only from the pen of his enemies. And yetaccording to their testimony, he, a pagan, manifested far more of thespirit of Christ than did his Christian opponents. In the war which hewas then waging, there can be no question whatever that the wrong wasinexcusably and outrageously on the side of Don Pedro. We cannot learnthat Uracca engaged in any aggressive movements against the Spaniardswhatever. He remained content with expelling the merciless intrudersfrom his country. Even the fiendlike barbarism of the Spaniards couldnot provoke him to retaliatory cruelty. The brutal soldiery of Spainpaid no respect whatever to the wives and daughters of the natives, even to those of the highest chieftains. 

On one occasion a Spanish lady, Donna Clara Albitez, fell into thehands of Uracca. He treated her with as much delicacy and tendernessas if she had been his own daughter or mother, and availed himself ofthe first opportunity of restoring her to her friends. 

Though De Soto was one of the bravest of his cavaliers, and was soskilful as an officer that his services were almost indispensable toDon Pedro, yet the governor was anxious to get rid of him. It isprobable that he felt somewhat condemned by the undeniable virtues ofDe Soto; for the most of men can feel the power of high moralprinciple as witnessed in others. De Soto, intensely proud, was not atall disposed to play the sycophant before his patron. He had alreadyexasperated him by his refusal to execute orders which he deemeddishonorable. And worst of all, by winning the love of Isabella, hehad thwarted one of the most ambitious of Don Pedro's plans; he havingcontemplated her alliance with one of the most illustrious families ofthe Spanish nobility. 

Don Pedro did not dare to send De Soto to the scaffold or to order himto be shot. He had already braved public opinion by the outrageousexecution of Vasco Nuñez, without a shadow of law or justice, and haddrawn down upon himself an avalanche of condemnation from the highestdignitaries of both church and state. He was trembling through fearthat the Spanish government might call him to account for thistyrannic act. Thus situated, it was highly impolitic to send De Soto, who was greatly revered and admired by the army, to the block. Hetherefore still sought, though with somewhat waning zeal, to securethe death of De Soto on the field of battle. De Soto could not fail toperceive that Don Pedro was not his friend. Still, being a magnanimousman himself, he could not suspect the governor of being guilty of suchtreachery as to be plotting his death. 

When the little army of Spaniards was beleaguered at Borrica, and DeSoto with his cavalry was scouring the adjacent country on foragingexpeditions, he chanced to rescue from captivity M. Codro, an Italianphilosopher, who had accompanied the Spaniards to Darien. In thepursuit of science, he had joined the forty men who, under the commandof Herman Ponce, had been sent as a reinforcement to Borrica. While atsome distance from the camp on a botanical excursion, he was takencaptive by the natives, and would have been put to death but for thetimely rescue by De Soto. 

M. Codro was an astrologer. In that superstitious age he was supposedby others, and probably himself supposed, that by certain occult artshe was able to predict future events. Six months after the return ofthe Spaniards from their disastrous expedition against Uracca, thissingular man sought an interview with De Soto, and said to him:

"A good action deserves better reward than verbal acknowledgment. While it was not in my power to make any suitable recompense to youfor saving my life, I did not attempt to offer you any. But the timehas now come when I can give you some substantial evidence of mygratitude. I can now inform you that your life is now in no lessdanger than mine was when you rescued me from the Indians. "

De Soto replied: "My good friend, though I do not profess to be athorough believer in your prophetic art, I am no less thankful foryour kind intentions. And in this case, I am free to confess that yourinformation, from whatever source derived, is confirmed in a measureby my own observations. "

"Ferdinand De Soto, " said the astrologer with great deliberation andsolemnity of manner, "I think I can read the page of _your_ destiny, even without such light as the stars can shed upon it. Be assured thatthe warning I give you does not come from an unearthly source. But ifany supernatural confirmation of my words were needed, even on thatscore you might be satisfied. While comparing your horoscope with thatof my departed friend Vasco Nuñez, I have observed some resemblancesin your lives and fortunes, which you, with all your incredulity, mustallow to be remarkable. Nuñez and you were both born in the same town;were both members of noble but impoverished families; both sought toally yourselves with the family of Don Pedro, and both thus incurredhis deadly resentment. "

"These coincidences are certainly remarkable, " replied De Soto; "butwhat other similarities do you find in the destinies of Nuñez andmyself?"

"You are a brave man, " replied M. Codro, "and you are too skeptical tobe much disturbed by the prognostications of evil. I may thereforeventure to tell you that according to my calculations, you will be inone important event of your life more happy than Vasco Nuñez. It seemsto be indicated by the superior intelligences, that your death willnot be in the ordinary course of nature; but I find likewise that theterm of your life will be equal to that which Nuñez attained. When Iconsider your present circumstances, this appears to me to be the mostimprobable part of the prediction. "

Nuñez was forty-two years old at the time of his death. This gave DeSoto the promise of nearly twenty years more of life. Reverently hereplied, "I am in the hands of God. I rely with humble confidence onhis protection. "

"In that you do well, " rejoined M. Codro. "Still it is your duty touse such human means as may be required to defend yourself againstopen violence or fraudful malice. "

De Soto thanked the astrologer for the caution he had given him, andas he reflected upon it, saw that it was indeed necessary to beconstantly on his guard. As time passed on Don Pedro became moreundisguised in his hostility to De Soto. Ferdinand and Isabellaexerted all their ingenuity to correspond with each other. Don Pedrohad been equally vigilant in his endeavors to intercept their letters;and so effectual were the plans which he adopted, that for five years, while the lovers remained perfectly faithful to each other, not atoken of remembrance passed between them. 

These were weary years to De Soto. He was bitterly disappointed in allhis expectations. There was no glory to be obtained even in victory, in riding rough-shod over the poor natives. And thus far, instead ofvictory attending the Spanish arms, defeat and disgrace had been theirdoom. Moreover, he was astonished and heartily ashamed when he saw themeasures which his countrymen had adopted to enrich themselves. Theywere highway robbers of the most malignant type. They not onlyslaughtered the victims whom they robbed, but fired their dwellings, trampled down their harvests and massacred their wives and children. 

The most extravagant tales had been circulated through Europerespecting the wealth of the New World. It was said that masses ofpure gold could be gathered like pebble stones from the banks of therivers, and that gems of priceless value were to be found in theravines. De Soto had been now five years on the isthmus of Darien, andhad acquired neither fame nor fortune, and there was nothing in theprospect of the future to excite enthusiasm or even hope. 

There was quite a remarkable man, made so by subsequent events, underthe command of Don Pedro. His name was Francisco Pizarro. He was a manof obscure birth and of very limited education, save only in thematerial art of war. He could neither read nor write, and was thusintellectually hardly the equal of some of the most intelligent of thenatives. We have briefly alluded to him as entrusted with the commandof one portion of the army in the inglorious expedition againstUracca. De Soto had very little respect for the man, and was not atall disposed as a subordinate officer to look to him for counsel. DonPedro, however, seems to have formed a high opinion of the militaryabilities of Pizarro. For notwithstanding his ignominious defeat andretreat from Veragua, he now appointed him as the leader of anexpedition, consisting of one hundred and thirty men, to explore thewestern coast of the isthmus by cruising along the Pacific Ocean. 

Pizarro set sail from Panama on the fourteenth of November, 1524, inone small vessel. It was intended that another vessel should soonfollow to render such assistance as might be necessary. De Soto wasurged to become one of this party; but probably from dislike ofPizarro, refused to place himself under his command. 

The vessel, which was soon joined by its consort under Almagro, coasted slowly along in a northerly direction, running in at everybay, and landing whenever they approached a flourishing Indianvillage, plundering the natives and maltreating them in every shamefulway. At length they aroused such a spirit of desperation on the partof the natives, that they fell upon the buccaneers with resistlessferocity. Two-thirds of the miscreants were slain. Pizarro barelyescaped with his life, having received severe wounds and being borneto his ship in a state of insensibility. 

While Pizarro was absent on this ill-fated expedition, a new troublebefell Don Pedro. Las Casas, a devoted Christian missionary, whoseindignation was roused to the highest pitch by the atrocitiesperpetrated upon the Indians, reported the inhuman conduct of DonPedro to the Spanish government. The King appointed Peter de Los Riosto succeed him. The new governor was to proceed immediately to Panamaand bring the degraded official to trial, and, if found guilty, topunishment. The governor of a Spanish colony in those days wasabsolute. Don Pedro had cut off the head of his predecessor, thoughthat predecessor was one of the best of men. He now trembled inapprehension of the loss of his own head. Conscious of his deserts, hewas terror-stricken. 

About four or five hundred miles north of Panama there was themagnificent province of Nicaragua. The isthmus is here about onehundred and fifty miles in breadth, and the province being about twohundred miles in a line from north to south, extended from theAtlantic to the Pacific shores. Don Pedro was popular with his brutalsoldiery, since he allowed them unlimited license and plunder. Heresolved, surrounded by them, to take refuge in Nicaragua. Nevertheless, to render himself as secure as possible, he decided tosend an agent to plead his cause at the Spanish court. 

Among those rude, unprincipled adventurers, men of violence and blood, it was very difficult to find a suitable person. At length he fixedwith much hesitation upon M. Codro, the astrologer. He was asimple-minded, good man; learned, though very artless. M. Codro wasstrongly attached to De Soto, the preserver of his life. As we haveseen, he was well aware of the peril to which his benefactor washourly exposed from the malignity of the governor. Gladly therefore heaccepted the mission, as he hoped it would afford him an opportunityof conferring some favor upon his imperilled friend. 

Don Pedro had adopted the most rigorous measures to prevent anycommunication between the colony and Spain, which was not subjected tohis inspection. He was mainly influenced to this course that he mightprevent the interchange of any messages whatever between De Soto andIsabella. The most severe penalties were denounced against all personswho should convey any writing across the seas, excepting through theregular mails. But the grateful M. Codro declared himself ready to runall risks in carrying a letter from De Soto to Isabella. Though DeSoto at first hesitated to expose his friend to such hazard, hisintense desire to open some communication with Isabella, at lengthinduced him to accept the generous offer. 

As we have mentioned, for five years not one word had passed betweenthe lovers. It is said that the following is a literal translation ofthe letter which De Soto wrote. We cannot be certain of itsauthenticity, but it bears internal evidence of genuineness, and amanuscript copy is in the library of a Spanish gentleman who has spenthis life in collecting documents in reference to the past history ofhis country:

 "MOST DEARLY BELOVED ISABELLA:

 "For the first time within five years, I write to you with some assurance that you will receive my letter. Many times have I written before; but how could I write freely when I had reason to fear that other eyes might peruse those fond expressions which your goodness and condescension alone could pardon? But what reason have I to hope that you can still look with favorable regard on my unworthiness? My mature judgment teaches me that this dream of my youth, which I have so long cherished, is not presumption merely, but madness. 

 "When I consider your many perfections, and compare them with my own little deserving, I feel that I ought to despair, even if I could empty into your lap the treasure of a thousand kingdoms. How then can I lift my eyes to you when I have nothing to offer but the tribute of an affection which time cannot change, and which must still live when my last hope has departed. 

 "O Isabella! the expectation which brought me to this land has not been fulfilled. I can gather no gold, except by such means as my honor, my conscience and yourself must condemn. Though your nobleness may pity one on whom fortune has disdained to smile, I feel that your relations are justified in claiming for you an alliance with exalted rank and affluence; and I love you far too well to regard my own happiness more than your welfare. If, therefore, in your extreme youth you have made a promise which you now regret, as far as it is in my power to absolve you from that engagement, you are released. On my side, the obligation is sacred and eternal. It is not likely that I shall ever return to my country. While I am banished from your presence, all countries are alike to me. 

 "The person who brings you this exposes himself to great danger in his desire to serve me. I entreat you to use such precautions as his safety may require. If your goodness should vouchsafe any message to me, he will deliver it, and you may have perfect confidence in his fidelity. Pardon my boldness in supposing it possible that I still have a place in your remembrance. Though you may now think of me with indifference or dislike, do not censure me too severely for calling myself unchangeably and devotedly, Yours, DE SOTO. "

CHAPTER IV. 

_Demoniac Reign. _

 Giles Gonzales. --Unsuccessful Contest of De Soto with Gonzales. --Bold Reply of De Soto to the Governor. --Cruelty of Don Pedro to M. Codro. --Assassination of Cordova. --New Expedition of Discovery. --Revenge upon Valenzuela. --Reign of Don Pedro at Nicaragua. --Unwise Decision of De Soto. 

It was supposed at that time that there must be a strait somewherenorth of Panama across the narrow isthmus, which would connect thewaters of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Several expeditions hadbeen fitted out in search of this all-important passage. Almostinvariably a company of priests joined these expeditions, who exertedall their energies to convert the Indians to nominal Christianity. Afanatic adventurer by the name of Giles Gonzales, acquired muchcelebrity for his success in inducing the natives to accept theChristian faith and to acknowledge fealty to the king of Spain. He wasat the head of one hundred steel-clad warriors. His mode ofpersuasion, though unique, was very potent. When he approached theseat of the chief of Nicaragua, he sent a courier to him with thefollowing message:

"I am coming as a friend to teach you the only true religion, and topersuade you to recognize the most powerful monarch on the globe. Ifyou refuse to yield to my teachings, you must prepare for battle, andI challenge you to meet me in the field. "

The gentle and peace-loving natives contemplated with consternationthese fierce Spaniards mounted on powerful war horses, animals whichthey had never before seen, and glittering in coats of mail. They hadno religious creed to which they adhered with any tenacity. TheNicaraguan chief unhesitatingly expressed his readiness to accept thenew faith, and in token of friendship, sent Gonzales a quantity ofgold, equal it is said in value to seventy-five thousand dollars ofour money. The Spanish historian Herrera, whose record is generallydeemed in the main accurate, says that the chief, his family, and ninethousand of his subjects, were baptized and became Christians. Influenced by this example, and by the glowing representations of therewards which were sure to follow the acceptance of the Christianfaith, more than thirty-six thousand of the natives were baptizedwithin the space of half a year. The baptismal fees charged byGonzales amounted to over four hundred thousand dollars. 

While Gonzales was engaged on his own responsibility in this career ofspiritual conquest, with its rich pecuniary accompaniment, Don Pedrosent two of his generals, Ferdinand de Cordova and Ferdinand De Soto, to explore Nicaragua and take possession of it in his name. He assumedthat Gonzales, acting without authority, was engaged in a treasonablemovement. The two parties soon came into collision. 

De Soto, with a party of fifty men, twenty of them being well mountedcavaliers, encamped at a small village called Torebo. Gonzales was inthe near vicinity with a little army of three hundred men, two hundredof whom were Indians. In the darkness of the night, Gonzales fell uponDe Soto, and outnumbering him six to one, either killed or tookcaptive all the thirty footmen; while the cavaliers, on their horses, cut their way through and escaped. Gonzales lost fifty of his best menin the conflict, and was so impressed with the military vigor of DeSoto, that he was not at all disposed again to meet him on the fieldof battle. He therefore retired to a distant part of the province, where he vigorously engaged in the work of converting the natives, never forgetting his baptismal fee. 

De Soto and Cordova established themselves in a new town which theycalled Grenada. Here they erected a church, several dwelling houses, and barracks for the soldiers. They also surrounded the village witha trench and earthworks, as protection from any sudden assault. Gonzales was a fugitive from justice, having assassinated an officersent by Hernando Cortes to arrest him. 

Cordova was a mild and humane man. Under his sway the Indians wereprosperous and happy. Two flourishing towns grew up rapidly quite neareach other, Leon and Grenada. The climate was delightful, the soilfertile, the means of living abundant. Many of the inhabitants ofPanama emigrated to this more favored region. 

De Soto, leaving Cordova in command of Nicaragua, returned to Panamato report proceedings to Don Pedro. It was not till then that helearned, to his extreme regret, that the Governor had selectedNicaragua as a place for his future abode. He knew that the presenceof the tyrannical governor could only prove disastrous to theflourishing colony, and ruinous to the happiness of the natives. Thegloom with which the contemplation oppressed his mind spread over hisspeaking countenance. The eagle eye of the suspicious governorimmediately detected these indications of discontent. With an air ofdeference, but in a tone of mockery, he said:

"I judge from your appearance, captain, that my Nicaraguan enterprisedoes not meet with your cordial approbation. "

De Soto boldly, and with great deliberation of words, replied:

"Governor Don Pedro, I confess that I feel but little interested inany of your movements or intentions, except when they encroach uponthe rights of others. Nicaragua is at this time well governed byFerdinand de Cordova. The change you propose to make, is to bedeprecated as one of the greatest misfortunes that could befall notonly the Indian inhabitants of that district, but our own countrymenlikewise, who have flocked thither to escape from your jurisdiction. "

The countenance of Don Pedro became pallid with rage. Struggling, however, to suppress the unavailing outburst of his passion, he said, with a malignant smile:

"I thank you, Captain De Soto, for giving me this opportunity which Ihave so long desired. Were I to permit such insolence to gounpunished, my authority in this colony would soon be at an end. "

"It is at an end, " replied De Soto. "You must be aware that yoursuccessor, De Los Rios, is now on his way to Panama. "

"I do not choose, " replied Don Pedro, "to debate this matter with you. I still claim the right to command you as your superior militaryofficer. I now command you to hold yourself and your company inreadiness to march. When we arrive at Leon, I promise you that fulljustice shall be done to your friend De Cordova, and to yourself. "

De Soto fully comprehended the significance of these threats. He wroteimmediately to Cordova, urging him to be on his guard. The inhabitantsof Leon and Grenada, learning of the intention of Don Pedro, --to takethe government into his own hands, --entreated De Cordova to resist thetyrant, promising him their unanimous and energetic support. But DeCordova declined these overtures, saying, that all the authority towhich he was legitimately entitled was derived from Don Pedro, andthat it was his duty to obey him as his superior officer, until heshould be deposed by the Spanish crown. 

Just before Don Pedro, with his suite, left Panama for Nicaragua, M. Codro returned from Spain. He brought dispatches to the governor, andalso secretly a letter from Isabella to De Soto. The spies of thegovernor, in his castle in Spain, watched every movement of M. Codro. The simple minded man had very little skill in the arts of duplicity. These spies reported to Don Pedro that M. Codro had held a secretinterview with Isabella, and had frankly stated that he was entrustedwith a private message to her. Don Pedro knew that such a messagecould have gone only from De Soto; and that unquestionably M. Codrohad brought back from his daughter a response. We may remark inpassing, that the letter from Isabella to De Soto informed him of theinflexible fidelity of Isabella, and filled the heart of De Soto withjoy. 

The malignant nature of Don Pedro was roused by these suspicions tointensity of action, and he resolved upon direful revenge. As the newgovernor was hourly expected, he could not venture upon any open actof assassination or violence, for he knew that in that case summarypunishment would be his doom. Calling M. Codro before him, he assumedhis blandest smile, thanked the artless philosopher for the serviceshe had rendered him in Spain, and said that he wished to entrust himwith the management of a mineralogical survey of a region near thegulf of San Miguel. 

The good man was delighted. This was just the employment which hisnature craved. He was directed to embark in a vessel commanded by oneof the governor's tools, an infamous wretch by the name of DeValenzuela. This man had been for many years a private, and was thenengaged in kidnapping Indians for the slave trade. He was ordered assoon as the vessel was at sea, to chain M. Codro to the foremast, toexpose him to all the tortures of the blaze of a tropical sun by dayand chilling dews by night. The crew were enjoined to assail him withinsulting mockery. Thus exposed to hunger, burning heat, and incessantabuse, he was to be kept through these lingering agonies until hedied. 

For ten days the good man bore this cruel martyrdom, when he breathedhis last, and was buried on a small island about a hundred milessouthwest of Panama. This brutal assassination was so conducted, thatDe Soto at the time had no knowledge of the tragedy which was beingenacted. 

Early in the year 1526, Don Pedro, surrounded by a large retinue ofhis obedient soldiery, left Panama to assume the government ofNicaragua, to which he had no legitimate title. De Soto accompaniedthe governor. Much as he detested his character, he could not forgetthat he was the father of Isabella. When Don Pedro approached thelittle town of Leon, he sent a courier before him, to order De Cordovato meet him in the public square, with his municipal officers and hisclergy, prepared to give an account of his administration. 

De Soto with his horsemen was ordered to form in line on one side ofthe square. The foot soldiers of Don Pedro surrounded the governor onthe other side. All the vacant space was filled with citizens andnatives. By the side of the governor stood his executioner; a man ofgigantic stature and of herculean strength, whose massive sword fewarms but his could wield. De Cordova advanced to meet Don Pedro, andbowing respectfully before him, commenced giving an account of thestate of affairs in the province. Suddenly he was interrupted in hisnarrative by Don Pedro, who with forced anger exclaimed:

"Silence, you hypocrite! Your treasonable projects cannot be hiddenunder these absurd pretensions of loyalty and patriotism: I will nowlet your accomplices see how a traitor should be punished. "

He made a sign to his executioner. His gleaming sword flashed throughthe air, and in an instant the dissevered head of Cordova rolled inthe dust. The headsman grasped the gory trophy by the hair, andraising it high above his head exclaimed, "_Behold the doom of a traitor. _"

All this took place in an instant. The spectators were horrorstricken. De Soto instinctively seized his sword, and would doubtlesshave put spurs to his horse, rushed upon the governor, and plunged theweapon to the hilt in his breast, but for the restraining memories ofthe past. Hesitatingly he returned his sword to its scabbard. 

But Don Pedro had not yet finished the contemplated work of the day. Another victim he had doomed to fall. A file of soldiers, veryresolute men, led by a determined officer, crossing the square, approached De Soto, at the head of his troops. Don Pedro thenexclaimed in a loud voice, "Ferdinand De Soto, you are ordered to dismount and submit yourself tothe punishment which you have just seen inflicted on your traitorouscomrade. Soldiers! drag him from his horse if he refuse to obey. "

The officer reached forth his hand to seize De Soto. Like lightning'sflash, the sword of the cavalier fell upon the officer, and his headwas cleft from crown to chin. The spurs were applied to the fierysteed. He plunged through the soldiers, knocking several of them down, and in an instant De Soto had his sword's point at the breast of thegovernor. Shouts of "kill the tyrant, " rose from all parts of thesquare, which were echoed even from the ranks of Don Pedro's soldiers. Again De Soto held back his avenging hand; but in words which made DonPedro quake in his shoes, he said, "You hear the expression of public sentiment. You hear the wishes ofthose who are subject to your authority. It is the voice of justicespeaking through these people. In refusing to obey the call, I amscarcely less guilty than yourself. But remember, Don Pedro, that insparing your life at this moment, I discharge all the obligations Ihave owed you. Miserable old man! Be thankful that the recollection ofone that is absent, can make me forget what I owe to my murderedfriend. 

"I will now sheathe my sword, but I solemnly declare by the sacredemblem of the cross which it bears, that I will never draw it again inyour service. "

The assassination, for it could hardly be called execution, of DeCordova, excited the general indignation of the Spanish settlers. Theyall knew that Don Pedro had no authority from the king of Spain toassume the government of Nicaragua, and that he was therefore anusurper. The noble character which De Soto had exhibited, and hisundeniable ability and bravery, had won for him universal regard. TheSpaniards generally rallied around him, and entreated him to assumethe command, promising him their enthusiastic support. They could notcomprehend why De Soto so persistently refused their solicitations. They knew nothing of the secret reasons which rendered it almostimpossible for De Soto to draw his sword against the father ofIsabella. 

As we have mentioned, it was generally supposed that there must besome strait between the Isthmus of Darien and the southern frontiersof Mexico, which connected the waters of the Atlantic and PacificOceans. The king of Spain had offered a large reward for the discoveryof this passage. Several of the wealthy citizens of Leon organized anexpedition in pursuit of this object. De Soto was placed at its head. He selected, from his cavalry troop, five of his most intelligent andenergetic young men. They started from Leon, and followed along thecoast of the Pacific, in northwesterly course, penetrating every bayand inlet. They travelled on horseback and encountered innumerabledifficulties from the rugged and pathless wilderness, through whichthey pressed their way. They also had much to fear from the unfriendlycharacter of the natives, whose hostility had been aroused by theoutrages which companies of vagabond Spaniards had inflicted uponthem. 

De Soto, however, and his companions, by their just and kindly spirit, soon won the regards of the Indians. They found that the nativespossessed large quantities of gold, which they seemed to esteem oflittle value. Eagerly they exchanged the precious metal for suchtrinkets as the explorers took with them. Upon this arduousexpedition, which De Soto managed with consummate skill, he was absenteleven months. Seven hundred miles of sea-coast were carefullyexplored, and he became fully convinced that the looked-for strait didnot exist. Though in this respect the expedition had proved afailure, he returned to Leon quite enriched by the gold which he hadgathered. With honesty, rarely witnessed in those days, he impartiallydivided the treasure among the projectors of the enterprise. 

As De Soto was returning, he discovered a small Spanish vesselanchored near the present site of San Salvador. As his men and horseswere worn down by their fatiguing journey, he engaged a passage in thevessel to Leon. Upon embarking he found the captain and crew consistedof some of the most depraved and brutal men who had ever visited theNew World. They were cruising along the coast, watching foropportunity to kidnap the natives, to convey them to the West Indiesas slaves. The captain was the infamous Valenzuela, who, as agent ofDon Pedro, had tortured M. Codro to death. 

De Soto had no knowledge, as we have mentioned, of the dreadful doomwhich had befallen his friend. One day the fiendlike captain wasamusing his crew with a recital of his past deeds of villany. He toldthe story of the murder of Codro. 

"He was, " he said, "an old wizard whom Don Pedro, the governor ofPanama, commissioned me to torture and to put to death, in consequenceof some treachery of which he had been guilty while on a mission toSpain. "

The words caught the ear of De Soto. He joined the group, and listenedwith breathless attention and a throbbing heart, to the statement ofValenzuela. 

"I chained the old fellow, " said the captain, "to the mainmast, andthe sailors amused themselves by drenching him with buckets of coldwater, till he was almost drowned. After several days, he became sosick and exhausted, that we saw that our sport would soon be at anend. For two days he was speechless. He then suddenly recovered theuse of his voice, and endeavored to frighten me by saying:

"'Captain, your treatment has caused my death. I now call upon you tohear the words of a dying man. Within a year from this time, I summonyou to meet me before the judgment seat of God. '"

Here the captain burst into a derisive and scornful laugh. He thenadded:

"Come comrades, we'll have a hamper of wine, and drink to the reposeof M. Codro's soul. "

De Soto stepped forward, and repressing all external exhibition of therage which consumed his soul, said calmly to the captain, "You say that the astrologer prophesied that you should die within theyear. When will that year expire?"

"In about two weeks, " the captain replied. "But I have no fear butthat the prophet will prove to be a liar. "

"He shall not, " De Soto added. And drawing from his scabbard his keen, glittering sword, with one blow from his sinewy arm, severed thecaptain's head from his body. The ghastly trophy rolled gushing withblood upon the deck. These wild and savage men were accustomed to suchscenes. They admired the courage of De Soto, and the marvellous skillwith which, at one blow, he had struck off the head of the captain. DeSoto then turned to the crowd and said:

"Gentlemen, if any of you are disposed to hold me accountable for whatI have just done, I am ready to answer you according to your desires. But I consider myself bound, in reason and in courtesy, to inform you, that M. Codro, the man whom this villain murdered, was my friend; andI doubt not that he was condemned to death for doing me an importantservice. "

All seemed satisfied with this explanation. These sanguinary scenes inthose days produced but a momentary impression. 

De Soto and Don Pedro no longer held any intercourse with each other. The reign of the usurping governor was atrocious beyond the power oflanguage to express. With horses and bloodhounds he ran down thenatives, seizing and selling them as slaves. Droves of men, women andchildren, chained together, were often driven into the streets ofLeon. 

The assumption then was that a nominal Christian might pardonablyinflict any outrages upon those who had not accepted the Christianfaith. Several of the Indian chiefs had embraced Christianity. DonPedro compelled them all to pay him a tribute of fifty slaves a month. All orphans were to be surrendered as slaves. And then the wretchdemanded that all parents who had several children, should surrenderone or more, as slaves to the Spaniards. The natives were robbed oftheir harvests, so that they had no encouragement to cultivate thesoil. This led to famine, and more than twenty thousand perished ofstarvation. Famine introduced pestilence. The good Las Casas declaresthat in consequence of the oppressions of the Spaniards, in ten years, more than sixty thousand of the natives of Nicaragua perished. 

About this time Francisco Pizarro had embarked in a hair-brainedenterprise for the conquest of Peru, on the western coast of SouthAmerica. Very slowly he had forced his way along, towards that vastempire, encountering innumerable difficulties, and enduring frightfulsufferings, until he had reached a point where his progress seemed tobe arrested. His army was greatly weakened, and he had not sufficientforce to push his conquests any farther. Threatened with the utterextermination of his band, he remembered De Soto, whom he had neverloved. He knew that he was anxious for fame and fortune, and thoughtthat his bravery and great military ability might extricate him fromhis embarrassments. 

He therefore wrote to Don Pedro, praying that De Soto, withreinforcements, might be sent to his aid. For three years there hadbeen no communication whatever between the governor and the lover ofhis daughter. But Don Pedro regarded the adventure of Pizarro ashazardous in the extreme, and felt sure that all engaged in theenterprise would miserably perish. Eagerly he caught at the idea ofsending De Soto to join them; for his presence was to Don Pedro aconstant source of annoyance and dread. He therefore caused thecommunication from Pizarro to be conveyed to De Soto, saying to themessenger who bore it:

"Urge De Soto to depart immediately for Peru. And I pray Heaven thatwe may never hear of him again. "

De Soto, not knowing what to do with himself, imprudently consented, and thus allied his fortunes with those of one of the greatestvillains of any age or country. 

CHAPTER V. 

_The Invasion of Peru. _

 The Kingdom of Peru. --Its Metropolis. --The Desperate Condition of Pizarro. --Arrival of De Soto. --Character of the Spaniards. --Exploring tour of De Soto. --The Colony at San Miguel. --The General Advance. --Second Exploration of De Soto. --Infamous Conduct of the Pizarros. 

The kingdom of Peru, skirting the western coast of South America, between the majestic peaks of the Andes and the mirrored waters of thePacific Ocean, was one of the most beautiful countries in the world. This kingdom, diversified with every variety of scenery, both of thesublime and the beautiful, and enjoying a delicious climate, was abouteighteen hundred miles in length and one hundred and fifty in breadth. The natives had attained a high degree of civilization. Thoughgunpowder, steel armor, war horses, and bloodhounds gave the barbarianSpaniards the supremacy on fields of blood, the leading men, among thePeruvians, seem to have been in intelligence, humanity and everyvirtue, far superior to the savage leaders of the Spaniards, who soruthlessly invaded their peaceful realms. 

The metropolis of the empire was the city of Cuzo, which was situatedin a soft and luxuriant valley traversing some table-lands which wereabout twelve thousand feet above the level of the sea. The governmentof the country was an absolute monarchy. But its sovereign, called theInca, seems to have been truly a good man, the father of his people;wisely and successfully seeking their welfare. The Peruvians hadattained a degree of excellence in many of the arts unsurpassed by theSpaniards. Their houses were generally built of stone; their massivetemples, though devoid of architectural beauty, were constructed ofhewn blocks of granite, so admirably joined together that the seamscould be with difficulty discerned. 

Humbolt found, among the ruins of these temples, blocks of hewn stonethirty-six feet long, nine feet wide, and six feet in thickness. Theirgreat highways, spanning the gulfs, clinging to the precipitous cliffsand climbing the mountains, were wonderful works of mechanical skill. 

De Soto was thoroughly acquainted with the cruel, faithless, andtreacherous character of Pizarro. A stigma must ever rest upon hisname, for consenting to enter into any expedition under the leadershipof such a man. It may however be said, in reply, that he had nointention of obeying Pizarro in any thing that was wrong; that hislove of adventure was roused by the desire to explore one of the mostmagnificent empires in the New World, which rumor had invested withwealth and splendor surpassing the dreams of romance. And perhaps, most important of all, he hoped _honestly_ to be able to gather fromthe fabled mines of gold, with which Peru was said to be filled, thatwealth with which he would be enabled to return to Spain and claim thehand, as he had already won the heart, of the fair and faithfulIsabella. 

Pizarro had entered upon his enterprise with an army of one hundredand eighty men, twenty-seven of whom were mounted. It seems to be theuncontradicted testimony of contemporary historians, that this armywas composed of as worthless a set of vagabonds as ever disgracedhumanity. There was no crime or cruelty from which these fiends inhuman form would recoil. 

Pizarro, following down the western coast of South America five or sixhundred miles, had reached the island of Puna, in the extreme northernpart of Peru. It was separated from the mainland by a narrow strait. The inhabitants received him cordially, but the murders, rapine andother nameless atrocities, perpetrated by the Spaniards upon thefriendly natives, soon so aroused their resentment that a conspiracywas formed for the entire extermination of the invaders. Theexpedition had become so weakened and demoralized that even Pizarrosaw that it would be the height of imprudence for him to venture, withhis vile crew, upon the mainland, before reinforcements under somedegree of military discipline should arrive. He was in this precariouscondition, and on the eve of extermination, when De Soto and hisselect and well-ordered troops reached the island. 

They came in two vessels, bringing with them an abundant supply ofarms and ammunition. The party consisted of fifty men, thoroughlyequipped. Thirty of them were steel-clad cavaliers, well mounted. DeSoto had been offered the rank of second in command. But when hearrived at Puna, he found that Pizarro's brother--Hernando--occupiedthis post, and that he had no intention of relinquishing it. De Sotoreproached Pizarro in very plain terms for this wrong and insult. Hehowever did not allow it long to trouble him. Surrounded by his ownbrave and devoted followers, he felt quite independent of theauthority of Pizarro, and had no intention of obeying him any fartherthan might be in accordance with his own wishes. 

On the other hand, Pizarro had but little confidence in his brother, and was fully conscious that the success of his enterprise would bemainly dependent upon the energy and skill of De Soto. 

Pizarro, now finding himself at the head of really a formidable force, prepared to pass over to the mainland. There was quite a large townthere called Tumbez, surrounded by a rich and densely populatedcountry. The Peruvians had gold in abundance, and weapons and utensilsof copper. With iron and steel, they were entirely unacquainted. Aswhen fighting at a distance, the bullet of the Spaniard wasimmeasurably superior to the arrow of the native, so in a hand to handfight, the keen and glittering sabre of steel, especially in the handsof steel-clad cavaliers left the poorly armed Peruvians almostentirely at their mercy. 

Arrangements were made to cross the strait and make a descent uponTumbez. Pizarro had already visited the place, where he had beenkindly received by the inhabitants, and where he had seen with his owneyes that the houses and temples were decorated with golden ornaments, often massive in weight, and of almost priceless value. He floated hislittle band across the narrow strait on rafts. 

The inhabitants of Tumbez and its vicinity had been disposed toreceive their Spanish visitors as guests, and to treat them with theutmost courtesy and kindness. But the tidings had reached them of theterrible outrages which they had inflicted upon the inhabitants ofPuna. They therefore attacked the Spaniards as they approached theshore on their rafts and endeavored to prevent their landing. But theinvaders, with musketry and a cannon which they had with them, speedily drove off their assailants, and with horses and houndsplanted their banners upon the shore. They then marched directly uponTumbez, confident of gathering, from the decorations of her palacesand her temples, abounding wealth. Bitter was their disappointment. The Peruvians, conscious of their probable inability to resist theinvaders, had generally abandoned the city, carrying with them, faraway into the mountains, all their treasures. 

The Spaniards, who had entered the city with hideous yells of triumph, being thus frustrated in the main object of their expedition, found, by inquiry, that at the distance of several leagues easterly from thesea-coast, among the pleasant valleys of the mountains, there werepopulous cities, where abundance of booty might be found. 

The whole number of Spaniards, then invading Peru, did not exceed twohundred and fifty. The Peruvians were daily becoming more deeplyexasperated. With such a number of men, and no fortified base to fallback upon, Pizarro did not deem it safe to enter upon a plunderingtour into the interior. Keeping therefore about one hundred andthirty men with him, and strongly fortifying himself at Tumbez, hesent De Soto, at the head of eighty men, sixty of whom were mounted, back into the mountains, to search for gold, and to report respectingthe condition of the country, in preparation for future expeditions. 

The bad fame of Pizarro was spreading far and wide. And though De Sotoenjoined it strictly upon his men, not to be guilty of any act ofinjustice, still he was an invading Spaniard, and the Peruviansregarded them all as the shepherd regards the wolf. De Soto had passedbut a few leagues from the seashore, ere he entered upon the hillycountry. As he was ascending one of the gentle eminences, a band oftwo thousand Indians, who had met there to arrest his progress, rusheddown upon him. His sixty horsemen instantly formed in column andimpetuously charged into their crowded ranks. These Peruvians hadnever seen a horse before. Their arrows glanced harmless from theimpenetrable armor, and they were mercilessly cut down and trampledbeneath iron hoofs. The Spaniards galloped through and through theirranks, strewing the ground with the dead. The carnage was of shortduration. The panic-stricken Peruvians fled wherever there was apossibility of escape. The trumpets of the conquerors pealed forththeir triumphant strains. The silken banners waved proudly in thebreeze, and the victors exultingly continued their march through oneof the defiles of the mountains. 

Whatever excuses De Soto may make for himself, humanity will neverforgive him for the carnage of that day. Having thus fairly embarkedupon this enterprise, where he was surely gaining military renown, infamous as it was, and where there was the prospect before him ofplunder of incalculable worth, De Soto seems to have assumed to actupon his own responsibility, and to have paid very little regard tothe authority of Pizarro, whom he had left behind. He had alreadypenetrated the country much farther than he had been authorized to doby the orders of his superior. One of the men, whom Pizarro had sentwith him, very probably as a spy upon his movements, deserted, andreturned to Tumbez with the report that De Soto was alreadypractically in revolt, and had renounced all dependence on Pizarro. For this alleged insubordination, Pizarro did not venture to call hisenergetic lieutenant to account. 

In the mean time, Pizarro was exploring the country in the vicinity ofTumbez, for the site of the colony he wished to establish. He selecteda position about ninety miles south of that city, in a rich andwell-watered valley which opened upon the placid surface of thePacific. His troops were transported to the spot by the two vessels. Here he laid the foundations of a town, which he called San Miguel. With timber from the mountains, and stone from the quarries, and thelabor of a large number of natives, who were driven to daily toil, not as servants, by the stimulus of well-paid labor, but as slaves, goaded by the sabres of their task masters, quite a large andstrongly-fortified town rapidly arose. 

De Soto continued his explorations in the interior for some time, anddiscovered a very magnificent highway, leading to the capital of theempire. It was smoothly paved with flat blocks of stone, or withcement harder than stone. He returned to San Miguel with the report ofhis discoveries, and quite richly laden with the gold which he hadreceived as a present from the natives, or which he had seized as whathe considered the lawful spoils of war. The sight of the gold inspiredall the Spaniards at San Miguel with the intense desire to pressforward into a field which promised so rich a harvest. 

It was ascertained that the Inca had command of an army of over fiftythousand men. Pizarro, leaving sixty men in garrison at San Miguel, set out with one hundred and ninety men to visit the Inca in hiscapital. De Soto accompanied him. It was not ostensibly a militaryexpedition, seeking the conquest of the country, or moving with anyhostile intent whatever. De Soto had a conscience; Pizarro had none. Whatever reproaches might arise in the mind of De Soto in reference tothe course he was pursuing, he silenced them by the very plausibleassumption that he was an ambassador from the king of Spain, commissioned to make a friendly visit to the monarch of anothernewly-discovered empire; that he was the messenger of peace seeking tounite the two kingdoms in friendly relations with each other for theirmutual benefit. This was probably the real feeling of De Soto. Theexpedition was commissioned by the king of Spain. The armed retinuewas only such as became the ambassadors of a great monarch. Such anexpedition was in every respect desirable. The fault--perhaps we oughtin candor to say the calamity--of De Soto was in allowing himself tobe attached to an expedition under a man so thoroughly reckless andunprincipled as he knew Pizarro to have been. Perhaps he hoped tocontrol the actions of his ignorant and fanatic superior officer. Itis quite manifest that De Soto did exert a very powerful influence ingiving shape to the expedition. 

