CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST OF GRANADA

By Washington Irving

from the mss. Of FRAY ANTONIO AGAPIDA

Author's Revised Edition

CONTENTS. 

 I. . . . . . . . . . Of the Kingdom of Granada, and the Tribute which it Paid to the Castilian Crown. II. . . . . . . . . Of the Embassy of Don Juan de Vera to Demand Arrears of Tribute from the Moorish Monarch. III. . . . . . . . Domestic Feuds in the Alhambra--Rival Sultanas--Predictions concerning Boabdil, the Heir to the Throne--How Ferdinand Meditates War against Granada, and how he is Anticipated. IV. . . . . . . . . Expedition of the Muley Abul Hassan against the Fortress of Zahara. V. . . . . . . . . . Expedition of the Marques of Cadiz against Alhama. VI. . . . . . . . . How the People of Granada were Affected on Hearing of the Capture of the Alhama; and how the Moorish King sallied forth to Regain it. VII. . . . . . . . How the Duke of Medina Sidonia and the Chivalry of Andalusia Hastened to the Relief of Alhama. VIII. . . . . . . Sequel of the Events at Alhama. IX. . . . . . . . . Events at Granada, and Rise of the Moorish King, Boabdil el Chico. X. . . . . . . . . . Royal Expedition against Loxa. XI. . . . . . . . . How Muley Abul Hassan made a Foray into the Lands of Medina Sidonia, and how he was Received. XII. . . . . . . . Foray of Spanish Cavaliers among the Mountains of Malaga. XIII. . . . . . . Effects of the Disasters among the Mountains of Malaga. XIV. . . . . . . . How King Boabdil el Chico Marched over the Border. XV. . . . . . . . . How the Count de Cabra sallied forth from his Castle in Quest of King Boabdil. XVI. . . . . . . . The Battle of Lucena. XVII. . . . . . . Lamentations of the Moors for the Battle of Lucena. XVIII. . . . . . How Muley Abul Hassan Profited by the Misfortunes of his Son Boabdil. XIX. . . . . . . . Captivity of Boabdil el Chico. XX. . . . . . . . . Of the Treatment of Boabdil by the Castilian Sovereigns. XXI. . . . . . . . Return of Boabdil from Captivity. XXII. . . . . . . Foray of the Moorish Alcaydes, and Battle of Lopera. XXIII. . . . . . Retreat of Hamet el Zegri, Alcayde of Ronda. XXIV. . . . . . . Of the reception at Court of the Count de Cabra and the Alcayde de los Donceles. XXV. . . . . . . . How the Marques of Cadiz concerted to Surprise Zahara, and the Result of his Enterprise. XXVI. . . . . . . Of the Fortress of Alhama, and how Wisely it was Governed by the Count de Tendilla. XXVII. . . . . . Foray of Christian Knights into the Territory of the Moors. XXVIII. . . . . Attempt of El Zagal to Surprise Boabdil in Almeria. XXIX. . . . . . . How King Ferdinand Commenced another Campaign against the Moors, and how he Laid Siege to Coin and Cartama. XXX. . . . . . . . Siege of Ronda. XXXI. . . . . . . How the People of Granada invited El Zagal to the Throne, and how he Marched to the Capital. XXXII. . . . . . How the Count de Cabra attempted to Capture another King, and how he Fared in his Attempt. XXXIII. . . . . Expedition against the Castles of Cambil and Albahar. XXXIV. . . . . . Enterprise of the Knights of Calatrava against Zalea. XXXV. . . . . . . Death of Muley Abul Hassan. XXXVI. . . . . . Of the Christian Army which Assembled at the City of Cordova. XXXVII. . . . . How Fresh Commotions broke out in Granada, and how the People undertook to Allay them. XXXVIII. . . . How King Ferdinand held a Council of War at the Rock of the Lovers. XXXIX. . . . . . How the Royal Army appeared Before the City of Loxa, and how it was Received; and of the Doughty Achievements of the English Earl. XL. . . . . . . . . Conclusion of the Siege of Loxa. XLI. . . . . . . . Capture of Illora. XLII. . . . . . . Of the Arrival of Queen Isabella at the Camp before Moclin; and of the Pleasant Sayings of the English Earl. XLIII. . . . . . How King Ferdinand Attacked Moclin, and of the Strange Events that attended its Capture. XLIV. . . . . . . How King Ferdinand Foraged the Vega; and of the Battle of the Bridge of Pinos, and the Fate of the two Moorish Brothers. XLV. . . . . . . . Attempt of El Zagal upon the Life of Boabdil, and how the Latter was Roused to Action. XLVI. . . . . . . How Boabdil returned Secretly to Granada, and how he was Received. --Second Embassy of Don Juan de Vera, and his Perils in the Alhambra. XLVII. . . . . . How King Ferdinand laid Siege to Velez Malaga. XLVIII. . . . . How King Ferdinand and his Army were Exposed to Imminent Peril before Velez Malaga. XLIX. . . . . . . Result of the Stratagem of El Zagal to Surprise King Ferdinand. L. . . . . . . . . . How the People of Granada Rewarded the Valor of El Zagal. LI. . . . . . . . . Surrender of the Velez Malaga and Other Places. LII. . . . . . . . Of the City of Malaga and its Inhabitants. --Mission of Hernando del Pulgar. LIII. . . . . . . Advance of King Ferdinand against Malaga. LIV. . . . . . . . Siege of Malaga. LV. . . . . . . . . Siege of Malaga continued. --Obstinacy of Hamet el Zegri. LVI. . . . . . . . Attack of the Marques of Cadiz upon Gibralfaro. LVII. . . . . . . Siege of Malaga continued. --Stratagems of Various Kinds. LVIII. . . . . . Sufferings of the People of Malaga. LIX. . . . . . . . How a Moorish Santon Undertook to Deliver the City of Malaga from the Power of its Enemies. LX. . . . . . . . . How Hamet el Zegri was Hardened in his Obstinacy by the Arts of a Moorish Astrologer. LXI. . . . . . . . Siege of Malaga continued. --Destruction of a Tower by Francisco Ramirez de Madrid. LXII. . . . . . . How the People of Malaga expostulated with Hamet el Zegri. LXIII. . . . . . How Hamet el Zegri Sallied forth with the Sacred Banner to Attack the Christian Camp. LXIV. . . . . . . How the City of Malaga Capitulated. LXV. . . . . . . . Fulfilment of the Prophecy of the Dervise. --Fate of Hamet el Zegri. LXVI. . . . . . . How the Castilian Sovereigns took Possession of the City of Malaga, and how King Ferdinand signalized himself by his Skill in Bargaining with the Inhabitants for their Ransom. LXVII. . . . . . How King Ferdinand prepared to Carry the War into a Different Part of the Territories of the Moors. LXVIII. . . . . How King Ferdinand Invaded the Eastern Side of the Kingdom of Granada, and how He was Received by El Zagal. LXIX. . . . . . . How the Moors made Various Enterprises against the Christians. LXX. . . . . . . . How King Ferdinand prepared to Besiege the City of Baza, and how the City prepared for Defence. LXXI. . . . . . . The Battle of the Gardens before Baza. LXXII. . . . . . Siege of Baza. --Embarrassments of the Army. LXXIII. . . . . Siege of Baza continued. --How King Ferdinand completely Invested the City. LXXIV. . . . . . Exploit of Hernan Perez del Pulgar and Other Cavaliers. LXXV. . . . . . . Continuation of the Siege of Baza. LXXVI. . . . . . How Two Friars from the Holy Land arrived at the Camp. LXXVII. . . . . How Queen Isabella devised Means to Supply the Army with Provisions. LXXVIII. . . . Of the Disasters which Befell the Camp. LXXIX. . . . . . Encounters between the Christians and Moors before Baza, and the Devotion of the Inhabitants to the Defence of their City. LXXX. . . . . . . How Queen Isabella arrived at the Camp, and the Consequences of her Arrival. LXXXI. . . . . . Surrender of Baza. LXXXII. . . . . Submission of El Zagal to the Castilian Sovereigns. LXXXIII. . . . Events at Granada subsequent to the Submission of El Zagal. LXXXIV. . . . . How King Ferdinand turned his Hostilities against the City of Granada. LXXXV. . . . . . The Fate of the Castle of Roma. LXXXVI. . . . . How Boabdil el Chico took the Field, and his Expedition against Alhendin. LXXXVII. . . . Exploit of the Count de Tendilla. LXXXVIII. . . Expedition of Boabdil el Chico against Salobrena. --Exploit of Hernan Perez del Pulgar. LXXXIX. . . . . How King Ferdinand Treated the People of Guadix, and how El Zagal Finished his Regal Career. XC. . . . . . . . . Preparations of Granada for a Desperate Defence. XCI. . . . . . . . How King Ferdinand conducted the Siege cautiously, and how Queen Isabella arrived at the Camp. XCII. . . . . . . Of the Insolent Defiance of Tarfe the Moor, and the Daring Exploit of Hernan Perez del Pulgar. XCIII. . . . . . How Queen Isabella took a View of the City of Granada, and how her Curiosity cost the Lives of many Christians and Moors. XCIV. . . . . . . The Last Ravage before Granada. XCV. . . . . . . . Conflagration of the Christian Camp. --Building of Santa Fe. XCVI. . . . . . . Famine and Discord in the City. XCVII. . . . . . Capitulation of Granada. XCVIII. . . . . Commotions in Granada. XCIX. . . . . . . Surrender of Granada. C. . . . . . . . . . How the Castilian Sovereigns took Possession of Granada. 

 Appendix. 

INTRODUCTION. 

Although the following Chronicle bears the name of the venerable FrayAntonio Agapida, it is rather a superstructure reared upon the fragmentswhich remain of his work. It may be asked, Who is this same Agapida, whois cited with such deference, yet whose name is not to be found in anyof the catalogues of Spanish authors? The question is hard to answer. Heappears to have been one of the many indefatigable authors of Spain whohave filled the libraries of convents and cathedrals with theirtomes, without ever dreaming of bringing their labors to the press. Heevidently was deeply and accurately informed of the particulars of thewars between his countrymen and the Moors, a tract of history but toomuch overgrown with the weeds of fable. His glowing zeal, also, in thecause of the Catholic faith entitles him to be held up as a model of thegood old orthodox chroniclers, who recorded with such pious exultationthe united triumphs of the cross and the sword. It is deeply to beregretted, therefore, that his manuscripts, deposited in the librariesof various convents, have been dispersed during the late convulsionsin Spain, so that nothing is now to be met of them but disjointedfragments. These, however, are too precious to be suffered to fall intooblivion, as they contain many curious facts not to be found in anyother historian. In the following work, therefore, the manuscript of theworthy Fray Antonio will be adopted wherever it exists entire, but willbe filled up, extended, illustrated, and corroborated by citationsfrom various authors, both Spanish and Arabian, who have treated of thesubject. Those who may wish to know how far the work is indebted to theChronicle of Fray Antonio Agapida may readily satisfy their curiosityby referring to his manuscript fragments, carefully preserved in theLibrary of the Escurial. 

Before entering upon the history it may be as well to notice theopinions of certain of the most learned and devout historiographers offormer times relative to this war. 

Marinus Siculus, historian to Charles V. , pronounces it a war to avengeancient injuries received by the Christians from the Moors, to recoverthe kingdom of Granada, and to extend the name and honor of theChristian religion. *

 * Lucio Marino Siculo, Cosas Memorabiles de Espana, lib. 20. 

Estevan de Garibay, one of the most distinguished Spanish historians, regards the war as a special act of divine clemency toward the Moors, tothe end that those barbarians and infidels, who had dragged out so manycenturies under the diabolical oppression of the absurd sect of Mahomet, should at length be reduced to the Christian faith. *

 * Garibay, Compend. Hist. Espana, lib. 18, c. 22. 

Padre Mariana, also a venerable Jesuit and the most renowned historianof Spain, considers the past domination of the Moors a scourge inflictedon the Spanish nation for its iniquities, but the conquest of Granadathe reward of Heaven for its great act of propitiation in establishingthe glorious tribunal of the Inquisition! No sooner (says the worthyfather) was this holy office opened in Spain than there shone forth aresplendent light. Then it was that, through divine favor, the nationincreased in power, and became competent to overthrow and trample downthe Moorish domination. *

 * Mariana, Hist. Espana, lib. 25, c. 1. 

Having thus cited high and venerable authority for considering this warin the light of one of those pious enterprises denominated crusades, wetrust we have said enough to engage the Christian reader to follow usinto the field and stand by us to the very issue of the encounter. 

NOTE TO THE REVISED EDITION. 

The foregoing introduction, prefixed to the former editions of thiswork, has been somewhat of a detriment to it. Fray Antonio Agapida wasfound to be an imaginary personage, and this threw a doubt over thecredibility of his Chronicle, which was increased by a vein of ironyindulged here and there, and by the occasional heightening of some ofthe incidents and the romantic coloring of some of the scenes. A word ortwo explanatory may therefore be of service. *

 * Many of the observations in this note have already appeared inan explanatory article which at Mr. Murray's request, the authorfurnished to the London Quarterly Review. 

The idea of the work was suggested while I was occupied at Madrid inwriting the Life of Columbus. In searching for traces of his early lifeI was led among the scenes of the war of Granada, he having followed theSpanish sovereigns in some of their campaigns, and been present at thesurrender of the Moorish capital. I actually wove some of these scenesinto the biography, but found they occupied an undue space, and stoodout in romantic relief not in unison with the general course of thenarrative. My mind, however, had become so excited by the stirringevents and romantic achievements of this war that I could not returnwith composure to the sober biography I had in hand. The idea thenoccurred, as a means of allaying the excitement, to throw off a roughdraught of the history of this war, to be revised and completed atfuture leisure. It appeared to me that its true course and characterhad never been fully illustrated. The world had received a strangelyperverted idea of it through Florian's romance of "Gonsalvo of Cordova, "or through the legend, equally fabulous, entitled "The Civil Wars ofGranada, " by Ginez Perez de la Hita, the pretended work of an Arabiancontemporary, but in reality a Spanish fabrication. It had been wovenover with love-tales and scenes of sentimental gallantry totallyopposite to its real character; for it was, in truth, one of thesternest of those iron conflicts sanctified by the title of "holy wars. "In fact, the genuine nature of the war placed it far above the needof any amatory embellishments. It possessed sufficient interest in thestriking contrast presented by the combatants of Oriental and Europeancreeds, costumes, and manners, and in the hardy and harebrainedenterprises, the romantic adventures, the picturesque forays throughmountain regions, the daring assaults and surprisals of cliff-builtcastles and cragged fortresses, which succeeded each other with avariety and brilliancy beyond the scope of mere invention. 

The time of the contest also contributed to heighten the interest. It was not long after the invention of gunpowder, when firearms andartillery mingled the flash and smoke and thunder of modern warfare withthe steely splendor of ancient chivalry, and gave an awful magnificenceand terrible sublimity to battle, and when the old Moorish towers andcastles, that for ages had frowned defiance to the battering-rams andcatapults of classic tactics, were toppled down by the lombards ofthe Spanish engineers. It was one of the cases in which history risessuperior to fiction. 

The more I thought about the subject, the more I was tempted toundertake it, and the facilities at hand at length determined me. In thelibraries of Madrid and in the private library of the American consul, Mr. Rich, I had access to various chronicles and other works, bothprinted and in manuscript, written at the time by eyewitnesses, andin some instances by persons who had actually mingled in the scenesrecorded and gave descriptions of them from different points of view andwith different details. These works were often diffuse and tedious, and occasionally discolored by the bigotry, superstition, and fierceintolerance of the age; but their pages were illumined at times withscenes of high emprise, of romantic generosity, and heroic valor, whichflashed upon the reader with additional splendor from the surroundingdarkness. I collated these various works, some of which have neverappeared in print, drew from each facts relative to the differententerprises, arranged them in as clear and lucid order as I couldcommand, and endeavored to give them somewhat of a graphic effect byconnecting them with the manners and customs of the age in which theyoccurred. The rough draught being completed, I laid the manuscript asideand proceeded with the Life of Columbus. After this was finished andsent to the press I made a tour in Andalusia, visited the ruins of theMoorish towns, fortresses, and castles, and the wild mountain-passes anddefiles which had been the scenes of the most remarkable events of thewar, and passed some time in the ancient palace of the Alhambra, theonce favorite abode of the Moorish monarchs. Everywhere I took notes, from the most advantageous points of view, of whatever could serve togive local verity and graphic effect to the scenes described. Havingtaken up my abode for a time at Seville, I then resumed my manuscriptand rewrote it, benefited by my travelling notes and the fresh and vividimpressions of my recent tour. In constructing my chronicle I adoptedthe fiction of a Spanish monk as the chronicler. Fray Antonio Agapidawas intended as a personification of the monkish zealots who hoveredabout the sovereigns in their campaigns, marring the chivalry of thecamp by the bigotry of the cloister, and chronicling in rapturousstrains every act of intolerance toward the Moors. In fact, scarce asally of the pretended friar when he bursts forth in rapturous eulogy ofsome great stroke of selfish policy on the part of Ferdinand, or exultsover some overwhelming disaster of the gallant and devoted Moslems, but is taken almost word for word from one or other of the orthodoxchroniclers of Spain. 

The ironical vein also was provoked by the mixture of kingcraft andpriestcraft discernible throughout this great enterprise, and themistaken zeal and self-delusion of many of its most gallant and generouschampions. The romantic coloring seemed to belong to the nature of thesubject, and was in harmony with what I had seen in my tour through thepoetical and romantic regions in which the events had taken place. Withall these deductions the work, in all its essential points, was faithfulto historical fact and built upon substantial documents. It was a greatsatisfaction to me, therefore, after the doubts that had been expressedof the authenticity of my chronicle, to find it repeatedly and largelyused by Don Miguel Lafuente Alcantara of Granada in his recentlearned and elaborate history of his native city, he having had ampleopportunity, in his varied and indefatigable researches, of judging howfar it accorded with documentary authority. 

I have still more satisfaction in citing the following testimonial ofMr. Prescott, whose researches for his admirable history of Ferdinandand Isabella took him over the same ground I had trodden. Histestimonial is written in the liberal and courteous spiritcharacteristic of him, but with a degree of eulogium which would make meshrink from quoting it did I not feel the importance of his voucher forthe substantial accuracy of my work:

"Mr. Irving's late publication, the 'Chronicle of the Conquestof Granada, ' has superseded all further necessity for poetry and, unfortunately for me, for history. He has fully availed himself of allthe picturesque and animating movement of this romantic era, and thereader who will take the trouble to compare his chronicle with thepresent more prosaic and literal narrative will see how little hehas been seduced from historic accuracy by the poetical aspect of hissubject. The fictitious and romantic dress of his work has enabled himto make it the medium of reflecting more vividly the floating opinionsand chimerical fancies of the age, while he has illuminated the picturewith the dramatic brilliancy of coloring denied to sober history. "*

 * Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. Ii. C. 15. 

In the present edition I have endeavored to render the work more worthyof the generous encomium of Mr. Prescott. Though I still retain thefiction of the monkish author Agapida, I have brought my narrative morestrictly within historical bounds, have corrected and enriched it invarious parts with facts recently brought to light by the researchesof Alcantara and others, and have sought to render it a faithful andcharacteristic picture of the romantic portion of history to which itrelates. 

W. I. 

Sunnyside, 1850. 

A CHRONICLE OF THE CONQUEST OF GRANADA. 

CHAPTER I. 

OF THE KINGDOM OF GRANADA, AND THE TRIBUTE WHICH IT PAID TO THECASTILIAN CROWN. 

The history of those bloody and disastrous wars which have caused thedownfall of mighty empires (observes Fray Antonio Agapida) has ever beenconsidered a study highly delectable and full of precious edification. What, then, must be the history of a pious crusade waged by the mostCatholic of sovereigns to rescue from the power of the infidels one ofthe most beautiful but benighted regions of the globe? Listen, then, while from the solitude of my cell I relate the events of the conquestof Granada, where Christian knight and turbaned infidel disputed, inchby inch, the fair land of Andalusia, until the Crescent, that symbol ofheathenish abomination, was cast down, and the blessed Cross, the treeof our redemption, erected in its stead. 

Nearly eight hundred years were past and gone since the Arabian invadershad sealed the perdition of Spain by the defeat of Don Roderick, thelast of her Gothic kings. Since that disastrous event one portion afteranother of the Peninsula had been gradually recovered by the Christianprinces, until the single but powerful and warlike territory of Granadaalone remained under the domination of the Moors. 

This renowned kingdom, situated in the southern part of Spain and washedon one side by the Mediterranean Sea, was traversed in every directionby sierras or chains of lofty and rugged mountains, naked, rocky, andprecipitous, rendering it almost impregnable, but locking up withintheir sterile embraces deep, rich, and verdant valleys of prodigalfertility. 

In the centre of the kingdom lay its capital, the beautiful city ofGranada, sheltered, as it were, in the lap of the Sierra Nevada, orSnowy Mountains. Its houses, seventy thousand in number, covered twolofty hills with their declivities and a deep valley between them, through which flowed the Darro. The streets were narrow, as is usual inMoorish and Arab cities, but there were occasionally small squares andopen places. The houses had gardens and interior courts, set out withorange, citron, and pomegranate trees and refreshed by fountains, sothat as the edifices ranged above each other up the sides of the hills, they presented a delightful appearance of mingled grove and city. One ofthe hills was surmounted by the Alcazaba, a strong fortress commandingall that part of the city; the other by the Alhambra, a royal palace andwarrior castle, capable of containing within its alcazar and towersa garrison of forty thousand men, but possessing also its harem, thevoluptuous abode of the Moorish monarchs, laid out with courts andgardens, fountains and baths, and stately halls decorated in the mostcostly style of Oriental luxury. According to Moorish tradition, theking who built this mighty and magnificent pile was skilled in theoccult sciences, and furnished himself with the necessary funds by meansof alchemy. * Such was its lavish splendor that even at the present daythe stranger, wandering through its silent courts and deserted halls, gazes with astonishment at gilded ceilings and fretted domes, thebrilliancy and beauty of which have survived the vicissitudes of war andthe silent dilapidation of ages. 

 * Zurita, lib. 20, c. 42. 

The city was surrounded by high walls, three leagues in circuit, furnished with twelve gates and a thousand and thirty towers. Itselevation above the sea and the neighborhood of the Sierra Nevadacrowned with perpetual snows tempered the fervid rays of summer, so thatwhile other cities were panting with the sultry and stifling heat of thedog-days, the most salubrious breezes played through the marble halls ofGranada. 

The glory of the city, however, was its Vega or plain, which spreadout to a circumference of thirty-seven leagues, surrounded by loftymountains, and was proudly compared to the famous plain of Damascus. Itwas a vast garden of delight, refreshed by numerous fountains and by thesilver windings of the Xenil. The labor and ingenuity of the Moors haddiverted the waters of this river into thousands of rills and streams, and diffused them over the whole surface of the plain. Indeed, they hadwrought up this happy region to a degree of wonderful prosperity, andtook a pride in decorating it as if it had been a favorite mistress. Thehills were clothed with orchards and vineyards, the valleys embroideredwith gardens, and the wide plains covered with waving grain. Here wereseen in profusion the orange, the citron, the fig, and the pomegranate, with great plantations of mulberry trees, from which was produced thefinest silk. The vine clambered from tree to tree, the grapes hung inrich clusters about the peasant's cottage, and the groves were rejoicedby the perpetual song of the nightingale. In a word, so beautiful wasthe earth, so pure the air, and so serene the sky of this deliciousregion that the Moors imagined the paradise of their Prophet to besituated in that part of the heaven which overhung the kingdom ofGranada. 

Within this favored realm, so prodigally endowed and strongly fortifiedby nature, the Moslem wealth, valor, and intelligence, which had onceshed such a lustre over Spain, had gradually retired, and here they madetheir final stand. Granada had risen to splendor on the ruin of otherMoslem kingdoms, but in so doing had become the sole object of Christianhostility, and had to maintain its very existence by the sword. TheMoorish capital accordingly presented a singular scene of Asiatic luxuryand refinement, mingled with the glitter and the din of arms. Letterswere still cultivated, philosophy and poetry had their schools anddisciples, and the language spoken was said to be the most elegantArabic. A passion for dress and ornament pervaded all ranks. That ofthe princesses and ladies of high rank, says Al Kattib, one of theirown writers, was carried to a height of luxury and magnificence thatbordered on delirium. They wore girdles and bracelets and anklets ofgold and silver, wrought with exquisite art and delicacy and studdedwith jacinths, chrysolites, emeralds, and other precious stones. Theywere fond of braiding and decorating their beautiful long tresses orconfining them in knots sparkling with jewels. They were finely formed, excessively fair, graceful in their manners, and fascinating in theirconversation; when they smiled, says Al Kattib, they displayed teeth ofdazzling whiteness, and their breath was as the perfume of flowers. 

The Moorish cavaliers, when not in armor, delighted in dressingthemselves in Persian style, in garments of wool, of silk, or cotton ofthe finest texture, beautifully wrought with stripes of various colors. In winter they wore, as an outer garment, the African cloak or Tunisianalbornoz, but in the heat of summer they arrayed themselves in linenof spotless whiteness. The same luxury prevailed in their militaryequipments. Their armor was inlaid and chased with gold and silver. Thesheaths of their scimetars were richly labored and enamelled, the bladeswere of Damascus bearing texts from the Koran or martial and amorousmottoes; the belts were of golden filigree studded with gems; theirponiards of Fez were wrought in the arabesque fashion; their lances boregay bandaroles; their horses were sumptuously caparisoned with housingsof green and crimson velvet, wrought with silk and enamelled withgold and silver. All this warlike luxury of the youthful chivalry wasencouraged by the Moorish kings, who ordained that no tax should beimposed on the gold and silver employed in these embellishments; and thesame exception was extended to the bracelets and other ornaments wornby the fair dames of Granada. 

Of the chivalrous gallantry which prevailed between the sexes in thisromantic period of Moorish history we have traces in the thousandballads which have come down to our day, and which have given a toneand coloring to Spanish amatory literature and to everything in Spainconnected with the tender passion. 

War was the normal state of Granada and its inhabitants; the commonpeople were subject at any moment to be summoned to the field, and allthe upper class was a brilliant chivalry. The Christian princes, sosuccessful in regaining the rest of the Peninsula, found their triumphschecked at the mountain-boundaries of this kingdom. Every peak had itsatalaya, or watch-tower, ready to make its fire by night or to sendup its column of smoke by day, a signal of invasion at which the wholecountry was on the alert. To penetrate the defiles of this perilouscountry, to surprise a frontier fortress, or to make a foray into theVega and a hasty ravage within sight of the very capital were among themost favorite and daring exploits of the Castilian chivalry. But theynever pretended to hold the region thus ravaged; it was sack, burn, plunder, and away; and these desolating inroads were retaliated inkind by the Moorish cavaliers, whose greatest delight was a "tala, "or predatory incursion, into the Christian territories beyond themountains. 

A partisan warfare of this kind had long existed between Granada and itsmost formidable antagonists, the kingdoms of Castile and Leon. It wasone which called out the keen yet generous rivalry of Christian andMoslem cavaliers, and gave rise to individual acts of chivalrousgallantry and daring prowess; but it was one which was graduallyexhausting the resources and sapping the strength of Granada. One of thelatest of its kings, therefore, Aben Ismael by name, disheartened by aforay which had laid waste the Vega, and conscious that the balance ofwarfare was against his kingdom, made a truce in 1457 with Henry IV. , king of Castile and Leon, stipulating to pay him an annual tribute oftwelve thousand doblas or pistoles of gold, and to liberate annually sixhundred Christian captives, or in default of captives to give anequal number of Moors as hostages, --all to be delivered at the city ofCordova. *

 * Garibay, Compend. , 1. 17, c. 3. 

The truce, however, was of a partial nature, with singular reservations. It did not include the Moorish frontier toward Jaen, which was toremain open for the warlike enterprises of either nation; neither did itprohibit sudden attacks upon towns and castles, provided they were mereforays, conducted furtively, without sound of trumpet or display ofbanners or pitching of camps or regular investment, and that they didnot last above three days. *

 * Zurita, Anales de Aragon, 1. 20, c. 42; Mariana, Hist. De Espana 1. 25, c. 1; Bleda, Coron. De los Moros, l. 5, c. 3. 

Aben Ismael was faithful in observing the conditions of the truce, butthey were regarded with impatience by his eldest son, Muley Abul Hassan, a prince of a fiery and belligerent spirit, and fond of casing himselfin armor and mounting his war-horse. He had been present at Cordova atone of the payments of tribute, and had witnessed the scoffs andtaunts of the Christians, and his blood boiled whenever he recalled thehumiliating scene. When he came to the throne in 1465, on the death ofhis father, he ceased the payment of the tribute altogether, and it wassufficient to put him into a tempest of rage only to mention it. 

"He was a fierce and warlike infidel, " says the pious Fray AntonioAgapida; "his bitterness against the holy Christian faith had beensignalized in battle during the lifetime of his father, and the samediabolical spirit of hostility was apparent in his ceasing to pay thismost righteous tribute. "

CHAPTER II. 

OF THE EMBASSY OF DON JUAN DE VERA TO DEMAND ARREARS OF TRIBUTE FROM THEMOORISH MONARCH. 

The flagrant want of faith of Muley Abul Hassan in fulfilling treatystipulations passed unresented during the residue of the reign ofHenry the Impotent, and the truce was tacitly continued without theenforcement of tribute during the first three years of the reign of hissuccessors, Ferdinand and Isabella of glorious and happy memory, whowere too much engrossed by civil commotions in their own dominions, andby a war of succession waged with them by the king of Portugal, to riskan additional conflict with the Moorish sovereign. When, however, at theexpiration of the term of truce, Muley Abul Hassan sought a renewal ofit, the pride and piety of the Castilian sovereigns were awakened tothe flagrant defalcation of the infidel king, and they felt themselvescalled upon, by their dignity as monarchs and their religiousobligations as champions of the faith, to make a formal demand for thepayment of arrearages. 

In the year of grace 1478, therefore, Don Juan de Vera, a zealous anddevout knight, full of ardor for the faith and loyalty to the Crown, was sent as ambassador for the purpose. He was armed at all points, gallantly mounted, and followed by a moderate but well-appointedretinue: in this way he crossed the Moorish frontier, and passed slowlythrough the country, looking round him with the eyes of a practisedwarrior and carefully noting its military points and capabilities. Hesaw that the Moor was well prepared for possible hostilities. Every townwas strongly fortified. The Vega was studded with towers of refuge forthe peasantry: every pass of the mountain had its castle of defence, every lofty height its watch-tower. As the Christian cavaliers passedunder the walls of the fortresses, lances and scimetars flashed fromtheir battlements, and the Moorish sentinels darted from their darkeyes glances of hatred and defiance. It was evident that a war withthis kingdom must be a war of posts, full of doughty peril and valiantenterprise, where every step must be gained by toil and bloodshed, and maintained with the utmost difficulty. The warrior spirit ofthe cavaliers kindled at the thoughts, and they were impatient forhostilities; "not, " says Antonio Agapida, "from any thirst for rapineand revenge, but from that pure and holy indignation which every Spanishknight entertained at beholding this beautiful dominion of his ancestorsdefiled by the footsteps of infidel usurpers. It was impossible, " headds, "to contemplate this delicious country, and not long to see itrestored to the dominion of the true faith and the sway of the Christianmonarchs. "

Arrived at the gates of Granada, Don Juan de Vera and his companionssaw the same vigilant preparations on the part of the Moorish king. Hiswalls and towers were of vast strength, in complete repair, and mountedwith lombards and other heavy ordnance. His magazines were well storedwith the munitions of war; he had a mighty host of foot-soldiers, together with squadrons of cavalry, ready to scour the country and carryon either defensive or predatory warfare. The Christian warriors notedthese things without dismay; their hearts rather glowed with emulationat the thoughts of encountering so worthy a foe. As they slowly prancedthrough the streets of Granada they looked round with eagerness onthe stately palaces and sumptuous mosques, on its alcayceria or bazar, crowded with silks and cloth of silver and gold, with jewels andprecious stones, and other rich merchandise, the luxuries of everyclime; and they longed for the time when all this wealth should be thespoil of the soldiers of the faith, and when each tramp of their steedsmight be fetlock deep in the blood and carnage of the infidels. 

The Moorish inhabitants looked jealously at this small but proud arrayof Spanish chivalry, as it paraded, with that stateliness possessed onlyby Spanish cavaliers, through the renowned gate of Elvira. They werestruck with the stern and lofty demeanor of Don Juan de Vera and hissinewy frame, which showed him formed for hardy deeds of arms, and theysupposed he had come in search of distinction by defying the Moorishknights in open tourney or in the famous tilt with reeds for which theywere so renowned, for it was still the custom of the knights of eithernation to mingle in these courteous and chivalrous contests during theintervals of war. When they learnt, however, that he was come to demandthe tribute so abhorrent to the ears of the fiery monarch, they observedthat it well required a warrior of his apparent nerve to execute such anembassy. 

Muley Abul Hassan received the cavalier in state, seated on amagnificent divan and surrounded by the officers of his court, inthe Hall of Ambassadors, one of the most sumptuous apartments of theAlhambra. When De Vera had delivered his message, a haughty and bittersmile curled the lip of the fierce monarch. "Tell your sovereigns, " saidhe, "that the kings of Granada, who used to pay tribute in money to theCastilian crown, are dead. Our mint at present coins nothing but bladesof scimetars and heads of lances. "*

 * Garibay, 1. 40, c. 29; Conde, Hist. Arab. , p. 4, c. 34. 

The defiance couched in this proud reply was heard with secretsatisfaction by Don Juan de Vera, for he was a bold soldier and a devouthater of the infidels, and he saw iron war in the words of the Moorishmonarch. Being master, however, of all points of etiquette, he retainedan inflexible demeanor, and retired from the apartment with stately andceremonious gravity. His treatment was suited to his rank and dignity:a magnificent apartment in the Alhambra was assigned to him, and beforehis departure a scimetar was sent to him by the king, the blade of thefinest Damascus steel, the hilt of agate enriched with precious stones, and the guard of gold. De Vera drew it, and smiled grimly as he noticedthe admirable temper of the blade. "His Majesty has given me a trenchantweapon, " said he: "I trust a time will come when I may show him thatI know how to use his royal present. " The reply was considered acompliment, of course: the bystanders little knew the bitter hostilitythat lay couched beneath. 

On his return to Cordova, Don Juan de Vera delivered the reply of theMoor, but at the same time reported the state of his territories. Thesehad been strengthened and augmented during the weak reign of HenryIV. And the recent troubles of Castile. Many cities and strong placescontiguous to Granada, but heretofore conquered by the Christians, hadrenewed their allegiance to Muley Abul Hassan, so that his kingdomnow contained fourteen cities, ninety-seven fortified places, besidesnumerous unwalled towns and villages defended by formidable castles, while Granada towered in the centre as the citadel. 

The wary Ferdinand, as he listened to the military report of Don Juande Vera, saw that the present was no time for hostilities with a warriorkingdom so bristled over with means of defence. The internal discordsof Castile still continued, as did the war with Portugal: under thesecircumstances he forbore to insist upon the payment of tribute, andtacitly permitted the truce to continue; but the defiance containedin the reply of Muley Abul Hassan remained rankling in his bosom as afuture ground of war; and De Vera's description of Granada as the centreof a system of strongholds and rock-built castles suggested to him hisplan of conquest--by taking town after town and fortress after fortress, and gradually plucking away all the supports before he attempted thecapital. He expressed his resolution in a memorable pun or play uponthe name of Granada, which signifies a pomegranate. "I will pick outthe seeds of this pomegranate one by one, " said the cool and craftyFerdinand. 

NOTE. --In the first edition of this work the author recounted acharacteristic adventure of the stout Juan de Vera as happening onthe occasion of this embassy; a further consultation of historicalauthorities has induced him to transfer it to a second embassy of DeVera's, which the reader will find related in a subsequent chapter. 

CHAPTER III. 

DOMESTIC FEUDS IN THE ALHAMBRA--RIVAL SULTANAS--PREDICTIONS CONCERNINGBOABDIL, THE HEIR TO THE THRONE--HOW FERDINAND MEDITATES WAR AGAINSTGRANADA, AND HOW HE IS ANTICIPATED. 

Though Muley Abul Hassan was at peace in his external relations, a civilwar raged in his harem, which it is proper to notice, as it had a fataleffect upon the fortunes of the kingdom. Though cruel by nature, he wasuxorious and somewhat prone to be managed by his wives. Early in lifehe had married his kinswoman, Ayxa (or Ayesha), daughter of hisgreat-uncle, the sultan Mohammed VII. , surnamed El Hayzari, or theLeft-handed. She was a woman of almost masculine spirit and energy, andof such immaculate and inaccessible virtue that she was generally calledLa Horra, or the Chaste. By her he had a son, Abu Abdallah, or, as he iscommonly named by historians, Boabdil. The court astrologers, accordingto custom, cast the horoscope of the infant, but were seized withfear and trembling as they regarded it. "Allah Akbar! God is great!"exclaimed they; "he alone controls the fate of empires. It is written inthe book of fate that this child will one day sit upon the throne, butthat the downfall of the kingdom will be accomplished during his reign. "From that time the prince had been regarded with aversion by his father, and the prediction which hung over him and the persecutions to whichhe became subjected procured him the surname of El Zogoybi, orthe Unfortunate. He grew up, however, under the protection of hisvaliant-hearted mother, who by the energy of her character longmaintained an undisputed sway in the harem, until, as her youth passedaway and her beauty declined, a formidable rival arose. 

In one of the forays of the Moorish chivalry into the Christianterritories they had surprised a frontier fortress commanded by SanchoXimenes de Solis, a noble and valiant cavalier, who fell in bravelydefending it. Among the captives was his daughter Isabella, then almostin her infancy, who was brought to Granada, delicately raised, andeducated in the Moslem faith. * Her Moorish captors gave her the name ofFatima, but as she grew up her surpassing beauty gained her the surnameof Zoraya, or the Morning Star, by which she has become known inhistory. Her charms at length attracted the notice of Muley Abul Hassan, and she soon became a member of his harem. Some have spoken of her asa Christian slave whom he had made his concubine; but others, with moretruth, represent her as one of his wives, and ultimately his favoritesultana; and indeed it was often the case that female captives of rankand beauty, when converted to the faith of Islam, became united to theproudest and loftiest of their captors. 

 * Cronica del Gran Cardinal, cap. 71. 

Zoraya soon acquired complete ascendancy over the mind of Muley AbulHassan. She was as ambitious as she was beautiful, and, having becomethe mother of two sons, looked forward to the possibility of one of themsitting on the throne of Granada. These ambitious views were encouraged, if not suggested, by a faction which gathered round her inspired bykindred sympathies. The king's vizier, Abul Cacim Vanegas, who had greatinfluence over him, was, like Zoraya, of Christian descent, being ofthe noble house of Luque. His father, one of the Vanegas of Cordova, hadbeen captured in infancy and brought up as a Moslem. * From him sprangthe vizier, Abul Cacim Vanegas, and his brother, Reduan Vanegas, likewise high in rank in the court of Muley Abul Hassan, and they hadabout them numerous and powerful connections, all basking in courtfavor. Though Moslems in faith, they were all drawn to Zoraya by thetie of foreign and Christian descent, and sought to elevate her and herchildren to the disparagement of Ayxa la Horra and her son Boabdil. Thelatter, on the other hand, were supported by the noble and once-potentfamily of the Abencerrages and by Aben Comixa, alcayde of the Alhambra;and between these two factions, headed by rival sultanas, the haremof Muley Abul Hassan became the scene of inveterate jealousies andintrigues, which in time, as will be shown, led to popular commotionsand civil wars. **

 * Cura de los Palacios, Hist. De los Reyes Catol. , cap. 56. 

 * *It is to be noted that several historians have erroneouslyrepresented Zoraya as the mother of Boabdil, instead of Ayxa la Horra, and the Abencerrages as the opponents of Boabdil, instead of hisstrenuous adherents. The statement in the text is according to the mostreliable authorities. 

While these female feuds were threatening Muley Abul Hassan with troubleand disaster at home, his evil genius prompted him to an enterprisewhich involved him in tenfold danger from abroad. The reader has alreadybeen apprised of a singular clause in the truce existing between theChristians and the Moors, permitting hasty dashes into each other'sterritories and assaults of towns and fortresses, provided they werecarried on as mere forays and without the parade of regular warfare. Along time had elapsed, however, without any incursion of the kind onthe part of the Moors, and the Christian towns on the frontiers had, inconsequence, fallen into a state of the most negligent security. In anunlucky moment Muley Abul Hassan was tempted to one of these forays bylearning that the fortress of Zahara, on the frontier between Ronda andMedina Sidonia, was but feebly garrisoned and scantily supplied, andthat its alcayde was careless of his charge. This important post wasbuilt on the crest of a rocky mountain, with a strong castle perchedabove it upon a cliff, so high that it was said to be above the flightof birds or drift of clouds. The streets and many of the houses weremere excavations wrought out of the living rock. The town had but onegate, opening to the west and defended by towers and bulwarks. The onlyascent to this cragged fortress was by roads cut in the rock, so ruggedin many places as to resemble broken stairs. In a word, the impregnablesecurity of Zahara had become so proverbial throughout Spain that awoman of forbidding and inaccessible virtue was called a Zaharena. Butthe strongest fortress and sternest virtue have weak points, and requireunremitting vigilance to guard them: let warrior and dame take warningfrom the fate of Zahara. 

CHAPTER IV. 

EXPEDITION OF MULEY ABUL HASSAN AGAINST THE FORTRESS OF ZAHARA. 

In the year of our Lord one thousand four hundred and eighty-one, andbut a night or two after the festival of the most blessed Nativity, theinhabitants of Zahara were sunk in profound sleep the very sentinel haddeserted his post, and sought shelter from a tempest which had raged forthree nights in succession, for it appeared but little probable that anenemy would be abroad during such an uproar of the elements. But evilspirits work best during a storm. In the midst of the night an uproarrose within the walls of Zahara more awful than the raging of thestorm. A fearful alarm-cry, "The Moor! the Moor!" resounded through thestreets, mingled with the clash of arms, the shriek of anguish, and theshout of victory. Muley Abul Hassan, at the head of a powerful force, had hurried from Granada, and passed unobserved through the mountains inthe obscurity of the tempest. While the storm pelted the sentinel fromhis post and bowled round tower and battlement, the Moors had plantedtheir scaling-ladders and mounted securely into both town and castle. The garrison was unsuspicious of danger until battle and massacre burstforth within its very walls. It seemed to the affrighted inhabitantsas if the fiends of the air had come upon the wings of the wind andpossessed themselves of tower and turret. The war-cry resounded on everyside, shout answering shout, above, below, on the battlements of thecastle, in the streets of the town; the foe was in all parts, wrappedin obscurity, but acting in concert by the aid of preconcerted signals. Starting from sleep, the soldiers were intercepted and cut down as theyrushed from their quarters, or if they escaped they knew not whereto assemble or where to strike. Wherever lights appeared the flashingscimetar was at its deadly work, and all who attempted resistance fellbeneath its edge. 

In a little while the struggle was at an end. Those who were not slaintook refuge in the secret places of their houses or gave themselvesup as captives. The clash of arms ceased, and the storm continued itshowling, mingled with the occasional shout of the Moorish soldieryroaming in search of plunder. While the inhabitants were trembling fortheir fate, a trumpet resounded through the streets summoning them allto assemble, unarmed, in the public square. Here they were surrounded bysoldiery and strictly guarded until daybreak. When the day dawned it waspiteous to behold this once-prosperous community, who had laid down torest in peaceful security, now crowded together without distinction ofage or rank or sex, and almost without raiment, during the severity ofa wintry storm. The fierce Muley Abul Hassan turned a deaf ear toall their prayers and remonstrances, and ordered them to be conductedcaptives to Granada. Leaving a strong garrison in both town and castle, with orders to put them in a complete state of defence, he returned, flushed with victory, to his capital, entering it at the head of histroops, laden with spoil and bearing in triumph the banners and pennonstaken at Zahara. 

While preparations were making for jousts and other festivities in honorof this victory over the Christians, the captives of Zahara arrived--awretched train of men, women, and children, worn out with fatigue andhaggard with despair, and driven like cattle into the city gates by adetachment of Moorish soldiery. 

Deep was the grief and indignation of the people of Granada at thiscruel scene. Old men, who had experienced the calamities of warfare, anticipated coming troubles. Mothers clasped their infants to theirbreasts as they beheld the hapless females of Zahara with their childrenexpiring in their arms. On every side the accents of pity for thesufferers were mingled with execrations of the barbarity of the king. The preparations for festivity were neglected, and the viands which wereto have feasted the conquerors were distributed among the captives. 

The nobles and alfaquis, however, repaired to the Alhambra tocongratulate the king; for, whatever storms may rage in the lowerregions of society, rarely do any clouds but clouds of incense rise tothe awful eminence of the throne. In this instance, however, a voicerose from the midst of the obsequious crowd, and burst like thunderupon the ears of Abul Hassan. "Woe! woe! woe! to Granada!" exclaimed thevoice; "its hour of desolation approaches. The ruins of Zahara willfall upon our heads; my spirit tells me that the end of our empire isat hand. " All shrank back aghast, and left the denouncer of woe standingalone in the centre of the hall. He was an ancient and hoary man in therude attire of a dervise. Age had withered his form without quenchingthe fire of his spirit, which glared in baleful lustre from his eyes. He was (say the Arabian historians) one of those holy men termed santonswho pass their lives in hermitages in fasting, meditation, and prayeruntil they attain to the purity of saints and the foresight of prophets. "He was, " says the indignant Fray Antonio Agapida, "a son of Belial, one of those fanatic infidels possessed by the devil who are sometimespermitted to predict the truth to their followers, but with the provisothat their predictions shall be of no avail. "

The voice of the santon resounded through the lofty hall of theAlhambra, and struck silence and awe into the crowd of courtlysycophants. Muley Abul Hassan alone was unmoved: he eyed the hoaryanchorite with scorn as he stood dauntless before him, and treated hispredictions as the ravings of a maniac. The santon rushed from the royalpresence, and, descending into the city, hurried through its streets andsquares with frantic gesticulations. His voice was heard in everypart in awful denunciation: "The peace is broken! exterminating war iscommenced. Woe! woe! woe to Granada! its fall is at hand! desolationwill dwell in its palaces; its strong men will fall beneath the sword, its children and maidens be led into captivity. Zahara is but a type ofGranada!"

Terror seized upon the populace, for they considered these ravings asthe inspirations of prophecy. Some hid themselves in their dwellings asin a time of general mourning, while some gathered together in knots inthe streets and squares, alarming each other with dismal forebodings andcursing the rashness and cruelty of the king. 

The Moorish monarch heeded not their murmurs. Knowing that his exploitmust draw upon him the vengeance of the Christians, he now threw offall reserve, and made attempts to surprise Castellan and Elvira, thoughwithout success. He sent alfaquis also to the Barbary powers, informingthem that the sword was drawn, and inviting the African princes to aidhim with men and supplies in maintaining the kingdom of Granada and thereligion of Mahomet against the violence of unbelievers. 

While discontent exhaled itself in murmurs among the common people, however, it fomented in dangerous conspiracies among the nobles, andMuley Abul Hassan was startled by information of a design to deposehim and place his son Boabdil upon the throne. His first measure was toconfine the prince and his mother in the Tower of Comares; then, callingto mind the prediction of the astrologers, that the youth would one daysit on the throne of Granada, he impiously set the stars at defiance. "The sword of the executioner, " said he, "shall prove the fallacy ofthose lying horoscopes, and shall silence the ambition of Boabdil. "

The sultana Ayxa, apprised of the imminent danger of her son, concerteda plan for his escape. At the dead of the night she gained access tohis prison, and, tying together the shawls and scarfs of herself and herfemale attendants, lowered him down from a balcony of the Alhambra tothe steep rocky hillside which sweeps down to the Darro. Here some ofher devoted adherents were waiting to receive him, who, mounting himon a swift horse, spirited him away to the city of Guadix, in theAlpuxarras. 

CHAPTER V. 

EXPEDITION OF THE MARQUES OF CADIZ AGAINST ALHAMA. 

Great was the indignation of King Ferdinand when he heard of thestorming of Zahara, though the outrage of the Moor happened mostopportunely. The war between Castile and Portugal had come to a close;the factions of Spanish nobles were for the most part quelled. TheCastilian monarchs had now, therefore, turned their thoughts to thecherished object of their ambition, the conquest of Granada. The piousheart of Isabella yearned to behold the entire Peninsula redeemed fromthe domination of the infidel, while Ferdinand, in whom religious zealwas mingled with temporal policy, looked with a craving eye to the richterritory of the Moor, studded with wealthy towns and cities. Muley AbulHassan had rashly or unwarily thrown the brand that was to produce thewide conflagration. Ferdinand was not the one to quench the flames. Heimmediately issued orders to all the adelantados and alcaydes of thefrontiers to maintain the utmost vigilance at their several posts, andto prepare to carry fire and sword into the territories of the Moors. 

Among the many valiant cavaliers who rallied round the throne ofFerdinand and Isabella, one of the most eminent in rank and renownedin arms was Don Roderigo Ponce de Leon, marques of Cadiz. As he was thedistinguished champion of this holy war, and commanded in most of itsenterprises and battles, it is meet that some particular account shouldbe given of him. He was born in 1443 of the valiant lineage of thePonces, and from his earliest youth had rendered himself illustrious inthe field. He was of the middle stature, with a muscular and powerfulframe, capable of great exertion and fatigue. His hair and beard werered and curled, his countenance was open and magnanimous, of a ruddycomplexion and slightly marked with the small-pox. He was temperate, chaste, valiant, vigilant; a just and generous master to his vassals;frank and noble in his deportment toward his equals; loving and faithfulto his friends; fierce and terrible, yet magnanimous, to his enemies. He was considered the mirror of chivalry of his times, and compared bycontemporary historians to the immortal Cid. 

The marques of Cadiz had vast possessions in the most fertile parts ofAndalusia, including many towns and castles, and could lead forth anarmy into the field from his own vassals and dependants. On receivingthe orders of the king he burned to signalize himself by some suddenincursion into the kingdom of Granada that should give a brilliantcommencement to the war, and should console the sovereigns for theinsult they had received in the capture of Zahara. As his estates laynear to the Moorish frontiers and were subject to sudden inroads, hehad always in his pay numbers of adalides, or scouts and guides, many ofthem converted Moors. These he sent out in all directions to watch themovements of the enemy and to procure all kinds of information importantto the security of the frontier. One of these spies came to him oneday in his town of Marchena, and informed him that the Moorish town ofAlhama was slightly garrisoned and negligently guarded, and might betaken by surprise. This was a large, wealthy, and populous place withina few leagues of Granada. It was situated on a rocky height, nearlysurrounded by a river, and defended by a fortress to which there was noaccess but by a steep and cragged ascent. The strength of its situationand its being embosomed in the centre of the kingdom had produced thecareless security which now invited attack. 

To ascertain fully the state of the fortress the marques despatchedsecretly a veteran soldier who was highly in his confidence. His namewas Ortega de Prado, a man of great activity, shrewdness, and valor, and captain of escaladors (soldiers employed to scale the walls offortresses in time of attack). Ortega approached Alhama one moonlessnight, and paced along its walls with noiseless step, laying his earoccasionally to the ground or to the wall. Every time he distinguishedthe measured tread of a sentinel, and now and then the challenge ofthe night-watch going its rounds. Finding the town thus guarded, heclambered to the castle: there all was silent. As he ranged its loftybattlements between him and the sky he saw no sentinel on duty. He noticed certain places where the wall might be ascended byscaling-ladders, and, having marked the hour of relieving guard and madeall necessary observations, he retired without being discovered. 

Ortega returned to Marchena, and assured the marques of Cadiz ofthe practicability of scaling the castle of Alhama and taking it bysurprise. The marques had a secret conference with Don Pedro Enriques, adelantado of Andalusia, Don Diego de Merlo, commander of Seville, Sancho de Avila, alcayde of Carmona, and others, who all agreed toaid him with their forces. On an appointed day the several commandersassembled at Marchena with their troops and retainers. None but theleaders knew the object or destination of the enterprise, but it wasenough to rouse the Andalusian spirit to know that a foray was intendedinto the country of their old enemies, the Moors. Secrecy and celeritywere necessary for success. They set out promptly with three thousandgenetes or light cavalry and four thousand infantry. They chose a routebut little travelled, by the way of Antiquera, passing with great laborthrough rugged and solitary defiles of the sierra or chain of mountainsof Arrecife, and left all their baggage on the banks of the riverYeguas, to be brought after them. This march was principally in thenight; all day they remained quiet; no noise was suffered in their camp, and no fires were made, lest the smoke should betray them. On the thirdday they resumed their march as the evening darkened, and, forcingthemselves forward at as quick a pace as the rugged and dangerousmountain-roads would permit, they descended toward midnight into asmall deep valley only half a league from Alhama. Here they made a halt, fatigued by this forced march, during a long dark evening toward the endof February. 

The marques of Cadiz now explained to the troops the object of theexpedition. He told them it was for the glory of the most holy faith andto avenge the wrongs of their countrymen at Zahara, and that the town ofAlhama, full of wealthy spoil, was the place to be attacked. The troopswere roused to new ardor by these words, and desired to be led forthwithto the assault. They arrived close to Alhama about two hours beforedaybreak. Here the army remained in ambush, while three hundred men weredespatched to scale the walls and get possession of the castle. Theywere picked men, many of them alcaydes and officers, men who preferreddeath to dishonor. This gallant band was guided by the escalador Ortegade Prado at the head of thirty men with scaling-ladders. They clamberedthe ascent to the castle in silence, and arrived under the dark shadowof its towers without being discovered. Not a light was to be seen, nota sound to be heard; the whole place was wrapped in profound repose. 

Fixing their ladders, they ascended cautiously and with noiseless steps. Ortega was the first that mounted upon the battlements, followed byone Martin Galindo, a youthful esquire full of spirit and eager fordistinction. Moving stealthily along the parapet to the portal of thecitadel, they came upon the sentinel by surprise. Ortega seized himby the throat, brandished a dagger before his eyes, and ordered him topoint the way to the guard-room. The infidel obeyed, and was instantlydespatched, to prevent his giving an alarm. The guard-room was a scenerather of massacre than combat. Some of the soldiery were killed whilesleeping, others were cut down almost without resistance, bewildered byso unexpected an assault: all were despatched, for the scaling party wastoo small to make prisoners or to spare. The alarm spread throughout thecastle, but by this time the three hundred picked men had mounted thebattlements. The garrison, startled from sleep, found the enemy alreadymasters of the towers. Some of the Moors were cut down at once, othersfought desperately from room to room, and the whole castle resoundedwith the clash of arms, the cries of the combatants, and the groans ofthe wounded. The army in ambush, finding by the uproar that the castlewas surprised, now rushed from their concealment, and approachedthe walls with loud shouts and sound of kettle-drums and trumpets toincrease the confusion and dismay of the garrison. A violent conflicttook place in the court of the castle, where several of the scalingparty sought to throw open the gates to admit their countrymen. Herefell two valiant alcaydes, Nicholas de Roja and Sancho de Avila, butthey fell honorably, upon a heap of slain. At length Ortega de Pradosucceeded in throwing open a postern through which the marques of Cadiz, the adelantado of Andalusia, and Don Diego de Merlo entered with ahost of followers, and the citadel remained in full possession of theChristians. 

As the Spanish cavaliers were ranging from room to room, the marques ofCadiz, entering an apartment of superior richness to the rest, beheld, by the light of a silver lamp, a beautiful Moorish female, the wifeof the alcayde of the castle, whose husband was absent attending awedding-feast at Velez Malaga. She would have fled at the sight of aChristian warrior in her apartment, but, entangled in the covering ofthe bed, she fell at the feet of the marques, imploring mercy. ThatChristian cavalier, who had a soul full of honor and courtesy toward thesex, raised her from the floor and endeavored to allay her fears; butthey were increased at the sight of her female attendants pursued intothe room by the Spanish soldiery. The marques reproached his soldierswith unmanly conduct, and reminded them that they made war upon men, noton defenceless women. Having soothed the terrors of the females by thepromise of honorable protection, he appointed a trusty guard to watchover the security of their apartment. 

The castle was now taken, but the town below it was in arms. It wasbroad day, and the people, recovered from their panic, were enabled tosee and estimate the force of the enemy. The inhabitants were chieflymerchants and tradespeople, but the Moors all possessed a knowledge ofthe use of weapons and were of brave and warlike spirit. They confidedin the strength of their walls and the certainty of speedy relieffrom Granada, which was but about eight leagues distant. Manning thebattlements and towers, they discharged showers of stones and arrowswhenever the part of the Christian army without the walls attempted toapproach. They barricadoed the entrances of their streets also whichopened toward the castle, stationing men expert at the crossbow andarquebuse. These kept up a constant fire upon the gate of the castle, so that no one could sally forth without being instantly shot down. Twovaliant cavaliers who attempted to lead forth a party in defiance ofthis fatal tempest were shot dead at the very portal. 

The Christians now found themselves in a situation of great peril. Reinforcements must soon arrive to the enemy from Granada: unless, therefore, they gained possession of the town in the course of the day, they were likely to be surrounded and beleaguered, without provisions, in the castle. Some observed that even if they took the town they shouldnot be able to maintain possession of it. They proposed, therefore, tomake booty of everything valuable, to sack the castle, set it on fire, and make good their retreat to Seville. 

The marques of Cadiz was of different counsel. "God has given thecitadel into Christian hands, " said he; "he will no doubt strengthenthem to maintain it. We have gained the place with difficulty andbloodshed; it would be a stain upon our honor to abandon it through fearof imaginary dangers. " The adelantado and Don Diego de Merlo joinedin his opinion, but without their earnest and united remonstrances theplace would have been abandoned, so exhausted were the troops by forcedmarches and hard fighting, and so apprehensive of the approach of theMoors of Granada. 

The strength and spirits of the party within the castle were in somedegree restored by the provisions which they found. The Christian armybeneath the town, being also refreshed by a morning's repast, advanced vigorously to the attack of the walls. They planted theirscaling-ladders, and, swarming up, sword in hand, fought fiercely withthe Moorish soldiery upon the ramparts. 

In the mean time, the marques of Cadiz, seeing that the gate of thecastle, which opened toward the city, was completely commanded by theartillery of the enemy, ordered a large breach to be made in the wall, through which he might lead his troops to the attack, animating them inthis perilous moment by assuring them that the place should be given upto plunder and its inhabitants made captives. 

The breach being made, the marques put himself at the head of histroops, and entered sword in hand. A simultaneous attack was make by theChristians in every part--by the ramparts, by the gate, by the roofsand walls which connected the castle with the town. The Moors foughtvaliantly in their streets, from their windows, and from the tops oftheir houses. They were not equal to the Christians in bodily strength, for they were for the most part peaceful men, of industrious callings, and enervated by the frequent use of the warm bath; but they weresuperior in number and unconquerable in spirit; old and young, strongand weak, fought with the same desperation. The Moors fought forproperty, for liberty, for life. They fought at their thresholds andtheir hearths, with the shrieks of their wives and children ringing intheir ears, and they fought in the hope that each moment would bring aidfrom Granada. They regarded neither their own wounds nor the death oftheir companions, but continued fighting until they fell, and seemedas if, when they could no longer contend, they would block up thethresholds of their beloved homes with their mangled bodies. TheChristians fought for glory, for revenge, for the holy faith, and forthe spoil of these wealthy infidels. Success would place a rich town attheir mercy; failure would deliver them into the hands of the tyrant ofGranada. 

The contest raged from morning until night, when the Moors began toyield. Retreating to a large mosque near the walls, they kept up sogalling a fire from it with lances, crossbows, and arquebuses that forsome time the Christians dared not approach. Covering themselves, atlength, with bucklers and mantelets* to protect them from the deadlyshower, the latter made their way to the mosque and set fire to thedoors. When the smoke and flames rolled in upon them the Moors gaveup all as lost. Many rushed forth desperately upon the enemy, but wereimmediately slain; the rest surrendered themselves captives. 

 * Mantelet--a movable parapet, made of thick planks, to protecttroops when advancing to sap or assault a walled place. 

The struggle was now at an end: the town remained at the mercy of theChristians; and the inhabitants, both male and female, became theslaves of those who made them prisoners. Some few escaped by a mine orsubterranean way which led to the river, and concealed themselves, theirwives and children, in caves and secret places, but in three or fourdays were compelled to surrender themselves through hunger. 

The town was given up to plunder, and the booty was immense. There werefound prodigious quantities of gold and silver, and jewels and richsilks and costly stuffs of all kinds, together with horses and beeves, and abundance of grain and oil and honey, and all other productions ofthis fruitful kingdom; for in Alhama were collected the royal rentsand tributes of the surrounding country: it was the richest town inthe Moorish territory, and from its great strength and its peculiarsituation was called the key to Granada. 

Great waste and devastation were committed by the Spanish soldiery; for, thinking it would be impossible to keep possession of the place, theybegan to destroy whatever they could not take away. Immense jars ofoil were broken, costly furniture shattered to pieces, and magazinesof grain broken open and their contents scattered to the winds. ManyChristian captives who had been taken at Zahara were found buried in aMoorish dungeon, and were triumphantly restored to light and liberty;and a renegado Spaniard, who had often served as guide to the Moorsin their incursions into the Christian territories, was hanged on thehighest part of the battlements for the edification of the army. 

CHAPTER VI. 

HOW THE PEOPLE OF GRANADA WERE AFFECTED ON HEARING OF THE CAPTURE OFALHAMA, AND HOW THE MOORISH KING SALLIED FORTH TO REGAIN IT. 

A moorish horseman had spurred across the Vega, nor reined his pantingsteed until he alighted at the gate of the Alhambra. He brought tidingsto Muley Abul Hassan of the attack upon Alhama. "The Christians, " saidhe, "are in the land. They came upon us, we know not whence or how, andscaled the walls of the castle in the night. There have been dreadfulfighting and carnage in its towers and courts; and when I spurredmy steed from the gate of Alhama the castle was in possession of theunbelievers. "

Muley Abul Hassan felt for a moment as if swift retribution had comeupon him for the woes he had inflicted upon Zahara. Still, he flatteredhimself that this had only been some transient inroad of a party ofmarauders intent upon plunder, and that a little succor thrown into thetown would be sufficient to expel them from the castle and drive themfrom the land. He ordered out, therefore, a thousand of his chosencavalry, and sent them in all speed to the assistance of Alhama. Theyarrived before its walls the morning after its capture: the Christianstandards floated upon its towers, and a body of cavalry poured forthfrom its gates and came wheeling down into the plain to receive them. 

The Moorish horsemen turned the reins of their steeds and galloped backfor Granada. They entered its gates in tumultuous confusion, spreadingterror and lamentation by their tidings. "Alhama is fallen! Alhama isfallen!" exclaimed they; "the Christians garrison its walls; the key ofGranada is in the hands of the enemy!"

When the people heard these words they remembered the denunciation ofthe santon. His prediction seemed still to resound in every ear, andits fulfilment to be at hand. Nothing was heard throughout the city butsighs and wailings. "Woe is me, Alhama!" was in every mouth; and thisejaculation of deep sorrow and doleful foreboding came to be the burdenof a plaintive ballad which remains until the present day. *

 * The mournful little Spanish romance of "Ay de mi Alhama!" issupposed to be of Moorish origin, and to embody the grief of the peopleof Granada on this occasion. 

Many aged men, who had taken refuge in Granada from other Moorishdominions which had fallen into the power of the Christians, now groanedin despair at the thoughts that war was to follow them into this lastretreat, to lay waste this pleasant land, and to bring trouble andsorrow upon their declining years. The women were more loud and vehementin their grief, for they beheld the evils impending over their children, and what can restrain the agony of a mother's heart? Many of them madetheir way through the halls of the Alhambra into the presence of theking, weeping, and wailing, and tearing their hair. "Accursed be theday, " cried they, "that thou hast lit the flame of war in our land! Maythe holy Prophet bear witness before Allah that we and our childrenare innocent of this act! Upon thy head, and upon the heads of thyposterity, until the end of the world, rest the sin of the desolation ofZahara!"*

 * Garibay, lib. 40, c. 29. 

Muley Abul Hassan remained unmoved amidst all this storm; his heart washardened (observes Fray Antonio Agapida) like that of Pharaoh, tothe end that through his blind violence and rage he might produce thedeliverance of the land from its heathen bondage. In fact, he was a boldand fearless warrior, and trusted soon to make this blow recoil upon thehead of the enemy. He had ascertained that the captors of Alhama werebut a handful: they were in the centre of his dominions, within a shortdistance of his capital. They were deficient in munitions of war andprovisions for sustaining a siege. By a rapid movement he might surroundthem with a powerful army, cut off all aid from their countrymen, andentrap them in the fortress they had taken. 

To think was to act with Muley Abul Hassan, but he was prone to act withtoo much precipitation. He immediately set forth in person with threethousand horse and fifty thousand foot, and in his eagerness to arriveat the scene of action would not wait to provide artillery and thevarious engines required in a siege. "The multitude of my forces, " saidhe, confidently, "will be sufficient to overwhelm the enemy. "

The marques of Cadiz, who thus held possession of Alhama, had a chosenfriend and faithful companion-in-arms, among the most distinguished ofthe Christian chivalry. This was Don Alonso de Cordova, senior and lordof the house of Aguilar, and brother of Gonsalvo of Cordova, afterwardrenowned as grand captain of Spain. As yet, Alonso de Aguilar was theglory of his name and race, for his brother was but young in arms. Hewas one of the most hardy, valiant, and enterprising of the Spanishknights, and foremost in all service of a perilous and adventurousnature. He had not been at hand to accompany his friend Ponce de Leon, marques of Cadiz, in his inroad into the Moorish territory, but hehastily assembled a number of retainers, horse and foot, and pressedforward to join the enterprise. Arriving at the river Yeguas, he foundthe baggage of the army still upon its banks, and took charge of it tocarry it to Alhama. The marques of Cadiz heard of the approach of hisfriend, whose march was slow in consequence of being encumbered by thebaggage. He was within but a few leagues of Alhama when scouts camehurrying into the place with intelligence that the Moorish king was athand with a powerful army. The marques of Cadiz was filled with alarmlest De Aguilar should fall into the hands of the enemy. Forgettinghis own danger and thinking only of that of his friend, he despatched awell-mounted messenger to ride full speed and warn him not to approach. 

The first determination of Alonso de Aguilar when he heard that theMoorish king was at hand was to take a strong position in the mountainsand await his coming. The madness of an attempt with his handful of mento oppose an immense army was represented to him with such force as toinduce him to abandon the idea; he then thought of throwing himself intoAlhama to share the fortunes of his friend; but it was now too late. TheMoor would infallibly intercept him, and he should only give the marquesthe additional distress of beholding him captured beneath his walls. It was even urged upon him that he had no time for delay if he wouldconsult his own safety, which could only be ensured by an immediateretreat into the Christian territory. This last opinion was confirmed bythe return of scouts, who brought information that Muley Abul Hassan hadreceived notice of his movements, and was rapidly advancing in quest ofhim. It was with infinite reluctance that Don Alonso de Aguilar yieldedto these united and powerful reasons. Proudly and sullenly he drew offhis forces, laden with the baggage of the army, and made an unwillingretreat toward Antiquera. Muley Abul Hassan pursued him for somedistance through the mountains, but soon gave up the chase and turnedwith his forces upon Alhama. 

As the army approached the town they beheld the fields strewn with thedead bodies of their countrymen, who had fallen in defence of the place, and had been cast forth and left unburied by the Christians. Therethey lay, mangled and exposed to every indignity, while droves ofhalf-famished dogs were preying upon them and fighting and howling overtheir hideous repast. * Furious at the sight, the Moors, in the firsttransports of their rage, attacked those ravenous animals: their nextmeasure was to vent their fury upon the Christians. They rushed likemadmen to the walls, applied scaling-ladders in all parts withoutwaiting for the necessary mantelets and other protections--thinkingby attacking suddenly and at various points to distract the enemy andovercome them by the force of numbers. 

 * Pulgar, Cronica. 

The marques of Cadiz, with his confederate commanders, distributedthemselves along the walls to direct and animate their men in thedefence. The Moors in their blind fury often assailed the most difficultand dangerous places. Darts, stones, and all kinds of missiles werehurled down upon their defenceless heads. As fast as they mounted theywere cut down or dashed from the battlements, their ladders overturned, and all who were on them precipitated headlong below. 

Muley Abul Hassan stormed with passion at the sight: he sent detachmentafter detachment to scale the walls, but in vain; they were like wavesrushing upon a rock, only to dash themselves to pieces. The Moors lay inheaps beneath the wall, and among them many of the bravest cavaliers ofGranada. The Christians also sallied frequently from the gates, and madegreat havoc in the irregular multitude of assailants. 

Muley Abul Hassan now became sensible of his error in hurrying fromGranada without the proper engines for a siege. Destitute of all meansto batter the fortifications, the town remained uninjured, defying themighty army which raged and roamed before it. Incensed at being thusfoiled, Muley Abul Hassan gave orders to undermine the walls. The Moorsadvanced with shouts to the attempt. They were received with a deadlyfire from the ramparts, which drove them from their works. Repeatedlywere they repulsed, and repeatedly did they return to the charge. TheChristians not merely galled them from the battlements, but issued forthand cut them down in the excavations they were attempting to form. Thecontest lasted throughout a whole day, and by evening two thousand Moorswere either killed or wounded. 

Muley Abul Hassan now abandoned all hope of carrying the place byassault, and attempted to distress it into terms by turning the channelof the river which runs by its walls. On this stream the inhabitantsdepended for their supply of water, the place being destitute offountains and cisterns, from which circumstance it is called Alhama "laseca, " or "the dry. "

A desperate conflict ensued on the banks of the river, the Moorsendeavoring to plant palisades in its bed to divert the stream, andthe Christians striving to prevent them. The Spanish commandersexposed themselves to the utmost danger to animate their men, who wererepeatedly driven back into the town. The marques of Cadiz was oftenup to his knees in the stream fighting hand to hand with the Moors. Thewater ran red with blood, and was encumbered with dead bodies. At lengththe overwhelming numbers of the Moors gave them the advantage, and theysucceeded in diverting the greater part of the water. The Christianshad to struggle severely to supply themselves from the feeble rill whichremained. They sallied to the river by a subterraneous passage, but theMoorish crossbowmen stationed themselves on the opposite bank, keepingup a heavy fire upon the Christians whenever they attempted to filltheir vessels from the scanty and turbid stream. One party of theChristians had, therefore, to fight while another drew water. At allhours of the day and night this deadly strife was maintained, until itseemed as if every drop of water were purchased with a drop of blood. 

In the mean time the sufferings of the town became intense. None but thesoldiery and their horses were allowed the precious beverage so dearlyearned, and even that in quantities that only tantalized their wants. The wounded, who could not sally to procure it, were almost destitute, while the unhappy prisoners shut up in the mosques were reduced tofrightful extremities. Many perished raving mad, fancying themselvesswimming in boundless seas, yet unable to assuage their thirst. Many ofthe soldiers lay parched and panting along the battlements, no longerable to draw a bowstring or hurl a stone; while above five thousandMoors, stationed upon a rocky height which overlooked part of the town, kept up a galling fire into it with slings and crossbows, so that themarques of Cadiz was obliged to heighten the battlements by using thedoors from the private dwellings. 

The Christian cavaliers, exposed to this extreme peril and in imminentdanger of falling into the hands of the enemy, despatched fleetmessengers to Seville and Cordova, entreating the chivalry of Andalusiato hasten to their aid. They sent likewise, imploring assistance fromthe king and queen, who at that time held their court in Medina delCampo. In the midst of their distress a tank or cistern of water wasfortunately discovered in the city, which gave temporary relief to theirsufferings. 

CHAPTER VII. 

HOW THE DUKE OF MEDINA SIDONIA AND THE CHIVALRY OF ANDALUSIA HASTENED TOTHE RELIEF OF ALHAMA. 

The perilous situation of the Christian cavaliers, pent up andbeleaguered within the walls of the Alhama, spread terror among theirfriends and anxiety throughout all Andalusia. Nothing, however, couldequal the anguish of the marchioness of Cadiz, the wife of the gallantRoderigo Ponce de Leon. In her deep distress she looked round forsome powerful noble who had the means of rousing the country to theassistance of her husband. No one appeared more competent for thepurpose than Don Juan de Guzman, the duke of Medina Sidonia. He wasone of the most wealthy and puissant grandees of Spain; his possessionsextended over some of the most fertile parts of Andalusia, embracingtowns and seaports and numerous villages. Here he reigned in feudalstate like a petty sovereign, and could at any time bring into the fieldan immense force of vassals and retainers. 

The duke of Medina Sidonia and the marques of Cadiz, however, were atthis time deadly foes. An hereditary feud existed between them, whichhad often risen to bloodshed and open war; for as yet the fiercecontests between the proud and puissant Spanish nobles had not beencompletely quelled by the power of the Crown, and in this respect theyexerted a right of sovereignty in leading their vassals against eachother in open field. 

The duke of Medina Sidonia would have appeared, to many, the verylast person to whom to apply for aid of the marques of Cadiz; but themarchioness judged of him by the standard of her own high and generousmind. She knew him to be a gallant and courteous knight, and had alreadyexperienced the magnanimity of his spirit, having been relieved by himwhen besieged by the Moors in her husband's fortress of Arcos. Tothe duke, therefore, she applied in this moment of sudden calamity, imploring him to furnish succor to her husband. The event showed howwell noble spirits understand each other. No sooner did the duke receivethis appeal from the wife of his enemy than he generously forgot allfeeling of animosity and determined to go in person to his succor. Heimmediately despatched a courteous letter to the marchioness, assuringher that in consideration of the request of so honorable and estimablea lady, and to rescue from peril so valiant a cavalier as her husband, whose loss would be great, not only to Spain, but to all Christendom, hewould forego the recollection of all past grievances, and hasten to hisrelief with all the forces he could raise. 

The duke wrote at the same time to the alcaydes of his towns andfortresses, ordering them to join him forthwith at Seville with allthe forces they could spare from their garrisons. He called on all thechivalry of Andalusia to make a common cause in the rescue of thoseChristian cavaliers, and he offered large pay to all volunteers whowould resort to him with horses, armor, and provisions. Thus all whocould be incited by honor, religion, patriotism, or thirst of gain wereinduced to hasten to his standard, and he took the field with an armyof five thousand horse and fifty thousand foot. * Many cavaliers ofdistinguished name accompanied him in this generous enterprise. Amongthese was the redoubtable Alonso de Aguilar, the chosen friend of themarques of Cadiz, and with him his younger brother, Gonsalvo Fernandezde Cordova, afterward renowned as the grand captain; Don Roderigo Gironalso, master of the order of Calatrava, together with Martin Alonso deMontemayor and the marques de Villena, esteemed the best lance in Spain. It was a gallant and splendid army, comprising the flower of Spanishchivalry, and poured forth in brilliant array from the gates of Sevillebearing the great standard of that ancient and renowned city. 

 * Cronica de los Duques de Medina Sidonia, por Pedro de Medina, MS. 