An Indian courier was sent forward to Cuzco, one of the capitals ofthe Peruvian monarch, with a friendly and almost an obsequious messageto the Inca, whose name was Attahuallapa. The courier bore thecommunication that Pizarro was an ambassador commissioned by the kingof Spain to visit the king of Peru, and to kiss his hand in token ofpeace and fraternity. He therefore solicited that protection inpassing through the country which every monarch is bound to render tothe representatives of a foreign and friendly power. 

Pizarro, as it will be remembered, was a rough and illiterate soldier, unable either to read or write. In this sagacious diplomaticarrangement, we undoubtedly see the movement of De Soto's reflectiveand cultivated mind. The expedition moved slowly along, awaiting thereturn of the courier. He soon came back with a very indefiniteresponse, and with a present of two curiously carved stone cups, andsome perfumery. The guarded reply and the meagre present excited somealarm in the Spanish camp. It was very evident that the expedition wasnot to anticipate a very cordial reception at the Peruvian court. Pizarro was much alarmed. He was quite confident that the Inca wastrying to lure them on to their ruin. Having called a council of war, he urged that they should proceed no farther until he had sent somefaithful Indian spies to ascertain the intentions of Attahuallapa. 

But De Soto, whose youthful energies were inspired by love andambition, was eager to press forward. 

"It is not necessary, " said he, "for the Inca to use treachery withus. He could easily overpower us with numbers were he so disposed. Wehave also heard that he is a just and merciful prince; and thecourtesy he has already shown us, is some token at least of his goodwill. But why should we hesitate? We have no longer any choice but togo forward. If we now retreat, it will prove our professions to befalse; and when the suspicions of the Inca are once aroused, we shallfind it impossible to escape from his country. "

Pizarro's brother--Hernando--was a man of ignoble birth, of ruffianlymanners, of low and brutal character. Tauntingly he inquired of DeSoto, if he were ready to give proof of his confidence in the faith ofthe Peruvian monarch, by going forward to his court, as an envoy fromthe embassy. 

De Soto turned his keen and flashing eye upon the man, whom hedespised, and said in slow and measured words:

"Don Hernando, I may yet convince you that it is neither civil norsafe to call my sincerity in question. I have as much confidence inthe honor of the Inca as I have in the integrity of any man in thiscompany, not excepting the commander or yourself. I perceive that youare disposed to go backward. You may all return, when and how youplease, or remain where you are. But I have made up my mind to presentmyself to Attahuallapa. And I shall certainly do so, without askingthe assistance or permission of any of your party. "

This was certainly a very defiant speech. It asserted his entirerejection of the authority of Pizarro. De Soto could not have daredthus to have spoken, unless he had felt strong in the support of hisown dragoons. 

Hernando Pizarro was silent, indulging only in a malignant smile. Itwas not safe for him to provoke De Soto to a personal rencontre. Francisco Pizarro smothered his chagrin and very adroitly availedhimself of this statement, to commission De Soto to take twenty-fourhorsemen, such as he might select, and accompanied by an Indian guidecalled Filipillo, go forward to the Peruvian court. 

Both of the Pizarros seemed quite relieved when the sound of thedeparting squadron of brave cavaliers died away in the distance. DeSoto, during the whole of his adventurous life, seems to have beenentirely unconscious of the emotion of fear. During his residence inthe camp of the Pizarros, he had exerted a powerful restraint upontheir ferocious natures. He had very earnestly endeavored to impresstheir minds with the conviction that they could not pass through thepopulous empire of Peru, or even remain in it, if their followers wereallowed to trample upon the rights of the natives. So earnestly andpersistently did he urge these views, that Pizarro at lengthacknowledged their truth, and in the presence of De Soto, commandedhis men to abstain from every act of aggression. 

But now that De Soto was gone, the Pizarros and their rabble rout ofvagabonds breathed more freely. Scarcely had the plumed helmets of thecavaliers disappeared in the distance, when Hernando Pizarro set outon a plundering expedition into the villages of the Peruvians. Thenatives fled in terror before the Spaniards. Pizarro caught one of theleading men and questioned him very closely respecting the designs ofAttahuallapa. The captive honestly and earnestly declared, that heknew nothing about the plans of his sovereign. 

This demoniac Hernando endeavored to extort a confession from him bytorture. He tied his victim to a tree, enveloped his feet in cottonthoroughly saturated with oil and applied the torch. The wretchedsufferer in unendurable agony, said "yes" to anything and everything. Two days after, it was proved that he could not have known anythingrespecting the intended operations of the Inca. It is a satisfactionto one's sense of justice to remember that there is a God who will notallow such crimes to go unpunished. 

De Soto, with his bold cavaliers, pressed rapidly on towards thePeruvian camp. Very carefully he guarded against every act ofhostility or injustice. Everywhere the natives were treated with theutmost courtesy. In the rapid advance of the Spaniards through thecountry, crowds flocked to the highway attracted by the novelspectacle. And a wonderful spectacle it must have been! Thesecavaliers, with their nodding plumes, their burnished armor, theirgleaming sabres, their silken banners, mounted on magnificent warhorses and rushing along over the hills and through the valleys inmeteoric splendor, must have presented an aspect more imposing totheir minds than we can well imagine. 

De Soto, who had not his superior as a horseman in the Spanish army, was mounted on a milk white steed of extraordinary size and grace offigure, and wore a complete suit of the most costly and showy armor. It is said that on one occasion his path was crossed by a brook twentyfeet wide. The noble animal disdained to wade through, but cleared itat a single bound. 

The crowds who lined the highways seemed to understand and appreciatethe friendly feelings De Soto manifested in gracefully bowing to themand smiling as he passed along. He soon ascertained, though his guideFilipillo, that the headquarters of the Peruvian camp was at a placenow called Caxamarca, among the mountains, about eighty milesnortheast of the present seaport of Truxillo. 

After a rapid ride of about six hours, the expedition approached quitea flourishing little town called Caxas. Several hundred Peruviansoldiers were drawn up in battle array in the outskirts, to arrest theprogress of the Spaniards. De Soto halted his dragoons, and sentforward Filipillo to assure the commandant that he was traversing thecountry not with any hostile intent, and that he bore a friendlymessage from his own sovereign to the king of Peru. 

The kindly disposed Peruvians immediately laid aside their arms, welcomed the strangers, and entertained them with a sumptuous feast. Thus refreshed, they pressed on several leagues farther, until theyreached a much larger city called Guancabama. From all the accountsgiven it would seem that the inhabitants of this region had reached adegree of civilization, so far as the comforts of life are concerned, fully equal to that then to be found in Spain. This city was on themagnificent highway which traversed fifteen hundred miles through thevery heart of the empire. The houses, which were built of hewn stone, admirably jointed, consisted of several rooms, and were distinguishedfor cleanliness, order, and domestic comfort. 

The men seemed intelligent, the women modest, and various arts ofindustry occupied their time. De Soto testified that the great highwaywhich passed through this place far surpassed in grandeur and utilityany public work which had ever been attempted in Spain. Happy andprosperous as were the Peruvians, compared with the inhabitants ofmost other countries, it is quite evident that the ravages of the Fallwere not unknown there. 

Just before entering the town, De Soto passed a high gibbet upon whichthree malefactors were hung in chains, swaying in the breeze. Thatrevolting spectacle revealed the sad truth that in Peru, as well aselsewhere, man's fallen nature developed itself in crime and woe. TheEmperor had also a large standing army, and the country had just beenravaged by the horrors of civil war. 

De Soto was kindly received at Guancabama. Just as he was about toleave for Caxamarca, an envoy from the Inca reached the city on itsway to the Spanish camp. The ambassador was a man of high rank. Several servants accompanied him, laden with presents for Pizarro. Heentreated De Soto to return with him to the headquarters of theSpaniards. As these presents and this embassy would probably convincePizarro of the friendly feeling of the Peruvian monarch, De Sotojudged it wise to comply with his request. Thus he turned back, andthe united party soon reached Pizarro's encampment. 

CHAPTER VI. 

_The Atrocities of Pizarro. _

 Fears of Pizarro. --Honorable Conduct of the Inca. --The March to Caxamarca. --Hospitable Reception. --Perfidious Attack upon the Inca. --His Capture and Imprisonment. --The Honor of De Soto. --The Offered Ransom. --Treachery and Extortion of Pizarro. 

The report which De Soto brought back was in many respects quitealarming to the Pizarros. Though they were delighted to hear of thewealth which had been discovered, and the golden ornaments decoratinghouses, temples and shrines, they were not a little alarmed in thecontemplation of the large population over which the Inca reigned, andof the power of his government. The spectacle of the gallows also atGuancabama, caused very uncomfortable sensations. 

Both of these men were aware that they and their troops had committedcrimes which would doom them to the scaffold, should the Inca be ableto punish them according to their deserts. Indeed it subsequentlyappeared, that the Inca had heard of their outrages. But with humanityand a sense of justice which reflects lustre upon his name, he hadresolved not to punish them unheard in their own defence. He knew notbut that false representations had been made of the facts. He knew notbut that the Spaniards had been goaded to acts of retaliation byoutrages on the part of the Peruvians. 

He therefore invited the Spanish adventurers to meet him at Caxamarca, assuring them of a safe passage to that place. With fear and tremblingPizarro consented, with his little band of two hundred and fifty men, to visit the Peruvian camp, where fifty thousand soldiers might bearrayed against him. The path they were to traverse led throughdefiles of the mountains, where a few hundred men could arrest themarch of an army. The Spaniards afterwards could not but admit, thathad the Inca cherished any perfidious design, he might with the utmostease have utterly exterminated them. Not a man could have escaped. 

The march of these trembling men was not with the triumphant tramp ofconquerors. They did not enter the Peruvian camp with flourish oftrumpets and bugle blasts, but as peaceful ambassadors, with a showyretinue, who had been permitted to traverse the country unharmed. Thesun was just sinking behind the rugged peaks of the mountains on thefifteenth of November, 1532, when Pizarro's band rode into the streetsof Caxamarca. In the centre of the town there was a large publicsquare. On one side of that square was a spacious stone edifice, whichthe Inca had caused to be prepared for the accommodation of hisguests. This building was a part of a strong fortress, within whosemassive walls, a small party of well armed men might easily defendthemselves against a host. 

The fact that Attahuallapa assigned to them such quarters, provesconclusively that he had no intention to treat them otherwise than inthe most friendly manner. The Inca, with the troops immediately underhis command, was encamped at a distance of about three miles from thetown. The treacherous Pizarro was ever apprehensive of treachery onthe part of others. He was an entire stranger to that calm andpeaceful courage which seemed always to reign in the bosom of De Soto. 

Immediately after he reached Caxamarca he dispatched De Soto to informthe Inca of his arrival. The Peruvian camp covered several acres ofground, with substantial and commodious tents. In the centre there wastruly a magnificent pavilion, gorgeous in its decorations, which wasappropriated to the Inca. Attahuallapa was informed of the approach ofthe Spanish cavaliers. He came from his tent and took his seat upon asplendid throne prepared for the occasion. The Peruvian soldiers gazedwith amazement upon the spectacle of these horsemen as they were ledinto the presence of their sovereign. 

De Soto, with the native grace which attended all his actions, alighted from his horse, bowed respectfully to the monarch, and saidin words which were interpreted by Filipillo. 

"I am sent by my commander, Don Francisco Pizarro, who desires to beadmitted to your presence, to give you an account of the causes whichhave brought him to this country, and other matters which it maybehoove your majesty to know. He humbly entreats you to allow him aninterview this night or to-morrow, as he wishes to make you an offerof his services, and to deliver the message which has been committedto him by his sovereign, the king of Spain. "

Attahuallapa replied with much dignity and some apparent reserve, thathe cordially accepted the friendly offers of Pizarro, and would granthim the desired interview the following morning. The Inca was a youngman about thirty years of age. He was tall, admirably formed, and witha very handsome countenance. But there was an expression of sadnessoverspreading his features, and a pensive tone in his address, indicating that he was a man who had seen affliction. 

The splendid steed from which De Soto had alighted was restlesslypawing the ground at a short distance from the tent of the Inca, attracting the particular attention and admiration of the sovereign. De Soto, perceiving the admiration which his steed elicited, remounted, and touching the spirited animal with the spur, wentbounding with almost the speed of the wind over the level plain, causing his horse now to rear, and now to plunge, wheeling him around, and thus exhibiting his excellent qualities. He then came down at fullspeed to the spot where the Inca stood, until within a few feet of themonarch, when he checked his horse so suddenly as to throw him backupon his haunches. Some of the attendants of the Inca were evidentlyalarmed; but the Inca himself stood proudly immovable. He reproved hisattendants for their timidity; and Mr. Prescott, who representsAttahuallapa as a very cruel man, intimates that he put some of themto death that evening for betraying such weakness before thestrangers. Refreshments were offered to De Soto and his party, and asort of wine was presented to them in golden cups, of extraordinarysize. 

As De Soto, having fulfilled his mission, was about to leave the royalpresence and return to Caxamarca, Attahuallapa said:

"Tell your companions, that as I am keeping a fast, I cannot to-dayaccept their invitation. I will come to them to-morrow. I may beattended by a large and armed retinue. But let not that give you anyuneasiness. I wish to cultivate your friendship and that of your king. I have already given ample proof that no harm is intended you, thoughyour captain, I am told, mistrusts me. If you think it will please himbetter, I will come with few attendants and those unarmed. "

De Soto warmly assured the Inca that no man could doubt his sincerity, and begged him to consult his own taste entirely in reference to themanner in which he would approach the Spaniards. 

Upon the return of the cavalier to Pizarro, with an account of theinterview, that perfidious chieftain proposed to his men, that theyshould seize the Inca and hold him in captivity as a hostage. Mr. Prescott, in his account of this infamous procedure, speaks of it inthe following apologetic terms:

 "Pizarro then summoned a council of his officers, to consider the plan of operations, or rather to propose to them the extraordinary plan on which he had himself decided. This was to lay an ambuscade for the Inca, and take him prisoner in the face of his whole army. It was a project full of peril, bordering as it might well seem on desperation. But the circumstances of the Spaniards were desperate. Whichever way they turned they were menaced by the most appalling dangers. And better was it to confront the danger, than weakly to shrink from it when there was no avenue for escape. To fly was now too late. Whither could they fly? At the first signal of retreat the whole army of the Inca would be upon them. Their movements would be anticipated by a foe far better acquainted with the intricacies of the Sierra than themselves; the passes would be occupied, and they would be hemmed in on all sides; while the mere fact of this retrograde movement would diminish the confidence and with it the effective strength of his own men, while it doubled that of the enemy. "

The next morning was Saturday, the 16th of November, 1532. The sunrose in a cloudless sky, and great preparations were made by the Incato display his grandeur and his power to his not very welcome guests. A large retinue preceded and followed the monarch, while a courier wassent forward to inform Pizarro of his approach. The Inca, habited in adress which was glittering with gems and gold, was seated in agorgeous open palanquin, borne upon the shoulders of many of hisnobles. 

It was five o'clock in the afternoon, when the Inca, accompanied by asmall but unarmed retinue, entered the public square of the city. Thetents of his troops left outside, spread far and wide over themeadows, indicating the presence of an immense host. The Inca wasclothed in a flowing robe of scarlet, woven of the finest wool, andalmost entirely covered with golden stars and the most precious gems. His head was covered with a turban of variegated colors, to whichthere was suspended a scarlet fringe, the badge of royalty. Thepalanquin, or throne, on which he was seated, was apparently of puregold; and the cushion upon which he sat was covered with the mostcostly gems. His nobles were also dressed in the highest possiblestyle of Peruvian wealth and art. It was estimated that the number ofthe nobles and officers of the court who accompanied the king into thesquare, was about two thousand. A large company of priests was also inattendance, who chanted the Peruvian National Hymn. 

It is very difficult for an honest mind to form any just conception ofsuch a religious fanatic, and such an irreligious wretch as thisFrancisco Pizarro. Just before the Peruvians arrived he had attended asolemn mass, in which the aid of the God of the Christians wasfervently implored in behalf of their enterprise. The mass was closedwith chanting one of the psalms of David, in which God is called uponto arise and come to judgment. Friar Vincent, who was Pizarro'sspiritual adviser, and grand chaplain of the so-called Christian army, was then sent forward with the Bible in one hand and a crucifix in theother, to expound to the Inca the doctrines of the Christian faith, stating that it was for that purpose, and for that only, that theSpaniards had come into the country. 

So far as we can judge from the uncertain records which have reachedus, the views he presented were what are called evangelical, thoughhighly imbued with the claims of the Papal Church. He described thecreation of man, his fall, the atonement by the crucifixion of the Sonof God, his ascension, leaving Peter and his successors, as hisvicegerents upon earth. Invested with this divine power, one of hissuccessors, the present Pope, had commissioned Pizarro to visit Peru, to conquer and convert the natives to the true faith. 

The Inca listened attentively to the arguments of the priest, but wasapparently unmoved by them. He calmly replied:

"I acknowledge that there is but one God, the maker of all things. Asfor the Pope, I know him not. He must be insane to give away thatwhich does not belong to him. The king of Spain is doubtless a greatmonarch, and I wish to make him my friend, but I cannot become hisvassal. "

A few more words were interchanged, when the priest returned into thestone fortress, where Pizarro stood surrounded by his soldiers. Thepriest reported the conversation which had taken place; declared thatthe Inca, in the pride of his heart, had rejected Christianity. Hetherefore announced to Pizarro that he was authorized by the divinelaw, to make war upon the Inca and his people. 

"Go set on them at once, " said he; "spare them not; kill these dogswhich so stubbornly despise the law of God. I absolve you. "

The extraordinary scene which then ensued cannot perhaps be betterdescribed than in the language of Mr. Prescott:

 "Pizarro saw that the hour had come. He waved a white scarf in the air, the appointed signal. The fatal gun was fired from the fortress. Then springing into the square, the Spanish captain and his followers shouted the old war cry of 'St. Jago, and at them!' It was answered by the battle cry of every Spaniard in the city, as rushing from the avenues of the great halls in which they were concealed, they poured into the Plaza, horse and foot, and threw themselves into the midst of the Indian crowd. 

 "The latter, taken by surprise, stunned by the reports of artillery and musketry, the echoes of which reverberated like thunder from the surrounding buildings, and blinded by the smoke which rolled in sulphurous volumes along the square, were seized with a panic. They knew not whither to fly for refuge from the coming ruin. Nobles and commoners all were trampled down under the fierce charge of the cavalry, who dealt their blows right and left, without sparing; while their swords, flashing through the thick gloom, carried dismay into the hearts of the wretched natives, who now, for the first time, saw the horse and his rider in all their terrors. They made no resistance, as indeed they had no weapons with which to resist. 

 "Every avenue to escape was closed, for the entrance to the square was choked up with the dead bodies of men who had perished in vain efforts to fly. And such was the agony of the survivors, under the terrible pressure of their assailants, that a large body of Indians, by their convulsive struggles, burst through the wall of stone and dried clay, which formed the boundary of the Plaza. It fell, leaving an opening of more than a hundred paces, through which multitudes now found their way into the country, still hotly pursued by the cavalry, who, leaping the piles of rubbish, hung on the rear of the fugitives, striking them down in all directions. 

 "There were two great objects in view in this massacre. One was to strike terror into the heart of the Peruvians; the other was to obtain possession of the person of the Inca. It seems that the nobles regarded their sovereign with almost idolatrous homage. They rallied thickly around him, placed their own bodies between him and the sabres of their assailants, and made frantic endeavors to tear the cavaliers from their saddles. Unfortunately they were unarmed, and had neither arrows, javelins nor war clubs. The Inca sat helpless in his palanquin, quite bewildered by the awful storm of war which had thus suddenly burst around him. In the swaying of the mighty mass, the litter heaved to and fro, like a ship in a storm. "

At length several of the nobles who supported it being slain, thepalanquin was overthrown, and the Inca, as he was falling to theground, was caught by the Spaniards. In the confusion of the affray, Pizarro was slightly wounded in the hand by one of his own men. Thiswas the only hurt received by any Spaniard during the bloody affray. 

The Inca being captured, the conflict in the square ceased. But therewas another object in view, as has been stated, and that was to striketerror into the hearts of the Peruvians. Consequently the steel-cladcavaliers pursued the fugitives in all directions, cutting them downwithout mercy. Night, which followed the short twilight of thetropics, put an end to the carnage, and the trumpets of Pizarrorecalled the soldiers, wiping their dripping sabres, to theirfortress. The number slain is variously estimated. The secretary ofPizarro says that two thousand fell. A Peruvian annalist swells thenumber of victims to ten thousand. 

Attahuallapa, the monarch of the great kingdom of Peru, thus suddenlyfound himself a prisoner in one of his own fortresses; surrounded by aband of stern warriors, who had penetrated the heart of his empirefrom a distance of more than two thousand leagues. Pizarro treated theunhappy king with respect, and testifies to the dignity with which hemet his awful reverses. What part De Soto took in the outrages justdescribed, cannot now be known. He had unquestionably in good faith, and as an honorable man, invited the Inca to visit Caxamarca, by whichinvitation he had been enticed into the power of the Spaniards. 

There is evidence that De Soto had no idea of the treachery which wasintended, for it was not until after he had left on his visit to thePeruvian camp that the plot was formed for the seizure of the Inca. Pizarro had two bodies of horsemen. One was commanded by his brotherHernando, and the other by De Soto. There were thirty dragoons in eachband. Unquestionably, Hernando was a very eager participant in thehorrors of this day. It may be that De Soto, from the roof of thefortress, was an inactive spectator of the scene. It does not seempossible that with the character he had heretofore developed, hecould have lent his own strong arm and those of his horsemen to theperpetration of a crime so atrocious. Still military discipline is aterrible power. It sears the conscience and hardens the heart. Thefact that De Soto was present and that there are no evidences ofremonstrances on his part, has left a stigma upon his character whichtime cannot efface. 

The next morning these Spaniards, so zealous for the propagation ofthe Christian faith, unmindful of their professed Christian mission, betook themselves, with all alacrity, to the work of pillage. Thegolden throne, and the royal wardrobe, were of very great value. Thenobles were clad in their richest garments of state, and the groundwas strewn with bodies of the dead, glittering in robes of gold andgems. Having stripped the dead, they then entered the houses andtemples of Caxamarca and loaded themselves down with golden vases, andother booty of great value. As one suggestive item, which reveals theconduct of these brutal men, the good Las Casas states, that a Spanishsoldier seized a young Peruvian girl. When the mother rushed to rescueher child, he cut off her arm with his sword, and then in his ragehewed the maiden to pieces. 

Pizarro now assumed the proud title of "The Conqueror of Peru. " Withthe sovereign as his prisoner, and elated by his great victory, hefelt that there was no resistance that he had to fear. It seems thatAttahuallapa had penetration enough to discern that De Soto was a verydifferent man in character from the Pizarros. He soon became quitecordial and unreserved in his intercourse with him. And there is noevidence that De Soto ever, in the slightest degree, betrayed hisconfidence. One day the Inca inquired of De Soto for what amount ofransom Pizarro would be willing to release him. De Soto was well awareof the timidity and avarice of the captain. The love of the Peruviansfor their sovereign was such, that Pizarro was confident that so longas Attahuallapa was in his power, they would not make war upon him. DeSoto felt therefore that there was no prospect that Pizarro wouldrelease his captive for any ransom whatever, and sadly advised him toresign all such hope. The Inca was greatly distressed. After a fewmoments of silence, he said:

"My friend, do not deprive me of the only hope that can make lifesupportable. I must be free, or I must die. Your commander loves goldabove all things. Surely I can purchase my liberty from him at someprice, and however unreasonable it may be, I am willing to satisfy hisdemand. Tell me, I entreat of you, what sum you think will besufficient?"

For a moment De Soto made no reply. They were sitting in a room, according to the statement of Pizarro's secretary, twenty-two feetlong and seventeen feet broad. Then turning to the Inca, and wishingto impress his mind with the conviction that there was not any ransomwhich could effect his release, he said:

"If you could fill this room with gold as high as I can reach with mysword, Pizarro might perhaps accept it as your ransom. "

"It shall be done, " the Inca eagerly replied. "And I beg you to letPizarro know, that within a month from this day, my part of thecontract shall be fulfilled. "

De Soto was troubled, for he had not intended that as an offer, butrather as a statement of an impossibility. He however felt bound toreport the proposition to Pizarro. Much to his surprise the avariciouscaptain readily accepted it. The contract was drawn up, and Pizarrogave his solemn pledge that upon the delivery of the gold the prisondoors of the captive should be thrown open. But after the terms hadall been settled, the perfidious Spaniard craved a still higherransom, and declared that he would not release his victim unlessanother room of equal size was equally filled with silver. 

Attahuallapa could fully appreciate such dishonorable conduct; for inall moral qualities he seems to have been decidedly superior to hisSpanish antagonist. But without any undignified murmurs, he submittedto this extortion also. Matters being thus arranged, De Soto, with hischaracteristic plain dealing, said to Pizarro:

"I hope you will remember, Don Francisco, that my honor is pledged forthe strict fulfilment of the contract on the part of the Spaniards. Observe, therefore, that as soon as the gold and the silver areproduced, Attahuallapa must have his liberty. "

CHAPTER VII. 

_The Execution of the Inca, and Embarrassments of De Soto. _

 Pledges of Pizarro. --His Perfidy. --False Mission of De Soto. --Execution of the Inca. --His Fortitude. --Indignation of De Soto. --Great Embarrassments. --Extenuating Considerations. --Arrival of Almagro. --March Towards the Capital. 

Pizarro gave his most solemn pledges, on his Christian faith, that sosoon as the money was paid the Inca should be released. The idea doesnot seem to have entered the mind of Attahuallapa that Pizarro couldbe guilty of the perfidy of violating those pledges. The unhappycondition of the Inca excited the strong sympathies of De Soto. Hevisited him often, and having a natural facility for the acquisitionof language, was soon able to converse with the captive in his owntongue. Quite a friendship, founded on mutual esteem, sprang upbetween them. By his strong intercession, Pizarro was constrained toconsent that the gold should not be melted into ingots, thus to fillthe designated space with its solid bulk, but that it should bereceived and packed away in the form of vases, and ornaments, andother manufactured articles, as brought in by the Peruvians. 

Several of the principal officers of Attahuallapa's court were sent toCuzco, the capital of the empire, where the main treasures of thekingdom were deposited. Three Spaniards accompanied these officers. The Inca issued his orders that they should be treated with respect. The people obeyed; for they knew that any injury or insult befallingthe Spaniards would bring down terrible retribution upon their belovedsovereign. Peruvian agents were also dispatched to all the temples tostrip them of their ornaments, and to the homes of the nobility toreceive the plate and golden decorations which were eagerlycontributed as ransom for the king. The cornices and entablatures ofthe temples were often of solid gold, and massive plates of goldencrusted the walls. For several weeks there seemed to be a constantprocession of Peruvians entering the fortress, laden with golden vasesand innumerable other utensils, often of exquisite workmanship. 

Within the allotted time the ransom, enormous as it was, was allbrought in. It is estimated that its value was equal to about twentymillion dollars of our money. The Inca now demanded his release. Theinfamous Pizarro had perhaps originally intended to set him atliberty. But he had now come to the conclusion that the Inca mightimmediately rally around him, not only his whole army, but the wholepopulation of the kingdom, cut off the retreat of the Spaniards, exterminate them, and win back all the plunder so unrighteouslyextorted. Pizarro was consequently plotting for some plausible excusefor putting the monarch to death. The Peruvians thus deprived of theirsovereign, and in a state of bewilderment, would be thrown intoanarchy, and the Spaniards would have a much better chance ofobtaining entire possession of the kingdom. 

Pizarro did not dare to reveal to De Soto his treasonable designs. Hefeared not only his reproaches, but his determined and very formidableresistance. He therefore gave it as an excuse for postponing theliberation of the Inca, that he must wait until he had made a divisionof the spoils. The distribution was performed with imposing religiousceremonies. Mass was celebrated, and earnest prayers were addressed toHeaven that the work might be so performed as to meet the approbationof God. A fifth part of the plunder was set apart for the king ofSpain, the Emperor, Charles the Fifth. Pizarro, as commander of theexpedition, came next, and his share amounted to millions. De Soto wasdefrauded, not receiving half so much as Hernando Pizarro. Still, hisshare in this distribution and in another which soon took place, amounted to over five hundred thousand dollars. This was an enormoussum in those days. It elevated him at once, in point of opulence, tothe rank of the proudest grandees of Spain. 

The great object of De Soto's ambition was accomplished. He hadacquired fame and wealth beyond his most sanguine expectations. Thushe was prepared to return to Spain and demand the hand of Isabella. But his generous nature was troubled. He became very anxious for thefate of the Inca. His own honor was involved in his release, and dayafter day he became more importunate in his expostulations withPizarro. 

"Whatever the consequences may be, " said De Soto, "the Inca must nowbe immediately set at liberty. He has your promise to that effect andhe has _mine_; and my promise, come what will, shall not be violated. "

Pizarro urged, in view of their peril, the delay of a few weeks. DeSoto replied:

"Not a single week, not a day; if you do not liberate the prisoner, Iwill take that liberty on myself. "

"To give him his freedom at this time, " Pizarro replied, "would becertain destruction to us all. "

"That may be, " responded De Soto, "but that should have beenconsidered before he was admitted to ransom. "

"But since that agreement was made, " said Pizarro, "I have receivedinformation which justifies me in changing my intentions. Attahuallapa's officers, acting under his directions, are now engagedin exciting an insurrection for the extermination of the Spaniards. "

De Soto had no faith whatever in this accusation. There was a long andangry controversy. Pizarro called in his interpreter Filipillo, whowas undoubtedly bribed to testify according to the wishes of hismaster. He declared that the Inca was organizing this conspiracy. DeSoto was unconvinced. He still regarded the accusation as a groundlesscalumny. 

Finally they came to a compromise. The treacherous and wily Pizarrosuggested that De Soto should take a party of dragoons and proceed tothat section of the country, where it was said the conspirators wereassembling in vast numbers, in preparation for their onset upon theSpaniards. If De Soto found no indication of such a movement, Pizarrogave his solemn pledge, that immediately upon his return, he wouldrelease Attahuallapa. De Soto agreed to the arrangement, and at onceset out on the journey. 

Pizarro had thus accomplished his object, of being relieved of theembarrassment of De Soto's presence, while he should lead the Inca tohis execution. A sort of council of war was held, though Attahuallapawas not present, and nothing was heard in his defence. It wasnecessary to proceed with the utmost expedition, as De Soto would soonreturn. The horrible verdict of the court was, that the captive shouldbe burned to death at the stake. Pizarro himself, it is said, carriedthe terrible intelligence to the prisoner. 

The Inca, a young man in the very prime of life, being but thirtyyears of age, was horror stricken, and for some time sat in silence, not uttering a word. And then turning to Pizarro, he said:

"Is it possible that you can believe in a God and fear him, and yetdare to commit such an act of injustice? What have I done to deservedeath in any form, and why have you condemned me to a death so unusualand painful. Surely you cannot intend to execute this cruel sentence. "

Pizarro assured him that the decree of the court was unalterable, andmust immediately be carried into effect. 

"Think of the wrong you have already done me, " said the Inca, "and donot forget how much you are indebted to my kindness and forbearance. Icould easily have intercepted you in the mountain passes, and made youall prisoners, or sacrificed you all justly to the offended laws of mycountry. I could have overpowered you with my armed warriors atCaxamarca. But I failed in my duty to my people in receiving you asfriends. You have robbed me of my kingdom and compelled me to insultmy Deity, by stripping his temples to satisfy your avarice. 

"Of all my possessions, you have left me nothing but my life, and thatI supposed you would be willing to spare me, since you can gainnothing by taking it away. Consider how hard it is for me to die, sosuddenly and without any warning of my danger. I have lived but thirtyyears, and until very lately, I had every reason to hope for a longand happy life. My prospects for happiness are blighted forever. But Iwill not complain of that, if you will permit me to live out the termwhich God and nature have allotted me. "

The execution was to take place immediately. Pizarro waited only forthe sun to go down, that darkness might shroud the fiendlike deed. Asthey were talking Pizarro's chaplain, Friar Vincent, came in toprepare the victim for the sacrifice. He was dressed in hisecclesiastical robes, and bore in his hand a large crucifix. Was he anunmitigated knave, or was he a fanatic? Who but God can tell. 

"It is time for you, " said he, "to withdraw your thoughts from earthlyvanities and fix them upon the realities of the eternal world. You arejustly condemned to death, for your infidelity and other sins. I callon you to accept the free gift of salvation which I now offer you, sothat you may escape the greater punishment of eternal fire. "

The Inca seemed to pay little heed to these words, but with a gestureof impatience and anger, exclaimed:

"Oh, where is De Soto? He is a good man, and he is my friend. Surelyhe will not allow me to be thus murdered. "

"De Soto, " the priest replied, "is far away. No earthly help can availyou. Receive the consolations of the Church; kiss the feet of thisimage, and I will absolve you from your sins, and prepare you to enterthe kingdom of Heaven. "

"I worship the Maker of all things, " the Inca firmly replied. "As muchas I desire to live, I will not forsake the faith of my fathers toprolong my life. "

Two hours after sunset, the sound of the trumpet assembled the Spanishsoldiers by torchlight in the great square of Caxamarca. It was theevening of the twenty-ninth of August, 1533. The clanking of chainswas heard as the victim, manacled hand and foot, toiled painfully overthe stone pavement of the square. He was bound by chains to the stake;the combustible fagots were piled up around him. Friar Vincent then, it is said, holding up the cross before the victim, told him that ifhe would embrace Christianity he should be spared the cruel death bythe flames, and experience in its stead only the painless death of thegarotte, and that the Inca did, while thus chained to the stake, abjure his religion and receive the rite of baptism. In reference tothis representation Mr. Lambert A. Wilmer, in his admirable life ofFerdinand De Soto, says:

 "As the traducers of the dead Inca were permitted to tell their own story without fear of contradiction, it is impossible to assign any limits to their fabrications. And their testimony is probable, only when it tends to criminate themselves. Perhaps the greatest injustice which these slanderers have done to Attahuallapa's memory, was by pretending that he became an apostate to his own religion and a convert to Catholicism just before his death. 

 "If this story were true, how could Pizarro justify himself, or how could the Pope and the king of Spain excuse him for putting a Christian to death on account of sins committed by an infidel. Surely the royal penitent, when he entered the pale of the Holy Catholic Church, would be entitled to a free pardon for those errors of conduct which were incidental to his unregenerate condition. We are told that when the Inca had consented to be baptized by Father Vincent, Pizarro graciously commuted his sentence, and allowed him to be strangled before his body was reduced to ashes. "

These fictions were doubtless contrived to illustrate Pizarro'sclemency, and Father Vincent's apostolic success. 

The probability is, as others state, that the Inca remained firm tothe end; the torch was applied, and while the consuming flameswreathed around him, he uttered no cry. In this chariot of fire thespirit of this deeply outraged man was borne to the judgment of God. 

De Soto soon returned. He was almost frantic with indignation when helearned of the crime which had been perpetrated in his absence, andperceived that his mission was merely an artifice to get him out ofthe way. His rage blazed forth in the most violent reproaches. Hastening to the tent of Pizarro, he rudely pushed aside a sentinelwho guarded the entrance, and found the culprit seated on a low stool, affecting the attitude of a mourner. A large slouched hat was bentover his eyes. 

"Uncover yourself;" said De Soto, "unless you are ashamed to look ahuman being in the face. " Then with the point of his sword he struckoff his hat, exclaiming:

"Is it not enough that I have disgraced myself in the eyes of theworld by becoming your companion and confederate, making myselfaccessory to your crimes, and protecting you from the punishment youdeserve. Have you not heaped infamy enough upon me, withoutdishonoring me by the violation of my pledges, and exposing me to thesuspicion of being connected with the most cruel and causeless murderthat ever set human laws and divine justice at defiance? I haveascertained, what you well knew before I left Caxamarca, that thereport of the insurrection was utterly false. I have met nothing onthe road but demonstrations of good will. The whole country is quiet, and Attahuallapa has been basely slandered. You, Francisco Pizarro, are his slanderer, and you are his murderer. 

"To prove that I have had no participation in the deed, I will makeyou accountable for his death. Craven and prevaricating villain as youare, you shall not escape this responsibility. If you refuse to meetme in honorable combat, I will denounce you to the king of Spain as acriminal, and will proclaim you to the whole world as a coward and anassassin. "

Pizarro was both, an assassin and a coward. He stood in awe of hisintrepid lieutenant. He did not dare to meet him in a personalrencontre, and he well knew that De Soto was not a man to be taken byforce or guile, as he could immediately rally around him the wholebody of his well-drilled dragoons. He therefore began to make excuses, admitted that he had acted hastily, and endeavored to throw the blameupon others, declaring that by their false representations they hadforced him to the act. 

In the midst of the dispute, Pizarro's brothers--for there were two inthe camp--entered the tent. De Soto, addressing the three, said:

"I am the champion of Attahuallapa. I accuse Francisco Pizarro ofbeing his murderer. " Then throwing his glove upon the floor, hecontinued:

"I invite any man who is disposed to deny that Francisco Pizarro is acoward and an assassin, to take it up. "

The glove remained untouched. De Soto turned upon his heelcontemptuously, and left the tent, resolved, it is said, no longer tohave any connection whatever with such perfidious wretches. Heimmediately resigned his commission as lieutenant-general andannounced his determination to return to Spain. But alas, for humanfrailty and inconsistency, he was to take with him the five hundredthousand dollars of treasure of which the Peruvians had beenruthlessly despoiled. Perhaps he reasoned with himself, "What can I do with it. The Inca is dead. It would not be wise tothrow it into the streets, and I surely am not bound to contribute itto the already enormous wealth of Pizarro. "

Another source of embarrassment arose. Reinforcements to the number oftwo hundred men had just arrived at Caxamarca, under Almagro. Theyhad been sent forward from Panama, commissioned by the king of Spainto join the enterprise. The whole number of Spanish soldiers, assembled in the heart of the Peruvian empire, now amounted to aboutfive hundred. Mountain ridges rose between them and the sea-coast, inwhose almost impassable defiles a few hundred resolute men mightarrest the advance of an army. The Peruvians had a standing force offifty thousand soldiers. The whole population of the country wasroused to the highest pitch of indignation. They were everywheregrasping their arms. Nothing but the most consummate prudence couldrescue the Spaniards from their perilous position. The danger wasimminent, that they would be utterly exterminated. 

For De Soto, under these circumstances, to abandon his comrades, andretire from the field, would seem an act of cowardice. He had noconfidence in the ability of the Pizarros to rescue the Spaniards. Hetherefore judged that duty to his king and his countrymen demanded ofhim that he should remain in Peru, until he could leave the army in asafe condition. 

Pizarro did not venture to resent the reproaches and defiance of DeSoto, but immediately prepared to avail himself of his militaryabilities, in a march of several hundred miles south to Cuzco, thecapital of the empire. With characteristic treachery, Pizarro seizedone of the most distinguished nobles of the Peruvian court, and heldhim as a hostage. This nobleman, named Chalcukima, had occupied someof the highest posts of honor in the kingdom, and was greatly reveredand beloved by the Peruvians. Pizarro sent far and wide theannouncement, that upon the slightest movement of hostility on thepart of the natives, Chalcukima would be put to death. 