Ferdinand and Isabella were at Medina del Campo when tidings came of thecapture of Alhama. The king was at mass when he received the news, andordered "Te Deum" to be chanted for this signal triumph of the holyfaith. When the first flush of triumph had subsided, and the king learntthe imminent peril of the valorous Ponce de Leon and his companions, andthe great danger that this stronghold might again be wrested fromtheir grasp, he resolved to hurry in person to the scene of action. Sopressing appeared to him the emergency that he barely gave himself timeto take a hasty repast while horses were providing, and then departed atfurious speed for Andalusia, leaving a request for the queen to followhim. * He was attended by Don Beltram de la Cueva, duke of Albuquerque, Don Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, count of Tendilla, and Don Pedro Mauriques, count of Trevino, with a few more cavaliers of prowess and distinction. He travelled by forced journeys, frequently changing his jaded horses, being eager to arrive in time to take command of the Andalusianchivalry. When he arrived within five leagues of Cordova the duke ofAlbuquerque remonstrated with him upon entering with such incautioushaste into the enemies' country. He represented to him that there weretroops enough assembled to succor Alhama, and that it was not for himto venture his royal person in doing what could be done by his subjects, especially as he had such valiant and experienced captains to act forhim. "Besides, sire, " added the duke, "Your Majesty should bethinkyou that the troops about to take the field are mere men of Andalusia, whereas your illustrious predecessors never made an inroad into theterritory of the Moors without being accompanied by a powerful force ofthe stanch and iron warriors of Old Castile. "

 * Illescas, Hist. Pontifical. 

"Duke, " replied the king, "your counsel might have been good had I notdeparted from Medina with the avowed determination of succoring thesecavaliers in person. I am now near the end of my journey, and it wouldbe beneath my dignity to change my intention before even I had metwith an impediment. I shall take the troops of this country who areassembled, without waiting for those of Castile, and with the aid of Godshall prosecute my journey. "*

 * Pulgar, Cronica, p. 3, cap. 3. 

As King Ferdinand approached Cordova the principal inhabitants cameforth to receive him. Learning, however, that the duke of Medina Sidoniawas already on the march and pressing forward into the territory of theMoors, the king was all on fire to overtake him and to lead in personthe succor to Alhama. Without entering Cordova, therefore, he exchangedhis weary horses for those of the inhabitants who had come forth to meethim, and pressed forward for the army. He despatched fleet couriers inadvance, requesting the duke of Medina Sidonia to await his coming, thathe might take command of the forces. 

Neither the duke nor his companions-in-arms, however, felt inclined topause in their generous expedition and gratify the inclinations of theking. They sent back missives representing that they were far within theenemies' frontier, and it was dangerous either to pause or turn back. They had likewise received pressing entreaties from the besieged tohasten their speed, setting forth their great sufferings and theirhourly peril of being overwhelmed by the enemy. 

The king was at Ponton del Maestre when he received these missives. Soinflamed was he with zeal for the success of this enterprise that hewould have penetrated into the kingdom of Granada with the handful ofcavaliers who accompanied him, but they represented the rashness of sucha journey through the mountainous defiles of a hostile country thicklybeset with towns and castles. With some difficulty, therefore, he wasdissuaded from his inclination, and prevailed upon to await tidings fromthe army in the frontier city of Antiquera. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

SEQUEL OF THE EVENTS AT ALHAMA. 

While all Andalusia was thus in arms and pouring its chivalry throughthe mountain-passes of the Moorish frontiers, the garrison of Alhama wasreduced to great extremity and in danger of sinking under its sufferingsbefore the promised succor could arrive. The intolerable thirst thatprevailed in consequence of the scarcity of water, the incessant watchthat had to be maintained over the vast force of enemies without andthe great number of prisoners within, and the wounds which almost everysoldier had received in the incessant skirmishes and assaults, had worngrievously both flesh and spirit. The noble Ponce de Leon, marquesof Cadiz, still animated the soldiery, however, by word and example, sharing every hardship and being foremost in every danger, exemplifyingthat a good commander is the vital spirit of an army. 

When Muley Abul Hassan heard of the vast force that was approachingunder the command of the duke of Medina Sidonia, and that Ferdinand wascoming in person with additional troops, he perceived that no time wasto be lost: Alhama must be carried by one powerful attack or abandonedentirely to the Christians. 

A number of Moorish cavaliers, some of the bravest youth of Granada, knowing the wishes of the king, proposed to undertake a desperateenterprise which, if successful, must put Alhama in his power. Early onemorning, when it was scarcely the gray of the dawn, about the timeof changing the watch, these cavaliers approached the town at a placeconsidered inaccessible from the steepness of the rocks on which thewall was founded, which, it was supposed, elevated the battlementsbeyond the reach of the longest scaling-ladder. The Moorish knights, aided by a number of the strongest and most active escaladors, mountedthese rocks and applied the ladders without being discovered, for todivert attention from them Muley Abul Hassan made a false attack uponthe town in another quarter. 

The scaling party mounted with difficulty and in small numbers; thesentinel was killed at his post, and seventy of the Moors made theirway into the streets before an alarm was given. The guards rushed tothe walls to stop the hostile throng that was still pouring in. A sharpconflict, hand to hand and man to man, took place on the battlements, and many on both sides fell. The Moors, whether wounded or slain, werethrown headlong without the walls, the scaling-ladders were overturned, and those who were mounting were dashed upon the rocks, and from thencetumbled upon the plain. Thus in a little while the ramparts were clearedby Christian prowess, led on by that valiant knight Don Alonzo Ponce, the uncle, and that brave esquire Pedro Pineda, nephew, of the marquesof Cadiz. 

The walls being cleared, these two kindred cavaliers now hastened withtheir forces in pursuit of the seventy Moors who had gained an entranceinto the town. The main party of the garrison being engaged at adistance resisting the feigned attack of the Moorish king, this fierceband of infidels had ranged the streets almost without opposition, andwere making their way to the gates to throw them open to the army. * Theywere chosen men from among the Moorish forces, several of them gallantknights of the proudest families of Granada. Their footsteps throughthe city were in a manner printed in blood, and they were tracked by thebodies of those they had killed and wounded. They had attained the gate;most of the guard had fallen beneath their scimetars; a moment more andAlhama would have been thrown open to the enemy. 

 * Zurita, lib. 20, c. 43. 

Just at this juncture Don Alonzo Ponce and Pedro de Pineda reached thespot with their forces. The Moors had the enemy in front and rear; theyplaced themselves back to back, with their banner in the centre. Inthis way they fought with desperate and deadly determination, making arampart around them with the slain. More Christian troops arrived andhemmed them in, but still they fought, without asking for quarter. Astheir number decreased they serried their circle still closer, defendingtheir banner from assault, and the last Moor died at his post graspingthe standard of the Prophet. This standard was displayed from the walls, and the turbaned heads of the Moors were thrown down to the besiegers. *

 * Pedro de Pineda received the honor of knighthood from the handof King Ferdinand for his valor on this occasion (Alonzo Ponce wasalready knight. )--See Zuniga, Annales of Seville, lib. 12, an. 1482. 

Muley Abul Hassan tore his beard with rage at the failure of thisattempt and at the death of so many of his chosen cavaliers. He saw thatall further effort was in vain; his scouts brought word that they hadseen from the heights the long columns and flaunting banners of theChristian army approaching through the mountains. To linger would beto place himself between two bodies of the enemy. Breaking up his camp, therefore, in all haste, he gave up the siege of Alhama and hastenedback to Granada; and the last clash of his cymbals scarce died upon theear from the distant hills before the standard of the Duke of MedinaSidonia was seen emerging in another direction from the defiles of themountains. 

When the Christians in Alhama beheld their enemies retreating on oneside and their friends advancing on the other, they uttered shoutsof joy and hymns of thanksgiving, for it was as a sudden relieffrom present death. Harassed by several weeks of incessant vigil andfighting, suffering from scarcity of provisions and almost continualthirst, they resembled skeletons rather than living men. It was a nobleand gracious spectacle--the meeting of those hitherto inveterate foes, the duke of Medina Sidonia and the marques of Cadiz. At sight ofhis magnanimous deliverer the marques melted into tears: all pastanimosities only gave the greater poignancy to present feelings ofgratitude and admiration. The late deadly rivals clasped each other intheir arms, and from that time forward were true and cordial friends. 

While this generous scene took place between the commanders a sordidcontest arose among their troops. The soldiers who had come to therescue claimed a portion of the spoils of Alhama, and so violent was thedispute that both parties seized their arms. The duke of MedinaSidonia interfered, and settled the question with his characteristicmagnanimity. He declared that the spoil belonged to those who hadcaptured the city. "We have taken the field, " said he, "only forhonor, for religion, and for the rescue of our countrymen andfellow-Christians, and the success of our enterprise is a sufficientand a glorious reward. If we desire booty, there are sufficient Moorishcities yet to be taken to enrich us all. " The soldiers were convincedby the frank and chivalrous reasoning of the duke; they replied to hisspeech by acclamations, and the transient broil was happily appeased. 

The marchioness of Cadiz, with the forethought of a loving wife, had despatched her major-domo with the army with a large supply ofprovisions. Tables were immediately spread beneath the tents, where themarques gave a banquet to the duke and the cavaliers who had accompaniedhim, and nothing but hilarity prevailed in this late scene of sufferingand death. 

A garrison of fresh troops was left in Alhama, and the veterans who hadso valiantly captured and maintained it returned to their homes burdenedwith precious booty. The marques and duke, with their confederatecavaliers, repaired to Antiquera, where they were received with greatdistinction by the king, who honored the marques of Cadiz with signalmarks of favor. The duke then accompanied his late enemy, but nowmost zealous and grateful friend, the marques of Cadiz, to his town ofMarchena, where he received the reward of his generous conduct inthe thanks and blessings of the marchioness. The marques celebrated asumptuous feast in honor of his guest; for a day and night his palacewas thrown open and was the scene of continual revel and festivity. Whenthe duke departed for his estates at St. Lucar the marques attended himfor some distance on his journey, and when they separated it was as theparting scene of brothers. Such was the noble spectacle exhibited to thechivalry of Spain by these two illustrious rivals. Each reaped universalrenown from the part he had performed in the campaign--the marques fromhaving surprised and captured one of the most important and formidablefortresses of the kingdom of Granada, and the duke from having subduedhis deadliest foe by a great act of magnanimity. 

CHAPTER IX. 

EVENTS AT GRANADA, AND RISE OF THE MOORISH KING, BOABDIL EL CHICO. 

The Moorish king, Abul Hassan, returned, baffled and disappointed, frombefore the walls of Alhama, and was received with groans and smotheredexecrations by the people of Granada. The prediction of the santon wasin every mouth, and appeared to be rapidly fulfilling, for the enemy wasalready strongly fortified in Alhama, in the very heart of the kingdom. At the same time, the nobles who had secretly conspired to depose theold king and elevate his son Boabdil to the throne had matured theirplans in concert with the prince, who had been joined in Guadix by hostsof adherents. An opportunity soon presented to carry their plans intooperation. 

Muley Abul Hassan had a royal country palace, with gardens andfountains, called the Alixares, situated on the Cerro del Sol, orMountain of the Sun, a height the ascent to which leads up from theAlhambra, but which towers far above that fortress, and looks down asfrom the clouds upon it and upon the subjacent city of Granada. It wasa favorite retreat of the Moorish kings to inhale the puremountain-breezes and leave far below the din and turmoil of the city;Muley Abul Hassan had passed a day among its bowers, in company withhis favorite wife Zoraya, when toward evening he heard a strange soundrising from the city, like the gathering of a storm or the sullen roarof the ocean. Apprehensive of evil, he ordered the officers of his guardto descend with all speed to the city and reconnoitre. The intelligencebrought back was astounding. A civil war was raging in the city. Boabdilhad been brought from Guadix by the conspirators, the foremost of whomwere the gallant race of the Abencerrages. He had entered the Albaycinin triumph, and been hailed with rapture and proclaimed king in thatpopulous quarter of the city. Abul Cacim Vanegas, the vizier, at thehead of the royal guards had attacked the rebels, and the noise whichhad alarmed the king was the din of fighting in the streets and squares. 

Muley Abul Hassan hastened to descend to the Alhambra, confident that, ensconced in that formidable fortress, he could soon put an end to therash commotion. To his surprise and dismay, he found the battlementslined with hostile troops: Aben Comixa, the alcayde, had declared infavor of Boabdil and elevated his standard on the towers: thus cut offfrom his stronghold, the old monarch was fain to return to the Alixares. 

The conflict lasted throughout the night with carnage on both sides. Inthe morning Abul Cacim, driven out of the city, appeared before the oldking with his broken squadrons, and told him there was no safety but inflight. "Allah Akbar!" (God is great!) exclaimed old Muley; "it is invain to contend against what is written in the book of fate. It waspredestined that my son should sit upon the throne--Allah forfend therest of the prediction. " So saying, he made a hasty retreat, escortedby Abul Cacim Vanegas and his troops, who conducted him to the castleof Mondujar in the valley of Locrin. Here he was joined by many powerfulcavaliers, relatives of Abul Cacim and partisans of Zoraya, among whomwere Cid Hiaya, Aben Jamy, and Reduan Vanegas, men who had alcaydes, vassals, at their command, and possessed great influence in Almeria andBaza. He was joined also by his brother Abdallah, commonly called ElZagal, or the Valiant, who was popular in many parts of the kingdom. Allthese offered to aid him with their swords in suppressing the rebellion. 

Thus reinforced, Muley Abul Hassan determined on a sudden blow for therecovery of his throne and the punishment of the rebels. He took hismeasures with that combination of dexterity and daring which formed hischaracter, and arrived one night under the walls of Granada with fivehundred chosen followers. Scaling the walls of the Alhambra, he threwhimself with sanguinary fury into its silent courts. The sleepinginmates were roused from their repose only to fall by the exterminatingscimetar. The rage of Abul Hassan spared neither age nor rank nor sex;the halls resounded with shrieks and yells, and the fountains ran redwith blood. The alcayde, Aben Comixa, retreated to a strong tower witha few of the garrison and inhabitants. The furious Abul Hassan did notlose time in pursuing him; he was anxious to secure the city and towreak his vengeance on its rebellious inhabitants. Descending with hisbloody band into the streets, he cut down the defenceless inhabitantsas, startled from their sleep, they rushed forth to learn the cause ofthe alarm. The city was soon completely roused; the people flew to arms;lights blazed in every street, revealing the scanty number of thisband that had been dealing such fatal vengeance in the dark. MuleyAbul Hassan had been mistaken in his conjectures: the great mass of thepeople, incensed by his tyranny, were zealous in favor of his son. Aviolent but transient conflict took place in the streets and squares:many of the followers of Abul Hassan were slain, the rest driven out ofthe city, and the old monarch, with the remnant of his band, retreatedto his loyal city of Malaga. 

Such was the commencement of those great internal feuds and divisionswhich hastened the downfall of Granada. The Moors became separated intotwo hostile factions, headed by the father and the son, the latter ofwhom was called by the Spaniards "El Rey Chico, " or the Young King; but, though bloody encounters took place between them, they never failed toact with all their separate force against the Christians as a commonenemy whenever an opportunity occurred. 

CHAPTER X. 

ROYAL EXPEDITION AGAINST LOXA. 

King Ferdinand held a council of war at Cordova, where it wasdeliberated what was to be done with Alhama. Most of the council advisedthat it should be demolished, inasmuch as, being in the centre of theMoorish kingdom, it would be at all times liable to attack, and couldonly be maintained by a powerful garrison and at a vast expense. QueenIsabella arrived at Cordova in the midst of these deliberations, and listened to them with surprise and impatience. "What!" said she, "destroy the first fruits of our victories? Abandon the first place wehave wrested from the Moors? Never let us suffer such an idea to occupyour minds. It would argue fear or feebleness, and give new courage tothe enemy. You talk of the toil and expense of maintaining Alhama. Didwe doubt on undertaking this war that it was to be one of infinite cost, labor, and bloodshed? And shall we shrink from the cost the moment avictory is obtained and the question is merely to guard or abandon itsglorious trophy? Let us hear no more about the destruction of Alhama;let us maintain its walls sacred, as a stronghold granted us by Heavenin the centre of this hostile land; and let our only consideration behow to extend our conquest and capture the surrounding cities. "

The language of the queen infused a more lofty and chivalrous spiritinto the royal council. Preparations were made to maintain Alhama at allrisk and expense, and King Ferdinand appointed as alcayde Luis FernandezPuerto Carrero, senior of the house of Palma, supported by Diego Lopezde Ayala, Pero Ruiz de Alarcon, and Alonso Ortis, captains of fourhundred lances and a body of one thousand foot, supplied with provisionsfor three months. 

Ferdinand resolved also to lay siege to Loxa, or Loja, a city of greatstrength at no great distance from Alhama, and all-important to itsprotection. It was, in fact, a military point situated in a pass of themountains between the kingdoms of Granada and Castile, and commanded amain entrance to the Vega. The Xenil flowed by its walls, and it had astrong castle or citadel built on a rock. In preparing for the siege ofthis formidable place Ferdinand called upon all the cities and towns ofAndalusia and Estramadura, and the domains of the orders of Santiago, Calatrava, and Alcantara, and of the priory of San Juan, and the kingdomof Toledo, and beyond to the cities of Salamanca, Toro, and Valladolid, to furnish, according to their repartimientos or allotments, a certainquantity of bread, wine, and cattle to be delivered at the royal campbefore Loxa, one half at the end of June and one half in July. Theselands, also, together with Biscay and Guipuscoa, were ordered to sendreinforcements of horse and foot, each town furnishing its quota, and great diligence was used in providing lombards, powder, and otherwarlike munitions. 

The Moors were no less active in their preparations, and sent missivesinto Africa entreating supplies and calling upon the Barbary princesto aid them in this war of the faith. To intercept all succor, theCastilian sovereigns stationed an armada of ships and galleys in theStraits of Gibraltar under the command of Martin Diaz de Mina andCarlos de Valera, with orders to scour the Barbary coast and sweep everyMoorish sail from the sea. 

While these preparations were making, Ferdinand made an incursion at thehead of his army into the kingdom of Granada, and laid waste the Vega, destroying its hamlets and villages, ravaging its fields of grain, anddriving away the cattle. 

It was about the end of June that King Ferdinand departed from Cordovato sit down before the walls of Loxa. So confident was he of successthat he left a great part of the army at Ecija, and advanced with butfive thousand cavalry and eight thousand infantry. The marques of Cadiz, a warrior as wise as he was valiant, remonstrated against employingso small a force, and indeed was opposed to the measure altogether, asbeing undertaken precipitately and without sufficient preparation. KingFerdinand, however, was influenced by the counsel of Don Diego de Merlo, and was eager to strike a brilliant and decided blow. A vaingloriousconfidence prevailed about this time among the Spanish cavaliers; theyoverrated their own prowess, or rather they undervalued and despisedtheir enemy. Many of them believed that the Moors would scarcely remainin their city when they saw the Christian troops advancing to assail it. The Spanish chivalry, therefore, marched gallantly and fearlessly, andalmost carelessly, over the border, scantily supplied with the thingsneedful for a besieging army in the heart of an enemy's country. In thesame negligent and confident spirit they took up their station beforeLoxa. 

The country around was broken and hilly, so that it was extremelydifficult to form a combined camp. The river Xenil, which runs by thetown, was compressed between high banks, and so deep as to be fordablewith extreme difficulty; and the Moors had possession of the bridge. The king pitched his tents in a plantation of olives on the banks ofthe river; the troops were distributed in different encampments on theheights, but separated from each other by deep rocky ravines, so as tobe incapable of yielding each other prompt assistance. There was noroom for the operations of the cavalry. The artillery also was soinjudiciously placed as to be almost entirely useless. Alonso of Aragon, duke of Villahermosa and illegitimate brother of the king, was presentat the siege, and disapproved of the whole arrangement. He was one ofthe most able generals of his time, and especially renowned for hisskill in battering fortified places. He recommended that the wholedisposition of the camp should be changed, and that several bridgesshould be thrown across the river. His advice was adopted, but slowlyand negligently followed, so that it was rendered of no avail. Amongother oversights in this hasty and negligent expedition, the army had nosupply of baked bread, and in the hurry of encampment there was no timeto erect furnaces. Cakes were therefore hastily made and baked on thecoals, and for two days the troops were supplied in this irregular way. 

King Ferdinand felt, too late, the insecurity of his position, andendeavored to provide a temporary remedy. There was a height near thecity, called by the Moors Santo Albohacen, which was in front ofthe bridge. He ordered several of his most valiant cavaliers to takepossession of this height and to hold it as a check upon the enemy and aprotection to the camp. The cavaliers chosen for this distinguished andperilous post were the marques of Cadiz, the marques of Villena, DonRoderigo Tellez Giron, master of Calatrava, his brother the count ofUrena, and Don Alonso de Aguilar. These valiant warriors and triedcompanions-in-arms led their troops with alacrity to the height, whichsoon glittered with the array of arms, and was graced by several of themost redoubtable pennons of warlike Spain. 

Loxa was commanded at this time by an old Moorish alcayde whose daughterwas the favorite wife of Boabdil. The name of this Moor was Ibrahim AliAtar, but he was generally known among the Spaniards as Alatar. He hadgrown gray in border warfare, was an implacable enemy of the Christians, and his name had long been the terror of the frontier. Lord of Zagra andin the receipt of rich revenues, he expended them all in paying scoutsand spies and maintaining a small but chosen force with which to forayinto the Christian territories; and so straitened was he at times bythese warlike expenses that when his daughter married Boabdil her bridaldress and jewels had to be borrowed. He was now in the ninetieth yearof his age, yet indomitable in spirit, fiery in his passions, sinewy andpowerful in frame, deeply versed in warlike stratagem, and accounted thebest lance in all Mauritania. He had three thousand horsemen under hiscommand, veteran troops with whom he had often scoured the borders, andhe daily expected the old Moorish king with reinforcements. 

Old Ali Atar had watched from his fortress every movement of theChristian army, and had exulted in all the errors of its commanders:when he beheld the flower of Spanish chivalry glittering about theheight of Albohacen, his eye flashed with exultation. "By the aid ofAllah, " said he, "I will give those pranking cavaliers a rouse. "

Ali Atar privately and by night sent forth a large body of his chosentroops to lie in ambush near one of the skirts of Albohacen. On thefourth day of the siege he sallied across the bridge and made a feintattack upon the height. The cavaliers rushed impetuously forth to meethim, leaving their encampment almost unprotected. Ali Atar wheeled andfled, and was hotly pursued. When the Christian cavaliers had been drawna considerable distance from their encampment, they heard a vast shoutbehind them, and, looking round, beheld their encampment assailed by theMoorish force which had been placed in ambush, and which had ascended adifferent side of the hill. The cavaliers desisted from the pursuit, andhastened to prevent the plunder of their tents. Ali Atar, in his turn, wheeled and pursued them, and they were attacked in front and rear onthe summit of the hill. The contest lasted for an hour; the height ofAlbohacen was red with blood; many brave cavaliers fell, expiring amongheaps of the enemy. The fierce Ali Atar fought with the fury of a demonuntil the arrival of more Christian forces compelled him to retreat intothe city. The severest loss to the Christians in this skirmish was thatof Roderigo Tellez Giron, grand master of Calatrava, whose burnishedarmor, emblazoned with the red cross of his order, made him a mark forthe missiles of the enemy. As he was raising his arm to make a blowan arrow pierced him just beneath the shoulder, at the open part ofthe (1) corselet. The lance and bridle fell from his hands, he faltered inhis saddle, and would have fallen to the ground, but was caught by PedroGasca, a cavalier of Avila, who conveyed him to his tent, where he died. The king and queen and the whole kingdom mourned his death, for he wasin the freshness of his youth, being but twenty-four years of age, andhad proved himself a gallant and high-minded cavalier. A melancholygroup collected about his (2) corpse on the bloody height of Albohacen:the knights of Calatrava mourned him as a commander; the cavaliers whowere encamped on the height lamented him as their companion-in-arms ina service of peril; while the count de Urena grieved over him with thetender affection of a brother. 

King Ferdinand now perceived the wisdom of the opinion of the marques ofCadiz, and that his force was quite insufficient for the enterprise. Tocontinue his camp in its present unfortunate position would cost himthe lives of his bravest cavaliers, if not a total defeat in case ofreinforcements to the enemy. He called a council of war late in theevening of Saturday, and it was determined to withdraw the army earlythe next morning to Rio Frio, a short distance from the city, and therewait for additional troops from Cordova. 

The next morning early the cavaliers on the height of Albohacen began tostrike their tents. No sooner did Ali Atar behold this than he salliedforth to attack them. Many of the Christian troops, who had not heard ofthe intention to change the camp, seeing the tents struck and the Moorssallying forth, supposed that the enemy had been reinforced in thenight, and that the army was on the point of retreating. Withoutstopping to ascertain the truth or to receive orders they fled indismay, spreading confusion through the camp, nor did they halt untilthey had reached the Rock of the Lovers, about seven leagues from Loxa. *

 * Pulgar, Cronica. 

The king and his commanders saw the imminent peril of the moment, and made face to the Moors, each commander guarding his quarter andrepelling all assaults while the tents were struck and the artilleryand ammunition conveyed away. The king, with a handful of cavaliers, galloped to a rising ground, exposed to the fire of the enemy, callingupon the flying troops and endeavoring in vain to rally them. Settingupon the Moors, he and his cavaliers charged them so vigorously, thatthey put a squadron to flight, slaying many with their swords and lancesand driving others into the river, where they were drowned. The Moors, however, were soon reinforced, and returned in great numbers. The kingwas in danger of being surrounded, and twice owed his safety to thevalor of Don Juan de Ribera, senior of Montemayor. 

The marques of Cadiz beheld from a distance the peril of his sovereign. Summoning about seventy horsemen to follow him, he galloped to the spot, threw himself between the king and the enemy, and, hurling his lance, transpierced one of the most daring of the Moors. For some time heremained with no other weapon than his sword; his horse was woundedby an arrow and many of his followers were slain; but he succeeded inbeating off the Moors and rescuing the king from imminent jeopardy, whomhe then prevailed upon to retire to less dangerous ground. 

The marques continued throughout the day to expose himself to therepeated assaults of the enemy: he was ever found in the place of thegreatest danger, and through his bravery a great part of the army andcamp was preserved from destruction. *

 * Cura de los Palacios, c. 58. 

It was a perilous day for the commanders, for in a retreat of the kindit is the noblest cavaliers who most expose themselves to save theirpeople. The duke of Medina Celi was struck to the ground, but rescued byhis troops. The count de Tendilla, whose tents were nearest to thecity, received several wounds, and various other cavaliers of the mostdistinguished note were exposed to fearful jeopardy. The whole day waspassed in bloody skirmishings, in which the hidalgos and cavaliersof the royal household distinguished themselves by their bravery: atlength, the encampments being all broken up and most of the artilleryand baggage removed, the bloody height of Albohacen was abandonedand the neighborhood of Loxa evacuated. Several tents, a quantity ofprovisions, and a few pieces of artillery were left upon the spot fromthe want of horses and mules to carry them off. 

Ali Atar hung upon the rear of the retiring army, and harassed ituntil it reached Rio Frio; Ferdinand returned thence to Cordova, deeply mortified, though greatly benefited, by the severe lesson he hadreceived, which served to render him more cautious in his campaigns andmore diffident of fortune. He sent letters to all parts excusinghis retreat, imputing it to the small number of his forces, and thecircumstance that many of them were quotas sent from various cities, and not in royal pay; in the mean time, to console his troops for theirdisappointment and to keep up their spirits, he led them upon anotherinroad to lay waste the Vega of Granada. 

CHAPTER XI. 

HOW MULEY ABUL HASSAN MADE A FORAY INTO THE LANDS OF MEDINA SIDONIA, ANDHOW HE WAS RECEIVED. 

Muley Abul Hassan had mustered an army and marched to the relief ofLoxa, but arrived too late; the last squadron of Ferdinand had alreadypassed over the border. "They have come and gone, " said he, "like asummer cloud, and all their vaunting has been mere empty thunder. " Heturned to make another attempt upon Alhama, the garrison of which wasin the utmost consternation at the retreat of Ferdinand, and would havedeserted the place had it not been for the courage and perseveranceof the alcayde, Luis Fernandez Puerto Carrero. That brave and loyalcommander cheered up the spirits of his men and kept the old Moorishking at bay until the approach of Ferdinand, on his second incursioninto the Vega, obliged him to make an unwilling retreat to Malaga. 

Muley Abul Hassan felt that it would be in vain, with his inferiorforce, to oppose the powerful army of the Christian monarch, but toremain idle and see his territories laid waste would ruin him in theestimation of his people. "If we cannot parry, " said he, "we can strike;if we cannot keep our own lands from being ravaged, we can ravage thelands of the enemy. " He inquired and learnt that most of the chivalryof Andalusia, in their eagerness for a foray, had marched off with theking, and left their own country almost defenceless. The territories ofthe duke of Medina Sidonia were particularly unguarded: here were vastplains of pasturage covered with flocks and herds--the very country fora hasty inroad. The old monarch had a bitter grudge against the duke forhaving foiled him at Alhama. "I'll give this cavalier a lesson, " saidhe, exultingly, "that will cure him of his love of campaigning. " So heprepared in all haste for a foray into the country about Medina Sidonia. 

Muley Abul Hassan sallied out of Malaga with fifteen hundred horse andsix thousand foot, and took the way by the sea-coast, marching throughEstiponia, and entering the Christian country between Gibraltar andCastellar. The only person that was likely to molest him on this routewas one Pedro de Vargas, a shrewd, hardy, and vigilant soldier, alcaydeof Gibraltar, and who lay ensconced in his old warrior rock as in acitadel. Muley Abul Hassan knew the watchful and daring character of theman, but had ascertained that his garrison was too small to enablehim to make a sally, or at least to ensure him any success. Still, he pursued his march with great silence and caution; sent parties inadvance to explore every pass where a foe might lie in ambush; castmany an anxious eye toward the old rock of Gibraltar as its cloud-cappedsummit was seen towering in the distance on his left; nor did he feelentirely at ease until he had passed through the broken and mountainouscountry of Castellar and descended into the plains. Here he encampedon the banks of the Celemin, and sent four hundred corredors, or fleethorsemen, armed with lances, to station themselves near Algezirasand keep a strict watch across the bay upon the opposite fortress ofGibraltar. If the alcayde attempted to sally forth, they were to waylayand attack him, being almost four times his supposed force, and were tosend swift tidings to the camp. In the mean time two hundred corredorswere sent to scour that vast plain called the Campina de Tarifa, abounding with flocks and herds, and two hundred more were to ravagethe lands about Medina Sidonia. Muley Abul Hassan remained with the mainbody of the army as a rallying-point on the banks of the Celemin. 

The foraging parties scoured the country to such effect that they camedriving vast flocks and herds before them, enough to supply the place ofall that had been swept from the Vega of Granada. The troops which hadkept watch upon the rock of Gibraltar returned with word that they hadnot seen a Christian helmet stirring. The old king congratulated himselfupon the secrecy and promptness with which he had conducted his foray, and upon having baffled the vigilance of Pedro de Vargas. 

He had not been so secret, however, as he imagined; the watchful alcaydeof Gibraltar had received notice of his movements, but his garrison wasbarely sufficient for the defence of his post. Luckily, there arrived atthis juncture a squadron of the armed galleys, under Carlos de Valera, recently stationed in the Straits. Pedro de Vargas prevailed upon himto take charge of Gibraltar during his temporary absence, and forthwithsallied out at midnight at the head of seventy chosen horsemen. By hiscommand alarm-fires were lighted on the mountains, signals that theMoors were on the ravage, at sight of which the peasants were accustomedto drive their flocks and herds to places of refuge. He sent couriersalso spurring in every direction, summoning all capable of bearing armsto meet him at Castellar. This was a town strongly posted on a steepheight, by which the Moorish king would have to return. 

Muley Abul Hassan saw by the fires blazing on the mountains that thecountry was rising. He struck his tents, and pushed forward as rapidlyas possible for the border; but he was encumbered with booty and withthe vast cavalgada swept from the pastures of the Campina de Tarifa. Hisscouts brought him word that there were troops in the field, but he madelight of the intelligence, knowing that they could only be those of thealcayde of Gibraltar, and that he had not more than a hundred horsemenin his garrison. He threw in advance two hundred and fifty of hisbravest troops, and with them the alcaydes of Marabella and Casares. Behind this van-guard followed a great cavalgada of cattle, and in therear marched the king with the main force of his little army. 

It was near the middle of a sultry summer day when they approachedCastellar. De Vargas was on the watch, and beheld, by an immense cloudof dust, that they were descending one of the heights of that wild andbroken country. The van-guard and rear-guard were above half a leagueasunder, with the cavalgada between them, and a long and close foresthid them from each other. De Vargas saw that they could render butlittle assistance to each other in case of a sudden attack, and mightbe easily thrown into confusion. He chose fifty of his bravest horsemen, and, making a circuit, took his post secretly in a narrow glen openinginto a defile between two rocky heights through which the Moors had topass. It was his intention to suffer the van-guard and the cavalgada topass, and to fall upon the rear. 

While thus lying perdu six Moorish scouts, well mounted and well armed, entered the glen, examining every place that might conceal an enemy. Some of the Christians advised that they should slay these six men andretreat to Gibraltar. "No, " said De Vargas; "I have come out for highergame than these; and I hope, by the aid of God and Santiago, to do goodwork this day. I know these Moors well, and doubt not but that they mayreadily be thrown into confusion. "

By this time the six horsemen approached so near that they were on thepoint of discovering the Christian ambush. De Vargas gave the word, andten horsemen rushed upon them; in an instant four of the Moors rolled inthe dust; the other two put spurs to their steeds and fled towardtheir army, pursued by the ten Christians. About eighty of the Moorishvan-guard came galloping to the relief of their companions; theChristians turned and fled toward their ambush. De Vargas kept hismen concealed until the fugitives and their pursuers came clatteringpell-mell into the glen. At a signal trumpet his men sallied forthwith great heat and in close array. The Moors almost rushed upontheir weapons before they perceived them; forty of the infidels wereoverthrown, the rest turned their back. "Forward!" cried De Vargas; "letus give the van-guard a brush before it can be joined by the rear. " Sosaying, he pursued the flying Moors down hill, and came with such forceand fury upon the advance-guard as to overturn many of them at the firstencounter. As he wheeled off with his men the Moors discharged theirlances, upon which he returned to the charge and made great slaughter. The Moors fought valiantly for a short time, until the alcaydes ofMarabella and Casares were slain, when they gave way and fled for therear-guard. In their flight they passed through the cavalgada of cattle, threw the whole in confusion, and raised such a cloud of dust that theChristians could no longer distinguish objects. Fearing that the kingand the main body might be at hand, and finding that De Vargas was badlywounded, they contented themselves with despoiling the slain and takingabove twenty-eight horses, and then retreated to Castellar. 

When the routed Moors came flying back upon the rear-guard, Muley AbulHassan feared that the people of Xeres were in arms. Several of hisfollowers advised him to abandon the cavalgada and retreat by anotherroad. "No, " said the old king; "he is no true soldier who gives up hisbooty without fighting. " Putting spurs to his horse, he galloped forwardthrough the centre of the cavalgada, driving the cattle to the right andleft. When he reached the field of battle, he found it strewed with thebodies of upward of one hundred Moors, among which were those of thetwo alcaydes. Enraged at the sight, he summoned all his crossbowmen andcavalry, pushed on to the very gates of Castellar, and set fire to twohouses close to the walls. Pedro de Vargas was too severely woundedto sally forth in person, but he ordered out his troops, and there wasbrisk skirmishing under the walls, until the king drew off and returnedto the scene of the recent encounter. Here he had the bodies of theprincipal warriors laid across mules, to be interred honorably atMalaga; the rest of the slain were buried on the field of battle. Then, gathering together the scattered cavalgada, he paraded it slowly, in animmense line, past the walls of Castellar by way of taunting his foe. 

With all his fierceness, old Muley Abul Hassan had a gleam of warlikecourtesy, and admired the hardy and soldier-like character of Pedro deVargas. He summoned two Christian captives, and demanded what were therevenues of the alcayde of Gibraltar. They told him that, among otherthings, he was entitled to one out of every drove of cattle that passedhis boundaries. "Allah forbid, " cried the old monarch, "that so brave acavalier should be defrauded of his dues!"

He immediately chose twelve of the finest cattle from the twelve droveswhich formed the cavalgada. These he gave in charge to an alfaqui todeliver to Pedro de Vargas. "Tell him, " said he, "that I crave hispardon for not having sent these cattle sooner; but I have this momentlearnt the nature of his rights, and I hasten to satisfy them with thepunctuality due to so worthy a cavalier. Tell him, at the same time, that I had no idea the alcayde of Gibraltar was so active and vigilantin collecting his tolls. "

The brave alcayde relished the stern soldier-like pleasantry of the oldMoorish monarch. He ordered a rich silken vest and a scarlet mantle tobe given to the alfaqui, and dismissed him with great courtesy. "TellHis Majesty, " said he, "that I kiss his hands for the honor he has doneme, and regret that my scanty force has not permitted me to give him amore signal reception on his coming into these parts. Had three hundredhorsemen, whom I have been promised from Xeres, arrived in time, I mighthave served up an entertainment more befitting such a monarch. I trust, however, they will arrive in the course of the night, in which case HisMajesty may be sure of a royal regale in the dawning. "

Muley Abul Hassan shook his head when he received the reply of DeVargas. "Allah preserve us, " said he, "from any visitation of these hardriders of Xeres! A handful of troops acquainted with the wild passes ofthese mountains may destroy an army encumbered as ours is with booty. "

It was some relief to the king, however, to learn that the hardy alcaydeof Gibraltar was too severely wounded to take the field in person. He immediately beat a retreat with all speed before the close of day, hurrying with such precipitation that the cavalgada was frequentlybroken and scattered among the rugged defiles of the mountains, andabove five thousand of the cattle turned back and were regained by theChristians. Muley Abul Hassan returned triumphantly with the residue toMalaga, glorying in the spoils of the duke of Medina Sidonia. 

King Ferdinand was mortified at finding his incursion into the Vega ofGranada counterbalanced by this inroad into his dominions, and saw thatthere were two sides to the game of war, as to all other games. The onlyone who reaped real glory in this series of inroads and skirmishings wasPedro de Vargas, the stout alcayde of Gibraltar. *

 * Alonzo de Palencia, 1. 28, c. 3, MS. 

CHAPTER XII. 

FORAY OF SPANISH CAVALIERS AMONG THE MOUNTAINS OF MALAGA. 

The foray of old Muley Abul Hassan had touched the pride of theAndalusian chivalry, and they determined on retaliation. For thispurpose a number of the most distinguished cavaliers assembled atAntiquera in the month of March, 1483. The leaders of the enterprisewere, the gallant marques of Cadiz; Don Pedro Henriquez, adelantado ofAndalusia; Don Juan de Silva, count of Cifuentes and bearer of the royalstandard, who commanded in Seville; Don Alonso de Cardenas, master ofthe religious and military order of Santiago; and Don Alonso de Aguilar. Several other cavaliers of note hastened to take part in the enterprise, and in a little while about twenty-seven hundred horse and severalcompanies of foot were assembled within the old warlike city ofAntiquera, comprising the very flower of Andalusian chivalry. 

A council of war was held by the chiefs to determine in what quarterthey should strike a blow. The rival Moorish kings were waging civil warwith each other in the vicinity of Granada, and the whole country layopen to inroads. Various plans were proposed by the different cavaliers. The marques of Cadiz was desirous of scaling the walls of Zahara andregaining possession of that important fortress. The master of Santiago, however, suggested a wider range and a still more important object. Hehad received information from his adalides, who were apostate Moors, that an incursion might be safely made into a mountainous region nearMalaga called the Axarquia. Here were valleys of pasture-land wellstocked with flocks and herds, and there were numerous villages andhamlets, which would be an easy prey. The city of Malaga was tooweakly garrisoned and had too few cavalry to send forth any force inopposition; nay, he added, they might even extend their ravages to itsvery gates, and peradventure carry that wealthy place by sudden assault. 

The adventurous spirits of the cavaliers were inflamed by thissuggestion: in their sanguine confidence they already beheld Malagain their power, and they were eager for the enterprise. The marques ofCadiz endeavored to interpose a little cool caution. He likewise hadapostate adalides, the most intelligent and experienced on the borders:among these he placed especial reliance on one named Luis Amar, who knewall the mountains and valleys of the country. He had received from him aparticular account of these mountains of the Axarquia. * Their savageand broken nature was a sufficient defence for the fierce people whoinhabited them, who, manning their rocks and their tremendous passes, which were often nothing more than the deep dry beds of torrents, mightset whole armies at defiance. Even if vanquished, they afforded no spoilto the victor. Their houses were little better than bare walls, and theywould drive off their scanty flocks and herds to the fastnesses of themountains. 

 * Pulgar, in his Chronicle, reverses the case, and makes the marquesof Cadiz recommend the expedition to the Axarquia; but Fray AntonioAgapida is supported in his statement by that most veracious andcontemporary chronicler, Andres Bernaldez, curate of Los Palacios. 

The sober counsel of the marques, however, was overruled. The cavaliers, accustomed to mountain-warfare, considered themselves and their horsesequal to any wild and rugged expedition, and were flushed with the ideaof terminating their foray by a brilliant assault upon Malaga. 

Leaving all heavy baggage at Antiquera, and all such as had horsestoo weak for this mountain-scramble, they set forth full of spirit andconfidence. Don Alonso de Aguilar and the adelantado of Andalusia ledthe squadron of advance. The count of Cifuentes followed with certainof the chivalry of Seville. Then came the battalion of the most valiantRoderigo Ponce de Leon, marques of Cadiz: he was accompanied by severalof his brothers and nephews and many cavaliers who sought distinctionunder his banner, and this family band attracted universal attentionand applause as they paraded in martial state through the streets ofAntiquera. The rear-guard was led by Don Alonso Cardenas, master ofSantiago, and was composed of the knights of his order and the cavaliersof Ecija, with certain men-at-arms of the Holy Brotherhood whom the kinghad placed under his command. The army was attended by a great train ofmules, laden with provisions for a few days' supply until they should beable to forage among the Moorish villages. Never did a more gallant andself-confident little army tread the earth. It was composed of men fullof health and vigor, to whom war was a pastime and delight. They hadspared no expense in their equipments, for never was the pomp of warcarried to a higher pitch than among the proud chivalry of Spain. Casedin armor richly inlaid and embossed, decked with rich surcoats andwaving plumes, and superbly mounted on Andalusian steeds, they prancedout of Antiquera with banners flying and their various devices andarmorial bearings ostentatiously displayed, and in the confidence oftheir hopes promised the inhabitants to enrich them with the spoils ofMalaga. 

In the rear of this warlike pageant followed a peaceful band intentupon profiting by the anticipated victories. They were not the customarywretches that hover about armies to plunder and strip the dead, butgoodly and substantial traders from Seville, Cordova, and other citiesof traffic. They rode sleek mules and were clad in goodly raiment, withlong leather purses at their girdles well filled with pistoles and othergolden coin. They had heard of the spoils wasted by the soldiery at thecapture of Alhama, and were provided with moneys to buy up the jewelsand precious stones, the vessels of gold and silver, and the rich silksand cloths that should form the plunder of Malaga. The proud cavalierseyed these sons of traffic with great disdain, but permitted themto follow for the convenience of the troops, who might otherwise beoverburdened with booty. 

It had been intended to conduct this expedition with great celerity andsecrecy, but the noise of the preparations had already reached thecity of Malaga. The garrison, it is true, was weak, but it possesseda commander who was himself a host. This was Muley Abdallah, commonlycalled El Zagal, or the Valiant. He was younger brother of Muley AbulHassan, and general of the few forces which remained faithful to the oldmonarch. He possessed equal fierceness of spirit with his brother, andsurpassed him in craft and vigilance. His very name was a war-cry amonghis soldiery, who had the most extravagant opinion of his prowess. 

El Zagal suspected that Malaga was the object of this noisy expedition. He consulted with old Bexir, a veteran Moor, who governed the city. "Ifthis army of marauders should reach Malaga, " said he, "we should hardlybe able to keep them without its walls. I will throw myself with a smallforce into the mountains, rouse the peasantry, take possession ofthe passes, and endeavor to give these Spanish cavaliers sufficiententertainment upon the road. "

It was on a Wednesday that the pranking army of high-mettled warriorsissued forth from the ancient gates of Antiquera. They marched all dayand night, making their way, secretly as they supposed, through thepasses of the mountains. As the tract of country they intended to maraudwas far in the Moorish territories, near the coast of the Mediterranean, they did not arrive there until late in the following day. In passingthrough these stern and lofty mountains their path was often along thebottom of a barranco, or deep rocky valley, with a scanty stream dashingalong it among the loose rocks and stones which it had broken and rolleddown in the time of its autumnal violence. Sometimes their road was amere rambla, or dry bed of a torrent, cut deep into the mountains andfilled with their shattered fragments. These barrancos and ramblas wereoverhung by immense cliffs and precipices, forming the lurking-places ofambuscades during the wars between the Moors and Spaniards, as in aftertimes they have become the favorite haunts of robbers to waylay theunfortunate traveller. 

As the sun went down the cavaliers came to a lofty part of themountains, commanding to the right a distant glimpse of a part of thefair vega of Malaga, with the blue Mediterranean beyond, and they hailedit with exultation as a glimpse of the promised land. As the nightclosed in they reached the chain of little valleys and hamlets locked upamong these rocky heights, and known among the Moors by the name of theAxarquia. Here their vaunting hopes were destined to meet with the firstdisappointment. The inhabitants had heard of their approach: theyhad conveyed away their cattle and effects, and with their wives andchildren had taken refuge in the towers and fastnesses of the mountains. 

Enraged at their disappointment, the troops set fire to the desertedhouses and pressed forward, hoping for better fortune as they advanced. Don Alonso de Aguilar and the other cavaliers in the van-guard spreadout their forces to lay waste the country, capturing a few lingeringherds of cattle, with the Moorish peasants who were driving them to someplace of safety. 

While this marauding party carried fire and sword in the advance andlit up the mountain-cliffs with the flames of the hamlets, the master ofSantiago, who brought the rear-guard, maintained strict order, keepinghis knights together in martial array, ready for attack or defenceshould an enemy appear. The men-at-arms of the Holy Brotherhoodattempted to roam in quest of booty, but he called them back and rebukedthem severely. 

At length they came to a part of the mountain completely broken upby barrancos and ramblas of vast depth and shagged with rocks andprecipices. It was impossible to maintain the order of march; the horseshad no room for action, and were scarcely manageable, having to scramblefrom rock to rock and up and down frightful declivities where there wasscarce footing for a mountain-goat. Passing by a burning village, thelight of the flames revealed their perplexed situation. The Moors, whohad taken refuge in a watch-tower on an impending height, shoutedwith exultation when they looked down upon these glistening cavaliersstruggling and stumbling among the rocks. Sallying forth from theirtower, they took possession of the cliffs which overhung the ravine andhurled darts and stones upon the enemy. It was with the utmost grief ofheart that the good master of Santiago beheld his brave men falling likehelpless victims around him, without the means of resistance or revenge. The confusion of his followers was increased by the shouts of theMoors multiplied by the echoes of every crag and cliff, as if they weresurrounded by innumerable foes. Being entirely ignorant of the country, in their struggles to extricate themselves they plunged into otherglens and defiles, where they were still more exposed to danger. Inthis extremity the master of Santiago despatched messengers in search ofsuccor. The marques of Cadiz, like a loyal companion-in-arms, hastenedto his aid with his cavalry: his approach checked the assaults of theenemy, and the master was at length enabled to extricate his troops fromthe defile. 

In the mean time, Don Alonso de Aguilar and his companions, in theireager advance, had likewise got entangled in deep glens and the drybeds of torrents, where they had been severely galled by the insultingattacks of a handful of Moorish peasants posted on the impendingprecipices. The proud spirit of De Aguilar was incensed at having thegame of war thus turned upon him, and his gallant forces domineered overby mountain-boors whom he had thought to drive, like their own cattle, to Antiquera. Hearing, however, that his friend the marques of Cadiz andthe master of Santiago were engaged with the enemy, he disregarded hisown danger, and, calling together his troops, returned to assistthem, or rather to partake their perils. Being once more together, thecavaliers held a hasty council amidst the hurling of stones and thewhistling of arrows, and their resolves were quickened by the sight fromtime to time of some gallant companion-in-arms laid low. They determinedthat there was no spoil in this part of the country to repay for theextraordinary peril, and that it was better to abandon the herds theyhad already taken, which only embarrassed their march, and to retreatwith all speed to less dangerous ground. 

The adalides, or guides, were ordered to lead the way out of this placeof carnage. These, thinking to conduct them by the most secure route, led them by a steep and rocky pass, difficult for the foot-soldiers, butalmost impracticable to the cavalry. It was overhung with precipices, from whence showers of stones and arrows were poured upon them, accompanied by savage yells which appalled the stoutest heart. In someplaces they could pass but one at a time, and were often transpierced, horse and rider, by the Moorish darts, impeding the progress of theircomrades by their dying struggles. The surrounding precipices were litup by a thousand alarm-fires: every crag and cliff had its flame, bythe light of which they beheld their foes bounding from rock to rock andlooking more like fiends than mortal men. 

Either through terror and confusion or through real ignorance of thecountry their guides, instead of conducting them out of the mountains, led them deeper into their fatal recesses. The morning dawned upon themin a narrow rambla, its bottom formed of broken rocks, where once hadraved along the mountain-torrent, while above there beetled great aridcliffs, over the brows of which they beheld the turbaned heads oftheir fierce and exulting foes. What a different appearance did theunfortunate cavaliers present from that of the gallant band that marchedso vauntingly out of Antiquera! Covered with dust and blood and wounds, and haggard with fatigue and horror, they looked like victims ratherthan like warriors. Many of their banners were lost, and not a trumpetwas heard to rally up their sinking spirits. The men turned withimploring eyes to their commanders, while the hearts of the cavalierswere ready to burst with rage and grief at the merciless havoc madeamong their faithful followers. 

All day they made ineffectual attempts to extricate themselves from themountains. Columns of smoke rose from the heights where in the precedingnight had blazed the alarm-fire. The mountaineers assembled from everydirection: they swarmed at every pass, getting in the advance ofthe Christians, and garrisoning the cliffs like so many towers andbattlements. 

Night closed again upon the Christians when they were shut up in anarrow valley traversed by a deep stream and surrounded by precipiceswhich seemed to reach the skies, and on which blazed and flared thealarm-fires. Suddenly a new cry was heard resounding along the valley. "El Zagal! El Zagal!" echoed from cliff to cliff. 

"What cry is that?" said the master of Santiago. 

"It is the war-cry of El Zagal, the Moorish general, " said an oldCastilian soldier: "he must be coming in person, with the troops ofMalaga. "

The worthy master turned to his knights: "Let us die, " said he, "makinga road with our hearts, since we cannot with our swords. Let us scalethe mountain and sell our lives dearly, instead of staying here to betamely butchered. "

So saying, he turned his steed against the mountain and spurred him upits flinty side. Horse and foot followed his example, eager, if theycould not escape, to have at least a dying blow at the enemy. As theystruggled up the height a tremendous storm of darts and stones wasshowered upon them by the Moors. Sometimes a fragment of rock camebounding and thundering down, ploughing its way through the centreof their host. The foot-soldiers, faint with weariness and hunger orcrippled by wounds, held by the tails and manes of the horses to aidthem in their ascent, while the horses, losing their foothold amongthe loose stones or receiving some sudden wound, tumbled down the steepdeclivity, steed, rider, and soldier rolling from crag to crag untilthey were dashed to pieces in the valley. In this desperate struggle thealferez or standard-bearer of the master, with his standard, was lost, as were many of his relations and his dearest friends. At length hesucceeded in attaining the crest of the mountain, but it was only to beplunged in new difficulties. A wilderness of rocks and rugged dells laybefore him beset by cruel foes. Having neither banner nor trumpet bywhich to rally his troops, they wandered apart, each intent upon savinghimself from the precipices of the mountains and the darts of the enemy. When the pious master of Santiago beheld the scattered fragments of hislate gallant force, he could not restrain his grief. "O God!" exclaimedhe, "great is thine anger this day against thy servants. Thou hastconverted the cowardice of these infidels into desperate valor, and hastmade peasants and boors victorious over armed men of battle. "

He would fain have kept with his foot-soldiers, and, gathering themtogether, have made head against the enemy, but those around himentreated him to think only of his personal safety. To remain was toperish without striking a blow; to escape was to preserve a life thatmight be devoted to vengeance on the Moors. The master reluctantlyyielded to the advice. "O Lord of hosts!" exclaimed he again, "from thywrath do I fly, not from these infidels: they are but instruments in thyhands to chastise us for our sins. " So saying, he sent the guides in theadvance, and, putting spurs to his horse, dashed through a defile of themountains before the Moors could intercept him. The moment the masterput his horse to speed, his troops scattered in all directions. Some endeavored to follow his traces, but were confounded amongthe intricacies of the mountain. They fled hither and thither, manyperishing among the precipices, others being slain by the Moors, andothers taken prisoners. 

The gallant marques of Cadiz, guided by his trusty adalid, Luis Amar, had ascended a different part of the mountain. He was followed byhis friend, Don Alonso de Aguilar, the adelantado, and the countof Cifuentes, but in the darkness and confusion the bands of thesecommanders became separated from each other. When the marques attainedthe summit, he looked around for his companions-in-arms, but they wereno longer following him, and there was no trumpet to summon them. It wasa consolation to the marques, however, that his brothers and several ofhis relations, with a number of his retainers, were still with him:he called his brothers by name, and their replies gave comfort to hisheart. 

His guide now led the way into another valley, where he would be lessexposed to danger: when he had reached the bottom of it the marquespaused to collect his scattered followers and to give time for hisfellow-commanders to rejoin him. Here he was suddenly assailed by thetroops of El Zagal, aided by the mountaineers from the cliffs. TheChristians, exhausted and terrified, lost all presence of mind: most ofthem fled, and were either slain or taken captive. The marques and hisvaliant brothers, with a few tried friends, made a stout resistance. Hishorse was killed under him; his brothers, Don Diego and Don Lope, withhis two nephews, Don Lorenzo and Don Manuel, were one by one swept fromhis side, either transfixed with darts and lances by the soldiers of ElZagal or crushed by stones from the heights. The marques was a veteranwarrior, and had been in many a bloody battle, but never before haddeath fallen so thick and close around him. When he saw his remainingbrother, Don Beltran, struck out of his saddle by a fragment of a rockand his horse running wildly about without his rider, he gave a cryof anguish and stood bewildered and aghast. A few faithful followerssurrounded him and entreated him to fly for his life. He would stillhave remained, to have shared the fortunes of his friend Don Alonso deAguilar and his other companions-in-arms, but the forces of El Zagalwere between him and them, and death was whistling by on every wind. Reluctantly, therefore, he consented to fly. Another horse was broughthim: his faithful adalid guided him by one of the steepest paths, whichlasted for four leagues, the enemy still hanging on his traces andthinning the scanty ranks of his followers. At length the marquesreached the extremity of the mountain-defiles, and with a haggardremnant of his men escaped by dint of hoof to Antiquera. 

The count of Cifuentes, with a few of his retainers, in attempting tofollow the marques of Cadiz wandered into a narrow pass, where they werecompletely surrounded by the band of El Zagal. The count himself wasassailed by six of the enemy, against whom he was defending himself withdesperation, when their leader, struck with the inequality of the fight, ordered the others to desist, and continued the combat alone. The count, already exhausted, was soon compelled to surrender; his brother, DonPedro de Silva, and the few of his retainers who survived, werelikewise taken prisoners. The Moorish cavalier who had manifested such achivalrous spirit in encountering the count singly was (3) Reduan Vanegas, brother of the former vizier of Muley Abul Hassan, and one of theleaders of the faction of the sultana Zoraya. 

The dawn of day found Don Alonso de Aguilar with a handful of hisfollowers still among the mountains. They had attempted to follow themarques of Cadiz, but had been obliged to pause and defend themselvesagainst the thickening forces of the enemy. They at length traversedthe mountain, and reached the same valley where the marques had made hislast disastrous stand. Wearied and perplexed, they sheltered themselvesin a natural grotto under an overhanging rock, which kept off the dartsof the enemy, while a bubbling fountain gave them the means of slakingtheir raging thirst and refreshing their exhausted steeds. As daybroke the scene of slaughter unfolded its horrors. There lay the noblebrothers and nephews of the gallant marques, transfixed with dartsor gashed and bruised with unseemly wounds, while many other gallantcavaliers lay stretched out dead and dying around, some of them partlystripped and plundered by the Moors. De Aguilar was a pious knight, buthis piety was not humble and resigned, like that of the worthy masterof Santiago. He imprecated holy curses upon the infidels for having thuslaid low the flower of Christian chivalry, and he vowed in his heartbitter vengeance upon the surrounding country. 

By degrees the little force of De Aguilar was augmented by numbers offugitives who issued from caves and chasms where they had taken refugein the night. A little band of mounted knights was gradually formed, and, the Moors having abandoned the heights to collect the spoils ofthe slain, this gallant but forlorn squadron was enabled to retreat toAntiquera. 

This disastrous affair lasted from Thursday evening, throughout Friday, the twenty-first of March, the festival of St. Benedict. It is stillrecorded in Spanish calendars as the defeat of the mountains of Malaga, and the spot where the greatest slaughter took place is called "laCuesta de la Matanza, " or the Hill of the Massacre. The principalleaders who survived returned to Antiquera. Many of the knights tookrefuge in Alhama and other towns: many wandered about the mountains foreight days, living on roots and herbs, hiding themselves during the dayand sallying forth at night. So enfeebled and disheartened were theythat they offered no resistance if attacked. Three or four soldierswould surrender to a Moorish peasant, and even the women of Malagasallied forth and made prisoners. Some were thrown into the dungeons offrontier towns, others led captive to Granada, but by far the greaternumber were conducted to Malaga, the city they had threatened to attack. Two hundred and fifty principal cavaliers, alcaydes, commanders, andhidalgos of generous blood were confined in the alcazaba, or citadel, ofMalaga to await their ransom, and five hundred and seventy of the commonsoldiery were crowded in an enclosure or courtyard of the alcazaba to besold as slaves. *

 * Cura de los Palacios. 

Great spoils were collected of splendid armor and weapons taken from theslain or thrown away by the cavaliers in their flight, and many horses, magnificently caparisoned, together with numerous standards, --all whichwere paraded in triumph in the Moorish towns. 

The merchants also who had come with the army, intending to trafficin the spoils of the Moors, were themselves made objects of traffic. Several of them were driven like cattle before the Moorish viragoes tothe market of Malaga, and, in spite of all their adroitness in trade andtheir attempts to buy themselves off at a cheap ransom, they were unableto purchase their freedom without such draughts upon their money-bags athome as drained them to the very bottom. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

EFFECTS OF THE DISASTERS AMONG THE MOUNTAINS OF MALAGA. 

The people of Antiquera had scarcely recovered from the tumult ofexcitement and admiration caused by the departure of the gallant band ofcavaliers upon their foray when they beheld the scattered wrecks flyingfor refuge to their walls. Day after day and hour after hour broughtsome wretched fugitive, in whose battered plight and haggard woebegonedemeanor it was almost impossible to recognize the warrior who hadlately issued so gayly and gloriously from their gates. 

The arrival of the marques of Cadiz almost alone, covered with dust andblood, his armor shattered and defaced, his countenance the picture ofdespair, filled every heart with sorrow, for he was greatly beloved bythe people. The multitude asked of his companions where was the band ofbrothers which had rallied round him as he went forth to the field, andwhen told that one by one they had been slaughtered at his side, theyhushed their voices or spake to each other only in whispers as hepassed, gazing at him in silent sympathy. No one attempted to consolehim in so great an affliction, nor did the good marques speak evera word, but, shutting himself up, brooded in lonely anguish over hismisfortune. It was only the arrival of Don Alonso de Aguilar that gavehim a gleam of consolation, rejoicing to find that amidst the shafts ofdeath which had fallen so thickly among his family his chosen friend andbrother-in-arms had escaped uninjured. 

For several days every eye was turned in fearful suspense toward theMoorish border, anxiously looking in every fugitive from the mountainsfor the lineaments of some friend or relative whose fate was yet amystery. At length every hope and doubt subsided into certainty; thewhole extent of this great calamity was known, spreading grief andconsternation throughout the land and laying desolate the pride andhopes of palaces. It was a sorrow that visited the marble hall andsilken pillow. Stately dames mourned over the loss of their sons, thejoy and glory of their age, and many a fair cheek was blanched with woewhich had lately mantled with secret admiration. "All Andalusia, " says ahistorian of the time, "was overwhelmed by a great affliction; there wasno drying of the eyes which wept in her. "*

 * Cura de los Palacios. 

Fear and trembling reigned for a time along the frontier. Their spearseemed broken, their buckler cleft in twain: every border town dreadedan attack, and the mother caught her infant to her bosom when thewatch-dog howled in the night, fancying it the war-cry of the Moor. Allfor a time seemed lost, and despondency even found its way to the royalbreasts of Ferdinand and Isabella amidst the splendors of their court. 

Great, on the other hand, was the joy of the Moors when they saw wholelegions of Christian warriors brought captive into their towns by rudemountain-peasantry. They thought it the work of Allah in favor of thefaithful. But when they recognized among the captives thus dejected andbroken down some of the proudest of Christian chivalry; when they sawseveral of the banners and devices of the noblest houses of Spain, whichthey had been accustomed to behold in the foremost of the battle, now trailed ignominiously through their streets; when, in short, they witnessed the arrival of the count of Cifuentes, the royalstandard-bearer of Spain, with his gallant brother, Don Pedro de Silva, brought prisoners into the gates of Granada, --there were no bounds totheir exultation. They thought that the days of their ancient glory wereabout to return, and that they were to renew their career of triumphover the unbelievers. 

The Christian historians of the time are sorely perplexed to accountfor this misfortune, and why so many Christian knights, fighting in thecause of the holy faith, should thus miraculously, as it were, be givencaptive to a handful of infidel boors, for we are assured that all thisrout and destruction was effected by five hundred foot and fifty horse, and those mere mountaineers without science or discipline. * "Itwas intended, " observes one historiographer, "as a lesson to theirconfidence and vainglory, overrating their own prowess and thinking thatso chosen a band of chivalry had but to appear in the land of the enemyand conquer. It was to teach them that the race is not to the swift northe battle to the strong, but that God alone giveth the victory. "

 * Cura de los Palacios. 

The worthy father Fray Antonio Agapida, however, asserts it to be apunishment for the avarice of the Spanish warriors. They did not enterthe kingdom of the infidels with the pure spirit of Christian knights, zealous only for the glory of the faith, but rather as greedy men oftraffic, to enrich themselves by vending the spoils of the infidels. Instead of preparing themselves by confession and communion, andexecuting their testaments, and making donations and bequests tochurches and convents, they thought only of arranging bargains and salesof their anticipated booty. Instead of taking with them holy monksto aid them with their prayers, they were followed by a train oftrading-men to keep alive their worldly and sordid ideas, and to turnwhat ought to be holy triumphs into scenes of brawling traffic. Such isthe opinion of the excellent Agapida, in which he is joined by that mostworthy and upright of chroniclers, the curate of Los Palacios. Agapidacomforts himself, however, with the reflection that this visitationwas meant in mercy to try the Castilian heart, and to extract from itspresent humiliation the elements of future success, as gold is extractedfrom amidst the impurities of earth; and in this reflection he issupported by the venerable historian Pedro Abarca of the Society ofJesuits. *

 * Abarca, Anales de Aragon, Rey 30, cap. 2, \0xA4 7. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

HOW KING BOABDIL EL CHICO MARCHED OVER THE BORDER. 

The defeat of the Christian cavaliers among the mountains of Malaga, and the successful inroad of Muley Abul Hassan into the lands of MedinaSidonia, had produced a favorable effect on the fortunes of the oldmonarch. The inconstant populace began to shout forth his name in thestreets, and to sneer at the inactivity of his son Boabdil el Chico. Thelatter, though in the flower of his age and distinguished for vigor anddexterity in jousts and tournaments, had never yet fleshed his weaponin the field of battle; and it was murmured that he preferred the silkenrepose of the cool halls of the Alhambra to the fatigue and danger ofthe foray and the hard encampments of the mountains. 

The popularity of these rival kings depended upon their success againstthe Christians, and Boabdil el Chico found it necessary to strike somesignal blow to counterbalance the late triumph of his father. He wasfurther incited by his father-in-law, Ali Atar, alcayde of Loxa, withwhom the coals of wrath against the Christians still burned among theashes of age, and had lately been blown into a flame by the attack madeby Ferdinand on the city under his command. 

Ali Atar informed Boabdil that the late discomfiture of the Christianknights had stripped Andalusia of the prime of her chivalry and brokenthe spirit of the country. All the frontier of Cordova and Ecija now layopen to inroad; but he especially pointed out the city of Lucena as anobject of attack, being feebly garrisoned and lying in a country rich inpasturage, abounding in cattle and grain, in oil and wine. The fiery oldMoor spoke from thorough information, for he had made many an incursioninto these parts, and his very name was a terror throughout the country. It had become a by-word in the garrison of Loxa to call Lucena thegarden of Ali Atar, for he was accustomed to forage its fertileterritories for all his supplies. 

Boabdil el Chico listened to the persuasions of this veteran of theborders. He assembled a force of nine thousand foot and seven hundredhorse, most of them his own adherents, but many the partisans of hisfather; for both factions, however they might fight among themselves, were ready to unite in any expedition against the Christians. Many ofthe most illustrious and valiant of the Moorish nobility assembledround his standard, magnificently arrayed in sumptuous armor and richembroidery, as though for a festival or a tilt of canes rather than anenterprise of iron war. Boabdil's mother, the sultana Ayxa la Horra, armed him for the field, and gave him her benediction as she girded hisscimetar to his side. His favorite wife Morayma wept as she thought ofthe evils that might befall him. "Why dost thou weep, daughter of AliAtar?" said the high-minded Ayxa: "these tears become not the daughterof a warrior nor the wife of a king. Believe me there lurks more dangerfor a monarch within the strong walls of a palace than within the frailcurtains of a tent. It is by perils in the field that thy husband mustpurchase security on his throne. "

But Morayma still hung upon his neck with tears and sad forebodings, andwhen he departed from the Alhambra she betook herself to her mirador, overlooking the Vega, whence she watched the army as it went in shiningorder along the road leading to Loxa, and every burst of warlike melodythat came swelling on the breeze was answered by a gush of sorrow. 

As the royal cavalcade issued from the palace and descended through thestreets of Granada the populace greeted their youthful sovereign withshouts, anticipating deeds of prowess that would wither the laurels ofhis father. The appearance of Boabdil was well calculated to captivatethe public eye, if we may judge from the description given by theabbot of Rute in his manuscript history of the House of Cordova. Hewas mounted on a superb white charger magnificently caparisoned. Hiscorselets were of polished steel richly ornamented, studded with goldnails, and lined with crimson velvet. He wore a steel casque exquisitelychiselled and embossed; his scimetar and dagger of Damascus were ofhighest temper; he had a round buckler at his shoulder and bore aponderous lance. In passing through the gate of Elvira, however, heaccidentally broke his lance against the arch. At this certain of hisnobles turned pale and entreated him to turn back, for they regardedit as an evil omen. Boabdil scoffed at their fears as idle fancies. Herefused to take another spear, but drew forth his scimetar and led theway (adds Agapida) in an arrogant and haughty style, as though he wouldset both Heaven and earth at defiance. Another evil omen was sent todeter him from his enterprise: arriving at the rambla, or dry ravine, ofBeyro, which is scarcely a bowshot from the city, a fox ran through thewhole army and close by the person of the king, and, though a thousandbolts were discharged at it, escaped uninjured to the mountains. The principal courtiers now reiterated their remonstrances againstproceeding; the king, however, was not to be dismayed by these portents, but continued to march forward. *

 * Marmol, Rebel. De los Moros, lib. 1, c. Xii. , fol. 14. 

At Loxa the army was reinforced by old Ali Atar with the chosen horsemenof his garrison and many of the bravest warriors of the border towns. The people of Loxa shouted with exultation when they beheld Ali Atararmed at all points and mounted on his Barbary steed, which had oftenborne him over the borders. The veteran warrior, with nearly a centuryof years upon his head, had all the fire and animation of youth at theprospect of a foray, and careered from rank to rank with the velocity ofan Arab of the desert. The populace watched the army as it paraded overthe bridge and wound into the passes of the mountains, and still theireyes were fixed upon the pennon of Ali Atar as if it bore with it anassurance of victory. 

The Moorish army entered the Christian frontier by forced marches, hastily ravaging the country, driving off the flocks and herds, andmaking captives of the inhabitants. They pressed on furiously, and madethe latter part of their march in the night, to elude observation andcome upon Lucena by surprise. Boabdil was inexperienced in warfare, buthad a veteran counsellor in his old father-in-law; for Ali Atar knewevery secret of the country, and as he prowled through it his eyeranged over the land, uniting in its glare the craft of the fox withthe sanguinary ferocity of the wolf. He had flattered himself that theirmarch had been so rapid as to outstrip intelligence, and that Lucenawould be an easy capture, when suddenly he beheld alarm-fires blazingupon the mountains. "We are discovered, " said he to Boabdil; "thecountry will be up in arms; we have nothing left but to strike boldlyfor Lucena: it is but slightly garrisoned, and we may carry it byassault before it can receive assistance. " The king approved of hiscounsel, and they marched rapidly for the gate of Lucena. 

CHAPTER XV. 

HOW THE COUNT DE CABRA SALLIED FORTH FROM HIS CASTLE IN QUEST OF KINGBOABDIL. 

Don Diego de Cordova, count of Cabra, was in the castle of Vaena, which, with the town of the same name, is situated on a lofty sun-burnt hillon the frontier of the kingdom of Cordova and but a few leagues fromLucena. The range of mountains of Horquera lies between them. The castleof Vaena was strong and well furnished with arms, and the count had anumerous band of vassals and retainers; for it behooved the noblemenof the frontiers in those times to be well prepared with man and horse, with lance and buckler, to resist the sudden incursions of the Moors. The count of Cabra was a hardy and experienced warrior, shrewd incouncil, prompt in action, rapid and fearless in the field. He was oneof the bravest of cavaliers for an inroad, and had been quickened andsharpened in thought and action by living on the borders. 

On the night of the 20th of April, 1483, the count was about to retireto rest when the watchman from the turret brought him word that therewere alarm-fires on the mountains of Horquera, and that they were madeon the signal-tower overhanging the defile through which the road passesto Cabra and Lucena. 

The count ascended the battlement and beheld five lights blazing on thetower--a sign that there was a Moorish army attacking some place on thefrontier. The count instantly ordered the alarm-bells to be sounded, anddespatched couriers to rouse the commanders of the neighboring towns. He called upon his retainers to prepare for action, and sent a trumpetthrough the town summoning the men to assemble at the castle-gate atdaybreak armed and equipped for the field. 

Throughout the remainder of the night the castle resounded with thedin of preparation. Every house in the town was in equal bustle, forin these frontier towns every house had its warrior, and the lance andbuckler were ever hanging against the wall ready to be snatched down forinstant service. Nothing was heard but the din of armorers, theshoeing of steeds, and furbishing up of weapons, and all night long thealarm-fires kept blazing on the mountains. 

When the morning dawned the count of Cabra sallied forth at the head oftwo hundred and fifty cavaliers of the best families of Vaena, all wellappointed, exercised in arms, and experienced in the warfare of theborders. There were besides twelve hundred foot-soldiers, brave andwell-seasoned men of the same town. The count ordered them to hastenforward, whoever could make most speed, taking the road to Cabra, whichwas three leagues distant. That they might not loiter on the road heallowed none of them to break their fast until they arrived at thatplace. The provident count despatched couriers in advance, and thelittle army on reaching Cabra found tables spread with food andrefreshments at the gates of the town. Here they were joined by DonAlonso de Cordova, senior of Zuheros. 

Having made a hearty repast, they were on the point of resuming theirmarch when the count discovered that in the hurry of his departure fromhome he had forgotten to bring the standard of Vaena, which for upwardof eighty years had always been borne to battle by his family. It wasnow noon, and there was no time to return: he took, therefore, thestandard of Cabra, the device of which is a goat, and which had notbeen seen in the wars for the last half century. When about to departa courier came galloping at full speed, bringing missives to the countfrom his nephew, Don Diego Fernandez de Cordova, senior of Lucena andalcayde de los Donceles, * entreating him to hasten to his aid, as histown was beset by the Moorish king, Boabdil el Chico, with a powerfularmy, who were actually setting fire to the gates. 

 * The "Donceles" were young cavaliers who had been pages inthe royal household, but now formed an elite corps in the army. 

The count put his little army instantly in movement for Lucena, whichis only one league from Cabra; he was fired with the idea of having theMoorish king in person to contend with. By the time he reached Lucenathe Moors had desisted from the attack and were ravaging the surroundingcountry. He entered the town with a few of his cavaliers, and wasreceived with joy by his nephew, whose whole force consisted but ofeighty horse and three hundred foot. Don Diego Fernandez de Cordova wasa young man, yet he was a prudent, careful, and capable officer. Havinglearnt, the evening before, that the Moors had passed the frontiers, he had gathered within his walls all the women and children from theenvirons, had armed the men, sent couriers in all directions for succor, and had lighted alarm-fires on the mountains. 

Boabdil had arrived with his army at daybreak, and had sent in a messagethreatening to put the garrison to the sword if the place were notinstantly surrendered. The messenger was a Moor of Granada, namedHamet, whom Don Diego had formerly known: he contrived to amuse him withnegotiation to gain time for succor to arrive. The fierce old Ali Atar, losing all patience, had made an assault upon the town and stormed likea fury at the gate, but had been repulsed. Another and more seriousattack was expected in the course of the night. 

When the count de Cabra had heard this account of the situation ofaffairs, he turned to his nephew with his usual alacrity of manner, andproposed that they should immediately sally forth in quest of the enemy. The prudent Don Diego remonstrated at the rashness of attacking so greata force with a mere handful of men. "Nephew, " said the count, "I camefrom Vaena with a determination to fight this Moorish king, and I willnot be disappointed. "

"At any rate, " replied Don Diego, "let us wait but two hours, and weshall have reinforcements which have been promised me from Rambla, Santaella, Montilla, and other places in the neighborhood. " "If weawait these, " said the hardy count, "the Moors will be off, and all ourtrouble will have been in vain. You may await them if you please; I amresolved on fighting. "

The count paused for no reply, but in his prompt and rapid mannersallied forth to his men. The young alcayde de los Donceles, though moreprudent than his ardent uncle, was equally brave; he determined to standby him in his rash enterprise, and, summoning his little force, marched forth to join the count, who was already on the move. They thenproceeded together in quest of the enemy. 

The Moorish army had ceased ravaging the country, and was not to beseen, the neighborhood being hilly and broken with deep ravines. Thecount despatched six scouts on horseback to reconnoitre, ordering themto return with all speed on discovering the enemy, and by no means toengage in skirmishing with stragglers. The scouts, ascending a highhill, beheld the Moorish army in a valley behind it, the cavalry rangedin five battalions keeping guard, while the foot-soldiers were seatedon the grass making a repast. They returned immediately with theintelligence. 

The count now ordered the troops to march in the direction of the enemy. He and his nephew ascended the hill, and saw that the five battalionsof Moorish cavalry had been formed into two, one of about nine hundredlances, the other of about six hundred. The whole force seemed preparedto march for the frontier. The foot-soldiers were already under way withmany prisoners and a great train of mules and beasts of burdenladen with booty. At a distance was Boabdil el Chico: they could notdistinguish his person, but they knew him by his superb black and whitecharger, magnificently caparisoned, and by his being surrounded by anumerous guard sumptuously armed and attired. Old Ali Atar was careeringabout the valley with his usual impatience, hurrying the march of theloitering troops. 