The Spaniards now set out on their long march. It was in the month ofSeptember, 1533, one of the most lovely months in that attractiveclime. But for the rapine, carnage and violence of war, such a tourthrough the enchanting valley of the Cordilleras, in the midst offruits and flowers, and bird songs, and traversing populous villagesinhabited by a gentle and amiable people, would have been anenterprise full of enjoyment. But the path of these demoniac men wasmarked by the ravages of fiends. And notwithstanding the greatembarrassments in which De Soto found himself involved, it is verydifficult to find any excuse for him, in allowing himself to be one oftheir number. 

Francisco Pizarro led the band. His brother Hernando, De Soto, andAlmagro, were his leading captains. But it was the genius of De Sotoalone, with his highly disciplined dragoons, which conducted theenterprise to a successful issue. He led the advance; he was alwayssent to every point of danger; his sword opened the path, throughwhich Pizarro followed with his vagabond and plundering crew. 

In trembling solicitude for his own safety, Pizarro not only heldChalcukima as a hostage, but he also seized upon Topaxpa, the young, feeble and grief-stricken son of the murdered Attahuallapa, anddeclared him to be, by legitimate right, the successor to the throne. Thus he still had the Inca in his power. The Peruvians were stillaccustomed to regard the Inca with almost religious homage. Topaxpawas compelled to issue such commands as Pizarro gave to him. Thus anadditional element of embarrassment was thrown into the ranks of thePeruvians. Communication between different parts of the empire wasextremely difficult and slow. There were no mails and no horses. Thisgave the mounted Spaniards a vast advantage over their bewilderedvictims. 

For several days the Spanish army moved delightfully along, through aseries of luxuriant valleys, where the secluded people had scarcelyheard of their arrival in the country. The movement of the glitteringhost was one of the most wonderful pageants which Peruvian eyes hadever beheld. A multitude of men, women and children, thronged thehighway, gazing with curiosity and admiration upon the scene, andastonished by the clatter of the hoofs of the horses upon theflag-stones, with which the national road was so carefully paved. During these few days of peaceful travel the natives presented noopposition to the march, and the presence of De Soto seemed torestrain the whole army from deeds of ruffianly violence. WheneverPizarro wished to engage in any of his acts of villany, he was alwayscareful first to send De Soto away on some important mission. 

They were now approaching a deep and rapid mountain stream, where thebridge had either been carried away by the recent flood or had beendestroyed by the Peruvians. They were also informed that quite a largearmy was gathered upon the opposite bank to arrest, with the aid ofthe rushing torrent, the farther advance of the Spaniards. Pizarroimmediately ordered a halt. De Soto, with a hundred horsemen, was sentforward to reconnoitre, and, if possible, to open the path. Almagro, with two hundred footmen, followed closely behind to support thecavalry. 

De Soto, without paying much attention to his infantry allies, pressedso rapidly forward as soon to leave them far behind. He reached theriver. It was a swollen mountain torrent. Several thousand natives, brandishing their javelins and their war clubs, stood upon theopposite bank of the stream. De Soto and his horsemen, without amoment's hesitation, plunged into the stream, and some by swimming andsome by fording, soon crossed the foaming waters. As the war horses, with their steel-clad riders, came rushing upon the Peruvians, theirkeen swords flashing in the sunlight, a large part of the army fled ingreat terror. It seemed to them that supernatural foes had descendedfor their destruction. 

A few remained, and fought with the energies of despair. But they werepowerless before the trampling horses and the sharp weapons of theirfoes. They were cut down mercilessly, and it was the genius of De Sotowhich guided in the carnage, and the strong arm of De Soto which ledin the bloody fray. And we must not forget that these Peruvians werefighting for their lives, their liberty, their all; and that theseSpaniards were ruthless invaders. Neither can we greatly admire theheroism displayed by the assailants. The man who is carefully glovedand masked can with impunity rob the bees of their honey. The wolfdoes not need much courage to induce him to leap into the fold of thelambs. 

In the vicinity of this routed army there was a pagan temple; that is, a temple dedicated to the Sun, the emblem of the God of thePeruvians. It was in those days thought that the heathen and all theirpossessions, rightly belonged to the Christians; that it was the justdesert of the pagans to be plundered and put to death. Even the mindof De Soto was so far in accord with these infamous doctrines of abenighted age, that he allowed his troopers to plunder the temple ofall its rich treasures of silver and of gold. A very large amount ofbooty was thus obtained. One of the principal ornaments of this templewas an artificial sun, of large size, composed of pure and solid gold. 

Mr. Wilmer, speaking of this event, judiciously remarks:

 "De Soto, finding his path once more unobstructed, pushed forward, evidently disposed to open the way to Cuzco without the assistance of his tardy and irresolute commander. It is a remarkable fact, and one which admits of no denial, that every important military movement of the Spaniards in Peru, until the final subjugation of the empire by the capture of the metropolis, was conducted by De Soto. Up to the time to which our narrative now refers, Pizarro had never fought a single battle which deserved the name. The bloody tragedy of Caxamarca, it will be remembered, was only massacre; the contrivance and execution of which required no military skill and no soldier-like courage. Pizarro acquired the mastery of Peru by the act of a malefactor. And he was, in fact, a thief and not a conqueror. The _heroic_ element of this conquest is represented by the actions of De Soto. "

CHAPTER VIII. 

_De Soto Returns to Spain. _

 Dreadful Fate of Chalcukima. --His Fortitude. --Ignominy of Pizarro. --De Soto's Advance upon Cuzco. --The Peruvian Highway. --Battle in the Defile. --De Soto takes the Responsibility. --Capture of the Capital and its Conflagration. --De Soto's Return to Spain. --His Reception there. --Preparations for the Conquest of Florida. 

Considering the relations which existed between De Soto and Pizarro, it is not improbable that each was glad to be released from thepresence of the other. It is very certain that so soon as De Soto wasgone, Pizarro, instead of hurrying forward to support him in thehazardous encounters to which he was exposed, immediately engaged, with the main body of his army, in plundering all the mansions of thewealthy and the temples on their line of march. And it is equallycertain that De Soto, instead of waiting for the troops of Pizarro tocome up, put spurs to his horse and pressed on, as if he were anxiousto place as great a distance as possible between himself and hissuperior in command. 

Though De Soto had allowed his troops to plunder the temple of Xauxa, he would allow no robbery of private dwellings, and rigidly prohibitedthe slightest act of violence or injustice towards the persons of thenatives. 

It will be remembered that Pizarro had threatened to hold Chalcukimaresponsible for any act of hostility on the part of the Peruvians. Henow summoned his captive before him, and charged him with treason;accusing him of having incited his countrymen to measures ofresistance. Chalcukima, with dignity and firmness which indicate anoble character, replied:

"If it had been possible for me to communicate with the people, Ishould certainly have advised them to do their duty to their country, without any regard to my personal safety. But you well know that thevigilance with which you have guarded me, has prevented me from makingany communication of the kind. I am sorry that it has not been in mypower to be guilty of the fact with which you charge me. "

The wretched Pizarro, utterly incapable of appreciating the grandeurof such a character, ordered him to be burned at the stake. Thefanatic robber and murderer, insulting the cross of Christ, by callinghimself a Christian, sent his private chaplain, Friar Vincent, toconvert Chalcukima to what he called the Christian faith. The priestgave an awful description of the glooms of hell, to which the prisonerwas destined as a heathen. In glowing colors he depicted thesplendors of the celestial Eden, to which he would be admitted themoment after his execution if he would accept the Christian faith. Thecaptive coldly replied:

"I do not understand your religion, and all that I have seen of itdoes not impress me in its favor. "

He was led to the stake. Not a cry escaped his lips, as the fierceflames consumed his quivering flesh. From that scene of short, sharpagony, we trust that his spirit ascended to be folded in the embraceof his Heavenly Father. It is a fundamental principle in the teachingsof Jesus, that in every nation he that feareth God, and doethrighteousness, is accepted of him. But God's ways here on earth areindeed past all finding out. Perhaps the future will solve thedreadful mystery, but at present, as we contemplate man's inhumanityto man, our eyes are often blinded with tears, and our hearts sinkdespairingly within us. 

De Soto pressed rapidly onwards, league after league, over sublimeeminences and through luxuriant vales. The road was admirable: smoothand clean as a floor. It was constructed only for foot passengers, asthe Peruvians had no animals larger than the lama or sheep. Thisadvance-guard of the Spanish army, all well mounted, and inspired bythe energies of their impetuous chief, soon reached a point where theroad led over a mountain by steps cut in the solid rock, steep as aflight of stairs. Precipitous cliffs rose hundreds of feet on eitherside. Here it was necessary for the troopers to dismount, andcarefully to lead their horses by the bit up the difficult ascent. 

The road was winding and irregular, leading through the most savagescenery. This pass, at its summit, opened upon smooth table-land, luxuriant and beautiful under the influence of a tropical sun andmountain showers and dews. About half way up this pass, upon almostinaccessible crags, several thousand Peruvians had assembled to makeanother attempt at resistance. Arrows and javelins were of but littleavail. Indeed they always rebounded from the armor of the Spaniards asfrom the ledges of eternal rock. 

But the natives had abundantly provided themselves with enormousstones to roll down upon the heads of men and horses. Quite a band ofarmed men were also assembled upon the open plain at the head of thepass. As the Spaniards were almost dragging their horses up the gorge, suddenly the storm of war burst upon them. Showers of stone descendedfrom the cliff from thousands of unseen hands. Huge boulders werepried over and went thundering down, crashing all opposition beforethem. It seems now incomprehensible why the whole squadron ofhorsemen was not destroyed. But in this awful hour the self-possessionof De Soto did not for one moment forsake him. He shouted to his men:

"If we halt here, or attempt to go back, we must certainly perish. Ouronly safety is in pressing forward. As soon as we reach the top of thepass, we can easily put these men to flight. "

Suiting his action to his words, and being at the head of his men, hepushed forward with almost frantic energy, carefully watching andavoiding the descending missiles. Though several horses and many menwere killed, and others sorely wounded, the majority soon reached thehead of the pass. They then had an unobstructed plain before them, over which their horses could gallop in any direction at their utmostspeed. 

Impetuously they fell upon the band collected there, who wielded onlythe impotent weapons of arrows, javelins and war clubs. The Spaniards, exasperated by the death of their comrades, and by their own wounds, took desperate vengeance. No quarter was shown. Their sabres drippedwith blood. Few could escape the swift-footed steeds. The dead weretrampled beneath iron hoofs. Night alone ended the carnage. 

During the night the Peruvians bravely rallied from their widedispersion over the mountains, resolved in their combined force tomake another attempt to resist their foes. They were conscious thatshould they fail here, their case was hopeless. 

At the commencement of the conflict a courier had been sent back, byDe Soto, to urge Almagro to push forward his infantry as rapidly aspossible. By a forced march they pressed on through the hours of thenight, almost upon the run. The early dawn brought them to the pass. Soon the heart of De Soto was cheered as he heard their bugle blastsreverberating among the cliffs of the mountains. Their bannersappeared emerging from the defile, and two hundred well-armed menjoined his ranks. 

Though the Peruvians were astonished at this accession to the numberof their foes, they still came bravely forward to the battle. It wasanother scene of slaughter for the poor Peruvians. They inflicted butlittle harm upon the Spaniards, while hundreds of their slain soonstrewed the ground. 

The Spanish infantry, keeping safely beyond the reach of arrow orjavelin, could, with the deadly bullet, bring down a Peruvian as fastas they could load and fire, while the horsemen could almost withimpunity plunge into the densest ranks of the foe. The Peruvians werevanquished, dispersed, and cut down, until the Spaniards even wereweary with carnage. This was the most important battle which wasfought in the conquest of Peru. 

The field was but twenty-five miles from the capital, to which thearmy could now advance by an almost unobstructed road. De Soto wasanxious to press on immediately and take possession of the city. Hehowever yielded to the earnest entreaties of Almagro, and consented toremain where he was with his band of marauders. This delay, in amilitary point of view, proved to be very unfortunate. Had they goneimmediately forward, the vanquished and panic-stricken Peruvians wouldnot have ventured upon another encounter. But Almagro was the friendof Pizarro, dependent upon him, and had been his accomplice in many adeed of violence. He was anxious that Pizarro should have the renownof a conqueror, and should enjoy the triumph of riding at the head ofhis troops into the streets of the vanquished capital. 

This delay of several days gave the Peruvians time to recover fromtheir consternation, and they organized another formidable line ofdefense in a valley which the Spaniards would be compelled totraverse, a few miles from the city. Pizarro was still several milesin the rear. De Soto dispatched a courier to him, informing him of thenew encounter to which the army was exposed, and stating that thePeruvians were well posted, and that every hour of delay added totheir strength. Still Pizarro loitered behind; still Almagro expressedhis decided reluctance to advance before Pizarro's arrival. To add toDe Soto's embarrassments, he declared that De Soto was acting withoutauthority and in direct opposition to the orders of his superior. After a little hesitancy De Soto resolved to take the responsibilityand to advance. He said to Almagro:

"A soldier who is entrusted with an important command, is not bound inall cases to await the orders of his superior. Where there ismanifestly an important advantage to be gained, he must be allowed toact according to his own discretion. "

He then appealed to his own dragoons, saying to them:

"The whole success of our expedition now depends upon the celerity ofour movements. While we are waiting for Pizarro, our best chance forvictory will be lost. "

With one united voice the dragoons of De Soto demanded to be ledforward. Availing himself of this enthusiasm, De Soto put his troopsin motion. The Peruvians were a few miles in advance, strongly postedin a deep and rugged ravine, where they hoped that the movements ofthe horses would be so impeded that they could accomplish but little. They pressed forward, and the battle was immediately commenced. Bothparties fought with great fury. In the midst of the conflict a largereinforcement of the natives came rushing upon the field, under theleadership of a young Peruvian noble, who displayed truly chivalriccourage and energy. De Soto was ever where the blows fell thickest andwhere danger was most imminent. 

Quite a number of the Peruvians were slain, and many dead horses werestrewed over the field. At one time De Soto, separated from hiscomrades by the surging tides of the battle, found himself surroundedby twenty Peruvians, who, with arrows, javelins and battle clubs, assailed him with the utmost impetuosity. Javelins and arrows glancedharmless from the Spanish armor. But war clubs, armed with copper andwielded by sinewy arms, were formidable weapons even for the beltedknight to encounter. De Soto, with his keen and ponderous sword, cuthis way through his assailants, strewing the ground with the dead. Theyoung Peruvian, who, it is said, was heir to the throne of the Inca, had assumed the general command. 

He gazed with astonishment upon the exploits of De Soto, and said indespairing tones to his attendants: "It is useless to contend withsuch enemies! These men are destined to be our masters. "

Immediately he approached De Soto, throwing down his arms, advancingalone, and indicating by gestures that he was ready to surrender. Thebattle at once ceased, and most of the Peruvian army rushedprecipitately back towards the city. In a state of frenzy they appliedthe torch in all directions, resolved to thwart the avarice of theconqueror by laying the whole city and all its treasures in ashes. Theinhabitants of Cuzco, almost without exception, fled. Each one seizedupon whatever of value could be carried away. Volumes of smoke and thebursting flames soon announced to the Spaniards the doom of the city. 

De Soto and his dragoons put spurs to their horses and hastenedforward, hoping to extinguish the conflagration. Now that the battlewas fought and the victory won, Francisco Pizarro, with his band ofmiscreants, came rushing on to seize the plunder. 

 "They came like wolves or jackals to fatten on the prey which never could have been attained by their own courage or prowess. The disappointment of Pizarro and his congenial associates, when they found that the principal wealth of the city had been carried off by the Peruvians, vented itself in acts of diabolical cruelty. They seized on the aged and sick persons who had been unable to escape, and put many of them to the torture to make them confess where the treasures of Cuzco were concealed. Either these unfortunate people could not give the information required, or they had sufficient firmness to endure agony and death rather than betray the consecrated treasures of their national monuments and altars into the hands of their enemies. "[A]

[Footnote A: Life of Ferdinand De Soto, by Lambert A. Wilmer, p. 272. ]

It was late in the afternoon of a November day, 1533, when thedragoons of De Soto, closely followed by the whole Spanish army, entered the burning streets of Cuzco. They ran about eagerly in alldirections searching for gold in the blazing palaces and temples. Thusan immense amount of spoil was found, which the Peruvians had beenunable to remove. It is said that after one-fifth had been subtractedfor the Spanish crown, and the officers had received their abundantshares, the common soldiers, four hundred and eighty in number, received each one a sum amounting to four thousand dollars. 

Peru was conquered, but the victors had indeed gained a loss. Nearlyall who were engaged in the enterprise perished miserably. Almagro waseventually taken captive by the Peruvians and strangled. HernandoPizarro, returning to Spain, languished for weary years in a prison. The younger brother was beheaded. Friar Vincent, who had given thesupport of religion to many of the most atrocious of these crimes, fell into an ambush with a small party, and they all were massacred. Francisco Pizarro himself fell a victim to a conspiracy among his ownsoldiers, and at mid-day was put to death in his own palace. But wemust leave these wild men to their career of cruelty and crime, whilewe follow the footsteps of De Soto. 

Early in the year 1534, De Soto took leave of his comrades in Peru, and embarked for Spain. He had left his native land in poverty. He nowreturned after an absence of about fifteen years, greatly enriched, prepared in opulence as well as in illustrious birth to take his standwith the proudest grandees of that then opulent realm. His last laborsin Peru were spent in unavailing endeavors to humanize the spirit ofhis countrymen there, and to allay the bitter feuds which werespringing up among them. But his departure seemed to remove from themall restraints, and Spaniards and Peruvians alike were whelmed in acommon ruin. 

No account has been transmitted to us of De Soto's return voyage. While he was in Peru, Don Pedro had died. His sick-bed was a scene oflingering agony, both of body and of mind. The proud spirit issometimes vanquished and crushed by remorse; but it is never, by thosescorpion lashes, subdued, and rendered humble and gentle and lovable. The dying sinner, whose soul was crimsoned with guilt, wasoverwhelmed with "a certain fearful looking for of judgment and fieryindignation. " The ecclesiastics, who surrounded his death-bed, assuredhim that such sins as he had been guilty of could only be expiated bythe most liberal benefactions to the church. He had never forgivenIsabella for her pertinacious adherence to De Soto. In the grave hecould not prohibit their nuptials. By bequeathing his wealth to thechurch, he could accomplish a double object. He could gratify hisrevenge by leaving his daughter penniless, and thus De Soto, if hecontinued faithful, would be compelled to receive to his arms adowerless bride; and a miserable superstition taught him that he couldthus bribe God to throw open to him the gates of paradise. 

Don Pedro's eldest daughter, Maria, was engaged to be married to VascoNuñez, the very worthy governor who had preceded Don Pedro at Darien, and whom he had so infamously beheaded. She had spent fifteen years inher father's castle in the gloom and tears of this cruel widowhood. Don Pedro bequeathed nearly all his fortune to the endowment of amonastery, over which Maria was appointed abbess. Isabella was leftunprovided for. Thus suddenly the relative position of the two loverswas entirely changed. De Soto found himself in possession of largewealth. Isabella was reduced to poverty. We know not where to find, in the annals of history, the record of a more beautiful attachmentthan that which, during fifteen years of separation, trial, and soresttemptations, had united the hearts of De Soto and Isabella. Their lovecommenced when they were children, walking hand in hand, and playingin the bowers of Don Pedro's ancestral castle. 

De Soto had now attained the age of thirty-five years. Isabella wasonly a few years younger. When we contemplate her youth, her beauty, the long years of absence, without even a verbal message passingbetween them, the deadly hostility of her father to the union, and thefact that her hand had been repeatedly solicited by the most wealthyof the Spanish nobility, this fidelity of Isabella to her youthfullove is one of the most remarkable in the records of time. 

 "During the long separation, " says Mr. Wilmer, "of these exemplary lovers, many important changes had taken place. Time and sorrow had somewhat dimmed the lustre of Isabella's beauty. But she was still the fairest among ten thousand, and De Soto was too deeply enamored and too justly appreciative to value her the less, because the rose had partially faded from her cheek. "

Immediately upon De Soto's return to Spain, as all obstacles to theirunion were removed, the nuptial ceremony was performed. The voice offame had already proclaimed De Soto as the real conqueror of Peru. Assuch, he had not only enriched himself, but had also greatly enrichedthe Spanish crown. All eyes were fixed upon him. It is said that atonce he became the most noted and most popular man in the kingdom. Heand his bride were received at the Spanish court with the mostflattering marks of distinction. In his style of living he assumedalmost regal splendor. He had acquired his money very suddenly, and helavished it with an unsparing hand. A contemporary annalist writes:

 "He kept a steward, a gentleman usher, several pages, a gentleman of the horse, a chamberlain, a footman, and all other officers that the house of a nobleman requires. "

One of the most splendid mansions in Seville he selected for hisresidence, and in less than two years he found that one-half of hisprincely fortune had melted away. They were two years of adulation, ofself-indulgence, of mental intoxication. It was a delirious dream fromwhich he suddenly awoke. Reflection taught him that he mustimmediately curtail his expenses, and very seriously, or engage insome new enterprise to replenish his wasting purse. 

The region of North America called Florida, a territory of undefinedand boundless extent, was then attracting much attention as a freshfield for the acquisition of gold and glory. Several expeditions hadtouched upon the unknown coast, but from various causes had provedentire failures. Eight years before this De Narvaez had visited thecountry with three hundred adventurers. He found the natives far morewarlike than the Peruvians, and the country more difficult of access. De Narvaez himself, and nearly all his band, fell before the fury ofthe Floridians. Five only escaped. One of these, Cabaca de Vaca, a manof glowing imagination, and who held the pen of a ready writer, wrotea Baron Munchausen account of the expedition. He descanted upon thedelicious clime, the luxuriant soil, the populous cities, thearchitectural splendor of the edifices, and the inexhaustible mines ofsilver and of gold. There was no one to call his account in question. His extravagant stories were generally believed. 

De Soto, who was in the prime of his vigorous manhood, having as yetonly attained his thirty-seventh year, read this narrative andpondered these statements with enthusiasm. A couple of years ofinaction in his luxurious saloons had inspired him with new zeal forromantic adventure; and to this there was added the powerful motive ofthe necessity of retrieving his fortunes. He believed that gold couldbe gathered in Florida, even more abundantly than in Peru; that bythe aid of the crown a numerous colony might be established where, under genial skies, every man could be put into possession of broadacres of the most luxuriant soil. And he felt fully confident that hislong experience on the isthmus and in Peru, qualified him in thehighest degree to be the leader of such an enterprise. 

In these views he was sustained by the common sentiment of the wholecommunity. De Soto applied to the king of Spain, the Emperor CharlesFifth, for permission to organize an expedition, at his own expense, for the conquest of Florida. He offered to the crown, as usual for itsshare, one-fifth of the plunder. 

Eagerly the Emperor, who was always in need of money, accepted theproposition, "asking no questions, for conscience sake. " The Emperorwas very profuse in conferring honors and titles upon his heroicsubject. He appointed him governor of the island of Cuba, which he wasto make the base of his operations, investing him with almostdictatorial powers as both military and civil governor. He alsogranted him a private estate in Florida, with the title of marquis, inwhatever part of the country he might choose. This magnificent estatewas to consist of a region, ninety miles long and forty-five mileswide. 

As soon as it was known throughout Spain that De Soto was about toembark on such an enterprise, volunteers began to flock to hisstandard. He would accept of none but the most vigorous young men, whom he deemed capable of enduring the extremes of toil and hardship. In a few months nine hundred and fifty men were assembled at SanLucar, eager to embark. Many of these were sons of the wealthy nobles, who were thoroughly equipped in splendid style, with costly armor, andaccompanied by a train of servants. 

Twenty-four ecclesiastics, of various grades, joined the expedition, whose arduous task it was to convert the natives to that religion ofthe Spaniards which allowed them to rob their houses and theirtemples, to maltreat their wives and daughters, to set fire to theirvillages, to hunt them down with bloodhounds, and to trample themunder the iron hoofs of their fiery steeds. 

Never before had an expedition set out so abundantly supplied. Notonly was every necessity provided for, but luxury and even wastefulextravagance reigned through the armament. De Soto himself was a manof magnificent tastes. Many who were with him in Peru, and had becomethere enriched, had joined the enterprise. And the young nobles ofSpain surrounded themselves with the conveniences and splendor whichlarge wealth could furnish. 

CHAPTER IX. 

_The Landing in Florida. _

 The Departure from Spain. --Arrival in Cuba. --Leonora and Tobar. --Isabella Invested with the Regency. --Sad Life of Isabella. --Sailing of the Expedition. --The Landing at Tampa Bay. --Outrages of Narvaez. --Noble Spirit of Ucita. --Unsuccessful Enterprises. --Disgrace and Return of Porcallo. 

The brilliant armament spread its sails to a favorable breeze at theport of San Lucar, on the morning of the sixth of April, 1538. Thesquadron consisted of seven large ships, and three smaller vessels. Itmust have been an imposing and busy scene in that little bay, uponwhich the sun looked serenely down three hundred years ago. Inaddition to the Floridian fleet, there was another squadron oftwenty-six sail, at the same time weighing anchor, bound for Mexico. Bugle peals resounded from ship and shore, while salvoes of artilleryswept over the waves and reverberated among the cliffs. 

Isabella accompanied her husband, and quite an imposing train ofattendants was attached to the governor's family. The sail of afortnight brought them to the Canary Islands. The Count Gomera, aSpanish nobleman, was in command. No religious scruples lent theirrestraints to his luxurious court. He had a very beautiful daughter, seventeen years of age, named Leonora. The father loved her tenderly. He was perhaps anxious to shield her from the deleterious influenceswith which she was surrounded. The high moral worth of Isabellaimpressed him; and arrangements were made for Leonora to accompanyIsabella to Cuba, as a companion, to be treated in all respects as herown daughter. 

On the twenty-fourth of April the fleet again set sail, and reachedSt. Jago de Cuba the latter part of May. This city was then thecapital of the island. It was situated on the southern shore, at thehead of a bay running inland about six miles. It was then quitepopulous, and was opulent with the wealth of which previous Spanishadventurers had robbed the unhappy Cubans. The whole city turned outwith music, and banners and gorgeous processions, to give a suitablereception to their new governor. 

A grand tournament was held on the occasion. Among the cavaliers whowere contending for the prizes there was a young nobleman, Nuño deTobar, who was De Soto's lieutenant-general. He was one of the mostaccomplished of the Spanish grandees, and bore off many of the prizes. The beauty of Leonora won his admiration. They were thrown muchtogether, and he betrayed her. At the confessional Leonora opened herheart to the priest. It is probable that he communicated with thegovernor. De Soto's indignation was thoroughly roused. He summoned theculprit before him. Tobar, deeming his offense a very trivial one, without hesitation acknowledged it, thinking, perhaps, that he mightreceive some slight reprimand. He was not a little surprised when thegovernor said in indignant tones:

"Leonora was placed under my care by her father. I pledged myself toprotect her at the hazard of my own life. To-morrow morning you mustmeet me in single combat, where you will have a chance to protect thelife you have justly forfeited. "

There was no man probably, in the whole Spanish army, who could safelycross swords with De Soto in mortal strife. Tobar was appalled. Hewell knew that in such a rencontre death was his inevitable doom. Overwhelmed with confusion, he said:

"I have not committed a capital crime. If I had, I should not expectyour Excellency to be my executioner. It is impossible for me tocontend with you in single combat. By accepting your challenge, I doommyself to certain destruction. "

De Soto replied: "Your crime is not a trivial one. You cannot evadethe consequences by refusing to meet them. To say nothing of the wrongyou have done this unhappy girl, your treachery to me deserves thepunishment of a traitor. You may choose whether you will die like asoldier, sword in hand, or like a criminal, under the axe of theexecutioner. "

Tobar withdrew. He hastened to the room of the confessor. With him hecalled upon Leonora, and, taking a few witnesses, repaired to thechurch, where the marriage ceremony was immediately performed. Withinan hour he returned to the governor and informed him that he had madeall the reparation in his power. De Soto, his brow still clouded withsevere displeasure, replied:

"You have saved your life, but you can never regain my confidence. Youare no longer my lieutenant. That office can be held only by one whosehonor is unsullied. "

De Soto remained about three months in Cuba, making a tour of theisland, establishing his government, purchasing horses, and makingother preparations for the expedition to Florida. While thus engaged, he sent a vessel, with a picked crew, to coast along the shores of theland he was about to invade, in search of a commodious harbor, wherehis troops might disembark. After many perilous adventures, the vesselreturned with a satisfactory report. 

The fleet, and all the armament it was to bear, were rendezvoused atHavana, on the northern coast of Cuba, where a fair wind in a fewhours would convey them to the shores of Florida. On the twelfth ofMay, some authorities say the eighteenth, of the year 1539, theexpedition set sail upon one of the most disastrous adventures inwhich heroic men ever engaged. Terrible as were the woes theyinflicted upon the natives, no less dreadful were the calamities whichthey drew down upon themselves. 

Isabella had been anxious to accompany her husband to Florida. But he, aware of the hardships and perils to which they would be exposed, would not give his consent. She consequently remained at Cuba, entrusted with the regency of the island. She never saw her husbandagain. Poor Isabella! In sadness she had waited fifteen years for hernuptials. Two short years had glided away like a dream in the night. And then, after three years of intense anxiety, during which she heardalmost nothing of her husband, the tidings reached her of his death. It was a fatal blow to her faithful and loving heart. World-weary andsorrow-crushed, she soon followed him to the spirit-land. Such islife; not as God has appointed it, but as sin has made it. 

The expedition consisted of eight large ships, a caraval, and twobrigantines. They were freighted with everything which could be deemedneedful to conquer the country, and then to colonize it. The forceembarked, in addition to the sailors who worked the ships, consistedof a thousand thoroughly armed men, and three hundred and fiftyhorses. Contrary winds gave them a slow passage across the gulf. Onthe twenty-fifth of May they entered the harbor of which they were insearch. It was on the western coast of the magnificent peninsula. DeSoto then gave it the name of Espiritu Santo. It is now however knownas Tampa Bay. 

As they entered the harbor beacon fires were seen blazing along theeminences, indicating that the natives had taken the alarm, and werepreparing for resistance. Several days were employed in cautioussounding of the harbor and searching for a suitable landing-place, asit seemed probable that opposition was to be encountered. On the lastday of May, a detachment of three hundred soldiers landed on the beachand took possession of the land in the name of Charles the Fifth. Theserene day was succeeded by a balmy night. Not an Indian was to beseen; and the bloom, luxuriance and fruitage of the tropics, spreadenchantingly around them. 

The hours of the night passed away undisturbed. But just before dawn aterrific war-whoop resounded through the forest, as from a thousandthroats, and a band of Indian warriors came rushing down, hurling uponthe invaders a shower of arrows and javelins. The attack was sosudden and impetuous that the Spaniards were thrown into a panic. Theyrushed for their boats, and with loudest bugle peals, called for aidfrom their companions in the ships. The summons met with a promptresponse. Boats were immediately lowered, and a large party ofsteel-clad men and horses were sent to their aid. 

When Nuño Tobar was degraded, and dismissed from his office aslieutenant-general, a rich, hair-brained Spanish nobleman, by the nameof Vasco Porcallo, took his place. He was a gay cavalier, brave evento recklessness, of shallow intellect, but a man who had seen muchhard service in the battlefields of those days. He was very rich, residing at Trinidad in Cuba. He joined the enterprise for theconquest of Florida, influenced by an instinctive love of adventure, and by the desire to kidnap Indians to work as slaves on hisplantations. The valiant Porcallo headed the party sent to the rescueof those on shore. 

In such an adventure he was entirely in his element. Immediately uponlanding he put spurs to his horse and, accompanied by only sevendragoons, with his sabre flashing in the air, plunged into the verythickest of the Indians. Soon they were put to flight. An Indianarrow, however, pierced his saddle and its housings, and reached thevitals of his horse. The noble steed dropped dead beneath him. Porcallo was quite proud of his achievement, and boasted not a littlethat his arm had put the _infidels_, as he called the Indians, toflight, and that his horse was the first to fall in the encounter. 

During the day all the troops were disembarked and encamped upon theshore. It was reported that there was quite a populous Indian town atthe distance of about six miles from the place of landing. While theammunition and commissary stores were being brought on shore, thelittle army marched for this village. It was the residence of thechief of the powerful tribe who occupied that region. His name wasUcita, and from him the village received the same appellation. 

The Spaniards met with no opposition on their march. But when theyreached the village they found it entirely deserted. It was quite alarge town, the houses being built substantially of timber, thatchedwith palm leaves. Many of these edifices were large and commodious, containing several rooms. Their articles of household furniture wereconvenient, and some of them quite elegant. The dresses, especiallythose of the females, were artistic and often highly ornamental. Verybeautiful shawls and mantillas were manufactured by them. Their finestfabrics were woven by the hand from the fibrous bark of themulberry-tree and hemp, which grew wild and in abundance. The nativeshad acquired the art of rich coloring, and the garments thusmanufactured by them were often really beautiful. The walls of thehouses of the wealthier citizens were hung with tapestry of verysoftly tanned and richly prepared buckskin; and carpets of the samematerial were spread upon the floors. 

The Floridians were not acquainted with iron, that most indispensablearticle with nations of high enlightenment. But they had succeeded inimparting a temper to copper, so as to give many of their tools quitea keen edge. Though the inhabitants of Florida had not attained thatdegree of civilization which had been reached by the Peruvians, itwill be seen that they were immeasurably in advance of the savages inthe northern portion of the continent, and that their homes farsurpassed those of the peasantry of Ireland, and were more tastefuland commodious than the log huts which European emigrants erect astheir first home in the wilderness of the West. They cultivated theground mainly for their subsistence, though hunting and fishing wereresorted to, then as now, for recreation as well as for food. 

De Soto took possession of the deserted village, and occupied thehouses of the inhabitants as barracks for his soldiers. A fewstraggling Indians were taken captive. From them he learned that hewas doomed to suffer for the infamous conduct of the Spanishadventurer, Narvaez, who had preceded him in a visit to this region. This vile man had been guilty of the most inhuman atrocities. He hadcaused the mother of the chief Ucita to be torn to pieces bybloodhounds, and in a transport of passion had awfully mutilated Ucitahimself, by cutting off his nose. Consequently, the chief and all hispeople were exasperated to the highest degree. The injuries they hadreceived were such as could never be forgiven or forgotten. 

De Soto was very anxious to cultivate friendly relations with theIndians. Whatever may have been his faults, his whole career thus farhad shown him to be by nature a kind-hearted and upright man, hatingoppression and loving justice. The faults of his character ratherbelonged to the age in which he lived, than to the individual man. Nomilitary leader has ever yet been able to restrain the passions of hissoldiers. Wherever an army moves, there will always be, to a greateror less degree, plunder and violence. De Soto earnestly endeavored tointroduce strict discipline among his troops. He forbade the slightestact of injustice or disrespect towards the Indians. Whenever a captivewas taken, he treated him as a father would treat a child, andreturned him to his home laden with presents. He availed himself ofevery opportunity to send friendly messages to Ucita. But themutilated chief was in no mood to be placated. His only reply to thesekind words was, "I want none of the speeches or promises of the Spaniards. Bring metheir heads and I will receive them joyfully. "

The energies of De Soto inspired his whole camp. The provisions andmunitions of war were promptly landed and conveyed to Ucita. The placewas strongly fortified, and a hardy veteran, named Pedro Calderon, wasplaced in command of the garrison entrusted with its defence. All thelarge ships were sent back to Cuba, probably to obtain fresh suppliesof military stores; some say that it was to teach the army that, therebeing no possibility of escape, it now must depend upon its own valorfor existence. 

De Soto was very unwilling to set out for a march into the interiorfor discovery and in search of gold, while leaving so powerful a tribeas that over which Ucita reigned, in hostility behind him. Hetherefore sent repeated messages to Ucita expressing his utterdetestation of the conduct of Narvaez; his desire to do everything inhis power to repair the wrong which had been inflicted upon him, andhis earnest wish to establish friendly relations with thedeeply-injured chief. 

These reiterated friendly advances, ever accompanied by correspondentaction, at length in some slight degree mitigated the deadly rancor ofUcita, so that instead of returning a message of defiance and hate, hesent back the truly noble response:

"The memory of my injuries prevents me from returning a kind reply toyour messages, and your courtesy is such that it will not allow me toreturn a harsh answer. "

The man who, under these circumstances, could frame such a reply, musthave been one of nature's noblemen. De Soto could appreciate thegrandeur of such a spirit. While these scenes were transpiring, a manwas brought into the camp, in Indian costume, who announced himself asa Spaniard by the name of Juan Ortiz. He had been one of theadventurers under Narvaez. In the extermination of that infamous bandhe had been taken captive and bound to the stake, to be consumed. Hewas then but eighteen years of age, tall and very handsome. As thetongues of torturing flame began to eat into his quivering flesh, cries of agony were extorted from him. 

He was in the hands of a powerful chief, whose daughter is representedas a very beautiful princess, by the name of Uleleh. She was aboutsixteen years of age, and could not endure the scene. She threw herarms around her father's neck, and with tears of anguish pleaded thathis life might be saved. He was rescued; and though for a time hesuffered extreme cruelty, he eventually became adopted, as it were, into the tribe, and for ten years had resided among the Indians, sometimes regarded as a captive, upon whom heavy burdens could beimposed, and again treated with great kindness. Juan Ortiz being thusfamiliar with the habits of the natives and their language, became aninvaluable acquisition to the adventurers. 

De Soto inquired very earnestly of him respecting the country and theprospect of finding any region abounding with silver and gold. Ortizhad but little information to give, save that, at the distance ofabout a hundred miles from where they then were, there was a greatchief named Uribaracaxi, to whom all the adjacent chiefs weretributary. His realms were represented as far more extensive, populous, and rich than those of the surrounding chieftains. De Sotodispatched a band of sixty horsemen and sixty foot soldiers withpresents and messages of friendship to Uribaracaxi. The object of theexpedition was to explore the country and to make inquiries respectinggold. 

A weary march of about forty miles brought the party to the village ofMucozo, where Ortiz had resided for some years. The chief of thistribe, whose name was also Mucozo, was brother-in-law to Uribaracaxi. Mucozo received the Spaniards with great hospitality, and learningthat they were on a friendly visit to Uribaracaxi, furnished them witha guide. Four days were occupied in a tedious march through a countrywhere pathless morasses continually embarrassed their progress. 

This expedition was under the command of Balthazar de Gallegos. Hereached his point of destination in safety. But the chief, deeming itnot prudent to trust himself in the hands of the Spaniards, whoserenown for fiendish deeds had filled the land, had retired from hiscapital, and nearly all the inhabitants had fled with him. He left forhis uninvited guests no message either of welcome or defiance. Gallegos found all his attempts to open any communications with himunavailing. There was no plunder in the city worth seizing, and DeSoto's commands to the expedition were very strict, to treat theIndians with the utmost kindness and humanity. 

Gallegos made earnest inquiries of the Indians whom he met, as to theprovinces where gold and silver could be found. They told him thatthere was a country many leagues west of them, of marvellousluxuriance and beauty, where gold was found in such abundance that thewarriors had massive shields and helmets made of that precious metal. The more shrewd of the Spaniards placed very little reliance uponthis testimony. They thought they saw evidence that the Indians wereready to fabricate any story by which they could rid themselves oftheir visitors. 