The eyes of the count de Cabra glistened with eager joy as he beheldthe royal prize within his reach. The immense disparity of their forcesnever entered into his mind. "By Santiago!" said he to his nephew asthey hastened down the hill, "had we waited for more forces the Moorishking and his army would have escaped us. "

The count now harangued his men to inspirit them to this hazardousencounter. He told them not to be dismayed at the number of the Moors, for God often permitted the few to conquer the many, and he had greatconfidence that through the divine aid they were that day to achievea signal victory which should win them both riches and renown. Hecommanded that no man should hurl his lance at the enemy, but shouldkeep it in his hands and strike as many blows with it as he could. Hewarned them also never to shout except when the Moors did, for whenboth armies shouted together there was no perceiving which made the mostnoise and was the strongest. He desired his uncle Lope de Mendoza, andDiego de Cabrera, alcayde of Dona Mencia, to alight and enter on footin the battalion of infantry to animate them to the combat. He appointedalso the alcayde of Vaena and Diego de Clavijo, a cavalier of hishousehold, to remain in the rear, and not to permit any one to lagbehind, either to despoil the dead or for any other purpose. 

Such were the orders given by this most adroit, active, and intrepidcavalier to his little army, supplying by admirable sagacity and subtlemanagement the want of a more numerous force. His orders being givenand all arrangements made, he threw aside his lance, drew his sword, andcommanded his standard to be advanced against the enemy. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

THE BATTLE OF LUCENA. 

The Moorish king had descried the Spanish forces at a distance, althougha slight fog prevented his seeing them distinctly and ascertaining theirnumbers. His old father-in-law, Ali Atar, was by his side, who, beinga veteran marauder, was well acquainted with all the standards andarmorial bearings of the frontiers. When the king beheld the ancient andlong-disused banner of Cabra emerging from the mist, he turned to AliAtar and demanded whose ensign it was. The old borderer was for once ata loss, for the banner had not been displayed in battle in his time. "In truth, " replied he, after a pause, "I have been considering thatstandard for some time, but I confess I do not know it. It cannot bethe ensign of any single commander or community, for none would venturesingle-handed to attack you. It appears to be a dog, which device isborne by the towns of Baeza and Ubeda. If it be so, all Andalusia is inmovement against you, and I would advise you to retire. "

The count de Cabra, in winding down the hill toward the Moors, foundhimself on much lower ground than the enemy: he ordered in all hastethat his standard should be taken back, so as to gain thevantage-ground. The Moors, mistaking this for a retreat, rushedimpetuously toward the Christians. The latter, having gained the heightproposed, charged upon them at the same moment with the battle-cry of"Santiago!" and, dealing the first blows, laid many of the Moorishcavaliers in the dust. 

The Moors, thus checked in their tumultuous assault, were thrown intoconfusion, and began to give way, the Christians following hard uponthem. Boabdil el Chico endeavored to rally them. "Hold! hold! forshame!" cried he; "let us not fly, at least until we know our enemy. "The Moorish chivalry were stung by this reproof, and turned to makefront with the valor of men who feel that they are fighting under theirmonarch's eye. 

At this moment, Lorenzo de Porres, alcayde of Luque, arrived with fiftyhorse and one hundred foot, sounding an Italian trumpet from among acopse of oak trees which concealed his force. The quick ear of old AliAtar caught the note. "That is an Italian trumpet, " said he to the king;"the whole world seems in arms against Your Highness!"

The trumpet of Lorenzo de Porres was answered by that of the count deCabra in another direction, and it seemed to the Moors as if they werebetween two armies. Don Lorenzo, sallying from among the oaks, nowcharged upon the enemy: the latter did not wait to ascertain the forceof this new foe; the confusion, the variety of alarums, the attacks fromopposite quarters, the obscurity of the fog, all conspired to deceivethem as to the number of their adversaries. Broken and dismayed, theyretreated fighting, and nothing but the presence and remonstrances ofthe king prevented their retreat from becoming a headlong flight. IfBoabdil had displayed little of the talents of a general in the outsetof his enterprise, he manifested courage and presence of mind amidthe disasters of its close. Seconded by a small body of cavalry, thechoicest and most loyal of his guards, he made repeated stand againstthe press of the foe in a skirmishing retreat of about three leagues, and the way was strewn with the flower of his chivalry. At length theycame to the brook of Martin Gonzales (or Mingozales, as it is called bythe Moorish chroniclers), which, swollen by recent rain, was now a deepand turbid torrent. Here a scene of confusion ensued. Horse and footprecipitated themselves into the stream. Some of the horses stuckfast in the mire and blocked up the ford; others trampled down thefoot-soldiers; many were drowned and more carried down the stream. Suchof the foot-soldiers as gained the opposite side immediately took toflight; the horsemen, too, who had struggled through the stream, gavereins to their steeds and scoured for the frontier. 

The little band of devoted cavaliers about the king serried their forcesto keep the enemy in check, fighting with them hand to hand until heshould have time to cross. In the tumult his horse was shot down, andhe became environed in the throng of foot-soldiers struggling forward tothe ford and in peril from the lances of their pursuers. Conscious thathis rich array made him a conspicuous object, he retreated along thebank of the river, and endeavored to conceal himself in a thicket ofwillows and tamarisks. Thence, looking back, he beheld his loyal band atlength give way, supposing, no doubt, he had effected his escape. Theycrossed the ford, followed pell-mell by the enemy, and several of themwere struck down in the stream. 

While Boabdil was meditating to throw himself into the water andendeavor to swim across, he was discovered by Martin Hurtado, regidor ofLucena, a brave cavalier who had been captive in the prisons of Granadaand exchanged for a Christian knight. Hurtado attacked the king witha pike, but was kept at bay until, seeing other soldiers approaching, Boabdil cried for quarter, proclaiming himself a person of high rank whowould pay a noble ransom. At this moment came up several men of Vaena, of the troop of the count de Cabra. Hearing the talk of ransom andnoticing the splendid attire of the Moor, they endeavored to secure forthemselves so rich a prize. One of them seized hold of Boabdil, but thelatter resented the indignity by striking him to the earth with a blowof his poniard. Others of Hurtado's townsmen coming up, a contestarose between the men of Lucena and Vaena as to who had a right to theprisoner. The noise brought Don Diego Fernandez de Cordova to the spot, who by his authority put an end to the altercation. Boabdil, findinghimself unknown by all present, concealed his quality, giving himselfout as the son of Aben Alnayer, a cavalier of the royal household. * DonDiego treated him with great courtesy, put a red band round his neck insign of his being a captive, and sent him under an escort to the castleof Lucena where his quality would be ascertained, his ransom arranged, and the question settled as to who had made him prisoner. 

 * Garibay, lib. 40, cap 31. 

This done, the count put spurs to his horse and hastened to rejoin thecount de Cabra, who was in hot pursuit of the enemy. He overtook himat a stream called Reanaul, and they continued together to press on theskirts of the flying army during the remainder of the day. The pursuitwas almost as hazardous as the battle, for had the enemy at any timerecovered from their panic, they might, by a sudden reaction, haveoverwhelmed the small force of their pursuers. To guard against thisperil, the wary count kept his battalion always in close order, and hada body of a hundred chosen lancers in the advance. The Moors kept up aParthian retreat; several times they turned to make battle, but, seeingthis solid body of steeled warriors pressing upon them, they again tookto flight. 

The main retreat of the army was along the valley watered by the Xeniland opening through the mountains of Algaringo to the city of Loxa. Thealarm-fires of the preceding night had aroused the country; every mansnatched sword and buckler from the wall, and the towns and villagespoured forth their warriors to harass the retreating foe. Ali Atar keptthe main force of the army together, and turned fiercely from time totime upon his pursuers: he was like a wolf hunted through the country hehad often made desolate by his maraudings. 

The alarm of this invasion had reached the city of Antiquera, wherewere several of the cavaliers who had escaped from the carnage in themountains of Malaga. Their proud minds were festering with their latedisgrace, and their only prayer was for vengeance on the infidels. Nosooner did they hear of the Moor being over the border than they werearmed and mounted for action. Don Alonso de Aguilar led them forth--asmall body of but forty horsemen, but all cavaliers of prowess andthirsting for revenge. They came upon the foe on the banks of the Xenilwhere it winds through the valleys of Cordova. The river, swelled by thelate rains, was deep and turbulent and only fordable at certain places. The main body of the army was gathered in confusion on the banks, endeavoring to ford the stream, protected by the cavalry of Ali Atar. 

No sooner did the little band of Alonso de Aguilar come in sight ofthe Moors than fury flashed from their eyes. "Remember the mountains ofMalaga!" cried they to each other as they rushed to combat. Their chargewas desperate, but was gallantly resisted. A scrambling and bloody fightensued, hand to hand and sword to sword, sometimes on land, sometimesin the water. Many were lanced on the banks; others, throwing themselvesinto the river, sank with the weight of their armor and were drowned;some, grappling together, fell from their horses, but continued theirstruggle in the waves, and helm and turban rolled together down thestream. The Moors were far greater in number, and among them weremany warriors of rank; but they were disheartened by defeat, while theChristians were excited even to desperation. 

Ali Atar alone preserved all his fire and energy amid his reverses. Hehad been enraged at the defeat of the army and the ignominious flight hehad been obliged to make through a country which had so often been thescene of his exploits; but to be thus impeded in his flight and harassedand insulted by a mere handful of warriors roused the violent passionsof the old Moor to perfect frenzy. He had marked Don Alonso de Aguilardealing his blows (says Agapida) with the pious vehemence of a righteousknight, who knows that in every wound inflicted upon the infidels heis doing God service. Ali Atar spurred his steed along the bank of theriver to come upon Don Alonso by surprise. The back of the warrior wastoward him, and, collecting all his force, the Moor hurled his lanceto transfix him on the spot. The lance was not thrown with the usualaccuracy of Ali Atar: it tore away a part of the cuirass of Don Alonso, but failed to inflict a wound. The Moor rushed upon Don Alonso with hisscimetar, but the latter was on the alert and parried his blow. Theyfought desperately upon the borders of the river, alternately pressingeach other into the stream and fighting their way again up the bank. Ali Atar was repeatedly wounded, and Don Alonso, having pity on his age, would have spared his life: he called upon him to surrender. "Never, "cried Ali Atar, "to a Christian dog!" The words were scarce out of hismouth when the sword of Don Alonso clove his turbaned head and sank deepinto the brain. He fell dead without a groan; his body rolled into theXenil, nor was it ever found or recognized. * Thus fell Ali Atar, who hadlong been the terror of Andalusia. As he had hated and warred upon theChristians all his life, so he died in the very act of bitter hostility. 

 * Cura de los Palacios. 

The fall of Ali Atar put an end to the transient stand of the cavalry. Horse and foot mingled together in the desperate struggle across theXenil, and many were trampled down and perished beneath the waves. DonAlonso and his band continued to harass them until they crossed thefrontier, and every blow struck home to the Moors seemed to lighten theload of humiliation and sorrow which had weighed heavy on their hearts. 

In this disastrous rout the Moors lost upward of five thousand killedand made prisoners, many of whom were of the most noble lineagesof Granada; numbers fled to rocks and mountains, where they weresubsequently taken. 

Boabdil remained a prisoner in the state tower of the citadel of Lucenaunder the vigilance of Alonso de Rueda, esquire of the alcayde of theDonceles; his quality was still unknown until the 24th of April, threedays after the battle. On that day some prisoners, natives of Granada, just brought in, caught a sight of the unfortunate Boabdil despoiled ofhis royal robes. Throwing themselves at his feet, they broke forth inloud lamentations, apostrophizing him as their lord and king. 

Great was the astonishment and triumph of the count de Cabra andDon Diego Fernandez de Cordova on learning the rank of the supposedcavalier. They both ascended to the castle to see that he was lodgedin a style befitting his quality. When the good count beheld in thedejected captive before him the monarch who had so recently appeared inroyal splendor surrounded by an army, his generous heart was touched bysympathy. He said everything to comfort him that became a courteous andChristian knight, observing that the same mutability of things whichhad suddenly brought him low might as rapidly restore him to prosperity, since in this world nothing is stable, and sorrow, like joy, has itsallotted term. 

The action here recorded was called by some the battle of Lucena, by others the battle of the Moorish king, because of the capture ofBoabdil. Twenty-two banners, taken on the occasion, were borne intriumph into Vaena on the 23d of April, St. George's Day, and hung up inthe church. There they remain (says a historian of after times) to thisday. Once a year, on the festival of St. George, they are borne about inprocession by the inhabitants, who at the same time give thanks to Godfor this signal victory granted to their forefathers. *

 * Several circumstances relative to the capture of Boabdil vary inthis from the first edition, in consequence of later light thrown on thesubject by Don Miguel Lafuente Alcantara in his History of Granada. Hehas availed himself much of various ancient documents relative to thebattle, especially the History of the House of Cordova by the abbot ofRute, a descendant of that family--a rare manuscript of which few copiesexist. 

The question as to the person entitled to the honor and reward forhaving captured the king long continued a matter of dispute betweenthe people of Lucena and Vaena. On the 20th of October, 1520, aboutthirty-seven years after the event, an examination of several witnessesto the fact took place before the chief justice of the fortress ofLucena, at the instance of Bartolomy Hurtado, the son of Martin, whenthe claim of his father was established by Dona Leonora Hernandez, ladyin attendant on the mother of the alcayde of los Donceles, who testifiedbeing present when Boabdil signalized Martin Hurtado as his captor. 

The chief honor of the day, and of course of the defeat and capture ofthe Moorish monarch, was given by the sovereign to the count de Cabra;the second to his nephew, Don Diego Fernandez de Cordova. 

Among the curious papers cited by Alcantara is one existing in thearchives of the House of Medina Celi, giving the account of thetreasurer of Don Diego Fernandez as to the sums expended by his lordin the capture of the king, the reward given to some soldiers for astandard of the king's which they had taken, to others for the woundsthey had received, etc. 

Another paper speaks of an auction at Lucena on the 28th of Aprilof horses and mules taken in the battle. Another paper states thegratuities of the alcayde of los Donceles to the soldiery--four fanegas, or about four hundredweight, of wheat and a lance to each horseman, twofanegas of wheat and a lance to each foot-soldier. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

LAMENTATIONS OF THE MOORS FOR THE BATTLE OF LUCENA. 

The sentinels looked out from the watch-towers of Loxa along the valleyof the Xenil, which passes through the mountains of Algaringo. Theylooked to behold the king returning in triumph at the head of hisshining host, laden with the spoil of the unbeliever. They looked tobehold the standard of their warlike idol, the fierce Ali Atar, borne bythe chivalry of Loxa, ever foremost in the wars of the border. 

In the evening of the 21st of April they descried a single horsemanurging his faltering steed along the banks of the Xenil. As he drewnear they perceived, by the flash of arms, that he was a warrior, andon nearer approach by the richness of his armor and the caparison of hissteed they knew him to be a warrior of rank. 

He reached Loxa faint and aghast, his courser covered with foam and dustand blood, panting and staggering with fatigue and gashed with wounds. Having brought his master in safety, he sank down and died before thegate of the city. The soldiers at the gate gathered round the cavalieras he stood by his expiring steed: they knew him to be Cidi Caleb, nephew of the chief alfaqui of the mosque in the Albaycin, and theirhearts were filled with fearful forebodings. 

"Cavalier, " said they, "how fares it with the king and army?"

He cast his hand mournfully toward the land of the Christians. "Therethey lie!" exclaimed he. "The heavens have fallen upon them. All arelost! all dead!"*

 * Bernaldez (Cura de los Palacios), Hist. De los Reyes Catol. , MS. , cap. 61. 

Upon this there was a great cry of consternation among the people, andloud wailings of women, for the flower of the youth of Loxa were withthe army. 

An old Moorish soldier, scarred in many a border battle, stood leaningon his lance by the gateway. "Where is Ali Atar?" demanded he eagerly. "If he lives the army cannot be lost. "

"I saw his helm cleft by the Christian sword; his body is floating inthe Xenil. "

When the soldier heard these words he smote his breast and threw dustupon his head, for he was an old follower of Ali Atar. 

Cidi Caleb gave himself no repose, but, mounting another steed, hastenedtoward Granada. As he passed through the villages and hamlets he spreadsorrow around, for their chosen men had followed the king to the wars. 

When he entered the gates of Granada and announced the loss of the kingand army, a voice of horror went throughout the city. Every one thoughtbut of his own share in the general calamity, and crowded round thebearer of ill tidings. One asked after a father, another after abrother, some after a lover, and many a mother after her son. Hisreplies all spoke of wounds and death. To one he replied, "I saw thyfather pierced with a lance as he defended the person of the king;" toanother, "Thy brother fell wounded under the hoofs of the horses, butthere was no time to aid him, for the Christian cavalry were uponus;" to another, "I saw the horse of thy lover covered with blood andgalloping without his rider;" to another, "Thy son fought by my side onthe banks of the Xenil: we were surrounded by the enemy and driven intothe stream. I heard him cry upon Allah in the midst of the waters: whenI reached the other bank he was no longer by my side. "

Cidi Caleb passed on, leaving all Granada in lamentation: he urgedhis steed up the steep avenue of trees and fountains that leads to theAlhambra, nor stopped until he arrived before the Gate of Justice. Ayxa, the mother of Boabdil, and Morayma, his beloved and tender wife, haddaily watched from the Tower of Comares to behold his triumphant return. Who shall describe their affliction when they heard the tidings of CidiCaleb? The sultana Ayxa spake not much, but sat as one entranced. Everynow and then a deep sigh burst forth, but she raised her eyes to heaven. "It is the will of Allah!" said she, and with these words endeavoredto repress the agonies of a mother's sorrow. The tender Moraymathrew herself on the earth and gave way to the full turbulence of herfeelings, bewailing her husband and her father. The high-minded Ayxarebuked the violence of her grief. "Moderate these transports, mydaughter, " said she; "remember magnanimity should be the attributeof princes: it becomes not them to give way to clamorous sorrow, likecommon and vulgar minds. " But Morayma could only deplore her loss withthe anguish of a tender woman. She shut herself up in her mirador, andgazed all day with streaming eyes upon the Vega. Every object recalledthe causes of her affliction. The river Xenil, which ran shining amidstgroves and gardens, was the same on whose banks had perished herfather, Ali Atar; before her lay the road to Loxa, by which Boabdil haddeparted, in martial state, surrounded by the chivalry of Granada. Everand anon she would burst into an agony of grief. "Alas! my father!" shewould exclaim; "the river runs smiling before me that covers thy mangledremains; who will gather them to an honored tomb in the land of theunbeliever? And thou, O Boabdil, light of my eyes! joy of my heart! lifeof my life! woe the day and woe the hour that I saw thee depart fromthese walls! The road by which thou hast departed is solitary; neverwill it be gladdened by thy return: the mountain thou hast traversedlies like a cloud in the distance, and all beyond is darkness. "

The royal minstrels were summoned to assuage her sorrows: they attunedtheir instruments to cheerful strains, but in a little while the anguishof their hearts prevailed and turned their songs to lamentations. 

"Beautiful Granada!" exclaimed they, "how is thy glory faded! The flowerof thy chivalry lies low in the land of the stranger; no longer does theVivarrambla echo to the tramp of steed and sound of trumpet; no longeris it crowded with thy youthful nobles gloriously arrayed for the tiltand tourney. Beautiful Granada! the soft note of the lute no longerfloats through thy moonlit streets; the serenade is no more heardbeneath thy balconies; the lively castanet is silent upon thy hills;the graceful dance of the Zambra is no more seen beneath thy bowers!Beautiful Granada! why is the Alhambra so lorn and desolate? The orangeand myrtle still breathe their perfumes into its silken chambers; thenightingale still sings within its groves; its marble halls are stillrefreshed with the plash of fountains and the gush of limpid rills. Alas! alas! the countenance of the king no longer shines within thosehalls! The light of the Alhambra is set for ever!"

Thus all Granada, say the Arabian chroniclers, gave itself up tolamentation; there was nothing but the voice of wailing from the palaceto the cottage. All joined to deplore their youthful monarch, cutdown in the freshness and promise of his youth; many feared that theprediction of the astrologers was about to be fulfilled, and that thedownfall of the kingdom would follow the death of Boabdil; while alldeclared that had he survived he was the very sovereign calculated torestore the realm to its ancient prosperity and glory. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

HOW MULEY ABUL HASSAN PROFITED BY THE MISFORTUNES OF HIS SON BOABDIL. 

An unfortunate death atones, with the world, for a multitude of errors. While the populace thought their youthful monarch had perished in thefield nothing could exceed their grief for his loss and their adorationof his memory; when, however, they learnt that he was still aliveand had surrendered himself captive to the Christians, their feelingsunderwent an instant change. They decried his talents as a commander, his courage as a soldier; they railed at his expedition as rash andill-conducted; and they reviled him for not having dared to die on thefield of battle, rather than surrender to the enemy. 

The alfaquis, as usual, mingled with the populace and artfully guidedtheir discontents. "Behold, " exclaimed they, "the prediction isaccomplished which was pronounced at the birth of Boabdil! He has beenseated on the throne, and the kingdom has suffered downfall and disgraceby his defeat and captivity. Comfort yourselves, O Moslems! The evilday has passed by; the prophecy is fulfilled: the sceptre which has beenbroken in the feeble hand of Boabdil is destined to resume its formersway in the vigorous grasp of Abul Hassan. "

The people were struck with the wisdom of these words: they rejoicedthat the baleful prediction which had so long hung over them was atan end, and declared that none but Muley Abul Hassan had the valor andcapacity necessary for the protection of the kingdom in this time oftrouble. 

The longer the captivity of Boabdil continued, the greater grew thepopularity of his father. One city after another renewed allegiance tohim, for power attracts power and fortune creates fortune. At length hewas enabled to return to Granada and establish himself once more inthe Alhambra. At his approach his repudiated spouse, the sultana Ayxa, gathered together the family and treasures of her captive son, andretired, with a handful of the nobles, into the Albaycin, the rivalquarter of the city, the inhabitants of which still retained feelings ofloyalty to Boabdil. Here she fortified herself and held the semblance ofa court in the name of her son. The fierce Muley Abul Hassan wouldhave willingly carried fire and sword into this factious quarter of thecapital, but he dared not confide in his new and uncertain popularity. Many of the nobles detested him for his past cruelty, and a largeportion of the soldiery, besides many of the people of his own party, respected the virtues of Ayxa la Horra and pitied the misfortunes ofBoabdil. 

Granada therefore presented the singular spectacle of two sovereigntieswithin the same city. The old king fortified himself in the loftytowers of the Alhambra, as much against his own subjects as against theChristians; while Ayxa, with the zeal of a mother's affection, whichwaxes warmer and warmer toward her offspring when in adversity, still maintained the standard of Boabdil on the rival fortress of theAlcazaba, and kept his powerful faction alive within the walls of theAlbaycin. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

CAPTIVITY OF BOABDIL EL CHICO. 

The unfortunate Boabdil remained a prisoner closely guarded, but treatedwith great deference and respect, in the castle of Lucena, where thenoblest apartments were appointed for his abode. From the towers of hisprison he beheld the town below filled with armed men, and the loftyhill on which it was built girdled by massive walls and ramparts, onwhich a vigilant watch was maintained night and day. The mountainsaround were studded with watch-towers overlooking the lonely roads whichled to Granada, so that a turban could not stir over the border withoutthe alarm being given and the whole country put on the alert. Boabdilsaw that there was no hope of escape from such a fortress, and that anyattempt to rescue him would be equally in vain. His heart was filledwith anxiety as he thought on the confusion and ruin which his captivitymust cause in his affairs, while sorrows of a softer kind overcame hisfortitude as he thought on the evils it might bring upon his family. 

A few days only had passed away when missives arrived from the Castiliansovereigns. Ferdinand had been transported with joy at hearing of thecapture of the Moorish monarch, seeing the deep and politic uses thatmight be made of such an event; but the magnanimous spirit of Isabellawas filled with compassion for the unfortunate captive. Their messagesto Boabdil were full of sympathy and consolation, breathing that highand gentle courtesy which dwells in noble minds. 

This magnanimity in his foe cheered the dejected spirit of the captivemonarch. "Tell my sovereigns, the king and queen, " said he to themessenger, "that I cannot he unhappy being in the power of such high andmighty princes, especially since they partake so largely of that graceand goodness which Allah bestows upon the monarchs whom he greatlyloves. Tell them, further, that I had long thought of submitting myselfto their sway, to receive the kingdom of Granada from their hands in thesame manner that my ancestor received it from King John II. , father tothe gracious queen. My greatest sorrow, in this my captivity, is thatI must appear to do that from force which I would fain have done frominclination. "

In the mean time, Muley Abul Hassan, finding the faction of his sonstill formidable in Granada, was anxious to consolidate his power bygaining possession of the person of Boabdil. For this purpose he sent anembassy to the Catholic monarchs, offering large terms for the ransom, or rather the purchase, of his son, proposing, among other conditions, to release the count of Cifuentes and nine other of his mostdistinguished captives, and to enter into a treaty of confederacy withthe sovereigns. Neither did the implacable father make any scruple oftestifying his indifference whether his son were delivered up alive ordead, so that his person were placed assuredly within his power. 

The humane heart of Isabella revolted at the idea of giving up theunfortunate prince into the hands of his most unnatural and inveterateenemy: a disdainful refusal was therefore returned to the old monarch, whose message had been couched in a vaunting spirit. He was informedthat the Castilian sovereigns would listen to no proposals of peace fromMuley Abul Hassan until he should lay down his arms and offer them inall humility. 

Overtures in a different spirit were made by the mother of Boabdil, thesultana Ayxa la Horra, with the concurrence of the party which stillremained faithful to him. It was thereby proposed that Mahomet Abdallah, otherwise called Boabdil, should hold his crown as vassal to theCastilian sovereigns, paying an annual tribute and releasing seventyChristian captives annually for five years; that he should, moreover, pay a large sum upon the spot for his ransom, and at the same time givefreedom to four hundred Christians to be chosen by the king; that heshould also engage to be always ready to render military aid, and shouldcome to the Cortes, or assemblage of nobles and distinguished vassalsof the Crown, whenever summoned. His only son and the sons of twelvedistinguished Moorish houses were to be delivered as hostages. 

An embassy composed of the alcayde Aben Comixa, Muley, the royalstandard-bearer, and other distinguished cavaliers bore this propositionto the Spanish court at Cordova, where they were received by KingFerdinand. Queen Isabella was absent at the time. He was anxious toconsult her in so momentous an affair, or, rather, he was fearful ofproceeding too precipitately, and not drawing from this fortunate eventall the advantage of which it was susceptible. Without returning anyreply, therefore, to the mission, he ordered that the captive monarchshould be brought to Cordova. 

The alcayde of the Donceles was the bearer of this mandate, and summonedall the hidalgos of Lucena and of his own estates to form an honorableescort for the illustrious prisoner. In this style he conducted himto the capital. The cavaliers and authorities of Cordova came forth toreceive the captive king with all due ceremony, and especial care wastaken to prevent any taunt or insult from the multitude, or anythingthat might remind him of his humiliation. In this way he entered theonce proud capital of the Abda'rahmans, and was lodged in the house ofthe king's major-domo. Ferdinand, however, declined seeing the Moorishmonarch. He was still undetermined what course to pursue--whether toretain him prisoner, set him at liberty on ransom, or treat him withpolitic magnanimity; and each course would require a different kind ofreception. Until this point should be resolved, therefore, he gavehim in charge to Martin de Alarcon, alcayde of the ancient fortress ofPorcuna, with orders to guard him strictly, but to treat him withthe distinction and deference due unto a prince. These commands werestrictly obeyed: he was escorted, as before, in royal state, to thefortress which was to form his prison, and, with the exception of beingrestrained in his liberty, was as nobly entertained there as he couldhave been in his regal palace at Granada. 

In the mean time, Ferdinand availed himself of this critical moment, while Granada was distracted with factions and dissensions, and beforehe had concluded any treaty with Boabdil, to make a puissant andostentatious inroad into the very heart of the kingdom at the head ofhis most illustrious nobles. He sacked and destroyed several towns andcastles, and extended his ravages to the very gates of Granada. MuleyAbul Hassan did not venture to oppose him. His city was filled withtroops, but he was uncertain of their affection. He dreaded that shouldhe sally forth the gates of Granada might be closed against him by thefaction of the Albaycin. 

The old Moor stood on the lofty tower of the Alhambra (says AntonioAgapida) grinding his teeth and foaming like a tiger shut up in his cageas he beheld the glittering battalions of the Christians wheeling aboutthe Vega, and the standard of the cross shining forth from among thesmoke of infidel villages and hamlets. The most Catholic king (continuesAgapida) would gladly have continued this righteous ravage, but hismunitions began to fail. Satisfied, therefore, with having laid wastethe country of the enemy and insulted Muley Abul Hassan in his verycapital, he returned to Cordova covered with laurels and his armyladen with spoils, and now bethought himself of coming to an immediatedecision in regard to his royal prisoner. 

CHAPTER XX. 

OF THE TREATMENT OF BOABDIL BY THE CASTILIAN SOVEREIGNS. 

A stately convention was held by King Ferdinand in the ancient city ofCordova, composed of several of the most reverend prelates and renownedcavaliers of the kingdom, to determine upon the fate of the unfortunateBoabdil. 

Don Alonso de Cardenas, the worthy master of Santiago, was one of thefirst who gave his counsel. He was a pious and zealous knight, rigidin his devotion to the faith, and his holy zeal had been inflamed topeculiar vehemence since his disastrous crusade among the mountains ofMalaga. He inveighed with ardor against any compromise or compactwith the infidels: the object of this war, he observed, was not thesubjection of the Moors, but their utter expulsion from the land, so that there might no longer remain a single stain of Mahometanismthroughout Christian Spain. He gave it as his opinion, therefore, thatthe captive king ought not to be set at liberty. 

Roderigo Ponce de Leon, marques of Cadiz, on the contrary, spoke warmlyfor the release of Boabdil. He pronounced it a measure of sound policy, even if done without conditions. It would tend to keep up the civil warin Granada, which was as a fire consuming the entrails of the enemy, andeffecting more for the interests of Spain, without expense, than all theconquests of its arms. 

The grand cardinal of Spain, Don Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, coincidedin opinion with the marques of Cadiz. Nay (added that pious prelate andpolitic statesman), it would be sound wisdom to furnish the Moor withmen and money and all other necessaries to promote the civil war inGranada: by this means would be produced great benefit to the service ofGod, since we are assured by his infallible word that "a kingdom dividedagainst itself cannot stand. "*

 * Salazar, Cronica del Gran Cardinal, p. 188. 

Ferdinand weighed these counsels in his mind, but was slow in coming toa decision: he was religiously attentive to his own interests (observesFray Antonio Agapida), knowing himself to be but an instrument ofProvidence in this holy war, and that, therefore, in consulting his ownadvantage he was promoting the interests of the faith. The opinionof Queen Isabella relieved him from his perplexity. That high-mindedprincess was zealous for the promotion of the faith, but not for theextermination of the infidels. The Moorish kings had held their thronesas vassals to her progenitors: she was content at present to accordthe same privilege, and that the royal prisoner should be liberatedon condition of becoming a vassal to the Crown. By this means might beeffected the deliverance of many Christian captives who were languishingin Moorish chains. 

King Ferdinand adopted the magnanimous measure recommended by the queen, but he accompanied it with several shrewd conditions, exacting tribute, military services, and safe passages and maintenance for Christiantroops throughout the places which should adhere to Boabdil. The captiveking readily submitted to these stipulations, and swore, after themanner of his faith, to observe them with exactitude. A truce wasarranged for two years, during which the Castilian sovereigns engagedto maintain him on his throne and to assist him in recovering all placeswhich he had lost during his captivity. 

When Boabdil el Chico had solemnly agreed to this arrangement in thecastle of Porcuna, preparations were made to receive him in Cordova inregal style. Superb steeds richly caparisoned and raiments of brocadeand silk and the most costly cloths, with all other articles ofsumptuous array, were furnished to him and to fifty Moorish cavalierswho had come to treat for his ransom, that he might appear in statebefitting the monarch of Granada and the most distinguished vassal ofthe Castilian sovereigns. Money also was advanced to maintain him insuitable grandeur during his residence at the Castilian court and hisreturn to his dominions. Finally, it was ordered by the sovereigns thatwhen he came to Cordova all the nobles and dignitaries of the courtshould go forth to receive him. 

A question now arose among certain of those ancient and experiencedmen who grow gray about a court in the profound study of forms andceremonials, with whom a point of punctilio is as a vast politicalright, and who contract a sublime and awful idea of the external dignityof the throne. Certain of these court sages propounded the momentousquestion whether the Moorish monarch, coming to do homage as a vassal, ought not to kneel and kiss the hand of the king. This was immediatelydecided in the affirmative by a large number of ancient cavaliers, accustomed (says Antonio Agapida) to the lofty punctilio of our mostdignified court and transcendent sovereigns. The king, therefore, wasinformed by those who arranged the ceremonials that when the Moorishmonarch appeared in his presence he was expected to extend his royalhand to receive the kiss of homage. 

"I should certainly do so, " replied King Ferdinand, "were he at libertyand in his own kingdom, but I certainly shall not do so, seeing that heis a prisoner and in mine. "

The courtiers loudly applauded the magnanimity of this reply, thoughmany condemned it in secret as savoring of too much generosity toward aninfidel; and the worthy Jesuit, Fray Antonio Agapida, fully concurs intheir opinion. 

The Moorish king entered Cordova with his little train of faithfulknights and escorted by all the nobility and chivalry of the Castiliancourt. He was conducted with great state and ceremony to the royalpalace. When he came in presence of Ferdinand he knelt and offered tokiss his hand, not merely in homage as his subject, but in gratitude forhis liberty. Ferdinand declined the token of vassalage, and raised himgraciously from the earth. An interpreter began, in the name of Boabdil, to laud the magnanimity of the Castilian monarch and to promise themost implicit submission. "Enough!" said King Ferdinand, interruptingthe interpreter in the midst of his harangue: "there is no need ofthese compliments. I trust in his integrity that he will do everythingbecoming a good man and a good king. " With these words he receivedBoabdil el Chico into his royal friendship and protection. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

RETURN OF BOABDIL FROM CAPTIVITY. 

In the month of August a noble Moor, of the race of the Abencerrages, arrived with a splendid retinue at the city of Cordova, bringing withhim the son of Boabdil el Chico and other of the noble youth of Granadaas hostages for the fulfilment of the terms of ransom. When the Moorishking beheld his son, his only child, who was to remain in his stead asort of captive in a hostile land, he folded him in his arms and weptover him. "Woe the day that I was born!" exclaimed he, "and evil thestars that presided at my birth! Well was I called El Zogoybi, or theUnlucky, for sorrow is heaped upon me by my father, and sorrow doI transmit to my son!" The afflicted heart of Boabdil, however, wassoothed by the kindness of the Christian sovereigns, who received thehostage prince with a tenderness suited to his age and a distinctionworthy of his rank. They delivered him in charge to the worthy alcaydeMartin de Alarcon, who had treated his father with such courtesy duringhis confinement in the castle of Porcuna, giving orders that after thedeparture of the latter his son should be entertained with great honorand princely attention in the same fortress. 

On the 2d of September a guard of honor assembled at the gate of themansion of Boabdil to escort him to the frontiers of his kingdom. Hepressed his child to his heart at parting, but he uttered not a word, for there were many Christian eyes to behold his emotion. He mounted hissteed, and never turned his head to look again upon the youth, but thosewho were near him observed the vehement struggle that shook his frame, wherein the anguish of the father had wellnigh subdued the studiedequanimity of the king. 

Boabdil el Chico and King Ferdinand sallied forth side by side fromCordova, amidst the acclamations of a prodigious multitude. When theywere a short distance from the city they separated, with many graciousexpressions on the part of the Castilian monarch, and many thankfulacknowledgments from his late captive, whose heart had been humbled byadversity. Ferdinand departed for Guadalupe, and Boabdil for Granada. The latter was accompanied by a guard of honor, and the viceroys ofAndalusia and the generals on the frontier were ordered to furnish himwith escorts and to show him all possible honor on his journey. In thisway he was conducted in royal state through the country he had enteredto ravage, and was placed in safety in his own dominions. 

He was met on the frontier by the principal nobles and cavaliers of hiscourt, who had been secretly sent by his mother, the sultana Ayxa, toescort him to the capital. The heart of Boabdil was lifted up for amoment when he found himself on his own territories, surrounded byMoslem knights, with his own banners waving over his head, and hebegan to doubt the predictions of the astrologers: he soon found cause, however, to moderate his exultation. The royal train which had come towelcome him was but scanty in number, and he missed many of his mostzealous and obsequious courtiers. He had returned, indeed, to hiskingdom, but it was no longer the devoted kingdom he had left. The storyof his vassalage to the Christian sovereigns had been made use of by hisfather to ruin him with the people. He had been represented as a traitorto his country, a renegado to his faith, and as leagued with the enemiesof both to subdue the Moslems of Spain to the yoke of Christian bondage. In this way the mind of the public had been turned from him; the greaterpart of the nobility had thronged round the throne of his father in theAlhambra; and his mother, the resolute sultana Ayxa, with difficultymaintained her faction in the opposite towers of the Alcazaba. 

Such was the melancholy picture of affairs given to Boabdil by thecourtiers who had come forth to meet him. They even informed him that itwould be an enterprise of difficulty and danger to make his way back tothe capital and regain the little court which still remained faithfulto him in the heart of the city. The old tiger, Muley Abul Hassan, laycouched within the Alhambra, and the walls and gates of the city werestrongly guarded by his troops. Boabdil shook his head at these tidings. He called to mind the ill omen of his breaking his lance against thegate of Elvira when issuing forth so vaingloriously with his army, whichhe now saw clearly had foreboded the destruction of that army on whichhe had so confidently relied. "Henceforth, " said he, "let no man havethe impiety to scoff at omens. "

Boabdil approached his capital by stealth and in the night, prowlingabout its walls like an enemy seeking to destroy rather than a monarchreturning to his throne. At length he seized upon a postern-gate of theAlbaycin, that part of the city which had always been in his favor; hepassed rapidly through the streets before the populace were aroused fromtheir sleep, and reached in safety the fortress of the Alcazaba. Here hewas received into the embraces of his intrepid mother and his favoritewife Morayma. The transports of the latter on the safe return of herhusband were mingled with tears, for she thought of her father, AliAtar, who had fallen in his cause, and of her only son, who was left ahostage in the hand of the Christians. 

The heart of Boabdil, softened by his misfortunes, was moved by thechanges in everything round him; but his mother called up his spirit. "This, " said she, "is no time for tears and fondness. A king must thinkof his sceptre and his throne, and not yield to softness like commonmen. Thou hast done well, my son, in throwing thyself resolutely intoGranada: it must depend upon thyself whether thou remain here a king ora captive. "

The old king, Muley Abul Hassan, had retired to his couch that night inone of the strongest towers of the Alhambra, but his restless anxietykept him from repose. In the first watch of the night he heard ashout faintly rising from the quarter of the Albaycin, which is onthe opposite side of the deep valley of the Darro. Shortly afterwardhorsemen came galloping up the hill that leads to the main gate of theAlhambra, spreading the alarm that Boabdil had entered the city andpossessed himself of the Alcazaba. 

In the first transports of his rage the old king would have struck themessenger to earth. He hastily summoned his counsellors and commanders, exhorting them to stand by him in this critical moment, and during thenight made every preparation to enter the Albaycin sword in hand in themorning. 

In the mean time the sultana Ayxa had taken prompt and vigorous measuresto strengthen her party. The Albaycin was the part of the city filledby the lower orders. The return of Boabdil was proclaimed throughout thestreets, and large sums of money were distributed among the populace. The nobles assembled in the Alcazaba were promised honors and rewardsby Boabdil as soon as he should be firmly seated on the throne. Thesewell-timed measures had the customary effect, and by daybreak all themotley populace of the Albaycin were in arms. 

A doleful day succeeded. All Granada was a scene of tumult andhorror. Drums and trumpets resounded in every part; all business wasinterrupted; the shops were shut, the doors barricadoed. Armed bandsparaded the streets, some shouting for Boabdil, and some for MuleyAbul Hassan. When they encountered each other they fought furiously andwithout mercy; every public square became a scene of battle. The greatmass of the lower orders was in favor of Boabdil, but it was a multitudewithout discipline or lofty spirit: part of the people were regularlyarmed, but the greater number had sallied forth with the implements oftheir trade. The troops of the old king, among whom were many cavaliersof pride and valor, soon drove the populace from the squares. Theyfortified themselves, however, in the streets and lanes, whichthey barricadoed. They made fortresses of their houses, and foughtdesperately from the windows and the roofs, and many a warrior of thehighest blood of Granada was laid low by plebeian hands and plebeianweapons in this civic brawl. *

 * Conde, Domin. De los Arabes, p. 4, c. 37. 

It was impossible that such violent convulsions should last long in theheart of the city. The people soon longed for repose and a return totheir peaceful occupations, and the cavaliers detested these conflictswith the multitude, in which were all the horrors of war without itslaurels. By the interference of the alfaquis an armistice was at lengtheffected. Boabdil was persuaded that there was no dependence upon theinconstant favor of the multitude, and was prevailed upon to quit acapital where he could only maintain a precarious seat upon his throneby a perpetual and bloody struggle. He fixed his court at the city ofAlmeria, which was entirely devoted to him, and which at that time viedwith Granada in splendor and importance. This compromise of grandeurfor tranquillity, however, was sorely against the counsels of hisproud-spirited mother, the sultana Ayxa. Granada appeared, in her eyes, the only legitimate seat of dominion, and she observed, with a smile ofdisdain, that he was not worthy of being called a monarch who was notmaster of his capital. 

CHAPTER XXII. 

FORAY OF THE MOORISH ALCAYDES, AND BATTLE OF LOPERA. 

Though Muley Abul Hassan had regained undivided sway over the city ofGranada, and the alfaquis, by his command, had denounced his son Boabdilas an apostate doomed by Heaven to misfortune, still the latter had manyadherents among the common people. Whenever, therefore, any act of theold monarch was displeasing to the turbulent multitude, they were proneto give him a hint of the slippery nature of his standing by shoutingout the name of Boabdil el Chico. Long experience had instructed MuleyAbul Hassan in the character of the inconstant people over whom heruled. "A successful inroad into the country of the unbelievers, " saidhe, "will make more converts to my cause than a thousand texts of theKoran expounded by ten thousand alfaquis. "

At this time King Ferdinand was absent from Andalusia on a distantexpedition with many of his troops. The moment was favorable for aforay, and Muley Abul Hassan cast about his thoughts for a leaderto conduct it. Ali Atar, the terror of the border, the scourge ofAndalusia, was dead, but there was another veteran general, scarceinferior to him for predatory warfare. This was old Bexir, the gray andcrafty alcayde of Malaga, and the people under his command were ripefor an expedition of the kind. The signal defeat and slaughter of theSpanish knights in the neighboring mountains had filled the people ofMalaga with vanity and self-conceit. They had attributed to their ownvalor the defeat caused by the nature of the country. Many of themwore the armor and paraded in public with the horses of the unfortunatecavaliers slain on that occasion, vauntingly displaying them as trophiesof their boasted victory. They had talked themselves into a contemptfor the chivalry of Andalusia, and were impatient for an opportunityto overrun a country defended by such troops. This Muley Abul Hassanconsidered a favorable state of mind for a daring inroad, and sentorders to old Bexir to gather together the choicest warriors of theborders and carry fire and sword into the very heart of Andalusia. Bexirimmediately despatched his emissaries among the alcaydes of the bordertowns, calling upon them to assemble with their troops at the city ofRonda. 

Ronda was the most virulent nest of Moorish depredators in the wholeborder country. It was situated in the midst of the wild Serrania, orchain of mountains of the same name, which are uncommonly lofty, broken, and precipitous. It stood on an almost isolated rock, nearly encircledby a deep valley, or rather chasm, through which ran the beautiful rivercalled Rio Verde. The Moors of this city were the most active, robust, and warlike of all the mountaineers, and their very children dischargedthe crossbow with unerring aim. They were incessantly harassing the richplains of Andalusia; their city abounded with Christian captives, whomight sigh in vain for deliverance from this impregnable fortress. Suchwas Ronda in the time of the Moors, and it has ever retained somethingof the same character, even to the present day. Its inhabitantscontinue to be among the boldest, fiercest, and most adventurous of theAndalusian mountaineers, and the Serrania de Ronda is famous as the mostdangerous resort of the bandit and the contrabandista. 

Hamet Zeli, surnamed El Zegri, was the commander of this belligerentcity and its fierce inhabitants. He was of the tribe of the Zegries, and one of the most proud and daring of that warlike race. Besidesthe inhabitants of Ronda and some of his own tribe, he had a legion ofAfrican Moors in his immediate service. They were of the tribe of theGomeres, so called from their native mountains--mercenary troops whosehot African blood had not yet been tempered by the softer living ofSpain, and whose whole business was to fight. These he kept always wellarmed and well appointed. The rich pasturage of the valley of Rondaproduced a breed of horses famous for strength and speed; no cavalry, therefore, was better mounted than the band of Gomeres. Rapid on themarch, fierce in the attack, it would sweep down upon the Andalusianplains like a sudden blast from the mountains, and pass away as suddenlybefore there was time for pursuit. 

There was nothing that stirred up the spirit of the Moors of thefrontiers more thoroughly than the idea of a foray. The summons of Bexirwas gladly obeyed by the alcaydes of the border towns, and in a littlewhile there was a force of fifteen hundred horse and four thousand foot, the very pith and marrow of the surrounding country, assembled withinthe walls of Ronda. The people of the place anticipated with eagernessthe rich spoils of Andalusia soon to crowd their gates; throughout theday the city resounded with the noise of kettle-drum and trumpet; thehigh-mettled steeds stamped and neighed in their stalls as if theyshared the impatience for the foray; while the Christian captives sighedas the varied din of preparation reached their rocky dungeons, denotinga fresh expedition against their countrymen. 

The infidel host sallied forth full of spirits, anticipating an easyravage and abundant booty. They encouraged each other in a contempt forthe prowess of the foe. Many of the warriors of Malaga and of some ofthe mountain-towns had insultingly arrayed themselves in the splendidarmor of the Christian knights slain or taken prisoners in the famousmassacre, and some of them rode the Andalusian steeds captured on thatoccasion. 

The wary Bexir concerted his plans so secretly and expeditiously thatthe Christian towns of Andalusia had not the least suspicion of thestorm gathering beyond the mountains. The vast rocky range of theSerrania de Ronda extended like a screen, covering all their movementsfrom observation. 

The army made its way as rapidly as the rugged nature of the mountainswould permit, guided by Hamet el Zegri, the bold alcayde of Ronda, whoknew every pass and defile: not a drum nor the clash of a cymbal northe blast of a trumpet was permitted to be heard. The mass of warrolled quietly on as the gathering cloud to the brow of the mountains, intending to burst down like the thunderbolt upon the plain. 

Never let the most wary commander fancy himself secure from discovery, for rocks have eyes, and trees have ears, and the birds of the air havetongues, to betray the most secret enterprise. There chanced at thistime to be six Christian scouts prowling about the savage heights of theSerrania de Ronda. They were of that kind of lawless ruffians who infestthe borders of belligerent countries, ready at any time to fight forpay or prowl for plunder. The wild mountain-passes of Spain have everabounded with loose rambling vagabonds of the kind--soldiers in war, robbers in peace, guides, guards, smugglers, or cutthroats according tothe circumstances of the case. 

These six marauders (says Fray Antonio Agapida) were on this occasionchosen instruments, sanctified by the righteousness of their cause. Theywere lurking among the mountains to entrap Moorish cattle or Moorishprisoners, both of which were equally salable in the Christian market. They had ascended one of the loftiest cliffs, and were looking out likebirds of prey, ready to pounce upon anything that might offer inthe valley, when they descried the Moorish army emerging from amountain-glen. They watched it as it wound below them, remarking thestandards of the various towns and the pennons of the commanders. Theyhovered about it on its march, skulking from cliff to cliff, until theysaw the route by which it intended to enter the Christian country. They then dispersed, each making his way by the secret passes of themountains to some different alcayde, that they might spread the alarmfar and wide, and each get a separate reward. 

One hastened to Luis Fernandez Puerto Carrero, the same valiant alcaydewho had repulsed Muley Abul Hassan from the walls of Alhama, and whonow commanded at Ecija in the absence of the master of Santiago. Othersroused the town of Utrera and the places of that neighborhood, puttingthem all on the alert. *

 * Pulgar, p. 3, c. 24; Cura de los Palacios, cap. 67. 

Puerto Carrero was a cavalier of consummate vigor and activity. Heimmediately sent couriers to the alcaydes of the neighboring fortresses, to Herman Carrello, captain of a body of the Holy Brotherhood, and tocertain knights of the order of Alcantara. Puerto Carrero was the firstto take the field. Knowing the hard and hungry service of these borderscampers, he made every man take a hearty repast and see that his horsewas well shod and perfectly appointed. Then, all being refreshed and invaliant heart, he sallied forth to seek the Moors. He had but a handfulof men, the retainers of his household and troops of his captaincy, butthey were well armed and mounted, and accustomed to the sudden rousesof the border--men whom the cry of "Arm and out! to horse and to thefield!" was sufficient at any time to put in a fever of animation. 

While the northern part of Andalusia was thus on the alert, one of thescouts had hastened southward to the city of Xeres, and given the alarmto the valiant marques of Cadiz. When the marques heard that the Moorwas over the border and that the standard of Malaga was in the advance, his heart bounded with a momentary joy, for he remembered the massacrein the mountains, where his valiant brothers had been mangled beforehis eyes. The very authors of his calamity were now at hand, and heflattered himself that the day of vengeance had arrived. He made a hastylevy of his retainers and of the fighting men of Xeres, and hurriedoff with three hundred horse and two hundred foot, all resolute men andpanting for revenge. 

In the mean time, the veteran Bexir had accomplished his march, ashe imagined, undiscovered. From the openings of the craggy defiles hepointed out the fertile plains of Andalusia, and regaled the eyes ofhis soldiery with the rich country they were about to ravage. The fierceGomeres of Ronda were flushed with joy at the sight, and even theirsteeds seemed to prick up their ears and snuff the breeze as they beheldthe scenes of their frequent forays. 

When they came to where the mountain-defile opened into the low land, Bexir divided his force into three parts: one, composed of foot-soldiersand such as were weakly mounted, he left to guard the pass, being tooexperienced a veteran not to know the importance of securing a retreat;a second body he placed in ambush among the groves and thickets on thebanks of the river Lopera; the third, consisting of light cavalry, hesent forth to ravage the Campina (or great plain) of Utrera. Most ofthis latter force was composed of the Gomeres of Ronda, mounted on thefleet steeds bred among the mountains. It was led by Hamet el Zegri, ever eager to be foremost in the forage. Little suspecting that thecountry on both sides was on the alarm, and rushing from all directionsto close upon them in the rear, this fiery troop dashed forward untilthey came within two leagues of Utrera. Here they scattered themselvesabout the plain, careering round the great herds of cattle and flocks ofsheep, and sweeping them into droves to be hurried to the mountains. 

While thus dispersed a troop of horse and body of foot from Utrera camesuddenly upon them. The Moors rallied together in small parties andendeavored to defend themselves; but they were without a leader, forHamet el Zegri was at a distance, having, like a hawk, made a widecircuit in pursuit of prey. The marauders soon gave way and fled towardthe ambush on the banks of the Lopera, being hotly pursued by the men ofUtrera. 

When they reached the Lopera the Moors in ambush rushed forth withfurious cries, and the fugitives, recovering courage from thisreinforcement, rallied and turned upon their pursuers. The Christiansstood their ground, though greatly inferior in number. Their lances weresoon broken, and they came to sharp work with sword and scimetar. TheChristians fought valiantly, but were in danger of being overwhelmed. The bold Hamet collected a handful of his scattered Gomeres, left hisprey, and galloped toward the scene of action. His little troop ofhorsemen had reached the crest of a rising ground at no great distancewhen trumpets were heard in another direction, and Luis Fernandez PuertoCarrero and his followers came galloping into the field, and chargedupon the infidels in flank. 

The Moors were astounded at finding war thus breaking upon them fromvarious quarters of what they had expected to find an unguarded country. They fought for a short time with desperation, and resisted a vehementassault from the knights of Alcantara and the men-at-arms of the HolyBrotherhood. At length the veteran Bexir was struck from his horse byPuerto Carrero and taken prisoner, and the whole force gave wayand fled. In their flight they separated and took two roads to themountains, thinking by dividing their forces to distract the enemy. TheChristians were too few to separate. Puerto Carrero kept them together, pursuing one division of the enemy with great slaughter. This battletook place at the fountain of the fig tree, near to the Lopera. Sixhundred Moorish cavaliers were slain and many taken prisoners. Muchspoil was collected on the field, with which the Christians returned intriumph to their homes. 

The larger body of the enemy had retreated along a road leading more tothe south, by the banks of the Guadalete. When they reached that riverthe sound of pursuit had died away, and they rallied to breathe andrefresh themselves on the margin of the stream. Their force was reducedto about a thousand horse and a confused multitude of foot. While theywere scattered and partly dismounted on the banks of the Guadalete afresh storm of war burst upon them from an opposite direction. It wasthe (4) marques of Cadiz, leading on his household troops and the fightingmen of Xeres. When the Christian warriors came in sight of the Moors, they were roused to fury at beholding many of them arrayed in the armorof the cavaliers who had been slain among the mountains of Malaga. Nay, some who had been in that defeat beheld their own armor, which they hadcast away in their flight to enable themselves to climb the mountains. Exasperated at the sight they rushed upon the foe with the ferocity oftigers rather than the temperate courage of cavaliers. Each man feltas if he were avenging the death of a relative or wiping out his owndisgrace. The good marques himself beheld a powerful Moor bestriding thehorse of his brother Beltran: giving a cry of rage and anguish at thesight, he rushed through the thickest of the enemy, attacked the Moorwith resistless fury, and after a short combat hurled him breathless tothe earth. 

The Moors, already vanquished in spirit, could not withstand the assaultof men thus madly excited. They soon gave way, and fled for the defileof the Serrania de Ronda, where the body of troops had been stationedto secure a retreat. These, seeing them come galloping wildly up thedefile, with Christian banners in pursuit and the flash of weapons attheir deadly work, thought all Andalusia was upon them, and fled withoutawaiting an attack. The pursuit continued among glens and defiles, forthe Christian warriors, eager for revenge, had no compassion on the foe. 

When the pursuit was over the marques of Cadiz and his followers reposedthemselves upon the banks of the Guadalete, where they divided thespoil. Among this were found many rich corselets, helmets, and weapons, the Moorish trophies of the defeat in the mountains of Malaga. Severalwere claimed by their owners; others were known to have belonged tonoble cavaliers who had been slain or taken prisoners. There wereseveral horses also, richly caparisoned, which had pranced proudly withthe unfortunate warriors as they sallied out of Antiquera upon thatfatal expedition. Thus the exultation of the victors was dashed withmelancholy, and many a knight was seen lamenting over the helmet orcorselet of some loved companion-in-arms. 

NOTE. --"En el despojo de la Batalla se vieron muchas ricas corazas ecapacetes, e barberas de las que se habian perdido en el Axarquia, eotras muchas armas, e algunes fueron conocidas de sus duenos que lashabian dejado por fuir, e otras fueron conocidas, que eran mui senaladasde hombres principales que habian quedado muertos e cautivos, i fuerontornados muchos de los mismos Caballos con sus ricas sillas, de los quequedaron en la Axerquia, e fueron concidos cuios eran. "--"Cura de losPalacios, " cap. 67. 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

RETREAT OF HAMET EL ZEGRI, ALCAYDE OF RONDA. 

The bold alcayde of Ronda, Hamet el Zegri, had careered wide over theCampina of Utrera, encompassing the flocks and herds, when he heard theburst of war at a distance. There were with him but a handful ofhis Gomeres. He saw the scamper and pursuit afar off, and beheld theChristian horsemen spurring madly toward the ambuscade on the banksof the Lopera. Hamet tossed his hand triumphantly aloft for his men tofollow him. "The Christian dogs are ours!" said he as he put spurs tohis horse to take the enemy in rear. 

The little band which followed Hamet scarcely amounted to thirtyhorsemen. They spurred across the plain, and reached a rising groundjust as the force of Puerto Carrero had charged, with sound of trumpet, upon the flank of the party in ambush. Hamet beheld the headlong rout ofthe army with rage and consternation. He found the country was pouringforth its legions from every quarter, and perceived that there was nosafety but in precipitate flight. 

But which way to fly? An army was between him and the mountain-pass; allthe forces of the neighborhood were rushing to the borders; the wholeroute by which he had come was by this time occupied by the foe. He checked his steed, rose in the stirrups, and rolled a stern andthoughtful eye over the country; then, sinking into his saddle, heseemed to commune a moment with himself. Turning quickly to his troop, he singled out a renegado Christian, a traitor to his religion and hisking. "Come hither, " said Hamet. "Thou knowest all the secret passesof the country?"--"I do, " replied the renegado. --"Dost thou know anycircuitous route, solitary and untravelled, by which we can pass widewithin these troops and reach the Serrania?"--The renegado paused: "Sucha route I know, but it is full of peril, for it leads through the heartof the Christian land. "--"'Tis well, " said Hamet; "the more dangerous inappearance, the less it will be suspected. Now hearken to me. Ride by myside. Thou seest this purse of gold and this scimetar. Take us, by theroute thou hast mentioned, safe to the pass of the Serrania, and thispurse shall be thy reward; betray us, and this scimetar shall cleavethee to the saddle-bow. "*

 * Cura de los Palacios, ubi sup. 

The renegado obeyed, trembling. They turned off from the direct road tothe mountains and struck southward toward Lebrixa, passing by the mostsolitary roads and along those deep ramblas and ravines by which thecountry is intersected. It was indeed a daring course. Every now andthen they heard the distant sound of trumpets and the alarm-bells oftowns and villages, and found that the war was still hurrying to theborders. They hid themselves in thickets and in dry beds of rivers untilthe danger had passed by, and then resumed their course. Hamet el Zegrirode on in silence, his hand upon his scimetar and his eye uponthe renegado guide, prepared to sacrifice him on the least sign oftreachery, while his band followed, gnawing their lips with rage athaving thus to skulk through a country they had come to ravage. 

When night fell they struck into more practicable roads, always keepingwide of the villages and hamlets, lest the watch-dogs should betraythem. In this way they passed in deep midnight by Arcos, crossed theGuadalete, and effected their retreat to the mountains. The day dawnedas they made their way up the savage defiles. Their comrades had beenhunted up these very glens by the enemy. Every now and then they cameto where there had been a partial fight or a slaughter of the fugitives, and the rocks were red with blood and strewed with mangled bodies. Thealcayde of Ronda was almost frantic with rage at seeing many of hisbravest warriors lying stiff and stark, a prey to the hawks and vulturesof the mountains. Now and then some wretched Moor would crawl out of acave or glen, whither he had fled for refuge, for in the retreat manyof the horsemen had abandoned their steeds, thrown away their armor, and clambered up the cliffs, where they could not be pursued by theChristian cavalry. 

The Moorish army had sallied forth from Ronda amidst shouts andacclamations, but wailings were heard within its walls as the alcaydeand his broken band returned without banner or trumpet and haggard withfamine and fatigue. The tidings of their disaster had preceded them, borne by the fugitives of the army. No one ventured to speak to thestern Hamet as he entered the city, for they saw a dark cloud upon hisbrow. 

It seemed (says the pious Antonio Agapida) as if Heaven meted out thisdefeat in exact retribution for the ills inflicted upon the Christianwarriors in the heights of Malaga. It was equally signal and disastrous. Of the brilliant array of Moorish chivalry which had descended soconfidently into Andalusia, not more than two hundred escaped. Thechoicest troops of the frontier were either taken or destroyed, theMoorish garrisons enfeebled, and many alcaydes and cavaliers of noblelineage carried into captivity, who were afterward obliged to redeemthemselves with heavy ransoms. 

This was called the battle of Lopera, and was fought on the 17th ofSeptember, 1483. Ferdinand and Isabella were at Vittoria in Old Castilewhen they received news of the victory and the standards taken from theenemy. They celebrated the event with processions, illuminations, andother festivities. Ferdinand sent to the marques of Cadiz the royalraiment which he had worn on that day, and conferred on him and allthose who should inherit his title the privilege of wearing royal robeson our Lady's Day in September in commemoration of this victory. *

 * Mariana, Abarca, Zurita, Pulgar, etc. 

Queen Isabella was equally mindful of the great services of Don LuisFernandez Puerto Carrero. Besides many encomiums and favors, she sent tohis wife the royal vestments and robe of brocade which she had worn onthe same day, to be worn by her during her life on the anniversary ofthat battle. *

CHAPTER XXIV. 

OF THE RECEPTION AT COURT OF THE COUNT DE CABRA AND THE ALCAYDE DE LOSDONCELES. 

In the midst of the bustle of warlike affairs the worthy chronicler FrayAntonio Agapida pauses to note, with curious accuracy, the distinguishedreception given to the count de Cabra and his nephew, the alcayde delos Donceles, at the stately and ceremonious court of the Castiliansovereigns, in reward for the capture of the Moorish king Boabdil. Thecourt (he observes) was held at the time in the ancient Moorish palaceof the city of Cordova, and the ceremonials were arranged by thatvenerable prelate Don Pedro Gonzales de Mendoza, bishop of Toledo andgrand cardinal of Spain. 

It was on Wednesday, the 14th of October (continues the precise AntonioAgapida), that the good count de Cabra, according to arrangement, appeared at the gate of Cordova. Here he was met by the grand cardinaland the duke of Villahermosa, illegitimate brother of the king, togetherwith many of the first grandees and prelates of the kingdom. By thisaugust train was he attended to the palace amidst strains of martialmusic and the shouts of a prodigious multitude. 

When the count arrived in the presence of the sovereigns, who wereseated in state on a dais or raised part of the hall of audience, theyboth arose. The king advanced exactly five steps toward the count, whoknelt and kissed his royal hand; however, the king would not receivehim as a mere vassal, but embraced him with affectionate cordiality. Thequeen also advanced two steps, and received the count with a countenancefull of sweetness and benignity: after he had kissed her hand the kingand queen returned to their thrones, and, cushions being brought, theyordered the count de Cabra to be seated in their presence. This lastcircumstance is written in large letters and followed by several notesof admiration in the manuscript of the worthy Fray Antonio Agapida, who considers the extraordinary privilege of sitting in presence of theCatholic sovereigns an honor well worth fighting for. 

The good count took his seat at a short distance from the king, and nearhim was seated the duke of Najera, then the bishop of Palencia, then thecount of Aguilar, the count Luna, and Don Gutierre de Cardenas, seniorcommander of Leon. 

On the side of the queen were seated the grand cardinal of Spain, theduke of Villahermosa, the count of Monte Rey, and the bishops of Jaenand Cuenca, each in the order in which they are named. The infantaIsabella was prevented by indisposition from attending the ceremony. 

And now festive music resounded through the hall, and twenty ladies ofthe queen's retinue entered, magnificently attired; upon which twentyyouthful cavaliers, very gay and galliard in their array, stepped forth, and, each seeking his fair partner, they commenced a stately dance. Thecourt in the mean time (observes Fray Antonio Agapida) looked on withlofty and becoming gravity. 

When the dance was concluded the king and queen rose to retire tosupper, and dismissed the count with many gracious expressions. He wasthen attended by all the grandees present to the palace of the grandcardinal, where they partook of a sumptuous banquet. 

On the following Saturday the alcayde de los Donceles was receivedlikewise with great honors, but the ceremonies were so arranged as to bea degree less in dignity than those shown to his uncle, the latter beingconsidered the principal actor in this great achievement. Thus the grandcardinal and the duke of Villahermosa did not meet him at the gateof the city, but received him in the palace and entertained him inconversation until summoned to the sovereigns. # When the alcayde de losDonceles entered the presence-chamber the king and queen rose fromtheir chairs, but without advancing. They greeted him graciously, andcommanded him to be seated next to the count de Cabra. 

The infanta Isabella came forth to this reception, and took her seatbeside the queen. When the court were all seated the music again soundedthrough the hall, and the twenty ladies came forth as on the precedingoccasion, richly attired, but in different raiment. They danced asbefore, and the infanta Isabella, taking a young Portuguese damsel for apartner, joined in the dance. When this was concluded the king and queendismissed the alcayde de los Donceles with great courtesy, and the courtbroke up. 

The worthy Fray Antonio Agapida here indulges in a long eulogy on thescrupulous discrimination of the Castilian court in the distribution ofits honors and rewards, by which means every smile and gesture and wordof the sovereigns had its certain value and conveyed its equivalent ofjoy to the heart of the subject--a matter well worthy the study (sayshe) of all monarchs, who are too apt to distribute honors with aheedless caprice that renders them of no avail. 

On the following Sunday both the count de Cabra and the alcayde de losDonceles were invited to sup with the sovereigns. The court thatevening was attended by the highest nobility, arrayed with that cost andsplendor for which the Spanish nobility of those days were renowned. 

Before supper there was a stately and ceremonious dance, befitting thedignity of so august a court. The king led forth the queen in grave andgraceful measure; the count de Cabra was honored with the hand of theinfanta Isabella; and the alcayde de los Donceles danced with a daughterof the marques de Astorga. 

The dance being concluded, the royal party repaired to the supper-table, which was placed on an elevated part of the saloon. Here, in full viewof the court, the count de Cabra and the alcayde de los Donceles suppedat the same table with the king, the queen, and the infanta. The royalfamily were served by the marques of Villena. The cup-bearer to the kingwas his nephew, Fadrigue de Toledo, son to the duke of Alva. Don Alexisde Estaniga had the honor of fulfilling that office for the queen, and Tello de Aguilar for the infanta. Other cavaliers of rank anddistinction waited on the count and the alcayde de los Donceles. At oneo'clock the two distinguished guests were dismissed with many courteousexpressions by the sovereigns. 

Such (says Fray Antonio Agapida) were the great honors paid at ourmost exalted and ceremonious court to these renowned cavaliers, but thegratitude of the sovereigns did not end here. A few days afterward theybestowed upon them large revenues for life, and others to descend totheir heirs, with the privilege for them and their descendants to prefixthe title of Don to their names. They gave them, moreover, as armorialbearings a Moor's head crowned, with a golden chain round the neck, ina sanguine field, and twenty-two banners round the margin of theescutcheon. Their descendants, of the houses of Cabra and Cordova, continue to bear these arms at the present day in memorial of thevictory of Lucena and the capture of Boabdil el Chico. *

 * The account given by Fray Antonio Agapida of this ceremonial, socharacteristic of the old Spanish court, agrees in almost everyparticular with an ancient manuscript made up from the chronicles of thecurate of los Palacios and other old Spanish writers. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

HOW THE MARQUES OF CADIZ CONCERTED TO SURPRISE ZAHARA, AND THE RESULT OFHIS ENTERPRISE. 

The valiant Roderigo Ponce de Leon, marques of Cadiz, was one of themost vigilant of commanders. He kept in his pay a number of convertedMoors to serve as adalides, or armed guides. These mongrel Christianswere of great service in procuring information. Availing themselves oftheir Moorish character and tongue, they penetrated into the enemy'scountry, prowled about the castles and fortresses, noticed the state ofthe walls, the gates, and towers, the strength of their garrisons, andthe vigilance or negligence of their commanders. All this they minutelyreported to the marques, who thus knew the state of every fortress uponthe frontier and when it might be attacked with advantage. Besides thevarious town and cities over which he held feudal sway, he had alwaysan armed force about him ready for the field. A host of retainers fedin his hall who were ready to follow him to danger, and death itself, without inquiring who or why they fought. The armories of his castleswere supplied with helms and cuirasses and weapons of all kinds, readyburnished for use; and his stables were filled with hardy steeds thatcould stand a mountain-scamper. 

The marques was aware that the late defeat of the Moors on the banks ofthe Lopera had weakened their whole frontier, for many of the castlesand fortresses had lost their alcaydes and their choicest troops. Hesent out his war-hounds, therefore, upon the range to ascertain where asuccessful blow might be struck; and they soon returned with word thatZahara was weakly garrisoned and short of provisions. 

This was the very fortress which, about two years before, had beenstormed by Muley Abul Hassan, and its capture had been the first blowof this eventful war. It had ever since remained a thorn in the sideof Andalusia. All the Christians had been carried away captive, and nocivil population had been introduced in their stead. There were nowomen or children in the place. It was kept up as a mere military post, commanding one of the most important passes of the mountains, and was astronghold of Moorish marauders. The marques was animated by the ideaof regaining this fortress for his sovereigns and wresting from theold Moorish king this boasted trophy of his prowess. He sent missives, therefore, to the brave Luis Fernandez Puerto Carrero, who haddistinguished himself in the late victory, and to Juan Almaraz, captainof the men-at-arms of the Holy Brotherhood, informing them of hisdesigns, and inviting them to meet him with their forces on the banks ofthe Guadalete. 

It was on the day (says Fray Antonio Agapida) of the glorious apostlesSt. Simon and Judas, the twenty-eighth of October, in the year of graceone thousand four hundred and eighty-three, that this chosen band ofChristian soldiers assembled suddenly and secretly at the appointedplace. Their forces when united amounted to six hundred horse andfifteen hundred foot. Their gathering-place was at the entrance ofthe defile leading to Zahara. That ancient town, renowned in Moorishwarfare, is situated in one of the roughest passes of the Serrania deRonda. It is built round the craggy cone of a hill, on the lofty summitof which is a strong castle. The country around is broken into deepbarrancas or ravines, some of which approach its very walls. The placehad until recently been considered impregnable, but (as the worthy FrayAntonio Agapida observes) the walls of impregnable fortresses, like thevirtue of self-confident saints, have their weak points of attack. 

The marques of Cadiz advanced with his little army in the dead ofthe night, marching silently into the deep and dark defiles of themountains, and stealing up the ravines which extended to the walls ofthe town. Their approach was so noiseless that the Moorish sentinelsupon the walls heard not a voice or a footfall. The marques wasaccompanied by his old escalador, Ortega de Prado, who had distinguishedhimself at the scaling of Alhama. This hardy veteran was stationed, with ten men furnished with scaling-ladders, in a cavity among therocks close to the walls. At a little distance seventy men were hid ina ravine, to be at hand to second him when he should have fixed hisladders. The rest of the troops were concealed in another ravinecommanding a fair approach to the gate of the fortress. A shrewd andwary adalid, well acquainted with the place, was appointed to givesignals, and so stationed that he could be seen by the various partiesin ambush, but not by the garrison. 

By orders of the marques a small body of light cavalry passed along theglen, and, turning round a point of rock, showed themselves before thetown: they (6) skirred the fields almost to the gates, as if by way ofbravado and to defy the garrison to a skirmish. The Moors were not slowin replying to it. About seventy horse and a number of foot who hadguarded the walls sallied forth impetuously, thinking to make easy preyof these insolent marauders. The Christian horsemen fled for the ravine;the Moors pursued them down the hill, until they heard a great shoutingand tumult behind them. Looking round toward the town, they beheld ascaling party mounting the walls sword in hand. Wheeling about, theygalloped for the gate: the marques of Cadiz and Luis Fernandez PuertoCarrero rushed forth at the same time with their ambuscade, andendeavored to cut them off, but the Moors succeeded in throwingthemselves within the walls. 

While Puerto Carrero stormed at the gate the marques put spurs to hishorse and galloped to the support of Ortega de Prado and his scalingparty. He arrived at a moment of imminent peril, when the party wasassailed by fifty Moors armed with cuirasses and lances, who were onthe point of thrusting them from the walls. The marques sprang fromhis horse, mounted a ladder sword in hand, followed by a number ofhis troops, and made a vigorous attack upon the enemy. * They were soondriven from the walls, and the gates and towers remained in possessionof the Christians. The Moors defended themselves for a short time inthe streets, but at length took refuge in the castle, the walls of whichwere strong and capable of holding out until relief should arrive. Themarques had no desire to carry on a siege, and he had not provisionssufficient for many prisoners; he granted them, therefore, favorableterms. They were permitted, on leaving their arms behind them, tomarch out with as much of their effects as they could carry, and it wasstipulated that they should pass over to Barbary. The marques remainedin the place until both town and castle were put in a perfect state ofdefence and strongly garrisoned. 

 * Cura de los Palacios, c. 68. 

Thus did Zahara return once more in possession of the Christians, to thegreat confusion of old Muley Abul Hassan, who, having paid the penaltyof his ill-timed violence, was now deprived of its vaunted fruits. The Castilian sovereigns were so gratified by this achievement of thevaliant Ponce de Leon that they authorized him thenceforth to entitlehimself duke of Cadiz and marques of Zahara. The warrior, however, wasso proud of the original title under which he had so often signalizedhimself that he gave it the precedence, and always signed himselfmarques, duke of Cadiz. As the reader may have acquired the samepredilection, we shall continue to call him by his ancient title. 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

OF THE FORTRESS OF ALHAMA, AND HOW WISELY IT WAS GOVERNED BY THE COUNTDE TENDILLA. 

In this part of his chronicle the worthy father Fray Antonio Agapidaindulges in triumphant exultation over the downfall of Zahara. Heavensometimes speaks (says he) through the mouths of false prophets for theconfusion of the wicked. By the fall of this fortress was the predictionof the santon of Granada in some measure fulfilled, that "the ruins ofZahara should fall upon the heads of the infidels. "

Our zealous chronicler scoffs at the Moorish alcayde who lost hisfortress by surprise in broad daylight, and contrasts the vigilance ofthe Christian governor of Alhama, the town taken in retaliation for thestorming of Zahara. 

The important post of Alhama was at this time confided by King Ferdinandto Don Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, count of Tendilla, a cavalier of nobleblood, brother to the grand cardinal of Spain. He had been instructed bythe king not merely to maintain his post, but also to make sallies andlay waste the surrounding country. His fortress was critically situated. It was within seven leagues of Granada, and at no great distance fromthe warlike city of Loxa. It was nestled in the lap of the mountainscommanding the high-road to Malaga and a view over the extensive Vega. Thus situated, in the heart of the enemy's country, surrounded by foesready to assail him and a rich country for him to ravage, it behoovedthis cavalier to be for ever on the alert. He was in fact an experiencedveteran, a shrewd and wary officer, and a commander amazingly prompt andfertile in expedients. 

On assuming the command he found that the garrison consisted but of onethousand men, horse and foot. They were hardy troops, seasoned in roughmountain-campaigning, but reckless and dissolute, as soldiers are aptto be when accustomed to predatory warfare. They would fight hard forbooty, and then gamble it heedlessly away or squander it in licentiousrevelling. Alhama abounded with hawking, sharping, idle hangers-on, eager to profit by the vices and follies of the garrison. The soldierswere oftener gambling and dancing beneath the walls than keeping watchupon the battlements, and nothing was heard from morning till nightbut the noisy contests of cards and dice, mingled with the sound of thebolero or fandango, the drowsy strumming of the guitar, and the rattlingof the castanets, while often the whole was interrupted by the loudbrawl and fierce and bloody contest. 

The count of Tendilla set himself vigorously to reform these excesses:he knew that laxity of morals is generally attended by neglect of duty, and that the least breach of discipline in the exposed situation of hisfortress might be fatal. "Here is but a handful of men, " said he; "it isnecessary that each man should be a hero. "

He endeavored to awaken a proper ambition in the minds of his soldiersand to instil into them the high principles of chivalry. "A just war, "he observed, "is often rendered wicked and disastrous by the mannerin which it is conducted; for the righteousness of the cause is notsufficient to sanction the profligacy of the means, and the want oforder and subordination among the troops may bring ruin and disgraceupon the best-concerted plans. " But we cannot describe the character andconduct of this renowned commander in more forcible language than thatof Fray Antonio Agapida, excepting that the pious father places inthe foreground of his virtues his hatred of the Moors. "The count deTendilla, " says he, "was a mirror of Christian knighthood--watchful, abstemious, chaste, devout, and thoroughly filled with the spirit of thecause. He labored incessantly and strenuously for the glory of the faithand the prosperity of their most Catholic majesties; and, above all, he hated the infidels with a pure and holy hatred. This worthy cavalierdiscountenanced all idleness, rioting, chambering, and wantonness amonghis soldiery. He kept them constantly to the exercise of arms, makingthem adroit in the use of their weapons and management of their steeds, and prompt for the field at a moment's notice. He permitted no soundof lute or harp or song or other loose minstrelsy to be heard in hisfortress, debauching the ear and softening the valor of the soldier;no other music was allowed but the wholesome rolling of the drum andbraying of the trumpet, and such like spirit-stirring instrumentsas fill the mind with thoughts of iron war. All wandering minstrels, sharping peddlers, sturdy trulls, and other camp trumpery were orderedto pack up their baggage, and were drummed out of the gates of Alhama. In place of such lewd rabble he introduced a train of holy friars toinspirit his people by exhortation and prayer and choral chanting, andto spur them on to fight the good fight of faith. All games of chancewere prohibited except the game of war, and this he labored, byvigilance and vigor, to reduce to a game of certainty. Heaven smiledupon the efforts of this righteous cavalier. His men became soldiers atall points and terrors to the Moors. The good count never set forth ona ravage without observing the rites of confession, absolution, andcommunion, and obliging his followers to do the same. Their banners wereblessed by the holy friars whom he maintained in Alhama; and inthis way success was secured to his arms and he was enabled to lay wastethe land of the heathen. "

The fortress of Alhama (continues Fray Antonio Agapida) overlooked fromits lofty site a great part of the fertile Vega, watered by the Cazinand the Xenil; from this he made frequent sallies, sweeping away theflocks and herds from the pasture, the laborer from the field, and theconvoy from the road; so that it was said by the Moors that a beetlecould not crawl across the Vega without being seen by Count Tendilla. The peasantry, therefore, were fain to betake themselves to watch-towersand fortified hamlets, where they shut up their cattle, garnered theircorn, and sheltered their wives and children. Even there they were notsafe: the count would storm these rustic fortresses with fire and sword, make captives of their inhabitants, carry off the corn, the oil, thesilks, and cattle, and leave the ruins blazing and smoking within thevery sight of Granada. 

"It was a pleasing and refreshing sight, " continues the good father, "tobehold this pious knight and his followers returning from one of thesecrusades, leaving the rich land of the infidel in smoking desolationbehind them; to behold the long line of mules and asses laden with theplunder of the Gentiles--the hosts of captive Moors, men, women, andchildren--droves of sturdy beeves, lowing kine, and bleating sheep, --allwinding up the steep acclivity to the gates of Alhama, pricked on by theCatholic soldiery. His garrison thus thrived on the fat of the landand the spoil of the infidel; nor was he unmindful of the pious fatherswhose blessings crowned his enterprises with success. A large portion ofthe spoil was always dedicated to the Church, and the good friars wereever ready at the gate to hail him on his return and receive the shareallotted them. Besides these allotments, he made many votive offerings, either in time of peril or on the eve of a foray, and the chapels ofAlhama were resplendent with chalices, crosses, and other precious giftsmade by this Catholic cavalier. "

Thus eloquently does the venerable Fray Antonio Agapida dilate in praiseof the good count de Tendilla; and other historians of equal veracity, but less unction, agree in pronouncing him one of the ablest of Spanishgenerals. So terrible, in fact, did he become in the land that theMoorish peasantry could not venture a league from Granada or Loxa tolabor in the fields without peril of being carried into captivity. Thepeople of Granada clamored against Muley Abul Hassan for suffering hislands to be thus outraged and insulted, and demanded to have this boldmarauder shut up in his fortress. The old monarch was roused by theirremonstrances. He sent forth powerful troops of horse to protect thecountry during the season that the husbandmen were abroad in the fields. These troops patrolled in formidable squadrons in the neighborhood ofAlhama, keeping strict watch upon its gates, so that it was impossiblefor the Christians to make a sally without being seen and intercepted. 

While Alhama was thus blockaded by a roving force of Moorish cavalry, the inhabitants were awakened one night by a tremendous crash that shookthe fortress to its foundations. The garrison flew to arms, supposing itsome assault of the enemy. The alarm proved to have been caused by therupture of a portion of the wall, which, undermined by heavy rains, hadsuddenly given way, leaving a large chasm yawning toward the plain. 

The count de Tendilla was for a time in great anxiety. Should thisbreach be discovered by the blockading horsemen, they would arouse thecountry, Granada and Loxa would pour out an overwhelming force, andthey would find his walls ready sapped for an assault. In this fearfulemergency the count displayed his noted talent for expedients. Heordered a quantity of linen cloth to be stretched in front of thebreach, painted in imitation of stone and indented with battlements, soas at a distance to resemble the other parts of the walls: behind thisscreen he employed workmen day and night in repairing the fracture. No one was permitted to leave the fortress, lest information of itsdefenceless plight should be carried to the Moor. Light squadrons ofthe enemy were seen hovering about the plain, but never approached nearenough to discover the deception; and thus in the course of a few daysthe wall was rebuilt stronger than before. 

There was another expedient of this shrewd veteran which greatly excitesthe marvel of Agapida. "It happened, " he observes, "that this Catholiccavalier at one time was destitute of gold and silver wherewith to paythe wages of his troops; and the soldiers murmured greatly, seeing thatthey had not the means of purchasing necessaries from the people of thetown. In this dilemma what does this most sagacious commander? Hetakes me a number of little morsels of paper, on the which he inscribesvarious sums, large and small, according to the nature of the case, and signs me them with his own hand and name. These did he give to thesoldiery in earnest of their pay. 'How!' you will say, 'are soldiers tobe paid with scraps of paper?' Even so, I answer, and well paid too, asI will presently make manifest, for the good count issued a proclamationordering the inhabitants of Alhama to take these morsels of paper forthe full amount thereon inscribed, promising to redeem them at a futuretime with silver and gold, and threatening severe punishment to allwho should refuse. The people, having full confidence in his word, andtrusting that he would be as willing to perform the one promise as hecertainly was able to perform the other, took those curious morsels ofpaper without hesitation or demur. Thus by a subtle and most miraculouskind of alchymy did this Catholic cavalier turn worthless paper intoprecious gold, and make his late impoverished garrison abound in money!"

It is but just to add that the count de Tendilla redeemed his promiseslike a loyal knight; and this miracle, as it appeared in the eyes ofFray Antonio Agapida, is the first instance on record of paper money, which has since inundated the civilized world with unbounded opulence. 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

FORAY OF CHRISTIAN KNIGHTS INTO THE TERRITORY OF THE MOORS. 

The Spanish cavaliers who had survived the memorable massacre among themountains of Malaga, although they had repeatedly avenged the deaths oftheir companions, could not forget the horror and humiliation of theirdefeat. Nothing would satisfy them but a second expedition of thekind to carry fire and sword throughout a wide part of the Moorishterritories, and leave the region which had triumphed in their disastera black and burning monument of their vengeance. Their wishes accordedwith the policy of the king to destroy the resources of the enemy; everyassistance was therefore given to their enterprise. 

In the spring of 1484 the ancient city of Antiquera again resounded witharms; numbers of the same cavaliers who had assembled there so gaylythe preceding year came wheeling into the gates with their steeled andshining warriors, but with a more dark and solemn brow than on thatdisastrous occasion, for they had the recollection of their slaughteredfriends present to their minds, whose deaths they were to avenge. 

In a little while there was a chosen force of six thousand horse andtwelve thousand foot assembled in Antiquera, many of them the veryflower of Spanish chivalry, troops of the established military andreligious orders and of the Holy Brotherhood. 

Precautions had been taken to furnish this army with all things needfulfor its perilous inroad. Numerous surgeons accompanied it, who were toattend upon the sick and wounded without charge, being paid for theirservices by the queen. Isabella also, in her considerate humanity, provided six spacious tents furnished with beds and all things needfulfor the wounded and infirm. These continued to be used in all greatexpeditions throughout the war, and were called the Queen's Hospital. The worthy father, Fray Antonio Agapida, vaunts this benignant provisionof the queen as the first introduction of a regular camp hospital incampaigning service. 

Thus thoroughly prepared, the cavaliers issued forth from Antiquerain splendid and terrible array, but with less exulting confidence andvaunting ostentation than on their former foray; and this was the orderof the army: Don Alonso de Aguilar led the advance guard, accompaniedby Don Diego Fernandez de Cordova, the alcayde de los Donceles, and LuisFernandez Puerto Carrero, count of Palma, with their household troops. They were followed by Juan de Merlo, Juan de Almara, and Carlosde Biezman of the Holy Brotherhood, with the men-at-arms of theircaptaincies. 

The second battalion was commanded by the marques of Cadiz and themaster of Santiago, with the cavaliers of Santiago and the troops ofthe house of Ponce Leon; with these also went the senior commander ofCalatrava and the knights of that order, and various other cavaliers andtheir retainers. 

The right wing of this second battalion was led by Gonsalvo de Cordova, afterward renowned as grand captain of Spain; the left by Diego Lopezde Avila. They were accompanied by several distinguished cavaliers andcertain captains of the Holy Brotherhood with their men-at-arms. 

The duke of Medina Sidonia and the count de Cabra commanded the thirdbattalion, with the troops of their respective houses. They wereaccompanied by other commanders of note with their forces. 

The rear-guard was brought up by the senior commander and knights ofAlcantara, followed by the Andalusian chivalry from Xeres, Ecija, andCarmona. 

Such was the army that issued forth from the gates of Antiquera on oneof the most extensive "talas, " or devastating inroads, that ever laidwaste the kingdom of Granada. 

The army entered the Moorish territory by the way of Alora, destroyingall the cornfields, vineyards, and orchards and plantations of olivesround that city. It then proceeded through the rich valleys and fertileuplands of Coin, Cazarabonela, Almexia, and Cartama, and in ten daysall those fertile regions were a smoking and frightful desert. Hence itpursued its slow and destructive course, like the stream of lava of avolcano, through the regions of Pupiana and Alhendin, and so on to thevega of Malaga, laying waste the groves of olives and almonds and thefields of grain, and destroying every green thing. The Moors of some ofthose places interceded in vain for their groves and fields, offering todeliver up their Christian captives. One part of the army blockaded thetowns, while the other ravaged the surrounding country. Sometimes theMoors sallied forth desperately to defend their property, but weredriven back to their gates with slaughter and their suburbs pillaged andburnt. It was an awful spectacle at night to behold the volumes of blacksmoke mingled with lurid flames rising from the burning suburbs, and thewomen on the walls of the town wringing their hands and shrieking at thedesolation of their dwellings. 

The destroying army on arriving at the sea-coast found vessels lying offshore laden with all kinds of provisions and munitions sent from Sevilleand Xeres, and was thus enabled to continue its desolating career. Advancing to the neighborhood of Malaga, it was bravely assailed by theMoors of that city, and there was severe skirmishing for a whole day;but, while the main part of the army encountered the enemy, the restravaged the whole vega and destroyed all the mills. As the object of theexpedition was not to capture places, but merely to burn, ravage, anddestroy, the host, satisfied with the mischief they had done in thevega, turned their backs upon Malaga and again entered the mountains. They passed by Coin and through the regions of Allazayna, and Gatero, and Alhaurin, all which were likewise desolated. In this way did theymake the circuit of a chain of rich and verdant valleys, the glory ofthose mountains and the pride and delight of the Moors. For fortydays did they continue on like a consuming fire, leaving a smokingand howling waste to mark their course, until, weary with the work ofdestruction, and having fully sated their revenge for the massacre ofthe Axarquia, they returned in triumph to the meadows of Antiquera. 

In the month of June, King Ferdinand took command in person of thisdestructive army; he increased its force, and added to its means ofmischief several lombards and other heavy artillery, intended for thebattering of towns and managed by engineers from France and Germany. With these the (7) marques of Cadiz assured the king he would soon be ableto reduce the Moorish fortresses, which were only calculated for defenceagainst the engines anciently used in warfare. Their walls and towerswere high and thin, depending for security on their rough and rockysituations. The stone and iron balls thundered from the lombards wouldsoon tumble them in ruins upon the heads of their defenders. 

The fate of Alora speedily proved the truth of this opinion. It wasstrongly posted on a rock washed by a river. The artillery soon battereddown two of the towers and a part of the wall. The Moors were throwninto consternation at the vehemence of the assault and the effect ofthose tremendous engines upon their vaunted bulwarks. The roaring of theartillery and the tumbling of the walls terrified the women, who besetthe alcayde with vociferous supplications to surrender. The place wasgiven up on the 20th of June, on condition that the inhabitants mightdepart with their effects. The people of Malaga, as yet unacquaintedwith the power of this battering ordnance, were so incensed at thoseof Alora for what they considered a tame surrender that they would notadmit them into their city. 

A similar fate attended the town of Setenil, built on a lofty rockand esteemed impregnable. Many times had it been besieged under formerChristian kings, but never taken. Even now, for several days theartillery was directed against it without effect, and many of thecavaliers murmured at the marques of Cadiz for having counselled theking to attack this unconquerable place. *

 * Cura de los Palacios. 

On the same night that these reproaches were uttered the marquesdirected the artillery himself: he levelled the lombards at the bottomof the walls and at the gates. In a little while the gates were batteredto pieces, a great breach was effected in the walls, and the Moors werefain to capitulate. Twenty-four Christian captives, who had been takenin the defeat of the mountains of Malaga, were rescued from the dungeonsof this fortress, and hailed the marques as their deliverer. 

Needless is it to mention the capture of various other places whichsurrendered without waiting to be attacked. The Moors had always showngreat bravery and perseverance in defending their towns; they wereformidable in their sallies and skirmishes, and patient in enduringhunger and thirst when besieged; but this terrible ordnance, whichdemolished their walls with such ease and rapidity, overwhelmed themwith dismay and rendered vain all resistance. King Ferdinand was sostruck with the effect of this artillery that he ordered the numberof lombards to be increased; and these potent engines had henceforth agreat influence on the fortunes of this war. 

The last operation of this year, so disastrous to the Moors, was aninroad by Ferdinand, in the latter part of summer, into the Vega, inwhich he ravaged the country, burnt two villages near to Granada, anddestroyed the mills near the very gates of the city. 

Old Muley Abul Hassan was overwhelmed with dismay at the desolationwhich during the whole year had raged throughout his territories and hadnow reached the walls of his capital. His fierce spirit was broken bymisfortunes and infirmity; he offered to purchase a peace and tohold his crown as a tributary vassal. Ferdinand would listen to nopropositions: the absolute conquest of Granada was the great object ofthis war, and he was resolved never to rest content without its completefulfilment. Having supplied and strengthened the garrisons of theplaces taken in the heart of the Moorish territories, he enjoined theircommanders to render every assistance to the younger Moorish king in thecivil war against his father. He then returned with his army to Cordovain great triumph, closing a series of ravaging campaigns which hadfilled the kingdom of Granada with grief and consternation. 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

ATTEMPT OF EL ZAGAL TO SURPRISE BOABDIL IN ALMERIA. 

During this year of sorrow and disaster to the Moors the younger king, Boabdil, most truly called the Unfortunate, held a diminished and feeblecourt in the maritime city of Almeria. He retained little more than thename of king, and was supported in even this shadow of royalty by thecountenance and treasures of the Castilian sovereigns. Still he trustedthat in the fluctuation of events the inconstant nation might once morereturn to his standard and replace him on the throne of the Alhambra. 

His mother, the high-spirited sultana Ayxa la Horra, endeavored to rousehim from this passive state. "It is a feeble mind, " said she, "thatwaits for the turn of fortune's wheel; the brave mind seizes upon it andturns it to its purpose. Take the field, and you may drive danger beforeyou; remain cowering at home, and it besieges you in your dwelling. Bya bold enterprise you may regain your splendid throne in Granada; bypassive forbearance you will forfeit even this miserable throne inAlmeria. "

Boabdil had not the force of soul to follow these courageous counsels, and in a little time the evils his mother had predicted fell upon him. 

Old Muley Abul Hassan was almost extinguished by age and paralysis. Hehad nearly lost his sight, and was completely bedridden. His brother, Abdallah, surnamed El Zagal, or the Valiant, the same who had assistedin the massacre of the Spanish chivalry among the mountains of Malaga, was commander-in-chief of the Moorish armies, and gradually took uponhimself most of the cares of sovereignty. Among other things, he wasparticularly zealous in espousing his brother's quarrel with his son, and he prosecuted it with such vehemence that many affirmed there wassomething more than mere fraternal sympathy at the bottom of his zeal. 

The disasters and disgraces inflicted on the country by the Christiansduring this year had wounded the national feelings of the people ofAlmeria, and many felt indignant that Boabdil should remain passive atsuch a time, or, rather, should appear to make a common cause withthe enemy. His uncle Abdallah diligently fomented this feeling by hisagents. The same arts were made use of that had been successful inGranada. Boabdil was secretly but actively denounced by the alfaquisas an apostate leagued with the Christians against his country and hisearly faith; the affections of the populace and soldiery were graduallyalienated from him, and a deep conspiracy concerted for his destruction. 

In the month of February, 1485, El Zagal suddenly appeared beforeAlmeria at the head of a troop of horse. The alfaquis were prepared forhis arrival, and the gates were thrown open to him. He entered withhis band and galloped to the citadel. The alcayde would have maderesistance, but the garrison put him to death and received El Zagal withacclamations. The latter rushed through the apartments of the Alcazar, but he sought in vain for Boabdil. He found the sultana Ayxa la Horrain one of the saloons with Aben Haxig, a younger brother of the monarch, and several Abencerrages, who rallied round them to protect them. "Whereis the traitor Boabdil?" exclaimed El Zagal. 

"I know no traitor more perfidious than thyself, " exclaimed the intrepidsultana; "and I trust my son is in safety, to take vengeance on thytreason. "

The rage of El Zagal was without bounds when he learnt that his intendedvictim had escaped. In his fury he slew the prince Aben Haxig, and hisfollowers fell upon and massacred the Abencerrages. As to the proudsultana, she was borne away prisoner and loaded with revilings as havingupheld her son in his rebellion and fomented a civil war. 

The unfortunate Boabdil had been apprised of his danger by a faithfulsoldier just in time to make his escape. Throwing himself on one of hisfleetest horses and followed by a handful of adherents, he galloped inthe confusion out of the gates of Almeria. Several of the cavalry of ElZagal, stationed without the walls, perceived his flight and attemptedto pursue him; their horses were jaded with travel, and he soon leftthem far behind. But whither was he to fly? Every fortress and castlein the kingdom of Granada was closed against him; he knew not whom amongthe Moors to trust, for they had been taught to detest him as a traitorand an apostate. He had no alternative but to seek refuge among theChristians, his hereditary enemies. With heavy heart he turned hishorse's head toward Cordova. He had to lurk, like a fugitive, through apart of his own dominions, nor did he feel himself secure until hehad passed the frontier and beheld the mountain-barrier of his countrytowering behind him. Then it was that he became conscious of hishumiliated state--a fugitive from his throne, an outcast from hisnation, a king without a kingdom. He smote his breast in an agony ofgrief. "Evil indeed, " exclaimed he, "was the day of my birth, and trulyI was named El Zogoybi, the Unlucky. "

He entered the gates of Cordova with downcast countenance and witha train of but forty followers. The sovereigns were absent, but thecavaliers of Andalusia manifested that sympathy in the misfortunesof the monarch which becomes men of lofty and chivalrous souls. Theyreceived him with great distinction, attended him with the utmostcourtesy, and he was honorably entertained by the civil and militarycommanders of that ancient city. 

In the mean time, El Zagal put a new alcayde over Almeria to governin the name of his brother, and, having strongly garrisoned the place, repaired to Malaga, where an attack of the Christians was apprehended. The young monarch being driven out of the land, and the old monarchblind and bedridden, El Zagal at the head of the armies was virtuallythe sovereign of Granada. He was supported by the brave and powerfulfamilies of the Alnayans and Vanegas; the people were pleased withhaving a new idol to look up to and a new name to shout forth; and ElZagal was hailed with acclamations as the main hope of the nation. 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

HOW KING FERDINAND COMMENCED ANOTHER CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE MOORS, AND HOWHE LAID SIEGE TO COIN AND CARTAMA. 

The recent effect of the battering ordnance in demolishing the Moorishfortresses induced King Ferdinand to procure a powerful train for thecampaign of 1485, intending to assault some of the most formidable holdsof the enemy. 

An army of nine thousand cavalry and twenty thousand infantry assembledat Cordova early in the spring, and the king took the field on the 5thof April. It had been determined in secret council to attack the city ofMalaga, that ancient and important seaport on which Granada depended forforeign aid and supplies. It was thought proper previously, however, toget possession of various towns and fortresses in the valleys of SantaMaria and Cartama, through which pass the roads to Malaga. 

The first place assailed was the town of Benamexi or Bonameji. It hadsubmitted to the Catholic sovereigns in the preceding year, but hadsince renounced its allegiance. King Ferdinand was enraged at therebellion of the inhabitants. "I will make their punishment, " said he, "a terror to others: they shall be loyal through force, if not throughfaith. " The place was carried by storm: one hundred and eight of theprincipal inhabitants were either put to the sword or hanged on thebattlements; the rest were carried into captivity. *

 * Pulgar, Garibay, Cura de los Palacios. 

The towns of Coin and Cartama were besieged on the same day--the firstby a division of the army led on by the marques of Cadiz; the second byanother division commanded by Don Alonso de Aguilar and Luis FernandezPuerto Carrero, the brave senior of Palma. The king, with the rest ofthe army, remained posted between the two places to render assistance toeither division. The batteries opened upon both places at the same time, and the thunder of the lombards was mutually heard from one camp to theother. The Moors made frequent sallies and a valiant defence, butthey were confounded by the tremendous uproar of the batteries and thedestruction of their walls. In the mean time, the alarm-fires gatheredtogether the Moorish mountaineers of all the Serrania, who assembled ingreat numbers in the city of Monda, about a league from Coin. They madeseveral attempts to enter the besieged town, but in vain: they were eachtime intercepted and driven back by the Christians, and were reducedto gaze at a distance in despair on the destruction of the place. Whilethus situated there rode one day into Monda a fierce and haughty Moorishchieftain at the head of a band of swarthy African horsemen: it wasHamet el Zegri, the fiery-spirited alcayde of Ronda, at the head ofhis band of Gomeres. He had not yet recovered from the rage andmortification of his defeat on the banks of the Lopera in the disastrousforay of old Bexir, when he had been obliged to steal back furtively tohis mountains with the loss of the bravest of his followers. He hadever since panted for revenge. He now rode among the host of warriorsassembled at Monda. "Who among you, " cried he, "feels pity for the womenand children of Coin exposed to captivity and death? Whoever he is, let him follow me, who am ready to die as a Moslem for the relief ofMoslems. " So saying, he seized a white banner, and, waving it over hishead, rode forth from the town, followed by the Gomeres. Many of thewarriors, roused by his words and his example, spurred resolutely afterhis banner. The people of Coin, being prepared for this attempt, salliedforth as they saw the white banner and made an attack upon the Christiancamp, and in the confusion of the moment Hamet and his followersgalloped into the gates. This reinforcement animated the besieged, andHamet exhorted them to hold out obstinately in defence of life and town. As the Gomeres were veteran warriors, the more they were attacked theharder they fought. 

At length a great breach was made in the walls, and Ferdinand, who wasimpatient of the resistance of the place, ordered the duke of Naxara andthe count of Benavente to enter with their troops, and, as their forceswere not sufficient, he sent word to Luis de Cerda, duke of Medina Celi, to send a part of his people to their assistance. 

The feudal pride of the duke was roused at this demand. "Tell my lordthe king, " said the haughty grandee, "that I have come to succor himwith my household troops: if my people are ordered to any place, I am togo with them; but if I am to remain in the camp, my people must remainwith me. For the troops cannot serve without their commander, nor theircommander without his troops. "

The reply of the high-spirited grandee perplexed the cautious Ferdinand, who knew the jealous pride of his powerful nobles. In the mean time, thepeople of the camp, having made all preparations for the assault, wereimpatient to be led forward. Upon this Pero Ruyz de Alarcon put himselfat their head, and, seizing their mantas or portable bulwarks, and theirother defences, they made a gallant assault and fought their way in atthe breach. The Moors were so overcome by the fury of their assaultthat they retreated, fighting, to the square of the town. Pero Ruyzde Alarcon thought the place was carried, when suddenly Hamet and hisGomeres came scouring through the streets with wild war-cries, and fellfuriously upon the Christians. The latter were in their turn beatenback, and, while attacked in front by the Gomeres, were assailed by theinhabitants with all kinds of missiles from their roofs and windows. They at length gave way and retreated through the breach. Pero Ruyz deAlarcon still maintained his ground in one of the principal streets: thefew cavaliers that stood by him urged him to fly: "No, " said he; "Icame here to fight, and not to fly. " He was presently surrounded by theGomeres; his companions fled for their lives: the last they saw of himhe was covered with wounds, but still fighting desperately for the fameof a good cavalier. *

 * Pulgar, part 3, cap. 42. 

The resistance of the inhabitants, though aided by the valor of theGomeres, was of no avail. The battering artillery of the Christiansdemolished their walls; combustibles thrown into their town set it onfire in various places; and they were at length compelled to capitulate. They were permitted to depart with their effects, and the Gomeres withtheir arms. Hamet el Zegri and his African band rode proudly through theChristian camp, nor could the Spanish cavaliers refrain from regardingwith admiration that haughty warrior and his devoted and dauntlessfollowers. 

The capture of Coin was accompanied by that of Cartama: thefortifications of the latter were repaired and garrisoned, but Coin, being too extensive to be defended by a moderate force, its wallswere demolished. The siege of these places struck such terror into thesurrounding country that the Moors of many of the neighboring townsabandoned their homes, and fled with such of their effects as they couldcarry away, upon which the king gave orders to demolish their walls andtowers. 

King Ferdinand now left his camp and his heavy artillery near Cartama, and proceeded with his lighter troops to reconnoitre Malaga. By thistime the secret plan of attack arranged in the council of war at Cordovawas known to all the world. The vigilant warrior, El Zagal, had thrownhimself into the place, put all the fortifications, which were of vaststrength, into a state of defence, and sent orders to the alcaydes ofthe mountain-towns to hasten with their forces to his assistance. 

The very day that Ferdinand appeared before the place El Zagal salliedforth to receive him at the head of a thousand cavalry, the choicestwarriors of Granada. A sharp skirmish took place among the gardens andolive trees near the city. Many were killed on both sides, and this gavethe Christians a foretaste of what they might expect if they attemptedto besiege the place. 

When the skirmish was over the marques of Cadiz had a private conferencewith the king. He represented the difficulty of besieging Malaga withtheir present force, especially as their plans had been discovered andanticipated, and the whole country was marching to oppose them. Themarques, who had secret intelligence from all quarters, had receiveda letter from Juceph Xerife, a Moor of Ronda of Christian lineage, apprising him of the situation of that important place and its garrison, which at that moment laid it open to attack, and the marques was urgentwith the king to seize upon this critical moment, and secure a placewhich was one of the most powerful Moorish fortresses on the frontiers, and in the hands of Hamet el Zegri had been the scourge of Andalusia. The good marques had another motive for his advice, becoming a true andloyal knight. In the deep dungeons of Ronda languished several of hiscompanion-in-arms who had been captured in the defeat in the Axarquia. To break their chains and restore them to liberty and light he feltto be his peculiar duty as one of those who had most promoted thatdisastrous enterprise. 

King Ferdinand listened to the advice of the marques. He knew theimportance of Ronda, which was considered one of the keys to the kingdomof Granada, and he was disposed to punish the inhabitants for theaid they had rendered to the garrison of Coin. The siege of Malagatherefore, was abandoned for the present, and preparations made for arapid and secret move against the city of Ronda. 

CHAPTER XXX. 

SIEGE OF RONDA. 

The bold Hamet el Zegri, the alcayde of Ronda, had returned sullenly tohis stronghold after the surrender of Coin. He had fleshed his swordin battle with the Christians, but his thirst for vengeance was stillunsatisfied. Hamet gloried in the strength of his fortress and the valorof his people. A fierce and warlike populace was at his command; hissignal-fires could summon all the warriors of the Serrania; his Gomeresalmost subsisted on the spoils of Andalusia; and in the rock on whichhis fortress was built were hopeless dungeons filled with Christiancaptives carried off by these war-hawks of the mountains. 

Ronda was considered as impregnable. It was situated in the heart ofwild and rugged mountains, and perched upon an isolated rock crested bya strong citadel, with triple walls and towers. A deep ravine, or rathera perpendicular chasm of the rocks, of frightful depth, surrounded threeparts of the city; through this flowed the Rio Verde, or Green River. There were two suburbs to the city, fortified by walls and towers, andalmost inaccessible from the natural asperity of the rocks. Aroundthis rugged city were deep rich valleys, sheltered by the mountains, refreshed by constant streams, abounding with grain and the mostdelicious fruits, and yielding verdant meadows, in which was reared arenowned breed of horses, the best in the whole kingdom for a foray. 

Hamet el Zegri had scarcely returned to Ronda when he receivedintelligence that the Christian army was marching to the siege ofMalaga, and orders from El Zagal to send troops to his assistance. Hamet sent a part of his garrison for that purpose; in the mean time hemeditated an expedition to which he was stimulated by pride and revenge. All Andalusia was now drained of its troops; there was an opportunity, therefore, for an inroad by which he might wipe out the disgrace ofhis defeat at the battle of Lopera. Apprehending no danger to hismountain-city, now that the storm of war had passed down into the vegaof Malaga, he left but a remnant of his garrison to man its walls, and, putting himself at the head of his band of Gomeres, swept down suddenlyinto the plains of Andalusia. He careered, almost without resistance, over those vast campinas or pasture-lands which formed a part of thedomains of the duke of Medina Sidonia. In vain the bells were rung andthe alarm-fires kindled: the band of Hamet had passed by before anyforce could be assembled, and was only to be traced, like a hurricane, by the devastation it had made. 

Hamet regained in safety the Serrania de Ronda, exulting in hissuccessful inroad. The mountain-glens were filled with long droves ofcattle and flocks of sheep from the campinas of Medina Sidonia. Therewere mules, too, laden with the plunder of the villages, and everywarrior had some costly spoil of jewels for his favorite mistress. 

As the Zegri drew near to Ronda he was roused from his dream of triumphby the sound of heavy ordnance bellowing through the mountain-defiles. His heart misgave him: he put spurs to his horse and galloped in advanceof his lagging cavalgada. As he proceeded the noise of the ordnanceincreased, echoing from cliff to cliff. Spurring his horse up acraggy height which commanded an extensive view, he beheld, to hisconsternation, the country about Ronda white with the tents of abesieging army. The royal standard, displayed before a proud encampment, showed that Ferdinand himself was present, while the incessant blaze andthunder of artillery and the volumes of overhanging smoke told the workof destruction that was going on. 

The royal army had succeeded in coming upon Ronda by surprise duringthe absence of its alcayde and most of its garrison; but its inhabitantswere warlike and defended themselves bravely, trusting that Hamet andhis Gomeres would soon return to their assistance. 

The fancied strength of their bulwarks had been of little avail againstthe batteries of the besiegers. In the space of four days three towersand great masses of the walls which defended the suburbs were battereddown and the suburbs taken and plundered. Lombards and other heavyordnance were now levelled at the walls of the city, and stones andmissiles of all kinds hurled into the streets. The very rock onwhich the city stood shook with the thunder of the artillery, and theChristian captives, deep within its dungeons, hailed the sound as apromise of deliverance. 

When Hamet el (8) Zegri beheld his city thus surrounded and assailed, he called upon his men to follow him and cut their way through to itsrelief. They proceeded stealthily through the mountains until they cameto the nearest heights above the Christian camp. When night fell andpart of the army was sunk in sleep, they descended the rocks, and, rushing suddenly upon the weakest part of the camp, endeavored to breaktheir way through and gain the city. The camp was too strong to beforced; they were driven back to the crags of the mountains, whencethey defended themselves by showering down darts and stones upon theirpursuers. 

Hamet now lit alarm-fires about the heights: his standard was joined bythe neighboring mountaineers and by troops from Malaga. Thus reinforced, he made repeated assaults upon the Christians, cutting off allstragglers from the camp. All his attempts to force his way into thecity, however, were fruitless; many of his bravest men were slain, andhe was obliged to retreat into the fastnesses of the mountains. 

In the mean while the distress of Ronda increased hourly. The marques ofCadiz, having possession of the suburbs, was enabled to approach to thevery foot of the perpendicular precipice rising from the river on thesummit of which the city is built. At the foot of this rock is a livingfountain of limpid water gushing into a great natural basin. A secretmine led down from within the city to this fountain by several hundredsteps cut in the solid rock. Hence the city obtained its chief supply ofwater, and these steps were deeply worn by the weary feet of Christiancaptives employed in this painful labor. The marques of Cadiz discoveredthis subterraneous passage, and directed his pioneers to countermine inthe side of the rock; they pierced to the shaft, and, stopping it up, deprived the city of the benefit of this precious fountain. 

While the marques was thus pressing the siege with the generous thoughtof soon delivering his companions-in-arms from the Moorish dungeons, far other were the feelings of the alcayde, Hamet el Zegri. He smotehis breast and gnashed his teeth in impotent fury as he beheld fromthe mountain-cliffs the destruction of the city. Every thunder of theChristian ordnance seemed to batter against his heart. He saw towerafter tower tumbling by day, and various parts of the city in a blazeat night. "They fired not merely stones from their ordnance, " saysa chronicler of the times, "but likewise great balls of iron cast inmoulds, which demolished everything they struck. They threw also ballsof tow steeped in pitch and oil and gunpowder, which, when once on fire, were not to be extinguished, and which set the houses in flames. Greatwas the horror of the inhabitants: they knew not where to fly forrefuge: their houses were in a blaze or shattered by the ordnance; thestreets were perilous from the falling ruins and the bounding balls, which dashed to pieces everything they encountered. At night the citylooked like a fiery furnace; the cries and wailings of the women betweenthe thunders of the ordnance reached even to the Moors on the oppositemountains, who answered them by yells of fury and despair. "

All hope of external succor being at an end, the inhabitants of Rondawere compelled to capitulate. Ferdinand was easily prevailed upon togrant them favorable terms. The place was capable of longer resistance, and he feared for the safety of his camp, as the forces were dailyaugmenting on the mountains and making frequent assaults. Theinhabitants were permitted to depart with their effects, either toBarbary, Granada, or elsewhere, and those who chose to reside in Spainhad lands assigned them and were indulged in the practice of theirreligion. 

No sooner did the place surrender than detachments were sent to attackthe Moors who hovered about the neighboring mountains. Hamet el Zegri, however, did not remain to make a fruitless battle. He gave up the gameas lost, and retreated with his Gomeres, filled with grief and rage, buttrusting to fortune to give him future vengeance. 

The first care of the good marques of Cadiz on entering Ronda was todeliver his unfortunate companion-in-arms from the dungeons of thefortress. What a difference in their looks from the time when, flushedwith health and hope and arrayed in military pomp, they had salliedforth upon the mountain-foray! Many of them were almost naked, withirons at their ankles and beards reaching to their waists. Their meetingwith the marques was joyful, yet it had the look of grief, for their joywas mingled with many bitter recollections. There was an immense numberof other captives, among whom were several young men of noble familieswho with filial piety had surrendered themselves prisoners in place oftheir fathers. 

The captives were all provided with mules and sent to the queen atCordova. The humane heart of Isabella melted at the sight of the piteouscavalcade. They were all supplied by her with food and raiment, andmoney to pay their expenses to their homes. Their chains were hung aspious trophies against the exterior of the church of St. Juan de losReyes in Toledo, where the Christian traveller may regale his eyes withthe sight of them at this very day. *

 * Seen by the author in 1826. 

Among the Moorish captives was a young infidel maiden, of great beauty, who desired to become a Christian and to remain in Spain. She had beeninspired with the light of the true faith through the ministry of ayoung man who had been a captive in Ronda. He was anxious to completehis good work by marrying her. The queen consented to their piouswishes, having first taken care that the young maiden should be properlypurified by the holy sacrament of baptism. 

"Thus this pestilent nest of warfare and infidelity, the city of Ronda, "says the worthy Fray Antonio Agapida, "was converted to the true faithby the thunder of our artillery--an example which was soon followed byCazarabonela, Marbella, and other towns in these parts, insomuch thatin the course of this expedition no less than seventy-two places wererescued from the vile sect of Mahomet and placed under the benignantdomination of the Cross. "

CHAPTER XXXI. 

HOW THE PEOPLE OF GRANADA INVITED EL ZAGAL TO THE THRONE, AND HOW HEMARCHED TO THE CAPITAL. 

The people of Granada were a versatile, unsteady race, and exceedinglygiven to make and unmake kings. They had for a long time vacillatedbetween old Muley Abul Hassan and his son, Boabdil el Chico, sometimessetting up the one, sometimes the other, and sometimes both at once, according to the pinch and pressure of external evils. They found, however, that the evils still went on increasing in defiance of everychange, and were at their wits' end to devise some new combination orarrangement by which an efficient government might be wrought out oftwo bad kings. When the tidings arrived of the fall of Ronda, and theconsequent ruin of the frontier, a tumultuous assemblage took placein one of the public squares. As usual, the people attributed themisfortunes of the country to the faults of their rulers, for thepopulace never imagine that any part of their miseries can originatewith themselves. A crafty alfaqui, named Alyme Mazer, who had watchedthe current of their discontents, rose and harangued them. "You havebeen choosing and changing, " said he, "between two monarchs; and whoand what are they? Muley Abul Hassan for one, a man worn out by age andinfirmities, unable to sally forth against the foe, even when ravagingto the very gates of the city; and Boabdil el Chico for the other, anapostate, a traitor, a deserter from his throne, a fugitive among theenemies of his nation, a man fated to misfortune, and proverbially named'the Unlucky. ' In a time of overwhelming war like the present he only isfit to sway a sceptre who can wield a sword. Would you seek such aman? You need not look far. Allah has sent such a one in this time ofdistress to retrieve the fortunes of Granada. You already know whom Imean. You know that it can be no other than your general, the invincibleAbdallah, whose surname of El Zagal has become a watchword in battlerousing the courage of the faithful and striking terror into theunbelievers. "

The multitude received the words of the alfaqui with acclamations; theywere delighted with the idea of a third king over Granada, and Abdallahel Zagal being of the royal family, and already in the virtual exerciseof royal power, the measure had nothing in it that appeared eitherrash or violent. A deputation was therefore sent to El Zagal at Malagainviting him to repair to Granada to receive the crown. 

El Zagal expressed great surprise and repugnance when the mission wasannounced to him, and nothing but his patriotic zeal for the publicsafety and his fraternal eagerness to relieve the aged Abul Hassan fromthe cares of government prevailed upon him to accept the offer. Leaving, therefore, Reduan Vanegas, one of the bravest Moorish generals, incommand of Malaga, he departed for Granada, attended by three hundredtrusty cavaliers. 

Muley Abul Hassan did not wait for the arrival of his brother. Unableany longer to buffet with the storms of the times, his only solicitudewas to seek some safe and quiet harbor of repose. In one of the deepvalleys which indent the Mediterranean coast, and which are shut upon the land side by stupendous mountains, stood the little city ofAlmunecar. The valley was watered by the limpid river Frio, and aboundedwith fruits, with grain, and pasturage. The city was strongly fortified, and the garrison and alcayde were devoted to the old monarch. This wasthe place chosen by Muley Abul Hassan for his asylum. His first carewas to send thither all his treasures; his next care was to take refugethere himself; his third, that his sultana Zoraya and their two sonsshould follow him. 

In the mean time, Muley Abdallah el Zagal pursued his journey toward thecapital, attended by his three hundred cavaliers. The road from Malagato Granada winds close by Alhama, and is dominated by that loftyfortress. This had been a most perilous pass for the Moors during thetime that Alhama was commanded by the count de Tendilla: not a travellercould escape his eagle eye, and his garrison was ever ready for a sally. The count de Tendilla, however, had been relieved from this arduouspost, and it had been given in charge to Don Gutiere de Padilla, clavero(or treasurer) of the order of Calatrava--an easy, indulgent man, whohad with him three hundred gallant knights of his order, besidesother mercenary troops. The garrison had fallen off in discipline; thecavaliers were hardy in fight and daring in foray, but confident inthemselves and negligent of proper precautions. Just before the journeyof El Zagal a number of these cavaliers, with several soldiers offortune of the garrison, in all about one hundred and seventy men, had sallied forth to harass the Moorish country during its presentdistracted state, and, having ravaged the valleys of the Sierra Nevada, or Snowy Mountains, were returning to Alhama in gay spirits and ladenwith booty. 

As El Zagal passed through the neighborhood of Alhama he recollectedthe ancient perils of the road, and sent light cerradors in advance toinspect each rock and ravine where a foe might lurk in ambush. One ofthese scouts, overlooking a narrow valley which opened upon the road, descried a troop of horsemen on the banks of a little stream. They weredismounted, and had taken the bridles from their steeds, that theymight crop the fresh grass on the banks of the river. The horsemen werescattered about, some reposing in the shades of rocks and trees, othersgambling for the spoil they had taken: not a sentinel was posted tokeep guard; everything showed the perfect security of men who considerthemselves beyond the reach of danger. 

These careless cavaliers were in fact the knights of Calatravareturning from their foray. A part of their force had passed on withthe cavalgada; ninety of the principal cavaliers had halted to refreshthemselves in this valley. El Zagal smiled with ferocious joy when heheard of their negligent security. "Here will be trophies, " said he, "tograce our entrance into Granada. "

Approaching the valley with cautious silence, he wheeled into it at fullspeed at the head of his troop, and attacked the Christians so suddenlythat they had no time to put the bridles upon their horses or evento leap into the saddles. They made a confused but valiant defence, fighting among the rocks and in the rugged bed of the river. Theirdefence was useless; seventy-nine were slain, and the remaining elevenwere taken prisoners. 

A party of the Moors galloped in pursuit of the cavalgada: they soonovertook it winding slowly up a hill. The horsemen who convoyed it, perceiving the enemy at a distance, made their escape, and left thespoil to be retaken by the Moors. El Zagal gathered together hiscaptives and his booty, and proceeded, elate with success, to Granada. 

He paused before the gate of Elvira, for as yet he had not beenproclaimed king. This ceremony was immediately performed, for the fameof his recent exploit had preceded him and intoxicated the minds ofthe giddy populace. He entered Granada in a sort of triumph. The elevencaptive knights of Calatrava walked in front: next were paraded theninety captured steeds, bearing the armor and weapons of their lateowners, and led by as many mounted Moors: then came seventy Moorishhorsemen, with as many Christian heads hanging at their saddle-bows:Muley Abdallah followed, surrounded by a number of distinguishedcavaliers splendidly attired, and the pageant was closed by a longcavalgada of the flocks and herds and other booty recovered from theChristians. *

 * Zurita, lib. 20, c. 62; Mariana, Hist. De Espana; Abarca, Analesde Aragon. 

The populace gazed with almost savage triumph at these captive cavaliersand the gory heads of their companions, knowing them to have been partof the formidable garrison of Alhama, so long the scourge of Granada andthe terror of the Vega. They hailed this petty triumph as an auspiciousopening of the reign of their new monarch; for several days the nameof Muley Abul Hassan and Boabdil el Chico were never mentioned but withcontempt, and the whole city resounded with the praises of El Zagal, orthe Valiant. 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

HOW THE COUNT DE CABRA ATTEMPTED TO CAPTURE ANOTHER KING, AND HOW HEFARED IN HIS ATTEMPT. 

The elevation of a bold and active veteran to the throne of Granada inplace of its late bedridden king made an important difference inthe aspect of the war, and called for some blow that should dash theconfidence of the Moors in their new monarch and animate the Christiansto fresh exertions. 

Don Diego de Cordova, the brave count de Cabra, was at this time in hiscastle of Vaena, where he kept a wary eye upon the frontier. It was nowthe latter part of August, and he grieved that the summer should passaway without an inroad into the country of the foe. He sent out hisscouts on the prowl, and they brought him word that the importantpost of Moclin was but weakly garrisoned. This was a castellated town, strongly situated upon a high mountain, partly surrounded by thickforests and partly girdled by a river. It defended one of the rugged andsolitary passes by which the Christians were wont to make their inroads, insomuch that the Moors, in their figurative way, denominated it theshield of Granada. 

The count de Cabra sent word to the monarchs of the feeble state ofthe garrison, and gave it as his opinion that by a secret and rapidexpedition the place might be surprised. King Ferdinand asked the adviceof his councillors. Some cautioned him against the sanguine temperamentof the count and his heedlessness of danger: Moclin, they observed, wasnear to Granada and might be promptly reinforced. The opinion of thecount, however, prevailed, the king considering him almost infallible inmatters of border warfare since his capture of Boabdil el Chico. 

The king departed, therefore, from Cordova, and took post at Alcala laReal, for the purpose of being near to Moclin. The queen also proceededto Vaena, accompanied by her children, Prince Juan and the princessIsabella, and her great counsellor in all matters, public and private, spiritual and temporal, the venerable grand cardinal of Spain. 

Nothing could exceed the pride and satisfaction of the loyal countde Cabra when he saw the stately train winding along the drearymountain-roads and entering the gates of Vaena. He received his royalguests with all due ceremony, and lodged them in the best apartmentsthat the warrior castle afforded. 

King Ferdinand had concerted a wary plan to ensure the success of theenterprise. The count de Cabra and Don Martin Alonso de Montemayor wereto set forth with their troops so as to reach Moclin by a certain hour, and to intercept all who should attempt to enter or should sally fromthe town. The master of Calatrava, the troops of the grand cardinal, commanded by the count of Buendia, and the forces of the bishop of Jaen, led by that belligerent prelate, amounting in all to four thousand horseand six thousand foot, were to set off in time to co-operate with thecount de Cabra, so as to surround the town. The king was to follow withhis whole force and encamp before the place. 

And here the worthy padre Fray Antonio Agapida breaks forth into atriumphant eulogy of the pious prelates who thus mingled personallyin these scenes of warfare. As this was a holy crusade (says he), undertaken for the advancement of the faith and the glory of theChurch, so was it always countenanced and upheld by saintly men; for thevictories of their most Catholic majesties were not followed, likethose of mere worldly sovereigns, by erecting castles and towers andappointing alcaydes and garrisons, but by the founding of convents andcathedrals and the establishment of wealthy bishoprics. Wherefore theirmajesties were always surrounded in court or camp, in the cabinet orin the field, by a crowd of ghostly advisers inspiriting them to theprosecution of this most righteous war. Nay, the holy men of the Churchdid not scruple, at times, to buckle on the cuirass over the cassock, to exchange the crosier for the lance, and thus with corporal hands andtemporal weapons to fight the good fight of the faith. 

But to return from this rhapsody of the worthy friar. The count deCabra, being instructed in the complicated arrangements of the king, marched forth at midnight to execute them punctually. He led his troopsby the little river that winds below Vaena, and so up to the wilddefiles of the mountains, marching all night, and stopping only in theheat of the following day to repose under the shadowy cliffs of a deepbarranca, calculating to arrive at Moclin exactly in time to co-operatewith the other forces. 

The troops had scarcely stretched themselves on the earth to takerepose, when a scout arrived bringing word that El Zagal had suddenlysallied out of Granada with a strong force, and had encamped in thevicinity of Moclin. It was plain that the wary Moor had receivedinformation of the intended attack. This, however, was not the idea thatpresented itself to the mind of the count de Cabra. He had captured oneking; here was a fair opportunity to secure another. What a prisoner todeliver into the hands of his royal mistress! Fired with the thoughts, the good count forgot all the arrangements of the king; or rather, blinded by former success, he trusted everything to courage and fortune, and thought that by one bold swoop he might again bear off the royalprize and wear his laurels without competition. * His only fear was thatthe master of Calatrava and the belligerent bishop might come up in timeto share the glory of the victory; so, ordering every one to horse, thishot-spirited cavalier pushed on for Moclin without allowing his troopsthe necessary time for repose. 

 * Mariana, lib. 25, c. 17; Abarca, Zurita, etc. 

The evening closed as the count arrived in the neighborhood of Moclin. It was the full of the moon and a bright and cloudless night. The countwas marching through one of those deep valleys or ravines worn in theSpanish mountains by the brief but tremendous torrents which prevailduring the autumnal rains. It was walled on each side by lofty andalmost perpendicular cliffs, but great masses of moonlight were throwninto the bottom of the glen, glittering on the armor of the shiningsquadrons as they silently passed through it. Suddenly the war-cry ofthe Moors rose in various parts of the valley. "El Zagal! El Zagal!" wasshouted from every cliff, accompanied by showers of missiles that struckdown several of the Christian warriors. The count lifted up his eyes, and beheld, by the light of the moon, every cliff glistening withMoorish soldiery. The deadly shower fell thickly round him, and theshining armor of his followers made them fair objects for the aim of theenemy. The count saw his brother Gonzalo struck dead by his side;his own horse sank under him, pierced by four Moorish lances, andhe received a wound in the hand from an arquebuse. He remembered thehorrible massacre of the mountains of Malaga, and feared a similarcatastrophe. There was no time to pause. His brother's horse, freedfrom his slaughtered rider, was running at large: seizing the reins, hesprang into the saddle, called upon his men to follow him, and, wheelinground, retreated out of the fatal valley. 

The Moors, rushing down from the heights, pursued the retreatingChristians. The chase endured for a league, but it was a league of roughand broken road, where the Christians had to turn and fight at almostevery step. In these short but fierce combats the enemy lost manycavaliers of note, but the loss of the Christians was infinitely moregrievous, comprising numbers of the noblest warriors of Vaena and itsvicinity. Many of the Christians, disabled by wounds or exhausted byfatigue, turned aside and endeavored to conceal themselves among rocksand thickets, but never more rejoined their companions, being slain orcaptured by the Moors or perishing in their wretched retreats. 

The arrival of the troops led by the master of Calatrava and the bishopof Jaen put an end to the rout. El Zagal contented himself with thelaurels he had gained, and, ordering the trumpets to call off his menfrom the pursuit, returned in great triumph to Moclin. *

 * Zurita, lib. 20, c. 4; Pulgar, Cronica. 

Queen Isabella was at Vaena, awaiting with great anxiety the result ofthe expedition. She was in a stately apartment of the castle lookingtoward the road that winds through the mountains from Moclin, andregarding the watch-towers on the neighboring heights in hopes offavorable signals. The prince and princess, her children, were withher, and her venerable counsellor, the grand cardinal. All shared in theanxiety of the moment. At length couriers were seen riding toward thetown. They entered its gates, but before they reached the castle thenature of their tidings was known to the queen by the shrieks andwailings from the streets below. The messengers were soon followed bywounded fugitives hastening home to be relieved or to die among theirfriends and families. The whole town resounded with lamentations, for ithad lost the flower of its youth and its bravest warriors. Isabellawas a woman of courageous soul, but her feelings were overpowered byspectacles of woe on every side: her maternal heart mourned over thedeath of so many loyal subjects, who shortly before had rallied roundher with devoted affection, and, losing her usual self-command, she sankinto deep despondency. 

In this gloomy state of mind a thousand apprehensions crowded upon her. She dreaded the confidence which this success would impart to the Moors;she feared also for the important fortress of Alhama, the garrison ofwhich had not been reinforced since its foraging party had been cut offby this same El Zagal. On every side she saw danger and disaster, andfeared that a general reverse was about to attend the Castilian arms. 

The grand cardinal comforted her with both spiritual and worldlycounsel. He told her to recollect that no country was ever conqueredwithout occasional reverses to the conquerors; that the Moors were awarlike people, fortified in a rough and mountainous country, where theynever could be conquered by her ancestors; and that, in fact, her armieshad already, in three years, taken more cities than those of any of herpredecessors had been able to do in twelve. He concluded by offering totake the field himself with three thousand cavalry, his own retainers, paid and maintained by himself, and either hasten to the relief ofAlhama or undertake any other expedition Her Majesty might command. The discreet words of the cardinal soothed the spirit of the queen, whoalways looked to him for consolation, and she soon recovered her usualequanimity. 

Some of the counsellors of Isabella, of that politic class who seekto rise by the faults of others, were loud in their censures of therashness of the count. The queen defended him with prompt generosity. "The enterprise, " said she, "was rash, but not more rash than that ofLucena, which was crowned with success, and which we have all applaudedas the height of heroism. Had the count de Cabra succeeded in capturingthe uncle, as he did the nephew, who is there that would not havepraised him to the skies?"

The magnanimous words of the queen put a stop to all invidious remarksin her presence, but certain of the courtiers, who had envied the countthe glory gained by his former achievements, continued to magnify, among themselves his present imprudence; and we are told by Fray AntonioAgapida that they sneeringly gave the worthy cavalier the appellation ofcount de Cabra the king-catcher. 

Ferdinand had reached the place on the frontier called the Fountainof the King, within three leagues of Moclin, when he heard of thelate disaster. He greatly lamented the precipitation of the count, butforbore to express himself with severity, for he knew the value of thatloyal and valiant cavalier. * He held a council of war to determine whatcourse was to be pursued. Some of his cavaliers advised him to abandonthe attempt upon Moclin, the place being strongly reinforced and theenemy inspirited by his recent victory. Certain old Spanish hidalgosreminded him that he had but few Castilian troops in his army, withoutwhich stanch soldiery his predecessors never presumed to enter theMoorish territory, while others remonstrated that it would be beneaththe dignity of the king to retire from an enterprise on account of thedefeat of a single cavalier and his retainers. In this way the king wasdistracted by a multitude of counsellors, when, fortunately, a letterfrom the queen put an end to his perplexities. Proceed we in the nextchapter to relate what was the purport of that letter. 

 * Abarca, Anales de Aragon. 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

EXPEDITION AGAINST THE CASTLES OF CAMBIL AND ALBAHAR. 

"Happy are those princes, " exclaims the worthy padre Fray AntonioAgapida, "who have women and priests to advise them, for in thesedwelleth the spirit of counsel. " While Ferdinand and his captains wereconfounding each other in their deliberations at the Fountain of theKing, a quiet but deep little council of war was held in the stateapartment of the old castle of Vaena between Queen Isabella, thevenerable Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, grand cardinal of Spain, and DonGarcia Osoria, the belligerent bishop of Jaen. This last worthy prelate, who had exchanged his mitre for a helm, no sooner beheld the defeat ofthe enterprise against Moclin than he turned the reins of his sleek, stall-fed steed and hastened back to Vaena, full of a project for theemployment of the army, the advancement of the faith, and the benefit ofhis own diocese. He knew that the actions of the king were influencedby the opinions of the queen, and that the queen always inclineda listening ear to the counsels of saintly men: he laid his plans, therefore, with the customary wisdom of his cloth, to turn the ideasof the queen into the proper channel; and this was the purport of theworthy bishop's suggestions:

The bishopric of Jaen had for a long time been harassed by two Moorishcastles, the scourge and terror of all that part of the country. Theywere situated on the frontiers of the kingdom of Granada, about fourleagues from Jaen, in a deep, narrow, and rugged valley surrounded bylofty mountains. Through this valley runs the Rio Frio (or Cold River)in a deep channel worn between high, precipitous banks. On each side ofthe stream rise two vast rocks, nearly perpendicular, within a stone'sthrow of each other, blocking up the gorge of the valley. On the summitsof these rocks stood the two formidable castles, Cambil and Albahar, fortified with battlements and towers of great height and thickness. They were connected together by a bridge thrown from rock to rock acrossthe river. The road which passed through the valley traversed thisbridge, and was completely commanded by these castles. They stood liketwo giants of romance guarding the pass and dominating the valley. 

The kings of Granada, knowing the importance of these castles, keptthem always well garrisoned and victualled to stand a siege, with fleetsteeds and hard riders to forage the country of the Christians. Thewarlike race of the Abencerrages, the troops of the royal household, andothers of the choicest chivalry of Granada made them their strongholdsor posts of arms, whence to sally forth on those predatory and rovingenterprises in which they delighted. As the wealthy bishopric ofJaen lay immediately at hand, it suffered more peculiarly from thesemarauders. They drove off the fat beeves and the flocks of sheep fromthe pastures and swept the laborers from the field; they scoured thecountry to the very gates of Jaen, so that the citizens could notventure from their walls without the risk of being borne off captive tothe dungeons of these castles. 

The worthy bishop, like a good pastor, beheld with grief of heart hisfat bishopric daily waxing leaner and leaner and poorer and poorer, andhis holy ire was kindled at the thoughts that the possessions of theChurch should thus be at the mercy of a crew of infidels. It was theurgent counsel of the bishop, therefore, that the military force thusprovidentially assembled in the neighborhood, since it was apparentlyfoiled in its attempt upon Moclin, should be turned against theseinsolent castles and the country delivered from their domination. Thegrand cardinal supported the suggestion of the bishop, and declared thathe had long meditated the policy of a measure of the kind. Their unitedopinions found favor with the queen, and she despatched a letter onthe subject to the king. It came just in time to relieve him from thedistraction of a multitude of counsellors, and he immediately undertookthe reduction of those castles. 

The marques of Cadiz was accordingly sent in advance, with two thousandhorse, to keep a watch upon the garrisons and prevent all entrance orexit until the king should arrive with the main army and the batteringartillery. The queen, to be near at hand in case of need, moved herquarters to the city of Jaen, where she was received with martial honorsby the belligerent bishop, who had buckled on his cuirass and girded onhis sword to fight in the cause of his diocese. 

In the mean time, the marques of Cadiz arrived in the valley andcompletely shut up the Moors within their walls. The castles were underthe command of Mahomet Lentin Ben Usef, an Abencerrage, and one of thebravest cavaliers of Granada. In his garrisons were many troops ofthe fierce African tribe of Gomeres. Mahomet Lentin, confident inthe strength of his fortresses, smiled as he looked down from hisbattlements upon the Christian cavalry perplexed in the rough and narrowvalley. He sent forth skirmishing parties to harass them, and there weremany sharp combats between small parties and single knights; but theMoors were driven back to their castles, and all attempts to sendintelligence of their situation to Granada were frustrated by thevigilance of the marques of Cadiz. 

At length the legions of the royal army came pouring, with vauntingtrumpet and fluttering banner, along the defiles of the mountains. They halted before the castles, but the king could not find room inthe narrow and rugged valley to form his camp; he had to divide itinto three parts, which were posted on different heights, and his tentswhitened the sides of the neighboring hills. When the encampment wasformed the army remained gazing idly at the castles. The artillery wasupward of four leagues in the rear, and without artillery all attackwould be in vain. 

The alcayde Mahomet Lentin knew the nature of the road by which theartillery had to be brought. It was merely a narrow and rugged path, attimes scaling almost perpendicular crags and precipices, up which it wasutterly impossible for wheel carriages to pass, neither was it inthe power of man or beast to draw up the lombards and other ponderousordnance. He felt assured, therefore, that they never could be broughtto the camp, and without their aid what could the Christians effectagainst his rock-built castles? He scoffed at them, therefore, as hesaw their tents by day and their fires by night covering the surroundingheights. "Let them linger here a little while longer, " said he, "and theautumnal torrents will wash them from the mountains. "

While the alcayde was thus closely mewed up within his walls andthe Christians remained inactive in their camp, he noticed, one calmautumnal day, the sound of implements of labor echoing among themountains, and now and then the crash of a falling tree or a thunderingreport, as if some rock had been heaved from its bed and hurled into thevalley. The alcayde was on the battlements of his castle, surrounded byhis knights. "Methinks, " said he, "these Christians are making warupon the rocks and trees of the mountains, since they find our castleunassailable. "

The sounds did not cease even during the night: every now and then theMoorish sentinel as he paced the battlements heard some crash echoingamong the heights. The return of day explained the mystery. Scarcelydid the sun shine against the summits of the mountains than shouts burstfrom the cliffs opposite to the castle, and were answered from the campwith joyful sounds of kettledrums and trumpets. 

The astonished Moors lifted up their eyes and beheld, as it were, atorrent of war breaking out of a narrow defile. There was a multitudeof men with pickaxes, spades, and bars of iron clearing away everyobstacle, while behind them slowly moved along great teams of oxendragging heavy ordnance and all the munitions of battering artillery. 

"What cannot women and priests effect when they unite in council?"exclaims again the worthy Antonio Agapida. The queen had held anotherconsultation with the grand cardinal and the belligerent bishop of Jaen. It was clear that the heavy ordnance could never be conveyed to thecamp by the regular road of the country, and without battering artillerynothing could be effected. It was suggested, however, by the zealousbishop that another road might be opened through a more practicable partof the mountains. It would be an undertaking extravagant and chimericalwith ordinary means, and therefore unlooked for by the enemy; but whatcould not kings effect who had treasure and armies at command?

The project struck the enterprising spirit of the queen. Six thousandmen with pickaxes, crowbars, and every other necessary implement wereset to work day and night to break a road through the very centre of themountains. No time was to be lost, for it was rumored that El Zagalwas about to march with a mighty host to the relief of the castles. The bustling bishop of Jaen acted as pioneer to mark the route andsuperintend the laborers, and the grand cardinal took care that the workshould never languish through lack of means. *

 * Zurita, Anales de Aragon, lib. 20, c. 64; Pulgar, part 3, cap. 51. 

"When kings' treasures, " says Fray Antonio Agapida, "are dispensed bypriestly hands, there is no stint, as the glorious annals of Spainbear witness. " Under the guidance of these ghostly men it seemed as ifmiracles were effected. Almost an entire mountain was levelled, valleyswere filled up, trees hewn down, rocks broken and overturned; in short, all the obstacles which nature had heaped around entirely and promptlyvanished. In little more than twelve days this gigantic work waseffected and the ordnance dragged to the camp, to the great triumph ofthe Christians and confusion of the Moors. *

 * Zurita

No sooner was the heavy artillery arrived than it was mounted in allhaste upon the neighboring heights: Francisco Ramirez de Madrid, thefirst engineer in Spain, superintended the batteries, and soon opened adestructive fire upon the castles. 

When the alcayde, Mahomet Lentin, found his towers tumbling abouthim and his bravest men dashed from the walls without the powerof inflicting a wound upon the foe, his haughty spirit was greatlyexasperated. "Of what avail, " said he, bitterly, "is all the prowess ofknighthood against these cowardly engines that murder from afar?"

For a whole day a tremendous fire kept thundering upon the castle ofAlbahar. The lombards discharged large stones which demolished two ofthe towers and all the battlements which guarded the portal. If anyMoors attempted to defend the walls or repair the breaches, they wereshot down by ribadoquines and other small pieces of artillery. TheChristian soldiery issued from the camp under cover of this fire, and, approaching the castles, discharged flights of arrows and stones throughthe openings made by the ordnance. 

At length, to bring the siege to a conclusion, Francisco Ramirezelevated some of the heaviest artillery on a mount that rose in form ofa cone or pyramid on the side of the river near to Albahar and commandedboth castles. This was an operation of great skill and excessive labor, but it was repaid by complete success, for the Moors did not dare towait until this terrible battery should discharge its fury. Satisfiedthat all further resistance was in vain, the valiant alcayde made signalfor a parley. The articles of capitulation were soon arranged. Thealcayde and his garrisons were permitted to return in safety to the cityof Granada, and the castles were delivered into the possession of KingFerdinand on the day of the festival of St. Matthew in the month ofSeptember. They were immediately repaired, strongly garrisoned, anddelivered in charge to the city of Jaen. 

The effects of this triumph were immediately apparent. Quiet andsecurity once more settled upon the bishopric. The husbandmen tilledtheir fields in peace, the herds and flocks fattened unmolested in thepastures, and the vineyards yielded corpulent skinsful of rosy wine. Thegood bishop enjoyed in the gratitude of his people the approbation ofhis conscience, the increase of his revenues, and the abundance of histable a reward for all his toils and perils. "This glorious victory, "exclaims Fray Antonio Agapida, "achieved by such extraordinarymanagement and infinite labor, is a shining example of what a bishop caneffect for the promotion of the faith and the good of his diocese. "

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

ENTERPRISE OF THE KNIGHTS OF CALATRAVA AGAINST ZALEA. 

While these events were taking place on the northern frontier of thekingdom of Granada the important fortress of Alhama was neglected, andits commander, Don Gutiere de Padilla, clavero of Calatrava, reducedto great perplexity. The remnant of the foraging party which had beensurprised and massacred by El Zagal when on his way to Granada toreceive the crown had returned in confusion and dismay to the fortress. They could only speak of their own disgrace, being obliged to abandontheir cavalgada and fly, pursued by a superior force: of the flower oftheir party, the gallant knights of Calatrava, who had remained behindin the valley, they knew nothing. A few days cleared up the mystery oftheir fate: tidings were brought that their bloody heads had been bornein triumph into Granada. The surviving knights of Calatrava, who formeda part of the garrison, burned to revenge the death of their comradesand to wipe out the stigma of this defeat; but the clavero had beenrendered cautious by disaster--he resisted all their entreaties for aforay. His garrison was weakened by the loss of so many of its bravestmen; the Vega was patrolled by numerous and powerful squadrons sentforth by El Zagal; above all, the movements of the garrison were watchedby the warriors of Zalea, a strong town only two leagues distant on theroad toward Loxa. This place was a continual check upon Alhama whenin its most powerful state, placing ambuscades to entrap the Christiancavaliers in the course of their sallies. Frequent and bloody skirmisheshad taken place in consequence; and the troops of Alhama, when returningfrom their forays, had often to fight their way back through thesquadrons of Zalea. Thus surrounded by dangers, Don Gutiere de Padillarestrained the eagerness of his troops for a sally, knowing that anadditional disaster might be followed by the loss of Alhama. 

In the mean while provisions began to grow scarce; they were unable toforage the country as usual for supplies, and depended for relief uponthe Castilian sovereigns. The defeat of the count de Cabra filledthe measure of their perplexities, as it interrupted the intendedreinforcements and supplies. To such extremity were they reduced thatthey were compelled to kill some of their horses for provisions. 

The worthy clavero, Don Gutiere de Padilla, was pondering one day onthis gloomy state of affairs when a Moor was brought before him who hadsurrendered himself at the gate of Alhama and claimed an audience. DonGutiere was accustomed to visits of the kind from renegado Moors, whoroamed the country as spies and adalides, but the countenance of thisman was quite unknown to him. He had a box strapped to his shoulderscontaining divers articles of traffic, and appeared to be one of thoseitinerant traders who often resorted to Alhama and the other garrisontowns under pretext of vending trivial merchandise, such as amulets, perfumes, and trinkets, but who often produced rich shawls, goldenchains and necklaces, and valuable gems and jewels. 

The Moor requested a private conference with the clavero. "I have aprecious jewel, " said he, "to dispose of. "

"I want no jewels, " replied Don Gutiere. 

"For the sake of Him who died on the cross, the great prophet of yourfaith, " said the Moor solemnly, "refuse not my request; the jewelI speak of you alone can purchase, but I can only treat about it insecret. "

Don Gutiere perceived there was something hidden under these mystic andfigurative terms, in which the Moors were often accustomed to talk. He motioned to his attendants to retire. When they were alone the Moorlooked cautiously around the apartment, and then, approaching close tothe knight, demanded in a low voice, "What will you give me if I deliverthe fortress of Zalea into your hands?"

Don Gutiere looked with surprise at the humble individual that made sucha suggestion. 

"What means have you, " said he, "of effecting such a proposition?"

"I have a brother in the garrison of Zalea, " replied the Moor, "who fora proper compensation would admit a body of troops into the citadel. "

Don Gutiere turned a scrutinizing eye upon the Moor. "What right haveI to believe, " said he, "that thou wilt be truer to me than to those ofthy blood and thy religion?"

"I renounce all ties to them, either of blood or religion, " replied theMoor; "my mother was a Christian captive; her country shall henceforthbe my country, and her faith my faith. "*

 * Cura de los Palacios. 

The doubts of Don Gutiere were not dispelled by this profession ofmongrel Christianity. "Granting the sincerity of thy conversion, " saidhe, "art thou under no obligations of gratitude or duty to the alcaydeof the fortress thou wouldst betray?"

The eyes of the Moor flashed fire at the words; he gnashed his teethwith fury. "The alcayde, " cried he, "is a dog! He has deprived mybrother of his just share of booty; he has robbed me of my merchandise, treated me worse than a Jew when I murmured at his injustice, andordered me to be thrust forth ignominiously from his walls. May thecurse of God fall upon my head if I rest content until I have fullrevenge!" "Enough, " said Don Gutiere: "I trust more to thy revenge thanthy religion. "

The good clavero called a council of his officers. The knights ofCalatrava were unanimous for the enterprise--zealous to appease themanes of their slaughtered comrades. Don Gutiere reminded them ofthe state of the garrison, enfeebled by their late loss and scarcelysufficient for the defence of the walls. The cavaliers replied thatthere was no achievement without risk, and that there would have beenno great actions recorded in history had there not been daring spiritsready to peril life to gain renown. 

Don Gutiere yielded to the wishes of his knights, for to have resistedany further might have drawn on him the imputation of timidity: heascertained by trusty spies that everything in Zalea remained in theusual state, and he made all the requisite arrangements for the attack. 

When the appointed night arrived all the cavaliers were anxious toengage in the enterprise, but the individuals were decided by lot. Theyset out under the guidance of the Moor, and when they had arrived in thevicinity of Zalea they bound his hands behind his back, and theirleader pledged his knightly word to strike him dead on the first sign oftreachery. He then bade him to lead the way. 

It was near midnight when they reached the walls of the fortress. Theypassed silently along until they found themselves below the citadel. Here their guide made a low and preconcerted signal: it was answeredfrom above, and a cord let down from the wall. The knights attachedto it a ladder, which was drawn up and fastened. Gutiere Munoz was thefirst that mounted, followed by Pedro de Alvarado, both brave and hardysoldiers. A handful succeeded: they were attacked by a party of guards, but held them at bay until more of their comrades ascended; with theirassistance they gained possession of a tower and part of the wall. Thegarrison by this time was aroused, but before they could reach the sceneof action most of the cavaliers were within the battlements. A bloodycontest raged for about an hour--several of the Christians were slain, but many of the Moors: at length the citadel was carried and the townsubmitted without resistance. 

Thus did the gallant knights of Calatrava gain the strong town of Zaleawith scarcely any loss, and atone for the inglorious defeat of theircompanions by El Zagal. They found the magazines of the place wellstored with provisions, and were enabled to carry a seasonable supply totheir own famishing garrison. 

The tidings of this event reached the sovereigns just after thesurrender of Cambil and Albahar. They were greatly rejoiced atthis additional success of their arms, and immediately sent strongreinforcements and ample supplies for both Alhama and Zalea. They thendismissed the army for the winter. Ferdinand and Isabella retired toAlcala de Henares, where the queen on the 16th of December, 1485, gave birth to the princess Catharine, afterward wife of Henry VIII. OfEngland. Thus prosperously terminated the checkered campaign of thisimportant year. 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

DEATH OF MULEY ABUL HASSAN. 

Muley Abdallah el Zagal had been received with great acclamationsat Granada on his return from defeating the count de Cabra. He hadendeavored to turn his victory to the greatest advantage with hissubjects, giving tilts and tournaments and other public festivities inwhich the Moors delighted. The loss of the castles of Cambil and Albaharand of the fortress of Zalea, however, checked this sudden tide ofpopularity, and some of the fickle populace began to doubt whether theyhad not been rather precipitate in deposing his brother, Muley AbulHassan. 

That superannuated monarch remained in his faithful town of Almunecar, on the border of the Mediterranean, surrounded by a few adherents, together with his wife Zoraya and his children, and he had all histreasures safe in his possession. The fiery heart of the old king wasalmost burnt out, and all his powers of doing either harm or good seemedat an end. 

While in this passive and helpless state his brother, El Zagal, manifested a sudden anxiety for his health. He had him removed, with alltenderness and care, to Salobrena, another fortress on the Mediterraneancoast, famous for its pure and salubrious air; and the alcayde, who wasa devoted adherent to El Zagal, was charged to have especial care thatnothing was wanting to the comfort and solace of his brother. 

Salobrena was a small town, situated on a lofty and rocky hill inthe midst of a beautiful and fertile vega shut up on three sidesby mountains and opening on the fourth to the Mediterranean. It wasprotected by strong walls and a powerful castle, and, being deemedimpregnable, was often used by the Moorish kings as a place of depositfor their treasures. They were accustomed also to assign it as aresidence for such of their sons and brothers as might endanger thesecurity of their reign. Here the princes lived in luxurious repose:they had delicious gardens, perfumed baths, a harem of beauties at theircommand--nothing was denied them but the liberty to depart: that alonewas wanting to render this abode an earthly paradise. 

Such was the delightful place appointed by El Zagal for the residenceof his brother, but, notwithstanding its wonderful salubrity, the oldmonarch had not been removed thither many days before he expired. Therewas nothing extraordinary in his death: life with him had long beenglimmering in the socket, and for some time past he might rather havebeen numbered with the dead than with the living. The public, however, are fond of seeing things in a sinister and mysterious point of view, and there were many dark surmises as to the cause of this event. ElZagal acted in a manner to heighten these suspicions: he caused thetreasures of his deceased brother to be packed on mules and broughtto Granada, where he took possession of them, to the exclusion of thechildren of Abul Hassan. The sultana Zoraya and her two sons were lodgedin the Alhambra, in the Tower of Comares. This was a residence in apalace, but it had proved a royal prison to the sultana Ayxa la Horraand her youthful son Boabdil. There the unhappy Zoraya had time tomeditate upon the disappointment of all those ambitious schemes forherself and children for which she had stained her conscience with somany crimes. 

The corpse of old Muley was also brought to Granada--not in statebecoming the remains of a once-powerful sovereign, but transported ona mule, like the corpse of the poorest peasant. It received no honor orceremonial from El Zagal, and appears to have been interred obscurelyto prevent any popular sensation; and it is recorded by an ancient andfaithful chronicler of the time that the body of the old monarch wasdeposited by two Christian captives in his osario or charnel-house. *Such was the end of the turbulent Muley Abul Hassan, who, after passinghis life in constant contests for empire, could scarce gain quietadmission into the corner of a sepulchre. 

 * Cura de los Palacios, c. 77. 

No sooner were the populace well assured that old Muley Abul Hassan wasdead and beyond recovery than they all began to extol his memory anddeplore his loss. They admitted that he had been fierce and cruel, butthen he had been brave; he had, to be sure, pulled this war upon theirheads, but he had likewise been crushed by it. In a word, he wasdead, and his death atoned or every fault; for a king recently dead isgenerally either a hero or a saint. 

In proportion as they ceased to hate old Muley they began to hate hisbrother. The circumstances of the old king's death, the eagerness toappropriate his treasures, the scandalous neglect of his corpse, and theimprisonment of his sultana and children, --all filled the public mindwith gloomy suspicions, and the epithet of Fratricide was sometimessubstituted for that of El Zagal in the low murmurings of the people. 