Soon after the departure of Gallegos, De Soto received theintelligence that the chief Ucita had taken refuge in a forest, surrounded with swamps, not far from the Spanish camp. Thevainglorious Porcallo was exceedingly indignant that the Indian chiefshould presume to hold himself aloof from all friendly advances. Heentreated De Soto to grant him the privilege of capturing thefugitive. De Soto complied with his request. The impetuous old man, fond of parade, and lavish of his wealth, selected a band of horsemenand footmen, all of whom were gorgeously apparelled for the occasion. He, himself, was mounted on a magnificent steed and cased inglittering armor. 

It seems that the noble Ucita kept himself well informed of everymovement of the invaders. With a spirit of magnanimity which wouldhave done honor to the best Christian in the Spanish ranks, he sent acourier to meet Porcallo, and to say to him, "You will only expose yourself to infinite peril from the rivers, morasses, and forests through which you will have to pass in yourattempt to reach my retreat. My position is so secure that all yourattempts to take me will result only in your own loss. I do not sendyou this message from any fears on my own account, but because yourleader, De Soto, has manifested so much forbearance in not injuring myterritory or my subjects. "

It is really refreshing to find here and there, among all thesedemoniac deeds of demoniac men, some remaining traces of that nobilityof character which man had before the fall, when created in God'simage he was but little lower than the angels. Man, as we see himdeveloped in history, is indeed a ruin, but the ruin of a once noblefabric. When we think of what man might be, in all generousaffections, and then think of what man is, it is enough to cause oneto weep tears of blood. 

Porcallo could not appreciate the magnanimity of Ucita. He regardedthe message as one of the stratagems of war, dictated either by fearor cowardice. He therefore ordered the trumpets to sound the advance, his only fear being, that the chief might escape. Porcallo, a Quixoticknight, had no element of timidity in his character. He led histroops. He never said "Go, " but "Follow. " Pressing rapidly forward, the little band soon arrived upon the border of a vast and dismalmorass, utterly pathless, stretching out many leagues in extent. 

The hot-headed cavalier, thinking that the swamp might be waded, putspurs to his horse and dashed forward. He had advanced but a few rodswhen the horse, struggling knee-deep through the mire, stumbled andfell. One of the legs of the rider was so caught beneath the animal asto pin him inextricably in the morass, covering him with water andwith mud. The weight of his armor sank him deeper in the mire, and inthe desperate struggles of the steed for extrication, he was in greatdanger of being suffocated. None could come to his aid without dangerof being swallowed up in the bog. 

The unfeeling and brutal soldiers stood upon the borders of the morasswith shouts of merriment, as they witnessed the sudden discomfiture oftheir leader; a discomfiture the more ludicrous, in contrast with hisgorgeous attire, and his invariably proud and lofty bearing. At lengthPorcallo extricated himself, and, drenched with water, and coveredwith mud, led his equally bemired steed to the land. He was humiliatedand enraged. The derision of the soldiers stung him to the quick. Hehad embarked in the expedition to gain glory and slaves. He hadencountered disgrace; and the prospect of kidnapping the natives, under such a leader as De Soto had proved himself to be, was verysmall. 

It is probable that before this disaster he had seriously contemplatedabandoning the expedition and returning to his princely mansion inTrinidad. Ordering his men to face about, he sullenly and silentlyreturned to the Spanish camp. Throwing up his commission with disgust, he embarked for Cuba, and we hear of him no more. 

 "His train of servants, " writes Mr. Theodore Irving, "Spanish, Indian and negro, were embarked with all speed. But when the gallant old cavalier came to take leave of his young companions in arms, and the soldiers he had lately aspired to lead so vain-gloriously, his magnificent spirit broke forth. He made gifts to the right and left, dividing among the officers and knights all the arms, accoutrements, horses and camp equipage, with which he had come so lavishly and so ostentatiously provided, and gave, for the use of the army, all the ample store of provisions and munitions brought for the use of himself and his retinue. This done, he bade farewell to campaigning and set sail for Cuba, much to the regret of the army, who lamented that so gallant a spirit should have burned out so soon. "[B]

[Footnote B: Conquest of Florida, by Theodore Irving, p. 81. ]

Indeed, it is stated in what is called "The Portuguese Narrative" ofthese events, that Porcallo and De Soto had already quarrelled sodecisively that they were no longer on speaking terms. Porcallo, thoroughly destitute of moral principle, was a slave hunter; acharacter whom De Soto thoroughly despised, and whose operations hewould not on any account allow to be carried on in his army. Porcallotherefore found no difficulty in obtaining permission to retire fromthe service. Probably both the governor and his lieutenant wereequally happy to be rid of each other. 

[Illustration]

CHAPTER X. 

_The March to Ochile. _

 The March Commenced. --The Swamps of Florida. --Passage of the Morass. --Heroism of Sylvestre. --Message to Acuera. --His Heroic Reply. --Fierce Hostility of the Indians. --Enter the Town of Ocali. --Strange Incident. --Death of the Bloodhound. --Historical Discrepancies. --Romantic Entrance to Ochile. 

The day after the departure of Porcallo, a courier from CaptainGallegos, accompanied by a small guard, came to the Spanish camp atUcita. He informed De Soto that there was an ample supply ofprovisions at Uribaracaxi to sustain the army for several days; andthat he had received information that at not a great distance fromthat place large quantities of gold could be obtained. De Soto and hiscompanions were greatly elated by these tidings, trusting that theywere about to enter upon another Peru. A garrison of forty horsemenand eighty foot soldiers, was left at Ucita, to protect the militaryand commissariat stores collected there, and to guard the threevessels still remaining in the bay. Captain Calderon, who was left incommand, was strictly enjoined to treat the Indians with the utmostkindness, and not to make war upon them, even if provoked by tauntsand insults. 

De Soto, then, with the main body of his army, set out on the marchfor Uribaracaxi. It was soon very evident to him that he was not inPeru. There was no smoothly-paved highway for his soldiers totraverse. The country was pathless, rough, apparently uninhabited, encumbered with tangled forests, and vast dismal swamps. It was a veryarduous enterprise for soldiers burdened with heavy armor to forcetheir way through such a wilderness, with the baggage essential tosuch a body of men. 

One of the great objects of the governor, and a humane one, was toestablish a colony in Florida. A herd of three hundred swine was keptin the line of march, as these animals were deemed the mostadvantageous stock for new settlers. After a toilsome march of twodays they reached the native village of Mucozo, where the friendlychief of the same name resided. It is said that this place is nowcalled Hichipuchsassa. The chief received them with great hospitality. 

Pressing on without delay, they soon reached Uribaracaxi, which townit is supposed was situated near the head of the Hillsborough river, which stream empties into Tampa Bay. The chief was still absent, inhis place of refuge, amidst the fastnesses of the forest. All of DeSoto's friendly endeavors to draw him from his retreat provedunavailing. The Spaniards were yet to traverse many leagues of thisunknown country before they could enter the region where it wassupposed the gold could be found. 

Florida is emphatically a region of swamps. There is probably nosection of our country which, in a state of nature, would be moredifficult for the passage of an army. About nine miles from thevillage, directly on their line of march, extending far away to theeast and the west, there was a vast bog three miles wide. It was achaotic region of mud and water, with gigantic trees and entanglingroots. After long search a passage was found through which, by thetoilsome efforts of a whole day, the army forced its way. Beyond theswamp there opened before them a smooth, luxuriant flower-enamelledprairie. Rejoicingly the army pressed forward over this beautifulexpanse, when suddenly they found their steps again arrested by aseries of sluggish streams, stagnant bayous, and impenetrable bogs. 

De Soto now took a hundred horse and a hundred foot soldiers, andleaving the remainder of the army safely encamped, set out to explorethe country in search of a practicable route of travel. For three dayshe skirted the region of bogs, lakes and thickets, sending out hisrunners in different directions to find some outlet. But there was nooutlet for the journeyings of civilized men. They captured someIndians, who offered to guide them, but who treacherously led them tomore difficult passes and into ambushes where many of their horseswere slain. The dreadful punishment of these false guides was to betorn to pieces by bloodhounds. They bore their sufferings with amazingfortitude. 

At length they found a very rude, difficult and dangerous path bywhich the Indians crossed these swamps. At one point, where the watercould not be forded for a distance of nearly three hundred feet, theIndians had constructed a bridge by cutting down two large trees anduniting the space that still remained between them in this Stygianlake, by tying logs together, with cross-poles for flooring. To add tothe embarrassments of the Spaniards, apparently innumerable smallbands of Indians were hovering on their track, assailing them withtheir sharp-pointed arrows, wherever they could get a shot, and thenescaping into the impenetrable region around. They were very carefulnever to come to an open conflict. Canoes, propelled by the paddle, would often dart out from the thickets, a shower of arrows bedischarged, and the canoes disappear where no foot could follow them. 

A very bold courier, on one of the fleetest horses, was sent back tosummon the main body of the army to march, under the command ofMoscoso, and join the party of explorers which De Soto had led. Thisyoung man, by the name of Sylvestre, accomplished his feat through athousand perils and hair-breadth escapes. 

Three days De Soto's band had passed struggling through bog and brake, bramble and forest. Sylvestre was to find his path back travellingwith all possible speed by night as well as by day. One attendant onlywas with him, Juan Lopez. They never could have found their path butthrough the sagacity of their horses. These noble animals seemed to beendowed for the time with the instinct of setter dogs. For in thedarkness of the night they would puff and snort, with their nosesclose to the ground, ever, under the most difficult circumstances, finding the track. The distance over which they urged their horsesexceeded thirty miles. For three days the poor creatures had not beenunsaddled, and the bits had but occasionally been removed from theirmouths that they might enjoy the brief refreshment of grazing. 

 "At times, " writes Mr. Irving, "they passed within sight of huge fires, around which the savages were stretched in wild fantastic groups, or capering and singing, and making the forests ring with yells and howlings. These were probably celebrating their feasts with war-dances. The deafening din they raised was the safeguard of the two Spaniards, as it prevented the savages noticing the clamorous barking of their dogs, and hearing the tramping of the horses as they passed. "[C]

[Footnote C: Conquest of Florida, p. 89. ]

Immediately on the arrival of these two bold troopers, Moscosodispatched supplies for the governor with an escort of thirtyhorsemen. In the mean time the troops under De Soto were nearlyperishing with hunger. They were compelled to leave their encampmentin search of food. Fortunately, at no great distance, they found abeautiful valley, waving luxuriantly with fields of corn or maize. Here they encamped and here were soon joined by the escort and theirwelcome supplies. In a few days Moscoso came also with the residue ofthe army. They were about sixty miles north of Uribaracaxi. It issupposed the place is now known by the old Indian name of Palaklikaha. 

The chief, whose name was Acuera, and all his people had fled to thewoods. De Soto sent Indian interpreters to him with friendly messagesand the declaration that the Spaniards had no desire to do him anyinjury; but that it was their power, if the Indians resisted, topunish them with great severity. He also commissioned them to make thedeclaration, which to him undoubtedly seemed perfectly just andreasonable, but which, to our more enlightened minds, seems atrociousin the extreme, that it was their only object to bring him and hispeople into obedience to their lawful sovereign, the king of Spain. With this end in view, he invited the chief to a friendly interview. It can hardly be doubted that in that benighted age De Soto felt thathe was acting the part of a just and humane man, and of a Christian, in extending the _Christian_ reign of Spain over the heathen realms ofFlorida. Acuera returned the heroic reply:

"Others of your accursed race have, in years past, poisoned ourpeaceful shores. They have taught me what you are. What is youremployment? To wander about like vagabonds from land to land; to robthe poor; to betray the confiding; to murder in cold blood thedefenceless. With such a people I want no peace--no friendship. War, never-ending, exterminating war, is all the boon I ask. You boastyourself valiant; and so you may be, but my faithful warriors are notless brave; and this, too, you shall one day prove, for I have swornto maintain an unsparing conflict while one white man remains in myborders; not openly, in battle, though even thus we fear not to meetyou, but by stratagem, and ambush, and midnight surprisals. I am kingin my own land, and will never become the vassal of a mortal likemyself. As for me and my people, we choose death, yes a hundreddeaths, before the loss of our liberty and the subjugation of ourcountry. "

This answer certainly indicates a degree of intelligence and mentalculture far above what we should expect to find in the chief of atribe of Florida Indians. The chivalric spirit of De Soto compelledhim to admire the heroism it displayed. He consequently redoubled hisefforts to gain the friendship of the chief, but all in vain. Fortwenty days De Soto remained in this encampment, recruiting his troopsand making arrangements for a farther advance. The Indians madeconstant warfare upon him, lurking in the thickets which denselysurrounded his camp. No Spaniard could wander one hundred stepswithout danger of being shot down by an invisible foe, whose deadlyarrow was more noiseless in its flight than the sighing of the breezethrough the tree tops. In this way, during these twenty days, fourteenSpaniards were killed and many more wounded. Fifty Indians also fellstruck by the bullets of the invaders. De Soto allowed himself only ina war of self-defence. He strictly prohibited his followers from doingany injury to the villages or the property of the natives, or ofengaging in the slightest act of violence towards any who were not inactive hostility against them. 

After twenty days of such repose as could be found in this warharassed camp, De Soto resumed his march. He directed the steps of hisarmy in a northeasterly direction towards a town called Ocali, aboutsixty miles from their encampment. It seems that in most, if not allof this region, the chief and his principal town bore the same name. 

The path of the army led just over a dreary expanse of desert sands, about thirty miles broad. There was no underbrush, and over the smoothsurface both men and horses could travel with the greatest ease. Theythen entered upon a beautiful region of fertility and luxuriance. Fields of corn waved their graceful leaves and bannered heads in thebreeze. Farm houses and pleasant villages were scattered around, indicating that peace, with its nameless blessings, reigned there. They reached the central town, Ocali, and found it to consist of sixhundred substantially built houses. This would give the place apopulation of probably not less than three thousand. 

But the chief, Ocali, and his principal inhabitants, with theireffects, had fled to the forests. The Spanish army immediately took upits quarters in the dwellings of Ocali. They found here an amplesupply of provisions, which they seem without any questionings to haveappropriated to their own use. The clime was balmy, the regionbeautiful, the houses commodious, the food abundant, and the fewIndians who remained behind manifested no hostility. The commonsoldiers, following the example of their leader, treated all withgreat kindness. 

De Soto sent several Indian messengers daily to the retreat of thechief with proffers of peace and friendship. Though Ocali rejected allthese overtures, it seems that they must have made an impression onthe minds of some of his followers. 

One day, four young Floridian warriors, gorgeously dressed and withnodding plumes, came to the Spanish camp. De Soto received them withgreat cordiality and invited them to a handsome collation with hisprincipal officers. Mr. Irving, in his well authenticated narrative, gives the following account of the scene which there ensued:

 "They sat down and appeared to be eating quietly, when perceiving the Spaniards to be off their guard, they rose suddenly and rushed full speed to the woods. It was in vain for the Spaniards to pursue them on foot, and there was no horse at hand. A hound of uncommon sagacity, however, hearing the cry of the Indians, and seeing them run, pursued them. Overtaking and passing by the first and second and third, he sprang upon the shoulders of the foremost and pulled him to the ground; as the next Indian passed on, the dog, leaving the one already down, sprang upon his successor and secured him in the same way. In like manner he served the third and fourth, and then kept running from one to the other, pulling them down as fast as they rose, and barking so furiously that the Indians were terrified and confounded and the Spaniards were enabled to overtake and capture them. They were taken back to the camp and examined separately. For as they were armed, the Spaniards apprehended some treachery; but it appeared that their sudden flight was only by way of exploit, to show their address and fleetness. "[D]

[Footnote D: Irving's Conquest of Florida, p. 100. ]

Ocali, after resisting for six days all friendly advances, was atlength induced to visit the Spanish camp. He was received by De Sotowith the greatest kindness, and every effort was made to win hisconfidence. There was a deep and wide river near the village which itwas necessary for the Spaniards to cross in their advance. De Soto, accompanied by Ocali and several of his subjects, was walking on thebanks of this stream to select a spot for crossing, by means of abridge or raft, when a large number of Indians sprang up from thebushes on the opposite side, and assailing them with insulting andreproachful language, discharged a volley of arrows upon them, bywhich one of the Spaniards was wounded. 

Upon De Soto's demanding of the chief the meaning of this hostilemovement, Ocali replied, that they were a collection of his mutinoussubjects, who had renounced their allegiance to him, in consequence ofhis friendship for the Spaniards. The bloodhound, to which we havealluded, that had so sagaciously captured the four Floridians, was inthe company held in a leash by one of the servants of the governor. The moment the ferocious animal heard the yells of the Indians, andwitnessed their hostile actions, by a desperate struggle he broke fromhis keeper and plunged into the river. In vain the Spaniardsendeavored to call him back. The Indians eagerly watched his approach, and as he drew near they showered upon him such a volley of arrows, that more than fifty pierced his head and shoulders. He barely reachedthe land, when he fell dead. The army mourned the loss of thesagacious, fearless and merciless brute as if he had been one of themost valiant of their warriors. 

It soon became evident that Ocali had but slight influence over histribe. De Soto, apprehensive that it might be thought that he detainedhim against his will, advised him to return to his people, assuringhim that he would always be a welcome guest in the Spanish camp. Heleft, and they saw him no more. 

Crossing the river by a rude bridge constructed by the Spanishengineers, De Soto took the lead with a hundred horse and a hundredfoot. After a monotonous march of three days over a flat country, theycame to a very extensive province called Vitachuco, which was governedin common by three brothers. The principal village, Ochile, was rathera fortress than a village, consisting of fifty large buildingsstrongly constructed of timber. It was a frontier military post; forit seems that this powerful tribe was continually embroiled in warwith the adjacent provinces. Mr. Williams, in his History of Florida, locates Ochile just south of what is called the Allachua prairie. 

There are two sources of information upon which we are dependent formost of the facts here recorded. One is, the "History of Hernando DeSoto, " written by the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega. He was the son of aSpanish nobleman and of a Peruvian lady of illustrious rank. Hisnarrative was written as related to him, by a friend who was one ofthe expedition. With some probable exaggerations it is generallydeemed authentic. Mr. Southey describes the work as one of the mostdelightful in the Spanish language. 

The other is what is called "The Portuguese Narrative. " It is from thepen of an anonymous writer, who declares himself to have been aSpanish cavalier, and that he describes the scenes of which he was aneye-witness. Though these two accounts generally harmonize, there isat times very considerable discrepancy between their statements. Inthe extraordinary events now to be chronicled, the writer hasgenerally endeavored to give the narrative, as has seemed to him mostprobable, in comparing the two accounts, with the well-establishedcharacter of De Soto. 

The advance guard of the Spanish army marched all night, and justbefore the dawn of the morning, entered the silent streets of Ochile. Wishing to produce as deep an impression as possible upon the minds ofthe Indians, their drums were beat, and their trumpets emitted theirloudest blasts, as one hundred horsemen with clattering hoofs, and onehundred footmen with resounding arms, startled the citizens from theirrepose. To these simple natives, it must have been a scene almost asastounding as if a legion of adventurers, from the star Sirius, wereat midnight to make their appearance in the streets of a Europeancity. 

The house of the chief was centrally situated. It was a large mansion, nearly three hundred feet in length by one hundred and twenty inwidth. There were also connected with it quite a number ofoutbuildings of very considerable dimensions. 

As a matter of course, immediately the whole population was in thestreets in a state of utter amazement. It was the object of De Soto toappear in such strength, and to take such commanding positions, aswould prevent any assault on the part of the Indians, which would leadto bloodshed. He was well informed of the warlike reputation of thechief who resided there; and knew that in that fortress he wassurrounded by a numerous band of warriors, ever armed and always readyfor battle. The region around was densely populated. Should the chiefescape, determined upon hostility, and rally his troops around him, itmight lead to sanguinary scenes, greatly to be deplored. 

De Soto immediately held an interview with the chief; treated him withthe utmost kindness and assured him that he had no intention ofinflicting any injury upon him or any of his subjects; that he soughtonly for permission to pass peaceably and unmolested through hisrealms. The soldiers were strictly enjoined to treat the natives inthe most friendly manner, and not to allow themselves, by anyprovocation whatever, to be drawn into a conflict. 

The chief was very narrowly watched, that he might not escape. Stillhe was unconscious of his captivity, for he was held by invisiblechains. 

During the following day the main body of the army entered Ochile withall the pomp which prancing horses richly accoutred, gorgeousuniforms, bugle-blasts, waving banners, and glittering armor couldpresent. Ocile, its chief, and his warriors were at the mercy of theSpaniards. But they had come not as conquerors, but as peacefultravellers, with smiles and presents, and kindly words. Still thepower of these uninvited guests was very manifest, and it was veryevident that any hostility on the part of the natives would bring downupon them swift destruction. 

It so happened, that the youngest of the three brother chiefs residedat Ochile. At the suggestion of De Soto, he sent couriers to his twobrothers, informing them of the arrival of the Spaniards, of theirfriendly disposition, and of their desire simply to pass through thecountry unmolested. At the same time he stated, by request of De Soto, that the strength of the Spaniards was such that they were abundantlyable to defend themselves; and that should any attack be made uponthem, it would lead to results which all would have occasion todeplore. 

The capital of the second brother was not far distant. In three dayshe came to Ochile, decorated in gorgeous robes of state andaccompanied by a retinue of his warriors, in their most showy costume. It is recorded that he had the bearing of an accomplished gentleman, and seemed as much at ease amidst the wondrous surroundings of theSpanish camp, as if he had been accustomed to them all his days. Heentered into the most friendly relations with De Soto and hisdistinguished officers, and seemed very cordially to reciprocate alltheir courteous attentions. 

CHAPTER XI. 

_The Conspiracy and its Consequences. _

 The Three Brother Chieftains. --Reply of Vitachuco to his Brothers. --Feigned Friendship for the Spaniards. --The Conspiracy. --Its Consummation and Results. --Clemency of De Soto. --The Second Conspiracy. --Slaughter of the Indians. --March of the Spaniards for Osachile. --Battle in the Morass. 

Of the three brothers who reigned over this extended territory theelder bore the same name with the province which he governed, whichwas Vitachuco. He was far the most powerful of the three, in both theextent and populousness of his domain. His two brothers had united insending an embassy to him, earnestly enjoining the expediency ofcultivating friendly relations with the Spaniards. The following veryextraordinary reply, which he returned, is given by Garcilaso de laVega. And though he says he quotes from memory, still he pledges hisword of honor, that it is a truthful record of the message Vitachucosent back. We read it with wonder, as it indicates a degree of mentalenlightenment, which we had not supposed could have been found amongthose semi-civilized people. 

"It is evident, " said the chief to his brothers, "that you are youngand have neither judgment nor experience, or you would never speak asyou have done of these hated white men. You extol them as virtuousmen, who injure no one. You say that they are valiant; are children ofthe Sun, and merit all our reverence and service. The vile chainswhich they have hung upon you, and the mean and dastardly spirit whichyou have acquired during the short period you have been their slaves, have caused you to speak like women, lauding what you should censureand abhor. 

"You remember not that these strangers can be no better than those whoformerly committed so many cruelties in our country. Are they not ofthe same nation and subject to the same laws? Do not their manner oflife and actions prove them to be the children of the spirit of evil, and not of the Sun and Moon--our Gods? Go they not from land to landplundering and destroying; taking the wives and daughters of othersinstead of bringing their own with them; and like mere vagabondsmaintaining themselves by the laborious toil and sweating brow ofothers!

"Were they virtuous, as you represent, they never would have lefttheir own country; since there they might have practised theirvirtues; planting and cultivating the earth, maintaining themselves, without prejudice to others or injury to themselves, instead ofroving about the world, committing robberies and murders, havingneither the shame of men nor the fear of God before them. Warn themnot to enter into my dominions. Valiant as they may be, if they dareto put foot upon my soil, they shall never go out of my land alive. "

De Soto and his army remained eight days at Ochile. By unweariedkindness, he so won the confidence of the two brother chiefs, thatthey went in person to Vitachuco to endeavor by their unitedrepresentations to win him to friendly relations with the Spaniards. Apparently they succeeded. Vitachuco either became really convincedthat he had misjudged the strangers, or feigned reconciliation. Heinvited De Soto and his army to visit his territory, assigning to theman encampment in a rich and blooming valley. On an appointed day thechief advanced to meet them, accompanied by his two brothers and fivehundred warriors, in the richest decorations and best armament ofmilitary art as then understood by the Floridians. 

De Soto and Vitachuco were about of the same age and alike magnificentspecimens of physical manhood. The meeting between them was as cordialas if they had always been friends. The Indian warriors escorted theirguests from their encampment to the capital. It consisted of twohundred spacious edifices, strongly built of hewn timber. Several dayswere passed in feasting and rejoicing, when Juan Ortiz informed thegovernor that some friendly Indians had revealed to him that a plothad been formed, by Vitachuco, for the entire destruction of theSpanish army. 

The chief was to assemble his warriors, to the number of about tenthousand, upon an extensive plain, just outside the city, ostensiblyto gratify De Soto with the splendors of a peaceable parade. To disarmall suspicion, they were to appear without any weapons of war, whichweapons were however previously to be concealed in the long grass ofthe prairie. De Soto was to be invited to walk out with the chief towitness the spectacle. Twelve very powerful Indians, with concealedarms, were to accompany the chief or to be near at hand. It wassupposed that the pageant would call out nearly all the Spaniards, andthat they would be carelessly sauntering over the plain. At a givensignal, the twelve Indians were to rush upon De Soto, and take himcaptive if possible, or if it were inevitable, put him to death. 

At the same moment the whole band of native warriors, grasping theirarms, was to rush upon the Spaniards in overpowering numbers of ten toone. In this way it was supposed that every man could speedily be putto death or captured. Those who were taken prisoners were to beexposed to the utmost ingenuity of Indian torture. 

This seemed a very plausible story. De Soto, upon careful inquiry, became satisfied of its truth. He consulted his captains, and decidedto be so prepared for the emergence, that should he be thus attacked, the Indian chief would fall into the trap which he had prepared forhis victims. 

The designated day arrived. The sun rose in a cloudless sky and agentle breeze swept the prairie. Early in the morning, Vitachucocalled upon De Soto, and very obsequiously solicited him to conferupon him the honor of witnessing a grand muster of his subjects. Hesaid they would appear entirely unarmed, but he wished De Soto towitness their evolutions, that he might compare them with the militarydrill of European armies. De Soto, assuming a very friendly andunsuspicious air, assured the chief, that he should be very happy towitness the pageant. And to add to its imposing display, and in histurn to do something to interest the natives, he said he would callout his whole force of infantry and cavalry, and arrange them in fullbattle array on the opposite side of the plain. 

The chief was evidently much embarrassed by this proposition, but hedid not venture to present any obstacles. Knowing the valor andferocity of his troops, he still thought that with De Soto as hiscaptive, he could crush the Spaniards by overwhelming numbers. Mattersbeing thus arranged, the whole Spanish army, in its most glitteringarray, defiled upon the plain. De Soto was secretly well armed. Servants were ready with two of the finest horses to rush to his aid. A body-guard of twelve of his most stalwart men loitered carelesslyaround him. 

At nine o'clock in the morning, De Soto and Vitachuco walked out, sideby side, accompanied by their few attendants and ascended a slighteminence which commanded a view of the field. Notwithstanding thecareless air assumed by De Soto, he was watching every movement ofVitachuco with intensest interest. The instant the Indian chief gavehis signal, his attendants rushed upon De Soto, and his ten thousandwarriors grasped their arrows and javelins, and with the hideouswar-whoop rushed upon the Spaniards. But at the same instant a bugleblast, echoing over the plain, put the whole Spanish army in motion inan impetuous charge. The two signals for the deadly conflict seemed tobe simultaneous. The body-guard of De Soto, with their far superiorweapons, not only repelled the Indian assailants, but seized and boundVitachuco as their captive. De Soto lost not a moment in mounting ahorse, led to him by his servant. But the noble animal fell deadbeneath him, pierced by many arrows. Another steed was instantly athis side, and De Soto was at the head of his cavalry, leading thecharge. Never, perhaps, before, did so terrible a storm burst thussuddenly from so serene a sky. 

The natives fought with valor and ferocity which could not besurpassed even by the Spaniards. All the day long the sanguinarybattle raged, until terminated by the darkness of the night. The fieldwas bordered, on one side, by a dense forest, and on the other by alarge body of water, consisting of two lakes. Some of the nativesescaped into the almost impenetrable forest. Many were drowned. Several of the young men, but eighteen years of age, who were takencaptive, --the sons of chiefs, --developed a heroism of character whichattracted the highest admiration of De Soto. They fought to the lastpossible moment, and when finally captured, expressed great regretthat they had not been able to die for their country. They said totheir conqueror, "If you wish to add to your favors, take our lives. After survivingthe defeat and capture of our chieftain, we are not worthy to appearbefore him, or to live in the world. "

It is said that De Soto was greatly moved with compassion in view ofthe calamity which had befallen these noble young men. He embracedthem with parental tenderness, and commended their valor, which heregarded as proof of their noble blood. 

 "For two days, " writes Mr. Irving, "he detained them in the camp, feasting them at his table and treating them with every distinction; at the end of which time he dismissed them with presents of linen, cloths, silks, mirrors and other articles of Spanish manufacture. He also sent by them presents to their fathers and relations, with proffers of friendship. "

De Soto had succeeded in capturing four of the most distinguishedcaptains of Vitachuco. They had been ostensibly the friends of theSpaniard, had ate at his table and had apparently reciprocated all hiskindly words and deeds. While thus deceiving him, they had coöperatedwith Vitachuco for his destruction. De Soto summoned them with theirchief before him. 

 "He reproached them, " says Mr. Irving "with the treacherous and murderous plot, devised against him and his soldiers, at a time when they were professing the kindest amity. Such treason, he observed, merited death; yet he wished to give the natives evidence of his clemency. He pardoned them, therefore, and restored them to his friendship; warning them, however, to beware how they again deceived him, or trespassed against the safety and welfare of the Spaniards, lest they should bring down upon themselves dire and terrible revenge. "

Vitachuco was now a captive. Yet notwithstanding the conspiracy whichhad led to such deplorable results, De Soto treated him with greatkindness, giving him a seat at his own table, and endeavoring in allways to obliterate the remembrance of the conflict. De Soto was insearch of gold. He had heard of mountains of that precious metal faraway in the interior. The natives had no wealth which he desired toplunder. Their hostility he exceedingly deprecated, as it deprived himof food, of comforts, and exposed his little band to the danger ofbeing cut off and annihilated, as were the troops of Narvaez, who hadpreceded him. The past career of De Soto proves, conclusively, that hewas by nature a humane man, loving what he conceived to be justice. 

Under these circumstances, a wise policy demanded that he should dowhat he could to conciliate the natives before he advanced in hisadventurous journey, leaving them, if hostile, disposed to cut off hisreturn. It is said that nine hundred of the most distinguishedwarriors of Vitachuco were virtually enslaved, one of whom wasassigned to each of the Spaniards, to serve him in the camp and at thetable. Such at least is the story as it comes down to us. Vitachucoformed the plan again to assail the Spaniards by a concerted actionat the dinner-table. Every warrior was to be ready to surprise andseize his master, and put him to death. There is much in thisnarrative which seems improbable. We will, however, give it to ourreaders as recorded by Mr. Irving in his very carefully writtenhistory of the Conquest of Florida. We know not how it can bepresented in a more impartial manner. 

 "Scarcely had Vitachuco conceived this rash scheme than he hastened to put it into operation. He had four young Indians to attend him as pages. These he sent to the principal prisoners, revealing his plan, with orders that they should pass it secretly and adroitly from one to another, and hold themselves in readiness, at the appointed time, to carry it into effect. The dinner hour of the third day was the time fixed upon for striking the blow. Vitachuco would be dining with the governor, and the Indians in general attending upon their respective masters. 

 "The cacique was to watch his opportunity, spring upon the governor and kill him, giving at the moment of assault a war-whoop which should resound throughout the village. The war-whoop was to be the signal for every Indian to grapple with his master or with any other Spaniard at hand and dispatch him on the spot. 

 "On the day appointed Vitachuco dined as usual with the governor. When the repast was concluded, he sprang upon his feet, closed instantly with the governor, seized him with the left hand by the collar, and with the other fist dealt him such a blow in the face as to level him with the ground, the blood gushing out of eyes, nose and mouth. The cacique threw himself upon his victim to finish his work, giving at the same time his signal war-whoop. 

 "All this was the work of an instant; and before the officers present had time to recover from their astonishment, the governor lay senseless beneath the tiger grasp of Vitachuco. One more blow from the savage would have been fatal; but before he could give it a dozen swords and lances were thrust through his body, and he fell dead. 

 "The war-whoop had resounded through the village. Hearing the fatal signal, the Indians, attending upon their masters, assailed them with whatever missile they could command. Some seized upon pikes and swords; others snatched up the pots in which meal was stewing at the fire, and beating the Spaniards about the head, bruised and scalded them at the same time. Some caught up plates, pitchers, jars, and the pestles wherewith they pounded the maize. Others seized upon stools, benches and tables, striking with impotent fury, when their weapons had not the power to harm. Others snatched up burning fire-brands, and rushed like very devils into the affray. Many of the Spaniards were terribly burned, bruised and scalded. Some had their arms broken. "

This terrible conflict was of short duration. Though the Spaniardswere taken by surprise, they were not unarmed. Their long keen sabresgave them a great advantage over their assailants. Though several wereslain, and many more severely wounded, the natives were soonoverpowered. The exasperated Spaniards were not disposed to show muchmercy. In these two conflicts with the Indians, Vitachuco fell, andthirteen hundred of his ablest warriors. 

De Soto had received so terrific a blow, that for half an hour heremained insensible. The gigantic fist of the savage had awfullybruised his face, knocking out several of his teeth. It was four daysbefore he recovered sufficient strength to continue his march andtwenty days elapsed before he could take any solid food. On the fifthday after this great disaster the Spaniards resumed their journeyingsin a northwest direction, in search of a province of which they hadheard favorable accounts, called Osachile. The first day they advancedbut about twelve miles, encamping upon the banks of a broad and deepriver, which is supposed to have been the Suwanee. 

A band of Indians was upon the opposite side of the stream evidentlyin hostile array. The Spaniards spent a day and a half in constructingrafts to float them across. They approached the shore in suchstrength, that the Indians took to flight, without assailing them. Having crossed the river they entered upon a prairie country offertile soil, where the industrious Indians had many fields wellfilled with corn, beans and pumpkins. But as they journeyed on, theIndians, in small bands, assailed them at every point from which anunseen arrow or javelin could be thrown. The Spaniards, on theirmarch, kept in quite a compact body, numbering seven or eight hundredmen, several hundred of whom were mounted on horses gayly caparisoned, which animals, be it remembered, the Indians had never before seen. 

After proceeding about thirty miles through a pretty well cultivatedcountry, with scattered farm-houses, they came to quite an importantIndian town called Osachile. It contained about two hundred houses;but the terrified inhabitants had fled, taking with them their mostvaluable effects, and utter solitude reigned in its streets. 

The country was generally flat, though occasionally it assumed alittle of the character of what is called the rolling prairie. TheIndian towns were always built upon some gentle swell of land. Wherethis could not be found, they often constructed artificial mounds ofearth, sufficient in extent to contain from ten to twenty houses. Uponone of these the chief and his immediate attendants would rear theirdwellings, while the more humble abodes of the common people, wereclustered around. At Osachile De Soto found an ample supply ofprovisions, and he remained there two days. 

It is supposed that Osachile was at the point now called Old Town. Here De Soto was informed by captive Indians that about thirty leaguesto the west there was a very rich and populous country calledAppalachee. The natives were warlike in the highest degree, spreadingthe terror of their name through all the region around. Gold was saidto abound there. The country to be passed through, before reachingthat territory, was filled with gloomy swamps and impenetrablethickets, where there was opportunity for ambuscades. De Soto was toldthat the Appalachians would certainly destroy his whole army should heattempt to pass through those barriers and enter their borders. 

This peril was only an incentive to the adventurous spirit of theSpanish commander. To abandon the enterprise and return without thegold, would be not only humiliating, but would be his utter ruin. Hehad already expended in the undertaking all that he possessed. He hadno scruples of conscience to retard his march, however sanguinary thehostility of the natives might render it. It was the doctrine of theso-called church at Rome, that Christians were entitled to thepossessions of the heathen; and though De Soto himself by no meansprofessed to be actuated by that motive, the principle unquestionablyinfluenced nearly his whole army. 

But he did assume that he was a peaceful traveller, desiring tocultivate only friendly relations with the natives, and that he had aright to explore this wilderness of the new world in search of thoseprecious medals of which the natives knew not the value, but whichwere of so much importance to the interest of all civilized nations. 

For three days the Spaniards toiled painfully along over an arid, desert plain, beneath a burning sun. About noon on the fourth day theyreached a vast swamp, probably near the Estauhatchee river. This swampwas bordered by a gloomy forest, with gigantic trees, and a dense, impervious underbrush, ever stimulated to wonderful luxuriance by analmost tropical sun and a moist and spongy soil. Through this morassthe Indians, during generations long since passed away, hadconstructed a narrow trail or path about three feet wide. Thispassage, on both sides, was walled up by thorny and entangledvegetation almost as impenetrable as if it were brick or stone. 

In the centre of this gloomy forest, there was a sheet of shallowwater about a mile and a half in width and extending north and southas far as the eye could reach. The Indians had discovered a fordacross this lake till they came to the main channel in the centre, which was about one hundred and twenty feet wide. This channel, in themotionless waters, was passed by a rude bridge consisting of treestied together. 

De Soto encamped on the borders of this gloomy region for a short timeto become acquainted with the route and to force the passage. Therewere various spots where the Indians, familiar with the whole region, lay in ambush. From their unseen coverts, they could assail theSpaniards with a shower of arrows as they defiled through the narrowpass, and escape beyond any possibility of pursuit. Compelling someIndians to operate as guides, under penalty of being torn to pieces bybloodhounds, De Soto commenced his march just after midnight. Twohundred picked men on foot, but carefully encased in armor, led theadvance in a long line two abreast. Every man was furnished with hisday's allowance of food in the form of roasted kernels of corn. Theypressed along through a path which they could not lose, and from whichthey could not wander, till they reached the lake. Here the guides ledthem along by a narrow ford, up to their waists in water, till theyreached the bridge of logs. The advance-guard had just passed overthis bridge when the day dawned, and they were discovered by theIndians, who had not supposed they would attempt to cross the morassby night. 

The Appalachian warriors, with hideous yells and great bravery, rushedinto the lake to meet their foes. Here Spaniard and Floridian grappledin the death struggle up to their waists in water. The steel-cladSpaniards, with their superior arms, prevailed, and the nativesrepulsed, rushed into the narrow defile upon the other side of thelake. The main body of the army pressed on, though continually andfiercely assailed by the arrows of the Indians. Arriving at a pointwhere there was an expanse of tolerably dry ground, De Soto sent intothe forests around forty skirmishers to keep off the Indians, while ahundred and fifty men were employed in felling trees and burningbrush, in preparation for an encampment for the night. 

Exhausted by the toil of the march and of the battle; drenched withthe waters of the lake; many of them suffering from wounds, they threwthemselves down upon the hot and smouldering soil for sleep. But therewas no repose for them that night. During all the hours of darkness, the prowling natives kept up a continuous clamor, with ever recurringassaults. With the first dawn of the morning the Spaniards resumedtheir march, anxious to get out of the defile and into the openprairie beyond, where they could avail themselves of their horses, ofwhich the Indians stood in great dread. As they gradually emerged fromthe impenetrable thicket into the more open forest, the army could bespread out more effectually, and the horsesmen could be brought alittle more into action. But here the valor of the natives did notforsake them. 