As the public must always have some object to like as well as to hate, there began once more to be an inquiry after their fugitive king, Boabdil el Chico. That unfortunate monarch was still at Cordova, existing on the cool courtesy and meagre friendship of Ferdinand, which had waned exceedingly ever since Boabdil had ceased to have anyinfluence in his late dominions. The reviving interest expressed in hisfate by the Moorish public, and certain secret overtures made to him, once more aroused the sympathy of Ferdinand: he advised Boabdil again toset up his standard within the frontiers of Granada, and furnished himwith money and means for the purpose. Boabdil advanced but a little wayinto his late territories; he took up his post at Velez el Blanco, astrong town on the confines of Murcia: there he established the shadowof a court, and stood, as it were, with one foot over the border, and ready to draw that back upon the least alarm. His presence in thekingdom, however, and his assumption of royal state gave life to hisfaction in Granada. The inhabitants of the Albaycin, the poorest butmost warlike part of the populace, were generally in his favor: themore rich, courtly, and aristocratical inhabitants of the quarter of theAlhambra rallied round what appeared to be the most stable authorityand supported the throne of El Zagal. So it is in the admirable orderof sublunary affairs: everything seeks its kind; the rich befriend therich, the powerful stand by the powerful, the poor enjoy the patronageof the poor, and thus a universal harmony prevails. 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 

OF THE CHRISTIAN ARMY WHICH ASSEMBLED AT THE CITY OF CORDOVA. 

Great and glorious was the style with which the Catholic sovereignsopened another year's campaign of this eventful war. It was likecommencing another act of a stately and heroic drama, where the curtainrises to the inspiring sound of martial melody and the whole stageglitters with the array of warriors and the pomp of arms. The ancientcity of Cordova was the place appointed by the sovereigns for theassemblage of the troops; and early in the spring of 1486 the fairvalley of the Guadalquivir resounded with the shrill blast of trumpetand the impatient neighing of the war-horse. In this splendid era ofSpanish chivalry there was a rivalship among the nobles who most shoulddistinguish himself by the splendor of his appearance and the number andequipments of his feudal followers. Every day beheld some cavalier ofnote, the representative of some proud and powerful house, entering thegates of Cordova with sound of trumpet, and displaying his banner anddevice renowned in many a contest. He would appear in sumptuous array, surrounded by pages and lackeys no less gorgeously attired, and followedby a host of vassals and retainers, horse and foot, all admirablyequipped in burnished armor. 

Such was the state of Don Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, duke of Infantado, whomay be cited as a picture of a warlike noble of those times. He broughtwith him five hundred men-at-arms of his household armed and mounted"a la gineta" and "a la guisa. " The cavaliers who attended him weremagnificently armed and dressed. The housings of fifty of his horseswere of rich cloth embroidered with gold, and others were of brocade. The sumpter mules had housings of the same, with halters of silk, whilethe bridles, head-pieces, and all the harnessing glittered with silver. 

The camp equipage of these noble and luxurious warriors was equallymagnificent. Their tents were gay pavilions of various colors, fittedup with silken hangings and decorated with fluttering pennons. They hadvessels of gold and silver for the service of their tables, as if theywere about to engage in a course of stately feasts and courtly revels, instead of the stern encounters of rugged and mountainous warfare. Sometimes they passed through the streets of Cordova at night insplendid cavalcade, with great numbers of lighted torches, the rays ofwhich, falling upon polished armor and nodding plumes and silkenscarfs and trappings of golden embroidery, filled all beholders withadmiration. *

 * Pulgar, part 3, cap. 41, 56. 

But it was not the chivalry of Spain alone which thronged the streets ofCordova. The fame of this war had spread throughout Christendom: itwas considered a kind of crusade, and Catholic knights from all partshastened to signalize themselves in so holy a cause. There were severalvaliant chevaliers from France, among whom the most distinguished wasGaston du Leon, seneschal of Toulouse. With him came a gallant train, well armed and mounted and decorated with rich surcoats and panaches offeathers. These cavaliers, it is said, eclipsed all others in the lightfestivities of the court: they were devoted to the fair, but not afterthe solemn and passionate manner of the Spanish lovers; they were gay, gallant, and joyous in their amours, and captivated by the vivacity oftheir attacks. They were at first held in light estimation by the graveand stately Spanish knights until they made themselves to be respectedby their wonderful prowess in the field. 

The most conspicuous of the volunteers, however, who appeared in Cordovaon this occasion was an English knight of royal connection. This was theLord Scales, earl of Rivers, brother to the queen of England, wife ofHenry VII. He had distinguished himself in the preceding year at thebattle of Bosworth Field, where Henry Tudor, then earl of Richmond, overcame Richard III. That decisive battle having left the countryat peace, the earl of Rivers, having conceived a passion for warlikescenes, repaired to the Castilian court to keep his arms in exercise ina campaign against the Moors. He brought with him a hundred archers, all dextrous with the longbow and the cloth-yard arrow; also two hundredyeomen, armed cap-a-pie, who fought with pike and battle-axe--men robustof frame and of prodigious strength. The worthy padre Fray AntonioAgapida describes this stranger knight and his followers with hisaccustomed accuracy and minuteness. 

"This cavalier, " he observes, "was from the far island of England, andbrought with him a train of his vassals, men who had been hardened incertain civil wars which raged in their country. They were a comely raceof men, but too fair and fresh for warriors, not having the sunburnt, warlike hue of our old Castilian soldiery. They were huge feeders alsoand deep carousers, and could not accommodate themselves to the soberdiet of our troops, but must fain eat and drink after the manner oftheir own country. They were often noisy and unruly also in theirwassail, and their quarter of the camp was prone to be a scene of loudrevel and sudden brawl. They were, withal, of great pride, yet it wasnot like our inflammable Spanish pride: they stood not much upon the"pundonor, " the high punctilio, and rarely drew the stiletto in theirdisputes, but their pride was silent and contumelious. Though from aremote and somewhat barbarous island, they believed themselves the mostperfect men upon earth, and magnified their chieftain, the Lord Scales, beyond the greatest of their grandees. With all this, it must be said ofthem that they were marvellous good men in the field, dextrous archersand powerful with the battle-axe. In their great pride and self-willthey always sought to press in the advance and take the post of danger, trying to outvie our Spanish chivalry. They did not rush on fiercelyto the fight, nor make a brilliant onset like the Moorish and Spanishtroops, but they went into the fight deliberately and persistedobstinately and were slow to find out when they were beaten. Withal, they were much esteemed, yet little liked, by our soldiery, whoconsidered them stanch companions in the field, yet coveted but littlefellowship with them in the camp. 

"Their commander, Lord Scales, was an accomplished cavalier, of graciousand noble presence and fair speech: it was a marvel to see so muchcourtesy in a knight brought up so far from our Castilian court. He wasmuch honored by the king and queen, and found great favor with the fairdames about the court, who, indeed, are rather prone to be pleased withforeign cavaliers. He went always in costly state, attended by pages andesquires, and accompanied by noble young cavaliers of his country, whohad enrolled themselves under his banner to learn the gentle exerciseof arms. In all pageants and festivals the eyes of the populace wereattracted by the singular bearing and rich array of the English earland his train, who prided themselves in always appearing in the garb andmanner of their country, and were, indeed, something very magnificent, delectable, and strange to behold. "

The worthy chronicler is no less elaborate in his description of themasters of Santiago, Calatrava, and Alcantara and their valiant knights, armed at all points and decorated with the badges of their orders. These, he affirms, were the flower of Christian chivalry: beingconstantly in service, they became more steadfast and accomplished indiscipline than the irregular and temporary levies of the feudal nobles. Calm, solemn, and stately, they sat like towers upon their powerfulchargers. On parades they manifested none of the show and ostentationof the other troops; neither in battle did they endeavor to signalizethemselves by any fiery vivacity or desperate and vainglorious exploit:everything with them was measured and sedate, yet it was observed thatnone were more warlike in their appearance in the camp or more terriblefor their achievements in the field. 

The gorgeous magnificence of the Spanish nobles found but little favorin the eyes of the sovereigns. They saw that it caused a competition inexpense ruinous to cavaliers of moderate fortune, and they feared thata softness and effeminacy might thus be introduced incompatible with thestern nature of the war. They signified their disapprobation to severalof the principal noblemen, and recommended a more sober and soldier-likedisplay while in actual service. 

"These are rare troops for a tourney, my lord, " said Ferdinand to theduke of Infantado as he beheld his retainers glittering in gold andembroidery, "but gold, though gorgeous, is soft and yielding: iron isthe metal for the field. "

"Sire, " replied the duke, "if my men parade in gold, Your Majesty willfind they fight with steel. " The king smiled, but shook his head, andthe duke treasured up his speech in his heart. 

It remains now to reveal the immediate object of this mighty andchivalrous preparation, which had, in fact, the gratification of a royalpique at bottom. The severe lesson which Ferdinand had received from theveteran Ali Atar before the walls of Loxa, though it had been of greatservice in rendering him wary in his attacks upon fortified places, yetrankled sorely in his mind, and he had ever since held Loxa in peculiarodium. It was, in truth, one of the most belligerent and troublesomecities on the borders, incessantly harassing Andalusia by itsincursions. It also intervened between the Christian territories andAlhama and other important places gained in the kingdom of Granada. Forall these reasons King Ferdinand had determined to make another grandattempt upon this warrior city, and for this purpose had summoned to thefield his most powerful chivalry. 

It was in the month of May that the king sallied from Cordova at thehead of his army. He had twelve thousand cavalry and forty thousandfoot-soldiers armed with crossbows, lances, and arquebuses. Therewere six thousand pioneers with hatchets, pickaxes, and crowbars forlevelling roads. He took with him also a great train of lombards andother heavy artillery, with a body of Germans skilled in the service ofordnance and the art of battering walls. 

It was a glorious spectacle (says Fray Antonio Agapida) to behold thispompous pageant issuing forth from Cordova, the pennons and devices ofthe proudest houses of Spain, with those of gallant stranger knights, fluttering above a sea of crests and plumes--to see it slowly moving, with flash of helm and cuirass and buckler, across the ancient bridgeand reflected in the waters of the Guadalquivir, while the neigh ofsteed and blast of trumpet vibrated in the air and resounded to thedistant mountains. "But, above all, " concludes the good father, with hisaccustomed zeal, "it was triumphant to behold the standard of the faitheverywhere displayed, and to reflect that this was no worldly-mindedarmy, intent upon some temporal scheme of ambition or revenge, but aChristian host bound on a crusade to extirpate the vile seed of Mahometfrom the land and to extend the pure dominion of the Church. "

CHAPTER XXXVII. 

HOW FRESH COMMOTIONS BROKE OUT IN GRANADA, AND HOW THE PEOPLE UNDERTOOKTO ALLAY THEM. 

While perfect unity of object and harmony of operation gave power tothe Christian arms, the devoted kingdom of Granada continued a prey tointernal feuds. The transient popularity of El Zagal had declined eversince the death of his brother, and the party of Boabdil was dailygaining strength; the Albaycin and the Alhambra were again arrayedagainst each other in deadly strife, and the streets of unhappy Granadawere daily dyed in the blood of her children. In the midst of thesedissensions tidings arrived of the formidable army assembling atCordova. The rival factions paused in their infatuated brawls, andwere roused to a temporary sense of the common danger. They forthwithresorted to their old expedient of new-modelling their government, orrather of making and unmaking kings. The elevation of El Zagal to thethrone had not produced the desired effect; what, then, was to be done?Recall Boabdil el Chico and acknowledge him again as sovereign? Whilethey were in a popular tumult of deliberation Hamet Aben Zarrax, surnamed El Santo, rose among them. This was the same wild, melancholyman who had predicted the woes of Granada. He issued from one of thecaverns of the adjacent height which overhangs the Darro, and has sincebeen called the Holy Mountain. His appearance was more haggard thanever, for the unheeded spirit of prophecy seemed to have turned inwardlyand preyed upon his vitals. "Beware, O Moslems, " exclaimed he, "of menwho are eager to govern, yet are unable to protect. Why slaughter eachother for El Chico or El Zagal? Let your kings renounce their contests, unite for the salvation of Granada, or let them be deposed. "

Hamet Aben Zarrax had long been revered as a saint--he was nowconsidered an oracle. The old men and the nobles immediately consultedtogether how the two rival kings might be brought to accord. They hadtried most expedients: it was now determined to divide the kingdombetween them, giving Granada, Malaga, Velez Malaga, Almeria, Almunecar, and their dependencies to El Zagal, and the residue to Boabdil el Chico. Among the cities granted to the latter Loxa was particularly specified, with a condition that he should immediately take command of it inperson, for the council thought the favor he enjoyed with the Castilianmonarchs might avert the threatened attack. 

El Zagal readily agreed to this arrangement: he had been hastilyelevated to the throne by an ebullition of the people, and might be ashastily cast down again. It secured him one half of a kingdom to whichhe had no hereditary right, and he trusted to force or fraud to gain theother half hereafter. The wily old monarch even sent a deputation to hisnephew, making a merit of offering him cheerfully the half which he hadthus been compelled to relinquish, and inviting him to enter into anamicable coalition for the good of the country. 

The heart of Boabdil shrank from all connection with a man who hadsought his life, and whom he regarded as the murderer of his kindred. Heaccepted one half of the kingdom as an offer from the nation, not to berejected by a prince who scarcely held possession of the ground he stoodon. He asserted, nevertheless, his absolute right to the whole, and onlysubmitted to the partition out of anxiety for the present good of hispeople. He assembled his handful of adherents and prepared to hastento Loxa. As he mounted his horse to depart, Hamet Aben Zarrax stoodsuddenly before him. "Be true to thy country and thy faith, " cried he;"hold no further communication with these Christian dogs. Trust not thehollow-hearted friendship of the Castilian king; he is mining theearth beneath thy feet. Choose one of two things: be a sovereign or aslave--thou canst not be both. "

Boabdil ruminated on these words; he made many wise resolutions, buthe was prone always to act from the impulse of the moment, and wasunfortunately given to temporize in his policy. He wrote to Ferdinand, informing him that Loxa and certain other cities had returned to theirallegiance, and that he held them as vassal to the Castilian Crown, according to their convention. He conjured him, therefore, to refrainfrom any meditated attack, offering free passage to the Spanish army toMalaga or any other place under the dominion of his uncle. *

 * Zurita, lib. 20, c. 68. 

Ferdinand turned a deaf ear to the entreaty and to all professionsof friendship and vassalage. Boabdil was nothing to him but as aninstrument for stirring up the flames of civil war. He now insistedthat he had entered into a hostile league with his uncle, and hadconsequently forfeited all claims to his indulgence; and he prosecutedwith the greater earnestness his campaign against the city of Loxa. 

"Thus, " observes the worthy Fray Antonio Agapida, "thus did this mostsagacious sovereign act upon the text in the eleventh chapter of theevangelist St. Luke, that 'a kingdom divided against itself cannotstand. ' He had induced these infidels to waste and destroy themselvesby internal dissensions, and finally cast forth the survivor, while theMoorish monarchs by their ruinous contests made good the old Castilianproverb in cases of civil war, 'El vencido vencido, y el vencidorperdido' (the conquered conquered, and the conqueror undone). "*

 * Garibay, lib. 40, c. 33. 

CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

HOW KING FERDINAND HELD A COUNCIL OF WAR AT THE ROCK OF THE LOVERS. 

The royal army on its march against Loxa lay encamped one pleasantevening in May in a meadow on the banks of the river Yeguas, around thefoot of a lofty cliff called the Rock of the Lovers. The quartersof each nobleman formed as it were a separate little encampment, hisstately pavilion, surmounted by his fluttering pennon, rising above thesurrounding tents of his vassals and retainers. A little apart from theothers, as it were in proud reserve, was the encampment of the Englishearl. It was sumptuous in its furniture and complete in all itsmunitions. Archers and soldiers armed with battle-axes kept guard aroundit, while above the standard of England rolled out its ample folds andflapped in the evening breeze. 

The mingled sounds of various tongues and nations were heard from thesoldiery as they watered their horses in the stream or busied themselvesround the fires which began to glow here and there in the twilight--thegay chanson of the Frenchman, singing of his amours on the pleasantbanks of the Loire or the sunny regions of the Garonne; the broadguttural tones of the German, chanting some doughty "krieger lied" orextolling the vintage of the Rhine; the wild romance of the Spaniard, reciting the achievements of the Cid and many a famous passage of theMoorish wars; and the long and melancholy ditty of the Englishman, treating of some feudal hero or redoubtable outlaw of his distantisland. 

On a rising ground, commanding a view of the whole encampment, stood theample and magnificent pavilion of the king, with the banner of Castileand Aragon and the holy standard of the cross erected before it. In thistent there assembled the principal commanders of the army, having beensummoned by Ferdinand to a council of war on receiving tidings thatBoabdil had thrown himself into Loxa with a considerable reinforcement. After some consultation it was determined to invest Loxa on both sides:one part of the army should seize upon the dangerous but commandingheight of Santo Albohacen in front of the city, while the remainder, making a circuit, should encamp on the opposite side. 

No sooner was this resolved upon than the marques of Cadiz stood forthand claimed the post of danger in behalf of himself and those cavaliers, his companions-in-arms, who had been compelled to relinquish it by thegeneral retreat of the army on the former siege. The enemy had exultedover them as if driven from it in disgrace. To regain that perilousheight, to pitch their tents upon it, and to avenge the blood of theirvaliant compeer, the master of Calatrava, who had fallen upon it, wasdue to their fame: the marques demanded, therefore, that they might leadthe advance and secure that height, engaging to hold the enemy employeduntil the main army should take its position on the opposite side of thecity. 

King Ferdinand readily granted his permission, upon which the countde Cabra entreated to be admitted to a share of the enterprise. He hadalways been accustomed to serve in the advance, and now that Boabdil wasin the field and a king was to be taken, he could not content himselfwith remaining in the rear. Ferdinand yielded his consent, for he wasdisposed to give the good count every opportunity to retrieve his latedisaster. 

The English earl, when he heard there was an enterprise of danger inquestion, was hot to be admitted to the party, but the king restrainedhis ardor. "These cavaliers, " said he, "conceive that they have anaccount to settle with their pride; let them have the enterprise tothemselves, my lord: if you follow these Moorish wars long, you willfind no lack of perilous service. "

The marques of Cadiz and his companions-in-arms struck their tentsbefore daybreak; they were five thousand horse and twelve thousand foot, and marched rapidly along the defiles of the mountains, the cavaliersbeing anxious to strike the blow and get possession of the height ofAlbohacen before the king with the main army should arrive to theirassistance. 

The city of Loxa stands on a high hill between two mountains on thebanks of the Xenil. To attain the height of Albohacen the troops hadto pass over a tract of rugged and broken country and a deep valleyintersected by those canals and watercourses with which the Moorsirrigated their lands: they were extremely embarrassed in this part oftheir march, and in imminent risk of being cut up in detail before theycould reach the height. 

The count de Cabra, with his usual eagerness, endeavored to push acrossthis valley in defiance of every obstacle: he, in consequence, soonbecame entangled with his cavalry among the canals, but his impatiencewould not permit him to retrace his steps and choose a more practicablebut circuitous route. Others slowly crossed another part of the valleyby the aid of pontoons, while the marques of Cadiz, Don Alonso deAguilar, and the count de Urena, being more experienced in the groundfrom their former campaign, made a circuit round the bottom of theheight, and, winding up it, began to display their squadrons and elevatetheir banners on the redoubtable post which in their former siege theyhad been compelled so reluctantly to abandon. 

CHAPTER XXXIX. 

HOW THE ROYAL ARMY APPEARED BEFORE THE CITY OF LOXA, AND HOW IT WASRECEIVED; AND OF THE DOUGHTY ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE ENGLISH EARL. 

The advance of the Christian army upon Loxa threw the wavering Boabdilel Chico into one of his usual dilemmas, and he was greatly perplexedbetween his oath of allegiance to the Spanish sovereigns and his senseof duty to his subjects. His doubts were determined by the sight of theenemy glittering upon the height of Albohacen and by the clamors of thepeople to be led forth to battle. "Allah, " exclaimed he, "thou knowestmy heart: thou knowest I have been true in my faith to this Christianmonarch. I have offered to hold Loxa as his vassal, but he has preferredto approach it as an enemy: on his head be the infraction of ourtreaty!"

Boabdil was not wanting in courage; he only needed decision. When he hadonce made up his mind he acted vigorously; the misfortune was, he eitherdid not make it up at all or he made it up too late. He who decidestardily generally acts rashly, endeavoring to make up by hurry of actionfor slowness of deliberation. Boabdil hastily buckled on his armor andsallied forth surrounded by his guards, and at the head of five hundredhorse and four thousand foot, the flower of his army. Some he detachedto skirmish with the Christians, who were scattered and perplexed in thevalley, and to prevent their concentrating their forces, while withhis main body he pressed forward to drive the enemy from the heightof Albohacen before they had time to collect there in any number or tofortify themselves in that important position. 

The worthy count de Cabra was yet entangled with his cavalry among thewater-courses of the valley when he heard the war-cries of the Moors andsaw their army rushing over the bridge. He recognized Boabdil himself, by his splendid armor, the magnificent caparison of his steed, and thebrilliant guard which surrounded him. The royal host swept on toward theheight of Albohacen: an intervening hill hid it from his sight, butloud shouts and cries, the din of drums and trumpets, and the reports ofarquebuses gave note that the battle had begun. 

Here was a royal prize in the field, and the count de Cabra unable toget into the action! The good cavalier was in an agony of impatience;every attempt to force his way across the valley only plunged him intonew difficulties. At length, after many eager but ineffectual efforts, he was obliged to order his troops to dismount, and slowly and carefullyto lead their horses back along slippery paths and amid plashes ofmire and water where often there was scarce a foothold. The good countgroaned in spirit and sweat with mere impatience as he went, fearing thebattle might be fought and the prize won or lost before he could reachthe field. Having at length toilfully unravelled the mazes of the valleyand arrived at firmer ground, he ordered his troops to mount, and ledthem full gallop to the height. Part of the good count's wishes weresatisfied, but the dearest were disappointed: he came in season topartake of the very hottest of the fight, but the royal prize was nolonger in the field. 

Boabdil had led on his men with impetuous valor, or rather with hurriedrashness. Heedlessly exposing himself in the front of the battle, hereceived two wounds in the very first encounter. His guards ralliedround him, defended him with matchless valor, and bore him bleeding outof the action. The count de Cabra arrived just in time to see the loyalsquadron crossing the bridge and slowly conveying their disabled monarchtoward the gate of the city. 

The departure of Boabdil made no difference in the fury of the battle. A Moorish warrior, dark and terrible in aspect, mounted on a blackcharger, and followed by a band of savage Gomeres, rushed forward totake the lead. It was Hamet el Zegri, the fierce alcayde of Ronda, withthe remnant of his once-redoubtable garrison. Animated by his example, the Moors renewed their assaults upon the height. It was bravelydefended, on one side by the marques of Cadiz, on another by Don Alonsode Aguilar, and as fast as the Moors ascended they were driven back anddashed down the declivities. The count de Urena took his stand upon thefatal spot where his brother had fallen; his followers entered withzeal into the feelings of their commander, and heaps of the enemy sunkbeneath their weapons--sacrifices to the manes of the lamented master ofCalatrava. 

The battle continued with incredible obstinacy. The Moors knew theimportance of the height to the safety of the city; the cavaliers felttheir honors staked to maintain it. Fresh supplies of troops were pouredout of the city: some battled on the height, while some attacked theChristians who were still in the valley and among the orchards andgardens to prevent their uniting their forces. The troops in the valleywere gradually driven back, and the whole host of the Moors swept aroundthe height of Albohacen. The situation of the marques de Cadiz and hiscompanions was perilous in the extreme: they were a mere handful, and, while fighting hand to hand with the Moors who assailed the height, weregalled from a distance by the crossbows and arquebuses of a hostthat augmented each moment in number. At this critical juncture KingFerdinand emerged from the mountains with the main body of the army, andadvanced to an eminence commanding a full view of the field of action. By his side was the noble English cavalier, the earl of Rivers. This wasthe first time he had witnessed a scene of Moorish warfare. He lookedwith eager interest at the chance-medley fight before him, where therewas the wild career of cavalry, the irregular and tumultuous rush ofinfantry, and where Christian and Moor were intermingled in deadlystruggle. The high blood of the English knight mounted at the sight, andhis soul was stirred within him by the confused war-cries, the clangorof drums and trumpets, and the reports of arquebuses. Seeing that theking was sending a reinforcement to the field, he entreated permissionto mingle in the affray and fight according to the fashion of hiscountry. His request being granted, he alighted from his steed: he wasmerely armed "en blanco"--that is to say, with morion, back-piece, and breast-plate--his sword was girded by his side, and in his hand hewielded a powerful battle-axe. He was followed by a body of his yeomenarmed in like manner, and by a band of archers with bows made of thetough English yew tree. The earl turned to his troops and addressed thenbriefly and bluntly, according to the manner of his country. "Remember, my merry men all, " said he, "the eyes of strangers are upon you; you arein a foreign land, fighting for the glory of God and the honor of merryold England!" A loud shout was the reply. The earl waved his battle-axeover his head. "St. George for England!" cried he, and to the inspiringsound of this old English war-cry he and his followers rushed down tothe battle with manly and courageous hearts. * They soon made their wayinto the midst of the enemy, but when engaged in the hottest of thefight they made no shouts nor outcries. They pressed steadily forward, dealing their blows to right and left, hewing down the Moors and cuttingtheir way with their battle-axes like woodmen in a forest; whilethe archers, pressing into the opening they made, plied their bowsvigorously and spread death on every side. 

 * Cura de los Palacios. 

When the Castilian mountaineers beheld the valor of the Englishyeomanry, they would not be outdone in hardihood. They could not viewith them in weight or bulk, but for vigor and activity they weresurpassed by none. They kept pace with them, therefore, with equal heartand rival prowess, and gave a brave support to the stout Englishmen. 

The Moors were confounded by the fury of these assaults and disheartenedby the loss of Hamet el Zegri, who was carried wounded from the field. They gradually fell back upon the bridge; the Christians followedup their advantage, and drove them over it tumultuously. The Moorsretreated into the suburb, and Lord Rivers and his troops enteredwith them pell-mell, fighting in the streets and in the houses. KingFerdinand came up to the scene of action with his royal guard, and theinfidels were driven within the city walls. Thus were the suburbs gainedby the hardihood of the English lord, without such an event having beenpremeditated. *

 * Cura de los Palacios, MS. 

The earl of Rivers, notwithstanding he had received a wound, stillurged forward in the attack. He penetrated almost to the city gate, in defiance of a shower of missiles that slew many of his followers. A stone hurled from the battlements checked his impetuous career: itstruck him in the face, dashed out two of his front teeth, and laid himsenseless on the earth. He was removed to a short distance by his men, but, recovering his senses, refused to permit himself to be taken fromthe suburb. 

When the contest was over the streets presented a piteous spectacle, somany of their inhabitants had died in the defence of their thresholds orbeen slaughtered without resistance. Among the victims was a poor weaverwho had been at work in his dwelling at this turbulent moment. His wifeurged him to fly into the city. "Why should I fly?" said the Moor--"tobe reserved for hunger and slavery? I tell you, wife, I will await thefoe here, for better is it to die quickly by the steel than to perishpiecemeal in chains and dungeons. " He said no more, but resumed hisoccupation of weaving, and in the indiscriminate fury of the assault wasslaughtered at his loom. *

 * Pulgar, part 3, c. 58. 

The Christians remained masters of the field, and proceeded to pitchthree encampments for the prosecution of the siege. The king, with thegreat body of the army, took a position on the side of the city next toGranada; the marques of Cadiz and his brave companions once more pitchedtheir tents upon the height of Santo Albohacen; but the English earlplanted his standard sturdily within the suburb he had taken. 

CHAPTER XL. 

CONCLUSION OF THE SIEGE OF LOXA. 

Having possession of the heights of Albohacen and the suburb ofthe city, the Christians were enabled to choose the most favorablesituations for their batteries. They immediately destroyed the stonebridge by which the garrison had made its sallies, and they threw twowooden bridges across the river and others over the canals and streams, so as to establish an easy communication between the different camps. 

When all was arranged a heavy fire was opened upon the city from variouspoints. They threw not only balls of stone and iron, but great carcassesof fire, which burst like meteors on the houses, wrapping them instantlyin a blaze. The walls were shattered and the towers toppled down bytremendous discharges from the lombards. Through the openings thusmade they could behold the interior of the city--houses tumbling or inflames, men, women, and children flying in terror through the streets, and slaughtered by the shower of missiles sent through the openings fromsmaller artillery and from crossbows and arquebuses. 

The Moors attempted to repair the breaches, but fresh discharges fromthe lombards buried them beneath the ruins of the walls they weremending. In their despair many of the inhabitants rushed forth into thenarrow streets of the suburbs and assailed the Christians with darts, scimetars, and poniards, seeking to destroy rather than defend, andheedless of death in the confidence that to die fighting with anunbeliever was to be translated at once to Paradise. 

For two nights and a day this awful scene continued, when certain ofthe principal inhabitants began to reflect upon the hopelessness of theconflict: their king was disabled, their principal captains were eitherkilled or wounded, their fortifications little better than heaps ofruins. They had urged the unfortunate Boabdil to the conflict; they nowclamored for a capitulation. A parley was procured from the Christianmonarch, and the terms of surrender were soon adjusted. They were toyield up the city immediately, with all their Christian captives, and tosally forth with as much of their property as they could take withthem. The marques of Cadiz, on whose honor and humanity they had greatreliance, was to escort them to Granada to protect them from assault orrobbery: such as chose to remain in Spain were to be permitted to residein Castile, Aragon, or Valencia. As to Boabdil el Chico, he was todo homage as vassal to King Ferdinand, but no charge was to be urgedagainst him of having violated his former pledge. If he should yieldup all pretensions to Granada, the title of duke of Guadix was to beassigned to him and the territory thereto annexed, provided it should berecovered from El Zagal within six months. 

The capitulation being arranged, they gave as hostages the alcaydeof the city and the principal officers, together with the sons of theirlate chieftain, the veteran Ali Atar. The warriors of Loxa then issuedforth, humbled and dejected at having to surrender those walls whichthey had so long maintained with valor and renown, and the women andchildren filled the air with lamentations at being exiled from theirnative homes. 

Last came forth Boabdil, most truly called El Zogoybi, the Unlucky. Accustomed, as he was, to be crowned and uncrowned, to be ransomedand treated as a matter of bargain, he had acceded of course tothe capitulation. He was enfeebled by his wounds and had an air ofdejection, yet, it is said, his conscience acquitted him of a breachof faith toward the Castilian sovereigns, and the personal valor hehad displayed had caused a sympathy for him among many of the Christiancavaliers. He knelt to Ferdinand according to the forms of vassalage, and then departed in melancholy mood for Priego, a town about threeleagues distant. 

Ferdinand immediately ordered Loxa to be repaired and stronglygarrisoned. He was greatly elated at the capture of this place, inconsequence of his former defeat before its walls. He passed greatencomiums upon the commanders who had distinguished themselves, andhistorians dwelt particularly upon his visit to the tent of theEnglish earl. His Majesty consoled him for the loss of his teeth by theconsideration that he might otherwise have lost them by natural decay, whereas the lack of them would now be esteemed a beauty rather than adefect, serving as a trophy of the glorious cause in which he had beenengaged. 

The earl replied that he gave thanks to God and to the Holy Virgin forbeing thus honored by a visit from the most potent king in Christendom;that he accepted with all gratitude his gracious consolation for theloss of his teeth, though he held it little to lose two teeth in theservice of God, who had given him all--"A speech, " says Fray AntonioAgapida, "full of most courtly wit and Christian piety; and one onlymarvels that it should have been made by a native of an island so fardistant from Castile. "

CHAPTER XLI. 

CAPTURE OF ILLORA. 

King Ferdinand followed up his victory at Loxa by laying siege to thestrong town of Illora. This redoubtable fortress was perched upon a highrock in the midst of a spacious valley. It was within four leagues ofthe Moorish capital, and its lofty castle, keeping vigilant watch over awide circuit of country, was termed the right eye of Granada. 

The alcayde of Illora was one of the bravest of the Moorish commanders, and made every preparation to defend his fortress to the last extremity. He sent the women and children, the aged and infirm, to the metropolis. He placed barricades in the suburbs, opened doors of communication fromhouse to house, and pierced their walls with loopholes for the dischargeof crossbows, arquebuses, and other missiles. 

King Ferdinand arrived before the place with all his forces; hestationed himself upon the hill of Encinilla, and distributed the otherencampments in various situations so as to invest the fortress. Knowingthe valiant character of the alcayde and the desperate courage of theMoors, he ordered the encampments to be fortified with trenches andpalisadoes, the guards to be doubled, and sentinels to be placed in allthe watch-towers of the adjacent heights. 

When all was ready the duke del Infantado demanded the attack: it washis first campaign, and he was anxious to disprove the royal insinuationmade against the hardihood of his embroidered chivalry. King Ferdinandgranted his demand, with a becoming compliment to his spirit; he orderedthe count de Cabra to make a simultaneous attack upon a differentquarter. Both chiefs led forth their troops--those of the duke in freshand brilliant armor, richly ornamented, and as yet uninjured by theservice of the field; those of the count were weatherbeaten veterans, whose armor was dented and hacked in many a hard-fought battle. Theyouthful duke blushed at the contrast. "Cavaliers, " cried he, "wehave been reproached with the finery of our array: let us prove that atrenchant blade may rest in a gilded sheath. Forward! to the foe! and Itrust in God that as we enter this affray knights well accoutred, sowe shall leave it cavaliers well proved. " His men responded by eageracclamations, and the duke led them forward to the assault. He advancedunder a tremendous shower of stones, darts, balls, and arrows, butnothing could check his career; he entered the suburb sword in hand;his men fought furiously, though with great loss, for every dwelling hadbeen turned into a fortress. After a severe conflict they succeededin driving the Moors into the town about the same time that the othersuburb was carried by the count de Cabra and his veterans. The troopsof the duke del Infantado came out of the contest thinned in numberand covered with blood and dust and wounds; they received the highestencomiums of the king, and there was never afterward any sneer at theirembroidery. 

The suburbs being taken, three batteries, each furnished with eighthuge lombards, were opened upon the fortress. The damage and havoc weretremendous, for the fortifications had not been constructed to withstandsuch engines. The towers were overthrown, the walls battered to pieces;the interior of the place was all exposed, houses were demolished, andmany people slain. The Moors were terrified by the tumbling ruins andthe tremendous din. The alcayde had resolved to defend the placeuntil the last extremity: he beheld it a heap of rubbish; there was noprospect of aid from Granada; his people had lost all spirit tofight and were vociferous for a surrender; with a reluctant heart hecapitulated. The inhabitants were permitted to depart with all theireffects, excepting their arms, and were escorted in safety by the dukedel Infantado and the count de Cabra to the bridge of Pinos, within twoleagues of Granada. 

King Ferdinand gave directions to repair the fortifications of Illoraand to place it in a strong state of defence. He left as alcayde of thetown and fortress Gonsalvo de Cordova, younger brother of Don Alonsode Aguilar. This gallant cavalier was captain of the royal guards ofFerdinand and Isabella, and gave already proofs of that prowess whichafterward rendered him so renowned. 

CHAPTER XLII. 

OF THE ARRIVAL OF QUEEN ISABELLA AT THE CAMP BEFORE MOCLIN, AND OF THEPLEASANT SAYINGS OF THE ENGLISH EARL. 

The war of Granada, however poets may embroider it with the flowers oftheir fancy, was certainly one of the sternest of those iron conflictswhich have been celebrated under the name of "holy wars. " The worthyFray Antonio Agapida dwells with unsated delight upon the succession ofrugged mountain-enterprises, bloody battles, and merciless sackings andravages which characterized it; yet we find him on one occasion pausingin the full career of victory over the infidels to detail a statelypageant of the Catholic sovereigns. 

Immediately on the capture of Loxa, Ferdinand had written to Isabella, soliciting her presence at the camp that he might consult with her as tothe disposition of their newly-acquired territories. 

It was in the early part of June that the queen departed from Codovawith the princess Isabella and numerous ladies of her court. She hada glorious attendance of cavaliers and pages, with many guards anddomestics. There were forty mules for the use of the queen, theprincess, and their train. 

As this courtly cavalcade approached the Rock of the Lovers on the banksof the river Yeguas, they beheld a splendid train of knights advancingto meet them. It was headed by that accomplished cavalier themarques-duke de Cadiz, accompanied by the adelantado of Andalusia. Hehad left the camp the day after the capture of Illora, and advancedthus far to receive the queen and escort her over the borders. The queenreceived the marques with distinguished honor, for he was esteemed themirror of chivalry. His actions in this war had become the theme ofevery tongue, and many hesitated not to compare him in prowess with theimmortal Cid. *

 * Cura de los Palacios. 

Thus gallantly attended, the queen entered the vanquished frontier ofGranada, journeying securely along the pleasant banks of the Xenil, solately subject to the scourings of the Moors. She stopped at Loxa, whereshe administered aid and consolation to the wounded, distributing moneyamong them for their support according to their rank. 

The king after the capture of Illora had removed his camp before thefortress of Moclin, with an intention of besieging it. Thither the queenproceeded, still escorted through the mountain-roads by the marques ofCadiz. As Isabella drew near to the camp the duke del Infantado issuedforth a league and a half to receive her, magnificently arrayed andfollowed by all his chivalry in glorious attire. With him came thestandard of Seville, borne by the men-at-arms of that renowned city, and the prior of St. Juan with his followers. They ranged themselves inorder of battle on the left of the road by which the queen was to pass. 

The worthy Agapida is loyally minute in his description of the stateand grandeur of the Catholic sovereigns. The queen rode a chestnut mule, seated in a magnificent saddle-chair decorated with silver gilt. Thehousings of the mule were of fine crimson cloth, the borders embroideredwith gold, the reins and head-piece were of satin, curiously embossedwith needlework of silk and wrought with golden letters. The queen worea brial or regal skirt of velvet, under which were others of brocade;a scarlet mantle, ornamented in the Moresco fashion; and a black hat, embroidered round the crown and brim. The infanta was likewise mountedon a chestnut mule richly caparisoned: she wore a brial or skirt ofblack brocade and a black mantle ornamented like that of the queen. 

When the royal cavalcade passed by the chivalry of the duke delInfantado, which was drawn out in battle array, the queen made areverence to the standard of Seville and ordered it to pass to the righthand. When she approached the camp the multitude ran forth to meet herwith great demonstrations of joy, for she was universally beloved by hersubjects. All the battalions sallied forth in military array, bearingthe various standards and banners of the camp, which were lowered insalutation as she passed. 

The king now came forth in royal state, mounted on a superb chestnuthorse and attended by many grandees of Castile. He wore a jubon or closevest of crimson cloth, with cuisses or short skirts of yellow satin, a loose cassock of brocade, a rich Moorish scimetar, and a hat withplumes. The grandees who attended him were arrayed with wonderfulmagnificence, each according to his taste and invention. 

These high and mighty princes (says Antonio Agapida) regarded each otherwith great deference as allied sovereigns, rather than with connubialfamiliarity as mere husband and wife. When they approached each other, therefore, before embracing, they made three profound reverences, thequeen taking off her hat and remaining in a silk net or caul, with herface uncovered. The king then approached and embraced her, and kissedher respectfully on the cheek. He also embraced his daughter theprincess, and, making the sign of the cross, he blessed her and kissedher on the lips. *

 * Cura de los Palacios. 

The good Agapida seems scarcely to have been more struck with theappearance of the sovereigns than with that of the English earl. Hefollowed (says he) immediately after the king, with great pomp and, in an extraordinary manner, taking precedence of all the rest. He wasmounted "a la guisa, " or with long stirrups, on a superb chestnut horse, with trappings of azure silk which reached to the ground. The housingswere of mulberry powdered with stars of gold. He was armed in proof, and wore over his armor a short French mantle of black brocade; he had awhite French hat with plumes, and carried on his left arm a small roundbuckler banded with gold. Five pages attended him, apparelled in silkand brocade and mounted on horses sumptuously caparisoned; he had also atrain of followers bravely attired after the fashion of his country. 

He advanced in a chivalrous and courteous manner, making his reverencesfirst to the queen and infanta, and afterward to the king. QueenIsabella received him graciously, complimenting him on his courageousconduct at Loxa, and condoling with him on the loss of his teeth. Theearl, however, made light of his disfiguring wound, saying that "ourBlessed Lord, who had built all that house, had opened a window there, that he might see more readily what passed within;"* whereupon theworthy Fray Antonio Agapida is more than ever astonished at the pregnantwit of this island cavalier. The earl continued some little distanceby the side of the royal family, complimenting them all with courteousspeeches, his horse curveting and caracoling, but being managed withgreat grace and dexterity, leaving the grandees and the people at largenot more filled with admiration at the strangeness and magnificence ofhis state than at the excellence of his horsemanship. **

 * Pietro Martyr, Epist. 61. 

 * *Cura de los Palacios. 

To testify her sense of the gallantry and services of this noble Englishknight, who had come from so far to assist in their wars, the queen senthim the next day presents of twelve horses, with stately tents, finelinen, two beds with coverings of gold brocade, and many other articlesof great value. 

Having refreshed himself, as it were, with the description of thisprogress of Queen Isabella to the camp and the glorious pomp of theCatholic sovereigns, the worthy Antonio Agapida returns with renewedrelish to his pious work of discomfiting the Moors. 

The description of this royal pageant and the particulars concerning theEnglish earl, thus given from the manuscript of Fray Antonio Agapida, agree precisely with the chronicle of Andres Bernaldez, the curate ofLos Palacios. The English earl makes no further figure in this war. Itappears from various histories that he returned in the course of theyear to England. In the following year his passion for fighting tookhim to the Continent, at the head of four hundred adventurers, in aid ofFrancis, duke of Brittany, against Louis XI. Of France. He was killedin the same year (1488) in the battle of St. Alban's between the Bretonsand the French. 

CHAPTER XLIII. 

HOW KING FERDINAND ATTACKED MOCLIN, AND OF THE STRANGE EVENTS THATATTENDED ITS CAPTURE. 

"The Catholic sovereigns, " says Fray Antonio Agapida, "had by this timeclosely clipped the right wing of the Moorish vulture. " In other words, most of the strong fortresses along the western frontier of Granada hadfallen beneath the Christian artillery. The army now lay encamped beforethe town of Moclin, on the frontier of Jaen, one of the most stubbornfortresses of the border. It stood on a high rocky hill, the base ofwhich was nearly girdled by a river: a thick forest protected theback part of the town toward the mountain. Thus strongly situated, itdomineered, with its frowning battlements and massive towers, all themountain-passes into that part of the country, and was called "theshield of Granada. " It had a double arrear of blood to settle with theChristians: two hundred years before, a master of Santiago and all hiscavaliers had been lanced by the Moors before its gates. It had recentlymade terrible slaughter among the troops of the good count de Cabra inhis precipitate attempt to entrap the old Moorish monarch. The pride ofFerdinand had been piqued by being obliged on that occasion to recedefrom his plan and abandon his concerted attack on the place; he was nowprepared to take a full revenge. 

El Zagal, the old warrior-king of Granada, anticipating a secondattempt, had provided the place with ample ammunitions and provisions, had ordered trenches to be digged and additional bulwarks thrown up, andcaused all the old men, the women, and the children to be removed to thecapital. 

Such was the strength of the fortress and the difficulties of itsposition that Ferdinand anticipated much trouble in reducing it, andmade every preparation for a regular siege. In the centre of his campwere two great mounds, one of sacks of flour, the other of grain, whichwere called the royal granary. Three batteries of heavy ordnancewere opened against the citadel and principal towers, while smallerartillery, engines for the discharge of missiles, arquebuses, andcrossbows, were distributed in various places to keep up a fire into anybreaches that might be made, and upon those of the garrison who shouldappear on the battlements. 

The lombards soon made an impression on the works, demolishing a part ofthe wall and tumbling down several of those haughty towers which, fromtheir height, had been impregnable before the invention of gunpowder. The Moors repaired their walls as well as they were able, and, stillconfiding in the strength of their situation, kept up a resolutedefence, firing down from their lofty battlements and towers upon theChristian camp. For two nights and a day an incessant fire was kept up, so that there was not a moment in which the roaring of ordnance was notheard or some damage sustained by the Christians or the Moors. It wasa conflict, however, more of engineers and artillerists than of gallantcavaliers; there was no sally of troops nor shock of armed men nor rushand charge of cavalry. The knights stood looking on with idle weapons, waiting until they should have an opportunity of signalizing theirprowess by scaling the walls or storming the breaches. As the place, however, was assailable only in one part, there was every prospect of along and obstinate resistance. 

The engineers, as usual, discharged not merely balls of stone andiron to demolish the walls, but flaming balls of inextinguishablecombustibles designed to set fire to the houses. One of these, whichpassed high through the air like a meteor, sending out sparks andcrackling as it went, entered the window of a tower which was used asa magazine of gunpowder. The tower blew up with a tremendous explosion;the Moors who were upon its battlements were hurled into the air, and fell mangled in various parts of the town, and the houses in itsvicinity were rent and overthrown as with an earthquake. 

The Moors, who had never witnessed an explosion of the kind, ascribedthe destruction of the tower to a miracle. Some who had seen the descentof the flaming ball imagined that fire had fallen from heaven to punishthem for their pertinacity. The pious Agapida himself believes thatthis fiery missive was conducted by divine agency to confound theinfidels--an opinion in which he is supported by other Catholichistorians. *

 * Pulgar, Garibay; Lucio Marino Siculo, Cosas Memoral. De Hispan. , lib. 20. 

Seeing heaven and earth, as it were, combined against them, the Moorslost all heart: they capitulated, and were permitted to depart withtheir effects, leaving behind all arms and munitions of war. 

The Catholic army (says Antonio Agapida) entered Moclin in solemn state, not as a licentious host intent upon plunder and desolation, but as aband of Christian warriors coming to purify and regenerate the land. Thestandard of the cross, that ensign of this holy crusade, was borne inthe advance, followed by the other banners of the army. Then came theking and queen at the head of a vast number of armed cavaliers. Theywere accompanied by a band of priests and friars, with the choir ofthe royal chapel chanting the canticle "Te Deum laudamus. " As they weremoving through the streets in this solemn manner, every sound hushedexcepting the anthem of the choir, they suddenly heard, issuing as itwere from under ground, a chorus of voices chanting in solemn response"Benedictum qui venit in nomine Domini. "* The procession paused inwonder. The sounds rose from Christian captives, and among them severalpriests, who were confined in subterraneous dungeons. 

 * Marino Siculo. 

The heart of Isabella was greatly touched. She ordered the captives tobe drawn forth from their cells, and was still more moved at beholding, by their wan, discolored, and emaciated appearance, how much they hadsuffered. Their hair and beards were overgrown and shagged; they werewasted by hunger, half naked, and in chains. She ordered that theyshould be clothed and cherished, and money furnished them to bear themto their homes. *

 * Illescas, Hist. Pontif. , lib. 6, c. 20, \0xA4 1. 

Several of the captives were brave cavaliers who had been wounded andmade prisoners in the defeat of the count de Cabra by El Zagal in thepreceding year. There were also found other melancholy traces of thatdisastrous affair. On visiting the narrow pass where the defeat hadtaken place, the remains of several Christian warriors were found inthickets or hidden behind rocks or in the clefts of the mountains. Thesewere some who had been struck from their horses and wounded too severelyto fly. They had crawled away from the scene of action, and concealedthemselves to avoid falling into the hands of the enemy, and had thusperished miserably and alone. The remains of those of note were known bytheir armor and devices, and were mourned over by their companions whohad shared the disaster of that day. *

 * Pulgar, part 3, cap. 61. 

The queen had these remains piously collected as the relics of so manymartyrs who had fallen in the cause of the faith. They were interredwith great solemnity in the mosques of Moclin, which had been purifiedand consecrated to Christian worship. "There, " says Antonio Agapida, "rest the bones of those truly Catholic knights, in the holy groundwhich in a manner had been sanctified by their blood; and all pilgrimspassing through those mountains offer up prayers and masses for therepose of their souls. "

The queen remained for some time at Moclin, administering comfort to thewounded and the prisoners, bringing the newly-acquired territoryinto order, and founding churches and monasteries and other piousinstitutions. "While the king marched in front, laying waste the land ofthe Philistines, " says the figurative Antonio Agapida, "Queen Isabellafollowed his traces as the binder follows the reaper, gathering andgarnering the rich harvest that has fallen beneath his sickle. In thisshe was greatly assisted by the counsels of that cloud of bishops, friars, and other saintly men which continually surrounded her, garnering the first fruits of this infidel land into the granaries ofthe Church. " Leaving her thus piously employed, the king pursued hiscareer of conquest, determined to lay waste the Vega and carry fire andsword to the very gates of Granada. 

CHAPTER XLIV. 

HOW KING FERDINAND FORAGED THE VEGA; AND OF THE BATTLE OF THE BRIDGE OFPINOS, AND THE FATE OF THE TWO MOORISH BROTHERS. 

Muley Abdallah el Zagal had been under a spell of ill-fortune ever sincethe suspicious death of the old king his brother. Success had desertedhis standard, and with his fickle subjects want of success was one ofthe greatest crimes in a sovereign. He found his popularity declining, and he lost all confidence in his people. The Christian army marched inopen defiance through his territories, and sat down deliberately beforehis fortresses; yet he dared not lead forth his legions to oppose them, lest the inhabitants of the Albaycin, ever ripe for a revolt, shouldrise and shut the gates of Granada against his return. 

Every few days some melancholy train entered the metropolis, theinhabitants of some captured town bearing the few effects spared them, and weeping and bewailing the desolation of their homes. When thetidings arrived that Illora and Moclin had fallen, the people wereseized with consternation. "The right eye of Granada is extinguished, "exclaimed they; "the shield of Granada is broken: what shall protectus from the inroad of the foe?" When the survivors of the garrisons ofthose towns arrived, with downcast looks, bearing the marks of battleand destitute of arms and standards, the populace reviled them in theirwrath, but they answered, "We fought as long as we had force to fight orwalls to shelter us; but the Christians laid our town and battlements inruins, and we looked in vain for aid from Granada. "

The alcaydes of Illora and Moclin were brothers; they were alike inprowess and the bravest among the Moorish cavaliers. They had been themost distinguished in those tilts and tourneys which graced the happierdays of Granada, and had distinguished themselves in the sternerconflicts of the field. Acclamation had always followed their banners, and they had long been the delight of the people. Yet now, when theyreturned after the capture of their fortresses, they were followedby the unsteady populace with execrations. The hearts of the alcaydesswelled with indignation; they found the ingratitude of their countrymenstill more intolerable than the hostility of the Christians. 

Tidings came that the enemy was advancing with his triumphant legions tolay waste the country about Granada. Still El Zagal did not dare to takethe field. The two alcaydes of Illora and Moclin stood before him. "Wehave defended your fortresses, " said they, "until we were almostburied under their ruins, and for our reward we receive scoffings andrevilings: give us, O king, an opportunity where knightly valor maysignalize itself--not shut up behind stone walls, but in the openconflict of the field. The enemy approaches to lay our country desolate:give us men to meet him in the advance, and let shame light upon ourheads if we be found wanting in the battle!"

The two brothers were sent forth with a large force of horse and foot;El Zagal intended, should they be successful, to issue forth withhis whole force, and by a decisive victory repair the losses he hadsuffered. When the people saw the well-known standards of the brothersgoing forth to battle, there was a feeble shout, but the alcaydes passedon with stern countenances, for they knew the same voices would cursethem were they to return unfortunate. They cast a farewell look uponfair Granada and upon the beautiful fields of their infancy, as iffor these they were willing to lay down their lives, but not for anungrateful people. 

The army of Ferdinand had arrived within two leagues of Granada, at thebridge of Pinos, a pass famous in the wars of the Moors and Christiansfor many a bloody conflict. It was the pass by which the Castilianmonarchs generally made their inroads, and was capable of great defencefrom the ruggedness of the country and the difficulty of the bridge. Theking, with the main body of the army, had attained the brow of a hill, when they beheld the advance guard, under the marques of Cadiz and themaster of Santiago, furiously attacked by the enemy in the vicinity ofthe bridge. The Moors rushed to the assault with their usual shouts, butwith more than usual ferocity. There was a hard struggle at the bridge;both parties knew the importance of that pass. 

The king particularly noted the prowess of two Moorish cavaliers, alike in arms and devices, and whom by their bearing and attendance heperceived to be commanders of the enemy. They were the two brothers, the alcaydes of Illora and Moclin. Wherever they turned they carriedconfusion and death into the ranks of the Christians, but they foughtwith desperation rather than valor. The count de Cabra and his brotherDon Martin de Cordova pressed forward with eagerness against them, but, having advanced too precipitately, were surrounded by the foe and inimminent danger. A young Christian knight, seeing their peril, hastenedwith his followers to their relief. The king recognized him for Don Juande Aragon, count of Ribargoza, his own nephew, for he was illegitimateson of the duke of Villahermosa, illegitimate brother of King Ferdinand. The splendid armor of Don Juan and the sumptuous caparison of his steedrendered him a brilliant object of attack. He was assailed on all sidesand his superb steed slain under him, yet still he fought valiantly, bearing for a time the brunt of the fight and giving the exhaustedforces of the count de Cabra time to recover breath. 

Seeing the peril of these troops and the general obstinacy of the fight, the king ordered the royal standard to be advanced, and hastened withall his forces to the relief of the count de Cabra. At his approachthe enemy gave way and retreated toward the bridge. The two Moorishcommanders endeavored to rally their troops and animate them to defendthis pass to the utmost: they used prayers, remonstrances, menaces, butalmost in vain. They could only collect a scanty handful of cavaliers;with these they planted themselves at the head of the bridge anddisputed it inch by inch. The fight was hot and obstinate, for but fewcould contend hand to hand, yet many discharged crossbows and arquebusesfrom the banks. The river was covered with the floating bodies of theslain. The Moorish band of cavaliers was almost entirely cut to pieces;the two brothers fell, covered with wounds, upon the bridge they hadso resolutely defended. They had given up the battle for lost, but haddetermined not to return alive to ungrateful Granada. 

When the people of the capital heard how devotedly they had fallen, theylamented greatly their deaths and extolled their memory: a column waserected to their honor in the vicinity of the bridge, which long went bythe name of "the Tomb of the Brothers. "

The army of Ferdinand now marched on and established its camp in thevicinity of Granada. The worthy Agapida gives many triumphant detailsof the ravages committed in the Vega, which was again laid waste, thegrain, fruits, and other productions of the earth destroyed, and thatearthly paradise rendered a dreary desert. He narrates several fiercebut ineffectual sallies and skirmishes of the Moors in defence of theirfavorite plain; among which one deserves to be mentioned, as it recordsthe achievements of one of the saintly heroes of this war. 

During one of the movements of the Christian army near the walls ofGranada a battalion of fifteen hundred cavalry and a large force offoot had sallied from the city, and posted themselves near some gardens, which were surrounded by a canal and traversed by ditches for thepurpose of irrigation. 

The Moors beheld the duke del Infantado pass by with his two splendidbattalions--one of men-at-arms, the other of light cavalry armed "a lagineta. " In company with him, but following as a rear-guard, was DonGarcia Osorio, the belligerent bishop of Jaen, attended by FranciscoBovadillo, the corregidor of his city, and followed by two squadrons ofmen-at-arms from Jaen, Anduxar, Ubeda, and Baeza. * The success of lastyear's campaign had given the good bishop an inclination for warlikeaffairs, and he had once more buckled on his cuirass. 

 * Pulgar, part 3, cap. 62. 

The Moors were much given to stratagem in warfare. They looked wistfullyat the magnificent squadrons of the duke del Infantado, but theirmartial discipline precluded all attack: the good bishop promised to bea more easy prey. Suffering the duke and his troops to pass unmolested, they approached the squadrons of the bishop, and making a pretendedattack, skirmished slightly and fled in apparent confusion. The bishopconsidered the day his own, and, seconded by his corregidor Bovadillo, followed with valorous precipitation. The Moors fled into the "Huertadel Rey, " or Orchard of the King; the troops of the bishop followedhotly after them. 

When the Moors perceived their pursuers fairly embarrassed among theintricacies of the garden, they turned fiercely upon them, while someof their number threw open the sluices of the Xenil. In an instant thecanal which encircled and the ditches which traversed the garden werefilled with water, and the valiant bishop and his followers foundthemselves overwhelmed by a deluge. * A scene of great confusionsucceeded. Some of the men of Jaen, stoutest of heart and hand, foughtwith the Moors in the garden, while others struggled with the water, endeavoring to escape across the canal, in which attempt many horseswere drowned. 

 * Pulgar. 

Fortunately, the duke del Infantado perceived the snare into whichhis companions had fallen, and despatched his light cavalry to theirassistance. The Moors were compelled to flight, and driven along theroad of Elvira up to the gates of Granada. * Several Christian cavaliersperished in this affray; the bishop himself escaped with difficulty, having slipped from his saddle in crossing the canal, but saving himselfby holding on to the tail of his charger. This perilous achievementseems to have satisfied the good bishop's belligerent propensities. Heretired on his laurels (says Agapida) to his city of Jaen, where, in thefruition of all good things, he gradually waxed too corpulent for hiscorselet, which was hung up in the hall of his episcopal palace, and wehear no more of his military deeds throughout the residue of the holywar of Granada. **

 * Pulgar. 

 * *"Don Luis Osorio fue obispo de Jaen desde el ano de 1483, ypresidio in esta. Iglesia hasta el de 1496 in que murio en Flandes, adonde fue acompanando a la princesa Dona Juana, esposa del archiduqueDon Felipe. "--"Espana Sagrada, " por Fr. M. Risco, tom. 41, trat. 77, cap. 4. 

King Ferdinand, having completed his ravage of the Vega and kept ElZagal shut up in his capital, conducted his army back through the Passof Lope to rejoin Queen Isabella at Moclin. 

The fortresses lately taken being well garrisoned and supplied, hegave the command of the frontier to his cousin, Don Fadrique de Toledo, afterward so famous in the Netherlands as the duke of Alva. The campaignbeing thus completely crowned with success, the sovereigns returned intriumph to the city of Cordova. 

CHAPTER XLV. 

ATTEMPT OF EL ZAGAL UPON THE LIFE OF BOABDIL, AND HOW THE LATTER WASROUSED TO ACTION. 

No sooner did the last squadron of Christian cavalry disappear behindthe mountains of Elvira and the note of its trumpets die away upon theear than the long-suppressed wrath of Muley el Zagal burst forth. Hedetermined no longer to be half a king, reigning over a divided kingdomin a divided capital, but to exterminate by any means, fair or foul, his nephew Boabdil and his faction. He turned furiously upon those whosefactious conduct had deterred him from sallying upon the foe: some hepunished by confiscations, others by banishment, others by death. Onceundisputed monarch of the entire kingdom, he trusted to his militaryskill to retrieve his fortunes and drive the Christians over thefrontier. 

Boabdil, however, had again retired to Velez el Blanco, on the confinesof Murcia, where he could avail himself, in case of emergency, of anyassistance or protection afforded him by the policy of Ferdinand. Hisdefeat had blighted his reviving fortunes, for the people considered himas inevitably doomed to misfortune. Still, while he lived El Zagal knewhe would be a rallying-point for faction, and liable at any moment tobe elevated into power by the capricious multitude. He had recourse, therefore, to the most perfidious means to compass his destruction. Hesent ambassadors to him representing the necessity of concord for thesalvation of the kingdom, and even offering to resign the title of kingand to become subject to his sway on receiving some estate on which hecould live in tranquil retirement. But while the ambassadors bore thesewords of peace they were furnished with poisoned herbs, which they wereto administer secretly to Boabdil, and if they failed in this attemptthey had pledged themselves to despatch him openly while engaged inconversation. They were instigated to this treason by promises of greatreward, and by assurances from the alfaquis that Boabdil was an apostatewhose death would be acceptable to Heaven. 

The young monarch was secretly apprised of the concerted treason, andrefused an audience to the ambassadors. He denounced his uncle as themurderer of his father and his kindred and the usurper of his throne, and vowed never to relent in hostility to him until he should place hishead on the walls of the Alhambra. 

Open war again broke out between the two monarchs, though feebly carriedon in consequence of their mutual embarrassments. Ferdinand againextended his assistance to Boabdil, ordering the commanders of hisfortresses to aid him in all enterprises against his uncle, and againstsuch places as refused to acknowledge him as king; and Don Juan deBonavides, who commanded in Lorca, even made inroads in his name intothe territories of Almeria, Baza, and Guadix, which owned allegiance toEl Zagal. 

The unfortunate Boabdil had three great evils to contend with--theinconstancy of his subjects, the hostility of his uncle, and thefriendship of Ferdinand. The last was by far the most baneful: hisfortunes withered under it. He was looked upon as the enemy of his faithand of his country. The cities shut their gates against him; the peoplecursed him; even the scanty band of cavaliers who had hitherto followedhis ill-starred banner began to desert him, for he had not wherewithalto reward nor even to support them. His spirits sank with his fortune, and he feared that in a little time he should not have a spot of earthwhereon to plant his standard nor an adherent to rally under it. 

In the midst of his despondency he received a message from hislion-hearted mother, the sultana Ayxa la Horra. It was brought by thesteadfast adherent to their fortunes, Aben Comixa. "For shame, " saidshe, "to linger timorously about the borders of your kingdom when ausurper is seated in your capital! Why look abroad for perfidious aidwhen you have loyal hearts beating true to you in Granada? TheAlbaycin is ready to throw open its gates to receive you. Strike homevigorously--a sudden blow may mend all or make an end. A throne or agrave!--for a king there is no honorable medium. "

Boabdil was of an undecided character, but there are circumstances whichbring the most wavering to a decision, and when once resolved they areapt to act with a daring impulse unknown to steadier judgments. Themessage of the sultana roused him from a dream. Granada, beautifulGranada, with its stately Alhambra, its delicious gardens, its gushingand limpid fountains sparkling among groves of orange, citron, andmyrtle, rose before him. "What have I done, " exclaimed he, "that Ishould be an exile from this paradise of my forefathers--a wanderer andfugitive in my own kingdom, while a murderous usurper sits proudly uponmy throne? Surely Allah will befriend the righteous cause; one blow, andall may be my own. "

He summoned his scanty band of cavaliers. "Who is ready to follow hismonarch unto the death?" said he; and every one laid his hand upon hisscimetar. "Enough!" said he; "let each man arm himself and prepare hissteed in secret for an enterprise of toil and peril; if we succeed, ourreward is empire. "

CHAPTER XLVI. 

HOW BOABDIL RETURNED SECRETLY TO GRANADA, AND HOW HE WASRECEIVED. --SECOND EMBASSY OF DON JUAN DE VERA, AND HIS PERILS IN THEALHAMBRA. 

"In the hand of God, " exclaimed an old Arabian chronicler, "is thedestiny of princes; he alone giveth empire. A Moorish horseman, mountedon a fleet Arabian steed, was one day traversing the mountains whichextended between Granada and the frontier of Murcia. He galloped swiftlythrough the valleys, but paused and looked out cautiously from thesummit of every height. A squadron of cavaliers followed warily ata distance. There were fifty lances. The richness of their armor andattire showed them to be warriors of noble rank, and their leader hada lofty and prince-like demeanor. " The squadron thus described bythe Arabian chronicler was the Moorish king Boabdil and his devotedfollowers. 

For two nights and a day they pursued their adventurous journey, avoiding all populous parts of the country and choosing the mostsolitary passes of the mountains. They suffered severe hardships andfatigues, but suffered without a murmur: they were accustomed to ruggedcampaigning, and their steeds were of generous and unyielding spirit. It was midnight, and all was dark and silent as they descended from themountains and approached the city of Granada. They passed along quietlyunder the shadow of its walls, until they arrived near the gate ofthe Albaycin. Here Boabdil ordered his followers to halt and remainconcealed. Taking but four or five with him, he advanced resolutely tothe gate and knocked with the hilt of his scimetar. The guards demandedwho sought to enter at that unseasonable hour. "Your king!" exclaimedBoabdil; "open the gate and admit him!"

The guards held forth a light and recognized the person of the youthfulmonarch. They were struck with sudden awe and threw open the gates, and Boabdil and his followers entered unmolested. They galloped to thedwellings of the principal inhabitants of the Albaycin, thunderingat their portals and summoning them to arise and take arms for theirrightful sovereign. The summons was instantly obeyed: trumpets resoundedthroughout the streets--the gleam of torches and the flash of armsshowed the Moors hurrying to their gathering-places; by daybreak thewhole force of the Albaycin was rallied under the standard of Boabdil, and Aben Comixa was made alcayde of the fortress. Such was the successof this sudden and desperate act of the young monarch, for we areassured by contemporary historians that there had been no previousconcert or arrangement. "As the guards opened the gates of the city toadmit him, " observes a pious chronicler, "so God opened the hearts ofthe Moors to receive him as their king. "*

 * Pulgar. 

In the morning early the tidings of this event roused El Zagal from hisslumbers in the Alhambra. The fiery old warrior assembled his guard inhaste and made his way, sword in hand, to the Albaycin, hoping to comeupon his nephew by surprise. He was vigorously met by Boabdil andhis adherents, and driven back into the quarter of the Alhambra. Anencounter took place between the two kings in the square before theprincipal mosque; here they fought hand to hand with implacable fury, asthough it had been agreed to decide their competition for the crown bysingle combat. In the tumult of this chance-medley affray, however, theywere separated, and the party of El Zagal was ultimately driven from thesquare. 

The battle raged for some time in the streets and places of the city, but, finding their powers of mischief cramped within such narrow limits, both parties sallied forth into the fields and fought beneath the wallsuntil evening. Many fell on both sides, and at night each partywithdrew into its quarter until the morning gave them light to renew theunnatural conflict. For several days the two grand divisions of the cityremained like hostile powers arrayed against each other. The party ofthe Alhambra was more numerous than that of the Albaycin, and containedmost of the nobility and chivalry; but the adherents of Boabdil weremen hardened and strengthened by labor and habitually skilled in theexercise of arms. 

The Albaycin underwent a kind of siege by the forces of El Zagal; theyeffected breaches in the walls, and made repeated attempts to carry itsword in hand, but were as often repulsed. The troops of Boabdil, on theother hand, made frequent sallies, and in the conflicts which tookplace the hatred of the combatants arose to such a pitch of fury that noquarter was given on either side. 

Boabdil perceived the inferiority of his force; he dreaded also that hisadherents, being for the most part tradesmen and artisans, wouldbecome impatient of this interruption of their gainful occupations anddisheartened by these continual scenes of carnage. He sent missives, therefore, in all haste to Don Fadrique de Toledo, who commanded theChristian forces on the frontier, entreating his assistance. 

Don Fadrique had received instructions from the politic Ferdinand toaid the youthful monarch in all his contests with his uncle. He advancedwith a body of troops near to Granada. The moment Boabdil discerned, from the towers of the Albaycin, the Christian banners and lanceswinding round the base of the mountain of Elvira, he sallied forth tomeet them, escorted by a squadron of Abencerrages under Aben Comixa. El Zagal, who was equally on the alert, and apprised that the Christiantroops came in aid of his nephew, likewise sallied forth and drew up histroops in battle array. Don Fadrique, wary lest some treachery should beintended, halted among some plantations of olives, retained Boabdil byhis side, and signified his wish that Aben Comixa would advance with hissquadron and offer battle to the old king. The provocation was given, but El Zagal maintained his position. He threw out some light parties, however, which skirmished with the Abencerrages of Aben Comixa, afterwhich he caused his trumpets to sound a recall, and retired into thecity, mortified, it is said, that the Christian cavaliers should witnessthese fratricidal discords between true believers. 

Don Fadrique, still distrustful, drew off to a distance, and encampedfor the night near the bridge of Cabillas. 

Early in the morning a Moorish cavalier with an escort approached theadvance guard, and his trumpets sounded a parley. He craved an audienceas an envoy from El Zagal, and was admitted to the tent of Don Fadrique. El Zagal had learnt that the Christian troops had come to aid hisnephew, and now offered to enter into an alliance with them on termsstill more advantageous than those of Boabdil. The wary Don Fadriquelistened to the Moor with apparent complacency, but determined to sendone of his most intrepid and discreet cavaliers, under the protection ofa flag, to hold a conference with the old king within the very walls ofthe Alhambra. The officer chosen for this important mission was Don Juande Vera, the same stanch and devout cavalier who in times preceding thewar had borne the message from the Castilian sovereigns to old MuleyAbul Hassan demanding arrears of tribute. Don Juan was receivedwith great ceremony by the king. No records remain of his diplomaticnegotiations, but they extended into the night, and, it being too lateto return to camp, he was sumptuously lodged in an apartment of theAlhambra. In the morning one of the courtiers about the palace, somewhatgiven to jest and raillery, invited Don Juan to a ceremony which someof the alfaquis were about to celebrate in the mosque of the palace. The religious punctilio of this most discreet cavalier immediately tookumbrage at what he conceived a banter. "The servants of Queen Isabellaof Castile, " replied he, stiffly and sternly, "who bear on their armorthe cross of St. Jago, never enter the temples of Mahomet but to levelthem to the earth and trample on them. "

The Moslem courtier retired somewhat disconcerted by this Catholic butnot very courteous reply, and reported it to a renegado of Antiquera. The latter, eager, like all renegados, to show devotion to hisnewly-adopted creed, volunteered to return with the courtier and have atilt of words with the testy diplomatist. They found Don Juan playinga game of chess with the alcayde of the Alhambra, and took occasion toindulge in sportive comments on some of the mysteries of the Christianreligion. The ire of this devout knight and discreet ambassador beganto kindle, but he restrained it within the limits of lofty gravity. "You would do well, " said he, "to cease talking about what you do notunderstand. " This only provoked light attacks of the witlings, until oneof them dared to make some degrading and obscene comparison between theBlessed Virgin and Amina, the mother of Mahomet. In an instant Don Juansprang to his feet, dashed chess-board and chess-men aside, and, drawinghis sword, dealt, says the curate of los Palacios, such a "fermosacuchillada" (such a handsome slash) across the head of the blasphemingMoor as felled him to the earth. The renegado, seeing his comradefall, fled for his life, making the halls and galleries ring with hisoutcries. Guards, pages, and attendants rushed in, but Don Juankept them at bay until the appearance of the king restored order. On inquiring into the cause of the affray he acted with properdiscrimination. Don Juan was held sacred as an ambassador, and therenegado was severely punished for having compromised the hospitality ofthe royal palace. 

The tumult in the Alhambra, however, soon caused a more dangerous tumultin the city. It was rumored that Christians had been introduced intothe palace with some treasonable design. The populace caught up arms andascended in throngs to the Gate of Justice, demanding the death of allChristian spies and those who had introduced them. This was no timeto reason with an infuriate mob, when the noise of their clamors mightbring the garrison of the Albaycin to back them. Nothing was left forEl Zagal but to furnish Don Juan with a disguise, a swift horse, and anescort, and to let him out of the Alhambra by a private gate. It wasa sore grievance to the stately cavalier to have to submit to theseexpedients, but there was no alternative. In Moorish disguise he passedthrough crowds that were clamoring for his head, and, once out of thegate of the city, gave reins to his horse, nor ceased spurring until hefound himself safe under the banners of Don Fadrique. 

Thus ended the second embassy of Don Juan de Vera, less stately but moreperilous than the first. Don Fadrique extolled his prowess, whateverhe may have thought of his discretion, and rewarded him with a superbhorse, while at the same time he wrote a letter to El Zagal thanking himfor the courtesy and protection he had observed to his ambassador. QueenIsabella also was particularly delighted with the piety of Don Juan andhis promptness in vindicating the immaculate character of the BlessedVirgin, and, besides conferring on him various honorable distinctions, made him a royal present of three hundred thousand maravedis. *

 * Alcantara, Hist. Granad. , vol. 3, c. 17, apud De Harro, NobiliarioGenealogico, lib. 5, cap. 15. 

The report brought by this cavalier of affairs in Granada, togetherwith the preceding skirmishings between the Moorish factions before thewalls, convinced Don Fadrique that there was no collusion between themonarchs: on returning to his frontier post, therefore, he sent Boabdila reinforcement of Christian foot-soldiers and arquebusiers, underFernan Alvarez de Sotomayor, alcayde of Colomera. This was as afirebrand thrown in to light up anew the flames of war in the city, which remained raging between the Moorish inhabitants for the space offifty days. 

CHAPTER XLVII. 

HOW KING FERDINAND LAID SIEGE TO VELEZ MALAGA. 

Hitherto the events of this renowned war have been little else than asuccession of brilliant but brief exploits, such as sudden forays, wild skirmishes among the mountains, and the surprisals of castles, fortresses, and frontier towns. We approach now to more important andprolonged operations, in which ancient and mighty cities, the bulwarksof Granada, were invested by powerful armies, subdued by slow andregular sieges, and thus the capital left naked and alone. 

The glorious triumphs of the Christian sovereigns (says Fray AntonioAgapida) had resounded throughout the East and filled all heathenessewith alarm. The Grand Turk, Bajazet II. , and his deadly foe, the grandsoldan of Egypt, suspending for a time their bloody feuds, entered intoa league to protect the religion of Mahomet and the kingdom of Granadafrom the hostilities of the Christians. It was concerted between themthat Bajazet should send a powerful armada against the island of Sicily, then appertaining to the Spanish Crown, for the purpose of distractingthe attention of the Castilian sovereigns, while at the same time greatbodies of troops should be poured into Granada from the opposite coastof Africa. 

Ferdinand and Isabella received timely intelligence of these designs. They resolved at once to carry the war into the sea-board of Granada, topossess themselves of its ports, and thus, as it were, to bar the gatesof the kingdom against all external aid. Malaga was to be the mainobject of attack: it was the principal seaport of the kingdom, andalmost necessary to its existence. It had long been the seat of opulentcommerce, sending many ships to the coasts of Syria and Egypt. It wasalso the great channel of communication with Africa, through whichwere introduced supplies of money, troops, arms, and steeds from Tunis, Tripoli, Fez, Tremezan, and other Barbary powers. It was emphaticallycalled, therefore, "the hand and mouth of Granada. " Before laying siegeto this redoubtable city, however, it was deemed necessary to secure theneighboring city of Velez Malaga and its dependent places, which mightotherwise harass the besieging army. 

For this important campaign the nobles of the kingdom were againsummoned to take the field with their forces in the spring of 1487. The menaced invasion of the infidel powers of the East had awakened newardor in the bosoms of all true Christian knights, and so zealously didthey respond to the summons of the sovereigns that an army of twentythousand cavalry and fifty thousand foot, the flower of Spanishwarriors, led by the bravest of Spanish cavaliers, thronged the renownedcity of Cordova at the appointed time. 

On the night before this mighty host set forth upon its march anearthquake shook the city. The inhabitants, awakened by the shaking ofthe walls and rocking of the towers, fled to the courts and squares, fearing to be overwhelmed by the ruins of their dwellings. Theearthquake was most violent in the quarter of the royal residence, thesite of the ancient palace of the Moorish kings. Many looked upon thisas an omen of some impending evil; but Fray Antonio Agapida, in thatinfallible spirit of divination which succeeds an event, plainly readsin it a presage that the empire of the Moors was about to be shaken toits centre. 

It was on Saturday, the eve of the Sunday of Palms (says a worthy andloyal chronicler of the time), that the most Catholic monarch departedwith his army to render service to Heaven and make war upon the Moors. *Heavy rains had swelled all the streams and rendered the roads deep anddifficult. The king, therefore, divided his host into two bodies. Inone he put all the artillery, guarded by a strong body of horse, andcommanded by the master of Alcantara and Martin Alonso, senior ofMontemayor. This division was to proceed by the road through thevalleys, where pasturage abounded for the oxen which drew the ordnance. 

 * Pulgar, Cronica de los Reyes Catholicos. 

The main body of the army was led by the king in person. It was dividedinto numerous battalions, each commanded by some distinguished cavalier. The king took the rough and perilous road of the mountains, and fewmountains are more rugged and difficult than those of Andalusia. Theroads are mere mule-paths straggling amidst rocks and along the verge ofprecipices, clambering vast craggy heights, or descending into frightfulchasms and ravines, with scanty and uncertain foothold for either man orsteed. Four thousand pioneers were sent in advance, under the alcayde delos Donceles, to conquer in some degree the asperities of the road. Somehad pickaxes and crowbars to break the rocks, others had implements toconstruct bridges over the mountain-torrents, while it was the duty ofothers to lay stepping-stones in the smaller streams. As the countrywas inhabited by fierce Moorish mountaineers, Don Diego de Castrillowas despatched with a body of horse and foot to take possession of theheights and passes. Notwithstanding every precaution, the royal armysuffered excessively on its march. At one time there was no place toencamp for five leagues of the most toilsome and mountainous country, and many of the beasts of burden sank down and perished on the road. 

It was with the greatest joy, therefore, that the royal army emergedfrom these stern and frightful defiles, and came to where they lookeddown upon the vega of Velez Malaga. The region before them was oneof the most delectable to the eye that ever was ravaged by an army. Sheltered from every rude blast by a screen of mountains, and slopingand expanding to the south, this lovely valley was quickened by the mostgenerous sunshine, watered by the silver meanderings of the Velez, andrefreshed by cooling breezes from the Mediterranean. The sloping hillswere covered with vineyards and olive trees; the distant fields wavedwith grain or were verdant with pasturage; while round the city weredelightful gardens, the favorite retreats of the Moors, wheretheir white pavilions gleamed among groves of oranges, citrons, andpomegranates, and were surrounded by stately palms--those plants ofsouthern growth bespeaking a generous climate and a cloudless sky. 

In the upper part of this delightful valley the city of Velez Malagareared its warrior battlements in stern contrast to the landscape. Itwas built on the declivity of a steep and insulated hill, and stronglyfortified by walls and towers. The crest of the hill rose high above thetown into a mere crag, inaccessible on every other side, and crowned bya powerful castle, which domineered over the surrounding country. Twosuburbs swept down into the valley from the skirts of the town, andwere defended by bulwarks and deep ditches. The vast ranges of graymountains, often capped with clouds, which rose to the north, wereinhabited by a hardy and warlike race, whose strong fortresses ofComares, Canillas, Competa, and Benamargosa frowned down from craggedheights. 

When the Christian host arrived in sight of this valley, a squadron washovering on the smooth sea before it displaying the banner of Castile. This was commanded by the count of Trevento, and consisted of four armedgalleys, convoying a number of caravels laden with supplies for thearmy. 

After surveying the ground, King Ferdinand encamped on the side of amountain which advanced close to the city, and was the last of a ruggedsierra, or chain of heights, that extended quite to Granada. On thesummit of this mountain, and overlooking the camp, was a Moorish town, powerfully fortified, called Bentomiz, considered capable of yieldinggreat assistance to Velez Malaga. Several of the generals remonstratedwith the king for choosing a post so exposed to assaults fromthe mountaineers, but he replied that he should thus cut off allcommunication between Bentomiz and the city, and that, as to the danger, his soldiers must keep the more vigilant guard against surprise. 

King Ferdinand rode about, attended by several cavaliers and a smallnumber of cuirassiers, appointing the various stations of the camp. Having directed a body of foot-soldiers to possess themselves, as anadvanced guard, of an important height which overlooked the city, heretired to a tent to take refreshment. While at table he was startled bya sudden uproar, and, looking forth, beheld his soldiers flying beforea superior force of the enemy. The king had on no other armor but acuirass: seizing a lance, however, he sprang upon his horse and gallopedto protect the fugitives, followed by his handful of knights andcuirassiers. When the soldiers saw the king hastening to their aid, theyturned upon their pursuers. Ferdinand in his eagerness threw himselfinto the midst of the foe. One of his grooms was killed beside him, butbefore the Moor who slew him could escape the king transfixed himwith his lance. He then sought to draw his sword, which hung at hissaddle-bow, but in vain. Never had he been exposed to such peril; he wassurrounded by the enemy without a weapon wherewith to defend himself. 

In this moment of awful jeopardy the marques of Cadiz, the countde Cabra, the adelantado of Murcia, with two other cavaliers, namedGarcilasso de la Vega and Diego de Atayde, came galloping to the sceneof action, and, surrounding the king, made a rampart of their bodiesagainst the assaults of the Moors. The horse of the marques was piercedby an arrow, and that worthy cavalier exposed to imminent danger; butwith the aid of his valorous companions he quickly put the enemy toflight, and pursued them with slaughter to the very gates of the city. 

When those loyal warriors returned from the pursuit they remonstratedwith the king for exposing his life in personal conflict, seeing thathe had so many valiant captains whose business it was to fight. Theyreminded him that the life of a prince was the life of his people, and that many a brave army was lost by the loss of its commander. Theyentreated him, therefore, in future to protect them with the force ofhis mind in the cabinet, rather than of his arm in the field. 

Ferdinand acknowledged the wisdom of their advice, but declared that hecould not see his people in peril without venturing his person to assistthem--a reply (say the old chroniclers) which delighted the whole army, inasmuch as they saw that he not only governed them as a good king, butprotected them as a valiant captain. He, however, was conscious of theextreme peril to which he had been exposed, and made a vow never againto venture into battle without having his sword girt to his side. *

 * Illescas, Hist. Pontif. , lib. 6, c. 20; Vedmar, Hist. Velez Malaga. 

When this achievement of the king was related to Isabella, she trembledamidst her joy at his safety, and afterward, in memorial of the event, granted to Velez Malaga, as the arms of the city, the figure of the kingon horseback, with a groom lying dead at his feet and the Moors flying. *

 * Ibid. 

The camp was formed, but the artillery was yet on the road, advancingwith infinite labor at the rate of merely a league a day, for heavyrains had converted the streams of the valleys into raging torrents andcompletely broken up the roads. In the mean time, King Ferdinandordered an assault on the suburbs of the city. They were carried after asanguinary conflict of six hours, in which many Christian cavaliers werekilled and wounded, and among the latter Don Alvaro of Portugal, son ofthe duke of Braganza. The suburbs were then fortified toward the citywith trenches and palisades, and garrisoned by a chosen force under DonFadrique de Toledo. Other trenches were digged round the city and fromthe suburbs to the royal camp, so as to cut off all communication withthe surrounding country. 

Bodies of troops were also sent to take possession of themountain-passes by which the supplies for the army had to be brought. The mountains, however, were so steep and rugged, and so full of defilesand lurking-places, that the Moors could sally forth and retreat inperfect security, frequently swooping down upon Christian convoys andbearing off both booty and prisoners to their strongholds. Sometimes theMoors would light fires at night on the sides of the mountains, whichwould be answered by fires from the watch-towers and fortresses. Bythese signals they would concert assaults upon the Christian camp, whichin consequence was obliged to be continually on the alert. 

King Ferdinand flattered himself that the manifestation of his force hadstruck sufficient terror into the city, and that by offers of clemencyit might be induced to capitulate. He wrote a letter, therefore, tothe commanders, promising, in case of immediate surrender, that allthe inhabitants should be permitted to depart with their effects, butthreatening them with fire and sword if they persisted in defence. Thisletter was despatched by a cavalier named Carvajal, who, putting it onthe end of a lance, reached it to the Moors on the walls of the city. Abul Cacim Vanegas, son of Reduan, and alcayde of the fortress, repliedthat the king was too noble and magnanimous to put such a threat inexecution, and that he should not surrender, as he knew the artillerycould not be brought to the camp, and he was promised succor by the kingof Granada. 

At the same time that he received this reply the king learnt that at thestrong town of Comares, upon a height about two leagues distant from thecamp, a large number of warriors had assembled from the Axarquia, thesame mountains in which the Christian cavaliers had been massacred inthe beginning of the war, and that others were daily expected, for thisrugged sierra was capable of furnishing fifteen thousand fighting-men. 

King Ferdinand felt that his army, thus disjoined and enclosed inan enemy's country, was in a perilous situation, and that the utmostdiscipline and vigilance were necessary. He put the camp under thestrictest regulations, forbidding all gaming, blasphemy, or brawl, andexpelling all loose women and their attendant bully ruffians, the usualfomenters of riot and contention among soldiery. He ordered that noneshould sally forth to skirmish without permission from their commanders;that none should set fire to the woods on the neighboring mountains; andthat all word of security given to Moorish places or individuals shouldbe inviolably observed. These regulations were enforced by severepenalties, and had such salutary effect that, though a vast host ofvarious people was collected together, not an opprobrious epithet washeard nor a weapon drawn in quarrel. 

In the mean time the cloud of war continued to gather about the summitsof the mountains, and multitudes of the fierce warriors of the sierradescended to the lower heights of Bentomiz, which overhung the camp, intending to force their way to the city. A detachment was sent againstthem, which, after sharp fighting, drove them to the higher cliffs, where it was impossible to pursue them. 

Ten days had elapsed since the encampment of the army, yet still theartillery had not arrived. The lombards and other heavy ordnance wereleft in despair at Antiquera; the rest came groaning slowly through thenarrow valleys, which were filled with long trains of artillery and carsladen with munitions. At length part of the smaller ordnance arrivedwithin half a league of the camp, and the Christians were animatedwith the hopes of soon being able to make a regular attack upon thefortifications of the city. 

CHAPTER XLVIII. 

HOW KING FERDINAND AND HIS ARMY WERE EXPOSED TO IMMINENT PERIL BEFOREVELEZ MALAGA. 

While the standard of the cross waved on the hills before Velez Malaga, and every height and cliff bristled with hostile arms, the civil warbetween the factions of the Alhambra and the Albaycin, or rather betweenEl Zagal and El Chico, continued to convulse the city of Granada. Thetidings of the investment of Velez Malaga at length roused the attentionof the old men and the alfaquis, whose heads were not heated by thedaily broils, and they endeavored to arouse the people to a sense oftheir common danger. 

"Why, " said they, "continue these brawls between brethren and kindred?What battles are these where even triumph is ignominious, and the victorblushes and conceals his scars? Behold the Christians ravaging the landwon by the valor and blood of your forefathers, dwelling in the housesthey built, sitting under the trees they planted, while your brethrenwander about houseless and desolate. Do you wish to seek your realfoe?--he is encamped on the mountain of Bentomiz. Do you want a fieldfor the display of your valor?--you will find it before the walls ofVelez Malaga. "

When they had roused the spirit of the people they made their way tothe rival kings, and addressed them with like remonstrances. Hamet AbenZarraz, the inspired santon, reproached El Zagal with his blind andsenseless ambition. "You are striving to be king, " said he, bitterly, "yet suffer the kingdom to be lost!"

El Zagal found himself in a perplexing dilemma. He had a double war towage--with the enemy without and the enemy within. Should the Christiansgain possession of the sea-coast, it would be ruinous to the kingdom;should he leave Granada to oppose them, his vacant throne might beseized on by his nephew. He made a merit of necessity, and, pretendingto yield to the remonstrances of the alfaquis, endeavored to compromisewith Boabdil. He expressed deep concern at the daily losses of thecountry caused by the dissensions of the capital: an opportunity nowpresented to retrieve all by a blow. The Christians had in a mannerput themselves in a tomb between the mountains--nothing remained but tothrow the earth upon them. He offered to resign the title of king, tosubmit to the government of his nephew, and fight under his standard;all he desired was to hasten to the relief of Velez Malaga and to takefull vengeance on the Christians. 

Boabdil spurned his proposition as the artifice of a hypocrite and atraitor. "How shall I trust a man, " said he, "who has murdered my fatherand my kindred by treachery, and has repeatedly sought my own life bothby violence and stratagem?"

El Zagal boiled with rage and vexation, but there was no time to belost. He was beset by the alfaquis and the nobles of his count; theyouthful cavaliers were hot for action, the common people loud in theircomplaints that the richest cities were abandoned to the mercy of theenemy. The old warrior was naturally fond of fighting; he saw also thatto remain inactive would endanger both crown and kingdom, whereas asuccessful blow might secure his popularity in Granada. He had amuch more powerful force than his nephew, having lately receivedreinforcements from Baza, Guadix, and Almeria; he could march with alarge force, therefore, to the relief of Velez Malaga, and yet leave astrong garrison in the Alhambra. He took his measures accordingly, anddeparted suddenly in the night at the head of one thousand horse andtwenty thousand foot, and urged his way rapidly by the most unfrequentedroads along the chain of mountains extending from Granada to the heightsabove Velez Malaga. 

The Christians were alarmed one evening by the sudden blazing of greatfires on the mountains about the fortress of Bentomiz. By the ruddylight they beheld the flash of weapons and the array of troops, andthey heard the distant sound of Moorish drums and trumpets. The firesof Bentomiz were answered by fires on the towers of Velez Malaga. Theshouts of "El Zagal! El Zagal!" echoed along the cliffs and resoundedfrom the city, and the Christians found that the old warrior-king ofGranada was on the mountain above the camp. 

The spirits of the Moors were suddenly raised to a pitch of the greatestexultation, while the Christians were astonished to see the storm of warready to burst upon their heads. The count de Cabra, with his accustomedeagerness when there was a king in the field, would fain have scaled theheights and attacked El Zagal before he had time to form his camp; butFerdinand, more cool and wary, restrained him. To attack the heightwould be to abandon the siege. He ordered every one, therefore, to keepa vigilant watch at his post and stand ready to defend it to the utmost, but on no account to sally forth and attack the enemy. 

All night the signal-fires kept blazing along the mountains, rousing andanimating the whole country. The morning sun rose over the lofty summitof Bentomiz on a scene of martial splendor. As its rays glanced downthe mountain they lighted up the white tents of the Christian cavalierscresting its lower prominences, their pennons and ensigns fluttering inthe morning breeze. The sumptuous pavilions of the king, with the holystandard of the cross and the royal banners of Castile and Aragon, dominated the encampment. Beyond lay the city, its lofty castle andnumerous towers glistening with arms, while above all, and just onthe profile of the height, in the full blaze of the rising sun, weredescried the tents of the Moor, his troops clustering about them and hisinfidel banners floating against the sky. Columns of smoke rose wherethe night-fires had blazed, and the clash of the Moorish cymbal, thebray of trumpet, and the neigh of steed were faintly heard from the airyheights. So pure and transparent is the atmosphere in this regionthat every object can be distinctly seen at a great distance, and theChristians were able to behold the formidable hosts of fires gatheringon the summits of the surrounding mountains. 

One of the first measures of the Moorish king was to detach a largeforce, under Reduan de Vanegas, alcayde of Granada, to fall upon theconvoy of ordnance, which stretched for a great distance through themountain-defiles. Ferdinand had anticipated this attempt, and sent thecommander of Leon with a body of horse and foot to reinforce the masterof Alcantara. El Zagal from his mountain-height beheld the detachmentissue from the camp, and immediately recalled Reduan. The armiesnow remained quiet for a time, the Moor looking grimly down upon theChristian camp, like a tiger meditating a bound upon his prey. TheChristians were in fearful jeopardy--a hostile city below them, apowerful army above them, and on every side mountains filled withimplacable foes. 

After El Zagal had maturely considered the situation of the Christiancamp, and informed himself of all the passes of the mountain, heconceived a plan to surprise the enemy which he flattered himself wouldensure their ruin and perhaps the capture of King Ferdinand. He wrotea letter to the alcayde of the city, commanding him in the dead of thenight, on a signal-fire being made from the mountain, to sally forthwith all his troops and fall furiously upon the Christian camp. The kingwould, at the same time, rush down with his army from the mountain, andassail it on the opposite side, thus overwhelming it at the hour of deeprepose. This letter he despatched by a renegado Christian, who knew allthe secret roads of the country, and if taken could pass himself for aChristian who had escaped from captivity. 

El Zagal, confident in his stratagem, looked down upon the Christiansas his devoted victims. As the sun went down and the long shadows of themountains stretched across the vega, he pointed with exultation to thecamp below, apparently unconscious of the impending danger. "Behold, "said he, "the unbelievers are delivered into our hands; their king andchoicest chivalry will soon be at our mercy. Now is the time to show thecourage of men, and by one glorious victory retrieve all that we havelost. Happy he who falls fighting in the cause of the Prophet! he willat once be transported to the paradise of the faithful and surrounded byimmortal houris. Happy he who shall survive victorious! he will beholdGranada--an earthly paradise!--once more delivered from its foes andrestored to all its glory. " The words of El Zagal were received withacclamations by his troops, who waited impatiently for the appointedhour to pour down from their mountain-hold upon the Christians. 

CHAPTER XLIX. 

RESULT OF THE STRATAGEM OF EL ZAGAL TO SURPRISE KING FERDINAND. 

Queen Isabella and her court had remained at Cordova in great anxietyfor the result of the royal expedition. Every day brought tidings ofthe difficulties which attended the transportation of the ordnance andmunitions and of the critical state of the army. 

While in this state of anxious suspense couriers arrived with all speedfrom the frontiers, bringing tidings of the sudden sally of El Zagalfrom Granada to surprise the camp. All Cordova was in consternation. Thedestruction of the Andalusian chivalry among the mountains of this veryneighborhood was called to mind; it was feared that similar ruin wasabout to burst forth from rocks and precipices upon Ferdinand and hisarmy. 

Queen Isabella shared in the public alarm, but it served to rouse allthe energies of her heroic mind. Instead of uttering idle apprehensions, she sought only how to avert the danger. She called upon all the men ofAndalusia under the age of seventy to arm and hasten to the relief oftheir sovereign, and she prepared to set out with the first levies. The grand cardinal of Spain, old Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, in whom thepiety of the saint and the wisdom of the counsellor were mingled withthe fire of the cavalier, offered high pay to all horsemen who wouldfollow him to aid their king and the Christian cause, and, buckling onarmor, prepared to lead them to the scene of danger. 

The summons of the queen roused the quick Andalusian spirit. Warriorswho had long since given up fighting and had sent their sons to battlenow seized the sword and lance rusting on the wall, and marshalled forththeir gray-headed domestics and their grandchildren for the field. Thegreat dread was, that all aid would arrive too late; El Zagal and hishost had passed like a storm through the mountains, and it was fearedthe tempest had already burst upon the Christian camp. 

In the mean time, the night had closed which had been appointed by ElZagal for the execution of his plan. He had watched the last light ofday expire, and all the Spanish camp remained tranquil. As the hourswore away the camp-fires were gradually extinguished. No drum nortrumpet sounded from below. Nothing was heard but now and then the dullheavy tread of troops or the echoing tramp of horses--the usual patrolsof the camp--and the changes of the guards. El Zagal restrained his ownimpatience and that of his troops until the night should be advancedand the camp sunk in that heavy sleep from which men are with difficultyawakened, and when awakened prone to be bewildered and dismayed. 

At length the appointed hour arrived. By order of the Moorish king abright flame sprang up from the height of Bentomiz, but El Zagal lookedin vain for the responding light from the city. His impatience wouldbrook no longer delay; he ordered the advance of the army to descend themountain-defile and attack the camp. The defile was narrow and overhungby rocks; as the troops proceeded they came suddenly, in a shadowyhollow, upon a dark mass of warriors who, with a loud shout, rushed toassail them. Surprised and disconcerted, they retreated in confusion tothe height. When El Zagal heard of a Christian force in the defile, hedoubted some counter-plan of the enemy, and gave orders to light themountain-fires. On a signal given bright flames sprang up on everyheight from pyres of wood prepared for the purpose: cliff blazed outafter cliff until the whole atmosphere was in a glow of furnace light. 

The ruddy glare lit up the glens and passes, and fell strongly uponthe Christian camp, revealing all its tents and every post and bulwark. Wherever El Zagal turned his eyes he beheld the light of his firesflashed back from cuirass and helm and sparkling lance; he beheld agrove of spears planted in every pass, every assailable point bristlingwith arms, and squadrons of horse and foot in battle array awaiting hisattack. 

In fact, his letter to the alcayde of Velez Malaga had been interceptedby the vigilant Ferdinand, the renegado messenger hanged, and secretmeasures taken after nightfall to give the Moors a warm reception. ElZagal saw that his plan of surprise was discovered and foiled; furiouswith disappointment, he ordered his troops forward to the attack. They rushed down the defile, but were again encountered by the mass ofChristian warriors, being the advance guard of the army commanded by DonHurtado de Mendoza, brother of the grand cardinal. The Moors were againrepulsed, and retreated up the height. Don Hurtado would have followedthem, but the ascent was steep and rugged and easily defended. Asharp action was kept up through the night with crossbows, darts, andarquebuses. The cliffs echoed with deafening uproar, while the firesblazing upon the mountains threw a lurid and uncertain light upon thescene. 

When the day dawned and the Moors saw that there was no co-operationfrom the city, they slackened in their ardor: they beheld also everypass of the mountain filled with Christian troops, and began toapprehend an assault in return. Just then King Ferdinand sent themarques of Cadiz with horse and foot to seize upon a height occupied bya battalion of the enemy. The marques assailed the Moors with his usualintrepidity, and soon put them to flight. The others, who were above, seeing their comrades fly, threw down their arms and retreated. One ofthose unaccountable panics which now and then seize upon great bodiesof people, and to which the light-spirited Moors were prone, now spreadthroughout the camp. They were terrified, they knew not why nor at what, and, throwing away swords, lances, breast-plates, crossbows, everythingthat could impede their motions, scattered themselves wildly in everydirection. They fled without pursuers--from the glimpse of each other'sarms, from the sound of each other's footsteps. Reduan de Vanegas, thebrave alcayde of Granada, alone succeeded in collecting a body ofthe fugitives; he made a circuit with them through the passes of themountain, and, forcing his way across a weak part of the Christianlines, galloped toward Velez Malaga. The rest of the Moorish host wascompletely scattered. In vain did El Zagal and his knights attempt torally them; they were left almost alone, and had to consult their ownsecurity by flight. 

The marques of Cadiz, finding no opposition, ascended from heightto height, cautiously reconnoitring and fearful of some stratagem orambush. All, however, was quiet. He reached with his men the place whichthe Moorish army had occupied: the heights were abandoned and strewedwith cuirasses, scimetars, crossbows, and other weapons. His force wastoo small to pursue the enemy, but returned to the royal camp laden withspoils. 

Ferdinand at first could not credit so signal and miraculous a defeat, but suspected some lurking stratagem. He ordered, therefore, that astrict watch should be maintained throughout the camp and every one beready for instant action. The following night a thousand cavaliers andhidalgos kept guard about the royal tent, as they had done for severalpreceding nights; nor did the king relax this vigilance until hereceived certain intelligence that the enemy was completely scatteredand El Zagal flying in confusion. 

The tidings of this rout and of the safety of the Christian army arrivedat Cordova just as reinforcements were on the point of setting out. Theanxiety and alarm of the queen and the public were turned to transportsof joy and gratitude. The forces were disbanded, solemn processions weremade, and "Te Deums" chanted in the churches for so signal a victory. 

CHAPTER L. 

HOW THE PEOPLE OF GRANADA REWARDED THE VALOR OF EL ZAGAL. 

The daring spirit of Muley Abdallah el Zagal in sallying forth to defendhis territories while he left an armed rival in his capital struck thepeople of Granada with admiration. They recalled his former exploits, and again anticipated some hardy achievement from his valor. Couriersfrom the army reported its formidable position on the height ofBentomiz. For a time there was a pause in the bloody commotions of thecity; all attention was turned to the blow about to be struck at theChristian camp. The same considerations which diffused anxiety andterror through Cordova swelled every bosom with exulting confidence inGranada. The Moors expected to hear of another massacre like that in themountains of Malaga. "El Zagal has again entrapped the enemy!" was thecry. "The power of the unbelievers is about to be struck to the heart. We shall soon see the Christian king led captive to the capital. " Thuswas the name of El Zagal on every tongue. He was extolled as the saviorof the country, the only one worthy of wearing the Moorish crown. Boabdil was reviled as basely remaining passive while his countrywas invaded and so violent became the clamor of the populace that hisadherents trembled for his safety. 

While the people of Granada were impatiently looking out for tidingsof the anticipated victory scattered horsemen came spurring across theVega. They were fugitives from the Moorish army, and brought the firstincoherent account of its defeat. Every one who attempted to tell thetale of this unaccountable panic and dispersion was as if bewildered bythe broken recollection of some frightful dream. He knew not how or whyit came to pass. He talked of a battle in the night, among rocks andprecipices, by the glare of bale-fires; of multitudes of armed foes inevery pass, seen by gleams and flashes; of the sudden horror that seizedupon the army at daybreak, its headlong flight, and total dispersion. Hour after hour the arrival of other fugitives confirmed the story ofruin and disgrace. 

In proportion to their recent vaunting was the humiliation that now fellupon the people of Granada. There was a universal burst, not of grief, but indignation. They confounded the leader with the army--the desertedwith those who had abandoned him, and El Zagal, from being their idol, became suddenly the object of their execration. He had sacrificed thearmy; he had disgraced the nation; he had betrayed the country. He was adastard, a traitor; he was unworthy to reign. 

On a sudden one among the multitude shouted, "Long live Boabdil elChico!" The cry was echoed on all sides, and every one shouted, "Longlive Boabdil el Chico! long live the legitimate king of Granada! anddeath to all usurpers!" In the excitement of the moment they throngedto the Albaycin, and those who had lately besieged Boabdil with arms nowsurrounded his palace with acclamations. The keys of the city and ofall the fortresses were laid at his feet; he was borne in state to theAlhambra, and once more seated with all due ceremony on the throne ofhis ancestors. 

Boabdil had by this time become so accustomed to be crowned anduncrowned by the multitude that he put no great faith in the duration oftheir loyalty. He knew that he was surrounded by hollow hearts, andthat most of the courtiers of the Alhambra were secretly devoted to hisuncle. He ascended the throne as the rightful sovereign who had beendispossessed of it by usurpation, and he ordered the heads of fourof the principal nobles to be struck off who had been most zealous insupport of the (9) usurper. Executions of the kind were matters of courseon any change in Moorish government, and Boabdil was lauded for hismoderation and humanity in being content with so small a sacrifice. The factions were awed into obedience; the populace, delighted with anychange, extolled Boabdil to the skies; and the name of Muley Abdallahel Zagal was for a time a by-word of scorn and opprobrium throughout thecity. 

Never was any commander more astonished and confounded by a suddenreverse of fortune than El Zagal. The evening had seen him with apowerful army at his command, his enemy within his grasp, and victoryabout to cover him with glory and to consolidate his power: the morningbeheld him a fugitive among the mountains, his army, his prosperity, hispower, all dispelled, he knew not how--gone like a dream of the night. In vain had he tried to stem the headlong flight of the army. He sawhis squadrons breaking and dispersing among the cliffs of the mountains, until of all his host only a handful of cavaliers remained faithful. With these he made a gloomy retreat toward Granada, but with a heartfull of foreboding. As he drew near to the city he paused on thebanks of the Xenil and sent forth scouts to collect intelligence. Theyreturned with dejected countenances. "The gates of Granada, " said they, "are closed against you. The banner of Boabdil floats on the tower ofthe Alhambra. "

El Zagal turned his steed and departed in silence. He retreated to thetown of Almunecar, and thence to Almeria, which places still remainedfaithful to him. Restless and uneasy at being so distant from thecapital, he again changed his abode, and repaired to the city of Guadix, within a few leagues of Granada. Here he remained, endeavoring to rallyhis forces and preparing to avail himself of any sudden change in thefluctuating politics of the metropolis. 

CHAPTER LI. 

SURRENDER OF VELEZ MALAGA AND OTHER PLACES. 

The people of Velez Malaga had beheld the camp of Muley Abdallahcovering the summit of Bentomiz and glittering in the last rays of thesetting sun. During the night they had been alarmed and perplexed bysignal-fires on the mountain and by the sound of distant battle. Whenthe morning broke the Moorish army had vanished as if by enchantment. While the inhabitants were lost in wonder and conjecture, a body ofcavalry, the fragment of the army saved by Reduan de Vanegas, the bravealcayde of Granada, came galloping to the gates. The tidings of thestrange discomfiture of the host filled the city with consternation, butReduan exhorted the people to continue their resistance. He was devotedto El Zagal and confident in his skill and prowess, and felt assuredthat he would soon collect his scattered forces and return withfresh troops from Granada. The people were comforted by the words andencouraged by the presence of Reduan, and they had still a lingeringhope that the heavy artillery of the Christians might be locked up inthe impassable defiles of the mountains. This hope was soon at an end. The very next day they beheld long laborious lines of ordnance slowlymoving into the Spanish camp--lombards, ribadoquines, catapults, andcars laden with munitions--while the escort, under the brave masterof Alcantara, wheeled in great battalions into the camp to augment theforce of the besiegers. 

The intelligence that Granada had shut its gates against El Zagal, andthat no reinforcements were to be expected, completed the despair ofthe inhabitants; even Reduan himself lost confidence and advisedcapitulation. 

Ferdinand granted favorable conditions, for he was eager to proceedagainst Malaga. The inhabitants were permitted to depart with theireffects except their arms, and to reside, if they chose it, in Spainin any place distant from the sea. One hundred and twenty Christians ofboth sexes were rescued from captivity by the surrender, and were sentto Cordova, where they were received with great tenderness by the queenand her daughter the infanta Isabella in the famous cathedral in themidst of public rejoicings for the victory. 

The capture of Velez Malaga was followed by the surrender of Bentomiz, Comares, and all the towns and fortresses of the Axarquia, which werestrongly garrisoned, and discreet and valiant cavaliers appointed astheir alcaydes. The inhabitants of nearly forty towns of the Alpuxarrasmountains also sent deputations to the Castilian sovereigns, taking theoath of allegiance as mudexares or Moslem vassals. 

About the same time came letters from Boabdil el Chico announcing to thesovereigns the revolution of Granada in his favor. He solicited kindnessand protection for the inhabitants who had returned to their allegiance, and for those of all other places which should renounce adherence to hisuncle. By this means (he observed) the whole kingdom of Granada wouldsoon be induced to acknowledge his sway, and would be held by him infaithful vassalage to the Castilian Crown. 

The Catholic sovereigns complied with his request. Protection wasimmediately extended to the inhabitants of Granada, permitting themto cultivate their fields in peace and to trade with the Christianterritories in all articles excepting arms, being provided with lettersof surety from some Christian captain or alcayde. The same favor waspromised to all other places which within six months should renounce ElZagal and come under allegiance to the younger king. Should they not doso within that time, the sovereigns threatened to make war upon them andconquer them for themselves. This measure had a great effect in inducingmany to return to the standard of Boabdil. 

Having made every necessary arrangement for the government and securityof the newly-conquered territory, Ferdinand turned his attention to thegreat object of his campaign, the reduction of Malaga. 

CHAPTER LII. 

OF THE CITY OF MALAGA AND ITS INHABITANTS. --MISSION OF HERNANDO DELPULGAR. 

The city of Malaga lies in the lap of a fertile valley, surrounded bymountains, excepting on the part which lies open to the sea. As it wasone of the most important, so it was one of the strongest, cities ofthe Moorish kingdom. It was fortified by walls of prodigious strengthstudded with a great number of huge towers. On the land side it wasprotected by a natural barrier of mountains, and on the other thewaves of the Mediterranean beat against the foundations of its massivebulwarks. 

At one end of the city, near the sea, on a high mound, stood theAlcazaba, or citadel, a fortress of great strength. Immediately abovethis rose a steep and rocky mount, on the top of which in old times hadbeen a pharos or lighthouse, from which the height derived its name ofGibralfaro. * It was at present crowned by an immense castle, which, fromits lofty and cragged situation, its vast walls, and mighty towers, wasdeemed impregnable. It communicated with the Alcazaba by a covered waysix paces broad, leading down between two walls along the profile orridge of the rock. The castle of Gibralfaro commanded both citadel andcity, and was capable, if both were taken, of maintaining a siege. Twolarge suburbs adjoined the city: in the one toward the sea were thedwelling-houses of the most opulent inhabitants, adorned with hanginggardens; the other, on the land side, was thickly peopled and surroundedby strong walls and towers. 

 * A corruption of "Gibel-faro, " the hill of the lighthouse. 

Malaga possessed a brave and numerous garrison, and the common peoplewere active, hardy, and resolute; but the city was rich and commercial, and under the habitual control of numerous opulent merchants, whodreaded the ruinous consequences of a siege. They were little zealousfor the warlike renown of their city, and longed rather to participatein the enviable security of property and the lucrative privileges ofsafe traffic with the Christian territories granted to all places whichdeclared for Boabdil. At the head of these gainful citizens was AliDordux, a mighty merchant of uncounted wealth, connected, it is said, with the royal family of Granada, whose ships traded to every part ofthe Levant and whose word was as a law in Malaga. Ali Dordux assembledthe most opulent and important of his commercial brethren, and theyrepaired in a body to the Alcazaba, where they were received by thealcayde, Aben Comixa, with that deference generally shown to men oftheir great local dignity and power of purse. Ali Dordux was ampleand stately in his form and fluent and emphatic in his discourse; hiseloquence had an effect, therefore, upon the alcayde as he representedthe hopelessness of a defence of Malaga, the misery that must attend asiege, and the ruin that must follow a capture by force of arms. Onthe other hand, he set forth the grace that might be obtained from theCastilian sovereigns by an early and voluntary acknowledgment of Boabdilas king, the peaceful possession of their property, and the profitablecommerce with the Christian ports that would be allowed them. He wasseconded by his weighty and important coadjutors; and the alcadye, accustomed to regard them as the arbiters of the affairs of the place, yielded to their united counsels. He departed, therefore, with all speedto the Christian camp, empowered to arrange a capitulation with theCastilian monarch, and in the mean time his brother remained in commandof the Alcazaba. 

There was at this time as alcayde in the old crag-built castle ofGibralfaro a warlike and fiery Moor, an implacable enemy of theChristians. This was no other than Hamet Zeli, surnamed El Zegri, theonce-formidable alcayde of Ronda and the terror of its mountains. Hehad never forgiven the capture of his favorite fortress, and pantedfor vengeance on the Christians. Notwithstanding his reverses, hehad retained the favor of El Zagal, who knew how to appreciate a boldwarrior of the kind, and had placed him in command of this importantfortress of Gibralfaro. 

Hamet el Zegri had gathered round him the remnant of his band ofGomeres, with others of the same tribe recently arrived from Morocco. These fierce warriors were nestled like so many war-hawks about theirlofty cliff. They looked down with martial contempt upon the commercialcity of Malaga, which they were placed to protect; or, rather, theyesteemed it only for its military importance and its capability ofdefence. They held no communion with its trading, gainful inhabitants, and even considered the garrison of the Alcazaba as their inferiors. War was their pursuit and passion; they rejoiced in its turbulent andperilous scenes; and, confident in the strength of the city, and, aboveall, of their castle, they set at defiance the menace of Christianinvasion. There were among them also many apostate Moors, who hadonce embraced Christianity, but had since recanted and fled from thevengeance of the Inquisition. * These were desperadoes who had no mercyto expect should they again fall into the hands of the enemy. 

 * Zurita, lib. 30, cap. 71. 

Such were the fierce elements of the garrison of Gibralfaro, and itsrage may easily be conceived at hearing that Malaga was to be given upwithout a blow; that they were to sink into Christian vassals underthe intermediate sway of Boabdil el Chico; and that the alcayde of theAlcazaba had departed to arrange the terms of capitulation. 

Hamet determined to avert by desperate means the threatened degradation. He knew that there was a large party in the city faithful to El Zagal, being composed of warlike men who had taken refuge from the variousmountain-towns which had been captured; their feelings were desperateas their fortunes, and, like Hamet, they panted for revenge uponthe Christians. With these he had a secret conference, and receivedassurances of their adherence to him in any measures of defence. As tothe counsel of the peaceful inhabitants, he considered it unworthy theconsideration of a soldier, and he spurned at the interference of thewealthy merchant Ali Dordux in matters of warfare. 

"Still, " said Hamet el Zegri, "let us proceed regularly. " So hedescended with his Gomeres to the citadel, entered it suddenly, put todeath the brother of the alcayde and such of the garrison as madeany demur, and then summoned the principal inhabitants of Malagato deliberate on measures for the welfare of the city. * The wealthymerchants again mounted to the citadel, excepting Ali Dordux, whorefused to obey the summons. They entered with hearts filled with awe, for they found Hamet surrounded by his grim African guard and all thestern array of military power, and they beheld the bloody traces of therecent massacre. 

 * Cura de los Palacios, c. 82. 

Hamet rolled a dark and searching eye upon the assembly. "Who, " saidhe, "is loyal and devoted to Muley Abdallah el Zagal?" Every one presentasserted his loyalty. "Good!" said Hamet; "and who is ready to prove hisdevotion to his sovereign by defending this his important city to thelast extremity?" Every one present declared his readiness. "Enough!"observed Hamet. "The alcayde Aben Comixa has proved himself a traitor tohis sovereign and to you all, for he has conspired to deliver theplace to the Christians. It behooves you to choose some other commandercapable of defending your city against the approaching enemy. " Theassembly declared unanimously that no one was so worthy of the commandas himself. So Hamet was appointed alcayde of Malaga, and immediatelyproceeded to man the forts and towers with his partisans and to makeevery preparation for a desperate resistance. 

Intelligence of these occurrences put an end to the negotiations betweenKing Ferdinand and the superseded alcayde Aben Comixa, and it wassupposed there was no alternative but to lay siege to the place. Themarques of Cadiz, however, found at Velez a Moorish cavalier of somenote, a native of Malaga, who offered to tamper with Hamet el Zegri forthe surrender of the city, or at least of the castle of Gibralfaro. Themarques communicated this to the king. "I put this business and the keyof my treasury into your hands, " said Ferdinand; "act, stipulate, anddisburse in my name as you think proper. "

The marques armed the Moor with his own lance, cuirass, and target andmounted him on one of his own horses. He equipped in similar style alsoanother Moor, his companion and relative. They bore secret lettersto Hamet from the marques offering him the town of Coin in perpetualinheritance and four thousand doblas in gold if he would deliverup Gibralfaro, together with a farm and two thousand doblas for hislieutenant, Ibrahim Zenete, and large sums to be distributed amonghis officers and soldiers; and he offered unlimited rewards for thesurrender of the city. 

Hamet had a warrior's admiration of the marques of Cadiz, and receivedhis messengers with courtesy in his fortress of Gibralfaro. He evenlistened to their propositions with patience, and dismissed them insafety, though with an absolute refusal. The marques thought his replywas not so peremptory as to discourage another effort. The emissarieswere despatched, therefore, a second time, with further propositions. They approached Malaga in the night, but found the guards doubled, patrols abroad, and the whole place on the alert. They were discovered, pursued, and only saved themselves by the fleetness of their steeds andtheir knowledge of the passes of the mountains. *

 * Cura de los Palacios, MS. , c. 82. 

Finding all attempts to tamper with the faith of Hamet utterly futile, King Ferdinand publicly summoned the city to surrender, offering themost favorable terms in case of immediate compliance, but threateningcaptivity to all the inhabitants in case of resistance. 

It required a man of nerve to undertake the delivery of such a summonsin the present heated and turbulent state of the Moorish community. Sucha one stepped forward in the person of a cavalier of the royal guards, Hernan Perez del Pulgar by name, a youth of noble descent, who hadalready signalized himself by his romantic valor and daring enterprise. Furnished with official papers for Hamet el Zegri and a private letterfrom the king to Ali Dordux, he entered the gates of Malaga under theprotection of a flag, and boldly delivered his summons in presence ofthe principal inhabitants. The language of the summons or the tone inwhich it was delivered exasperated the fiery spirit of the Moors, andit required all the energy of Hamet and the influence of several ofthe alfaquis to prevent an outrage to the person of the ambassador. Thereply of Hamet was haughty and decided. "The city of Malaga has beenconfided to me, " said he--"not to be surrendered, but defended, and theking shall witness how I acquit myself of my charge. "*

 * Pulgar, part 3, cap. 74. 

His mission at an end, Hernan del Pulgar rode slowly and deliberatelythrough the city, utterly regardless of the scowls and menaces andscarcely restrained turbulence of the multitude, and bore to Ferdinandat Velez the haughty answer of the Moor, but at the same time gave hima formidable account of the force of the garrison, the strength of thefortifications, and the determined spirit of the commander and his men. The king immediately sent orders to have the heavy artillery forwardedfrom Antiquera, and on the 7th of May marched with his army towardMalaga. 

CHAPTER LIII. 

ADVANCE OF KING FERDINAND AGAINST MALAGA. 

The army of Ferdinand advanced in lengthened line, glittering along thefoot of the mountains which border the Mediterranean, while a fleet ofvessels, freighted with heavy artillery and warlike munitions, keptpace with it at a short distance from the land, covering the sea with athousand gleaming sails. When Hamet el Zegri saw this force approaching, he set fire to the houses of the suburbs which adjoined the walls andsent forth three battalions to encounter the advance guard of the enemy. 

The Christian army drew near to the city at that end where the castleand rocky height of Gibralfaro defended the seaboard. Immediatelyopposite, at about two bow-shots' distance, stood the castle, andbetween it and the high chain of mountains was a steep and rocky hill, at present called the hill of St. Christobal, commanding a pass throughwhich the Christians must march to penetrate to the vega and surroundthe city. Hamet ordered the three battalions to take their stations--oneon this hill, another in the pass near the castle, and a third on theside of the mountain near the sea. 

A body of Spanish foot-soldiers of the advance guard, sturdymountaineers of Galicia, sprang forward to climb the side of the heightnext the sea, at the same time a number of cavaliers and hidalgos of theroyal household attacked the Moors who guarded the pass below. The Moorsdefended their posts with obstinate valor. The Galicians were repeatedlyoverpowered and driven down the hill, but as often rallied, and, beingreinforced by the hidalgos and cavaliers, returned to the assault. Thisobstinate struggle lasted for six hours: the strife was of a deadlykind, not merely with crossbows and arquebuses, but hand to hand withswords and daggers; no quarter was claimed or given on either side--theyfought not to make captives, but to slay. It was but the advance of theChristian army that was engaged; so narrow was the pass along the coastthat the army could proceed only in file: horse and foot and beasts ofburden were crowded one upon another, impeding each other and blockingup the narrow and rugged defile. The soldiers heard the uproar of thebattle, the sound of trumpets, and the war-cries of the Moors, but triedin vain to press forward to the assistance of their companions. 

At length a body of foot-soldiers of the Holy Brotherhood climbed withgreat difficulty the steep side of the mountain which overhung the pass, and advanced with seven banners displayed. The Moors, seeing this forceabove them, abandoned the pass in despair. The battle was still ragingon the height; the Galicians, though supported by Castilian troops underDon Hurtado de Mendoza and Garcilasso de la Vega, were severely pressedand roughly handled by the Moors: at length a brave standard-bearer, Luys Mazeda by name, threw himself into the midst of the enemy andplanted his banner on the summit. The Galicians and Castilians, stimulated by this noble self-devotion, followed him, fightingdesperately, and the Moors were at length driven to their castle ofGibralfaro. *

 * Pulgar, Cronica. 

This important height being taken, the pass lay open to the army, butby this time evening was advancing, and the host was too weary andexhausted to seek proper situations for the encampment. The king, attended by several grandees and cavaliers, went the rounds at night, stationing outposts toward the city and guards and patrols to give thealarm on the least movement of the enemy. All night the Christians layupon their arms, lest there should be some attempt to sally forth andattack them. 

When the morning dawned the king gazed with admiration at this citywhich he hoped soon to add to his dominions. It was surrounded on oneside by vineyards, gardens, and orchards, which covered the hills withverdure; on the other side its walls were bathed by the smooth andtranquil sea. Its vast and lofty towers and prodigious castles, hoarywith age, yet unimpaired in strength, showed the labors of magnanimousmen in former times to protect their favorite abode. Hanging gardens, groves of oranges, citrons, and pomegranates, with tall cedars andstately palms, were mingled with the stern battlements and towers, bespeaking the opulence and luxury that reigned within. 

In the mean time, the Christian army poured through the pass, and, throwing out its columns and extending its lines, took possession ofevery vantage-ground around the city. King Ferdinand surveyed the groundand appointed the stations of the different commanders. 

The important mount of St. Christobal, which had cost so violent astruggle and faced the powerful fortress of Gibralfaro, was given incharge to Roderigo Ponce de Leon, marques of Cadiz, who in all siegesclaimed the post of danger. He had several noble cavaliers with theirretainers in his encampment, which consisted of fifteen hundred horseand fourteen thousand foot, and extended from the summit of the mount tothe margin of the sea, completely blocking up the approach to the cityon that side. From this post a line of encampments extended quite roundthe city to the seaboard, fortified by bulwarks and deep ditches, whilea fleet of armed ships and galleys stretched before the harbor, so thatthe place was completely invested by sea and land. The various partsof the valley now resounded with the din of preparation, and was filledwith artificers preparing warlike engines and munitions; armorersand smiths with glowing forges and deafening hammers; carpentersand engineers constructing machines wherewith to assail the walls;stone-cutters shaping stone balls for the ordnance; and burners ofcharcoal preparing fuel for the furnaces and forges. 

When the encampment was formed the heavy ordnance was landed from theships and mounted in various parts of the camp. Five huge lombards wereplaced on the mount commanded by the marques of Cadiz, so as to bearupon the castle of Gibralfaro. 

The Moors made strenuous efforts to impede these preparations. They keptup a heavy fire from their ordnance upon the men employed in diggingtrenches or constructing batteries, so that the latter had towork principally in the night. The royal tents had been stationedconspicuously and within reach of the Moorish batteries, but were sowarmly assailed that they had to be removed behind a hill. 

When the works were completed the Christian batteries opened in return, and kept up a tremendous cannonade, while the fleet, approaching theland, assailed the city vigorously on the opposite side. 

"It was a glorious and delectable sight, " observes Fray Antonio Agapida, "to behold this infidel city thus surrounded by sea and land by a mightyChristian force. Every mound in its circuit was, as it were, a littlecity of tents bearing the standard of some renowned Catholic warrior. Besides the warlike ships and galleys which lay before the place, thesea was covered with innumerable sails, passing and repassing, appearingand disappearing, being engaged in bringing supplies for the subsistenceof the army. It seemed a vast spectacle contrived to recreate the eye, did not the volleying bursts of flame and smoke from the ships, whichseemed to lie asleep on the quiet sea, and the thunder of ordnance fromcamp and city, from tower and battlement, tell the deadly warfare thatwas waging. 

"At night the scene was far more direful than in the day. The cheerfullight of the sun was gone; there was nothing but the flashes ofartillery or the baleful gleams of combustibles thrown into the city, and the conflagration of the houses. The fire kept up from the Christianbatteries was incessant: there were seven great lombards in particular, called the Seven Sisters of Ximenes, which did tremendous execution. The Moorish ordnance replied in thunder from the walls; Gibralfaro waswrapped in volumes of smoke rolling about its base; and Hamet and hisGomeres looked out with triumph upon the tempest of war they had awaked. Truly they were so many demons incarnate, " concludes the pious FrayAntonio Agapida, "who were permitted by Heaven to enter into and possessthis infidel city for its perdition. "

CHAPTER LIV. 

SIEGE OF MALAGA. 

The attack on Malaga by sea and land was kept up for several days withtremendous violence, but without producing any great impression, sostrong were the ancient bulwarks of the city. The count de Cifuentes wasthe first to signalize himself by any noted achievement. A main tower, protecting what is at present called the suburb of Santa Ana, had beenshattered by the ordnance and the battlements demolished, so as to yieldno shelter to its defenders. Seeing this, the count assembled a gallantband of cavaliers of the royal household and advanced to take it bystorm. They applied scaling-ladders and mounted sword in hand. TheMoors, having no longer battlements to protect them, descended to alower floor, and made furious resistance from the windows and loopholes. They poured down boiling pitch and rosin, and hurled stones and dartsand arrows on the assailants. Many of the Christians were slain, theirladders were destroyed by flaming combustibles, and the count wasobliged to retreat from before the tower. On the following day herenewed the attack with superior force, and after a severe combatsucceeded in planting his victorious banner on the tower. 

The Moors now assailed the tower in their turn. They undermined the parttoward the city, placed props of wood under the foundation, and, settingfire to them, drew off to a distance. In a little while the props gaveway, the foundation sunk, and the tower was rent; part of its wallfell with a tremendous noise; many of the Christians were thrown outheadlong, and the rest were laid open to the missiles of the enemy. 

By this time, however, a breach had been made in the wall of the suburbadjoining the tower, and troops poured in to the assistance of theircomrades. A continued battle was kept up for two days and a night byreinforcements from camp and city. The parties fought backward andforward through the breach of the wall and in the narrow and windingstreets adjacent with alternate success, and the vicinity of the towerwas strewn with the dead and wounded. At length the Moors gradually gaveway, disputing every inch of ground, until they were driven into thecity, and the Christians remained masters of the greater part of thesuburb. 

This partial success, though gained with great toil and bloodshed, gavetemporary animation to the Christians; they soon found, however, thatthe attack on the main works of the city was a much more arduous task. The garrison contained veterans who had served in many of the townscaptured by the Christians. They were no longer confounded anddismayed by the battering ordnance and other strange engines of foreigninvention, and had become expert in parrying their effects, in repairingbreaches, and erecting counter-works. 

The Christians, accustomed of late to speedy conquests of Moorishfortresses, became impatient of the slow progress of the siege. Manywere apprehensive of a scarcity of provisions from the difficulty ofsubsisting so numerous a host in the heart of the enemy's country, where it was necessary to transport supplies across rugged and hostilemountains or subjected to the uncertainties of the sea. Many also werealarmed at a pestilence which broke out in the neighboring villages, andsome were so overcome by these apprehensions as to abandon the camp andreturn to their homes. 

Several of the loose and worthless hangers-on that infest all greatarmies, hearing these murmurs, thought that the siege would soon beraised, and deserted to the enemy, hoping to make their fortunes. Theygave exaggerated accounts of the alarms and discontents of the army, andrepresented the troops as daily returning home in bands. Above all, theydeclared that the gunpowder was nearly exhausted, so that the artillerywould soon be useless. They assured the Moors, therefore, that if theypersisted a little longer in their defence, the king would be obliged todraw off his forces and abandon the siege. 

The reports of these renegados gave fresh courage to the garrison; theymade vigorous sallies upon the camp, harassing it by night and day, andobliging every part to be guarded with the most painful vigilance. Theyfortified the weak parts of their walls with ditches and palisadoes, andgave every manifestation of a determined and unyielding spirit. 

Ferdinand soon received intelligence of the reports which had beencarried to the Moors: he understood that they had been informed, likewise, that the queen was alarmed for the safety of the camp, and hadwritten repeatedly urging him to abandon the siege. As the best meansof disproving all these falsehoods and destroying the vain hopes ofthe enemy, he wrote to the queen entreating her to come and take up herresidence in the camp. 

CHAPTER LV. 

SIEGE OF MALAGA CONTINUED. --OBSTINACY OF HAMET EL ZEGRI. 

Great was the enthusiasm of the army when they beheld their patriotqueen advancing in state to share the toils and dangers of her people. Isabella entered the camp attended by the dignitaries and the wholeretinue of her court to manifest that this was no temporary visit. Onone side of her was her daughter, the infanta; on the other, the grandcardinal of Spain: Hernando de Talavera, the prior of Prado, confessorto the queen, followed, with a great train of prelates, courtiers, cavaliers, and ladies of distinction. The cavalcade moved in calm andstately order through the camp, softening the iron aspect of war by thisarray of courtly grace and female beauty. 

Isabella had commanded that on her coming to the camp the horrors of warshould be suspended and fresh offers of peace made to the enemy. Onher arrival, therefore, there had been a general cessation of firingthroughout the camp. A messenger was at the same time despatched tothe besieged, informing them of her being in the camp, and of thedetermination of the sovereigns to make it their settled residenceuntil the city should be taken. The same terms were offered in caseof immediate surrender that had been granted to Velez Malaga, but theinhabitants were threatened with captivity and the sword should theypersist in their defence. 

Hamet el Zegri received this message with haughty contempt, anddismissed the messenger without deigning a reply, and accompanied by anescort to prevent his holding any communication with the inhabitants inthe streets. "The Christian sovereigns, " said Hamet to those about him, "have made this offer in consequence of their despair. The silence oftheir batteries proves the truth of what has been told us, that theirpowder is exhausted. They have no longer the means of demolishing ourwalls, and if they remain much longer the autumnal rains will interrupttheir convoys and fill their camp with famine and disease. The firststorm will disperse their fleet, which has no neighboring port ofshelter: Africa will then be open to us to procure reinforcements andsupplies. "

The words of Hamet el Zegri were hailed as oracular by his adherents. Many of the peaceful part of the community, however, ventured toremonstrate, and to implore him to accept the proffered mercy. The sternHamet silenced them with a terrific threat: he declared that whoevershould talk of capitulating or should hold any communication with theChristians should be put to death. The Gomeres, like true men of thesword, acted upon the menace of their chieftain as upon a written law, and, having detected several of the inhabitants in secret correspondencewith the enemy, set upon and slew them and confiscated their effects. This struck such terror into the citizens that those who had beenloudest in their murmurs became suddenly mute, and were remarked asevincing the greatest bustle and alacrity in the defence of the city. 

When the messenger returned to the camp and reported the contemptuousreception of the royal message, King Ferdinand was exceedinglyindignant. Finding the cessation of firing on the queen's arrival hadencouraged a belief among the enemy that there was a scarcity of powderin the camp, he ordered a general discharge from all the batteries. Thesudden burst of war from every quarter soon convinced the Moors of theirerror and completed the confusion of the citizens, who knew not whichmost to dread, their assailants or their defenders, the Christians orthe Gomeres. 

That evening the sovereigns visited the encampment of the marques ofCadiz, which commanded a view over a great part of the city, the camp, and the sea with its flotillas. The tent of the marques was of greatmagnitude, furnished with hangings of rich brocade and French cloth ofthe rarest texture. It was in the Oriental style, and, as it crowned theheight, with the surrounding tents of other cavaliers, all sumptuouslyfurnished, presented a gay and silken contrast to the opposite towers ofGibralfaro. Here a splendid collation was served up to the sovereigns, and the courtly revel that prevailed in this chivalrous encampment, theglitter of pageantry, and the bursts of festive music made more strikingthe gloom and silence that reigned over the Moorish castle. 

The marques of Cadiz while it was yet light conducted his royal visitorsto every point that commanded a view of the warlike scene below. Hecaused the heavy lombards also to be discharged, that the queen andladies of the court might witness the effect of those tremendousengines. The fair dames were filled with awe and admiration as themountain shook beneath their feet with the thunder of the artillery andthey beheld great fragments of the Moorish walls tumbling down the rocksand precipices. 

While the good marques was displaying these things to his royal guestshe lifted up his eyes, and to his astonishment beheld his own bannerhanging out from the nearest tower of Gibralfaro. The blood mantledin his cheek, for it was a banner which he had lost at the time of thememorable massacre of the heights of Malaga. * To make this tauntmore evident, several of the Gomeres displayed themselves upon thebattlements arrayed in the helmets and cuirasses of some of thecavaliers slain or captured on that occasion. The marques of Cadizrestrained his indignation and held his peace, but several of, hiscavaliers vowed loudly to revenge this cruel bravado on the ferociousgarrison of Gibralfaro. 

 * Diego de Valera, Cronica, MS. 

CHAPTER LVI. 

ATTACK OF THE MARQUES OF CADIZ UPON GIBRALFARO. 

The marques of Cadiz was not a cavalier that readily forgave an injuryor an insult. On the morning after the royal banquet his batteriesopened a tremendous fire upon Gibralfaro. All day the encampment waswrapped in wreaths of smoke, nor did the assault cease with the day, butthroughout the night there was an incessant flashing and thundering ofthe lombards, and the following morning the assault rather increasedthan slackened in fury. The Moorish bulwarks were no proof against thoseformidable engines. In a few days the lofty tower on which the tauntingbanner had been displayed was shattered, a smaller tower in its vicinityreduced to ruins, and a great breach made in the intervening walls. 

Several of the hot-spirited cavaliers were eager for storming the breachsword in hand; others, more cool and wary, pointed out the rashness ofsuch an attempt, for the Moors had worked indefatigably in the night;they had digged a deep ditch within the breach, and had fortified itwith palisadoes and a high breastwork. All, however, agreed that thecamp might safely be advanced near to the ruined walls, and that itought to be done in return for the insolent defiance of the enemy. 

The marques of Cadiz felt the temerity of the measure, but was unwillingto dampen the zeal of these high-spirited cavaliers, and, having chosenthe post of danger in the camp, it did not become him to declineany service merely because it might appear perilous. He ordered hisoutposts, therefore, to be advanced within a stone's-throw of thebreach, but exhorted the soldiers to maintain the utmost vigilance. 

The thunder of the batteries had ceased; the troops, exhausted by twonights' fatigue and watchfulness, and apprehending no danger from thedismantled walls, were half of them asleep; the rest were scatteredabout in negligent security. On a sudden upward of two thousand Moorssallied forth from the castle, led on by Ibrahim Zenete, the principalcaptain under Hamet. They fell with fearful havoc upon the advancedguard, slaying many of them in their sleep and putting the rest toheadlong flight. 

The marques was in his tent, about a bow-shot distant, when he heardthe tumult of the onset and beheld his men dying in confusion. Herushed forth, followed by his standard-bearer. "Turn again, cavaliers!"exclaimed he; "I am here, Ponce de Leon! To the foe! to the foe!" Theflying troops stopped at hearing his well-known voice, rallied underhis banner, and turned upon the enemy. The encampment by this time wasroused; several cavaliers from the adjoining stations had hastened tothe scene of action, with a number of Galicians and soldiers of the HolyBrotherhood. An obstinate and bloody contest ensued; the ruggedness ofthe place, the rocks, chasms, and declivities broke it into numerouscombats: Christian and Moor fought hand to hand with swords anddaggers, and often, grappling and struggling, rolled together down theprecipices. 

The banner of the marques was in danger of being taken: he hastenedto its rescue, followed by some of his bravest cavaliers. They weresurrounded by the enemy, and several of them cut down. Don Diego Poncede Leon, brother to the marques, was wounded by an arrow, and hisson-in-law, Luis Ponce, was likewise wounded: they succeeded, however, in rescuing the banner and bearing it off in safety. The battle lastedfor an hour; the height was covered with killed and wounded and theblood flowed in streams down the rocks; at length, Ibrahim Zenete beingdisabled by the thrust of a lance, the Moors gave way and retreated tothe castle. 

They now opened a galling fire from their battlements and towers, approaching the breaches so as to discharge their crossbows andarquebuses into the advanced guard of the encampment. The marques wassingled out: the shot fell thick about him, and one passed through hisbuckler and struck upon his cuirass, but without doing him any injury. Every one now saw the danger and inutility of approaching the camp thusnear to the castle, and those who had counselled it were now urgent thatit should be withdrawn. It was accordingly removed back to its originalground, from which the marques had most reluctantly advanced it. Nothingbut his valor and timely aid had prevented this attack on his outpostfrom ending in a total rout of all that part of the army. 

Many cavaliers of distinction fell in this contest, but the loss ofnone was felt more deeply than that of Ortega del Prado, captain ofescaladors. He was one of the bravest men in the service, the samewho had devised the first successful blow of the war, the storming ofAlhama, where he was the first to plant and mount the scaling-ladders. He had always been high in the favor and confidence of the noble Poncede Leon, who knew how to appreciate and avail himself of the merits ofall able and valiant men. *

 * Zurita, Mariana, Abarca. 

CHAPTER LVII. 

SIEGE OF MALAGIA CONTINUED. --STRATAGEMS OF VARIOUS KINDS. 

Great were the exertions now made, both by the besiegers and thebesieged, to carry on the contest with the utmost vigor. Hamet wentthe rounds of the walls and towers, doubling the guards and puttingeverything in the best posture of defence. The garrison was divided intoparties of a hundred, to each of which a captain was appointed. Somewere to patrol, others to sally forth and skirmish with the enemy, and others to hold themselves armed and in reserve. Six albatozas, orfloating batteries, were manned and armed with pieces of artillery toattack the fleet. 

On the other hand, the Castilian sovereigns kept open a communication bysea with various parts of Spain, from which they received provisionsof all kinds; they ordered supplies of powder also from Valencia, Barcelona, Sicily, and Portugal. They made great preparations also forstorming the city. Towers of wood were constructed to move on wheels, each capable of holding one hundred men; they were furnished withladders to be thrown from their summits to the tops of the walls, andwithin those ladders others were encased, to be let down for the descentof the troops into the city. There were gallipagos, or tortoises, also being great wooden shields, covered with hides, to protect theassailants and those who undermined the walls. 

Secret mines were commenced in various places: some were intended toreach to the foundations of the walls, which were to be propped up withwood, ready to be set on fire; others were to pass under the walls, andremain ready to be broken open so as to give entrance to the besiegers. At these mines the army worked day and night, and during these secretpreparations the ordnance kept up a fire upon the city to divert theattention of the besieged. 

In the mean time, Hamet displayed wonderful vigor and ingenuity indefending the city and in repairing or fortifying by deep ditches thebreaches made by the enemy. He noted also every place where the campmight be assailed with advantage, and gave the besieging army norepose night or day. While his troops sallied on the land, his floatingbatteries attacked the besiegers on the sea, so that there was incessantskirmishing. The tents called the Queen's Hospital were crowded withwounded, and the whole army suffered from constant watchfulness andfatigue. To guard against the sudden assaults of the Moors, the trencheswere deepened and palisadoes erected in front of the camp; and in thatpart facing Gibralfaro, where the rocky heights did not admit ofsuch defences, a high rampart of earth was thrown up. The cavaliersGarcilasso de la Vega, Juan de Zuniga, and Diego de Atayde wereappointed to go the rounds and keep vigilant watch that thesefortifications were maintained in good order. 

In a little while Hamet discovered the mines secretly commenced by theChristians: he immediately ordered counter-mines. The soldiers mutuallyworked until they met and fought hand to hand in these subterraneanpassages. The Christians were driven out of one of their mines; fire wasset to the wooden framework and the mine destroyed. Encouraged by thissuccess, the Moors attempted a general attack upon the camp, the mines, and the besieging fleet. The battle lasted for six hours on land andwater, above and below ground, on bulwark, and in trench and mine; theMoors displayed wonderful intrepidity, but were finally repulsed at allpoints, and obliged to retire into the city, where they were closelyinvested, without the means of receiving any assistance from abroad. 

The horrors of famine were now added to the other miseries of Malaga. Hamet, with the spirit of a man bred up to war, considered everythingas subservient to the wants of the soldier, and ordered all the grainin the city to be gathered and garnered up for the sole use of thosewho fought. Even this was dealt out sparingly, and each soldier receivedfour ounces of bread in the morning and two in the evening for his dailyallowance. 

The wealthy inhabitants and all those peacefully inclined mourned over aresistance which brought destruction upon their houses, death intotheir families, and which they saw must end in their ruin and captivity;still, none of them dared to speak openly of capitulation, or even tomanifest their grief, lest they should awaken the wrath of their fiercedefenders. They surrounded their civic champion, Ali Dordux, the greatand opulent merchant, who had buckled on shield and cuirass and takenspear in hand for the defence of his native city, and with a large bodyof the braver citizens had charge of one of the gates and a considerableportion of the walls. Drawing Ali Dordux aside, they poured forth theirgriefs to him in secret. "Why, " said they, "should we suffer our nativecity to be made a mere bulwark and fighting-place for foreign barbariansand desperate men? They have no families to care for, no property tolose, no love for the soil, and no value for their lives. They fight togratify a thirst for blood or a desire for revenge, and will fight onuntil Malaga becomes a ruin and its people slaves. Let us think and actfor ourselves, our wives, and our children. Let us make private termswith the Christians before it is too late, and save ourselves fromdestruction. "

The bowels of Ali Dordux yearned toward his fellow citizens; hebethought him also of the sweet security of peace and the bloodlessyet gratifying triumphs of gainful traffic. The idea also of a secretnegotiation or bargain with the Castilian sovereigns for the redemptionof his native city was more conformable to his accustomed habits thanthis violent appeal to arms, for, though he had for a time assumedthe warrior, he had not forgotten the merchant. Ali Dordux communed, therefore, with the citizen-soldiers under his command, and they readilyconformed to his opinion. Concerting together, they wrote a propositionto the Castilian sovereigns, offering to admit the army into the partof the city entrusted to their care on receiving assurance of protectionfor the lives and properties of the inhabitants. This writing theydelivered to a trusty emissary to take to the Christian camp, appointingthe hour and place of his return that they might be ready to admit himunperceived. 

The Moor made his way in safety to the camp, and was admitted to thepresence of the sovereigns. Eager to gain the city without furthercost of blood or treasure, they gave a written promise to grant thecondition, and the Moor set out joyfully on his return. As he approachedthe walls where Ali Dordux and his confederates were waiting to receivehim, he was descried by a patrolling band of Gomeres, and considered aspy coming from the camp of the besiegers. They issued forth and seizedhim in sight of his employers, who gave themselves up for lost. TheGomeres had conducted him nearly to the gate, when he escaped from theirgrasp and fled. They endeavored to overtake him, but were encumberedwith armor; he was lightly clad, and he fled for his life. One ofthe Gomeres paused, and, levelling his crossbow, let fly a bolt whichpierced the fugitive between the shoulders; he fell and was nearlywithin their grasp, but rose again and with a desperate effort attainedthe Christian camp. The Gomeres gave over the pursuit, and the citizensreturned thanks to Allah for their deliverance from this fearfulperil. As to the faithful messenger, he died of his wound shortly afterreaching the camp, consoled with the idea that he had preserved thesecret and the lives of his employers. *

 * Pulgar, Cronica, p. 3, c. 80. 

CHAPTER LVIII. 

SUFFERINGS OF THE PEOPLE OF MALAGA. 

The sufferings of Malaga spread sorrow and anxiety among the Moors, andthey dreaded lest this beautiful city, once the bulwark of the kingdom, should fall into the hands of the unbelievers. The old warrior-king, Abdallah el Zagal, was still sheltered in Guadix, where he was slowlygathering together his shattered forces. When the people of Guadixheard of the danger and distress of Malaga, they urged to be led to itsrelief, and the alfaquis admonished El Zagal not to desert so righteousand loyal a city in its extremity. His own warlike nature made himfeel a sympathy for a place that made so gallant a resistance, and hedespatched as powerful a reinforcement as he could spare under conductof a chosen captain, with orders to throw themselves into the city. 

Intelligence of this reinforcement reached Boabdil el Chico in his royalpalace of the Alhambra. Filled with hostility against his uncle, and desirous of proving his loyalty to the Castilian sovereigns, heimmediately sent forth a superior force of horse and foot under an ablecommander to intercept the detachment. A sharp conflict ensued;the troops of El Zagal were routed with great loss and fled back inconfusion to Guadix. 

Boabdil, not being accustomed to victories, was flushed with thismelancholy triumph. He sent tidings of it to the Castilian sovereigns, accompanied with rich silks, boxes of Arabian perfume, a cup of goldrichly wrought, and a female captive of Ubeda as presents to the queen, and four Arabian steeds magnificently caparisoned, a sword and daggerrichly mounted, and several albornozes and other robes sumptuouslyembroidered for the king. He entreated them at the same time always tolook upon him with favor as their devoted vassal. 

Boabdil was fated to be unfortunate, even in his victories. His defeatof the forces of his uncle destined to the relief of unhappy Malagashocked the feelings and cooled the loyalty of many of his bestadherents. The mere men of traffic might rejoice in their goldeninterval of peace, but the chivalrous spirits of Granada spurned asecurity purchased by such sacrifices of pride and affection. The peopleat large, having gratified their love of change, began to questionwhether they had acted generously by their old fighting monarch. "ElZagal, " said they, "was fierce and bloody, but then he was faithful tohis country; he was an usurper, it is true, but then he maintained theglory of the crown which he usurped. If his sceptre was a rod of ironto his subjects, it was a sword of steel against their enemies. ThisBoabdil sacrifices religion, friends, country, everything, to a mereshadow of royalty, and is content to hold a rush for a sceptre. "

These factious murmurs soon reached the ears of Boabdil, and heapprehended another of his customary reverses. He sent in all hasteto the Castilian sovereigns beseeching military aid to keep him on histhrone. Ferdinand graciously complied with a request so much in unisonwith his policy. A detachment of one thousand cavalry and two thousandinfantry was sent under the command of Don Fernandez Gonsalvo ofCordova, subsequently renowned as the grand captain. With this succorBoabdil expelled from the city all those who were hostile to him andin favor of his uncle. He felt secure in these troops, from their beingdistinct in manners, language, and religion from his subjects, andcompromised with his pride in thus exhibiting that most unnatural andhumiliating of all regal spectacles, a monarch supported on his throneby foreign weapons and by soldiers hostile to his people. Nor wasBoabdil el Chico the only Moorish sovereign that sought protection fromFerdinand and Isabella. A splendid galley with latine sails and severalbanks of oars, displaying the standard of the Crescent, but likewise awhite flag in sign of amity, came one day into the harbor. An ambassadorlanded from it within the Christian lines. He came from the king ofTremezan, and brought presents similar to those of Boabdil, consistingof Arabian coursers, with bits, stirrups, and other furniture of gold, together with costly Moorish mantles: for the queen there were sumptuousshawls, robes, and silken stuffs, ornaments of gold, and exquisiteOriental perfumes. 

The king of Tremezan had been alarmed at the rapid conquests of theSpanish arms, and startled by the descent of several Spanish cruiserson the coast of Africa. He craved to be considered a vassal to theCastilian sovereigns, and that they would extend such favor and securityto his ships and subjects as had been shown to other Moors who hadsubmitted to their sway. He requested a painting of their arms, thathe and his subjects might recognize and respect their standard wheneverthey encountered it. At the same time he implored their clemency towardunhappy Malaga, and that its inhabitants might experience the same favorthat had been shown toward the Moors of other captured cities. 

The embassy was graciously received by the Christian sovereigns. Theygranted the protection required, ordering their commanders to respectthe flag of Tremezan unless it should be found rendering assistanceto the enemy. They sent also to the Barbary monarch their royal armsmoulded in escutcheons of gold, a hand's-breadth in size. *

 * Cura de los Palacios, c. 84; Pulgar, part 3, c. 68. 

While thus the chances of assistance from without daily decreased, famine raged in the city. The inhabitants were compelled to eat theflesh of horses, and many died of hunger. What made the sufferings ofthe citizens the more intolerable was to behold the sea covered withships daily arriving with provisions for the besiegers. Day after dayalso they saw herds of fat cattle and flocks of sheep driven into thecamp. Wheat and flour were piled in huge mounds in the centre of theencampments, glaring in the sunshine, and tantalizing the wretchedcitizens, who, while they and their children were perishing with hunger, beheld prodigal abundance reigning within a bow-shot of their walls. 

CHAPTER LIX. 

HOW A MOORISH SANTON UNDERTOOK TO DELIVER THE CITY OF MALAGA FROM THEPOWER OF ITS ENEMIES. 

There lived at this time in a hamlet in the neighborhood of Guadix anancient Moor of the name of Ibrahim el Guerbi. He was a native of theisland of Guerbes, in the kingdom of Tunis, and had for several yearsled the life of a santon or hermit. The hot sun of Africa had dried hisblood, and rendered him of an exalted yet melancholy temperament. Hepassed most of his time in caves of the mountains in meditation, prayer, and rigorous abstinence, until his body was wasted and his mindbewildered, and he fancied himself favored with divine revelations andvisited by angels sent by Mahomet. The Moors, who had a great reverencefor all enthusiasts of the kind, believed in his being inspired, listened to all his ravings as veritable prophecies, and denominated him"el santo, " or the saint. 

The woes of the kingdom of Granada had long exasperated the gloomyspirit of this man, and he had beheld with indignation this beautifulcountry wrested from the dominion of the faithful and becoming a preyto the unbelievers. He had implored the blessings of Allah on the troopswhich issued forth from Guadix for the relief of Malaga, but when he sawthem return routed and scattered by their own countrymen, he retired tohis cell, shut himself up from the world, and was plunged for a time inthe blackest melancholy. 

On a sudden he made his appearance again in the streets of Guadix, hisface haggard, his form emaciated, but his eyes beaming with fire. Hesaid that Allah had sent an angel to him in the solitude of his cell, revealing to him a mode of delivering Malaga from its perils andstriking horror and confusion into the camp of the unbelievers. TheMoors listened with eager credulity to his words: four hundred of themoffered to follow him even to the death and to obey implicitly hiscommands. Of this number many were Gomeres, anxious to relieve theircountrymen who formed part of the garrison of Malaga. 

They traversed the kingdom by the wild and lonely passes of themountains, concealing themselves in the day and travelling only inthe night to elude the Christian scouts. At length they arrived at themountains which tower above Malaga, and, looking down, beheld the citycompletely invested, a chain of encampments extending round it fromshore to shore and a line of ships blockading it by sea, while thecontinual thunder of artillery and the smoke rising in various partsshowed that the siege was pressed with great activity. The hermitscanned the encampments warily from his lofty height. He saw that thepart of the encampment of the marques of Cadiz which was at the foot ofthe height and on the margin of the sea was most assailable, the rockysoil not admitting ditches or palisadoes. Remaining concealed all day, he descended with his followers at night to the sea-coast and approachedsilently to the outworks. He had given them their instructions: theywere to rush suddenly upon the camp, fight their way through, and throwthemselves into the city. 

It was just at the gray of the dawning, when objects are obscurelyvisible, that they made this desperate attempt. Some sprang suddenlyupon the sentinels, others rushed into the sea and got round the works, others clambered over the breastworks. There was sharp skirmishing;a great part of the Moors were cut to pieces, but about two hundredsucceeded in getting into the gates of Malaga. 

The santon took no part in the conflict, nor did he endeavor to enterthe city. His plans were of a different nature. Drawing apart from thebattle, he threw himself on his knees on a rising ground, and, liftinghis hands to heaven, appeared to be absorbed in prayer. The Christians, as they were searching for fugitives in the clefts of the rocks, foundhim at his devotions. He stirred not at their approach, but remainedfixed as a statue, without changing color or moving a muscle. Filledwith surprise, not unmingled with awe, they took him to the marques ofCadiz. He was wrapped in a coarse albornoz, or Moorish mantle, his beardwas long and grizzled, and there was something wild and melancholy inhis look that inspired curiosity. On being examined, he gave himself outas a saint to whom Allah had revealed the events that were to take placein that siege. The marques demanded when and how Malaga was to be taken. He replied that he knew full well, but he was forbidden to reveal thoseimportant secrets except to the king and queen. The good marques was notmore given to superstitious fancies than other commanders of his time, yet there seemed something singular and mysterious about this man;he might have some important intelligence to communicate; so he waspersuaded to send him to the king and queen. He was conducted to theroyal tent, surrounded by a curious multitude exclaiming "El MoroSanto!" for the news had spread through the camp that they had taken aMoorish prophet. 

The king, having dined, was taking his siesta, or afternoon's sleep, inhis tent, and the queen, though curious to see this singular man, yetfrom a natural delicacy and reserve delayed until the king should bepresent. He was taken, therefore, to an adjoining tent, in which wereDona Beatrix de Bovadilla, marchioness of Moya, and Don Alvaro ofPortugal, son of the duke of Braganza, with two or three attendants. The Moor, ignorant of the Spanish tongue, had not understood theconversation of the guards, and supposed, from the magnificence of thefurniture and the silken hangings, that this was the royal tent. Fromthe respect paid by the attendants to Don Alvaro and the marchioness heconcluded that they were the king and queen. 