 "As soon as the Spaniards, " writes Mr. Irving, "entered this more open woodland, they were assailed by showers of arrows on every side. The Indians, scattered about among the thickets, sallied forth, plied their bows with intense rapidity, and plunged again into the forest. The horses were of no avail. The arquebusiers and archers seemed no longer a terror; for in the time a Spaniard could make one discharge, and reload his musket or place another bolt in his cross-bow, an Indian would launch six or seven arrows. Scarce had one arrow taken flight before another was in the bow. For two long leagues did the Spaniards toil and fight their way forward through this forest. 

 "Irritated and mortified by these galling attacks and the impossibility of retaliating, at length they emerged into an open and level country. Here, overjoyed at being freed from this forest prison, they gave reins to their horses, and free vent to their smothered rage, and scoured the plain, lancing and cutting down every Indian they encountered. But few of the enemy were taken prisoners, many were put to the sword. "

CHAPTER XII. 

_Winter Quarters. _

 Incidents of the March. --Passage of the River. --Entering Anhayea. --Exploring Expeditions. --De Soto's desire for Peace. --Capture of Capafi. --His Escape. --Embarrassments of De Soto. --Letter of Isabella. --Exploration of the Coast. --Discovery of the Bay of Pensacola. --Testimony Respecting Cafachiqué. --The March Resumed. 

The Spaniards now entered upon a beautiful and highly cultivatedregion, waving with fields of corn and adorned with many pleasantvillages and scattered farm-houses. It seemed to be the abode ofpeace, plenty and happiness. It certainly might have been such, butfor the wickedness of man. Wearied with their long march and almostincessant battle, the Spaniards encamped in the open plain, wheretheir horsemen would be able to beat off assaults. 

But the night brought them no repose. It was necessary to keep a largeforce mounted and ready for conflict. The natives, in large numbers, surrounded them, menacing an attack from every quarter, repeatedlydrawing near enough in the darkness to throw their arrows into thecamp, and keeping up an incessant and hideous howling. After asleepless night, with the earliest light of the morning they resumedtheir march along a very comfortable road, which led through extensivefields of corn, beans, pumpkins and other vegetables. The prairiespread out before them in its beautiful, level expanse, till lost inthe distant horizon. All the day long their march was harassed bybands of natives springing up from ambush in the dense corn-fieldswhich effectually concealed them from view. Many were the bloodyconflicts in which the natives were cut down mercilessly, and stilltheir ferocity and boldness continued unabated. 

After thus toiling on for six miles the Spaniards approached a deepstream, supposed to be the river Uche. It was crossed by a narrow fordwith deep water above and below. Here the natives had constructedpalisades, and interposed other obstacles, behind which, with theirarrows and javelins, they seemed prepared to make a desperateresistance. De Soto, after carefully reconnoitering the position, selected a number of horsemen, who were most effectually protectedwith their steel armor, and sent them forward, with shields on onearm, and with swords and hatchets to hew away these obstructions, which were all composed of wood. Though several of the Spaniards wereslain and many wounded, they effected a passage, when the mountedhorsemen plunged through the opening, put the Indians to flight andcut them down with great slaughter. 

Continuing their march, on the other side of the river, for a distanceof about six miles through the same fertile and well populated region, they were admonished by the approach of night, again to seek anencampment. The night was dark and gloomy. All were deeply depressedin spirits. An incessant battle seemed their destiny. The goldenmountains of which they were in pursuit were ever vanishing away. Theywere on the same path which had previously been traversed by the cruelbut energetic Narvaez, and where his whole company had beenannihilated, leaving but four or five to tell the tale of the awfultragedy. 

Dreadful as were the woes which these adventurers had brought upon theIndians, still more terrible were the calamities in which they hadinvolved themselves. They were now three hundred miles from Tampa Bay. Loud murmurs began to rise in the camp. Nearly all demanded to return. But, for De Soto, the abandonment of the enterprise was disgrace, andapparently irretrievable ruin. There was scarcely any condition oflife more to be deplored than that of an impoverished nobleman. DeSoto was therefore urged onward by the energies of despair. 

Again through all the hours of the night, they were exposed to anincessant assault from their unwearied foes. From their captives theylearned that they were but six miles from the village of Anhayea, where their chief, Capafi, resided. This was the first instance inwhich they heard of a chief who did not bear the same name as the townin which he dwelt. Early in the morning, De Soto, with two hundredmounted cavaliers and one hundred footmen, led the advance, and soonentered the village, which consisted of two hundred and fifty houses, well built and of large size. 

At one end of the village stood the dwelling of the chief, which wasquite imposing in extent, though not in the grandeur of itsarchitecture. The chief and all his men had fled, and the Spaniardsentered deserted streets. The army remained here for several days, finding abundance of food. Still they were harassed, day and night, bythe indomitable energy of the natives. Two well armed expeditions weresent out to explore the country on the north and the west, for adistance of forty or fifty miles, while a third was dispatched to thesouth in search of the ocean. 

Anhayea, where the main body of the army took up its quarters, issupposed to have been near the present site of the city ofTallahassee. The two first expeditions sent out, returned, one ineight and the other in nine days, bringing back no favorable report. The other, sent in search of the ocean, was absent much longer, and DeSoto became very apprehensive that it had been destroyed by thenatives. 

Through many perilous and wild adventures, being often betrayed andled astray by their guides, they reached, after a fortnight's travel, the head of the bay now called St. Mark's. Here they found vestiges ofthe adventurers who had perished in the ill-fated Narvaez expedition. There was a fine harbor to which reinforcements and fresh supplies ofammunition might be sent to them by ships from Cuba, or from TampaBay. With these tidings they hurried back to Anhayea. 

They had now reached the month of November, 1539. The winter in theseregions, though short, had often days of such excessive cold that menupon the open prairie, exposed to bleak winds called northers, oftenperished from the severity of the weather. De Soto resolved toestablish himself in winter-quarters at Anhayea. With his suite heoccupied the palace of the chief. The other houses were appropriatedto the soldiers for their barracks. He threw up strong fortificationsand sent out foraging parties into the region around, for a supply ofprovisions. As we have no intimation that any payment was made, thiswas certainly robbery. Whatever may be said of the necessities of hiscase, it was surely unjust to rob the Indians of their harvests. Still, De Soto should not be condemned unheard; and while we have noevidence that he paid the natives for the food he took from them, still we have no proof that he did not do so. 

In accordance with his invariable custom, he made strenuous efforts towin the confidence of the natives. Through captive Indians he sentvaluable presents to the chief Capafi in his retreat, and alsoassurances that he sought only friendly relations between them. Thechief, however, was in no mood to give any cordial response to theseadvances. He had taken refuge in a dense forest, surrounded by dismalmorasses, which could only be traversed by a narrow pass known only tothe Indians, where his warriors in ambush might easily arrest themarch of the whole army of Spaniards. The brutal soldiery of Narvaezhad taught them to hate the Spaniards. 

He kept up an incessant warfare, sending out from his retreat fiercebands to assail the invaders by day and by night, never allowing themone moment of repose. Many of the Spaniards were slain. But theyalways sold their lives very dearly, so that probably ten nativesperished to one of the Spaniards. There was nothing gained by thiscarnage. De Soto was anxious to arrest it. Every considerationrendered it desirable for him to have the good will of the natives. Peace and friendship would enable him to press forward with infinitelyless difficulty in search of his imaginary mountains of gold andsilver, and would greatly facilitate his establishment of a colonyaround the waters of some beautiful bay in the Gulf, whence he couldship his treasures to Spain and receive supplies in return. 

Finding it impossible to disarm the hostility of Capafi by any kindlymessages or presents, he resolved if possible to take him captive. Inthis way only could he arrest the cruel war. The veneration of theIndians for their chief was such that, with Capafi in the hands of theSpaniards as a hostage, they would cease their attacks out of regardto his safety. 

It was some time before De Soto could get any clew to the retreat inwhich Capafi was concealed. And he hardly knew how to account for thefact, that the sovereign of a nation of such redoubtable ferocity, should never himself lead any of his military bands, in the fierceonsets which they were incessantly making. At length De Soto learnedthat Capafi, though a man of great mental energy, was incapacitatedfrom taking the field by his enormous obesity. He was so fat that hecould scarcely walk, and was borne from place to place on a litter. He could give very energetic commands, but the execution of them mustbe left to others. He also ascertained that this formidable chief hadtaken up his almost unapproachable quarters about twenty-five milesfrom Anhayea; and that in addition to the tangled thickets andtreacherous morasses with which nature had surrounded him, he had alsofortified himself in the highest style of semi-barbarian art, and hadgarrisoned his little fortress with a band of his most indomitablewarriors. 

Notwithstanding the difficulty of the enterprise, De Soto resolved toattempt to capture him. This was too arduous a feat to be entrusted tothe leadership of any one but himself. He took a select body ofhorsemen and footmen, and after a very difficult journey of threedays, came to the borders of the citadel where the chief and hisgarrison were intrenched. Mr. Irving, in his admirable history of theConquest of Florida, gives the following interesting account of thefortress, and of the battle in which it was captured:

 "In the heart of this close and impervious forest, a piece of ground was cleared and fortified for the residence of the Cacique and his warriors. The only entrance or outlet, was by a narrow path cut through the forest. At every hundred paces, this path was barricaded by palisades and trunks of trees, at each of which was posted a guard of the bravest warriors. Thus the fat Cacique was ensconced in the midst of the forest like a spider in the midst of his web, and his devoted subjects were ready to defend him to the last gasp. 

 "When the Governor arrived at the entrance to the perilous defile, he found the enemy well prepared for its defence. The Spaniards pressed forward, but the path was so narrow that the two foremost only could engage in the combat. They gained the first and second palisades at the point of the sword. There it was necessary to cut the osiers and other bands, with which the Indians had fastened the beams. While thus occupied they were exposed to a galling fire and received many wounds. Notwithstanding all these obstacles, they gained one palisade after the other until, by hard fighting, they arrived at the place of refuge of the Cacique. 

 "The conflict lasted a long time, with many feats of prowess on both sides. The Indians however, for want of defensive armor, fought on unequal terms, and were most of them cut down. The Cacique called out to the survivors to surrender. The latter, having done all that good soldiers could do, and seeing all their warlike efforts in vain, threw themselves on their knees before the Governor and offered up their own lives, but entreated him to spare the life of their Cacique. 

 "De Soto was moved by their valor and their loyalty; receiving them with kindness, he assured them of his pardon for the past, and that henceforth he would consider them as friends. Capafi, not being able to walk, was borne in the arms of his attendants to kiss the hands of the Governor, who, well pleased to have him in his power, treated him with urbanity and kindness. "

Severe as had been the conflict, De Soto returned to Anhayea with hiscaptive, highly gratified by the result of his enterprise. He hadstrictly enjoined it upon his troops not to be guilty of any act ofwanton violence. On the march he had very carefully refrained from anyravaging of the country. He now hoped that, the chief being in hispower and being treated with the utmost kindness, all hostilitieswould cease. But, much to his disappointment, the warriors of Capafi, released from the care of their chief, devoted themselves anew to theharassment of the Spaniards in every possible way. 

Capafi seemed much grieved by this their conduct, assuming to beentirely reconciled to his conqueror. He informed De Soto that hisprominent warriors, who directed the campaign, had established theirheadquarters in a dense forest about thirty miles from Anhayea. Hesaid that it would be of no avail for him to send messengers to them, for they would believe that the messages were only such as De Sotocompelled their chief to utter. He however offered to go himself tothe camp of his warriors, accompanied by such a guard of Spanishtroops as De Soto might deem it best to send with him. He expressedthe assurance, that he should be enabled to induce his warriors tothrow down their arms. 

De Soto accepted the proposition. In the early morning a strong escortof infantry and cavalry left the village to conduct the chief to theencampment of the natives. Skillful guides accompanied them, so thatthey reached the vicinity of the encampment just as the sun was goingdown. The chief sent forward scouts immediately, to inform his friendsof his approach. The Spaniards, weary of their long day's march, andconvinced of the impossibility of the escape of the chief, who couldscarcely walk a step, were very remiss in watchfulness. Though theyestablished sentinels and a guard, in accordance with military usage, it would seem that they all alike fell asleep. It is probable that thewily chief had sent confidential communications to his warriorsthrough his scouts. 

The Spaniards were encamped in the glooms of the forest. At midnight, when darkness, silence and solitude reigned, Capafi stealthily crepton his hands and knees, a few rods from his sleeping guard, into thethicket, where a band of Indian runners met him with a litter and borehim rapidly away beyond all chance of successful pursuit. TheSpaniards never caught glimpse of their lost captive again. When theyawoke their chagrin and dread of punishment were extreme. Thesentinels, who had been appointed to watch the captive, solemnlyaverred, in excuse for their neglect, that during the night demoniacspirits had appeared, and had borne away the unwieldy chief throughthe air. 

As all the band were implicated in the escape, all were alike ready toaver that, during the night, they had witnessed very strange sightsand heard very strange sounds. When they carried back this report, thegood-natured De Soto, convinced that fretting and fault-finding woulddo no good, appeased their alarm by saying, with a peculiar smile:

"It is not strange. These Indian wizards perform feats far moredifficult than conjuring away a fat chief. "

The winter passed slowly away. The natives were a very ferocious race;tall, strong, athletic, and delighting in war. Every day and everyhour brought alarm and battle. The Indians conducted a harassing anddestructive warfare. In small bands they roamed through the forest, cutting off any who ventured to wander from the town. It required alarge amount of food to supply the wants of the army in Anhayea. Not anative carried any provisions to the town, and it was necessary for DeSoto to send out foraging expeditions, at whatever risk. The winterwas cold. Fires were needed for warmth and cooking. But the sound ofan axe could not be heard in the forest, without drawing upon thewood-cutters, a swarm of foes. De Soto found himself in what is calleda false position; so that he deemed it necessary to resort to crueland apparently unjustifiable expedients. 

He took a large number of Indian captives. These he compelled to behis hewers of wood and drawers of water. He would send a party ofSpaniards into the forests for fuel. Each man led an Indian as aservant to operate in the double capacity of a shield against thearrows of the natives, and a slave to collect and bring back theburden. To prevent the escape of these Indians, each one was led by achain, fastened around his neck or waist. Sometimes these nativeswould make the most desperate efforts to escape; by a sudden twitchupon the chain they would endeavor to pull it from the hands of theirguard, or to throw him down and, seizing any club within their reach, would spring upon him with the ferocity of a tiger. 

In various ways more than twenty Spaniards lost their lives, and manymore were seriously wounded. It was indeed a melancholy winter for thearmy of De Soto. Their supplies were so far expended that it wasneedful for them to await the arrival of their vessels in the Bay ofSt. Marks. It will also be remembered, that De Soto had sent back anexpedition to cut its way for a distance of three hundred milesthrough hostile nations to Ucita, and to summon the garrison there, toset out on a march to join him at Anhayea. Five months were thus spentin weary waiting. 

It is estimated that De Soto's force in Anhayea, including thecaptives who were servants or slaves, amounted to about fifteenhundred persons. He had also over three hundred horses. The fertilityof the region was however such, with its extended fields of corn, beans, pumpkins and other vegetables, that it was not necessary tosend foraging parties to a distance of more than four or five milesfrom the village. On the 29th of December, 1539, the two brigantines, which had sailed from Tampa Bay, came into St. Marks, then called theBay of Aute. For twelve days before the arrival of the ships, De Sotohad kept companies of horse and foot marching and countermarchingbetween Anhayea and the Bay, to keep the communication open. They alsoplaced banners on the highest trees, as signals to point out the placeof anchorage. 

Juan De Añasco, who had command of the vessels, left them well mannedin the bay, and with the remainder of the ship's company marched toAnhayea, under escort of the troops sent him by De Soto. 

Soon after this, Pedro Calderon arrived with his gallant little bandof a hundred and twenty men. By a series of the wildest adventures andmost heroic achievements they had cut their way through a wildernessthronging with foes, where an army of eight hundred men had withdifficulty effected a passage. Fighting every step of the way andbearing along with them their wounded, their progress was necessarilyslow. Several of their number were killed and many wounded. Of thewounded, twelve died soon after they reached Anhayea. 

Their arrival in the village was a cause of great gratification to allthere. De Soto received them as an affectionate father welcomes hisson whom he had supposed to have been lost. The rumor had reached theGovernor that all had been slain on the road. 

Captain Calderon brought a letter to De Soto, from his wife Isabella. We find the following interesting extract from this letter in thelife of De Soto by Mr. Lambert A. Wilmer. It seems to bear internalevidence of authenticity, though we know not the source from which Mr. Wilmer obtained it. The spirit of the letter is in entire accord withthe noble character which Mr. Washington Irving gives Isabella, in hislife of Columbus and his companions. 

 "I have lately had some conversation with Las Casas, the Bishop of Chiapa. He has convinced me that the behavior of our people to the Indians is inexcusable in the sight of God, however it may be overlooked by men in high authority. The Bishop has proved to me that all who have taken part in the abuse of these harmless people, have been visited in this life with the manifest displeasure of heaven; and God grant that they may not be punished in the life to come according to the measure of their offense. 

 "I hope, my dearest husband that no considerations of worldly advantage will make you neglectful of the precepts of humanity and of the duties of religion. Be persuaded to return to me at once; for you can gain nothing in Florida which can repay me for the sorrow and anxiety I feel in your absence. Nor for all the riches of the country would I have you commit one act the remembrance of which would be painful to you hereafter. If you have gained nothing I shall be better satisfied, because there may be the less cause for repentance. Whatever may have been your want of success or your losses, I implore you to come to me without delay; for any reverse of fortune is far better than the suspense and misery I now endure. "

This letter must have caused De Soto great perplexity. But for reasonswhich we have above given he could not make up his mind to abandon theenterprise, and return to Cuba an unsuccessful and impoverished man. 

De Soto now ordered the two vessels under Diego Maldonado to explorethe coast to the westward, carefully examining every river and bay. Itwould seem also probable that at the same time he fitted out anexpedition of fifty foot soldiers, to march along the coast on a tourof discovery. Maldonado, after a sail of about two hundred miles, entered the beautiful bay of Pensacola, then called Archusi. It was anadmirable harbor, and with shores so steep and bold that ships couldride in safety almost within cable length of the land. No Spaniardshad previously visited that region, consequently the natives werefriendly. They came freely on board, bringing fruits and vegetables, and inviting the strangers to the hospitality of their homes. 

Maldonado was allowed without molestation to explore the bay in alldirections, taking careful soundings. The vessels returned to the bayof Aute, after an absence of but eight weeks. De Soto was highlygratified with the results of the expedition. It seemed to him thatthe shores of the bay of Pensacola presented just the position hedesired for the location of his colony. He had thus far failed, in hissearch for gold, but it seemed to him still possible that he might laythe foundation of a populous and powerful empire. 

It was now the latter part of February, and an almost vertical sun wasthrowing down its rays upon them. Maldonado was dispatched with thebrigantines to Havana, to return with a supply of clothing, ammunitionand such other freight as was needful for the army in its isolatedcondition. He received orders to be back in the bay of Pensacola, bythe first of October. In the mean time De Soto with his army was tomake a long circuit through the country, in search of gold. De Sotohad received information of a distant province called Cofachiqui, which was governed by a queen, young and beautiful. It was said thatthis nation was quite supreme over the adjacent provinces, from whichit received tribute and feudal homage. 

Two lads but sixteen years of age had come to Anhayea, from thisprovince in company with some Indian traders. So far as they couldmake themselves understood, though very unskilful interpreters, theyrepresented the country as abounding in silver, gold and preciousstones. In pantomime they described the process of mining and smeltingthe precious metals so accurately that experienced miners wereconvinced that they must have witnessed those operations. 

In the month of March, 1540, De Soto left his comfortable quarters, and commenced his march for that province, in a northeasterlydirection. Their path led first through an almost unpeopled wildernessmany leagues in extent. Each soldier bore his frugal supper or foodupon his back. It consisted mainly of roasted corn pounded or groundinto meal. 

An unobstructed but weary tramp of three days brought them throughthis desert region to a very singular village, called Capachiqui. Inthe midst of a vast morass, there was an island of elevated and dryground. Here quite a populous village was erected, which commanded awide spread view of the flat surrounding region. The village couldonly be approached by several causeways crossing the marsh, aboutthree hundred feet in length. The country beyond was fertile andsprinkled with small hamlets. Eight hundred armed warriors, on theopen plain, presented a force which the most valiant Indians wouldnot venture to assail. The Spaniards entered the village by thesecauseways unopposed, and found there a not inhospitable reception. 

The day after their arrival, seven of De Soto's body-guard, thoughtless and rollicking young men, set out, without authority fromtheir superior officers, to seek amusement in the neighboring hamlets. They had scarcely reached the main land, beyond the marsh, when theIndians, from an ambush, rushed upon them, and after a very fiercestruggle all but one were slain, and that one, Aguilar, was mortallywounded. The soldiers in the village hastened to the relief of theircomrades, but they were too late. Aguilar, in a dying condition, wascarried back to the encampment. He had, however, sufficient strengthleft to make the following extraordinary statement:

"You must know that a band of more than fifty savages sprang out ofthe thickets to attack us. The moment, however, they saw that we werebut seven, and without our horses, seven warriors stepped forth, andthe rest retired to some distance. They began the attack, and as wehad neither arquebus nor cross-bow, we were entirely at their mercy. Being more agile, and fleet of foot than our men, they leaped aroundus like so many devils, with horrid laughter, shooting us down likewild beasts without our being able to close with them. My poorcomrades fell one after the other, and the savages seeing me alone, all seven rushed upon me, and with their bows battered me as you havewitnessed. "

This singular event took place within the territory of Appalachee. Itis said that the Spaniards not unfrequently met with similarinstances, in which the natives disdained to avail themselves ofsuperior numbers. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

_Lost in the Wilderness. _

 Incidents at Achise--Arrival at Cofa. --Friendly Reception by Cofaqui. --The Armed Retinue. --Commission of Patofa. --Splendors of the March. --Lost in the Wilderness. --Peril of the Army. --Friendly Relations. --The Escape from the Wilderness. --They Reach the Frontiers of Cofachiqui. --Dismissal of Patofa. --Wonderful Reception by the Princess of Cofachiqui. 

After a couple of days of rest and feasting, the Spanish army resumedits march. De Soto led the advance with forty horsemen and seventyfoot soldiers. Ere long they entered the province of Attapaha, fromwhich the river Attapaha probably takes its name. On the morning ofthe third day they approached a village called Achise. The affrightednatives had fled. Two warriors who had tarried behind, were capturedas the dragoons came dashing into the streets. They were led into thepresence of De Soto. Without waiting to be addressed by him, theyhaughtily assailed him with the question, "What is it you seek in our land? Is it peace, or is it war?" De Sotoreplied, through his interpreter, "We seek not war with any one. We are in search of a distant province;and all that we ask for is an unobstructed passage through yourcountry, and food by the way. "

The answer seemed to them perfectly satisfactory, and they at onceentered apparently into the most friendly relations. The captives wereset at liberty and treated by the Spaniards, in all respects, asfriends. Promptly the two warriors sent a message to their chief, informing him of the peaceful disposition of the Spaniards, and heaccordingly issued orders to his people not to molest them. 

In this pleasant village, and surrounded by this friendly people, DeSoto spent three days. He then resumed his journey, in a northeasterlydirection, along the banks of some unknown river, fringed withmulberry trees, and winding through many luxuriant and beautifulvalleys. The natives were all friendly, and not the slightestcollision occurred. For eleven days the army continued its movements, encountering nothing worthy of note. 

They then entered a province called Cofa. De Soto sent couriers inadvance to the chief with proffers of friendship. The chief, inreturn, sent a large number of Indians laden with food for thestrangers. With the provisions were sent rabbits, partridges, and aspecies of dog whose flesh was held in high esteem. The Spaniardssuffered for want of meat; for though game in the forest was abundant, being constantly on the march, they had no time for hunting. 

The chief of Cofa received the Spaniards in his metropolitan town withgreat hospitality. He assigned his own mansion to De Soto, andprovided comfortable quarters for all his troops. The natives and theSpaniards mingled together without the slightest apparent antagonism. The province of Cofa was of large extent, populous and fertile. Herethe Spaniards remained five days, entertained by the aboundinghospitality of the chief. 

De Soto had thus far brought with him a piece of ordnance, which hadproved of very little service. It was heavy and exceedingly difficultof transportation. He decided to leave it behind him with thisfriendly people. To impress them, however, with an idea of its poweras an engine of destruction, he caused it to be loaded and aimed at alarge oak tree just outside of the village. Two shots laid the oakprostrate. The achievement filled both the chief and his people withamazement and awe. 

Again the army resumed its march towards the next province, which wascalled Cofaqui; whose chief was brother of Cofa. The Spaniards wereescorted by Cofa and a division of his army, during one day's journey. The friendly chief then took an affectionate leave of De Soto, andsent forward couriers to inform his brother of the approach of theSpaniards and to intercede for his kindly offices in their behalf. Itrequired a march of six days to reach the territory of the newchieftain. 

In response to Cofa's message, Cofaqui dispatched four of hissubordinate chiefs, with a message of welcome to the Spaniards. Hesent out his runners to bring him speedy intelligence of theirapproach. As soon as he received news that they were drawing near, hestarted himself, with a retinue of warriors in their richestdecorations, to welcome the strangers. The meeting, on both sides, wasequally cordial. Side by side, almost hand in hand, the Floridians andthe Spaniards entered the pleasant streets of Cofaqui. The chief ledDe Soto to his own mansion, and left him in possession there while heretired to another dwelling. 

The intercourse between these two illustrious men seemed to be ascordial as that between two loving brothers. The Floridian chief, withgreat frankness, gave De Soto information respecting the extent, population and resources of his domain. He informed him that theprovince of Cofachiqui, of which he was in search, could only bereached by a journey of seven days, through a dreary wilderness. Buthe offered, should De Soto decide to continue his journey, to send astrong band of his army, to accompany him with ample supplies. De Sotoafterwards ascertained that there was some duplicity in this proposal;or rather, that the chief had a double object in view. It appeared, that there had been long and hereditary antagonism between theprovince of Cofaqui, and that of Cofachiqui; and the chief availedhimself of that opportunity to invade the territory of his rival. 

Scouts were sent out in all directions to assemble the warriors, andDe Soto was surprised to find an army of four thousand soldiers, andas many burden-bearers, ready to accompany him. The provisions, withwhich they were fully supplied, consisted mainly of corn, dried plumsand nuts of various kinds. Indian hunters accompanied the expeditionto search the forests for game. 

The Spaniards at first were not a little alarmed in finding themselvesin company with such an army of natives; outnumbering them eight toone, and they were apprehensive of treachery. Soon, however, theirfears in that direction were allayed, for the chief frankly avowed theobject of the expedition. Summoning before him Patofa, the captain ofthe native army, he said to him, in presence of the leading Spanishofficers in the public square:

"You well know that a perpetual enmity has existed between our fathersand the Indians of Cofachiqui. That hatred you know has not abated inthe least. The wrongs we have received from that vile tribe stillrankle in our hearts, unavenged. The present opportunity must not belost. You, at the head of my braves, must accompany this chief and hiswarriors, and, under their protection, wreak vengeance on ourenemies. "

Patofa, who was a man of very imposing appearance, stepped forward, and after going through several evolutions with a heavy broadswordcarved from wood, exceedingly hard, said:

"I pledge my word to fulfill your commands, so far as may be in mypower. I promise, by aid of the strangers, to revenge the insults anddeaths, our fathers have sustained from the natives of Cofachiqui. Myvengeance shall be such, that the memory of past evils shall be wipedaway forever. My daring to reappear in your presence will be a tokenthat your commands have been executed. Should the fates deny my hopes, never again shall you see me, never again shall the sun shine upon me. If the enemy deny me death, I will inflict upon myself the punishmentmy cowardice or evil fortune will merit. "

It was indeed a large army which then commenced its march, for itconsisted of four thousand native warriors, and four thousandretainers to carry supplies and clothing, and between eight and ninehundred Spaniards. The Indians were plumed and decorated in thehighest style of military display. The horses of the Spaniards weregayly caparisoned, and their burnished armor glittered in the sun. Silken banners waving in the breeze and bugle peals echoing over theplains, added both to the beauty and the sublimity of the scene. 

The Spaniards conducted their march as in an enemy's country, andaccording to the established usages of war. They formed in squadronswith a van and rear guard. The natives followed, also in martialarray; for they were anxious to show the Spaniards that they wereacquainted with military discipline and tactics. Thus in longprocession, but without artillery trains or baggage wagons, they movedover the extended plains and threaded the defiles of the forest. Atnight they invariably encamped at a little distance from each other. Both parties posted their sentinels, and adopted every caution toguard against surprise. 

Indeed, it appears that De Soto still had some distrust of his allies, whose presence was uninvited, and with whose company he would gladlyhave dispensed. The more he reflected upon his situation, the moreembarrassing it seemed to him. He was entering a distant and unknownprovince, ostensibly on a friendly mission, and it was his mostearnest desire to secure the good-will and coöperation of the natives. And yet he was accompanied by an army whose openly avowed object wasto ravage the country and to butcher the people. 

The region upon which they first entered, being a border land betweenthe two hostile nations, was almost uninhabited, and was much of theway quite pathless. It consisted, however, of a pleasant diversity ofhills, forests and rivers. The considerable band of hunters whichaccompanied the native army, succeeded in capturing quite an amount ofgame for the use of the troops. For seven days the two armies movedslowly over these widely extended plains, when they found themselvesutterly bewildered and lost in the intricacies of a vast, dense, tangled forest, through which they could not find even an Indian'strail. The guides professed to be entirely at fault, and all seemed tobe alike bewildered. 

De Soto was quite indignant, feeling that he had been betrayed and ledinto an ambush for his destruction. He summoned Patofa to his presenceand said to him:

"Why have you, under the guise of friendship, led us into thiswilderness, whence we can discover no way of extricating ourselves? Iwill never believe that among eight thousand Indians there is not oneto be found capable of showing us the way to Cofachiqui. It is not atall likely that you who have maintained perpetual war with that tribe, should know nothing of the public road and secret paths leading fromone village to another. "

Patofa made the following frank and convincing reply. 

"The wars that have been waged between these two provinces, have notbeen carried on by pitched battles nor invasions of either party, butby skirmishes by small bands who resort to the streams and rivers wehave crossed, to fish; and also by combats between hunting parties, asthe wilderness we have traversed is the common hunting ground of bothnations. The natives of Cofachiqui are more powerful and have alwaysworsted us in fight. Our people were therefore dispirited and darednot pass over their own frontiers. 

"Do you suspect that I have led your army into these deserts toperish? If so, take what you please. If my head will suffice, take it;if not you may behead every Indian, as they will obey my mandate tothe death. "

The manner of Patofa was in accordance with these feeling and manlywords. De Soto no longer cherished a doubt of his sincerity, andbecame also convinced that their guides were utterly unable toextricate him. Under these circumstances nothing remained but blindlyto press forward or to retrace his steps. They at length found somenarrow openings in the forest through which they forced their wayuntil they arrived, just before sunset, upon the banks of a deep andrapid stream which seemed to present an impassable barrier beforethem. 

They had no canoes or rafts with which to cross the river; their foodwas nearly consumed, as it had been supposed that a supply for sevendays would be amply sufficient to enable them to traverse the desert. To turn back was certain death by starvation; to remain where theywere was equal destruction; to go forward seemed impossible, for theyhad not sufficient food to support them even while constructing rafts. It was the darkest hour in all their wanderings. Despair seemed totake possession of all hearts excepting that of De Soto. He still keptup his courage, assuming before his people an untroubled and evencheerful spirit. 

The river afforded water to drink. A large grove of pine treesbordering the river, beneath whose fragrant shade they were encamped, sheltered them from the sun. The level and extended plain, dry anddestitute of underbrush, presented excellent camping-ground. Food onlywas wanting. But without this food in a few short days the whole armymust perish. 

De Soto, that very evening leaving the armies there, took a detachmentof horse and foot and set off himself in search of some relief or pathof extrication. Late in the night he returned, perplexed anddistressed, having accomplished nothing. A council of war was held. Itwas promptly decided that the armies should remain where they werewhile detachments were sent in all directions in search of food or ofsome path of escape. 

These detachments left early in the morning and returned late at nighthaving discovered neither road nor corn-field, nor habitation. De Sotothen organized four bands of horse and two of foot to go up and downthe river, and to penetrate the interior, and to make as wide anexploration as possible within the limit of five days. Each band wasaccompanied by a large number of natives. Patofa himself went with oneof these detachments. A thousand Indian warriors were scatteredthrough the forest in search of a road and such game as could befound. The Governor remained on the banks of the river anxiouslyawaiting their return. 

[Illustration]

 "The four thousand Indians, " writes Mr. Irving, "who remained with him, sallied out every morning and returned at night, some with herbs and roots that were eatable, others with fish, and others again with birds and small animals killed with their bows and arrows. These supplies were, however, by no means sufficient for the subsistence of such a multitude. 

 "De Soto fared equally with his men in every respect; and, though troubled and anxious for the fate of his great expedition, he wore a sunny countenance to cheer up his followers. These chivalrous spirits appreciated his care and kindness, and to solace him they concealed their sufferings, assumed an air of contentedness, and appeared as happy as though revelling in abundance. "

Most of the exploring parties suffered no less from hunger than didtheir companions who remained behind. Juan De Añasco, after traversingthe banks of the river for three days, had his heart gladdened by thesight of a small village. From an eminence he saw that the countrybeyond was fertile, well cultivated and dotted here and there withhamlets. In the village, for some unexplained reason, he found a largeamount of provisions accumulated, consisting mainly of corn. Heimmediately dispatched four horsemen back to De Soto with the joyfultidings. They took with them such food as they could carry. Thisproved to be the first village in the long-sought-for province ofCofachiqui. 

It will be remembered that Patofa, the commander-in-chief of thenative army, had, with a large number of his warriors, accompaniedAñasco. He had pledged his word to his chief that he would doeverything in his power to harass, pillage and destroy their ancestralfoes. Añasco encamped his band a little outside the village. Atmidnight Patofa and his warriors crept stealthily from the encampment, pillaged the temple which contained many treasures prized by theIndians, and killed and scalped every native whom they met, man, womanor child. When Añasco awoke in the morning and found what they haddone, he was terrified. The outrage had been committed by troops underhis own command. He was apprehensive that every man in the village, aided by such warriors as could be gathered from around, would rushupon him in revenge, and that he and his enfeebled followers would bedestroyed. Immediately he commenced a retreat to meet De Soto, who hedoubted not would be promptly on the move to join him. 

The four couriers reached the camp in one day, though in their slowexploring tour it had required three days to accomplish the fortymiles which they had traversed. The troops were overjoyed at the gladtidings, and immediately prepared to resume their march. Several oftheir detachments had not yet returned. In order to give theminformation of the direction which the army had taken, De Soto wrote aletter, placed it in a box, and buried it at the foot of a tree. Uponthe bark of the tree, he had these words conspicuously cut: "Dig atthe root of this pine, and you will find a letter. "

The half famished troops, inspired with new energies, reached thevillage in a day and a half, where their hunger was appeased. Thescattered detachments arrived a few days after. The force of De Sotowas too strong for the natives to attack him, notwithstanding theprovocation they had received. He found, however, much to his chagrin, that he was utterly unable to restrain the savage propensities of hisallies. For seven days the Spaniards sojourned in this frontiervillage of Cofachiqui. Warlike bands were continually stealing out, penetrating the region around, killing and scalping men, women andchildren, and committing every conceivable outrage of barbaricwarfare. 

De Soto could endure this no longer. He called Patofa before him, andtold him in very emphatic terms that he must return to his ownprovince. He thanked the chieftain very cordially for his friendlyescort, made him a present of knives, clothing, and other valuables, and dismissed him and his followers. Patofa was not unwilling toreturn. He was highly gratified with the presents he had received, andstill more gratified that he had been permitted to wreak vengeance onhis hereditary foes. 

Two days after his departure, the Spanish army was again in motion, along the banks of the river. Every step they took revealed to themthe awful ravages committed by the bands of Patofa. They passed manydwellings and many small hamlets, where the ground was covered withthe scalpless bodies of the dead. The natives had fled in terror tothe woods, so that not a living being was encountered. There was, however, a plentiful supply of food in the villages, and the armyagain enjoyed abundance. 

The heroic Añasco was sent in advance to search out the way and, ifpossible, to capture some Indians as guides. He took with him a smallband of thirty foot-soldiers, who were ordered to move as noiselesslyas possible, that they might, perchance, come upon the natives bysurprise. There was quite a broad, good road leading along the banksover which the band advanced. Night came upon them when they wereabout six miles ahead of the army. They were moving in profoundsilence and with noiseless step through a grove, when they heard, just before them, the sounds of a village. The barking of dogs, theshouts of children, and the voices of men and women, reached theirears. Pressing eagerly forward, hoping to capture some Indians in thesuburbs, they found that there was a sudden turn in the river and thatthey stood upon the banks of its deep and swiftly flowing flood, withthe village on the other side. There was no means of crossing, neitherwould it have been prudent to have crossed with such small numbers, not knowing the force they might encounter there. 

They dispatched couriers back in the night, to inform De Soto of theirdiscovery. By the break of day, the army was again in motion, De Sotohimself taking the lead, with one hundred horse and one hundred foot. When he reached the banks, and the natives upon the opposite shorecaught sight of his glittering dragoons, on their magnificent steeds, they were struck with amazement and consternation. 

It would seem that the language of these different tribes must havebeen essentially the same, for Juan Ortiz was still their interpreter. He shouted across the river, assuring the natives of the friendlyintentions of the Spaniards, and urging them to send some one over toconvey a message to their chief. After some little hesitation anddeliberation, the Indians launched a large canoe, in which sixIndians of venerable appearance took their seats, while quite a numberof lusty men grasped the oars. Very rapidly the canoe was driventhrough the water. 

De Soto, who had watched these movements with deep interest, perceivedthat he was about to be visited by men of much importance. He hadtherefore brought forward and placed upon the banks a very showythrone, or chair of state, which he always carried with him for suchpurposes. Here he took his seat, with his retinue of officers aroundhim. 

The native chieftains landed without any apparent fear, approached himwith three profound reverences, and then with much dignity inquired, "Do you come for peace or for war?"

"I come for peace, " De Soto replied, "and seek only an unmolestedpassage through your land. I need food for my people, and implore yourassistance, by means of canoes and rafts, to cross the river. "

The Indians replied, that they were themselves somewhat destitute ofprovisions; that a terrible pestilence the preceding year had sweptoff many of their inhabitants; and that others in their consternationhad fled from their homes, thus neglecting to cultivate the fields. 

They said that their chieftain was a young princess who had recentlyinherited the government, and that they had no doubt that she wouldreceive them with hospitality, and do everything in her power, topromote their welfare. Having thus concluded this friendly interview, the chiefs returned to the other side of the river. 

Very soon the Spaniards, who eagerly watched every movement, perceiveda decided commotion in the village. A large and highly decorated canoeappeared upon the banks; then quite a gorgeous palanquin was seenborne by four men, descending towards the stream; then several othercanoes of imposing structure seemed to be preparing for an aquaticprocession. From the palanquin a graceful girl, showily dressed, entered the state canoe and reclined upon cushions in the stern undera canopy. Eight female attendants accompanied her. 

The six ambassadors, who had already visited De Soto, took seats inthe canoe which led the van, driven as before by a large number ofsinewy arms. The royal barge was attached to this canoe and was towedby it. Several other boats, filled with distinguished men, followed inthe rear, completing the imposing show. 