He now asked for a draught of water: a jar was brought to him, and theguard released his arm to enable him to drink. The marchioness perceiveda sudden change in his countenance and something sinister in theexpression of his eye, and shifted her position to a more remote part ofthe tent. Pretending to raise the water to his lips, the Moor unfoldedhis albornoz, so as to grasp a scimetar which he wore concealed beneath;then, dashing down the jar, he drew his weapon and gave Don Alvaro ablow on the head that struck him to the earth and nearly deprived him oflife. Turning then upon the marchioness, he made a violent blow at her;but in his eagerness and agitation his scimetar caught in the draperyof the tent; the force of the blow was broken, and the weapon struckharmless upon some golden ornaments of her head-dress. *

 * Pietro Martyr, Epist. 62. 

Ruy Lopez de Toledo, treasurer to the queen, and Juan de Belalcazar, a sturdy friar, who were present, grappled and struggled with thedesperado, and immediately the guards who had conducted him from themarques de Cadiz fell upon him and cut him to pieces. *

 * Cura de los Palacios

The king and queen, brought out of their tents by the noise, were filledwith horror when they learned the imminent peril from which they hadescaped. The mangled body of the Moor was taken by the people to thecamp and thrown into the city from a catapult. The Gomeres gathered upthe body with deep reverence as the remains of a saint; they washed andperfumed it and buried it with great honor and loud lamentations. In revenge of his death they slew one of their principal Christiancaptives, and, having tied his body upon an ass, they drove the animalforth into the camp. 

From this time there was appointed an additional guard around the tentsof the king and queen, composed of four hundred cavaliers of rank ofthe kingdoms of Castile and Aragon. No person was admitted to the royalpresence armed; no Moor was allowed to enter the camp without a previousknowledge of his character and business; and on no account was any Moorto be introduced into the presence of the sovereigns. 

An act of treachery of such ferocious nature gave rise to a train ofgloomy apprehensions. There were many cabins and sheds about the campconstructed of branches of trees which had become dry and combustible, and fears were entertained that they might be set on fire by themudexares, or Moorish vassals, who visited the army. Some even dreadedthat attempts might be made to poison the wells and fountains. To quietthese dismal alarms all mudexares were ordered to leave the camp, and all loose, idle loiterers who could not give a good account ofthemselves were taken into custody. 

CHAPTER LX. 

HOW HAMET EL ZEGRI WAS HARDENED IN HIS OBSTINACY BY THE ARTS OF AMOORISH ASTROLOGER. 

Among those followers of the santon that had effected their entranceinto the city was a dark African of the tribe of the Gomeres, who waslikewise a hermit or dervise and passed among the Moors for a holy andinspired man. No sooner were the mangled remains of his predecessorburied with the honors of martyrdom than this dervise elevated himselfin his place and professed to be gifted with the spirit of prophecy. Hedisplayed a white banner, which he assured the Moors was sacred, that hehad retained it for twenty years for some signal purpose, and that Allahhad revealed to him that under that banner the inhabitants of Malagashould sally forth upon the camp of the unbelievers, put it to utterrout, and banquet upon the provisions in which it abounded. * The hungryand credulous Moors were elated at this prediction, and cried out to beled forth at once to the attack; but the dervise told them the time wasnot yet arrived, for every event had its allotted day in the decreesof fate: they must wait patiently, therefore, until the appointed timeshould be revealed to him by Heaven. Hamet el Zegri listened to thedervise with profound reverence, and his example had great effect inincreasing the awe and deference of his followers. He took the holy manup into his stronghold of Gibralfaro, consulted him on all occasions, and hung out his white banner on the loftiest tower as a signal ofencouragement to the people of the city. 

 * Cura de los Palacios, cap. 84. 

In the mean time, the prime chivalry of Spain was gradually assemblingbefore the walls of Malaga. The army which had commenced the siege hadbeen worn out by extreme hardships, having had to construct immenseworks, to dig trenches and mines, to mount guard by sea and land, topatrol the mountains, and to sustain incessant conflicts. The sovereignswere obliged, therefore, to call upon various distant cities forreinforcements of horse and foot. Many nobles also assembled theirvassals and repaired of their own accord to the royal camp. 

Every little while some stately galley or gallant caravel would standinto the harbor, displaying the well-known banner of some Spanishcavalier and thundering from its artillery a salutation to thesovereigns and a defiance to the Moors. On the land side alsoreinforcements would be seen winding down from the mountains to thesound of drum and trumpet, and marching into the camp with glisteningarms as yet unsullied by the toils of war. 

One morning the whole sea was whitened by the sails and vexed by theoars of ships and galleys bearing toward the port. One hundred vesselsof various kinds and sizes arrived, some armed for warlike service, others deep freighted with provisions. At the same time the clangor ofdrum and trumpet bespoke the arrival of a powerful force by land, which came pouring in lengthening columns into the camp. This mightyreinforcement was furnished by the duke of Medina Sidonia, who reignedlike a petty monarch over his vast possessions. He came with thisprincely force a volunteer to the royal standard, not having beensummoned by the sovereigns, and he brought, moreover, a loan of twentythousand doblas of gold. 

When the camp was thus powerfully reinforced Isabella advised that newoffers of an indulgent kind should be made to the inhabitants, forshe was anxious to prevent the miseries of a protracted siege or theeffusion of blood that must attend a general attack. A fresh summonswas therefore sent for the city to surrender, with a promise of life, liberty, and property in case of immediate compliance, but denouncingall the horrors of war if the defence were obstinately continued. 

Hamet again rejected the offer with scorn. His main fortificationsas yet were but little impaired, and were capable of holding out muchlonger; he trusted to the thousand evils and accidents that beset abesieging army and to the inclemencies of the approaching season; and itis said that he, as well as his followers, had an infatuated belief inthe predictions of the dervise. 

The worthy Fray Antonio Agapida does not scruple to affirm that thepretended prophet of the city was an arch nigromancer, or Moorishmagician, "of which there be countless many, " says he, "in the filthysect of Mahomet, " and that he was leagued with the prince of the powersof the air to endeavor to work the confusion and defeat of the Christianarmy. The worthy father asserts also that Hamet employed him in a hightower of the Gibralfaro, which commanded a wide view over sea and land, where he wrought spells and incantations with astrolabes and otherdiabolical instruments to defeat the Christian ships and forces wheneverthey were engaged with the Moors. 

To the potent spells of this sorcerer he ascribes the perils and lossessustained by a party of cavaliers of the royal household in a desperatecombat to gain two towers of the suburb near the gate of the city calledla Puerto de Granada. The Christians, led on by Ruy Lopez de Toledo, the valiant treasurer of the queen, took and lost and retook the towers, which were finally set on fire by the Moors and abandoned to the flamesby both parties. To the same malignant influence he attributes thedamage done to the Christian fleet, which was so vigorously assailedby the albatozas, or floating batteries, of the Moors that one ship, belonging to the duke of Medina Sidonia, was sunk and the rest wereobliged to retire. 

"Hamet el Zegri, " says Fray Antonio Agapida, "stood on the top ofthe high tower of Gibralfaro and beheld this injury wrought upon theChristian force, and his proud heart was puffed up. And the Moorishnigromancer stood beside him. And he pointed out to him the Christianhost below, encamped on every eminence around the city and covering itsfertile valley, and the many ships floating upon the tranquil sea, andhe bade him be strong of heart, for that in a few days all this mightyfleet would be scattered by the winds of heaven, and that he shouldsally forth under the guidance of the sacred banner and attack thishost, and utterly defeat it, and make spoil of those sumptuous tents;and Malaga should be triumphantly revenged upon her assailants. So theheart of Hamet was hardened like that of Pharaoh, and he persisted insetting at defiance the Catholic sovereigns and their army of saintlywarriors. "

CHAPTER LXI. 

SIEGE OF MALAGA CONTINUED. --DESTRUCTION OF A TOWER BY FRANCISCO RAMIREZDE MADRID. 

Seeing the infatuated obstinacy of the besieged, the Christians nowapproached their works to the walls, gaining one position after anotherpreparatory to a general assault. Near the barrier of the city was abridge with four arches, defended at each end by a strong and loftytower, by which a part of the army would have to pass in making anattack. The commander-in-chief of the artillery, Francisco Ramirez deMadrid, was ordered to take possession of this bridge. The approachto it was perilous in the extreme, from the exposed situation of theassailants and the number of Moors that garrisoned the towers. FranciscoRamirez therefore secretly excavated a mine leading beneath the firsttower, and placed a piece of ordnance with its mouth upward immediatelyunder the foundation, with a train of powder to produce an explosion atthe necessary moment. 

When this was arranged he advanced slowly with his forces in face of thetowers, erecting bulwarks at every step, and gradually gaining grounduntil he arrived near to the bridge. He then planted several pieces ofartillery in his works and began to batter the tower. The Moors repliedbravely from their battlements, but in the heat of the combat the pieceof ordnance under the foundation was discharged. The earth was rentopen, a part of the tower overthrown, and several of the Moors weretorn to pieces; the rest took to flight, overwhelmed with terror at thisthundering explosion bursting beneath their feet and at beholding theearth vomiting flames and smoke, for never before had they witnessedsuch a stratagem in warfare. The Christians rushed forward and tookpossession of the abandoned post, and immediately commenced an attackupon the other tower at the opposite end of the bridge, to which theMoors had retired. An incessant fire of crossbows and arquebuses waskept up between the rival towers, volleys of stones were discharged, andno one dared to venture upon the intermediate bridge. 

Francisco de Ramirez at length renewed his former mode of approach, making bulwarks step by step, while the Moors, stationed at the otherend, swept the bridge with their artillery. The combat was long andbloody--furious on the part of the Moors, patient and persevering on thepart of the Christians. By slow degrees they accomplished their advanceacross the bridge, drove the enemy before them, and remained masters ofthis important pass. 

For this valiant and skilful achievement King Ferdinand after thesurrender of the city conferred the dignity of knighthood upon FranciscoRamirez in the tower which he had so gloriously gained. * The worthypadre Fray Antonio Agapida indulges in more than a page of extravaganteulogy upon this invention of blowing up the foundation of the tower bya piece of ordnance; which, in fact, is said to be the first instance onrecord of gunpowder being used in a mine. 

 * Pulgar, part 3, c. 91. 

CHAPTER LXII. 

HOW THE PEOPLE OF MALAGA EXPOSTULATED WITH HAMET EL ZEGRI. 

While the dervise was deluding the garrison of Malaga with vain hopesthe famine increased to a terrible degree. The Gomeres ranged about thecity as though it had been a conquered place, taking by force whateverthey found eatable in the houses of the peaceful citizens, and breakingopen vaults and cellars and demolishing walls wherever they thoughtprovisions might be concealed. 

The wretched inhabitants had no longer bread to eat; the horse-fleshalso now failed them, and they were fain to devour skins and hidestoasted at the fire, and to assuage the hunger of their children withvine-leaves cut up and fried in oil. Many perished of famine or of theunwholesome food with which they endeavored to relieve it, and many tookrefuge in the Christian camp, preferring captivity to the horrors whichsurrounded them. 

At length the sufferings of the inhabitants became so great as toconquer even their fears of Hamet and his Gomeres. They assembled beforethe house of Ali Dordux, the wealthy merchant, whose stately mansionwas at the foot of the hill of the Alcazaba, and they urged him to standforth as their leader and to intercede with Hamet for a surrender. AliDordux was a man of courage as well as policy; he perceived also thathunger was giving boldness to the citizens, while he trusted it wassubduing the fierceness of the soldiery. He armed himself, therefore, cap-a-pie, and undertook this dangerous parley with the alcayde. Heassociated with him an alfaqui named Abraham Alhariz and an importantinhabitant named Amar ben Amar, and they ascended to the fortress ofGibralfaro, followed by several of the trembling merchants. 

They found Hamet el Zegri, not, as before, surrounded by ferociousguards and all the implements of war, but in a chamber of one of thelofty towers, at a table of stone covered with scrolls traced withstrange characters and mystic diagrams, while instruments of singularand unknown form lay about the room. Beside Hamet stood the propheticdervise, who appeared to have been explaining to him the mysteriousinscriptions of the scrolls. His presence filled the citizens with awe, for even Ali Dordux considered him a man inspired. 

The alfaqui, Abraham Alhariz, whose sacred character gave him boldnessto speak, now lifted up his voice and addressed Hamet el Zegri. "Weimplore thee, " said he, solemnly, "in the name of the most powerfulGod, no longer to persist in a vain resistance which must end inour destruction, but deliver up the city while clemency is yet to beobtained. Think how many of our warriors have fallen bythe sword; do not suffer those who survive to perish by famine. Ourwives and children cry to us for bread, and we have none to give them. We see them expire in lingering agony before our eyes, while the enemymocks our misery by displaying the abundance of his camp. Of what availis our defence? Are our walls, peradventure, more strong than the wallsof Ronda? Are our warriors more brave than the defenders of Loxa?The walls of Ronda were thrown down and the warriors of Loxa had tosurrender. Do we hope for succor?--whence are we to receive it? The timefor hope is gone by. Granada has lost its power; it no longer possesseschivalry, commanders, nor a king. Boabdil sits a vassal in the degradedhalls of the Alhambra; El Zagal is a fugitive, shut up within the wallsof Guadix. The kingdom is divided against itself--its strength is gone, its pride fallen, its very existence at an end. In the name of Allahwe conjure thee, who art our captain, be not our direst enemy, butsurrender these ruins of our once-happy Malaga and deliver us from theseoverwhelming horrors. "

Such was the supplication forced from the inhabitants by the extremityof their sufferings. Hamet listened to the alfaqui without anger, for herespected the sanctity of his office. His heart too was at that momentlifted up with a vain confidence. "Yet a few days of patience, " said he, "and all these evils will suddenly have an end. I have been conferringwith this holy man, and find that the time of our deliverance is athand. The decrees of fate are inevitable; it is written in the bookof destiny that we shall sally forth and destroy the camp of theunbelievers, and banquet upon those mountains of grain which are piledup in the midst of it. So Allah hath promised by the mouth of this hisprophet. Allah Akbar! God is great! Let no man oppose the decrees ofHeaven!"

The citizens bowed with profound reverence, for no true Moslem pretendsto struggle against whatever is written in the book of fate. Ali Dordux, who had come prepared to champion the city and to brave the ire ofHamet, humbled himself before this holy man and gave faith to hisprophecies as the revelations of Allah. So the deputies returned to thecitizens, and exhorted them to be of good cheer. "A few days longer, "said they, "and our sufferings are to terminate. When the white banneris removed from the tower, then look out for deliverance, for the hourof sallying forth will have arrived. " The people retired to their homeswith sorrowful hearts; they tried in vain to quiet the cries of theirfamishing children, and day by day and hour by hour their anxious eyeswere turned to the sacred banner, which still continued to wave on thetower of Gibralfaro. 

CHAPTER LXIII. 

HOW HAMET EL ZEGRI SALLIED FORTH WITH THE SACRED BANNER TO ATTACK THECHRISTIAN CAMP. 

"The Moorish nigromancer, " observes the worthy Fray Antonio Agapida, "remained shut up in a tower of the Gibralfaro devising devilish meansto work mischief and discomfiture upon the Christians. He was dailyconsulted by Hamet, who had great faith in those black and magic artswhich he had brought with him from the bosom of heathen Africa. "

From the account given of this dervise and his incantations by theworthy father it would appear that he was an astrologer, and wasstudying the stars and endeavoring to calculate the day and hour when asuccessful attack might be made upon the Christian camp. 

Famine had now increased to such a degree as to distress even thegarrison of Gibralfaro, although the Gomeres had seized upon all theprovisions they could find in the city. Their passions were sharpened byhunger, and they became restless and turbulent and impatient for action. 

Hamet was one day in council with his captains, perplexed by thepressure of events, when the dervise entered among them. "The hour ofvictory, " exclaimed he, "is at hand. Allah has commanded that to-morrowmorning ye shall sally forth to the fight. I will bear before youthe sacred banner and deliver your enemies into your hands. Remember, however, that ye are but instruments in the hands of Allah to takevengeance on the enemies of the faith. Go into battle, therefore, withpure hearts, forgiving each other all past offences, for those who arecharitable toward each other will be victorious over the foe. " Thewords of the dervise were received with rapture; all Gibralfaro andthe Alcazaba resounded immediately with the din of arms, and Hamet sentthroughout the towers and fortifications of the city and selectedthe choicest troops and most distinguished captains for this eventfulcombat. 

In the morning early the rumor went throughout the city that the sacredbanner had disappeared from the tower of Gibralfaro, and all Malaga wasroused to witness the sally that was to destroy the unbelievers. Hametdescended from his stronghold, accompanied by his principal captain, Ibrahim Zenete, and followed by his Gomeres. The dervise led the way, displaying the white banner, the sacred pledge of victory. The multitudeshouted "Allah Akbar!" and prostrated themselves before the banner asit passed. Even the dreaded Hamet was hailed with praises, for in theirhopes of speedy relief through the prowess of his arm the populaceforgot everything but his bravery. Every bosom in Malaga was agitatedby hope and fear: the old men, the women, and children, and all who wentnot forth to battle mounted on tower and battlement and roof to watch acombat that was to decide their fate. 

Before sallying forth from the city the dervise addressed the troops, reminding them of the holy nature of this enterprise, and warning themnot to forfeit the protection of the sacred banner by any unworthy act. They were not to pause to make spoil nor to take prisoners: they were topress forward, fighting valiantly, and granting no quarter. The gate wasthen thrown open, and the dervise issued forth, followed by the army. They directed their assaults upon the encampments of the master ofSantiago and the master of Alcantara, and came upon them so suddenlythat they killed and wounded several of the guards. Ibrahim Zenetemade his way into one of the tents, where he beheld several Christianstriplings just starting from their slumber. The heart of the Moor wassuddenly touched with pity for their youth, or perhaps he scorned theweakness of the foe. 

He smote them with the flat instead of the edge of the sword. "Away, imps!" cried he, "away to your mothers!" The fanatic dervise reproachedhim with his clemency. "I did not kill them, " replied Zenete, "because Isaw no beards!"*

 * Cura de los Palacios, c. 84. 

The alarm was given in the camp, and the Christians rushed from allquarters to defend the gates of the bulwarks. Don Pedro PuertoCarrero, senior of Moguer, and his brother, Don Alonzo Pacheco, plantedthemselves with their followers in the gateway of the encampment of themaster of Santiago, and bore the whole brunt of battle until they werereinforced. The gate of the encampment of the master of Calatrava was inlike manner defended by Lorenzo Saurez de Mendoza. Hamet was furious atbeing thus checked where he had expected a miraculous victory. He ledhis troops repeatedly to the attack, hoping to force the gates beforesuccor should arrive: they fought with vehement ardor, but were as oftenrepulsed, and every time they returned to the assault they found theirenemies doubled in number. The Christians opened a cross-fire of allkinds of missiles from their bulwarks; the Moors could effect butlittle damage upon a foe thus protected behind their works, while theythemselves were exposed from head to foot. The Christians singled outthe most conspicuous cavaliers, the greater part of whom were eitherslain or wounded. Still, the Moors, infatuated by the predictions ofthe prophet, fought desperately and devotedly, and they were furious torevenge the slaughter of their leaders. They rushed upon certain death, endeavoring madly to scale the bulwarks or force the gates, and fellamidst showers of darts and lances, filling the ditches with theirmangled bodies. 

Hamet el Zegri raged along the front of the bulwarks seeking an openingfor attack. He gnashed his teeth with fury as he saw so many of hischosen warriors slain around him. He seemed to have a charmed life, for, though constantly in the hottest of the fight amidst showers ofmissiles, he still escaped uninjured. Blindly confiding in the prophecyof victory, he continued to urge on his devoted troops. The dervisetoo ran like a maniac through the ranks, waving his white banner andinciting the Moors by howlings rather than by shouts. "Fear not! thevictory is ours, for so it is written!" cried he. In the midst of hisfrenzy a stone from a catapult struck him in the head and dashed out hisbewildered brains. *

 * Garibay, lib. 18, c. 33. 

When the Moors beheld their prophet slain and his banner in the dust, they were seized with despair and fled in confusion to the city. Hametel Zegri made some effort to rally them, but was himself confounded bythe fall of the dervise. He covered the flight of his broken forces, turning repeatedly upon their pursuers and slowly making his retreatinto the city. 

The inhabitants of Malaga witnessed from their walls with tremblinganxiety the whole of this disastrous conflict. At the first onset, whenthey beheld the guards of the camp put to flight, they exclaimed, "Allahhas given us the victory!" and they sent up shouts of triumph. Theirexultation, however, was soon turned into doubt when they beheld theirtroops repulsed in repeated attacks. They could see from time to timesome distinguished warrior laid low and others brought back bleeding tothe city. When at length the sacred banner fell and the routed troopscame flying to the gates, pursued and cut down by the foe, horror anddespair seized upon the populace. 

As Hamet entered the gates he heard nothing but loud lamentations:mothers whose sons had been slain shrieked curses after him as hepassed; some in the anguish of their hearts threw down their famishingbabes before him, exclaiming, "Trample on them with thy horse's feet, for we have no food to give them, and we cannot endure their cries. " Allheaped execrations on his head as the cause of the woes of Malaga. 

The warlike part of the citizens also, and many warriors who withtheir wives and children had taken refuge in Malaga from themountain-fortresses, now joined in the popular clamor, for their heartswere overcome by the sufferings of their families. 

Hamet el Zegri found it impossible to withstand this torrent oflamentations, curses, and reproaches. His military ascendancy was at anend, for most of his officers and the prime warriors of his African bandhad fallen in this disastrous sally. Turning his back, therefore, uponthe city and abandoning it to its own counsels, he retired with theremnant of his Gomeres to his stronghold in the Gibralfaro. 

CHAPTER LXIV. 

HOW THE CITY OF MALAGA CAPITULATED. 

The people of Malaga, being no longer overawed by Hamet el Zegri andhis Gomeres, turned to Ali Dordux, the magnanimous merchant, and put thefate of the city into his hands. He had already gained the alcaydes ofthe castle of the Genoese and of the citadel into his party, and in thelate confusion had gained the sway over those important fortresses. Henow associated himself with the alfaqui Abraham Alhariz and four ofthe principal inhabitants, and, forming a provisional junta, they sentheralds to the Christian sovereigns offering to surrender the city oncertain terms protecting the persons and property of the inhabitants, permitting them to reside as mudexares or tributary vassals either inMalaga or elsewhere. 

When the herald arrived at the camp and made known their mission to KingFerdinand, his anger was kindled. "Return to your fellow-citizens, " saidhe, "and tell them that the day of grace is gone by. They have persistedin a fruitless defence until they are driven by necessity to capitulate;they must surrender unconditionally and abide the fate of thevanquished. Those who merit death shall suffer death; those who meritcaptivity shall be made captives. "

This stern reply spread consternation among the people of Malaga, butAli Dordux comforted them, and undertook to go in person and pray forfavorable terms. When the people beheld this great and wealthy merchant, who was so eminent in their city, departing with his associates on thismission, they plucked up heart, for they said, "Surely the Christianking will not turn a deaf ear to such a man as Ali Dordux. "

Ferdinand, however, would not even admit the ambassadors to hispresence. "Send them to the devil!" said he in a great passion to thecommander of Leon; "I'll not see them. Let them get back to their city. They shall all surrender to my mercy as vanquished enemies. "*

 * Cura de los Palacios, cap. 84. 

To give emphasis to this reply he ordered a general discharge from allthe artillery and batteries, and there was a great shout throughoutthe camp, and all the lombards and catapults and other engines of warthundered furiously upon the city, doing great damage. 

Ali Dordux and his companions returned to the city with downcastcountenances, and could scarce make the reply of the Christian sovereignbe heard for the roaring of the artillery, the tumbling of thewalls, and the cries of women and children. The citizens were greatlyastonished and dismayed when they found the little respect paid to theirmost eminent man; but the warriors who were in the city exclaimed, "Whathas this merchant to do with questions between men of battle? Let us notaddress the enemy as abject suppliants who have no power to injure, butas valiant men who have weapons in their hands. "

So they despatched another message to the Christian sovereigns, offeringto yield up the city and all their effects on condition of being securedin their personal liberty. Should this be denied, they declared theywould hang from the battlements fifteen hundred Christian captives, male and female--that they would put all their old men, their women, andchildren into the citadel, set fire to the city, and sally forth, swordin hand, to fight until the last gasp. "In this way, " said they, "theSpanish sovereigns shall gain a bloody victory, and the fall of Malagabe renowned while the world endures. "

To this fierce and swelling message Ferdinand replied that if a singleChristian captive were injured, not a Moor in Malaga but should be putto the edge of the sword. 

A great conflict of counsels now arose in Malaga. The warriors werefor following up their menace by some desperate act of vengeance or ofself-devotion. Those who had families looked with anguish upon theirwives and daughters, and thought it better to die than live to see themcaptives. By degrees, however, the transports of passion and despairsubsided, the love of life resumed its sway, and they turned oncemore to Ali Dordux as the man most prudent in council and able innegotiation. By his advice fourteen of the principal inhabitants werechosen from the fourteen districts of the city, and sent to the campbearing a long letter couched in terms of the most humble supplication. 

Various debates now took place in the Christian camp. Many of thecavaliers were exasperated against Malaga for its long resistance, whichhad caused the death of many of their relatives and favorite companions. It had long been a stronghold also for Moorish depredators and the martwhere most of the warriors captured in the Axarquia had been exposed intriumph and sold to slavery. They represented, moreover, that there weremany Moorish cities yet to be besieged, and that an example ought tobe made of Malaga to prevent all obstinate resistance thereafter. They advised, therefore, that all the inhabitants should be put to thesword. *

 * Pulgar. 

The humane heart of Isabella revolted at such sanguinary counsels:she insisted that their triumph should not be disgraced by cruelty. Ferdinand, however, was inflexible in refusing to grant any preliminaryterms, insisting on an unconditional surrender. 

The people of Malaga now abandoned themselves to paroxysms of despair;on one side they saw famine and death, on the other slavery and chains. The mere men of the sword, who had no families to protect, were loud forsignalizing their fall by some illustrious action. "Let us sacrifice ourChristian captives, and then destroy ourselves, " cried some. "Let us putall the women and children to death, set fire to the city, fall on theChristian camp, and die sword in hand, " cried others. 

Ali Dordux gradually made his voice be heard amidst the general clamor. He addressed himself to the principal inhabitants and to those who hadchildren. "Let those who live by the sword die by the sword, " cried he, "but let us not follow their desperate counsels. Who knows what sparksof pity may be awakened in the bosoms of the Christian sovereigns whenthey behold our unoffending wives and daughters and our helpless littleones? The Christian queen, they say, is full of mercy. "

At these words the hearts of the unhappy people of Malaga yearned overtheir families, and they empowered Ali Dordux to deliver up their cityto the mercy of the Castilian sovereigns. 

The merchant now went to and fro, and had several communications withFerdinand and Isabella, and interested several principal cavaliers inhis cause; and he sent rich presents to the king and queen of Orientalmerchandise and silks and stuffs of gold and jewels and precious stonesand spices and perfumes, and many other sumptuous things, which he hadaccumulated in his great tradings with the East; and he gradually foundfavor in the eyes of the sovereigns. * Finding that there was nothing tobe obtained for the city, he now, like a prudent man and able merchant, began to negotiate for himself and his immediate friends. He representedthat from the first they had been desirous of yielding up the city, buthad been prevented by warlike and high-handed men, who had threatenedtheir lives; he entreated, therefore, that mercy might be extended tothem, and that they might not be confounded with the guilty. 

 * MS. Chron. Of Valera. 

The sovereigns had accepted the presents of Ali Dordux--how could theythen turn a deaf ear to his petition? So they granted a pardon to himand to forty families which he named, and it was agreed that they shouldbe protected in their liberties and property, and permitted to residein Malaga as mudexares or Moslem vassals, and to follow their customarypursuits. * All this being arranged, Ali Dordux delivered up twenty ofthe principal inhabitants to remain as hostages until the whole cityshould be placed in the possession of the Christians. 

 * Cura de los Palacios, cap. 84. 

Don Gutierrez de Cardenas, senior commander of Leon, now entered thecity armed cap-a-pie, on horseback, and took possession in the name ofthe Castilian sovereigns. He was followed by his retainers and by thecaptains and cavaliers of the army, and in a little while the standardsof the cross and of the blessed Santiago and of the Catholic sovereignswere elevated on the principal tower of the Alcazaba. When thesestandards were beheld from the camp, the queen and the princess and theladies of the court and all the royal retinue knelt down and gave thanksand praises to the Holy Virgin and to Santiago for this great triumphof the faith; and the bishops and other clergy who were present and thechoristers of the royal chapel chanted "Te Deum Laudamus" and "Gloria inExcelsis. "

CHAPTER LXV. 

FULFILMENT OF THE PROPHECY OF THE DERVISE. --FATE OF HAMET EL ZEGRI. 

No sooner was the city delivered up than the wretched inhabitantsimplored permission to purchase bread for themselves and their childrenfrom the heaps of grain which they had so often gazed at wistfully fromtheir walls. Their prayer was granted, and they issued forth withthe famished eagerness of starving men. It was piteous to behold thestruggles of those unhappy people as they contended who first shouldhave their necessities relieved. 

"Thus, " says the pious Fray Antonio Agapida, --"thus are the predictionsof false prophets sometimes permitted to be verified, but always tothe confusion of those who trust in them; for the words of the Moorishnigromancer came to pass that the people of Malaga should eat of thoseheaps of bread, but they ate in humiliation and defeat and with sorrowand bitterness of heart. "

Dark and fierce were the feelings of Hamet el Zegri as he looked downfrom the castle of Gibralfaro and beheld the Christian legions pouringinto the city and the standard of the cross supplanting the crescent onthe citadel. "The people of Malaga, " said he, "have trusted to a man oftrade, and he has trafficked them away; but let us not suffer ourselvesto be bound hand and foot and delivered up as part of his bargain. Wehave yet strong walls around us and trusty weapons in our hands. Let usfight until buried beneath the last tumbling tower of Gibralfaro, or, rushing down from among its ruins, carry havoc among the unbelievers asthey throng the streets of Malaga. "

The fierceness of the Gomeres, however, was broken. They could have diedin the breach had their castle been assailed, but the slow advances offamine subdued their strength without rousing their passions, andsapped the force of both soul and body. They were almost unanimous for asurrender. 

It was a hard struggle for the proud spirit of Hamet to bow itself toask for terms. Still, he trusted that the valor of his defence wouldgain him respect in the eyes of a chivalrous foe. "Ali, " said he, "hasnegotiated like a merchant; I will capitulate as a soldier. " He sent aherald, therefore, to Ferdinand, offering to yield up his castle, butdemanding a separate treaty. (15) The Castilian sovereign made a laconicand stern reply: "He shall receive no terms but such as have beengranted to the community of Malaga. "

For two days Hamet el Zegri remained brooding in his castle after thecity was in possession of the Christians; at length the clamors of hisfollowers compelled him to surrender. When the remnant of this fierceAfrican garrison descended from their cragged fortress, they were soworn by watchfulness, famine, and battle, yet carried such a lurkingfury in their eyes, that they looked more like fiends than men. Theywere all condemned to slavery, excepting Ibrahim Zenete. The instance ofclemency which he had shown in refraining to harm the Spanish striplingson the last sally from Malaga won him favorable terms. It was cited as amagnanimous act by the Spanish cavaliers, and all admitted that, though a Moor in blood, he possessed the Christian heart of a Castilianhidalgo. *

 * Cura de los Palacios, cap. 84. 

As to Hamet el Zegri, on being asked what moved him to such hardenedobstinacy, he replied, "When I undertook my command, I pledged myself tofight in defence of my faith, my city, and my sovereign until slainor made prisoner; and, depend upon it, had I had men to stand by me, Ishould have died fighting, instead of thus tamely surrendering myselfwithout a weapon in my hand. "

"Such, " says the pious Fray Antonio Agapida, "was the diabolical hatredand stiff-necked opposition of this infidel to our holy cause. But hewas justly served by our most Catholic and high-minded sovereign for hispertinacious defence of the city, for Ferdinand ordered that he shouldbe loaded with chains and thrown into a dungeon. " He was subsequentlyretained in rigorous confinement at Carmona. *

 * Pulgar, part 3, cap. 93; Pietro Martyr, lib. 1, cap. 69; Alcantara, Hist. Granada, vol. 4, c. 18. 

CHAPTER LXVI. 

HOW THE CASTILIAN SOVEREIGNS TOOK POSSESSION OF THE CITY OF MALAGA, ANDHOW KING FERDINAND SIGNALIZED HIMSELF BY HIS SKILL IN BARGAINING WITHTHE INHABITANTS FOR THEIR RANSOM. 

One of the first cares of the conquerors on entering Malaga was tosearch for Christian captives. Nearly sixteen hundred men and women werefound, and among them were persons of distinction. Some of them had beenten, fifteen, and twenty years in captivity. Many had been servants tothe Moors or laborers on public works, and some had passed their timein chains and dungeons. Preparations were made to celebrate theirdeliverance as a Christian triumph. A tent was erected not far from thecity, and furnished with an altar and all the solemn decorations ofa chapel. Here the king and queen waited to receive the Christiancaptives. They were assembled in the city and marshalled forth inpiteous procession. Many of them had still the chains and shackleson their legs; they were wasted with famine, their hair and beardsovergrown and matted, and their faces pale and haggard from longconfinement. When they found themselves restored to liberty andsurrounded by their countrymen, some stared wildly about as if in adream, others gave way to frantic transports, but most of them wept forjoy. All present were moved to tears by so touching a spectacle. Whenthe procession arrived at what is called the Gate of Granada, it was metby a great concourse from the camp with crosses and pennons, who turnedand followed the captives, singing hymns of praise and thanksgiving. When they came in presence of the king and queen, they threw themselveson their knees, and would have kissed their feet as their saviors anddeliverers, but the sovereigns prevented such humiliation and graciouslyextended to them their hands. They then prostrated themselves beforethe altar, and all present joined them in giving thanks to God for theirliberation from this cruel bondage. By orders of the king and queentheir chains were then taken off, and they were clad in decent raimentand food was set before them. After they had ate and drunk, and wererefreshed and invigorated, they were provided with money and all thingsnecessary for their journey, and sent joyfully to their homes. 

While the old chroniclers dwell with becoming enthusiasm on this pureand affecting triumph of humanity, they go on in a strain of equaleulogy to describe a spectacle of a far different nature. It so happenedthat there were found in the city twelve of those renegado Christianswho had deserted to the Moors and conveyed false intelligence duringthe siege: a barbarous species of punishment was inflicted upon them, borrowed, it is said, from the Moors and peculiar to these wars. Theywere tied to stakes in a public place, and horsemen exercised theirskill in transpiercing them with pointed reeds, hurled at them whilecareering at full speed, until the miserable victims expired beneaththeir wounds. Several apostate Moors also, who, having embracedChristianity, had afterward relapsed into their early faith, and hadtaken refuge in Malaga from the vengeance of the Inquisition, were publicly burnt. "These, " says an old Jesuit historianexultingly, --"these were the tilts of reeds and the illuminations mostpleasing for this victorious festival and for the Catholic piety of oursovereigns. "*

 * "Los renegados fuernon acanavareados: y los conversos quemados;y estos fueron las canas, y luminarias mas alegres, por la fiesta de lavitoria, para la piedad Catholica de nuestros Reyes. "--Abarca, "Analesde Aragon, " tom. 2, Rey xxx. C. 3. 

When the city was cleansed from the impurities and offensive odorswhich had collected during the siege, the bishops and other clergy whoaccompanied the court, and the choir of the royal chapel, walked inprocession to the principal mosque, which was consecrated and entitledSanta Maria de la Incarnacion. This done, the king and queen enteredthe city, accompanied by the grand cardinal of Spain and the principalnobles and cavaliers of the army, and heard a solemn mass. The churchwas then elevated into a cathedral, and Malaga was made a bishopric, and many of the neighboring towns were comprehended in its diocese. Thequeen took up her residence in the Alcazaba, in the apartments of hervaliant treasurer, Ruy Lopez, whence she had a view of the wholecity, but the king established his quarters in the warrior castle ofGibralfaro. 

And now came to be considered the disposition of the Moorish prisoners. All those who were strangers in the city, and had either taken refugethere or had entered to defend it, were at once considered slaves. Theywere divided into three lots: one was set apart for the service of Godin redeeming Christian captives from bondage, either in the kingdom ofGranada or in Africa; the second lot was divided among those who hadaided either in field or cabinet in the present siege, according totheir rank; the third was appropriated to defray by their sale thegreat expenses incurred in the reduction of the place. A hundred of theGomeres were sent as presents to Pope Innocent VIII. , and were ledin triumph through the streets of Rome, and afterward converted toChristianity. Fifty Moorish maidens were sent to the queen Joanna ofNaples, sister to King Ferdinand, and thirty to the queen of Portugal. Isabella made presents of others to the ladies of her household and ofthe noble families of Spain. 

Among the inhabitants of Malaga were four hundred and fifty MoorishJews, for the most part women, speaking the Arabic language and dressedin the Moresco fashion. These were ransomed by a wealthy Jew of Castile, farmer-general of the royal revenues derived from the Jews of Spain. He agreed to make up within a certain time the sum of twenty thousanddoblas, or pistoles of gold, all the money and jewels of the captivesbeing taken in part payment. They were sent to Castile in two armedgalleys. As to Ali Dordux, such favors and honors were heaped upon himby the Spanish sovereigns for his considerate mediation in the surrenderthat the disinterestedness of his conduct has often been called inquestion. He was appointed chief justice and alcayde of the (10) mudexaresor Moorish subjects, and was presented with twenty houses, one publicbakery, and several orchards, vineyards, and tracts of open country. Heretired to Antiquera, where he died several years afterward, leavinghis estate and name to his son, Mohamed Dordux. The latter embraced theChristian faith, as did his wife, the daughter of a Moorish noble. Onbeing baptized he received the name of Don Fernando de Malaga, hiswife that of Isabella, after the queen. They were incorporated withthe nobility of Castile, and their descendants still bear the name ofMalaga. *

 * Conversaciones Malaguenas, 26, as cited by Alcantara in hisHistory of Granada, vol. 4, c. 18. 

As to the great mass of Moorish inhabitants, they implored that theymight not be scattered and sold into captivity, but might be permittedto ransom themselves by an amount paid within a certain time. Upon thisKing Ferdinand took the advice of certain of his ablest counsellors. They said to him: "If you hold out a prospect of hopeless captivity, theinfidels will throw all their gold and jewels into wells and pits, andyou will lose the greater part of the spoil; but if you fix a generalrate of ransom, and receive their money and jewels in part payment, nothing will be destroyed. " The king relished greatly this advice, and it was arranged that all the inhabitants should be ransomed at thegeneral rate of thirty doblas or pistoles in gold for each individual, male or female, large or small; that all their gold, jewels, and othervaluables should be received immediately in part payment of the generalamount, and that the residue should be paid within eight months--thatif any of the number, actually living, should die in the interim, theirransom should nevertheless be paid. If, however, the whole of the amountwere not paid at the expiration of the eight months, they should all beconsidered and treated as slaves. 

The unfortunate Moors were eager to catch at the least hope of futureliberty, and consented to these hard conditions. The most rigorousprecautions were taken to exact them to the uttermost. The inhabitantswere numbered by houses and families, and their names taken down;their most precious effects were made up into parcels, and sealed andinscribed with their names, and they were ordered to repair with them tocertain large corrales or enclosures adjoining the Alcazaba, which weresurrounded by high walls and overlooked by watch-towers, to which placesthe cavalgadas of Christian captives had usually been driven to beconfined until the time of sale like cattle in a market. The Moors wereobliged to leave their houses one by one: all their money, necklaces, bracelets, and anklets of gold, pearl, coral, and precious stoneswere taken from them at the threshold, and their persons so rigorouslysearched that they carried off nothing concealed. 

Then might be seen old men and helpless women and tender maidens, someof high birth and gentle condition, passing through the streets, heavilyburdened, toward the Alcazaba. As they left their homes they smote theirbreasts and wrung their hands, and raised their weeping eyes to heavenin anguish; and this is recorded as their plaint: "O Malaga! city sorenowned and beautiful! where now is the strength of thy castle, wherethe grandeur of thy towers? Of what avail have been thy mighty wallsfor the protection of thy children? Behold them driven from thy pleasantabodes, doomed to drag out a life of bondage in a foreign land, and todie far from the home of their infancy! What will become of thy old menand matrons when their gray hairs shall be no longer reverenced? Whatwill become of thy maidens, so delicately reared and tenderly cherished, when reduced to hard and menial servitude? Behold thy once happyfamilies scattered asunder, never again to be united--sons separatedfrom their fathers, husbands from their wives, and tender children fromtheir mothers: they will bewail each other in foreign lands, but theirlamentations will be the scoff of the stranger. O Malaga! city of ourbirth! who can behold thy desolation and not shed tears of bitterness?"*

 * Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, c. 93. 

When Malaga was completely secured a detachment was sent against twofortresses near the sea, called Mixas and Osuna, which had frequentlyharassed the Christian camp. The inhabitants were threatened with thesword unless they instantly surrendered. They claimed the same termsthat had been granted to Malaga, imagining them to be freedom of personand security of property. Their claim was granted: they were transportedto Malaga with all their riches, and on arriving there were overwhelmedwith consternation at finding themselves captives. "Ferdinand, " observesFray Antonio Agapida, "was a man of his word; they were shut up in theenclosure at the Alcazaba with the people of Malaga and shared theirfate. "

The unhappy captives remained thus crowded in the courtyards of theAlcazaba, like sheep in a fold, until they could be sent by sea and landto Seville. They were then distributed about in city and country, eachChristian family having one or more to feed and maintain as servantsuntil the term fixed for the payment of the residue of the ransom shouldexpire. The captives had obtained permission that several of theirnumber should go about among the Moorish towns of the kingdom of Granadacollecting contributions to aid in the purchase of their liberties, butthese towns were too much impoverished by the war and engrossed by theirown distresses to lend a listening ear; so the time expired without theresidue of the ransom being paid, and all the captives of Malaga, to thenumber, as some say, of eleven, and others of fifteen, thousand, becameslaves. "Never, " exclaims the worthy Fray Antonio Agapida in one of hisusual bursts of zeal and loyalty, --"never has there been recorded a moreadroit and sagacious arrangement than this made by the Catholic monarch, by which he not only secured all the property and half of the ransomof these infidels, but finally got possession of their persons into thebargain. This truly may be considered one of the greatest triumphs ofthe pious and politic Ferdinand, and as raising him above the generalityof conquerors, who have merely the valor to gain victories, but lack theprudence and management necessary to turn them to account. "*

 * The detestable policy of Ferdinand in regard to the Moorishcaptives of Malaga is recorded at length by the curate of Los Palacios(c. 87), a contemporary, a zealous admirer of the king, and one ofthe most honest of chroniclers, who really thought he was recording anotable instance of sagacious piety. 

CHAPTER LXVII. 

HOW KING FERDINAND PREPARED TO CARRY THE WAR INTO A DIFFERENT PART OFTHE TERRITORIES OF THE MOORS. 

The western part of the kingdom of Granada had now been conquered bythe Christian arms. The seaport of Malaga was captured; the fierce andwarlike inhabitants of Serrania de Ronda and the other mountain-holdsof the frontier were all disarmed and reduced to peaceful and laboriousvassalage; their haughty fortresses, which had so long overawed thevalleys of Andalusia, now displayed the standard of Castile and Aragon;the watch-towers which crowned every height, whence the infidels hadkept a vulture eye over the Christian territories, were now eitherdismantled or garrisoned with Catholic troops. "What signalized andsanctified this great triumph, " adds the worthy Fray Antonio Agapida, "were the emblems of ecclesiastical domination which everywhereappeared. In every direction rose stately convents and monasteries, those fortresses of the faith garrisoned by its spiritual soldiery ofmonks and friars. The sacred melody of Christian bells was again heardamong the mountains, calling to early matins or sounding the Angelus atthe solemn hour of evening. "*

 * The worthy curate of Los Palacios intimates in his chronicle thatthis melody, so grateful to the ears of pious Christians, was a sourceof perpetual torment to the ears of infidels. 

While this part of the kingdom was thus reduced by the Christian sword, the central part, round the city of Granada, forming the heart of theMoorish territory, was held in vassalage of the Castilian monarch byBoabdil, surnamed El Chico. That unfortunate prince lost no occasionto propitiate the conquerors of his country by acts of homage and byprofessions that must have been foreign to his heart. No sooner hadhe heard of the capture of Malaga than he sent congratulations tothe Catholic sovereigns, accompanied with presents of horses richlycaparisoned for the king, and precious cloth of gold and Orientalperfumes for the queen. His congratulations and his presents werereceived with the utmost graciousness, and the short-sighted prince, lulled by the temporary and politic forbearance of Ferdinand, flatteredhimself that he was securing the lasting friendship of that monarch. 

The policy of Boabdil had its transient and superficial advantages. Theportion of Moorish territory under his immediate sway had a respite fromthe calamities of war, the husbandmen cultivated their luxuriant fieldsin security, and the Vega of Granada once more blossomed like the rose. The merchants again carried on a gainful traffic: the gates of the citywere thronged with beasts of burden, bringing the rich products of everyclime. Yet, while the people of Granada rejoiced in their teeming fieldsand crowded marts, they secretly despised the policy which had procuredthem these advantages, and held Boabdil for little better than anapostate and an unbeliever. Muley Abdallah el Zagal was now the hope ofthe unconquered part of the kingdom, and every Moor whose spirit was notquite subdued with his fortunes lauded the valor of the old monarch andhis fidelity to the faith, and wished success to his standard. 

El Zagal, though he no longer sat enthroned in the Alhambra, yet reignedover more considerable domains than his nephew. His territoriesextended from the frontier of Jaen along the borders of Murcia tothe Mediterranean, and reached into the centre of the kingdom. On thenortheast he held the cities of Baza and Guadix, situated in the midstof fertile regions. He had the important seaport of Almeria also, whichat one time rivalled Granada itself in wealth and population. Besidesthese, his territories included a great part of the Alpuxarrasmountains, which extend across the kingdom and shoot out branches towardthe sea-coast. This mountainous region was a stronghold of wealth andpower. Its stern and rocky heights, rising to the clouds, seemed to setinvasion at defiance, yet within their rugged embraces were sheltereddelightful valleys of the happiest temperature and richest fertility. The cool springs and limpid rills which gushed out in all parts of themountains, and the abundant streams which for a great part of the yearwere supplied by the Sierra Nevada, spread a perpetual verdure over theskirts and slopes of the hills, and, collecting in silver rivers in thevalleys, wound along among plantations of mulberry trees and grovesof oranges and citrons, of almonds, figs, and pomegranates. Here wasproduced the finest silk of Spain, which gave employment to thousandsof manufacturers. The sunburnt sides of the hills also were covered withvineyards; the abundant herbage of the mountain-ravines and the richpasturage of the valleys fed vast flocks and herds; and even the aridand rocky bosoms of the heights teemed with wealth from the minesof various metals with which they were impregnated. In a word, theAlpuxarras mountains had ever been the great source of revenue to themonarchs of Granada. Their inhabitants also were hardy and warlike, and a sudden summons from the Moorish king could at any time call forthfifty thousand fighting-men from their rocky fastnesses. 

Such was the rich but rugged fragment of an empire which remained underthe sway of the old warrior-monarch El Zagal. The mountain-barriers bywhich it was locked up had protected it from most of the ravages of thepresent war. El Zagal prepared himself by strengthening every fortressto battle fiercely for its maintenance. 

The Catholic sovereigns saw that fresh troubles and toils awaitedthem. The war had to be carried into a new quarter, demanding immenseexpenditure, and new ways and means must be devised to replenish theirexhausted coffers. "As this was a holy war, however, " says Fray AntonioAgapida, "and peculiarly redounded to the prosperity of the Church, theclergy were full of zeal, and contributed vast sums of money and largebodies of troops. A pious fund was also produced from the first fruitsof that glorious institution, the Inquisition. "

It so happened that about this time there were many families of wealthand dignity in the kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia and the principalityof Catalonia whose forefathers had been Jews, but had been converted toChristianity. Notwithstanding the outward piety of these families, itwas surmised, and soon came to be strongly suspected, that many of thenhad a secret hankering after Judaism, and it was even whispered thatsome of them practised Jewish rites in private. 

The Catholic monarch (continues Agapida) had a righteous abhorrenceof all kinds of heresy and a fervent zeal for the faith; heordered, therefore, a strict investigation of the conduct of thesepseudo-Christians. Inquisitors were sent into the provinces for thepurpose, who proceeded with their accustomed zeal. The consequence was, that many families were convicted of apostasy from the Christian faithand of the private practice of Judaism. Some, who had grace and policysufficient to reform in time, were again received into the Christianfold after being severely mulcted and condemned to heavy penance; otherswere burnt at "auto de fes" for the edification of the public, and theirproperty was confiscated for the good of the state. 

As these Hebrews were of great wealth and had an hereditary passion forjewelry, there was found abundant store in their possession of goldand silver, of rings and necklaces, and strings of pearl and coral, and precious stones--treasures easy of transportation and wonderfullyadapted for the emergencies of war. "In this way, " concludes thepious Agapida, "these backsliders, by the all-seeing contrivances ofProvidence, were made to serve the righteous cause which they had sotreacherously deserted; and their apostate wealth was sanctified bybeing devoted to the service of Heaven and the Crown in this holycrusade against the infidels. "

It must be added, however, that these pious financial expedientsreceived some check from the interference of Queen Isabella. Herpenetrating eyes discovered that many enormities had been committedunder color of religious zeal, and many innocent persons accusedby false witnesses of apostasy, either through malice or a hope ofobtaining their wealth: she caused strict investigation, therefore, intothe proceedings which had been held, many of which were reversed, andsuborners punished in proportion to their guilt. *

 * Pulgar, part 3, c. 100. 

CHAPTER LXVIII. 

HOW KING FERDINAND INVADED THE EASTERN SIDE OF THE KINGDOM OF GRANADA, AND HOW HE WAS RECEIVED BY EL ZAGAL. 

"Muley Abdallah el Zagal, " says the venerable Jesuit father PedroAbarca, "was the most venomous Mahometan in all Morisma;" and the worthyFray Antonio Agapida most devoutly echoes his opinion. "Certainly, "adds the latter, "none ever opposed a more heathenish and diabolicalobstinacy to the holy inroads of the cross and sword. "

El Zagal felt that it was necessary to do something to quicken hispopularity with the people, and that nothing was more effectual than asuccessful inroad. The Moors loved the stirring call to arms and a wildforay among the mountains, and delighted more in a hasty spoil, wrestedwith hard fighting from the Christians, than in all the steady andcertain gains secured by peaceful traffic. 

There reigned at this time a careless security along the frontier ofJaen. The alcaydes of the Christian fortresses were confident of thefriendship of Boabdil el Chico, and they fancied his uncle too distantand too much engrossed by his own perplexities to think of molestingthem. On a sudden El Zagal issued out of Guadix with a chosen band, passed rapidly through the mountains which extend behind Granada, andfell like a thunderbolt upon the territories in the neighborhood ofAlcala la Real. Before the alarm could be spread and the frontier rousedhe had made a wide career of destruction through the country, sackingand burning villages, sweeping off flocks and herds, and carrying awaycaptives. The warriors of the frontier assembled, but El Zagal wasalready far on his return through the mountains, and he re-entered thegates of Guadix in triumph, his army laden with Christian spoil andconducting an immense cavalgada. Such was one of El Zagal's preparativesfor the expected invasion of the Christian king, exciting the warlikespirit of his people, and gaining for himself a transient popularity. 

King Ferdinand assembled his army at Murcia in the spring of 1488. Heleft that city on the fifth of June with a flying camp of four thousandhorse and fourteen thousand foot. The marques of Cadiz led the van, followed by the adelantado of Murcia. The army entered the Moorishfrontier by the sea-coast, spreading terror through the land: whereverit appeared, the towns surrendered without a blow, so great wasthe dread of experiencing the woes which had desolated the oppositefrontier. In this way Vera, Velez el Rubio, Velez el Blanco, and manytowns of inferior note to the number of sixty yielded at the firstsummons. 

It was not until it approached Almeria that the army met withresistance. This important city was commanded by the prince Zelim, arelation of El Zagal. He led forth his Moors bravely to the encounter, and skirmished fiercely with the advance guard in the gardens near thecity. King Ferdinand came up with the main body of the army and calledoff his troops from the skirmish. He saw that to attack the place withhis present force was fruitless. Having reconnoitred the city and itsenvirons, therefore, against a future campaign, he retired with his armyand marched toward Baza. 

The old warrior El Zagal was himself drawn up in the city of Baza with apowerful garrison. He felt confidence in the strength of the place, andrejoiced when he heard that the Christian king was approaching. In thevalley in front of Baza there extended a great tract of gardens, likea continued grove, intersected by canals and water courses. In this hestationed an ambuscade of arquebusiers and crossbowmen. The vanguard ofthe Christian army came marching gayly up the valley with great sound ofdrum and trumpet, and led on by the marques of Cadiz and the adelantadoof Murcia. As they drew near El Zagal sallied forth with horse and footand attacked them for a time with great spirit. Gradually falling back, as if pressed by their superior valor, he drew the exulting Christiansamong the gardens. Suddenly the Moors in ambuscade burst from theirconcealment, and opened such a fire in flank and rear that many of theChristians were slain and the rest thrown into confusion. King Ferdinandarrived in time to see the disastrous situation of his troops, and gavesignal for the vanguard to retire. 

El Zagal did not permit the foe to draw off unmolested. Ordering outfresh squadrons, he fell upon the rear of the retreating troops withtriumphant shouts, driving them before him with dreadful havoc. Theold war-cry of "El Zagal! El Zagal!" was again put up by the Moors, andechoed with transport from the walls of the city. The Christians were inimminent peril of a complete rout, when, fortunately, the adelantadoof Murcia threw himself with a large body of horse and foot between thepursuers and the pursued, covering the retreat of the latter and givingthem time to rally. The Moors were now attacked so vigorously in turnthat they gave over the contest and drew back slowly into the city. Manyvaliant cavaliers were slain in this skirmish; among the number was DonPhilip of Aragon, master of the chivalry of St. George of Montesor: hewas illegitimate son of the king's illegitimate brother Don Carlos, and his death was greatly bewailed by Ferdinand. He had formerly beenarchbishop of Palermo, but had doffed the cassock for the cuirass, and, according to Fray Antonio Agapida, had gained a glorious crown ofmartyrdom by falling in this holy war. 

The warm reception of his advance guard brought King Ferdinand to apause: he encamped on the banks of the neighboring river Guadalquiton, and began to consider whether he had acted wisely in undertakingthis campaign with his present force. His late successes had probablyrendered him over-confident: El Zagal had again schooled him into hischaracteristic caution. He saw that the old warrior was too formidablyensconced in Baza to be dislodged by anything except a powerful armyand battering artillery, and he feared that should he persist in hisinvasion some disaster might befall his army, either from the enterpriseof the foe or from a pestilence which prevailed in various parts of thecountry. He retired, therefore, from before Baza, as he had on a formeroccasion from before Loxa, all the wiser for a wholesome lesson inwarfare, but by no means grateful to those who had given it, and with asolemn determination to have his revenge upon his teachers. 

He now took measures for the security of the places gained in thecampaign, placing in them strong garrisons, well armed and supplied, charging their alcaydes to be vigilant on their posts and to give norest to the enemy. The whole of the frontier was under the commandof Luis Fernandez Puerto Carrero. As it was evident from the warlikecharacter of El Zagal that there would be abundance of active serviceand hard fighting, many hidalgos and young cavaliers eager fordistinction remained with Puerto Carrero. 

All these dispositions being made, King Ferdinand closed the dubiouscampaign of this year, not, as usual, by returning in triumph atthe head of his army to some important city of his dominions, but bydisbanding the troops and repairing to pray at the cross of Caravaca. 

CHAPTER LXIX. 

HOW THE MOORS MADE VARIOUS ENTERPRISES AGAINST THE CHRISTIANS. 

"While the pious king Ferdinand, " observes Fray Antonio Agapida, "was humbling himself before the cross and devoutly praying for thedestruction of his enemies, that fierce pagan, El Zagal, dependingmerely on arm of flesh and sword of steel, pursued his diabolicaloutrages upon the Christians. " No sooner was the invading army disbandedthan he sallied forth from his stronghold, and carried fire and swordinto all those parts which had submitted to the Spanish yoke. Thecastle of Nixar, being carelessly guarded, was taken by surprise and itsgarrison put to the sword. The old warrior raged with sanguinary furyabout the whole frontier, attacking convoys, slaying, wounding, andmaking prisoners, and coming by surprise upon the Christians whereverthey were off their guard. 

Carlos de Biedma, alcayde of the fortress of Culla, confiding in thestrength of its walls and towers and in its difficult situation, beingbuilt on the summit of a lofty hill and surrounded by precipices, ventured to absent himself from his post. He was engaged to be marriedto a fair and noble lady of Baeza, and repaired to that city tocelebrate his nuptials, escorted by a brilliant array of the besthorsemen of his garrison. Apprised of his absence, the vigilant El Zagalsuddenly appeared before Culla with a powerful force, stormed the townsword in hand, fought the Christians from street to street, and drovethem with great slaughter to the citadel. Here a veteran captain, by thename of Juan de Avalos, a gray-headed warrior scarred in many a battle, assumed the command and made an obstinate defence. Neither the multitudeof the enemy nor the vehemence of their attacks, though led on by theterrible El Zagal himself, had power to shake the fortitude of thisdoughty old soldier. 

The Moors undermined the outer walls and one of the towers of thefortress, and made their way into the exterior court. The alcayde mannedthe tops of his towers, pouring down melted pitch and showering darts, arrows, stones, and all kinds of missiles upon the assailants. The Moorswere driven out of the court, but, being reinforced with fresh troops, returned repeatedly to the assault. For five days the combat was keptup: the Christians were nearly exhausted, but were sustained by thecheerings of their stanch old alcayde and the fear of death from ElZagal should they surrender. At length the approach of a powerful forceunder Don Luis Puerto Carrero relieved them from this fearful peril. ElZagal abandoned the assault, but set fire to the town in his rage anddisappointment, and retired to his stronghold of Guadix. 

The example of El Zagal roused his adherents to action. Two bold Moorishalcaydes, Ali Aliatar and Yzan Aliatar, commanding the fortressesof Alhenden and Salobrena, laid waste the country of the subjects ofBoabdil and the places which had recently submitted to the Christians:they swept off the cattle, carried off captives, and harassed the wholeof the newly-conquered frontier. 

The Moors also of Almeria and Tavernas and Purchena made inroads intoMurcia, and carried fire and sword into its most fertile regions. On theopposite frontier also, among the wild valleys and rugged recesses ofthe Sierra Bermeja, or Red Mountains, many of the Moors who had latelysubmitted again flew to arms. The marques of Cadiz suppressed by timelyvigilance the rebellion of the mountain-town of Gausin, situated on ahigh peak almost among the clouds; but others of the Moors fortifiedthemselves in rock-built towers and castles, inhabited solely bywarriors, whence they carried on a continual war of forage anddepredation, sweeping down into the valleys and carrying off flocksand herds and all kinds of booty to these eagle-nests, to which it wasperilous and fruitless to pursue them. 

The worthy Fray Antonio Agapida closes his history of this checkeredyear in quite a different strain from those triumphant periods withwhich he is accustomed to wind up the victorious campaigns of thesovereigns. "Great and mighty, " says this venerable chronicler, "werethe floods and tempests which prevailed throughout the kingdoms ofCastile and Aragon about this time. It seemed as though the windows ofheaven were again opened and a second deluge overwhelming the faceof nature. The clouds burst as it were in cataracts upon the earth;torrents rushed down from the mountains, overflowing the valleys; brookswere swelled into raging rivers; houses were undermined; mills wereswept away by their own streams; the affrighted shepherds saw theirflocks drowned in the midst of the pasture, and were fain to take refugefor their lives in towers and high places. The Guadalquivir for a timebecame a roaring and tumultuous sea, inundating the immense plain of theTablada and filling the fair city of Seville with affright. 

"A vast black cloud moved over the land, accompanied by a hurricaneand a trembling of the earth. Houses were unroofed, the walls andbattlements of fortresses shaken, and lofty towers rocked to theirfoundations. Ships riding at anchor were either stranded or swallowedup; others, under sail, were tossed to and fro upon mountain wavesand cast upon the land, where the whirlwind rent them in pieces andscattered them in fragments in the air. Doleful was the ruin and greatthe terror where this baleful cloud passed by, and it left a longtrack of desolation over sea and land. Some of the faint-hearted, "adds Antonio Agapida, "looked upon this torment of the elements as aprodigious event, out of the course of nature. In the weakness of theirfears they connected it with those troubles which occurred in variousplaces, considering it a portent of some great calamity about to bewrought by the violence of the bloody-handed El Zagal and his fierceadherents. "*

 * See Cura de los Palacios, cap. 91; Palencia, De Bello Granad. , lib. 8. 

CHAPTER LXX. 

HOW KING FERDINAND PREPARED TO BESIEGE THE CITY OF BAZA, AND HOW THECITY PREPARED FOR DEFENCE. 

The stormy winter had passed away, and the spring of 1489 was advancing, yet the heavy rains had broken up the roads, the mountain-brooks wereswollen to raging torrents, and the late shallow and peaceful riverswere deep, turbulent, and dangerous. The Christian troops had beensummoned to assemble in early spring on the frontiers of Jaen, but wereslow in arriving at the appointed place. They were entangled in themiry defiles of the mountains or fretted impatiently on the banks ofimpassable floods. It was late in the month of May before they assembledin sufficient force to attempt the proposed invasion, when at length avaliant army of thirteen thousand horse and forty thousand foot marchedmerrily over the border. The queen remained at the city of Jaen with theprince-royal and the princesses her children, accompanied and supportedby the venerable cardinal of Spain and those reverend prelates whoassisted in her councils throughout this holy war. 

The plan of King Ferdinand was to lay siege to the city of Baza, the keyof the remaining possessions of the Moor. That important fortress taken, Guadix and Almeria must soon follow, and then the power of El Zagalwould be at an end. As the Catholic king advanced he had first to securevarious castles and strongholds in the vicinity of Baza which mightotherwise harass his army. Some of these made obstinate resistance, especially the town of Zujar. The Christians assailed the walls withvarious machines to sap them and batter them down. The brave alcayde, Hubec Abdilbar, opposed force to force and engine to engine. He mannedhis towers with his bravest warriors, who rained down an iron showerupon the enemy, and he linked caldrons together by strong chains andcast fire from them, consuming the wooden engines of their assailantsand those who managed them. 

The siege was protracted for several days: the bravery of the alcaydecould not save his fortress from an overwhelming foe, but it gained himhonorable terms. Ferdinand permitted the garrison and the inhabitants torepair with their effects to Baza, and the valiant Hubec marched forthwith the remnant of his force and took he way to that devoted city. 

The delays caused to the invading army by these various circumstanceshad been diligently improved by El Zagal, who felt that he was nowmaking his last stand for empire, and that this campaign would decidewhether he should continue a king or sink into a vassal. He was but afew leagues from Baza, at the city of Guadix. This last was the mostimportant point of his remaining territories, being a kind of bulwarkbetween them and the hostile city of Granada, the seat of his nephew'spower. Though he heard of the tide of war, therefore, collecting androlling toward the city of Baza, he dared not go in person to itsassistance. He dreaded that should he leave Guadix, Boabdil would attackhim in the rear while the Christian army was battling with him in front. El Zagal trusted in the great strength of Baza to defy any violentassault, and profited by the delays of the Christian army to supply itwith all possible means of defence. He sent thither all the troopshe could spare from his garrison of Guadix, and despatched missivesthroughout his territories calling upon all true Moslems to hastento Baza and make a devoted stand in defence of their homes, theirliberties, and their religion. The cities of Tavernas and Purchena andthe surrounding heights and valleys responded to his orders and sentforth their fighting-men to the field. The rocky fastnesses of theAlpuxarras resounded with the din of arms: troops of horse and bodiesof foot-soldiers were seen winding down the rugged cliffs and defiles ofthose marble mountains and hastening toward Baza. Many brave cavaliersof Granada also, spurning the quiet and security of Christian vassalage, secretly left the city and hastened to join their fighting countrymen. The great dependence of El Zagal, however, was upon the valor andloyalty of his cousin and brother-in-law, Cid Hiaya Alnagar, * who wasalcayde of Almeria--a cavalier experienced in warfare and redoubtable inthe field. He wrote to him to leave Almeria and repair with all speed atthe head of his troops to Baza. Cid Hiaya departed immediately with tenthousand of the bravest Moors in the kingdom. These were for the mostpart hardy mountaineers, tempered to sun and storm and tried in many acombat. None equalled them for a sally or a skirmish. They were adroitin executing a thousand stratagems, ambuscadoes, and evolutions. Impetuous in their assaults, yet governed in their utmost fury by a wordor sign from their commander, at the sound of a trumpet they would checkthemselves in the midst of their career, wheel off and disperse, and atanother sound of a trumpet they would as suddenly reassemble and returnto the attack. They were upon the enemy when least expected, coming likea rushing blast, spreading havoc and consternation, and then passingaway in an instant; so that when one recovered from the shock and lookedaround, behold, nothing was to be seen or heard of this tempest of warbut a cloud of dust and the clatter of retreating hoofs. **

 * This name has generally been written Cidi Yahye. The present modeis adopted on the authority of Alcantara in his History of Granada, who appears to have derived it from Arabic manuscripts existing in thearchives of the marques de Corvera, descendant of Cid Hiaya. The latter(Cid Hiaya) was son of Aben Zelim, a deceased prince of Almeria, and wasa lineal descendant from the celebrated Aben Hud, surnamed the Just. Thewife of Cid Hiaya was sister of the two Moorish generals, Abul Cacim andReduan Vanegas, and, like them, the fruit of the union of a Christianknight, Don Pedro Vanegas, with Cetimerien, a Moorish princess. 

 * *Pulgar, part 3, c. 106. 

When Cid Hiaya led his train of ten thousand valiant warriors intothe gates of Baza, the city rang with acclamations and for a time theinhabitants thought themselves secure. El Zagal also felt a glow ofconfidence, notwithstanding his own absence from the city. "Cid Hiaya, "said he, "is my cousin and my brother-in-law; related to me by blood andmarriage, he is a second self: happy is that monarch who has his kindredto command his armies. "

With all these reinforcements the garrison of Baza amounted to abovetwenty thousand men. There were at this time three principal leaders inthe city: Mohammed Ibn Hassan, surnamed the Veteran, who was militarygovernor or alcayde, an old Moor of great experience and discretion; thesecond was Hamet Abu Zali, who was captain of the troops stationed inthe place; and the third was Hubec Abdilbar, late alcayde of Zujar, whohad repaired hither with the remains of his garrison. Over all theseCid Hiaya exercised a supreme command in consequence of his being of theblood-royal and in the especial confidence of Muley Abdallah el Zagal. He was eloquent and ardent in council, and fond of striking and splendidachievements, but he was a little prone to be carried away by theexcitement of the moment and the warmth of his imagination. The councilsof war of these commanders, therefore, were more frequently controlledby the opinions of the old alcayde Mohammed Ibn Hassan, for whoseshrewdness, caution, and experience Cid Hiaya himself felt the greatestdeference. 

The city of Baza was situated in a great valley, eight leagues inlength and three in breadth, called the Hoya, or Basin, of Baza. It wassurrounded by a range of mountains called the Sierra of Xabalcohol, thestreams of which, collecting themselves into two rivers, watered andfertilized the country. The city was built in the plain, one part ofit protected by the rocky precipices of the mountain and by a powerfulcitadel, the other by massive walls studded with immense towers. Ithad suburbs toward the plain imperfectly fortified by earthen walls. Infront of these suburbs extended a tract of orchards and gardens nearly aleague in length, so thickly planted as to resemble a continued forest. Here every citizen who could afford it had his little plantation andhis garden of fruits and flowers and vegetables, watered by canals andrivulets and dominated by a small tower for recreation or defence. Thiswilderness of groves and gardens, intersected in all parts by canals andruns of water, and studded by above a thousand small towers, formeda kind of protection to this side of the city, rendering all approachextremely difficult and perplexed. 

While the Christian army had been detained before the frontierposts, the city of Baza had been a scene of hurried and unremittingpreparation. All the grain of the surrounding valley, though yet unripe, was hastily reaped and borne into the city to prevent it from yieldingsustenance to the enemy. The country was drained of all its supplies;flocks and herds were driven, bleating and bellowing, into the gates:long trains of beasts of burden, some laden with food, others withlances, darts, and arms of all kinds, kept pouring into the place. Already were munitions collected sufficient for a siege of fifteenmonths: still, the eager and hasty preparation was going on when thearmy of Ferdinand came in sight. 

On one side might be seen scattered parties of foot and horse spurringto the gates, and muleteers hurrying forward their burdened animals, allanxious to get under shelter before the gathering storm; on the otherside, the cloud of war came sweeping down the valley, the roll of drumor clang of trumpet resounding occasionally from its deep bosom, orthe bright glance of arms flashing forth like vivid lightning from itscolumns. King Ferdinand pitched his tents in the valley beyond thegreen labyrinth of gardens. He sent his heralds to summon the cityto surrender, promising the most favorable terms in case of immediatecompliance, and avowing in the most solemn terms his resolution never toabandon the siege until he had possession of the place. 

Upon receiving this summons the Moorish commanders held a council ofwar. The prince Cid Hiaya, indignant at the menaces of the king, was forretorting by a declaration that the garrison never would surrender, butwould fight until buried under the ruins of the walls. "Of what avail, "said the veteran Mohammed, "is a declaration of the kind, which we mayfalsify by our deeds? Let us threaten what we know we can perform, andlet us endeavor to perform more than we threaten. "

In conformity to his advice, therefore, a laconic reply was sent to theChristian monarch, thanking him for his offer of favorable terms, but informing him that they were placed in the city to defend, not tosurrender it. 

CHAPTER LXXI. 

THE BATTLE OF THE GARDENS BEFORE BAZA. 

When the reply of the Moorish commanders was brought to King Ferdinand, he prepared to press the siege with the utmost vigor. Finding thecamp too far from the city, and that the intervening orchards affordedshelter for the sallies of the Moors, he determined to advance itbeyond the gardens, in the space between them and the suburbs, wherehis batteries would have full play upon the city walls. A detachment wassent in advance to take possession of the gardens and keep a check uponthe suburbs, opposing any sally while the encampment should be formedand fortified. The various commanders entered the orchards at differentpoints. The young cavaliers marched fearlessly forward, but theexperienced veterans foresaw infinite peril in the mazes of this verdantlabyrinth. The master of St. Jago, as he led his troops into the centreof the gardens, exhorted them to keep by one another, and to pressforward in defiance of all difficulty or danger, assuring them thatGod would give them the victory if they attacked hardily and persistedresolutely. 

Scarce had they entered the verge of the orchards when a din of drumsand trumpets, mingled with war-cries, was heard from the suburbs, and alegion of Moorish warriors on foot poured forth. They were led on bythe prince Cid Hiaya. He saw the imminent danger of the city should theChristians gain possession of the orchards. "Soldiers, " he cried, "we fight for life and liberty, for our families, our country, ourreligion;* nothing is left for us to depend upon but the strength of ourhands, the courage of our hearts, and the almighty protection of Allah. "The Moors answered him with shouts of war and rushed to the encounter. The two hosts met in the midst of the gardens. A chance-medley combatensued with lances, arquebuses, crossbows, and scimetars; the perplexednature of the ground, cut up and intersected by canals and streams, thecloseness of the trees, the multiplicity of towers and petty edifices, gave greater advantages to the Moors, who were on foot, than to theChristians, who were on horseback. The Moors, too, knew the ground, with all its alleys and passes, and were thus enabled to lurk, to sallyforth, attack, and retreat almost without injury. 

 * "Illi (Mauri) pro fortunis, pro libertate, pro laribus patriis, provita denique certabant. "--Pietro Martyr, "Epist. 70. "

The Christian commanders, seeing this, ordered many of the horsemen todismount and fight on foot. The battle then became fierce and deadly, each disregarding his own life, provided he could slay his enemy. It wasnot so much a general battle as a multitude of petty actions, for everyorchard and garden had its distinct contest. No one could see fartherthan the little scene of fury and bloodshed around him, nor know how thegeneral battle fared. In vain the captains exerted their voices, in vainthe trumpets brayed forth signals and commands: all was confounded andunheard in the universal din and uproar. No one kept to his standard, but fought as his own fury or fear dictated. In some places theChristians had the advantage, in others the Moors; often a victoriousparty, pursuing the vanquished, came upon a superior and triumphantforce of the enemy, and the fugitives turned back upon them in anoverwhelming wave. Some broken remnants, in their terror and confusion, fled from their own countrymen and sought refuge among their enemies, not knowing friend from foe in the obscurity of the groves. The Moorswere more adroit in these wild skirmishings from their flexibility, lightness, and agility, and the rapidity with which they would disperse, rally, and return again to the charge. *

 * Mariana, lib. 25, cap. 13. 

The hardest fighting was about the small garden-towers and pavilions, which served as so many petty fortresses. Each party by turns gainedthem, defended them fiercely, and were driven out; many of the towerswere set on fire, and increased the horrors of the fight by the wreathsof smoke and flame in which they wrapped the groves and by the shrieksof those who were burning. 

Several of the Christian cavaliers, bewildered by the uproar andconfusion and shocked at the carnage which prevailed, would have ledtheir men out of the action, but they were entangled in a labyrinth andknew not which way to retreat. While in this perplexity Juan Perea, thestandard-bearer of one of the squadrons of the grand cardinal, had hisarm carried off by a cannon-ball; the standard was wellnigh fallinginto the hands of the enemy, when Rodrigo de Mendoza, an intrepid youth, natural son of the grand cardinal, rushed to its rescue through a showerof balls, lances, and arrows, and, bearing it aloft, dashed forward withit into the hottest of the combat, followed by his shouting soldiery. 

King Ferdinand, who remained in the skirts of the orchard, was inextreme anxiety. It was impossible to see much of the action for themultiplicity of trees and towers and the wreaths of smoke, and thosewho were driven out defeated or came out wounded and exhausted gavedifferent accounts, according to the fate of the partial conflicts inwhich they had been engaged. Ferdinand exerted himself to the utmostto animate and encourage his troops to this blind encounter, sendingreinforcements of horse and foot to those points where the battle wasmost sanguinary and doubtful. 

Among those who were brought forth mortally wounded was Don Juan deLuna, a youth of uncommon merit, greatly prized by the king, beloved bythe army, and recently married to Dona Catalina de Urrea, a young ladyof distinguished beauty. * They laid him at the foot of a tree, andendeavored to stanch and bind up his wounds with a scarf which his bridehad wrought for him; but his life-blood flowed too profusely, and whilea holy friar was yet administering to him the last sacred offices of theChurch, he expired, almost at the feet of his sovereign. 

 * Mariana, P. Martyr, Zurita. 

On the other hand, the veteran alcayde Mohammed Ibn Hassan, surroundedby a little band of chieftains, kept an anxious eye upon the scene ofcombat from the walls of the city. For nearly twelve hours the battleraged without intermission. The thickness of the foliage hid all theparticulars from their sight, but they could see the flash of swordsand glance of helmets among the trees. Columns of smoke rose in everydirection, while the clash of arms, the thundering of ribadoquines andarquebuses, the shouts and cries of the combatants, and the groans andsupplications of the wounded bespoke the deadly conflict waging inthe bosom of the groves. They were harassed, too, by the shrieksand lamentations of the Moorish women and children as their woundedrelatives were brought bleeding from the scene of action, and werestunned by a general outcry of woe on the part of the inhabitants as thebody of Reduan Zafarjal, a renegado Christian and one of the bravest oftheir generals, was borne breathless into the city. 