As the young princess stepped on shore, all the Spaniards were deeplyimpressed with her dignity, grace and beauty. To their eyes, she wasin form and feature as perfect as any image which Grecian artist eversculptured. Her attendants brought with them a chair of state uponwhich she took her seat after courteously bowing to the Governor. Through an interpreter they immediately entered into conversation. Theprincess confirmed the statement of her ambassadors in reference tothe pestilence, but offered to do everything in her power to providethem with food. She offered one-half of her own residence to De Sotofor his accommodation, and one-half of the houses in her village asbarracks for the soldiers. She also promised that by the next dayrafts and canoes should be in readiness to transport the Spaniardsacross the river. 

The generous soul of De Soto was deeply touched, and he assured her ofhis lasting friendship and that of his sovereign. At the close of theinterview the princess rose, and as a present, suspended a string ofcostly pearls around the neck of De Soto. The Governor then rose andpresented her with a ring of gold set with a ruby, which she placedupon one of her fingers. Thus terminated this extraordinary interview. What a difference between peace and war!

 "Were half the power that fills the world with terror, Were half the wealth bestowed on camps and courts, Given to redeem the human mind from error, There were no need for arsenals or forts. 

 "The warrior's name would be a name abhorred; And every nation that should lift again Its hand against a brother, on its forehead Would wear forevermore the curse of Cain. "

CHAPTER XIV. 

_The Indian Princess. _

 Crossing the River. --Hospitable Reception. --Attempts to visit the Queen Mother. --Suicide of the Prince. --Futile search for Gold. --The Discovery of Pearls. --The Pearl Fishery. --The Princess a Captive. --Held in Silken Chains. --Her Escape. --Location of Cutifachiqui. --The March Resumed. 

The next day after the extraordinary interview which we have describedin the last chapter, the princess ordered several large rafts to beconstructed, and with these, aided by a number of canoes, the armycrossed the rapid stream. Four horses, in attempting to swim the swiftriver, were carried away and drowned. These animals were so preciousthat the loss was deplored by the whole army. 

When the troops had all crossed, they found very pleasantaccommodations provided for them. Some were lodged in the village. Forthe rest commodious wigwams were erected just outside of the villagein a beautiful mulberry grove on the river banks. The province ofCofachiqui was found to be very fertile and quite densely populated. The natives were in complexion nearly as white as the Spaniards. Theyhad agreeable features, graceful forms, and were very frank andamiable in disposition. They did not seem to be fond of war, thoughoften involved in conflicts with their neighbors. According to thecustom of the times, all prisoners of war were enslaved and wereemployed in servile labor. To prevent their escape the cruel expedientwas adopted of cutting the main tendon of one leg just above the heel. 

The mother of the princess of this tribe was a widow, residing in aretired home about thirty-six miles down the river. De Soto, who wasanxious to secure the firm friendship of this interesting people, expressed an earnest desire to see the queen mother. The princessimmediately dispatched twelve of her chieftains to urge her mother tovisit her, that she might be introduced to the strange visitors, andsee the wonderful animals on which they rode. 

She however declined the invitation, expressing her very decideddisapproval of the conduct of her daughter, as both inexpedient andindelicate, in entering into such friendly relations with utterstrangers, of whose ulterior designs she could know nothing. Thismessage, greatly increased the desire of De Soto to have an interviewwith the queen mother, that he might conciliate her friendship. Hetherefore dispatched Juan De Añasco, who was alike distinguished forbravery and prudence, with thirty companions on foot, to convey to herpresents and friendly messages, and very earnest requests that shewould visit them at the court of her daughter. 

The princess sent a near relative of the family as guide to thisparty--a young man about twenty-one years of age, and exceedinglyattractive both in person and character. He was richly habited ingarments of soft deerskin, beautifully fringed and embroidered, with ahead-dress of various colored plumes. 

"In his hand he bore a beautiful bow, so highly polished as to appearas if finely enamelled. At his shoulder hung a quiver full of arrows. With a light and elastic step and an animated and gallant air hiswhole appearance was that of an ambassador, worthy of the young andbeautiful princess whom he served. "

The morning was somewhat advanced, ere they left the village. It was abeautiful day in a lovely clime. Their route led down the banks of theriver through luxuriant and enchanting scenery. After a pleasant walkof ten or twelve miles, they rested in the shade of a grove, for theirnoonday meal. Their young guide had been very social all the way, entertaining them with information of the region through which theywere passing, and of the people. As they were partaking of theirrefreshments, suddenly the aspect of their young companion becamegreatly altered. He was silent, thoughtful and apparently deeplydepressed. At length he quietly took the quiver from his shoulder, andslowly and seemingly lost in deep reflection, drew out the arrows oneby one. They were very beautiful, of the highest possible finish, keenly pointed, and triangularly feathered. 

The Spaniards took them up, admired them greatly, and passed them fromhand to hand. At length he drew out an arrow barbed with flint, long, and sharp, and shaped like a dagger. Casting an anxious glance around, and seeing the attention of the Spaniards engrossed in examining hisweapons, he plunged the keen pointed arrow down his throat, severingan artery, and almost immediately fell dead. The soldiers were shockedand bewildered, not being able to conceive of any reason for thedreadful occurrence. There were several Indian attendants in thecompany, who seemed to be overwhelmed with distress, uttering loudcries of grief over the corpse. 

It subsequently appeared, that the young guide was a great favoritewith the queen mother; that he knew that she was very unwilling tohave any acquaintance with the Spaniards, and he apprehended that itwas their object to seize her and carry her off by violence. Thethought that he was guiding them to her retreat overwhelmed him. Hecould not endure the idea of meeting her, and perhaps of beingreproached as her betrayer. 

On the other hand, the queen, whom he revered and loved, hadcommissioned him to conduct the Spaniards to her mother's abode. Hedid not dare to disobey her commands. Either alternative was more tobe dreaded by him than death. The ingenuous young man had, therefore, endeavored to escape from the dilemma by self-destruction. 

Juan De Añasco was not only deeply grieved by the fate of his youngfriend, but also greatly perplexed as to the course he was then topursue. None of the Indian attendants knew where the widow wasconcealed. He took several natives prisoners, and anxiously inquiredof them respecting the residence of the queen mother. But either theycould not, or would not, give him any information. After wanderingabout fruitlessly until noon of the next day, he returned to the camp, much mortified in reporting to De Soto the utter failure of hisexpedition. 

Two days after his return, an Indian came to him and offered toconduct him down the river in a canoe, to the dwelling of the queenmother. Eagerly he accepted the proposition. Two large canoes, withstrong rowers, were prepared. Añasco, with twenty companions, set outon this second expedition. The queen heard of his approach, and, witha few attendants, secretly fled to another retreat far away. After asearch of six days, the canoes returned, having accomplished nothing. De Soto relinquished all further endeavors to obtain an interview withthe widow. 

In the meantime, while Añasco was engaged in these unsuccessfulenterprises, De Soto was making very anxious inquiries respecting thesilver and the gold which he had been informed was to be found in theprovince. The princess listened to his description of the yellow metaland the white metal of which he was in search, and said that they wereboth to be found in great abundance in her territories. Sheimmediately sent out some Indians, to bring him specimens. They soonreturned laden with a yellow metal somewhat resembling gold in color, but which proved to be nothing but an alloy of copper. The shiningsubstance which he had supposed was silver, was nothing but aworthless species of mica, or quartz. Thus again, to his bitterdisappointment, De Soto awoke from his dreams of golden treasure, tothe toils and sorrows of his weary life. 

The princess seemed to sympathize with her guest in the bitterness ofhis disappointment. In her attempts at consolation, she informed himthat at the distance of about three miles from where they were, therewas a village called Talomeco, which was the ancient capital of therealm; that here there was a vast sepulchre, in which all thechieftains and great warriors had been buried; that their bodies weredecorated with great quantities of pearls. 

De Soto, with a large retinue of his own officers and of the householdof the princess, visited this mausoleum. Much to his surprise, hefound there an edifice three hundred feet in length, and one hundredand twenty in breadth, with a lofty roof. The entrance was decoratedwith gigantic statuary of wood. One of these statues was twelve feetin height. In the interior many statues and carved ornaments werefound. 

A large number of wooden chests or coffins contained the decayingbodies of the illustrious dead. By the side of each of these there wasanother smaller chest, containing such valuables as it was probablysupposed the chief would need in the spirit-land. Both the Inca andthe Portuguese narrative agree in the account of the almost incrediblenumber of pearls there found. It is said that the Spaniards obtainedfourteen bushels, and that the princess assured them, that by visitingthe mausoleums of the various villages, they could find enough pearlsto load down all the horses of the army. 

The Spaniards generally were greatly elated at the discovery of theseriches. Pearls were estimated at a value almost equal to diamonds. Itis said that Queen Cleopatra possessed a single pearl which was valuedat three hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars. Philip II. OfSpain received as a present a pearl, about the size of a pigeon's egg, valued at one hundred and sixty thousand dollars. 

De Soto was urged to establish his colony upon this river, which hasvariously been conjectured to have been the St. Helena, the Oconee, the Ogeechee, and the Savannah. The country was beautiful and fertile;the climate delightful; and apparently an inexhaustible pearl fisherynear. It was urged that an agricultural colony could be established onthe fertile banks of the river, while from the seaport at its mouth alucrative trade could be carried on with the mother country for allthe rich productions of Spain. 

But the persistent spirit of De Soto was not to be turned from its onegreat all-absorbing object, the search for gold. He urged, and withgreat show of reason, that, in consequence of the recent pestilence, there was not sufficient provision in the country, to support the armyfor a month; that by continuing their march they might enter farricher provinces, and might find mines of gold. Should they bedisappointed, they could easily return; and in the meantime, theIndians having replanted their land, the fields would wave withabundant golden harvests. 

In an army of eight or nine hundred Spanish adventurers, there wouldof course be many worthless characters, difficult of restraint. DeSoto had been in this village several weeks. Notwithstanding all hisendeavors to promote peace and friendship, several broils had arisenbetween the natives and some of the low and degraded of his soldiery. The conduct of these vile men had produced a general feeling ofill-will among the natives. Even the princess herself manifestedestrangement. She had become distant and reserved, and was evidentlydesirous that her no longer welcome guests should take their speedydeparture. There were some indications that the princess so fardistrusted the Spaniards that, like her more prudent mother, she wasabout secretly to escape from them by flight. 

This would leave the Spaniards in a very embarrassed condition. Theyneeded guides to conduct them through the extended territory of theprincess. Heavily armed as they were, they needed porters to carrytheir burdens of extra clothing and provisions. The flight of theprincess would be the signal for the natives, all over the territory, to rise in a war of attempted extermination. The queen mother woulddoubtless do everything in her power to rouse and stimulate thishostility. The Spaniards thus assailed on every side, destitute ofguides, without porters to carry their baggage, and with but littlefood, would find themselves compelled in self-defence, to cut theirway, with blood-dripping sabres, through their foes, to rob theirgranaries, and to leave behind them a path strown with the dead, andfilled with misery. 

Again De Soto found himself in a false position. Again he feltconstrained to do that which his own conscience told him was unjust. The only possible way, as it seemed to him, by which he could obtainextrication from these awful difficulties, was to seize the person ofthe princess, his friend and benefactor, and hold her as a captive tosecure the good behavior of her subjects. He knew that their love forher was such that so long as she was in his power, they would notenter upon any hostile movement which might bring down vengeance uponher head. 

If De Soto had accepted the spirit of the noble letter from Isabella, and had said, "I will no longer persevere in this invasion of thelands of others, which is always plunging me more and more deeply intodifficulties, "--had he said frankly to the friendly princess, "I havedecided to return to my home, and I solicit your friendly coöperationto assist me on my way;" and had he made her a present, in token ofhis gratitude, of some of those articles with which he could easilyhave parted, and which were of priceless value to her, he mightdoubtless have retired unmolested. Instead of this he followed theinfamous example which Pizarro had set him in Peru. 

He appointed a guard, who were directed to keep a constant watch uponthe princess, so that she could by no possibility escape; at the sametime he informing her, in the most courteous tones, that theprotection of his army and of her own people rendered it necessarythat she should accompany him on his march. He held her in silkenchains, treating her with the utmost delicacy and deference. Theprincess had sufficient shrewdness to affect compliance with thisarrangement. It certainly accomplished the desired effect. All strifebetween the natives and the Spaniards ceased, a sufficient body ofporters accompanied the army, and its march was unimpeded. A beautifulpalanquin was provided for the princess, and the highest honors werelavished upon her. 

Colonel A. J. Pickett, in his interesting and very carefully preparedHistory of Alabama, speaking of the locality of this village where DeSoto tarried so long, and encountered so many adventures, says:

 "He entered the territory of the present Georgia at its southwestern border, and successively crossing the Ockmulgee, Oconee, and Ogeechee, finally rested on the banks of the Savannah, immediately opposite the modern Silver Bluff. On the eastern side was the town of Cutifachiqui, where lived an Indian queen, young, beautiful, and unmarried, and who ruled the country around to a vast extent. In 1736 George Golphin, then a young Irishman, established himself as an Indian trader at this point, and gave the old site of Cutifachiqui the name of Silver Bluff. The most ancient Indians informed him that this was the place where De Soto found the Indian princess; and this tradition agrees with that preserved by other old traders, and handed down to me. "

According to this statement the village of Cutifachiqui was on theeastern bank of the Savannah river, in Barnwell county, in the Stateof South Carolina. On the morning of the 4th of May, 1540, De Sotoagain put his army in motion, taking with him the beautiful queen andher retinue of plumed warriors. All this country was then calledFlorida. The army advanced rapidly up the eastern bank of the Savannahriver, where they forded the stream, and, again entering the presentState of Georgia, traversed nearly its whole breadth until theyreached the head waters of the Coosa river. Here, at the confluence ofthe Oostanaula and Etowa rivers, they found a large Indian town calledChiaha, near the present site of Rome. 

While on the march across the State of Georgia, the queen, probablydreading to be carried captive beyond her own domain, and aided by anunderstanding with her retinue, leaped from the palanquin anddisappeared in a dense forest through which they were passing. De Sotonever saw her or heard from her again. Undoubtedly a band of herwarriors were in rendezvous there to receive her. 

For five days the adventurers pressed along as rapidly as possible, over a hilly country about sixty miles in breadth. Though wellwatered, and abounding in beautiful valleys, luxuriant with mulberrygroves and rich prairies, it seemed to be quite uninhabited. Havingcrossed this mountainous region, they reached a populous districtcalled Guachule. The chief had received an intimation of the approachof the Spaniards, and that they came as messengers of peace and not ofwar. When De Soto and his band, led by native guides whom they hadpicked up by the way, had arrived within two miles of the village ofthe chief, they discovered him approaching them with a retinue of fivehundred plumed warriors, adorned with glittering robes and weapons inthe highest style of semi-barbaric display. The chief wasunembarrassed, dignified, and courtly in his address. He received DeSoto with truly fraternal kindness, escorted him to his village, whichconsisted of three hundred spacious houses, in a beautiful valley ofrunning streams at the base of adjacent hills. 

The dwelling of the chief was upon a spacious artificial mound, thesummit of which was sufficiently broad for the large edifice, leavinga terrace all around it about twelve feet in breadth. Here De Sotoremained four days, enjoying the hospitality of the friendly Cacique. 

Resuming their journey, the army marched down the banks of a largestream, supposed to be the Etowa, which empties into the Coosa. Forfive days they continued their march through an uninteresting country, almost destitute of inhabitants, until, having traversed, as theysupposed, about ninety miles, they came in sight of a large village, called Chiaha. 

De Soto, having arrived opposite the great town of Chiaha, whichprobably occupied the present site of Rome, crossed the Oostanaula incanoes, and upon rafts made of logs, prepared by the Indians, and tookup his quarters in the town. The noble young chief received De Sotowith unaffected joy, and made him the following address:

"Mighty Chief:--Nothing could have made me so happy as to be the meansof serving you and your warriors. You sent me word from Guaxule tohave corn collected to last your army two months. Here I have twentybarns full of the best which the country can afford. If I have not metyour wishes respect my tender age, and receive my good-will to do foryou whatever I am able. "

The Governor responded in a kind manner, and was then conducted to thechief's own house, prepared for his accommodation. The confluence ofthe Oostanaula and Etowa at this point forms the Coosa. Here De Sotoremained for a fortnight, recruiting his wearied men and his stillmore exhausted horses. It was bright and balmy summer, and thesoldiers encamping in a luxuriant mulberry grove a little outside ofthe town, enjoyed, for a season, rest and abundance. De Soto, asusual, made earnest inquiries for gold. He was informed that aboutthirty miles north of him there were mines of copper, and also of somemetal of the color of copper, but finer, brighter, and softer; andthat the natives sometimes melted them together in their manufactureof barbs, spearheads, and hatchets. 

This intelligence excited De Soto with new hopes. He had occasionallymet on his way natives with hatchets composed of copper and goldmelted together. As the province, which was called Chisca, wasseparated from Chiaha by a pathless wilderness which horses could nottraverse, De Soto sent two of his most trusty followers on anexploring tour through the region, conducted by Indian guides. Afteran absence of ten days they returned with the disappointing reportthat they found nothing there but copper of different degrees ofpurity. 

The rivers in the vicinity of Chiaha seem to have abounded with pearloysters, and large numbers of beautiful pearls were obtained. Thenatives nearly spoiled them all by boring them through with a red-hotrod, that they might string them as bracelets. One day the Caciquepresented De Soto with a string of pearls six feet in length, eachpearl as large as a filbert. These gems would have been of almostpriceless value but for the action of fire upon them. 

De Soto expressed some curiosity to see how the pearls were obtained. The Cacique immediately dispatched forty canoes down the river to fishduring the night for pearl oysters. In the morning De Soto accompaniedthe Cacique to the banks of the river where the oysters werecollected. Large fires were built, and the oysters placed upon theglowing coals. The heat opened them, and the pearls were sought for. From some of the first thus opened ten or twelve pearls were obtained, about the size of peas. They were all, however, more or less injuredby the heat. Col. Pickett says that the oyster mentioned was themuscle, to be found in all the rivers of Alabama. 

Again De Soto commenced his journey, leaving the friendly chief andhis people well contented with the presents he made them of gaylycolored cloths, knives, and other trinkets. Following the banks of theCoosa to the west they soon entered what is now the State of Alabama, and on the second of July came to a large native town named Acoste. The tribe, or nation, inhabiting this region, was famed for itsmartial prowess. The Cacique, a fierce warrior, did not condescend toadvance to meet De Soto, but at the head of fifteen hundred of hissoldiers, well armed and gorgeously uniformed, awaited in the publicsquare the approach of the Spanish chief. De Soto encamped his armyjust outside of the town, and, with a small retinue, rode in to payhis respects to the Cacique. 

Some of the vagabond soldiers straggled into the city, and were guiltyof some outrages, which led the natives to fall upon them. De Soto, with his accustomed presence of mind, seized a cudgel and assisted thenatives in fighting the Spaniards, while at the same moment hedispatched a courier to summon the whole army to his rescue. Peace wassoon established, but there was some irritation on both sides. Thenext morning De Soto was very willing to leave the neighborhood, andthe chief was not unwilling to have him. 

De Soto crossed the river Coosa to the eastern banks, and journeyingalong in a southerly direction, at the rate of about twelve miles aday, passed over a fertile and populous region, nearly three hundredmiles in extent. It is supposed his path led through the presentcounties of Benton, Talladega, Coosa, and Tallapoosa, in Alabama. Throughout the whole route they were treated by the natives with themost profuse hospitality, being fed by them liberally, and suppliedwith guides to lead them from one village to another. The provincewhich De Soto was thus traversing, and which was far-famed for itsbeauty and fertility, was called Coosa. 

 "With a delightful climate, and abounding in fine meadows and beautiful little rivers, this region was charming to De Soto and his followers. The numerous barns were full of corn, while acres of that which was growing bent to the warm rays of the sun and rustled in the breeze. In the plains were plum trees, peculiar to the country, and others resembling those of Spain. Wild fruit clambered to the tops of the loftiest trees, and lower branches were laden with delicious Isabella grapes. "[E]

[Footnote E: History of Alabama, by Albert James Pickett, p. 17. ]

This is supposed to have been the same native grape, called theIsabella, which has since been so extensively cultivated. 

CHAPTER XV. 

_The Dreadful Battle of Mobila. _

 The Army in Alabama. --Barbaric Pageant. --The Chief of Tuscaloosa. --Native Dignity. --Suspected Treachery of the Chief. --Mobila, its Location and Importance. --Cunning of the Chief. --The Spaniards Attacked. --Incidents of the Battle. --Disastrous Results. 

On the 15th of July, 1540, the army came in sight of the metropolitantown of the rich and populous province through which it was passing. The town, like the province, bore the name of Coosa. The army hadtravelled slowly, so that the native chief, by his swift footmen, hadeasily kept himself informed of all its movements. When within a mileor two of Coosa, De Soto saw in the distance a very splendid displayof martial bands advancing to meet him. The friendly greeting he hadcontinually received disarmed all suspicion of a hostile encounter. 

The procession rapidly approached. At its head was the chief, a youngman twenty-six years of age, of admirable figure and countenance, borne in a chair palanquin upon the shoulders of four of his warriors. A thousand soldiers, in their most gaudy attire, composed his train. As they drew near, with the music of well-played flutes, with regulartread, their mantles and plumes waving in the breeze, all theSpaniards were alike impressed with the beauty of the spectacle. Thechief himself was decorated with a mantle of rich furs gracefullythrown over his shoulders. His diadem was of plumes very brilliantlycolored. He addressed De Soto in the following speech:

"Mighty chief, above all others of the earth. Although I come now toreceive you, yet I received you many days ago deep in my heart. If Ihad the whole world it would not give me as much pleasure as I nowenjoy at the presence of yourself and your incomparable warriors. Myperson, lands, and subjects are at your service. I will now march youto your quarters with playing and singing. "[F]

[Footnote F: Portuguese Narrative, p. 719. ]

De Soto made a suitable response. Then the two armies, numbering, withtheir attendants, more than two thousand men, commenced their marchtoward the town. The native chief was borne in his palanquin, and DeSoto rode on his magnificent charger by his side. The royal palace wasassigned to De Soto, and one-half of the houses in the town wereappropriated to the soldiers for their lodgings. 

The town of Coosa, which consisted of five hundred houses, wassituated on the east bank of the river of the same name, between twocreeks now known as Talladega and Tallasehatchee. During a residenceof twelve days in this delightful retreat, some slight disturbancearose between some of the natives and some of the Spanish soldiers. Itwas, however, easily quelled by the prudence and friendly dispositionof the chief and the Governor. Indeed, the native chief became soattached to De Soto as to urge him to establish his colony there. Orif he could not consent to that arrangement, at least to spend thewinter with him. 

 "But De Soto, " writes Mr. Irving, "was anxious to arrive at the bay of Achusi, where he had appointed Captain Diego Maldonado to meet him in the autumn. Since leaving the province of Xuala he had merely made a bend through the country, and was now striking southerly for the sea-coast. "

On the 20th of August the Spanish army, after having spent twenty-fivedays at Coosa, was again in movement. The chief of Coosa, and a largebody of his warriors, accompanied De Soto to their frontiers, evidently as a friendly retinue. The Portuguese Narrative makes theincredible assertion that they were all prisoners, compelled to followthe army for its protection and as guides. With much more probabilityit is represented that one of the chief's subordinate officers on thefrontier was in a state of insurrection, and that upon that accountthe chief gladly accompanied the Spaniards, hoping to overawe hisrefractory subjects by appearing among them with such formidableallies. 

The Spaniards now entered the territory of Tuscaloosa, who was themost warlike and powerful chieftain of all the southern tribes. Hisdomain comprised nearly the whole of the present States of Alabama andMississippi. The Tuscaloosa, or Black Warrior river, flowed throughone of the richest of his valleys. Though there were no mails ortelegraphs in those days, Indian runners conveyed all importantintelligence with very considerable rapidity. The chief had heard ofthe approach of the Spaniards, and the annalists of those days say, weknow not with what authority, that he hesitated whether to receivethem as friends or foes. Whatever may have been his secret thoughts, he certainly sent his son, a young man of eighteen, with a retinue ofwarriors, to meet De Soto with proffers of friendship. 

The young ambassador was a splendid specimen of manhood, being tallerthan any Spaniard or Indian in the army, and admirably formed for bothstrength and agility. In his bearing he was self-possessed andcourteous, appearing like a gentleman accustomed to polished society. De Soto was much impressed by his appearance and princely manners. Hereceived him with the utmost kindness, made him several valuablepresents, and dismissed him with friendly messages to his father, stating that he cordially accepted of his friendship, and wouldshortly visit him. 

De Soto then crossed the river Tuscaloosa, or Black Warrior, havingfirst taken an affectionate leave of the Cacique of Coosa, who hadaccompanied him to this frontier river. A journey of two days broughtthe Spaniards to within six miles of the large village where the chiefof Tuscaloosa was awaiting their arrival. As they reached this spot inthe evening, they encamped for the night in a pleasant grove. Earlythe next morning De Soto sent forward a courier to apprise the chiefof his arrival, and set out soon after himself, accompanied by asuitable retinue of horsemen. 

The chief had, however, by his own scouts, kept himself informed ofevery movement of the Spaniards. He had repaired with a hundred of hisnobles, and a large band of warriors, to the summit of a hill, overwhich the route of the Spaniards led, and which commanded amagnificent prospect of the country for many leagues around. He wasseated on a chair of state, and a canopy of parti-colored deerskin, very softly tanned, and somewhat resembling a large umbrella, was heldover his head. His chief men were arranged respectfully and in ordernear him, while at a little distance his warriors were posted inmartial bands. The whole spectacle, crowning the smooth and verdanthill, presented a beautiful pageant. 

The Cacique was about forty years of age, and of gigantic proportions, being, like his son, nearly a head taller than any of his attendants. He was well-formed, and his countenance indicated perfectself-possession, intelligence, and great firmness. The sight of thecavaliers approaching with their silken banners, their glitteringarmor, and bestride their magnificent steeds, must have beenastounding in the highest degree to one who had never seen a quadrupedlarger than a dog. But the proud chief assumed an air of imperturbablegravity and indifference. 

One would have supposed that he had been accustomed to such scenesfrom his childhood. He did not deign even to look upon the horsemen, though some of them endeavored to arrest his attention by causing theanimals to prance and rear. Without taking the slightest notice of thecavaliers who preceded De Soto, his eye seemed instantly to discernthe Governor. As he approached, the chief courteously arose, andadvanced a few steps to meet him. De Soto alighted from his horse, andwith Spanish courtesy embraced the chieftain, who, with great dignity, addressed him in the following words:

"Mighty chief, I bid you welcome. I greet you as I would my brother. It is needless to talk long. What I have to say can be said in a fewwords. You shall know how willing I am to serve you. I am thankful forthe things you have sent me, chiefly because they were yours. I am nowready to comply with your desires. "

This interview, it is supposed, took place in the present county ofMontgomery, Alabama. The whole party then returned to the village, DeSoto and the chief walking arm in arm. A spacious house was assignedto De Soto and his suite by the side of that occupied by the Cacique. 

After a rest of two days in the village, enjoying the rather cold andreserved, but abundant hospitality of the chief, the Spaniardscontinued their march. The chief, either for his own pleasure or bypersuasion, was induced to accompany him. The most powerful horse inthe army was selected to bear his herculean frame; and yet it is saidthat when the Cacique bestrode him his feet almost touched the ground. De Soto had made him a present of a dress and mantle of rich scarletcloth Thus habited and mounted, with his towering plumes, heattracted all eyes. The two chieftains rode side by side. Their routeled through the counties of Montgomery, Lowndes, and the southeasternpart of Dallas, until they came to a large town called Piache, uponthe Alabama river. This stream they passed on rafts of log and cane, probably in the upper part of the county of Wilcox. The expeditionthen turned in a southerly direction, following down the western bankof the Alabama through Wilcox county. 

The Indian chief continued proud and distant; was observed to befrequently consulting with his principal men, and often dispatchingrunners in different directions. De Soto was led to suspect that sometreachery was meditated. Two of the Spaniards, who had wandered alittle distance in the woods, disappeared, and were never heard ofagain. It was suspected that they had been killed by the natives. TheCacique being questioned upon the subject, angrily and contemptuouslyreplied:

"Why do you ask me about your people? Am I their keeper?"

These suspicions led De Soto to keep a close watch upon the chief. This was done secretly, while still friendly relations were maintainedbetween them. It was more than probable that the chief was himself aspy in the Spanish camp, and that he was treacherously gathering hispowerful armies at some favorable point where he could effectuallyannihilate the Spaniards, and enrich himself with all theirpossessions of armor and horses. It was therefore a matter ofprudence, almost a vital necessity, for De Soto to throw an invisibleguard around the chieftain, that all his movements might be narrowlyobserved, and that he might not take to sudden flight. With him intheir hands as a hostage, the hostility of his warriors might, perhaps, be effectually arrested. 

They were now approaching the town of Mobila, which was the capital ofthe Tuscaloosa kingdom. This town was probably situated at a place nowcalled Choctaw Bluff, on the north or western side of the Alabamariver, in the county of Clarke. At that point the Spaniards were at adistance of about twenty-five miles above the confluence of theAlabama and the Tombigbee, and about eighty-five miles from the bay ofPensacola. The town was beautifully situated upon a spacious plain, and consisted of eighty very large houses; each one of which, it wasstated, would accommodate a thousand men. 

As they approached this important place, De Soto sent forward somevery reliable couriers, to observe if there were any indications ofconspiracy. Early in the morning of the eighteenth of October, 1540, De Soto with the advance guard of his army, consisting of one hundredfootmen, all picked men, accompanied by the Cacique, entered thestreets of Mobila. Mr. Irving gives the following interesting accountof this important capital:

 "This was the stronghold of the Cacique, where he and his principal men resided. It stood in a fine plain, and was surrounded by a high wall, formed of huge trunks of trees driven into the ground, side by side, and wedged together. These were crossed, within and without, by others, small and longer, bound to them by bands made of split reeds and wild vines. The whole was thickly plastered over with a kind of mortar, made of clay and straw trampled together, which filled up every chink and crevice of the wood-work, so that it appeared as if smoothed with a trowel. Throughout its whole circuit, the wall was pierced at the height of a man with loopholes, whence arrows might be discharged at an enemy, and at every fifty paces, it was surmounted by a tower capable of holding seven or eight fighting men. "

As De Soto and the chief, accompanied by the advance guard of theSpanish army, and a numerous train of Indian warriors, approached thewalls, a large band of native soldiers, in compact martial array, andas usual gorgeously decorated, emerged from one of the gates. Theywere preceded by a musical band, playing upon Indian flutes, and werefollowed by a group of dancing girls, remarkably graceful andbeautiful. As we have mentioned, De Soto, and the Cacique in hisscarlet uniform, rode side by side. Traversing the streets, the wholeband arrived in the central square. Here they alighted, and all thehorses were led outside the walls to be tethered and fed. 

The chief then, through Juan Ortiz, the interpreter, pointed out to DeSoto one of the largest houses for the accommodation of himself andsuite. Another adjoining house was appropriated to the servants andattendants. Cabins were also immediately reared just outside the wallsfor the accommodation of the main body of the army. 

De Soto was somewhat anxious in view of this arrangement. It waseffectually separating him from his soldiers, and was leaving theCacique entirely at liberty. Some words passed between the chief andthe Governor, which led to an angry reply on the part of the Cacique, who turned upon his heel and retired to his own palace. The main bodyof the army had not yet come up, and if the chief meditatedtreachery, the moment was very favorable for an attack upon theadvance guard only. 

Soon after the Cacique had left in an angry mood, one of the cavalierswhom De Soto had sent forward to examine into the state of affairs, entered with the announcement that many circumstances indicated a darkand treacherous plot. He said that more than ten thousand warriors, all evidently picked men, and thoroughly armed, were assembled in thevarious houses. Not a child was to be found in the town, and scarcelya woman, excepting the few dancing girls who had formed a part of theescort. 

The Governor was much alarmed by these tidings. He dispatched ordersto all the troops who were with him to be on the alert, and to holdthemselves in readiness to repel an assault. At the same time he sentback a courier to inform Luis De Moscoso, who was master of theSpanish camp, of the dangerous posture of affairs. Unfortunately, relying upon the friendly spirit of the natives, he had allowed hismen to scatter widely from the camp, hunting and amusing themselves. It was some time before they could be collected. 

De Soto, anxious to avert a rupture, wished to get the person of theCacique in his power. They had been accustomed since they met to eattogether. As soon as the attendants of the Governor had prepared somerefreshments for him, he sent Juan Ortiz to invite the Cacique to joinhim in the repast. The interpreter was not permitted to enter thepalace, but after a little delay, a messenger announced that theCacique would come pretty soon. 

The Governor waited some time, and again sent Ortiz to repeat theinvitation. Again the interpreter returned with the same response. After another interval of waiting, and the Cacique not appearing, Ortiz was sent for the third time. Approaching the door of the palace, he shouted out, in a voice sufficiently loud to be heard by allwithin, "Tell the chief of Tuscaloosa to come forth. The food is uponthe table, and the Governor is waiting for him. "

Immediately one of the principal attendants of the Cacique rushed outin a towering passion, and exclaimed:

"Who are these robbers, these vagabonds, who keep calling to my chiefof Tuscaloosa, 'come out! come out!' with as little reverence as if hewere one of them? By the sun and moon, this insolence is no longer tobe borne! Let us cut them to pieces on the spot, and put an end totheir wickedness and tyranny!"

Uttering these words, he threw off his superb mantle of marten skins, and seizing a bow from the hands of an attendant, drew an arrow to thehead, aiming at a group of Spaniards in the public square. But beforethe arrow left the bow, a steel-clad cavalier, who had accompanied theinterpreter, with one thrust of his sword laid the Indian dead at hisfeet. The son of the dead warrior, a vigorous young savage, sprangforward and let fly upon the cavalier six or seven arrows, as fast ashe could draw them. But they all fell harmless from his armor. He thenseized a club and struck him three or four blows over the head withsuch force that the blood gushed from beneath his casque. 

All this was done in an instant, when the cavalier, recoveringfrom his surprise, with two sword-thrusts, laid the young warriordead in his blood by the side of his father. It seemed as thoughinstantaneously the war-whoop resounded from a thousand throats. 

The concealed warriors, ten thousand in number, with hideous yells, like swarming bees, rushed into the streets. De Soto had but twohundred men to meet them. But these were all admirably armed, and mostof them protected by coats of mail. He immediately placed himself atthe head of his troops, and slowly retreating, fighting fiercely everyinch of the way, with his armored men facing the foe, succeeded inwithdrawing through the gate out upon the open plain, where hishorsemen could operate to better advantage. In the retreat five of theSpaniards were killed and many severely wounded, De Soto being one ofthe number. 

The Indians came rushing out upon the plain in a tumultuous mass, withyells of defiance and victory. But the dragoons soon regained theirhorses, which had been tethered outside the walls, and whose bodieswere much protected from the arrows of the natives; and then, in aterrific charge, one hundred steel-clad men, cutting to the right handand to the left, maddened by the treachery of which they had been thevictims, plunged into the densest masses of their foes, and everysabre-blow was death to a half-naked Indian. The slaughter was awful. Brave as the Indians were, they were thrown into a panic, and fledprecipitately into the town. 

In the retreat from the town, about twenty of the Spaniards had beencut off from their comrades, and had taken refuge in the houseassigned to the Governor. Here they valiantly defended themselvesagainst fearful odds. The bold storming of the place by the Spanishtroops rescued them from their perilous position. But now all thewarriors of both parties crowded together in the public square, foughthand to hand with a ferocity which could not be surpassed. Though thenatives were far more numerous than their foes, and were equally braveand strong, still the Spaniards had a vast superiority over them intheir bucklers, their impenetrable armor, and their long, keen sabresof steel. 

De Soto, conscious that the very existence of his army depended uponthe issue of the conflict, was ever in the thickest of the battle, notwithstanding the severity of the wound from which he was suffering. At length, to drive his foes from the protection of their houses, thetorch was applied in many places. The timber of which they were builtwas dry almost as tinder. Soon the whole place was in flames, thefiery billows surging to and fro like a furnace. All alike fled fromthe conflagration. The horsemen were already upon the plain, and theycut down the fugitive Indians mercilessly. 

The sun was then sinking; Mobila was in ruins, and its flamingdwellings formed the funeral pyre of thousands of the dead. The battlehad lasted nine hours. To the Spaniards it was one of the mostterrible calamities. Eighty-two of their number were slain. Nearly allthe rest were more or less severely wounded. Forty-five horses hadbeen shot--an irreparable loss which all the army deeply mourned. 

In entering the city, they had piled their camp equipage against thewalls. This was all consumed, consisting of clothing, armor, medicines, and all the pearls which they had collected. The disasterto the natives was still more dreadful. It is estimated that sixthousand of their number perished by the sword or the flames. The fateof the chieftain is not with certainty known. It is generally supposedthat he was slain and was consumed in the flames of his capital. 

The situation of the Spanish army that night was distressing in thehighest degree. They were hungry, exhausted, dejected, and seventeenhundred dangerous wounds demanded immediate attention. There was butone surgeon of the expedition who survived, and he was a man of butlittle skill. 

De Soto forgot himself and his wound in devotion to the interests ofhis men. Foraging parties were sent in all directions to obtain foodfor the sufferers, and straw for bedding. Here the army was compelledmany days to remain to recruit from the awful disaster with which ithad been so suddenly overwhelmed. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

_Days of Darkness. _

 The Melancholy Encampment. --The Fleet at Pensacola. --Singular Resolve of De Soto. --Hostility of the Natives. --Beautiful Scenery. --Winter Quarters on the Yazoo. --Feigned Friendship of the Cacique. --Trickery of Juan Ortiz. --The Terrible Battle of Chickasaw. --Dreadful Loss of the Spaniards. 

For twenty-three days the Spaniards remained in their miserablequarters, nursing the sick and the wounded. As nearly all theirbaggage had been consumed in the flames, they were in a condition ofextreme destitution and suffering. Parties, of those who were leastdisabled, were sent on foraging expeditions, penetrating the countryaround to a distance of about twelve miles. They found the villagesdeserted by the terror-stricken inhabitants. But they obtained asufficient supply of food to meet their immediate wants. In thethickets and ravines they found the bodies of many Indians, who haddied of their wounds, and had been left unburied by their companions. They also found in many of the deserted hamlets, wounded Indians, whocould go no farther, and who were in a starving and dying condition. De Soto kindly ordered that their wounds should be dressed, and thatthey should be fed and nursed just as tenderly as his own men. Severalcaptives were taken. De Soto inquired of them if another attack weremeditated. They replied that all their warriors were slain; that nonewere left to renew the battle; that their chief had sent his son towatch the movements of the Spaniards, and had summoned his warriorsfrom a great distance for their extermination. Nearly all were to beslain. The survivors were to be held as slaves. All their possessionsand especially the magnificent animals they rode, were to be dividedas the spoils of the conqueror. They said that their chief, upon thearrival of De Soto with his advance guard, was holding a council withhis officers, to decide whether they should immediately attack thosewho had already arrived, or wait until the whole army was within theirpower. The passion and imprudence of one of their generals hadprecipitated the conflict. 

The loss of the natives was even greater than De Soto had at firstimagined. The thousands of Indian warriors who were within thespacious houses, shooting their arrows through windows, doors andloopholes, were many of them cut off from all escape, by the devouringflames. Bewildered, blinded, stifled by the smoke, and encircled bythe billowy fire, they miserably perished. 

While De Soto was thus encamped around the smouldering ruins ofMobila, he heard of the arrival of his fleet at Pensacola, then calledthe bay of Achusi. As he was but about one hundred miles from thatpoint, an easy march of a few days would bring him to reinforcementsand abundant supplies. The tidings of their arrival at first gave himgreat satisfaction. His determined spirit was still unvanquished. Heimmediately resolved to establish his colony on the shores ofPensacola Bay, whence he could have constant water communication withCuba and with Spain. Having obtained a fresh supply of military storesand recruits from the ships, he would recommence his pursuit aftergold. 

While one cannot but condemn his persistence in a ruinous course, theinvincible spirit it develops wins admiration. Indeed if we accept thefacts of the affair at Mobila, as above described, and those factsseem to be fully corroborated by a careful examination of all thereliable annalists of those days, impartial history cannot severelycondemn De Soto in that dreadful occurrence. But it cannot be deniedthat he would have acted much more wisely, had he followed the counselof Isabella, previously given, and withdrawn from scenes thus fraughtwith violence, cruelty and blood. 

As De Soto was conversing with some of his officers, of his plan ofstill prosecuting his journey in search of gold, he was told, not alittle to his dismay, that his soldiers would not follow him. It wassaid that they were all thoroughly disheartened, and anxious to returnto their homes, and that immediately upon reaching their ships, theywould insist upon reembarking, and abandoning a land where they hadthus far encountered only disasters. 

The thought of returning to Cuba an impoverished man, having utterlyfailed in his expedition, surrounded by ragged and clamorousfollowers, and thus in disgrace, was to De Soto dreadful. Not makingsufficient allowance for the difference in those respects betweenhimself and his followers, he found it difficult to credit therepresentations which had been made to him. He therefore dressedhimself in a disguise, and secretly wandered about by night among thefrail huts of the soldiers, and soon found, by listening to theirconversation, his worst fears confirmed. It became clear to his mindthat immediately on his return to the ships, his present followerswould disband and shift for themselves, while it would be in vain forhim to attempt to raise another army. 

Speaking of the distress with which these considerations oppressed themind of De Soto, Mr. Irving well says, referring in confirmation ofhis statement, both to the account given by the Portuguese Narrative, and that by the Inca:

 "Should his present forces desert him, therefore, he would remain stripped of dignity and command, blasted in reputation, his fortune expended in vain, and his enterprise, which had caused so much toil and trouble, a subject of scoffing rather than renown. The Governor was a man extremely jealous of his honor; and as he reflected upon these gloomy prospects, they produced sudden and desperate resolves. He disguised his anger and his knowledge of the schemes he had overheard, but he determined to frustrate them by turning back upon the coast, striking again into the interior, and never seeking the ships nor furnishing any tidings of himself, until he had crowned his enterprise gloriously by discovering new regions of wealth like those of Peru and Mexico. 

 "A change came over De Soto from this day. He was disconcerted in his favorite scheme of colonization, and had lost confidence in his followers. Instead of manifesting his usual frankness, energy and alacrity, he became a moody, irritable, discontented man. He no longer pretended to strike out any grand undertaking, went recklessly wandering from place to place, apparently without order or object, as if careless of time and life, and only anxious to finish his existence. "

On the morning of the 15th of November, 1540, the troops, much totheir consternation, received orders to commence their march to thenorth, instead of to the south. The established habits of militarydiscipline, and the stern manner of De Soto, repelled all audiblemurmurs. Each soldier took with him two days' provision, whichconsisted mainly of roasted corn pounded into meal. It was not doubtedthat in the fertile region of that sunny clime they would find food bythe way. But winter was approaching which, though short, wouldcertainly bring with it some days and nights of such severe cold thatan unsheltered army would almost perish. 

After traversing a very pleasant country for five days, withoutmeeting any adventure of any especial interest, they came to a riverwide and deep, with precipitous banks, which is supposed to have beenthe Tuscaloosa, or Black Warrior. The point at which they touched thisstream, upon whose banks they had already encamped, was probably nearthe present site of Erie, in Greene County. Here they found upon thefarther banks of the river, a populous village called Cabusto. De Sotoas usual sent a courier with a friendly message to the chief, saying"that he came in friendship and sought only an unobstructed paththrough his realms. "

The chief returned the defiant reply--

"We want no peace with you. War only we want; a war of fire andblood. "

As De Soto, troubled by this message, moved cautiously forward, hefound an army of fifteen hundred natives drawn up on the banks of thestream to prevent the passage; while the opposite banks were occupiedby between six and seven thousand warriors, extending up and down theriver for a distance of six miles. There was nothing for the Spaniardsto do but to press forward. To turn back, in sight of their foes, wasnot to be thought of. After a pretty sharp skirmish, in which theSpaniards attacked their opponents, the natives sprang into theircanoes, and some by swimming crossed the river and joined the mainbody of the Indians upon the opposite bank. 

Here they were obviously prepared, to make a desperate resistance. Night came on, dark and chill. The Spaniards bivouacked on the openplain, awaiting the morning, when, with but about seven hundred men, they were to assail eight thousand warriors, very strongly posted onbluffs, with a deep and rapid river flowing at their feet. The Indiansgave the Spaniards no repose. During the darkness they werecontinually passing the river at different points in their canoes, andthen uniting in one band, with hideous outcries assailing the wearytravellers. The military genius of De Soto successfully beat them offthrough the night. He then intrenched himself so as to bid defiance totheir attacks, and employed one hundred of his most skilful workmen inbuilding, under the concealment of a neighboring grove, two very largeflat boats. 

Twelve days passed before these barges were finished. By the aid ofmen and horses, they were brought to the river and launched. In themorning, before the dawn, ten mounted horsemen and forty footmenembarked in each boat, the footmen to ply the oars as vigorously aspossible in the rapid passage of the river to a designated spot, wherethe horsemen were immediately to spur their steeds upon the shore, andwith their sabres open a passage for the rest of the troops. De Sotowas anxious to pass in the first boat, but his followers entreated himnot to expose his life, upon which everything depended, to so great aperil. 

The moment the boats were dimly seen by the watchful natives, a signalwar-whoop rang along the bank for miles. Five hundred warriors rushedto the menaced spot, to prevent the landing. Such a shower of arrowswas thrown upon the boat that every man was more or less wounded. Themoment the bows touched the beach, the steel-clad horsemen plungedupon the foe, and cut their way through them with blood-drippingsabres. Other native warriors were however hurrying to the assistanceof their comrades. In the meantime the boats had with great rapidityrecrossed the river, and brought over another detachment of eighty menwith De Soto himself at their head. After a sanguinary conflict theSpaniards obtained complete possession of the landing place. Thoughunimportant skirmishes were kept up through the day, the remainingtroops were without difficulty brought across the river. At nightfallnot an Indian was to be seen. They had all withdrawn and fortifiedthemselves with palisades in a neighboring swamp. 

The Spaniards found opening before them a beautiful and fertilecountry, well cultivated, with fields of corn and beans, and with manysmall villages and comfortable farm-houses scattered around. Theybroke up their boats for the sake of the nails, which might prove ofpriceless value to them in their future operations. Leaving theIndians unmolested in their fortress, they journeyed on five days in awesterly direction, when they reached the banks of another largeriver, which is supposed to have been the Tombigbee. 

Here De Soto found hostile Indians arrayed on the opposite bank, readyto oppose his passage. Anxious to avoid, if possible, any sanguinarycollision with the natives, he tarried for two days, until a canoe hadbeen constructed by which he could send a friendly message across tothe chief. A single unarmed Indian was dispatched in the canoe withthese words of peace. He paddled across the river, and as soon as thecanoe touched the shore the savages rushed upon him, beat out hisbrains with their war-clubs, and raising yells of defiance, mysteriously disappeared. 

There being no longer any foe to oppose the passage, the troops wereeasily conveyed across on rafts. Unassailed, they marched tranquillyon for several days, until, on the 18th of December, they reached asmall village called Chickasaw. It was pleasantly situated on a gentleeminence, embellished with groves of walnut and oak trees, and withstreams of pure water running on either side. It is supposed that thisvillage was on the Yazoo river, in the upper part of the State ofMississippi, about two hundred and fifty miles northwest of Mobile. 

It was midwinter, and upon those high lands the weather was intenselycold. The ground was frequently encumbered with snow and ice, and thetroops, unprovided with winter clothing, suffered severely. De Sotodecided to take up his winter quarters at Chickasaw, there to awaitthe returning sun of spring. There appears to have been somethingsenseless in the wild wanderings in which De Soto was now persisting, which have led some to suppose that care, exhaustion, and sorrow hadbrought on some degree of mental derangement. However that may be, hedevoted himself with great energy to the promotion of the comfort ofhis men. Foraging parties were dispatched in all directions in searchof food and of straw for bedding, while an ample supply of fuel wascollected for their winter fires. 

There were two hundred comfortable houses in this village, and De Sotoadded a few more, so that all of his men were well sheltered. So faras we can judge from the narratives given, the native inhabitants, through fear of the Spaniards, had abandoned their homes and fled todistant parts. De Soto did everything in his power to open friendlyrelations with the Indians. He succeeded, through his scouts, incapturing a few, whom he sent to their chief laden with presents, andwith assurances of peace and friendship. 

The Cacique returned favorable replies, and sent to De Soto in returnfruit, fish, and venison. He, however, was very careful not to exposehis person to the power of the Spaniards. His warriors, in graduallyincreasing numbers, ventured to enter the village, where they weretreated by De Soto with the greatest consideration. He had still quitea large number of swine with him, for they had multiplied wonderfullyon the way. The Indians, having had a taste of pork, found it sodelicious that they began to prowl around the encampment by night tosteal these animals. It is said that two Indians who were caught inthe act were shot, and as this did not check the thievery, a third hadboth his hands chopped off with a hatchet, and thus mutilated was sentto the chief as a warning to others. 

It is with great reluctance that we give any credence to thisstatement. It certainly is not sustained by any evidence which wouldsecure conviction in a court of justice. It is quite contrary to thewell-established humanity of De Soto. There can be no possible excusefor such an act of barbarity on the part of any civilized man. If DeSoto were guilty of the atrocity, it would, indeed, indicate that hisreason was being dethroned. 

The chief had taken up his residence about three or four miles fromthe village. Four of the Spanish soldiers one night, well armed, stolefrom their barracks, in direct violation of orders, and repairing tothe dwelling of the Cacique, robbed him of some rich fur mantles, andother valuable articles of clothing. With that even-handed justicewhich has thus far characterized De Soto, he who had ordered twoIndians to be shot for stealing his swine, now ordered the tworingleaders in this robbery of the Indian chief to be put to death. 

The priests in the army, and most of the officers, earnestly imploredDe Soto to pardon the culprits. But he was inflexible. He wouldadminister equal justice to the Indian and the Spaniard. The culpritswere led into the public square to be beheaded. It so happened that, just at that time, an embassage arrived from the Cacique withcomplaints of the robbery, and demanding the punishment of theoffenders. Juan Ortiz, the interpreter, whose sympathies were deeplymoved in behalf of his comrades about to be executed, adopted thefollowing singular and sagacious expedient to save them:

He falsely reported to the Governor that the chief had sent hismessengers to implore the forgiveness of the culprits--to say thattheir offence was a very slight one, and that he should regard it as apersonal favor if they were pardoned and set at liberty. Thekind-hearted De Soto, thus delivered from his embarrassment, gladlyreleased them. 

On the other hand, the tricky interpreter sent word to the Caciquethat the men who had robbed him were in close imprisonment, and thatthey would be punished with the utmost severity, so as to serve as awarning to all others. 

Many circumstances led De Soto to the suspicion that the chief wasacting a treacherous part; that he was marshalling an immense army inthe vicinity to attack the Spaniards; that his pretended friendlinesswas intended merely to disarm suspicion, and that the warriors whovisited the village were spies, making preparation for a generalassault. In this judgment subsequent events proved him to be correct. 

Early in the month of March there was a dark and stormy night, and achill north wind swept the bleak plains. The sentinels were driven toseek shelter; no one dreamed of peril. It was the hour for the grandassault. Just at midnight the Cacique put his martial bands in motion. They were in three powerful divisions, the central party being led bythe chief in person. These moccasoned warriors, with noiseless tread, stealthily approached their victims. Suddenly the air resounded withwar-whoops, blasts of conch shells, and the clangor of wooden drums, rising above the roar of the storm, when the savages, like spirits ofdarkness, rushed upon the defenceless village. They bore with themlighted matches, made of some combustible substance twisted in theform of a cord, which, being waved in the air, would blaze into flame. The village was built of reeds, with thatch of dried grass. The torchwas everywhere applied; the gale fanned the fire. In a few minutes thewhole village was a roaring furnace of flame. 

What pen can describe the scene which ensued of tumult, terror, blood, and woe! What imagination can conceive of the horrors of that night, when uncounted thousands of savages, fierce as demons, rushed upon thesteel-clad veterans of Spain, not one of whom would ask for quarter!every one of whom would fight with sinewy arm and glittering sabre tothe last possible gasp. 

Nothing could throw the veteran Spaniards into a panic. They alwaysslept prepared for surprise. In an instant every man was at his post. De Soto, who always slept in hose and doublet, drew his armor aroundhim, mounted his steed ever ready, and was one of the first to dashinto the densest of the foe. Twelve armored horsemen were immediatelyat his side. The arrows and javelins of the natives glanced harmlessfrom helmet and cuirass, while every flash of the long, keen sabreswas death to an Indian, and the proud war-horses trampled the corpsesbeneath their feet. 

The fierce conflagration soon drove all alike out into the plain. Many of the Spaniards could not escape, but perished miserably in thefire. Several of the splendid horses were also burned. Soon all wereengaged hand to hand, fighting in a tumultuous mass by the light ofthe conflagration. There was, perhaps, alike bravery on either side. But the natives knew that if defeated they could flee to the forests;while to the Spaniards defeat was certain death, or captivity worsethan death to every one. 

De Soto observed not far from him an Indian chief of herculeanstrength, who was fighting with great success. He closed in upon him, and as he rose in his saddle, leaning mainly upon the right stirrup, to pierce him with his lance, the saddle, which in the haste had notbeen sufficiently girded, turned beneath him, and he was thrown uponthe ground in the midst of the enemy. His companions sprang to therescue. Instantly he remounted, and was again in the thickest of thefoe. The battle was fierce, bloody, and short. So many of the horsemenhad perished during their long journey that many of the foot soldierswere protected by armor. At length the savages were put to flight. Pursued by the swift-footed horses, they, in their terror, to addspeed to their footsteps, threw away their weapons, and thus fell aneasy prey to the conqueror. 

The Spaniards, justly exasperated in being thus treacherouslyassailed by those who had assumed the guise of friendship, pursued thefugitives so long as they could be distinguished by the light of theconflagration, and cut them down without any mercy. A bugle-blast thensounded the recall. The victors returned to an awful scene ofdesolation and misery. Their homes were all in ashes, and many of thefew comforts they had retained were consumed. Forty Spaniards had beenslain, besides many more wounded. Fifty horses had perished in theflames, or had been shot by the natives. Their herd of swine, whichthey prized so highly, and which they regarded as an essential elementin the establishment of their colony, had been shut up in an enclosureroofed with straw, and nearly every one had perished in the flames. 

This disaster was the most severe calamity which had befallen them. Since landing at Tampa Bay, over three hundred men had fallen from theattacks of the natives. De Soto was thrown into a state of the deepestdespondency. All hope seemed to be extinguished. World-weary, and indespair, he apparently wished only to die. Distress was all aroundhim, with no possibility of his affording any relief. Sadly he buriedthe dead of his own army, while he left the bodies of the nativesthick upon the plain, a prey for wolves and vultures. The smoulderingruins of Chickasaw were abandoned, and an encampment was reared oflogs and bark at a distance of about three miles; where they passed afew weeks of great wretchedness. Bodily discomfort and mentaldespondency united in creating almost intolerable gloom. 

Terribly as the natives had been punished they soon learned the extentof the calamity they had inflicted upon the Spaniards. Through theirspies they ascertained their diminished numbers, witnessed theirmiserable plight, and had the sagacity to perceive that they were verypoorly prepared to withstand another attack. Thus they graduallyregained confidence, marshalled their armies anew, and commenced anincessant series of assaults, avoiding any general action, and yetwearing out the Spaniards with the expectation of such action everyhour of every night. 

In the daytime, De Soto sent out his horsemen to scour the countryaround in all directions for a distance of ten or twelve miles. Theywould return with the declaration that not a warrior was to be found. But before midnight the fleet footed savages would be swarming aroundthe encampment, with hideous yells, often approaching near enough tothrow in upon it a shower of arrows. Occasionally these skirmishesbecame hotly contested. In one of them forty Indians were slain, while two of the horses of the Spaniards were killed and two severelywounded. 

In their thin clothing the Spaniards would have suffered terribly fromthe severe cold of the nights, but for the ingenuity of one of theirnumber, who invented a soft, thick, warm matting or coverlet which hewove from some long grass that abounded in the vicinity. Every soldierwas speedily engaged in the manufacture of these beds or blankets. They were made several inches in thickness and about six feet square. One half served as a mattress, and the other folded over, became ablanket. Thus they were relieved from the cold, which otherwise wouldhave been almost unendurable. 

The foraging parties succeeded in obtaining a supply of corn, beans, and dried fruit. Here De Soto was compelled to remain, to heal hiswounded, for the remainder of the month of March. He was very anxiousto escape from the hostile region as soon as possible. As anillustration of the scenes which were occurring almost every nightduring this sad encampment, we may mention the following. 

The night was cold and dark. The defiant war-cries of the savages wereheard in all directions and no one could tell how great their numbers, or upon what point their attack would fall. Several camp-fires werebuilt, around which horsemen were assembled ready to meet the foe fromwhatever point, in the darkness, he might approach. Juan De Gusman wasthe leader of one of these bands. He was a cavalier of high renown. Infigure, he was delicate, almost feminine, but he had the soul of alion. 

By the light of the blazing fagots, he discerned a numerous band ofIndians stealthily approaching. Leaping upon his horse, and followedby five companions, and a few armored footmen, he plunged into themidst of them. He aimed his javelin, at apparently the leader of thesavages, a man of gigantic stature. The Indian wrenched the lance fromhis hand, seized him by the collar, and hurled him from his saddle tothe ground. Instantly the soldiers rushed in, with their sabers, cutthe savage to pieces and after a short conflict in which a largenumber of the natives were slain, put the rest to flight. 

It may seem strange that so few of the Spaniards were killed in theseterrible conflicts, in which they often cut down hundreds and eventhousands of their foes. But it should be remembered that their coatsof mail quite effectually protected them from the flint pointed arrowsof the Indians. The only vulnerable point was the face, and even thiswas sometimes shielded by the visor. But the bodies of the natives, thinly clad, were easily cut down by the steel blades of thecavaliers. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

_The Discovery of the Mississippi. _

 The Fortress of Hostile Indians. --Its Capture. --The Disastrous Conflict. --The Advance of the Army. --Discovery of the Mississippi River. --Preparations for Crossing. --Extraordinary Pageants. --Unjustifiable Attack. --The passage of the River. --Friendly Reception by Casquin. --Extraordinary Religious Festival. 

On the first day of April, 1541, the army broke up its encampment, andagain set out languidly on its journey to the westward. No sounds ofjoy were heard, for there was no longer hope to cheer. The indomitableenergy of De Soto dragged along the reluctant footsteps of his troops. The first day they travelled about twelve miles, through a level andfertile country with many villages and farm houses to charm the eye. At night they encamped beyond the territory of Chickasaw, andconsequently supposed that they would no longer be molested, by thosehostile Indians. 

A well armed party of cavalry and infantry was sent out on a foragingexpedition. They accidently approached a strong fortress where a largenumber of Indian warriors was assembled, prepared to resist theirmarch. They were very fantastically clothed, and painted in thehighest style of barbaric art, so as to render them as hideous aspossible. Immediately upon catching sight of the Spaniards they rushedout upon them with ferocious cries. Añasco, who was in command of theSpanish party, seeing such overwhelming numbers coming upon him, retreated to an open field, where he drew up his horses and placed hiscross-bow men in front with their bucklers, to protect the preciousanimals. At the same time he sent hastily back to De Soto forreinforcements. 

The Indians came rushing on, clashing their weapons, beating woodendrums and raising the war-whoop, till they arrived within reach of thearrows of the cross-bow men. Then, somewhat appalled by the formidablemilitary array of the Spaniards glittering in steel armor, theystopped and taunted their foes from the distance, with cries ofdefiance and gestures of insolence and insult. 

The hot-headed Añasco found it hard to restrain his impatience. SoonDe Soto himself came, with all his force, except a few left to guardthe camp. Carefully he scrutinized the fortress where these savageshad gathered their strength to crush him. It was indeed a formidablestructure: consisting of a quadrangle twelve hundred feet square. There were three entrance gates, purposely so low that mounted mencould not enter. In the rear of the fortress there was a deep andrapid river with steep banks, probably the Yazoo; in the county ofTallahatchee. The fort was called the Alabama. Across this stream, frail bridges were constructed, over which the Indians, in case ofnecessity, could retreat, and easily destroy the bridges behind them. Directly in the rear of the front entrance, there was a second wall, and in the rear of that a third; so that if the outer wall weregained, the garrison could retreat behind one and the other. 

De Soto very carefully reconnoitred the fort. He judged that theslightest appearance of timidity, on his part, would so embolden thesavages as to expose him to great peril. Should he avoid the conflict, to which he was challenged, and endeavor to escape, by fleeing beforehis enemies, he would draw them down upon him with resistless fury. Thus again he found himself impelled to rouse all the energies of hisarmy for the slaughter of the poor savages. 

He formed his attacking force in three columns, to seize the threeentrances. The Indians, carefully noting these preparations, made asimultaneous rush upon the Spaniards, pouring in upon them anincessant volley of flint-pointed arrows. Notwithstanding the armor, many of the Spaniards were wounded, the savages taking careful aim atthose parts which were least protected. The three storming columnspressed vigorously on, while two bands of horsemen, twenty in each, De Soto leading one of them, attacked the tumultuous foe on eachflank. The assault was resistless. The panic-stricken savages fled tothe fortress. The entrances were clogged by the crowd, and horsemenand footmen, with their long sharp sabres cut down their foes withenormous slaughter. 

In the heat of the conflict an arrow, thrown by the sinewy arm of anIndian, struck the steel casque of De Soto with such force that itrebounded some sixteen feet in the air. The blow was so severe that italmost unhorsed the Governor, and seemingly caused, as he afterwardssaid, the fire to flash from his eyes. As the savages rushed pell-mellinto the fortress, their pursuers were at their heels, cutting themdown. The Spaniards were exasperated. They had sought peace, and hadfound only war. De Soto had wished, in a friendly spirit, to traversetheir country, and they were hedging up his way and pursuing him withrelentless ferocity. He assumed that it was necessary, for thesalvation of his army, to teach them a lesson which they would notsoon forget. 

The carnage within the fortress was dreadful. All was inextricableconfusion. It was a hand-to-hand fight. Wooden swords fell harmlessupon helmet, cuirass and buckler. But the keen and polished steel ofthe Spaniards did fearful execution upon the almost naked bodies ofthe Indians. Some climbed the palisades and leaped down into theplain, where they were instantly slain by the mounted troops. Otherscrowded through the fort and endeavored to escape by the narrowbridges. Many were jostled off, and in the swift current were drowned. But a few moments elapsed ere the fort was in the hands of theSpaniards. Its floor was covered by the gory bodies of the slain. Still, not a few had escaped, some by swimming, some by the bridges. They immediately formed in battle array upon the opposite bank of theriver, where they supposed they were beyond the reach of theSpaniards. 

Again they raised shouts of defiance and insult. De Soto was not in amood to endure these taunts. Just above the fort he found a ford. Crossing with a squadron of horsemen, they rushed with gleaming sabresupon the savages, and put them instantly to flight. For more thanthree miles they pursued them over the plain, till wearied withslaughter. They then returned, victors, slowly and sadly to theirencampment. Peace and friendship would have been far preferable tothis war and misery. Even their victory was to the Spaniards a greatdisaster, for several of the men were slain, and many severelywounded. Of the latter, fifteen subsequently died. De Soto remainedfour days in the encampment, nursing the wounded, and then resumed hisweary march. 

He still directed his footsteps in a westerly direction, carefullyavoiding an approach to the sea, lest his troops should rise inmutiny, send for the ships, and escape from the ill-starredenterprise. This certainly indicates, under the circumstances, anunsound, if not a deranged mind. For four days the troops toiled alongthrough a dismal region, uninhabited, and encumbered with tangledforests and almost impassable swamps. 

At length they came to a small village called Chisca, upon the banksof the most majestic stream they had yet discovered. Sublimely themighty flood, a mile and a half in width, rolled by them. The currentwas rapid and bore upon its bosom a vast amount of trees, logs, anddrift-wood, showing that its sources must be hundreds of leagues faraway, in the unknown interior. This was the mighty Mississippi, the'father of waters. ' The Indians, at that point, called it Chucagua. Its source and its embouchure were alike unknown to De Soto. Littlewas he then aware of the magnitude of the discovery he had made. 

 "De Soto, " says Mr. Irving, "was the first European who looked out upon the turbid waters of this magnificent river; and that event has more surely enrolled his name among those who will ever live in American history, than if he had discovered mines of silver and gold. "

The Spaniards had reached the river after a four days' march throughan unpeopled wilderness. The Indians of Chisca knew nothing of theirapproach, and probably had never heard of their being in the country. The tribe inhabiting the region of which Chisca was the metropolis, was by no means as formidable, as many whom they had alreadyencountered. The dwelling of the Cacique stood on a large artificialmound, from eighteen to twenty feet in height. It was ascended by twoladders, which could of course be easily drawn up, leaving the royalfamily thus quite isolated from the people below. 

Chisca, the chieftain, was far advanced in years, a feeble, emaciateold man of very diminutive stature. In the days of his prime, he hadbeen a renowned warrior. Hearing of the arrival of the Spaniards, hewas disposed to regard them as enemies, and seizing his tomahawk, hewas eager to descend from his castle and lead his warriors to battle. 

The contradictory statements are made that De Soto, weary of theharassing warfare of the winter, was very anxious to secure thefriendship of these Indians. Unless he were crazed, it must have beenso, for there was absolutely nothing to be gained, but everything tobe imperilled, by war. On the other hand, it is said that the momentthe Spaniards descried the village, they rushed into it, plunderingthe houses, seizing men and women as captives. Both statements mayhave been partially true. It is not improbable that the disorderlytroops of De Soto, to his great regret, were guilty of some outrages, while he personally might have been intensely anxious to repress thisviolence and cultivate only friendly relations with the natives. 

But whatever may have been the hostile or friendly attitude assumed bythe Spaniards, it is admitted that the Cacique was disposed to wagewar against the new comers. The more prudent of his warriors urgedthat he should delay his attack upon them until he had made suchpreparations as would secure successful results. 

"It will be best first, " said they, "to assemble all the warriors ofour nation, for these men are well armed. In the meantime, let uspretend friendship and not provoke an attack until we are strongenough to be sure of victory. "

The irascible old chief was willing only partially to listen to thisadvice. He delayed the conflict, but did not disguise his hostility. De Soto sent to him a very friendly message, declaring that he camein peace and wished only for an unmolested march through his country. The Cacique returned an angry reply, refusing all courteousintercourse. 

The Spaniards had been but three hours in the village when, to theirsurprise, they perceived an army of four thousand warriors, thoroughlyprepared for battle, gathered around the mound upon which was rearedthe dwelling of the chief. If so many warriors could be assembled inso short a time, they feared there must be a large number in reservewho could be soon drawn in. The Spaniards, in their long marches andmany battles, had dwindled away to less than five hundred men. Fourthousand against five hundred were fearful odds; and yet the number oftheir foes might speedily be doubled or even quadrupled. In additionto this, the plains around the city were exceedingly unfavorable forthe movements of the Spanish army, while they presented greatadvantages to the nimble-footed natives, for the region was coveredwith forests, sluggish streams and bogs. 

By great exertions, De Soto succeeded in effecting a sort ofcompromise. The Cacique consented to allow the Spaniards to remain forsix days in the village to nurse the sick and the wounded. Food was tobe furnished them by the Cacique. At the end of six days theSpaniards were to leave, abstaining entirely from pillage, frominjuring the crops, and from all other acts of violence. 

The Cacique and all the inhabitants of the village abandoned theplace, leaving it to the sole occupancy of the Spaniards. April, inthat sunny clime, was mild as genial summer. The natives, with theirsimple habits, probably found little inconvenience in encamping in thegroves around. On the last day of his stay, De Soto obtainedpermission to visit the Cacique. He thanked the chief cordially forhis kindness and hospitality, and taking an affectionate leave, continued his journey into the unknown regions beyond. 

Ascending the tortuous windings of the river on the eastern bank, theSpaniards found themselves, for four days, in almost impenetrablethickets, where there were no signs of inhabitants. At length theycame to quite an opening in the forest. A treeless plain, waving withgrass, spread far and wide around them. The Mississippi river here wasabout half a league in width. On the opposite bank large numbers ofIndians were seen, many of them warriors in battle array, while afleet of canoes lined the shore. 

De Soto decided, for some unexplained reason, to cross the river atthat point, though it was evident that the Indians had in some wayreceived tidings of his approach, and were assembled there to disputehis passage. The natives could easily cross the river in their canoes, but they would hardly venture to attack the Spaniards upon the openplain, where there was such a fine opportunity for the charges oftheir cavalry. 

Here De Soto encamped for twenty days, while all who could handletools were employed in building four large flat boats for thetransportation of the troops across the stream. On the second day ofthe encampment, several natives from some tribe disposed to befriendly, on the eastern side of the river, visited the Spaniards. With very much ceremony of bowing and semi-barbaric parade, theyapproached De Soto, and informed him that they were commissioned bytheir chief to bid him welcome to his territory, and to assure him ofhis friendly services. De Soto, much gratified by this message, received the envoys with the greatest kindness, and dismissed themhighly pleased with their reception. 

Though this chief sent De Soto repeated messages of kindness, he didnot himself visit the Spanish camp, the alleged reason being, andperhaps the true one, that he was on a sick bed. He, however, sentlarge numbers of his subjects with supplies of food, and to assist theSpaniards in drawing the timber to construct their barges. The hostileIndians on the opposite bank frequently crossed in their canoes, andattacking small bands of workmen, showered upon them volleys ofarrows, and fled again to their boats. 

One day the Spaniards, while at work, saw two hundred canoes filledwith natives, in one united squadron, descending the river. It was abeautiful sight to witness this fleet, crowded with decorated andplumed warriors, their paddles, ornaments, and burnished weaponsflashing in the sunlight. They came in true military style: severalwarriors standing at the bows and stern of each boat, with largeshields of buffalo hides on their left arms, and with bows and arrowsin their hands. De Soto advanced to the shore to meet them, where hestood surrounded by his staff. The royal barge containing the chiefwas paddled within a few rods of the bank. The Cacique then rose, andaddressed De Soto in words which were translated by the interpreter asfollows:

"I am informed that you are the envoy of the most powerful monarch onthe globe. I have come to proffer to you friendship and homage, and toassure you of my assistance in any way in which I can be of service. "

De Soto thanked him heartily for his offers, and entreated him toland, assuring him he should meet only the kindest reception. Thefollowing extraordinary account of the termination of this interview, a termination which seems incredible, is given in the "Conquest ofFlorida:"

 "The Cacique returned no answer, but sent three canoes on shore with presents of fruit, and bread made of the pulp of a certain kind of plum. The Governor again importuned the savage to land, but perceiving him to hesitate, and suspecting a treacherous and hostile intent, marshalled his men in order of battle. Upon this the Indians turned their prows and fled. 

 "The cross-bowmen sent a flight of arrows after them, and killed five or six of their number. They retreated in good order, covering the rowers with their shields. Several times after this they landed to attack the soldiers, as was supposed, but the moment the Spaniards charged upon them they fled to their canoes. "

If this account be true, the attack by the Spaniards was asinexcusable as it was senseless. At the end of twenty days the fourbarges were built and launched. In the darkness of the night De Sotoordered them to be well manned with rowers and picked troops of triedprudence and courage. The moment the bows touched the beach thesoldiers sprang ashore, to their surprise encountering no resistance. The boats immediately returned for another load. Rapidly they passedto and fro, and before the sun went down at the close of that day, thewhole army was transported to the western bank of the Mississippi. Thepoint where De Soto and his army crossed, it is supposed, was at whatis called the lowest Chickasaw Bluff. 

 "The river in this place, " says the Portuguese Narrative, "was a mile and a half in breadth, so that a man standing still could scarcely be discerned from the opposite shore. It was of great depth, of wonderful rapidity, and very turbid, and was always filled with floating trees and timber, carried down by the force of the current. "

The army having all crossed, the boats were broken up, as usual, topreserve the nails. It would seem that the hostile Indians had allvanished, for the Spaniards advanced four days in a westerlydirection, through an uninhabited wilderness, encountering noopposition. On the fifth day they toiled up a heavy swell of land, from whose summit they discerned, in a valley on the other side, alarge village of about four hundred dwellings. It was situated on thefertile banks of a stream, which is supposed to have been the St. Francis. 

The extended valley, watered by this river, presented a lovely view asfar as the eye could reach, with luxuriant fields of Indian corn andwith groves of fruit trees. The natives had received some intimationof the approach of the Spaniards, and in friendly crowds gatheredaround them, offering food and the occupancy of their houses. Two ofthe highest chieftains, subordinate to the Cacique, soon came with animposing train of warriors, bearing a welcome from their chief and theoffer of his services. 

De Soto received them with the utmost courtesy, and in the interchangeof these friendly offices, both Spaniards and natives became alikepleased with each other. The adventurers remained in this village forsix days, finding abundant food for themselves and their horses, andexperiencing in the friendship and hospitality of the natives, joyswhich certainly never were found in the horrors of war. The provincewas called by the name of Kaska, and was probably the same as thatoccupied by the Kaskaskias Indians. 

Upon commencing anew their march they passed through a populous andwell cultivated country, where peace, prosperity and abundance seemedto reign. In two days, having journeyed about twenty miles up thewestern bank of the Mississippi, they approached the chief town of theprovince where the Cacique lived. It was situated, as is supposed, inthe region now called Little Prairie, in the extreme southern part ofthe State of Missouri, not far from New Madrid. Here they found thehospitable hands of the Cacique and his people extended to greet them. 

The residence of the chief stood upon a broad artificial mound, sufficiently capacious for twelve or thirteen houses, which wereoccupied by his numerous family and attendants. He made De Soto apresent of a rich fur mantle, and invited him, with his suite, tooccupy the royal dwellings for their residence. De Soto politelydeclined this offer, as he was unwilling thus to incommode his kindentertainer. He, however, accepted the accommodation of several housesin the village. The remainder of the army were lodged in exceedinglypleasant bowers, skilfully, and very expeditiously constructed by thenatives, of bark and the green boughs of trees, outside the village. 

It was now the month of May. The weather was intensely hot, and theserustic bowers were found to be refreshingly cool and grateful. Thename of this friendly chief was Casquin. Here the army remained forthree days, without a ripple of unfriendly feeling arising between theSpaniards and the natives. 

It was a season of unusual drouth in the country, and on the fourthday the following extraordinary incident occurred: Casquin, accompanied by quite an imposing retinue of his most distinguishedmen, came into the presence of De Soto, and stepping forward, withgreat solemnity of manner, said to him, --

"Señor, as you are superior to us in prowess and surpass us in arms, we likewise believe that your God is better than our God. These youbehold before you are the chief warriors of my dominions. Wesupplicate you to pray to your God to send us rain, for our fields areparched for the want of water. "

De Soto, who was a reflective man, of pensive temperament and devoutlyinclined, responded, --

"We are all alike sinners, but we will pray to God, the Father ofmercies, to show his kindness to you. "

He then ordered the carpenter to cut down one of the tallest pinetrees in the vicinity. It was carefully trimmed and formed into aperfect, but gigantic cross. Its dimensions were such, that itrequired the strength of one hundred men to raise and plant it in theground. Two days were employed in this operation. The cross stood upona bluff, on the western bank of the Mississippi. The next morningafter it was reared, the whole Spanish army was called out tocelebrate the erection of the cross, by a solemn religious procession. A large number of the natives, with apparent devoutness, joined in thefestival. 

Casquin and De Soto took the lead, walking side by side. The Spanishsoldiers and the native warriors, composing a procession of more thana thousand persons, walked harmoniously along as brothers, tocommemorate the erection of the cross--the symbol of the Christian'sfaith. The Cross! It should be the emblem of peace on earth and goodwill among men. Alas! how often has it been the badge of cruelty andcrime. 

The priests, for there were several in the army, chanted theirChristian hymns, and offered fervent prayers. The Mississippi at thispoint is not very broad, and it is said that upon the opposite banktwenty thousand natives were assembled, watching with intensestinterest the imposing ceremony, and apparently, at times, taking partin the exercises. When the priests raised their hands in prayer, they, too, extended their arms and raised their eyes, as if imploring theaid of the God of heaven and of earth. 

Occasionally a low moan was heard wafted across the river--a wailingcry, as if woe-stricken children were imploring the aid of an AlmightyFather. The spirit of De Soto was deeply moved to tenderness andsympathy as he witnessed this benighted people paying such homage tothe emblem of man's redemption. After several prayers were offered, the whole procession, slowly advancing two by two, knelt before thecross, as in brief ejaculatory prayer, and kissed it. All thenreturned with the same solemnity to the village, the priests chantingthe grand anthem, "Te Deum Laudamus. "

Thus more than three hundred years ago the cross, significant of thereligion of Jesus, was planted upon the banks of the Mississippi, andthe melody of Christian hymns was wafted across the silent waters, andwas blended with the sighing of the breeze through the tree-tops. Itis sad to reflect how little of the spirit of that religion has sincebeen manifested in those realms in man's treatment of his brother man. 

It is worthy of especial notice that upon the night succeeding thiseventful day clouds gathered, and the long-looked-for rain fellabundantly. The devout Las Casas writes:

 "God, in his mercy, willing to show these heathen that he listeneth to those who call upon him in truth, sent down, in the middle of the ensuing night, a plenteous rain, to the great joy of the Indians. "

CHAPTER XVIII. 

_Vagrant Wanderings. _

 Trickery of Casquin. --The March to Capaha. --The Battle and its Results. --Friendly Relations with Capaha. --The Return Journey. --The Marsh Southward. --Salt Springs. --The Savages of Tula. --Their Ferocity. --Anecdote. --Despondency of De Soto. 

It is painful to recall the mind from these peaceful, joy-giving, humanizing scenes of religion, to barbaric war--its crime, carnage, and misery. It is an affecting comment upon the fall of man, that faraway in this wilderness, among these tribes that might so have blessedand cheered each other by fraternal love, war seems to have been thenormal condition. After a residence of nine days in this village, beneath truly sunny skies, in the enjoyment of abundance, and cheeredby fruits, flowers, and bird-songs, the Spanish army again commencedits march in the wild and apparently senseless search for gold. 

The Cacique, Casquin, was about fifty years of age. He beggedpermission to accompany De Soto to the next province, with his wholearmy in its best military array, and with a numerous band ofattendants to carry provisions and to gather wood and fodder for theencampments. De Soto cheerfully accepted this friendly offer. But hesoon found that it was hatred, not love, which was the impellingmotive; that the chief was incited by a desire to make war, not tocultivate peace. The chief of the next province was a redoubtablewarrior named Capaha. His territories were extensive; his subjectsnumerous and martial. Time out of mind there had been warfare betweenthese two provinces, the subjects of each hating each otherimplacably. 

Capaha had in recent conflicts been quite the victor, and Casquinthought this a good opportunity, with the Spaniards for his powerfulallies, to take signal vengeance upon his foe. Of this De Soto, at thetime, knew nothing. 

The army commenced its march. There were five thousand native warriorswho accompanied him, plumed, painted, and armed in the highest styleof savage art. There were three thousand attendants, who bore thesupplies, and who were also armed with bows and arrows. Casquin, withhis troops, took the lead; wishing, as he said, to clear the road ofany obstructions, to drive off any lurking foes, and to prepare atnight the ground for the comfortable encampment of the Spaniards. Histroops were in a good state of military discipline, and marched inwell organized array about a mile and a half in advance of theSpaniards. 

Thus they travelled for three uneventful days, until they reached animmense swamp, extending back unknown miles from the Mississippi. Thiswas the frontier line which bordered the hostile provinces of Casquinand Capaha. Crossing it with much difficulty, they encamped upon abeautiful prairie upon the northern side. A journey of two daysthrough a sparsely inhabited country brought them to the more fertileand populous region of the new province. Here they found the capitalof the Cacique. It was a well fortified town of about five hundredlarge houses, situated upon elevated land, which commanded anextensive view of the country around. One portion of the town wasprotected by a deep ditch, one hundred and fifty feet broad. Thehigher portion was defended by a strong palisade. The ditch, or canal, connected with the Mississippi river, which was nine miles distant. 

Capaha, hearing suddenly of the arrival of so formidable a force, fleddown the canal in a curve, to an island in the river, where hesummoned his warriors to meet him as speedily as possible. Casquin, marching as usual a mile and a half in advance, finding the townunprotected, and almost abandoned, entered and immediately commencedall the ravages of savage warfare. One hundred men, women andchildren, caught in the place, were immediately seized, the men killedand scalped, the women and boys made captives. To gratify theirvengeance, they broke into the mausoleum, held so sacred by theIndians, where the remains of all the great men of the tribe had beendeposited. They broke open the coffins, scattered the remains over thefloor and trampled them beneath their feet. 

It is said that Casquin, would have set fire to the mausoleum, andlaid it and the whole village in ashes, but that he feared that hemight thus incur the anger of De Soto. When the Governor arrived andsaw what ravages had been committed by those who had come as hiscompanions, friends and allies, he was greatly distressed. Immediatelyhe sent envoys to Capaha on the island, assuring him of his regret inview of the outrages; that neither he, nor his soldiers, had in theslightest degree participated in them, and that he sought onlyfriendly relations with the Cacique. 

Capaha, who was a proud warrior, and who had retired but for a littletime that he might marshal his armies to take vengeance on theinvaders, returned an indignant and defiant answer; declaring that hesought no peace; but that he would wage war to the last extremity. 

Again De Soto found himself in what may be called a false position. The chief Capaha and his people were exasperated against him in thehighest degree. The nation was one of the most numerous and powerfulon the Mississippi. Should the eight thousand allies, who hadaccompanied him from Kaska, and who had plunged him into thesedifficulties, withdraw, he would be left entirely at the mercy ofthese fierce warriors. From ten to twenty thousand might rush upon hislittle band, now numbering but about four hundred, and their utterextermination could hardly be doubtful. Under these circumstances hedecided to attempt to conquer a peace. Still he made other efforts, but in vain, to conciliate the justly enraged chieftain. He thenprepared for war. However severely he may be censured for thisdecision, it is the duty of the impartial historian to state thosefacts which may in some degree modify the severity of judgment. 

A large number of canoes were prepared, in which two hundred Spaniardsand three thousand Indians embarked to attack Capaha upon his island, before he had time to collect a resistless force of warriors. Theyfound the island covered with a dense forest, and the chief and histroops strongly intrenched. The battle was fought with great fury, theSpanish soldiers performing marvellous feats of bravery, strength andendurance. The warriors of Capaha, who fought with courage equal tothat of the Spaniards, and struck such dismay into the more timidtroops of Casquin, that they abandoned their allies and fledtumultuously to their canoes, and swiftly paddled away. 

De Soto, thus left to bear the whole brunt of the hostile army, wasalso compelled to retreat. He did this in good order, and might havesuffered terribly in the retreat but for the singular and, at thetime, unaccountable fact that Capaha withdrew his warriors and allowedthe Spaniards to embark unmolested. It would seem that the sagaciouschieftain, impressed by the wonderful martial prowess displayed by theSpaniards, and by the reiterated proffers of peace and friendshipwhich had been made to him, and despising the pusillanimity of thetroops of Casquin, whom he had always been in the habit of conquering, thought that by detaching the Spaniards from them he could convert DeSoto and his band into friends and allies. Then he could fall upon theIndian army, and glut his vengeance, by repaying them tenfold for allthe outrages they had committed. 

Accordingly, the next morning, four ambassadors of highest rankvisited the Spanish encampment. De Soto and Casquin were together. Theambassadors bowed to De Soto with profound reverence, butdisdainfully took no notice whatever of Casquin. The speaker thensaid, --

"We have come, in the name of our chief, to implore the oblivion ofthe past and to offer to you his friendship and homage. "

De Soto was greatly relieved by the prospect of this termination ofthe difficulties in which he had found himself involved. He treatedthe envoys with great affability, reciprocated all their friendlyutterances, and they returned to Capaha highly pleased with theirreception. 

Casquin was very indignant. He did everything in his power to excitethe hostility of De Soto against Capaha, but all was in vain. TheGovernor was highly displeased with the trick Casquin had played uponhim, in setting out on a military expedition under the guise of anhonorary escort. He despised the cowardice which Casquin's troops hadevinced in the battle, and he respected the courage which Capaha hadexhibited, and the frankness and magnanimity of his conduct. Hetherefore issued orders to his own and the native army that no oneshould inflict any injury whatever, either upon the persons or theproperty of the natives of the province. He allowed Casquin to remainin his camp and under his protection for a few days, but compelledhim to send immediately home the whole body of his followers, retaining merely enough vassals for his personal service. 

The next morning Capaha himself, accompanied by a train of one hundredof his warriors, fearlessly returned to his village. He must have hadgreat confidence in the integrity of De Soto, for by this act heplaced himself quite in the power of the Spaniards. Immediately uponentering the village, he visited the desecrated mausoleum of hisancestors, and in silent indignation repaired, as far as possible, theinjury which had been done. He then proceeded to the headquarters ofDe Soto. The Spanish Governor and Casquin were seated together. 

Capaha was about twenty-six years of age, of very fine person and offrank and winning manners. With great cordiality he approached DeSoto, reiterating his proffers of friendship, and his earnest desirethat kindly feelings should be cherished between them. Casquin hetreated with utter disdain, paying no more attention to him than if hehad not been present. For some time the Indian Cacique and the SpanishGovernor conversed together with perfect frankness and cordiality. Aslight pause occurring in their discourse, Capaha fixed his eyessternly for a moment upon Casquin and said, in tones of strongindignation, --

"You, Casquin, undoubtedly exult in the thought that you have revengedyour past defeats. This you never could have done through your ownstrength. You are indebted to these strangers for what you haveaccomplished. Soon they will go on their way. But we shall be left inthis country as we were before. We shall then meet again. Pray to thegods that they may send us good weather. "

De Soto humanely did everything in his power to promote reconciliationbetween the hostile chieftains. But all was in vain. Though theytreated each other with civility, he observed frequent interchanges ofangry glances. 

The Spaniards found, in this town, a great variety of valuable skinsof deer, panthers, buffalo and bears. Taught by the Indians, theSpaniards made themselves very comfortable moccasons of deerskin, andalso strong bucklers, impervious to arrows, of buffalo hide. 

After making minute and anxious inquiries for gold, and ascertainingthat there was none to be found in that direction, De Soto turned hisdesponding steps backwards to Kaska. Here he remained for four days, preparing for a march to the southward. He then continued his progressnine days down the western bank of the river, until, on the fourth ofAugust, he reached a province called Quigate. His path had led himthrough a populous country, but the Indians made no attempt to molesthis movements. It is supposed that Quigate must have been on the Whiteriver, about forty or fifty miles from its mouth. Here De Soto learnedthat, faraway in the northwest there was a range of mountains, andthere he thought might perhaps be the gold region of which he had solong been in search. 

Immediately he put his soldiers in motion, led by a hope which wasprobably rejected by every mind in the army, except his own. A singleIndian guide led them on a weary tramp for many days, through drearymorasses and tangled forests. They at length came to a village calledColigoa, which is supposed to have been upon the banks of White river. The natives at first fled in terror at their approach, but as nohostility was manifested by the Spaniards, they soon gainedconfidence, and returned with kind words and presents. But there wasno gold there, and no visions of gold in the distance. 

The chief informed De Soto that there was a very rich and populousprovince about thirty miles to the south, where the inhabitants werein the enjoyment of a great abundance of the good things of life. Again the Spaniards took up their line of march in that direction. They found a fertile and quite thickly inhabited country on theirroute. The Indians were friendly, and seemed to have attained adegree of civilization superior to that of most of the tribes they hadas yet visited. The walls of the better class of houses were hung withdeerskins, so softly tanned and colored that they resembled beautifultapestry. The floors were also neatly carpeted with richly decoratedskins. 

The Spaniards seem to have travelled very slowly, for nine days wereoccupied in reaching Tanico, in the Cayas country, which was situatedprobably upon Saline river, a branch of the Washita. Here they foundsome salt springs, and remained several days to obtain a supply ofsalt, of which they were greatly in need. Turning their steps towardsthe west, still groping blindly, hunting for gold, they journeyed fourdays through a barren and uninhabited region, when suddenly theyemerged upon a wide and blooming prairie. 

In the centre, at the distance of about a couple of miles, between twopleasant streams, they saw quite a large village. It was mid-day, andthe Governor encamped his army in the edge of the grove, on theborders of the plain. In the afternoon, with a strong party of horseand foot, he set out upon a reconnoitering excursion. As he approachedthe village the inhabitants, men and women, sallied forth and attackedhim with great ferocity. De Soto was not a man ever to turn his backupon his assailants. The Spaniards drew their sabres, and, all beingin armor, and led by charges of the horsemen, soon put the tumultuoussavages to flight, and pursued them pell-mell into the village. 

The natives fought like tigers from doors, windows, and housetops. Theexasperated Spaniards, smarting with their wounds, and seeing many oftheir comrades already slain, cut down their foes remorselessly. Thewomen fell before their blows as well as the men, for the women foughtwith unrelenting fierceness which the Spaniards had never seensurpassed. Night came on while the battle still raged, with noprospect of its termination. De Soto withdrew his troops from thevillage, much vexed at having allowed himself to be drawn into souseless a conflict, where there was nothing to be gained, and where hehad lost several valuable men in killed, while many more were wounded. 

The next morning De Soto put his whole army in motion and advancedupon the village. They found it utterly abandoned. Strong parties weresent out in all directions to capture some of the natives, that DeSoto might endeavor to enter into friendly relations with them. But itseemed impossible to take any one alive. They were as untamable and assavage as bears and wolves, fighting against any odds to the lastgasp. Both women and men were exceedingly ill-looking, with shapelessheads, which were said to have been deformed by the compression ofbandages in infancy. The province was called Tula, and the village wassituated, it is supposed, between the waters of the upper Washita andthe little Missouri. 

The Spaniards remained in the village four days, when suddenly, in thedarkness of midnight, the war-whoop resounded from three differentdirections, and three large bands of native warriors, who had sostealthily approached as to elude the vigilance of the sentinels, plunged into the village in a simultaneous attack. Egyptian darknessenveloped the combatants, and great was the confusion, for it wasalmost impossible to distinguish friend from foe. The Spaniards, toavoid wounding each other, incessantly shouted the name of the Virgin. The savages were armed with bows and arrows and with javelins, heavy, sharp-pointed, and nine or ten feet in length, which could be usedeither as clubs or pikes. Wielded by their sinewy arms, in ahand-to-hand fight, the javelin proved a very formidable weapon. 

The battle raged with unintermitted fury till the dawn of the morning. The savages then, at a given signal, fled simultaneously to the woods. The Spaniards did not pursue them. Thoroughly armored as they were, but four of their number were killed, but many were severely wounded. It was nearly twenty days before the wounded were so far convalescentthat the army could resume its march. The following incidentillustrates the almost unexampled ferocity of these barbaric warriors:

The morning after the battle a large number of the Spanish soldiers, thoroughly armed, were exploring the fields around the village, onfoot and on horseback. Three foot soldiers and two mounted men were incompany. One of them saw in a thicket an Indian raise his head andimmediately conceal it. The foot soldier ran up to kill him. Thesavage rose, and with a ponderous battle-axe which he had won from theSpaniards the day before, struck the shield of the Spaniard with suchforce as to cut it in two, at the same time severely wounding his arm. The blow was so violent and the wound so severe, that the soldier wasrendered helpless. The savage then rushed upon another of the footsoldiers, and in the same way effectually disabled him. 

One of the horsemen, seeing his companions thus roughly handled, putspurs to his steed and charged upon the Indian. The savage sprang tothe trunk of an oak tree, whose low hanging branches prevented thenear approach of the trooper. Watching his opportunity, he sprangforth and struck the horse such a terrible blow with his axe as torender the animal utterly incapable of moving. Just at this moment thegallant Gonsalvo Sylvestre came up. The Indian rushed upon him, swinging his battle-axe in both hands; but Sylvestre warded the blowso that the axe glanced over his shield and buried its edge deeply inthe ground. 

Instantly the keen sabre of Sylvestre fell upon the savage, layingopen his face and breast with a fearful gash, and so severing hisright hand from the arm that it hung only by the skin. The desperateIndian, seizing the axe between the bleeding stump and the other hand, attempted to strike another blow. Again Sylvestre warded off the axewith his shield, and with one blow of his sword upon the waist of thenaked Indian so nearly cut his body in two that he fell dead at hisfeet. 

During the time the Spaniards tarried in Tula many foraging excursionswere sent out to various parts of the province. The region waspopulous and fertile, but it was found impossible to conciliate in anydegree the hostile inhabitants. 

Again the soldiers were in motion. They directed their steps towardsthe northwest, towards a province named Utiangue, which was said to besituated on the borders of a great lake, at the distance of about twohundred and forty miles. They hoped that this lake might prove an armof the sea, through which they could open communications with theirfriends in Cuba, and return to them by water. The journey wasmelancholy in the extreme, through a desolate country occupied bywandering bands of ferocious savages, who were constantly assailingthem from ambuscades by day and by night. 

At length they reached the village of Utiangue, the capital of theprovince. It was pleasantly situated on a fine plain upon the banks ofa river, which was probably the Arkansas. Upon the approach of theSpaniards the inhabitants had abandoned the place, leaving theirgranaries well stocked with corn, beans, nuts, and plums. The meadowssurrounding the town offered excellent pasturage for the horses. Asthe season was far advanced, De Soto decided to take up his winterquarters here. He fortified the place, surrounding it with strongpalisades. To lay in ample stores for the whole winter, foragingparties were sent out, who returned laden with dried fruits, corn, andother grain. 

Deer ranged the forests in such numbers that large quantities ofvenison were obtained. Rabbits also were in abundance. The Cacique, who kept himself aloof, sent several messengers to De Soto, but theyso manifestly came merely as spies, and always in the night, that DeSoto gave orders that none should be admitted save in the daytime. One persisting to enter was killed by a sentinel. This put an end toall intercourse between De Soto and the chief; but the Spaniards wereassaulted whenever the natives could take any advantage of them ontheir foraging expeditions. 

Here the Spaniards enjoyed on the whole, the most comfortable winterthey had experienced since they entered Florida. Secure from attack intheir fortified town, sheltered from the weather in their comfortabledwellings, and with a sufficient supply of food, they were almosthappy, as they contrasted the comforts they then enjoyed with thefrightful sufferings they had hitherto experienced. During the winter, the expedition met with a great loss from the death of its intelligentinterpreter, Juan Ortiz. In reference to his services, Mr. Pickettsays:

 "Understanding only the Floridian language, he conducted conversations through the Indians of different tribes who understood each other and who attended the expedition. In conversing with the Chickasaws, for instance, he commenced with the Floridian, who carried the word to a Georgian, the Georgian to the Coosa, the Coosa to the Mobilian, and the latter to the Chickasaw. In the same tedious manner the reply was conveyed to him and reported to De Soto. "

During the winter at Utiangue, the views and feelings of the Governorapparently experienced quite a change. His hopes of finding gold seemall to have vanished. He was far away in unknown wilds, having losthalf his troops and nearly all his horses. The few horses thatremained, were many of them lame, not having been shod for more than ayear. He did not hesitate to confess, confidentially to his friends, his regret that he had not joined the ships at Pensacola. He nowdespairingly decided to abandon these weary and ruinous wanderings, and to return to the Mississippi river. Here he would establish afortified colony, build a couple of brigantines, send them to Cubawith tidings of safety to his wife, and procure reinforcements andsupplies. It seems that his pride would not allow him to returnhimself a ruined man to his friends. 

With the early spring he broke up his cantonment, and commenced arapid march for the Mississippi. He had heard of a village calledAnilco, at the mouth of a large stream emptying into that majesticriver. They followed down the south side of the Arkansas river for tendays, when they crossed on rafts to the north or east side. It wasprobably the intention of De Soto to reach the Mississippi nearly atthe point at which they had crossed it before. 

Continuing his journey through morasses and miry grounds, where thehorses often waded up to their girths in water, where there were fewinhabitants, and little food to be obtained, he at length reached thevillage of Anilco, and found it to be on the northern bank of theArkansas river. Here he learned that, at the distance of some leaguesto the south, there was a populous and fertile country such as hethought would be suitable for the establishment of his colony. Againhe crossed the Arkansas river to the south side, and moving in asoutherly direction reached the Mississippi at a village calledGuachoya, about twenty miles below the mouth of the Arkansas river. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

_Death of De Soto. _

 Ascent of the Mississippi. --Revenge of Guachoya. --Sickness of De Soto. --Affecting Leave-taking. --His Death and Burial. --The March for Mexico. --Return to the Mississippi. --Descent of the River. --Dispersion of the Expedition. --Death of Isabella. 

The village of Guachoya was situated on a bluff on the western bank ofthe Mississippi, and was strongly fortified with palisades. De Sotosucceeded in establishing friendly relations with the chief, and washospitably entertained within the town. The Cacique and Governor ateat the same table, and were served by Indian attendants. Still, forsome unexplained reason, the Cacique with his warriors retired atsunset in their canoes, to the eastern side of the Mississippi, anddid not return till after sunrise the next morning. 

De Soto's great anxiety now was to get access to the ocean. But hecould not learn that the Cacique had ever heard of such a body ofwater. He then sent Juan de Añasco with eight horsemen to follow downthe banks of the river in search of the sea. They returned in eightdays, having explored but about fifty miles, in consequence of thewindings of the stream and the swamps which bordered its banks. Uponthis discouraging information, the Governor decided to build twobrigantines at Guachoya, and to establish his colony upon some fertilefields which he had passed between Anilco and that place. Thisrendered it very important for him to secure abiding friendlyrelations with the chiefs of both of these provinces. 

The territory indeed upon which he intended to settle, was within theprovince of Anilco, and on the north bank of the Arkansas. The chiefGuachoya, very kindly offered to supply De Soto with eighty large andmany small canoes with which a portion of his force with the baggagecould ascend the Mississippi, twenty-one miles to the mouth of theArkansas, and then ascending that stream about forty miles would reachthe point selected for the settlement. The Governor and the chief, with united military force in light marching order, would proceed byland so as to reach the spot about the same time as the canoes. 

Four thousand Indian warriors embarked in these canoes, and in threedays accomplished the voyage. At the same time, the land forcescommenced their march. The Cacique led two thousand warriors, besidesthe attendants. Mr. Irving writes:

 "The two expeditions arrived safely at the time opposite the village. The chief of Anilco was absent, but the inhabitants of the place made a stand at the pass of the river. Nuño Tobar fell furiously upon them with a party of horse. Eager for the fight, they charged so heedlessly that each trooper found himself surrounded by a band of Indians. The poor savages, however, were so panic-stricken that they turned their backs upon the village, and fled in wild disorder to the forests, amid the shouts of the pursuers, and the shrieks and cries of the women and children. 

 "On entering the conquered village, they massacred all they met, being chiefly old men, women and children, inflicting the most horrible barbarities. 

 "In all this they acted in such fury and haste, that the mischief was effected almost before De Soto was aware of it. He put an end to the carnage as speedily as possible, reprimanded the Cacique severely, forbade any one to set fire to a house, or injure an Indian under pain of death, and hastened to leave the village, taking care that the Indian allies should be the first to pass the river, and none remained behind to do mischief. "

From this untoward enterprise De Soto returned to the village ofGuachoya, renouncing all idea of establishing his colony in Anilco. Heimmediately commenced with all energy building his two brigantines, while he looked anxiously about in search of some region of fertilityand abundance, where his army could repose till the envoys shouldbring back a sufficient fleet to transport those to Cuba who shouldwish to return there, and could also bring those reinforcements andsupplies essential to the establishment of the colony. The river atthis point was about a mile and a half in width. The country on bothsides was rich in fertility, and thickly inhabited. 

Upon the eastern bank there was a province called Quigualtanqui, ofwhich De Soto heard such glowing reports that he sent an exploringparty to examine the country. By fastening four canoes together, hesucceeded in transporting the horses across the stream. To hisdisappointment he found the Cacique deadly hostile. He sent word to DeSoto that he would wage a war of utter extermination against him andhis people, should they attempt to invade his territories. 

Care, fatigue and sorrow now began to show their traces upon theGovernor. He could not disguise the deep despondency which oppressedhim. His step became feeble, his form emaciate, his countenancehaggard. A weary, grief-worn pilgrim, he was in a mood to welcomedeath, as life presented him nothing more to hope for. A slow feveraggravated by the climate, placed him upon a sick bed. Here, thevictim of the most profound melancholy, he was informed that thepowerful chief, Quigualtanqui, was forming a league of all theneighboring tribes for the extermination of the Spaniards. De Soto'sarm was paralyzed and his heart was broken. He had fought his lastbattle. His words were few; his despondency oppressed all whoapproached his bedside. Day after day the malady increased until thefever rose so high, that it was manifest to De Soto, and to all hiscompanions, that his last hour was at hand. 

Calmly and with the piety of a devout Catholic, he prepared for death. Luis De Moscoso was appointed his successor in command of the army, and also the successor of whatever authority and titles De Soto mightpossess, as Governor of Florida. He called together the officers andmost prominent soldiers, and with the trembling voice of a dying manadministered to them the oath of obedience to Moscoso. He then calledto his bedside, in groups of three persons, the cavaliers who had sofaithfully followed him through his long and perilous adventures, andtook an affectionate leave of them. The common soldiers were then, ingroups of about twenty, brought into the death chamber, and tenderlyhe bade them adieu. 

These war-worn veterans wept bitterly in taking leave of their belovedchief. It is worthy of record that he urged them to do all in theirpower to convert the natives to the Christian religion; that heimplored the forgiveness of all whom he had in any way offended; andentreated them to live as brothers, loving and helping one another. Onthe seventh day after he was attacked by the fever, he expired. 

 "He died, " writes the Inca, "like a Catholic Christian, imploring mercy of the most Holy Trinity, relying on the protection of the blood of Jesus Christ our Lord, and the intercession of the Virgin and of all the celestial court, and in the faith of the Roman church. With these words repeated many times, he resigned his soul to God; this magnanimous and never-conquered cavalier, worthy of great dignities and titles, and deserving a better historian than a rude Indian. "

Thus perished De Soto, in the forty-second year of his age. His life, almost from the cradle to the grave, had been filled with care, disappointment and sorrow. When we consider the age in which he lived, the influences by which he was surrounded, and the temptations towhich he was exposed, it must be admitted that he developed many nobletraits of character, and that great allowances should be made for hisdefects. 

The Governor had won the confidence and affection of his army to anextraordinary degree. He was ever courteous in his demeanor, and kindin his treatment. He shared all the hardships of his soldiers, placedhimself in the front in the hour of peril, and was endowed with thatwonderful muscular strength and energy which enabled him by hisachievements often to win the admiration of all his troops. His deathoverwhelmed the army with grief. They feared to have it known by thenatives, for his renown as a soldier was such as to hold them in awe. 

It was apprehended that should his death be known, the natives wouldbe encouraged to revolt, and to fall with exterminating fury upon thehandful of Spaniards now left in the land. They therefore "buried himsilently at dead of night. " Sentinels were carefully posted to preventthe approach of any of the natives. A few torches lighted theprocession to a sandy plain near the encampment, where his body wasinterred, with no salute fired over his grave or even any dirgechanted by the attendant priests. The ground was carefully smoothedover so as to obliterate as far as possible all traces of the burial. 

The better to conceal his death, word was given out the next morningthat he was much better, and a joyous festival was arranged in honorof his convalescence. Still the natives were not deceived. Theysuspected that he was dead, and even guessed the place of his burial. This was indicated by the fact that they frequently visited the spot, looking around with great interest, and talking together with muchvolubility. 

One mode of revenge adopted by the natives was to disinter the body ofan enemy and expose the remains to every species of insult. It wasfeared that as soon as the Spaniards should have withdrawn from theregion, the body of De Soto might be found and exposed to similaroutrages. It was therefore decided to take up the remains and sink itin the depths of the river. 

In the night, Juan De Añasco, with one or two companions, embarked ina canoe, and, by sounding, found a place in the channel of the rivernearly a hundred and twenty feet deep. They cut down an evergreen oak, whose wood is almost as solid and heavy as lead, gouged out a place init sufficiently large to receive the body, and nailed over the top amassive plank. The body, thus placed in its final coffin, was taken atmidnight to the centre of the river, where it immediately sank to itsdeep burial. The utmost silence was preserved, and every precautionadopted to conceal the movement from all but those engaged in theenterprise. 

 "The discoverer of the Mississippi, " writes the Inca, "slept beneath its waters. He had crossed a large part of the continent in search of gold, and found nothing so remarkable as his burial-place. "

Upon the death of De Soto, a council of war was held to decide what todo in the new attitude of affairs. In their exhausted state, and withtheir diminished numbers, they could not think of attempting a marchback for hundreds of leagues through hostile nations, to Tampa Bay. Itwould take a long time to build their brigantines and to await anarrival from Cuba. In the meantime there was great danger that theymight be attacked and destroyed by the powerful league then formingagainst them. 

A rumor had reached them that a large number of Spaniards were inMexico, not very far to the westward; that they were powerful innumbers, conquering all before them, and enriching themselves with thespoils of a majestic empire. It was consequently determined to marchwith all speed in that direction, and join this Spanish army in itscareer of Mexican conquest. 

Early in the month of June they commenced their march in a line duewest. Their geographical knowledge was so limited that they were notaware that they were in a latitude far above the renowned city of theMontezumas. 

[Illustration]

Day after day the troops pressed on, through many sufferings and wearymarches. On the way, one of their number, Diego De Guzman, a veryambitious young cavalier of high rank and wealthy connections, fell sopassionately in love with the beautiful daughter of a Cacique that hedeserted from the army to remain with her. She was but eighteen yearsof age, of very amiable spirit, and of unusual gracefulness of formand loveliness of feature. Moscoso sent an embassy to the Cacique, demanding the return of Guzman as a deserter, and threatening, in caseof refusal, to lay waste his territory with fire and sword. The chiefsent back the heroic reply--

"I have used no force to detain Diego De Guzman. I shall use no forceto compel him to depart. On the contrary I shall treat him as ason-in-law, with all honor and kindness, and shall do the same withany others of the strangers who may choose to remain with me. If forthus doing my duty you think proper to lay waste my lands and slay mypeople, you can do so. The power is in your hands. "

It would seem that this manly reply disarmed Moscoso, for the Spanisharmy continued its journey, leaving Guzman behind. Onward and stillonward the weary men pressed, wading morasses, forcing their waythrough tangled forests, crossing rivers on rafts; now hungry and nowthirsty, again enjoying abundance; sometimes encountering hostilityfrom the natives, when they took fearful vengeance, applying the torchto their villages; and again enjoying the hospitality of the natives, until having traversed a region of about three hundred miles inbreadth, they supposed they had reached the confines of Mexico. 

They had no suitable interpreters with them. The most contraryimpressions were received from the attempts they made to obtainintelligence from the Indians. Lured by false hopes, they wanderedabout here and there, ever disappointed in their hopes of finding thewhite men. Entering a vast uninhabited region, they found their foodexhausted, and but for the roots and herbs they dug up, would haveperished from hunger. 

The Spaniards were in despair. They were lost in savage wilds, surrounded by a barbarous and hostile people, with whom, for want ofan interpreter, they could hold no intelligible communication. Theyhad now been wandering in these bewildering mazes for three months. Mountains were rising before them; dense forests were around. They hadprobably reached the hunting-grounds of the Pawnees and Comanches. Itwas the month of October; winter would soon be upon them. A council ofwar was called, and after much agitating debate, it was at lengthdecided, as the only refuge from perishing in the wilderness, toretrace their steps to the Mississippi. 

Forlorn, indeed, were their prospects now. They had made no attempt toconciliate the natives through whose provinces they had passed, andthey could expect to encounter only hostility upon every step of theirreturn. The country also, devastated in their advance, could affordbut little succor in their retreat. Their worst fears were realized. Though they made forced marches, often with weary feet, late into thenight, they were constantly falling into ambuscades, and had an almostincessant battle to fight. 

Before they reached the Arkansas river the severe weather of winterset in. They were drenched with rains, pierced with freezing gales, and covered with the mud through which they were always wading. TheirEuropean clothing had long since vanished. Their grotesque anduncomfortable dress consisted principally of skins belted around theirwaists and over their shoulders; they were bare-legged. Many of themhad neither shoes nor sandals; a few had moccasons made of skins. Inaddition to all this, and hardest to be borne, their spirits were allbroken, and they were sunk in despondency which led them to the veryverge of despair. 

Every day some died. One day, seven dropped by the wayside. TheSpaniards could hardly stop to give them burial, for hostile Indianswere continually rising before, behind, and on each side of them. Atlength, early in December, they reached the banks of the Mississippinear the mouth of the Arkansas. 

The noble army with which De Soto left Spain but three and a halfyears before, had dwindled away to about three hundred and fifty men;and many of these gained this refuge only to die. Fifty of thesewanderers, exhausted by hunger, toil and sorrow, found repose in thegrave. Soon the survivors commenced building seven brigantines to takethem back to Cuba. They had one ship-carpenter left, and several othermechanics. Swords, stirrups, chains, cutlasses, and worn outfire-arms, were wrought into spikes. Ropes were made from grass. TheIndians proved friendly, furnishing them with food, and aiding them intheir labors. 

The hostile chief of whom we have before spoken, Quigualtanqui, on theeastern bank of the river, began to renew his efforts to form ahostile league against the Spaniards. He was continually sending spiesinto the camp. Moscoso was a merciless man. One day thirty Indianscame into the town as spies, but under pretence of bringing presentsof food, and messages of kindness from their Cacique. Moscoso thoughthe had ample evidence of their treachery. Cruelly he ordered the righthand of every one of these chiefs to be chopped off with a hatchet, and thus mutilated, sent them back to the Cacique as a warning toothers. 

Moscoso, conscious of the peril of his situation, made the utmosthaste to complete his fleet. It consisted of seven large barques, opensave at the bows and stern. The bulwarks were mainly composed ofhides. Each barque had seven oars on a side. This frail squadron wassoon afloat, and the Governor and his diminished bands embarked. 

It was on the evening of the second of July, just as the sun wassetting, when they commenced their descent of the majesticMississippi, leading they knew not where. They had succeeded infabricating sails of matting woven from grass. With such sails andoars, they set out to voyage over unexplored seas, without a chart, and without a compass. The current of the river was swift and theirdescent rapid. They occasionally landed to seize provisions whereverthey were to be found, and to take signal vengeance on any who opposedthem. 

It seems that the Indians, during the winter, had been collecting afleet, manned with warriors, to cut off the retreat of the Spaniards. This fleet consisted of a large number of canoes, sufficientlycapacious to hold from thirty to seventy warriors, in addition tofrom thirteen to twenty-four men with paddles. They could move withgreat rapidity. 

Two days after embarking, the Spaniards met this formidable fleet. Thenatives attacked them with great ferocity, circling around thecumbrous brigantines, discharging upon them showers of arrows, andwithdrawing at their pleasure. This assault, which was continuedalmost without intermission for seven days and nights, was attended byhideous yells and war-songs. Though the Spaniards were protected bytheir bulwarks and their shields, nearly every one received somewound. All the horses but eight were killed. 

On the sixteenth day of the voyage four small boats, containing in allfifty-five men, which had pushed out a little distance from thebrigantines, were cut off by the natives, and all but seven perished. The natives now retired from pursuing their foes, and with exultantyells of triumph turned their bows up the river and soon disappearedfrom sight. 

On the twentieth day they reached the Gulf. Here they anchored theirfleet to a low marshy island, a mere sand bank, surrounded with a vastmass of floating timber. Again a council was held to decide whatcourse was to be pursued. They had no nautical instruments, and theyknew not in what direction to seek for Cuba. It was at length decidedthat as their brigantines could not stand any rough usage of a stormysea, their only safety consisted in creeping cautiously along theshore towards the west in search of their companions in Mexico. Theycould thus run into creeks and bays in case of storms, and couldoccasionally land for supplies. 

It was three o'clock in the afternoon when they again made sail. Therewas much division of counsel among them; much diversity of opinion asto the best course to be pursued; and the authority of Moscoso was butlittle regarded. They had many adventures for fifty-three days, asthey coasted slowly along to the westward. Then a violent gale arose, a norther, which blew with unabated fury for twenty-six hours. In thisgale the little fleet became separated. The brigantines containedabout fifty men each. Five of them succeeded in running into a littlebay for shelter. Two were left far behind, and finding it impossibleto overtake their companions, as the wind was directly ahead, and asthere was danger of their foundering during the night, though withquarrels among themselves, they ran their two vessels upon a sandbeach and escaped to the shore. 

Moscoso, with the five brigantines, had entered the river Panuco, nowcalled Tampico. Here he found, to his great joy, that his countrymenhad quite a flourishing colony, and that they had reared quite alarge town, called Panuco, at a few miles up the stream. They kissedthe very ground for joy, and abandoning their storm-shatteredbrigantines, commenced a tumultuous march towards the town. They werereceived with great hospitality. The Mayor took Moscoso into his ownhouse, and the rest of the party were comfortably provided for. 

It is worthy of note that one of their first acts was to repair to thechurch to thank God for their signal deliverance from so many perils. They were soon joined by their shipwrecked comrades. They numberedonly three hundred, and they resembled wild beasts rather than men, with uncut and uncombed hair and beard, haggard with fatigue, blackened from exposure, and clad only in the skins of bears, deer, buffaloes, and other animals. Here their military organization ended. 

For twenty-five days they remained at Panuco; a riotous band ofdisappointed and reckless men, frequently engaging in sanguinarybroils. Gradually they dispersed. Many of the common soldiers foundtheir way to the city of Mexico, where they enlisted in the Mexicanand Peruvian armies. Most of the leaders found their way back toSpain, broken in health and spirits. 

Many months elapsed ere Isabella heard of the death of her husband, and of the utter ruin of the magnificent enterprise in which he hadengaged. It was to her an overwhelming blow. Her heart was broken; shenever smiled again, and soon followed her husband to the grave. Sad, indeed, were the earthly lives of Ferdinand De Soto and Isabella DeBobadilla. We hope their redeemed spirits have met in that better landwhere the weary are at rest. 

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 _The Book of Ecclesiastes Explained, Critically and Popularly. _ By James M. Macdonald, D. D. 12mo. 1. 75

MANNING, ANNE. 

 _Maiden and Married Life of Mary Powell. _ 1. 25 _Cherry and Violet. _ 18mo. , red edges 1. 00 _The Household of Sir Thos. More. _ 18mo. , red edges 1. 00 _The Faire Gospeller, Anne Askew. _ 18mo. , red edges 1. 00 _Jacques Bonneval_: A Tale of the Huguenots. 16mo. 1. 00 _The Spanish Barber_: A Tale of the Bible in Spain. 16mo. 1. 25

MARRIAGE CERTIFICATES. 

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MATEER. 

 _The Land of Charity_: A Descriptive Account of Travancore and its Devil Worship. By Rev. F. S. Mateer, F. L. S. With over 50 illustrations, 12mo. , fancy cloth 2. 25

PORTER. 

 _The Sciences of Nature versus the Science of Man. _ By +++ Noah Porter, D. D. , President of Yale College. One volume, 12mo. 1. 00

PARKER. 

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ROWLAND. 

 _The Path of Life. _ By Rev. H. A. Rowland, D. D. 18mo. 60

 _Light in a Dark Alley. _ 18mo. 

 _The Way of Peace. _ 12mo. 

RALEIGH. 

 _The Little Sanctuary and other Meditations. _ By Dr. +++ Alex. Raleigh, of London, author of "Quiet Resting Places. " 12mo. 1. 75

RAUCH. 

 _Psychology_; or, a View of the Human Soul, including Anthropology. By Rev. F. A. Rauch, D. D. 12mo. 1. 75

ROE. 

 _Barriers Burned Away. _ A Story. By Rev. E. P. Roe. +++ 12mo. 1. 75

SPENCER. 

 _A Pastor's Sketches. _ By Rev. I. S. Spencer, D. D. A +++ New Edition, two vols. In one, large 12mo. , with portrait, reduced from 3. 50 to 2. 00

 _Sermons. _ Vol. 1. --Practical 2. 00 " " 2. --Doctrinal 2. 00 " " 3. --Sacramental 2. 00

 _Any volume sold separately. _

STRETTON, HESBA. 

 _Bede's Charity. _ A New Edition, with twelve illustrations +++ 1. 50

 _Max Kromer_: A Story of the Siege of Strasburg. 16mo. 75

 _Nelly's Dark Days. _ 16mo. 75

 _Hester Morley's Promise. _ 12mo. (In press). +++

SPRING'S WORKS, (Rev. Gardiner, D. D. )

 _Attractions of the Cross. _ 12mo. 1. 00 _The Mercy Seat. _ 1. 75 _First Things. _ Two vols. 3. 50 _Glory of Christ. _ Two vols. 3. 00 _Short Sermons for the People. _ 1. 50 _Power of the Pulpit. _ 1. 75 _The Contrast. _ Two vols. 3. 00 _Obligations of the World to the Bible. _ 1. 50

SMITH. 

 _The Book that Will Suit You_; or, a Word for Every One. By Rev. James Smith. 32mo. , cloth extra, bevelled boards, red edges 1. 00

SIMMONS. 

 _Scripture Manual. _ Alphabetically and Systematically arranged. By Charles Simmons. Designed to facilitate the finding of proof texts. 12mo. , cloth 1. 75

TYTLER. 

 _Margaret_: A Story. By C. C. Fraser Tytler, author of "Jasmine Leigh, " &c. , &c. 12mo. , twelve illustrations 1. 75

VINET. 

 _Montaine and other Miscellanies. _ By Alex. Vinet, D. D. 12mo. 1. 75

 _Gospel Studies. _ By Alex. Vinet, D. D. 12mo. 1. 50

VAN OOSTERZEE. 

 _The Theology of the New Testament_; A Hand-Book for Bible Students. By J. J. Van Oosterzee, D. D. , one of the authors of Lange's Commentary. Translated by Maurice J. Evans. One vol. , 12mo. 1. 75

WORBOISE. 

 _The Lillingstones of Lillingstone. _ By Emma Jane Worboise. 12mo. Twelve illustrations 1. 75

WORLD'S LACONICS. 

 _World's Laconics, The. _ On the Best Thoughts of the Best Authors, in Prose and Poetry. By Tryon Edwards, D. D. 12mo. , cloth extra 1. 75

WEITBRECHT. 

 _Miracles of Faith_: A Sketch of the Life of Beaté Paulus. By Mary Weitbrecht. With an Introduction by Charles S. Robinson, D. D. 18mo. , red edges 75

TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE:

Minor changes have been made to correct typesetters' errors; otherwise, every effort has been made to remain true to the author's words andintent.