At length the din of battle approached nearer to the skirts of theorchards. They beheld their warriors driven out from among the grovesby fresh squadrons of the enemy, and, after disputing the ground inch byinch, obliged to retire to a place between the orchards and the suburbswhich was fortified with palisadoes. 

The Christians immediately planted opposing palisadoes, and establishedstrong outposts near to the retreat of the Moors, while at the same timeKing Ferdinand ordered that his encampment should be pitched within thehard-won orchards. 

Mohammed Ibn Hassan sallied forth to the aid of the prince Cid Hiaya, and made a desperate attempt to dislodge the enemy from this formidableposition, but the night had closed, and the darkness rendered itimpossible to make any impression. The Moors, however, kept up constantassaults and alarms throughout the night, and the weary Christians, exhausted by the toils and sufferings of the day, were not allowed amoment of repose. *

 * Pulgar, part 3, cap. 106, 107; Cura de los Palacios, cap. 92;Zurita, lib. 20, cap 31. 

CHAPTER LXXII. 

SIEGE OF BAZA. --EMBARRASSMENTS OF THE ARMY. 

The morning sun rose upon a piteous scene before the walls of Baza. The Christian outposts, harassed throughout the night, were pale andhaggard, while the multitudes of slain which lay before their palisadoesshowed the fierce attacks they had sustained and the bravery of theirdefence. 

Beyond them lay the groves and gardens of Baza, once favorite resortsfor recreation and delight, now a scene of horror and desolation. Thetowers and pavilions were smoking ruins; the canals and water-courseswere discolored with blood and choked with the bodies of the slain. Hereand there the ground, deep dinted with the tramp of man and steed andplashed and slippery with gore, showed where had been some fierce andmortal conflict, while the bodies of Moors and Christians, ghastlyin death, lay half concealed among the matted and trampled shrubs andflowers and herbage. 

Amidst these sanguinary scenes rose the Christian tents, hastily pitchedamong the gardens in the preceding evening. The experience of the night, however, and the forlorn aspect of everything in the morning convincedKing Ferdinand of the perils and hardships to which his camp must beexposed in its present situation, and after a consultation with hisprincipal cavaliers he resolved to abandon the orchards. 

It was a dangerous movement, to extricate his army from so entangled asituation in the face of so alert and daring an enemy. A bold front wastherefore kept up toward the city; additional troops were ordered to theadvanced posts, and works begun as if for a settled encampment. Not atent was struck in the gardens, but in the mean time the most active andunremitting exertions were made to remove all the baggage and furnitureof the camp back to the original station. 

All day the Moors beheld a formidable show of war maintained in front ofthe gardens, while in the rear the tops of the Christian tents and thepennons of the different commanders were seen rising above the groves. Suddenly, toward evening the tents sank and disappeared, the outpostsbroke up their stations and withdrew, and the whole shadow of anencampment was fast vanishing from their eyes. 

The Moors saw too late the subtle manoeuvre of King Ferdinand. Cid Hiayaagain sallied forth with a large force of horse and foot, and pressedfuriously upon the Christians. The latter; however, experienced inMoorish attack, retired in close order, sometimes turning upon the enemyand driving them to their barricadoes, and then pursuing their retreat. In this way the army was extricated without much further loss from theperilous labyrinths of the gardens. 

The camp was now out of danger, but it was also too distant from thecity to do mischief, while the Moors could sally forth and returnwithout hindrance. The king called a council of war to consider in whatmanner to proceed. The marques of Cadiz was for abandoning the siegefor the present, the place being too strong, too well garrisoned andprovided, and too extensive for their limited forces either to carry itby assault or invest and reduce it by famine, while in lingering beforeit the army would be exposed to the usual maladies and sufferings ofbesieging armies, and when the rainy season came on would be shut upby the swelling of the rivers. He recommended, instead, that the kingshould throw garrisons of horse and foot into all the towns captured inthe neighborhood, and leave them to keep up a predatory war upon Baza, while he should overrun and ravage all the country, so that in thefollowing year Almeria and Guadix, having all their subject towns andterritories taken from them, might be starved into submission. 

Don Gutierre de Cardenas, senior commander of Leon, on the other hand, maintained that to abandon the siege would be construed by the enemyinto a sign of weakness and irresolution. It would give new spirits tothe partisans of El Zagal, and would gain to his standard many ofthe wavering subjects of Boabdil, if it did not encourage the ficklepopulace of Granada to open rebellion. He advised, therefore, that thesiege should be prosecuted with vigor. 

The pride of Ferdinand pleaded in favor of the last opinion, for itwould be doubly humiliating again to return from a campaign in this partof the Moorish kingdom without effecting a blow. But when he reflectedon all that his army had suffered, and on all that it must suffershould the siege continue--especially from the difficulty of obtaininga regular supply of provisions for so numerous a host across a greatextent of rugged and mountainous country--he determined to consult thesafety of his people and to adopt the advice of the marques of Cadiz. 

When the soldiery heard that the king was about to raise the siege inmere consideration of their sufferings, they were filled with generousenthusiasm, and entreated as with one voice that the siege might neverbe abandoned until the city surrendered. 

Perplexed by conflicting counsels, the king despatched messengers to thequeen at Jaen, requesting her advice. Posts had been stationed betweenthem in such manner that missives from the camp could reach the queenwithin ten hours. Isabella sent instantly her reply. She left the policyof raising or continuing the siege to the decision of the king and hiscaptains, but, should they determine to persevere, she pledged herself, with the aid of God, to forward them men, money, provisions and allother supplies until the city should be taken. 

The reply of the queen determined Ferdinand to persevere, and when hisdetermination was made known to the army, it was hailed with as much joyas if it had been tidings of a victory. 

CHAPTER LXXIII. 

SIEGE OF BAZA CONTINUED. --HOW KING FERDINAND COMPLETELY INVESTED THECITY. 

The Moorish prince Cid Hiaya had received tidings of the doubts anddiscussions in the Christian camp, and flattered himself with hopesthat the besieging army would soon retire in despair, though the veteranMohammed shook his head with incredulity. A sudden movement one morningin the Christian camp seemed to confirm the sanguine hopes of theprince. The tents were struck, the artillery and baggage were conveyedaway, and bodies of soldiers began to march along the valley. Themomentary gleam of triumph was soon dispelled. The Catholic king hadmerely divided his host into two camps, the more effectually to distressthe city. 

One, consisting of four thousand horse and eight thousand foot, with allthe artillery and battering engines, took post on the side of the citytoward the mountain. This was commanded by the marques of Cadiz, withwhom were Don Alonso de Aguilar, Luis Fernandez Puerto Carrero, and manyother distinguished cavaliers. 

The other camp was commanded by the king, having six thousand horseand a great host of foot-soldiers, the hardy mountaineers of Biscay, Guipuscoa, Galicia, and the Asturias. Among the cavaliers who were withthe king were the brave count de Tendilla, Don Rodrigo de Mendoza, andDon Alonso de Cardenas, master of Santiago. 

The two camps were wide asunder, on opposite sides of the city, andbetween them lay the thick wilderness of orchards. Both camps weretherefore fortified by great trenches, breastworks, and palisadoes. Theveteran Mohammed, as he saw these two formidable camps glittering oneither side of the city, and noted the well-known pennons of renownedcommanders fluttering above them, still comforted his companions. "Thesecamps, " said he, "are too far removed from each other for mutual succorand cooperation, and the forest of orchards is as a gulf betweenthem. " This consolation was but of short continuance. Scarcely were theChristian camps fortified when the ears of the Moorish garrison werestartled by the sound of innumerable axes and the crash of fallingtrees. They looked with anxiety from their highest towers, and beheldtheir favorite groves sinking beneath the blows of the Christianpioneers. The Moors sallied forth with fiery zeal to protect theirbeloved gardens and the orchards in which they so much delighted. TheChristians, however, were too well supported to be driven from theirwork. Day after day the gardens became the scene of incessant and bloodyskirmishings; yet still the devastation of the groves went on, for KingFerdinand was too well aware of the necessity of clearing away thisscreen of woods not to bend all his forces to the undertaking. It wasa work, however, of gigantic toil and patience. The trees were of suchmagnitude, and so closely set together, and spread over so wide anextent, that, notwithstanding four thousand men were employed, theycould scarcely clear a strip of land ten paces broad within a day; andsuch were the interruptions from the incessant assaults of the Moorsthat it was full forty days before the orchards were completelylevelled. 

The devoted city of Baza now lay stripped of its beautiful coveringof groves and gardens, at once its ornament, its delight, and itsprotection. The besiegers went on slowly and surely, with almostincredible labors, to invest and isolate the city. They connected theircamps by a deep trench across the plain a league in length, into whichthey diverted the waters of the mountain-streams. They protected thistrench by palisadoes, fortified by fifteen castles at regular distances. They dug a deep trench also, two leagues in length, across the mountainin the rear of the city, reaching from camp to camp, and fortified iton each side with walls of earth and stone and wood. Thus the Moors wereenclosed on all sides by trenches, palisadoes, walls, and castles, so that it was impossible for them to sally beyond this great line ofcircumvallation, nor could any force enter to their succor. Ferdinandmade an attempt likewise to cut off the supply of water from the city;"for water, " observes the worthy Agapida, "is more necessary to theseinfidels than bread, making use of it in repeated daily ablutionsenjoined by their damnable religion, and employing it in baths and ina thousand other idle and extravagant modes of which we Spaniards andChristians make but little account. "

There was a noble fountain of pure water which gushed out at the footof the hill Albohacen just behind the city. The Moors had almost asuperstitious fondness for this fountain, and chiefly depended upon itfor their supplies. Receiving intimation from some deserters of theplan of King Ferdinand to get possession of this precious fountain, they sallied forth at night and threw up such powerful works upon theimpending hill as to set all attempts of the Christian assailants atdefiance. 

CHAPTER LXXIV. 

EXPLOIT OF HERNANDO PEREZ DEL PULGAR AND OTHER CAVALIERS. 

The siege of Baza, while it displayed the skill and science of theChristian commanders, gave but little scope for the adventurous spiritand fiery valor of the young Spanish cavaliers. They repined at thetedious monotony and dull security of their fortified camp, and longedfor some soul-stirring exploit of difficulty and danger. Two of the mostspirited of these youthful cavaliers were Francisco de Bazan and Antoniode Cueva, the latter of whom was son to the duke of Albuquerque. Asthey were one day seated on the ramparts of the camp, and venting theirimpatience at this life of inaction, they were overheard by a veteranadalid, one of those scouts or guides who were acquainted with all partsof the country. "Seniors, " said he, "if you wish for a service of periland profit, if you are willing to pluck the fiery old Moor by the beard, I can lead you to where you may put your mettle to the proof. Hard bythe city of Guadix are certain hamlets rich in booty. I can conduct youby a way in which you may come upon them by surprise, and if you areas cool in the head as you are hot in the spur, you may bear off yourspoils from under the very eyes of old El Zagal. "

The idea of thus making booty at the very gates of Guadix pleased thehot-spirited youths. These predatory excursions were frequent aboutthis time, and the Moors of Padul, Alhenden, and other towns ofthe Alpuxarras had recently harassed the Christian territories byexpeditions of the kind. Francisco de Bazan and Antonio de Cueva soonfound other young cavaliers of their age eager to join in the adventure, and in a little while they had nearly three hundred horse and twohundred foot ready equipped and eager for the foray. 

Keeping their destination secret, they sallied out of the camp onthe edge of an evening, and, guided by the adalid, made their way bystarlight through the most secret roads of the mountains. In this waythey pressed on rapidly day and night, until early one morning, beforecock-crowing, they fell suddenly upon the hamlets, made prisoners ofthe inhabitants, sacked the houses, ravaged the fields, and, sweepingthrough the meadows, gathered together all the flocks and herds. Withoutgiving themselves time to rest, they set out upon their return, makingwith all speed for the mountains before the alarm should be given andthe country roused. 

Several of the herdsmen, however, had fled to Guadix, and carriedtidings of the ravage to El Zagal. The beard of old Muley trembled withrage: he immediately sent out six hundred of his choicest horse andfoot, with orders to recover the booty and to bring those insolentmarauders captive to Guadix. 

The Christian cavaliers were urging their cavalgada of cattle and sheepup a mountain as fast as their own weariness would permit, when, lookingback, they beheld a great cloud of dust, and presently descried theturbaned host hot upon their traces. 

They saw that the Moors were superior in number; they were fresh also, both man and steed, whereas both they and their horses were fatiguedby two days and two nights of hard marching. Several of the horsementherefore gathered round the commanders and proposed that they shouldrelinquish their spoil and save themselves by flight. The captains, Francisco de Bazan and Antonio de Cueva, spurned at such craven counsel. "What?" cried they, "abandon, our prey without striking a blow? Leaveour foot-soldiers too in the lurch, to be overwhelmed by the enemy?If any one gives such counsel through fear, he mistakes the course ofsafety, for there is less danger in presenting a bold front to the foethan in turning a dastard back, and fewer men are killed in a braveadvance than in a cowardly retreat. "

Some of the cavaliers were touched by these words, and declared thatthey would stand by the foot-soldiers like true companions-in-arms: thegreat mass of the party, however, were volunteers, broughttogether by chance, who received no pay nor had any common tie to keepthem together in time of danger. The pleasure of the expedition beingover, each thought but of his own safety, regardless of his companions. As the enemy approached the tumult of opinions increased and everythingwas in confusion. The captains, to put an end to the dispute, orderedthe standard-bearer to advance against the Moors, well knowing thatno true cavalier would hesitate to follow and defend his banner. Thestandard-bearer hesitated: the troops were on the point of taking toflight. 

Upon this a cavalier of the royal guards rode to the front. It wasHernan Perez del Pulgar, alcayde of the fortress of Salar, the samedauntless ambassador who once bore to the turbulent people of Malagathe king's summons to surrender. Taking off a handkerchief which he woreround his head after the Andalusian fashion, he tied it to the end of alance and elevated it in the air. "Cavaliers, " cried he, "why do ye takeweapons in your hands if you depend upon your feet for safety? Thisday will determine who is the brave man and who the coward. He whois disposed to fight shall not want a standard: let him follow thishandkerchief. " So saying, he waved his banner and spurred bravelyagainst the Moors. His example shamed some and filled others withgenerous emulation: all turned with one accord, and, following Pulgar, rushed with shouts upon the enemy. The Moors scarcely waited to receivethe shock of their encounter. Seized with a panic, they took to flight, and were pursued for a considerable distance with great slaughter. Threehundred of their dead strewed the road, and were stripped and despoiledby the conquerors; many were taken prisoners, and the Christiancavaliers returned in triumph to the camp with a long cavalgada ofsheep and cattle and mules laden with booty, and bearing before them thesingular standard which had conducted them to victory. 

King Ferdinand was so pleased with the gallant action of Hernan Perezdel Pulgar that he immediately conferred on him the honor of knighthood, using in the ceremony the sword of Diego de Aguero, the captain of theroyal guards; the duke of Esculona girded one of his own gilt spursupon his heel, and the grand master of Santiago, the count de Cabra, andGonsalvo of Cordova officiated as witnesses. Furthermore, to perpetuatein his family the memory of his achievement, the sovereigns authorizedhim to emblazon on his escutcheon a golden lion in an azure field, bearing a lance with a handkerchief at the end of it. Round the borderof the escutcheon were depicted the eleven alcaydes vanquished in thebattle. * The foregoing is but one of many hardy and heroic deeds doneby this brave cavalier in the wars against the Moors, by which he gainedgreat renown and the distinguished appellation of "El de las hazanas, "or "He of the exploits. "**

 * Alcantara, Hist. De Granada, tomo iv. Cap. 18; Pulgar, Cron. , part iii. 

 * *Hernan or Hernando del Pulgar, the historian, secretary to QueenIsabella, is confounded with this cavalier by some writers. He was alsopresent at the siege of Baza, and has recounted this transaction in hisChronicle of the Catholic sovereigns, Ferdinand and Isabella. 

CHAPTER LXXV. 

CONTINUATION OF THE SIEGE OF BAZA. 

The Moorish king, El Zagal, mounted a tower and looked out eagerly toenjoy the sight of the Christian marauders brought captive into thegates of Guadix, but his spirits fell when he beheld his own troopsstealing back in the dusk of the evening in broken and dejected parties. 

The fortune of war bore hard against the old monarch; his mind washarassed by disastrous tidings brought each day from Baza, of thesufferings of the inhabitants, and the numbers of the garrison slain inthe frequent skirmishes. He dared not go in person to the relief of theplace, for his presence was necessary in Guadix to keep a check upon hisnephew in Granada. He sent reinforcements and supplies, but they wereintercepted and either captured or driven back. Still, his situationwas in some respects preferable to that of his nephew Boabdil. Hewas battling like a warrior on the last step of his throne; El Chicoremained a kind of pensioned vassal in the luxurious abode of theAlhambra. The chivalrous part of the inhabitants of Granada could notbut compare the generous stand made by the warriors of Baza for theircountry and their faith with their own time-serving submission to theyoke of an unbeliever. Every account they received of the woes of Bazawrung their hearts with agony; every account of the exploits of itsdevoted defenders brought blushes to their cheeks. Many stole forthsecretly with their weapons and hastened to join the besieged, and thepartisans of El Zagal wrought upon the patriotism and passions of theremainder until another of those conspiracies was formed that werecontinually menacing the unsteady throne of Granada. It was concertedby the conspirators to assail the Alhambra on a sudden, slay Boabdil, assemble the troops, and march to Guadix, where, being reinforced by thegarrison of that place and led on by the old warrior monarch, they mightfall with overwhelming power upon the Christian army before Baza. 

Fortunately for Boabdil, he discovered the conspiracy in time, and theheads of the leaders were struck off and placed upon the walls ofthe Alhambra--an act of severity unusual with this mild and waveringmonarch, which struck terror into the disaffected, and produced a kindof mute tranquillity throughout the city. 

Ferdinand had full information of all the movements and measures for therelief of Baza, and took precautions to prevent them. Bodies of horsemenheld watch in the mountain-passes to prevent supplies and interceptany generous volunteers from Granada, and watch-towers were erected orscouts placed on every commanding height to give the alarm at the leastsign of a hostile turban. 

The prince Cid Hiaya and his brave companions-in-arms were thusgradually walled up, as it were, from the rest of the world. A lineof towers, the battlements of which bristled with troops, girded theircity, and behind the intervening bulwarks and palisadoes passed andrepassed continual squadrons of troops. Week after week and month aftermonth passed away, but Ferdinand waited in vain for the garrison to beeither terrified or starved into surrender. Every day they salliedforth with the spirit and alacrity of troops high fed and flushed withconfidence. "The Christian monarch, " said the veteran Mohammed IbnHassan, "builds his hopes upon our growing faint and desponding--we mustmanifest unusual cheerfulness and vigor. What would be rashness in otherservice becomes prudence with us. " The prince Cid Hiaya agreed withhim in opinion, and sallied forth with his troops upon all kinds ofhare-brained exploits. They laid ambushes, concerted surprises, and madethe most desperate assaults. The great extent of the Christian worksrendered them weak in many parts: against these the Moors directed theirattacks, suddenly breaking into them, making a hasty ravage, and bearingoff their booty in triumph to the city. Sometimes they would sally forthby passes and clefts of the mountain in the rear of the city which itwas difficult to guard, and, hurrying down into the plain, sweep off allcattle and sheep that were grazing near the suburbs and all stragglersfrom the camp. 

These partisan sallies brought on many sharp and bloody encounters, in some of which Don Alonso de Aguilar and the alcayde de los Doncelesdistinguished themselves greatly. During one of these hot skirmishes, which happened on the skirts of the mountain about twilight, a cavaliernamed Martin Galindo beheld a powerful Moor dealing deadly blows abouthim and making great havoc among the Christians. Galindo pressed forwardand challenged him to single combat. The Moor was not slow in answeringthe call. 

Couching their lances, they rushed furiously upon each other. At thefirst shock the Moor was wounded in the face and borne out of hissaddle. Before Galindo could check his steed and turn from his careerthe Moor sprang upon his feet, recovered his lance, and, rushingupon him, wounded him in the head and the arm. Though Galindo was onhorseback and the Moor on foot, yet such was the prowess and address ofthe latter that the Christian knight, being disabled in the arm, was inthe utmost peril when his comrades hastened to his assistance. At theirapproach the valiant pagan retreated slowly up the rocks, keeping themat bay until he found himself among his companions. 

Several of the young Spanish cavaliers, stung by the triumph of thisMoslem knight, would have challenged others of the Moors to singlecombat, but King Ferdinand prohibited all vaunting encounters of thekind. He forbade his troops also to provoke skirmishes, well knowingthat the Moors were more dextrous than most people in this irregularmode of fighting, and were better acquainted with the ground. 

CHAPTER LXXVI. 

HOW TWO FRIARS FROM THE HOLY LAND ARRIVED AT THE CAMP. 

While the holy Christian army (says Fray Antonio Agapida) was thusbeleaguering this infidel city of Baza there rode into the camp oneday two reverend friars of the order of St. Francis. One was ofportly person and authoritative air: he bestrode a goodly steed, wellconditioned and well caparisoned, while his companion rode beside himupon a humble hack, poorly accoutred, and, as he rode, he scarcelyraised his eyes from the ground, but maintained a meek and lowly air. 

The arrival of two friars in the camp was not a matter of much note, for in these holy wars the Church militant continually mingled in theaffray, and helmet and cowl were always seen together; but it was soondiscovered that these worthy saints-errant were from a far country andon a mission of great import. 

They were, in truth, just arrived from the Holy Land, being two of thesaintly men who kept vigil over the sepulchre of our Blessed Lord atJerusalem. He of the tall and portly form and commanding presence wasFray Antonio Millan, prior of the Franciscan convent in the Holy City. He had a full and florid countenance, a sonorous voice, and was roundand swelling and copious in his periods, like one accustomed to harangueand to be listened to with deference. His companion was small and sparein form, pale of visage, and soft and silken and almost whispering inspeech. "He had a humble and lowly way, " says Agapida, "evermore bowingthe head, as became one of his calling. " Yet he was one of the mostactive, zealous, and effective brothers of the convent, and when heraised his small black eye from the earth there was a keen glance outof the corner which showed that, though harmless as a dove, he wasnevertheless as wise as a serpent. 

These holy men had come on a momentous embassy from the grand soldan ofEgypt, or, as Agapida terms him in the language of the day, the soldanof Babylon. The league which had been made between that potentate andhis arch-foe the Grand Turk, Bajazet II. , to unite in arms for thesalvation of Granada, as has been mentioned in a previous chapter ofthis chronicle, had come to naught. The infidel princes had againtaken up arms against each other, and had relapsed into their ancienthostility. Still, the grand soldan, as head of the whole Moslemreligion, considered himself bound to preserve the kingdom of Granadafrom the grasp of unbelievers. He despatched, therefore, these two holyfriars with letters to the Castilian sovereigns, as well as to the popeand to the king of Naples, remonstrating against the evils done tothe Moors of the kingdom of Granada, who were of his faith and kindredwhereas it was well known that great numbers of Christians were indulgedand protected in the full enjoyment of their property, their liberty, and their faith in his dominions. He insisted, therefore, that this warshould cease--that the Moors of Granada should be reinstated in theterritory of which they had been dispossessed: otherwise he threatenedto put to death all the Christians beneath his sway, to demolish theirconvents and temples, and to destroy the Holy Sepulchre. 

This fearful menace had spread consternation among the Christians ofPalestine, and when the intrepid Fray Antonio Millan and his lowlycompanion departed on their mission they were accompanied far from thegates of Jerusalem by an anxious throng of brethren and disciples, whoremained watching them with tearful eyes as long as they were in sight. These holy ambassadors were received with great distinction by KingFerdinand, for men of their cloth had ever high honor and considerationin his court. He had long and frequent conversations with them aboutthe Holy Land, the state of the Christian Church in the dominions of thegrand soldan, and of the policy and conduct of that arch-infidel towardit. The portly prior of the Franciscan convent was full and round andoratorical in his replies, and the king expressed himself much pleasedwith the eloquence of his periods; but the politic monarch was observedto lend a close and attentive ear to the whispering voice of the lowlycompanion, "whose discourse, " adds Agapida, "though modest and low, was clear and fluent and full of subtle wisdom. " These holy friars hadvisited Rome in their journeying, where they had delivered the letter ofthe soldan to the sovereign pontiff. His Holiness had written by themto the Castilian sovereigns, requesting to know what reply they had tooffer to this demand of the Oriental potentate. 

The king of Naples also wrote to them on the subject, but in wary terms. He inquired into the cause of this war with the Moors of Granada, andexpressed great marvel at its events, as if (says Agapida) both werenot notorious throughout all the Christian world. "Nay, " adds the worthyfriar with becoming indignation, "he uttered opinions savoring of littlebetter than damnable heresy; for he observed that, although the Moorswere of a different sect, they ought not to be maltreated without justcause; and hinted that if the Castilian sovereigns did not suffer anycrying injury from the Moors, it would be improper to do anything whichmight draw great damage upon the Christians--as if, when once the swordof the faith was drawn, it ought ever to be sheathed until this scumof heathendom were utterly destroyed or driven from the land. But thismonarch, " he continues, "was more kindly disposed toward the infidelsthan was honest and lawful in a Christian prince, and was at that verytime in league with the soldan against their common enemy the GrandTurk. "

These pious sentiments of the truly Catholic Agapida are echoed byPadre Mariana in his history;* but the worthy chronicler Pedro Abarcaattributes the interference of the king of Naples not to lack oforthodoxy in religion, but to an excess of worldly policy, he beingapprehensive that should Ferdinand conquer the Moors of Granada he mighthave time and means to assert a claim of the house of Aragon to thecrown of Naples. 

 * Mariana, lib. 25, cap. 15. 

"King Ferdinand, " continues the worthy father Pedro Abarca, "was no lessmaster of dissimulation than his cousin of Naples; so he replied tohim with the utmost suavity of manner, going into a minute and patientvindication of the war, and taking great apparent pains to inform him ofthose things which all the world knew, but of which the other pretendedto be ignorant. "* At the same time he soothed his solicitude about thefate of the Christians in the empire of the grand soldan, assuring himthat the great revenue extorted from them in rents and tributes would bea certain protection against the threatened violence. 

 * Abarca, Anales de Aragon, Rey xxx. Cap. 3. 

To the pope he made the usual vindication of the war--that it wasfor the recovery of ancient territory usurped by the Moors, for thepunishment of wars and violences inflicted upon the Christians, and, finally, that it was a holy crusade for the glory and advancement of theChurch. 

"It was a truly edifying sight, " says Agapida, "to behold these friars, after they had had their audience of the king, moving about the campalways surrounded by nobles and cavaliers of high and martial renown. These were insatiable in their questions about the Holy Land, the stateof the sepulchre of our Lord, and the sufferings of the devoted brethrenwho guarded it and the pious pilgrims who resorted there to pay theirvows. The portly prior of the convent would stand with lofty andshining countenance in the midst of these iron warriors and declaim withresounding eloquence on the history of the sepulchre, but the humblerbrother would ever and anon sigh deeply, and in low tones utter sometale of suffering and outrage, at which his steel-clad hearers wouldgrasp the hilts of their swords and mutter between their clenched teethprayers for another crusade. "

The pious friars, having finished their mission to the king and beentreated with all due distinction, took their leave, and wended their wayto Jaen, to visit the most Catholic of queens. Isabella, whose heart wasthe seat of piety, received them as sacred men invested with more thanhuman dignity. During their residence at Jaen they were continuallyin the royal presence: the respectable prior of the convent moved andmelted the ladies of the court by his florid rhetoric, but his lowlycompanion was observed to have continual access to the royal ear. Thatsaintly and soft-spoken messenger (says Agapida) received the reward ofhis humility; for the queen, moved by his frequent representations, made in all modesty and lowliness of spirit, granted a yearly sum inperpetuity of one thousand ducats in gold for the support of the monksof the Convent of the Holy Sepulchre. *

 * "La Reyna dio a los Frayles mil ducados de renta cado ano parael sustento de los religiosos del santo sepulcro, que es la mejorlimosna y sustento que hasta nuestros dias ha quedado a estos religiososde Gerusalem: para donde les dio la Reyna un velo labrado por sus manos, para poner encima de la santa sepultura del Senor. "--Garibay, "CompendHist. , " lib. 18, cap. 36. 

Moreover, on the departure of these holy ambassadors, the excellent andmost Catholic queen delivered to them a veil devoutly embroidered withher own royal hands, to be placed over the Holy Sepulchre;--a preciousand inestimable present, which called forth a most eloquent tribute ofthanks from the portly prior, but which brought tears into the eyes ofhis lowly companion. *

 * It is proper to mention the result of this mission of the two friars, and which the worthy Agapida has neglected to record. At a subsequentperiod the Catholic sovereigns sent the distinguished historian, PietroMartyr of Angleria, as ambassador to the grand soldan. That able manmade such representations as were perfectly satisfactory to the Orientalpotentate. He also obtained from him the remission of many exactionsand extortions heretofore practised upon Christian pilgrims visitingthe Holy Sepulchre; which, it is presumed, had been gently but cogentlydetailed to the monarch by the lowly friar. Pietro Martyr wrote anaccount of his embassy to the grand soldan--a work greatly esteemed bythe learned and containing much curious information. It is entitled "DeLegatione Babylonica. "

CHAPTER LXXVII. 

HOW QUEEN ISABELLA DEVISED MEANS TO SUPPLY THE ARMY WITH PROVISIONS. 

It has been the custom to laud the conduct and address of King Ferdinandin this most arduous and protracted war, but the sage Agapida is moredisposed to give credit to the counsels and measures of the queen, who, he observes, though less ostensible in action, was in truth thevery soul, the vital principle, of this great enterprise. While KingFerdinand was bustling in his camp and making a glittering display withhis gallant chivalry, she, surrounded by her saintly counsellors in theepiscopal palace of Jaen, was devising ways and means to keep the kingand his army in existence. She had pledged herself to keep up a supplyof men and money and provisions until the city should be taken. Thehardships of the siege caused a fearful waste of life, but the supply ofmen was the least difficult part of her undertaking. So beloved wasthe queen by the chivalry of Spain that on her calling on them forassistance not a grandee or cavalier that yet lingered at home buteither repaired in person or sent forces to the camp; the ancientand warlike families vied with each other in marshalling forth theirvassals, and thus the besieged Moors beheld each day fresh troopsarriving before their city, and new ensigns and pennons displayedemblazoned with arms well known to the veteran warriors. 

But the most arduous task was to keep up a regular supply of provisions. It was not the army alone that had to be supported, but also thecaptured towns and their garrisons; for the whole country around themhad been ravaged, and the conquerors were in danger of starving in themidst of the land they had desolated. To transport the daily suppliesfor such immense numbers was a gigantic undertaking in a country wherethere was neither water conveyance nor roads for carriages. Everythinghad to be borne by beasts of burden over rugged and broken paths ofmountains and through dangerous defiles exposed to the attacks andplunderings of the Moors. 

The wary and calculating merchants accustomed to supply the army shrankfrom engaging at their own risk in so hazardous an undertaking. Thequeen therefore hired fourteen thousand beasts of burden, and orderedall the wheat and barley to be brought up in Andalusia and in thedomains of the knights of Santiago and Calatrava. She entrusted theadministration of these supplies to able and confidential persons. Somewere employed to collect the grain; others to take it to the mills;others to superintend the grinding and delivery; and others to conveyit to the camp. To every two hundred animals a muleteer was allotted totake charge of them on the route. Thus great lines of convoys were inconstant movement, traversing to and fro, guarded by large bodies oftroops to defend them from hovering parties of the Moors. Not a singleday's intermission was allowed, for the army depended upon the constantarrival of the supplies for daily food. The grain when brought intothe camp was deposited in an immense granary, and sold to the army at afixed price, which was never either raised or lowered. 

Incredible were the expenses incurred in these supplies, but the queenhad ghostly advisers thoroughly versed in the art of getting at theresources of the country. Many worthy prelates opened the deep purses ofthe Church, and furnished loans from the revenues of their diocesesand convents, and their pious contributions were eventually rewardedby Providence a hundred-fold. Merchants and other wealthy individuals, confident of the punctual faith of the queen, advanced large sums onthe security of her word; many noble families lent their plate withoutwaiting to be asked. The queen also sold certain annual rents ininheritance at great sacrifices, assigning the revenues of towns andcities for the payment. Finding all this insufficient to satisfy theenormous expenditure, she sent her gold and plate and all her jewelsto the cities of Valencia and Barcelona, where they were pledged for agreat amount of money, which was immediately appropriated to keep up thesupplies of the army. 

Thus through the wonderful activity, judgment, and enterprise of thisheroic and magnanimous woman a great host, encamped in the heart of thewarlike country accessible only over mountain-roads, was maintained incontinual abundance. Nor was it supplied merely with the necessariesand comforts of life. The powerful escorts drew merchants and artificersfrom all parts to repair, as if in caravans, to this great militarymarket. In a little while the camp abounded with tradesmen and artistsof all kinds to administer to the luxury and ostentation of theyouthful chivalry. Here might be seen cunning artificers in steel andaccomplished armorers achieving those rare and sumptuous helmets andcuirasses, richly gilt, inlaid, and embossed, in which the Spanishcavaliers delighted. Saddlers and harness-makers and horse-millinersalso were there, whose tents glittered with gorgeous housings andcaparisons. The merchants spread forth their sumptuous silks, cloths, brocades, fine linen, and tapestry. The tents of the nobility wereprodigally decorated with all kinds of the richest stuffs and dazzledthe eye with their magnificence, nor could the grave looks and gravespeeches of King Ferdinand prevent his youthful cavaliers from vyingwith each other in the splendor of their dresses and caparisons on alloccasions of parade and ceremony. 

CHAPTER LXXVIII. 

OF THE DISASTERS WHICH BEFELL THE CAMP. 

While the Christian camp, thus gay and gorgeous, spread itself out likea holiday pageant before the walls of Baza, while a long line of beastsof burden laden with provisions and luxuries were seen descending thevalley from morning till night, and pouring into the camp a continuedstream of abundance, the unfortunate garrison found their resourcesrapidly wasting away, and famine already began to pinch the peacefulpart of the community. 

Cid Hiaya had acted with great spirit and valor as long as there was anyprospect of success; but he began to lose his usual fire and animation, and was observed to pace the walls of Baza with a pensive air, castingmany a wistful look toward the Christian camp, and sinking into profoundreveries and cogitations. The veteran alcayde, Mohammed Ibn Hassan, noticed these desponding moods, and endeavored to rally the spirits ofthe prince. "The rainy season is at hand, " would he cry; "the floodswill soon pour down from the mountains; the rivers will overflow theirbanks and inundate the valleys. The Christian king already begins towaver; he dare not linger and encounter such a season in a plain cut upby canals and rivulets. A single wintry storm from our mountains wouldwash away his canvas city and sweep off those gay pavilions like wreathsof snow before the blast. "

The prince Cid Hiaya took heart at these words, and counted the days asthey passed until the stormy season should commence. As he watched theChristian camp he beheld it one morning in universal commotion: therewas an unusual sound of hammers in every part, as if some new enginesof war were constructing. At length, to his astonishment, the walls androofs of houses began to appear above the bulwarks. In a little whilethere were above a thousand edifices of wood and plaster erected, covered with tiles taken from the demolished towers of the orchardsand bearing the pennons of various commanders and cavaliers, while thecommon soldiery constructed huts of clay and branches of trees thatchedwith straw. Thus, to the dismay of the Moors, within four days the lighttents and gay pavilions which had whitened their hills and plains passedaway like summer clouds, and the unsubstantial camp assumed the solidappearance of a city laid out into streets and squares. In the centrerose a large edifice which overlooked the whole, and the royal standardof Aragon and Castile, proudly floating above it, showed it to be thepalace of the king. *

 * Cura de los Palacios, Pulgar, etc. 

Ferdinand had taken the sudden resolution thus to turn his camp into acity, partly to provide against the approaching season, and partly toconvince the Moors of his fixed determination to continue the siege. Intheir haste to erect their dwellings, however, the Spanish cavaliers hadnot properly considered the nature of the climate. For the greater partof the year there scarcely falls a drop of rain on the thirsty soil ofAndalusia. The ramblas, or dry channels of the torrents, remain deepand arid gashes and clefts in the sides of the mountains; the perennialstreams shrink up to mere threads of water, which, trickling down thebottoms of the deep barrancas, or ravines, scarce feed and keep alivethe rivers of the valleys. The rivers, almost lost in their wide andnaked beds, seem like thirsty rills winding in serpentine mazes throughdeserts of sand and stones, and so shallow and tranquil in their courseas to be forded in safety in almost every part. One autumnal tempest, however, changes the whole face of nature: the clouds break in delugesamong the vast congregation of mountains; the ramblas are suddenlyfilled with raging floods; the tinkling rivulets swell to thunderingtorrents that come roaring down from the mountains, tumbling greatmasses of rocks in their career. The late meandering river spreads overits once-naked bed, lashes its surges against the banks, and rushes likea wide and foaming inundation through the valley. 

Scarcely had the Christians finished their slightly built edifices whenan autumnal tempest of the kind came scouring from the mountains. Thecamp was immediately overflowed. Many of the houses, undermined bythe floods or beaten by the rain, crumbled away and fell to the earth, burying man and beast beneath their ruins. Several valuable lives werelost, and great numbers of horses and other animals perished. To add tothe distress and confusion of the camp, the daily supply of provisionssuddenly ceased, for the rain had broken up the roads and rendered therivers impassable. A panic seized upon the army, for the cessation ofa single day's supply produced a scarcity of bread and provender. Fortunately, the rain was but transient: the torrents rushed by andceased; the rivers shrank back again to their narrow channels, and theconvoys which had been detained upon their banks arrived safely in thecamp. 

No sooner did Queen Isabella hear of this interruption of her suppliesthan, with her usual vigilance and activity, she provided against itsrecurrence. She despatched six thousand foot-soldiers, under the commandof experienced officers, to repair the roads and to make causeways andbridges for the distance of seven Spanish leagues. The troops also whohad been stationed in the mountains by the king to guard the defilesmade two paths, one for the convoys going to the camp, and the otherfor those returning, that they might not meet and impede each other. Theedifices which had been demolished by the late floods were rebuilt ina firmer manner, and precautions were taken to protect the camp fromfuture inundations. 

CHAPTER LXXIX. 

ENCOUNTERS BETWEEN THE CHRISTIANS AND MOORS BEFORE BAZA, AND THEDEVOTION OF THE INHABITANTS TO THE DEFENCE OF THEIR CITY. 

When King Ferdinand beheld the ravage and confusion produced by asingle autumnal storm, and bethought him of all the maladies to whicha besieging camp is exposed in inclement seasons, he began to feel hiscompassion kindling for the suffering people of Baza, and an inclinationto grant them more favorable terms. He sent, therefore, several messagesto the alcayde Mohammed Ibn Hassan offering liberty of person andsecurity of property for the inhabitants and large rewards for himselfif he would surrender the city. 

The veteran was not to be dazzled by the splendid offers of the monarch:he had received exaggerated accounts of the damage done to the Christiancamp by the late storm, and of the sufferings and discontents of thearmy in consequence of the transient interruption of supplies: heconsidered the overtures of Ferdinand as proofs of the desperate stateof his affairs. "A little more patience, a little more patience, "said the shrewd old warrior, "and we shall see this cloud of Christianlocusts driven away before the winter storms. When they once turn theirbacks, it will be our turn to strike; and, with the help of Allah, theblow shall be decisive. " He sent a firm though courteous refusal to theCastilian monarch, and in the mean time animated his companions to sallyforth with more spirit than ever to attack the Spanish outposts andthose laboring in the trenches. The consequence was a daily occurrenceof daring and bloody skirmishes that cost the lives of many of thebravest and most adventurous cavaliers of either army. 

In one of these sallies nearly three hundred horse and two thousand footmounted the heights behind the city to capture the Christians who wereemployed upon the works. They came by surprise upon a body of guards, esquires of the count de Urena, killed some, put the rest to flight, andpursued them down the mountain until they came in sight of a small forceunder the count de Tendilla and Gonsalvo of Cordova. The Moors camerushing down with such fury that many of the men of the count deTendilla took to flight. The count braced his buckler, grasped histrusty weapon, and stood his ground with his accustomed prowess. Gonsalvo of Cordova ranged himself by his side, and, marshalling thetroops which remained with them, they made a valiant front to the Moors. 

The infidels pressed them hard, and were gaining the advantage whenAlonso de Aguilar, hearing of the danger of his brother Gonsalvo, flewto his assistance, accompanied by the count of Urena and a body of theirtroops. A fight ensued from cliff to cliff and glen to glen. The Moorswere fewer in number, but excelled in the dexterity and lightnessrequisite for scrambling skirmishes. They were at length driven fromtheir vantage-ground, and pursued by Alonso de Aguilar and his brotherGonsalvo to the very suburbs of the city, leaving many of their bravestmen upon the field. 

Such was one of innumerable rough encounters daily taking place, inwhich many brave cavaliers were slain without apparent benefit to eitherparty. The Moors, notwithstanding repeated defeats and losses, continuedto sally forth daily with astonishing spirit and vigor, and theobstinacy of their defence seemed to increase with their sufferings. 

The prince Cid Hiaya was ever foremost in these sallies, but grew dailymore despairing of success. All the money in the military chest wasexpended, and there was no longer wherewithal to pay the hired troops. Still, the veteran Mohammed undertook to provide for this emergency. Summoning the principal inhabitants, he represented the necessity ofsome exertion and sacrifice on their part to maintain the defence ofthe city. "The enemy, " said he, "dreads the approach of winter, and ourperseverance drives him to despair. A little longer, and he will leaveyou in quiet enjoyment of your homes and families. But our troops mustbe paid to keep them in good heart. Our money is exhausted and all oursupplies are cut off. It is impossible to continue our defence withoutyour aid. "

Upon this the citizens consulted together, and collected all theirvessels of gold and silver and brought them to Mohammed. "Take these, "said they, "and coin or sell or pledge them for money wherewith to paythe troops. " The women of Baza also were seized with generous emulation. "Shall we deck ourselves with gorgeous apparel, " said they, "when ourcountry is desolate and its defenders in want of bread?" So they tooktheir collars and bracelets and anklets and other ornaments of gold, and all their jewels, and put them in the hands of the veteran alcayde. "Take these spoils of our vanity, " said they, "and let them contributeto the defence of our homes and families. If Baza be delivered, we needno jewels to grace our rejoicing; and if Baza fall, of what avail areornaments to the captive?"

By these contributions was Mohammed enabled to pay the soldiery andcarry on the defence of the city with unabated spirit. 

Tidings were speedily conveyed to King Ferdinand of this generousdevotion on the part of the people of Baza, and the hopes which theMoorish commanders gave them that the Christian army would soon abandonthe siege in despair. "They shall have a convincing proof of the fallacyof such hopes, " said the politic monarch: so he wrote forthwith to QueenIsabella praying her to come to the camp in state, with all her trainand retinue, and publicly to take up her residence there for the winter. By this means the Moors would be convinced of the settled determinationof the sovereigns to persist in the siege until the city shouldsurrender, and he trusted they would be brought to speedy capitulation. 

CHAPTER LXXX. 

HOW QUEEN ISABELLA ARRIVED AT THE CAMP, AND THE CONSEQUENCES OF HERARRIVAL. 

Mohammed Ibn Hassan still encouraged his companions with hopes thatthe royal army would soon relinquish the siege, when they heard oneday shouts of joy from the Christian camp and thundering salvos ofartillery. Word was brought at the same time, from the sentinels on thewatch-towers, that a Christian army was approaching down the valley. Mohammed and his fellow-commanders ascended one of the highest towersof the walls, and beheld in truth a numerous force in shining arraydescending the hills, and heard the distant clangor of the trumpet andthe faint swell of triumphant music. 

As the host drew nearer they descried a stately dame magnificentlyattired, whom they soon discovered to be the queen. She was riding ona mule the sumptuous trappings of which were resplendent with gold andreached to the ground. On her right hand rode her daughter, the princessIsabella, equally splendid in her array, and on her left the venerablegrand cardinal of Spain. A noble train of ladies and cavaliers followed, together with pages and esquires, and a numerous guard of hidalgos ofhigh rank arrayed in superb armor. When the veteran Mohammed beheld thequeen thus arriving in state to take up her residence in the camp, heshook his head mournfully, and, turning to his captains, "Cavaliers, "said he, "the fate of Baza is decided. "

The Moorish commanders remained gazing with a mingled feeling of griefand admiration at this magnificent pageant, which foreboded the fall oftheir city. Some of the troops would have sallied forth on one of theirdesperate skirmishes to attack the royal guard, but the prince Cid Hiayaforbade them; nor would he allow any artillery to be discharged orany molestation or insult offered; for the character of Isabella wasvenerated even by the Moors, and most of the commanders possessed thathigh and chivalrous courtesy which belongs to heroic spirits, for theywere among the noblest and bravest of the Moorish cavaliers. 

The inhabitants of Baza eagerly sought every eminence that could commanda view of the plain, and every battlement and tower and mosque wascovered with turbaned heads gazing at the glorious spectacle. Theybeheld King Ferdinand issue forth in royal state, attended by themarques of Cadiz, the master of Santiago, the duke of Alva, the admiralof Castile, and many other nobles of renown, while the whole chivalry ofthe camp, sumptuously arrayed, followed in his train, and the populacerent the air with acclamations at the sight of the patriotic queen. 

When the sovereigns had met and embraced, the two hosts mingled togetherand entered the camp in martial pomp, and the eyes of the infidelbeholders were dazzled by the flash of armor, the splendor of goldencaparisons, the gorgeous display of silks, brocades, and velvets, oftossing plumes and fluttering banners. There was at the same time atriumphant sound of drums and trumpets, clarions and sackbuts, mingledwith the sweet melody of the dulcimer, which came swelling in bursts ofharmony that seemed to rise up to the heavens. *

 * Cura de los Palacios, c. 92. 

On the arrival of the queen (says the historian Hernando del Pulgar, whowas present at the time) it was marvellous to behold how all at once therigor and turbulence of war were softened and the storm of passion sankinto a calm. The sword was sheathed, the crossbow no longer launchedits deadly shafts, and the artillery, which had hitherto kept up anincessant uproar, now ceased its thundering. On both sides there wasstill a vigilant guard kept up; the sentinels bristled the walls ofBaza with their lances, and the guards patrolled the Christian camp, but there was no sallying forth to skirmish nor any wanton violence orcarnage. *

 * Many particulars of the scenes and occurrences at the siege ofBaza are also furnished in the letters of the learned Peter Martyr, whowas present and an admiring eye-witness. 

Prince Cid Hiaya saw by the arrival of the queen that the Christianswere determined to continue the siege, and he knew that the city wouldhave to capitulate. He had been prodigal of the lives of his soldiersas long as he thought a military good was to be gained by the sacrifice;but he was sparing of their blood in a hopeless cause, and weary ofexasperating the enemy by an obstinate yet hopeless defence. 

At the request of the prince a parley was granted, and the mastercommander of Leon, Don Gutierrez de Cardenas, was appointed to conferwith the veteran alcayde Mohammed. They met at an appointed place, within view of both camp and city, attended by cavaliers of either army. Their meeting was highly courteous, for they had learnt, from roughencounters in the field, to admire each other's prowess. The commanderof Leon in an earnest speech pointed out the hopelessness of any furtherdefence, and warned Mohammed of the ills which Malaga had incurred byits obstinacy. "I promise in the name of my sovereigns, " said he, "that if you surrender immediately the inhabitants shall be treatedas subjects and protected in property, liberty, and religion. If yourefuse, you, who are now renowned as an able and judicious commander, will be chargeable with the confiscations, captivities, and deaths whichmay be suffered by the people of Baza. "

The commander ceased, and Mohammed returned to the city to consult withhis companions. It was evident that all further resistance was hopeless, but the Moorish commanders felt that a cloud might rest upon their namesshould they, of their own discretion, surrender so important a placewithout its having sustained an assault. Prince Cid Hiaya requestedpermission, therefore, to send an envoy to Guadix, with a letter tothe old monarch, El Zagal, treating of the surrender: the request wasgranted, a safe conduct assured to the envoy, and Mohammed Ibn Hassandeparted upon this momentous mission. 

CHAPTER LXXXI. 

THE SURRENDER OF BAZA. 

The old warrior-king was seated in an inner chamber of the castle ofGuadix, much cast down in spirit and ruminating on his gloomy fortunes, when an envoy from Baza was announced, and the veteran alcayde Mohammedstood before him. El Zagal saw disastrous tidings written in hiscountenance. "How fares it with Baza, " said he, summoning up his spiritsto the question. "Let this inform thee, " replied Mohammed, and hedelivered into his hands the letter from the prince Cid Hiaya. 

This letter spoke of the desperate situation of Baza, the impossibilityof holding out longer without assistance from El Zagal, and thefavorable terms held out by the Castilian sovereigns. Had it beenwritten by any other person, El Zagal might have received it withdistrust and indignation; but he confided in Cid Hiaya as in a secondself, and the words of his letter sank deep in his heart. When he hadfinished reading it, he sighed deeply, and remained for some time lostin thought, with his head drooping upon his bosom. Recovering himselfat length, he called together the alfaquis and the old men of Guadixand solicited their advice. It was sign of sore trouble of mind anddejection of heart when El Zagal sought the advice of others, but hisfierce courage was tamed, for he saw the end of his power approaching. The alfaquis and the old men did but increase the distraction of hismind by a variety of counsel, none of which appeared of any avail, forunless Baza were succored it was impossible that it should hold out; andevery attempt to succor it had proved ineffectual. El Zagal dismissedhis council in despair, and summoned the veteran Mohammed before him. "God is great, " exclaimed he; "there is but one God, and Mahomet is hisprophet! Return to my cousin, Cid Hiaya; tell him it is out of my powerto aid him; he must do as seems to him for the best. The people ofBaza have performed deeds worthy of immortal fame; I cannot ask them toencounter further ills and perils in maintaining a hopeless defence. "

The reply of El Zagal determined the fate of the city. Cid Hiaya andhis fellow-commanders capitulated, and were granted the most favorableterms. The cavaliers and soldiers who had come from other parts to thedefence of the place were permitted to depart with their arms, horses, and effects. The inhabitants had their choice either to depart withtheir property or dwell in the suburbs in the enjoyment of theirreligion and laws, taking an oath of fealty to the sovereigns andpaying the same tribute they had paid to the Moorish kings. The cityand citadel were to be delivered up in six days, within which period theinhabitants were to remove all their effects; and in the mean time theywere to place as hostages fifteen Moorish youths, sons of the principalinhabitants, in the hands of the commander of Leon. When Cid Hiaya andthe alcayde Mohammed came to deliver up the hostages, among whom werethe sons of the latter, they paid homage to the king and queen, whoreceived them with the utmost courtesy and kindness, and orderedmagnificent presents to be given to them, and likewise to the otherMoorish cavaliers, consisting of money, robes, horses, and other thingsof great value. 

The prince Cid Hiaya was so captivated by the grace, the dignity, andgenerosity of Isabella and the princely courtesy of Ferdinand that hevowed never again to draw his sword against such magnanimous sovereigns. The queen, charmed with his gallant bearing and his animated professionsof devotion, assured him that, having him on her side, she alreadyconsidered the war terminated which had desolated the kingdom ofGranada. 

Mighty and irresistible are words of praise from the lips of sovereigns. Cid Hiaya was entirely subdued by this fair speech from the illustriousIsabella. His heart burned with a sudden flame of loyalty toward thesovereigns. He begged to be enrolled amongst the most devoted of theirsubjects, and in the fervor of his sudden zeal engaged not merely todedicate his sword to their service, but to exert all his influence, which was great, in persuading his cousin, Muley Abdallah el Zagal, tosurrender the cities of Guadix and Almeria and to give up all furtherhostilities. Nay, so powerful was the effect produced upon his mindby his conversation with the sovereigns that it extended even to hisreligion; for he became immediately enlightened as to the heathenishabominations of the vile sect of Mahomet, and struck with the truthsof Christianity as illustrated by such powerful monarchs. He consented, therefore, to be baptized and to be gathered into the fold of theChurch. The pious Agapida indulges in a triumphant strain of exultationon the sudden and surprising conversion of this princely infidel:he considers it one of the greatest achievements of the Catholicsovereigns, and indeed one of the marvellous occurrences of this holywar. "But it is given to saints and pious monarchs, " says he, "to workmiracles in the cause of the faith; and such did the most CatholicFerdinand in the conversion of the prince Cid Hiaya. "

Some of the Arabian writers have sought to lessen the wonder of thismiracle by alluding to great revenues granted to the prince and hisheirs by the Castilian monarchs, together with a territory in Marchena, with towns, lands, and vassals; but in this (says Agapida) we only see awise precaution of King Ferdinand to clinch and secure the conversion ofhis proselyte. The policy of the Catholic monarch was at all times equalto his piety. Instead also of vaunting of this great conversion andmaking a public parade of the entry of the prince into the Church, KingFerdinand ordered that the baptism should be performed in private andkept a profound secret. He feared that Cid Hiaya might otherwise bedenounced as an apostate and abhorred and abandoned by the Moors, and thus his influence destroyed in bringing the war to a speedytermination. *

 * Conde, tom. 3, cap. 40. 

The veteran Mohammed Ibn Hassan was likewise won by the magnanimity andmunificence of the Castilian sovereigns, and entreated to be receivedinto their service; and his example was followed by many other Moorishcavaliers, whose services were generously accepted and magnificentlyrewarded. 

Thus; after a siege of six months and twenty days, the city of Bazasurrendered on the 4th of December, 1489, the festival of the gloriousSanta Barbara, who is said in the Catholic calendar to preside overthunder and lightning, fire and gunpowder, and all kinds of combustiousexplosions. The king and queen made their solemn and triumphant entryon the following day, and the public joy was heightened by the sightof upward of five hundred Christian captives, men, women, and children, delivered from the Moorish dungeons. 

The loss of the Christians in this siege amounted to twenty thousandmen, of whom seventeen thousand died of disease, and not a few ofmere cold--a kind of death (says the historian Mariana) peculiarlyuncomfortable; but (adds the venerable Jesuit) as these latter werechiefly people of ignoble rank, baggage-carriers and such-like, the losswas not of great importance. 

The surrender of Baza was followed by that of Almunecar, Tavernas, andmost of the fortresses of the Alpuxarras mountains; the inhabitantshoped by prompt and voluntary submission to secure equally favorableterms with those granted to the captured city, and the alcaydes toreceive similar rewards to those lavished on its commanders; nor wereeither of them disappointed. The inhabitants were permitted to remain asmudexares in the quiet enjoyment of their property and religion; and asto the alcaydes, when they came to the camp to render up their chargesthey were received by Ferdinand with distinguished favor, and rewardedwith presents of money in proportion to the importance of the placesthey had commanded. Care was taken by the politic monarch, however, notto wound their pride nor shock their delicacy; so these sums were paidunder color of arrears due to them for their services to the formergovernment. Ferdinand had conquered by dint of sword in the earlier partof the war, but he found gold as potent as steel in this campaign ofBaza. 

With several of these mercenary chieftains came one named Ali AbenFahar, a seasoned warrior who had held many important commands. He wasa Moor of a lofty, stern, and melancholy aspect, and stood silent andapart while his companions surrendered their several fortresses andretired laden with treasure. When it came to his turn to speak, headdressed the sovereigns with the frankness of a soldier, but with thetone of dejection and despair. 

"I am a Moor, " said he, "and of Moorish lineage, and am alcayde of thefair towns and castles of Purchena and Paterna. These were entrustedto me to defend, but those who should have stood by me have lost allstrength and courage and seek only for security. These fortresses, therefore, most potent sovereigns, are yours whenever you will send totake possession of them. "

Large sums of gold were immediately ordered by Ferdinand to be deliveredto the alcayde as a recompense for so important a surrender. The Moor, however, put back the gift with a firm and dignified demeanor. "I camenot, " said he, "to sell what is not mine, but to yield what fortune hasmade yours; and Your Majesties may rest assured that had I been properlyseconded death would have been the price at which I would have sold myfortresses, and not the gold you offer me. "

The Castilian monarchs were struck with the lofty and loyal spirit ofthe Moor, and desired to engage a man of such fidelity in their service;but the proud Moslem could not be induced to serve the enemies of hisnation and his faith. 

"Is there nothing, then, " said Queen Isabella, "that we can do togratify thee, and to prove to thee our regard?"--"Yes, " replied theMoor; "I have left behind me, in the towns and valleys which I havesurrendered, many of my unhappy countrymen, with their wives andchildren, who cannot tear themselves from their native abodes. Give meyour royal word that they shall be protected in the peaceable enjoymentof their religion and their homes. "--"We promise it, " said Isabella;"they shall dwell in peace and security. But for thyself--what dostthou ask for thyself?"--"Nothing, " replied Ali, "but permission to passunmolested with my horses and effects into Africa. "

The Castilian monarchs would fain have forced upon him gold and silverand superb horses richly caparisoned, not as rewards, but as marksof personal esteem; but Ali Aben Fahar declined all presents anddistinctions, as if he thought it criminal to flourish individuallyduring a time of public distress, and disdained all prosperity thatseemed to grow out of the ruins of his country. 

Having received a royal passport, he gathered together his horses andservants, his armor and weapons, and all his warlike effects, bade adieuto his weeping countrymen with a brow stamped with anguish, but withoutshedding a tear, and, mounting his Barbary steed, turned his back uponthe delightful valleys of his conquered country, departing on his lonelyway to seek a soldier's fortune amidst the burning sands of Africa. *

 * Pulgar, part 3, cap. 124; Garibay, lib. 40, cap. 40; Cura delos Palacios. 

CHAPTER LXXXII. 

SUBMISSION OF EL ZAGAL TO THE CASTILIAN SOVEREIGNS. 

Evil tidings never fail by the way through lack of messengers: they arewafted on the wings of the wind, and it is as if the very birds of theair would bear them to the ear of the unfortunate. The old king El Zagalburied himself in the recesses of his castle to hide himself from thelight of day, which no longer shone prosperously upon him, but everyhour brought missives thundering at the gate with the tale of some newdisaster. Fortress after fortress had laid its keys at the feet of theChristian sovereigns: strip after strip of warrior mountain and greenfruitful valleys was torn from his domains and added to the territoriesof the conquerors. Scarcely a remnant remained to him, except a tractof the Alpuxarras and the noble cities of Guadix and Almeria. No one anylonger stood in awe of the fierce old monarch; the terror of his frownhad declined with his power. He had arrived at that state of adversitywhen a man's friends feel emboldened to tell him hard truths and togive him unpalatable advice, and when his spirit is bowed down to listenquietly if not meekly. 

El Zagal was seated on his divan, his whole spirit absorbed inrumination on the transitory nature of human glory, when his kinsman andbrother-in-law, the prince Cid Hiaya, was announced. That illustriousconvert to the true faith and the interests of the conquerors of hiscountry had hastened to Guadix with all the fervor of a new proselyte, eager to prove his zeal in the service of Heaven and the Castiliansovereigns by persuading the old monarch to abjure his faith andsurrender his possessions. 

Cid Hiaya still bore the guise of a Moslem, for his conversion was asyet a secret. The stern heart of El Zagal softened at beholding theface of a kinsman in this hour of adversity. He folded his cousin tohis bosom, and gave thanks to Allah that amidst all his troubles he hadstill a friend and counsellor on whom he might rely. 

Cid Hiaya soon entered upon the real purpose of his mission. Herepresented to El Zagal the desperate state of affairs and theirretrievable decline of Moorish power in the kingdom of Granada. "Fate, " said he, "is against our arms; our ruin is written in theheavens. Remember the prediction of the astrologers at the birth of yournephew Boabdil. We hoped that their prediction was accomplished by hiscapture at Lucena; but it is now evident that the stars portended not atemporary and passing reverse of the kingdom, but a final overthrow. Theconstant succession of disasters which have attended our efforts showthat the sceptre of Granada is doomed to pass into the hands of theChristian monarchs. Such, " concluded the prince emphatically, and with aprofound and pious reverence, --"such is the almighty will of God. "

El Zagal listened to these words in mute attention, without so much asmoving a muscle of his face or winking an eyelid. When the prince hadconcluded he remained for a long time silent and pensive; at length, heaving a profound sigh from the very bottom of his heart, "Alahumasubahana hu!" exclaimed he--"the will of God be done! Yes, my cousin, itis but too evident that such is the will of Allah; and what he wills hefails not to accomplish. Had not he decreed the fall of Granada, thisarm and this scimetar would have maintained it. "*

 * Conde, tom. 3, c. 40. 

"What then remains, " said Cid Hiaya, "but to draw the most advantagefrom the wreck of empire left to you? To persist in a war is to bringcomplete desolation upon the land and ruin and death upon its faithfulinhabitants. Are you disposed to yield up your remaining towns to yournephew El Chico, that they may augment his power and derive protectionfrom his alliance with the Christian sovereigns?"

The eye of El Zagal flashed fire at this suggestion. He grasped the hiltof his scimetar and gnashed his teeth in fury. "Never, " cried he, "will I make terms with that recreant and slave. Sooner would I seethe banners of the Christian monarchs floating above my walls than theyshould add to the possessions of the vassal Boabdil!"

Cid Hiaya immediately seized upon this idea, and urged El Zagal to makea frank and entire surrender. "Trust, " said he, "to the magnanimityof the Castilian sovereigns; they will doubtless grant you high andhonorable terms. It is better to yield to them as friends what theymust infallibly and before long wrest from you as enemies; for such, mycousin, is the almighty will of God. "

"Alahuma subahana hu!" repeated El Zagal--"the will of God be done!"So the old monarch bowed his haughty neck and agreed to surrender histerritories to the enemies of his faith, rather than suffer them toaugment the Moslem power under the sway of his nephew. 

Cid Hiaya now returned to Baza, empowered by El Zagal to treat on hisbehalf with the Christian sovereigns. The prince felt a species ofexultation as he expatiated on the rich relics of empire which he wasauthorized to cede. There was a great part of that line of mountainsextending from the metropolis to the Mediterranean Sea, with theirseries of beautiful green valleys like precious emeralds set in agolden chain. Above all, there were Guadix and Almeria, two of the mostinestimable jewels in the crown of Granada. 

In return for these possessions and for the claim of El Zagal to therest of the kingdom the sovereigns received him into their friendshipand alliance, and gave him in perpetual inheritance the territory ofAndarax and the valley of Alhaurin in the Alpuxarras, with the fourthpart of the salinas or salt-pits of Malaha. He was to enjoy the titleof king of Andarax, with two thousand mudexares, or conquered Moors, for subjects, and his revenues were to be made up to the sum of fourmillions of maravedis. All these he was to hold as a vassal of theCastilian Crown. 

These arrangements being made, Cid Hiaya returned with them to MuleyAbdallah, and it was concerted that the ceremony of surrender and homageshould take place at the city of Almeria. 

On the 17th of December, King Ferdinand departed for that city. CidHiaya and his principal officers, incorporated with a division commandedby the count de Tendilla, marched in the van-guard. The king was withthe centre of the army, and the queen with the rear-guard. In thismartial state Ferdinand passed by several of the newly-acquired towns, exulting in these trophies of his policy rather than his valor. Intraversing the mountainous region which extends toward the Mediterraneanthe army suffered exceedingly from raging vandavales, or south-westgales, accompanied by snow-storms. Several of the soldiers and manyhorses and beasts perished with the cold. One of the divisions under themarques of Cadiz found it impossible to traverse in one day the frozensummits of Filabres, and had to pass the night in those inclementregions. The marques caused two immense fires to be kindled in thevicinity of his encampment to guide and enlighten those lost andwandering among the defiles, and to warm those who were benumbed andalmost frozen. 

The king halted at Tavernas, to collect his scattered troops and givethem time to breathe after the hardships of the mountains. The queen wastravelling a day's march in the rear. 

On the 21st of December the king arrived and encamped in the vicinityof Almeria. Understanding that El Zagal was sallying forth to pay himhomage according to appointment, he mounted on horseback and rode forthto receive him, attended by Don Alonso de Cardenas, master of Santiago, on his right hand, and the marques of Cadiz on his left, and despatchedin the advance Don Gutierrez de Cardenas, commander of Leon, and othercavaliers to meet and form an honorable escort to the Moorish monarch. With this escort went that curious eye-witness, Peter Martyr, from whomwe have many of these particulars. 

El Zagal was accompanied by twelve cavaliers on horseback, among whomwas his cousin, the prince Cid Hiaya (who had no doubt joined him fromthe Spanish camp), and the brave Reduan Vanegas. Peter Martyr declaresthat the appearance of El Zagal touched him with compassion, for, thougha "lawless barbarian, he was a king and had given signal proofs ofheroism. " The historian Palencia gives us a particular descriptionof his appearance. He was, says he, of elevated stature and wellproportioned, neither robust nor meagre; the natural fairness ofhis countenance was increased by an extreme paleness which gave it amelancholy expression. His aspect was grave; his movements were quiet, noble, and dignified. He was modestly attired in a garb of mourning--asayo, or loose surcoat, of dark cloth, a simple albornoz or Moorishmantle, and a turban of dazzling whiteness. 

On being met by the commander, Gutierrez de Cardenas, El Zagal salutedhim courteously, as well as the cavaliers who accompanied him, and rodeon, conversing with him through the medium of interpreters. BeholdingKing Ferdinand and his splendid train at a distance, he alighted andadvanced toward him on foot. The punctilious Ferdinand, supposing thisvoluntary act of humiliation had been imposed by Don Gutierrez, told that cavalier, with some asperity, that it was an act of greatdiscourtesy to cause a vanquished king to alight before another king whowas victorious. At the same time he made him signs to remount hishorse and place himself by his side. El Zagal, persisting in his act ofhomage, offered to kiss the king's hand, but, being prevented bythat monarch, he kissed his own hand, as the Moorish cavaliers wereaccustomed to do in presence of their sovereigns, and accompanied thegesture by a few words expressive of obedience and fealty. Ferdinandreplied in a gracious and amiable manner, and, causing him to remountand place himself on his left hand, they proceeded, followed by thewhole train, to the royal pavilion pitched in the most conspicuous partof the camp. 

There a banquet was served up to the two kings according to the rigorousstyle and etiquette of the Spanish court. They were seated in two chairsof state under the same canopy, El Zagal on the left hand of Ferdinand. The cavaliers and courtiers admitted to the royal pavilion remainedstanding. The count de Tendilla served the viands to King Ferdinand ingolden dishes, and the count Cifuentes gave him to drink out of cupsof the same precious metal; Don Alvaro Bazan and Garcilasso de la Vegaperformed the same offices, in similar style and with vessels of equalrichness, to the Moorish monarch. 

The banquet ended, El Zagal took courteous leave of Ferdinand, andsallied from the pavilion attended by the cavaliers who had beenpresent. Each of these now made himself known to the old monarch by hisname, title, or dignity, and each received an affable gesture in reply. They would all have escorted the old king back to the gates of Almeria, but he insisted on their remaining in the camp, and with difficultycould be persuaded upon to accept the honorable attendance of themarques of Villena, the commander, Don Gutierrez de Cardenas, the countde Cifuentes, and Don Luis Puerto Carrero. 

On the following morning (22d December) the troops were all drawn out insplendid array in front of the camp, awaiting the signal of the formalsurrender of the city. This was given at mid-day, when the gates werethrown open and a corps marched in, led by Don Gutierrez de Cardenas, who had been appointed governor. In a little while the gleam ofChristian warriors was seen on the walls and bulwarks; the blessed crosswas planted in place of the standard of Mahomet, and the banner of thesovereigns floated triumphantly above the Alcazar. At the same timea numerous deputation of alfaquis and the noblest and wealthiestinhabitants of the place sallied forth to pay homage to King Ferdinand. 

On the 23d of December the king himself entered the city with grandmilitary and religious pomp, and repaired to the mosque of the castle, which had previously been purified and sanctified and converted into aChristian temple: here grand mass was performed in solemn celebration ofthis great triumph of the faith. 

These ceremonies were scarcely completed when joyful notice was given ofthe approach of the queen Isabella with the rear-guard of the army. Shecame accompanied by the princess Isabella, and attended by her ghostlycounsellor the cardinal Mendoza and her confessor Talavera. The kingsallied forth to meet her, accompanied by El Zagal, and it is said thereception of the latter by the queen was characterized by the deferenceand considerate delicacy which belonged to her magnanimous nature. 

The surrender of Almeria was followed by that of Almunecar, Salobrena, and other fortified places of the coast and the interior, anddetachments of Christian troops took quiet possession of the Alpuxarrasmountains and their secluded and fertile valleys. *

 * Cura de los Palacios, cap. 93, 94; Pulgar, Cron. , part 3, cap. 124;Garibay, Comp. Hist. , lib. 18, cap. 37, etc. Etc. 

CHAPTER LXXXIII. 

EVENTS AT GRANADA SUBSEQUENT TO THE SUBMISSION OF EL ZAGAL. 

Who can tell when to rejoice in this fluctuating world? Every wave ofprosperity has its reacting surge, and we are often overwhelmed bythe very billow on which we thought to be wafted into the haven of ourhopes. When Yusef Aben Comixa, the vizier of Boabdil, surnamed El Chico, entered the royal saloon of the Alhambra and announced the capitulationof El Zagal, the heart of the youthful monarch leaped for joy. His greatwish was accomplished; his uncle was defeated and dethroned, and hereigned without a rival, sole monarch of Granada. At length he was aboutto enjoy the fruits of his humiliation and vassalage. He beheld histhrone fortified by the friendship and alliance of the Castilianmonarchs; there could be no question, therefore, of its stability. "Allah Akbar! God is great!" exclaimed he. "Rejoice with me, O Yusef;the stars have ceased their persecution. Henceforth let no man call meEl Zogoybi. "

In the first moment of his exultation Boabdil would have ordered publicrejoicings, but the shrewd Yusef shook his head. "The tempest has ceasedfrom one point of the heavens, " said he, "but it may begin to rage fromanother. A troubled sea is beneath us, and we are surrounded by rocksand quicksands: let my lord the king defer rejoicings until all hassettled into a calm. " El Chico, however, could not remain tranquilin this day of exultation: he ordered his steed to be sumptuouslycaparisoned, and, issuing out of the gate of the Alhambra, descended, with glittering retinue, along the avenue of trees and fountains, intothe city to receive the acclamations of the populace. As he entered thegreat square of the Vivarrambla he beheld crowds of people in violentagitation, but as he approached what was his surprise to hear groans andmurmurs and bursts of execration! The tidings had spread through Granadathat Muley Abdallah el Zagal had been driven to capitulate, and that allhis territories had fallen into the hands of the Christians. No one hadinquired into the particulars, but all Granada had been thrown into aferment of grief and indignation. In the heat of the moment old Muleywas extolled to the skies as a patriot prince who had fought to the lastfor the salvation of his country--as a mirror of monarchs, scorning tocompromise the dignity of his crown by any act of vassalage. Boabdil, on the contrary, had looked on exultingly at the hopeless yet heroicstruggle of his uncle; he had rejoiced in the defeat of the faithfuland the triumph of unbelievers; he had aided in the dismemberment anddownfall of the empire. When they beheld him riding forth in gorgeousstate on what they considered a day of humiliation for all true Moslems, they could not contain their rage, and amidst the clamors that met hisears Boabdil more than once heard his name coupled with the epithets oftraitor and renegado. 

Shocked and discomfited, the youthful monarch returned in confusion tothe Alhambra, shut himself up within its innermost courts, and remaineda kind of voluntary prisoner until the first burst of popular feelingshould subside. He trusted that it would soon pass away--that the peoplewould be too sensible of the sweets of peace to repine at the price atwhich it was obtained; at any rate, he trusted to the strong friendshipof the Christian sovereigns to secure him even against the factions ofhis subjects. 

The first missives from the politic Ferdinand showed Boabdil the valueof his friendship. The Christian monarch reminded him of a treaty whichhe had made when captured in the city of Loxa. By this he had engagedthat in case the Catholic sovereigns should capture the cities ofGuadix, Baza, and Almeria he would surrender Granada into their handswithin a limited time, and accept in exchange certain Moorish townsto be held by him as their vassal. Guadix, Baza, and Almeria had nowfallen; Ferdinand called upon him, therefore, to fulfil his engagement. 

If the unfortunate Boabdil had possessed the will, he had not the powerto comply with this demand. He was shut up in the Alhambra, while atempest of popular fury raged without. Granada was thronged by refugeesfrom the captured towns, many of them disbanded soldiers, and othersbroken-down citizens rendered fierce and desperate by ruin. All railedat him as the real cause of their misfortunes. How was he to ventureforth in such a storm? Above all, how was he to talk to such men ofsurrender? In his reply to Ferdinand he represented the difficulties ofhis situation, and that, so far from having control over his subjects, his very life was in danger from their turbulence. He entreated theking, therefore, to rest satisfied for the present with his recentconquests, promising that should he be able to regain full empire overhis capital and its inhabitants, it would be but to rule over them asvassal to the Castilian Crown. 

Ferdinand was not to be satisfied with such a reply. The time was cometo bring his game of policy to a close, and to consummate his conquestby seating himself on the throne of the Alhambra. Professing to considerBoabdil as a faithless ally who had broken his plighted word, hediscarded him from his friendship, and addressed a second letter, notto him, but to the commanders and council of the city. He demanded acomplete surrender of the place, with all the arms in the possessioneither of the citizens or of others who had recently taken refugewithin its walls. If the inhabitants should comply with this summons, hepromised them the indulgent terms granted to Baza, Guadix, and Almeria;if they should refuse, he threatened them with the fate of Malaga. *

 * Cura de los Palacios, cap. 96. 

This message produced the greatest commotion in the city. Theinhabitants of the Alcaiceria, that busy hive of traffic, and all otherswho had tasted the sweets of gainful commerce during the late cessationof hostilities, were for securing their golden advantages by timelysubmission: others, who had wives and children, looked on them withtenderness and solicitude, and dreaded by resistance to bring upon themthe horrors of slavery. 

On the other hand, Granada was crowded with men from all parts, ruined by the war, exasperated by their sufferings, and eager only forrevenge--with others who had been reared amidst hostilities, who hadlived by the sword, and whom a return of peace would leave without homeor hope. Besides these, there were others no less fiery and warlike indisposition, but animated by a loftier spirit. These were valiant andhaughty cavaliers of the old chivalrous lineages, who had inherited adeadly hatred to the Christians from a long line of warrior ancestors, and to whom the idea was worse than death that Granada--illustriousGranada, for ages the seat of Moorish grandeur and delight--shouldbecome the abode of unbelievers. 

Among these cavaliers the most eminent was Muza Abul Gazan. He was ofroyal lineage, of a proud and generous nature, and a form combiningmanly strength and beauty. None could excel him in the management ofthe horse and dextrous use of all kinds of weapons: his gracefulness andskill in the tourney were the theme of praise among the Moorish dames, and his prowess in the field had made him the terror of the enemy. He had long repined at the timid policy of Boabdil, and endeavored tocounteract its enervating effects and keep alive the martial spirit ofGranada. For this reason he had promoted jousts and tiltings with thereed, and all those other public games which bear the semblance of war. He endeavored also to inculcate into his companions-in-arms those highchivalrous sentiments which lead to valiant and magnanimous deeds, butwhich are apt to decline with the independence of a nation. The generousefforts of Muza had been in a great measure successful: he was the idolof the youthful cavaliers; they regarded him as a mirror of chivalry andendeavored to imitate his lofty and heroic virtues. 

When Muza heard the demand of Ferdinand that they should deliver uptheir arms, his eye flashed fire. "Does the Christian king think that weare old men, " said he, "and that staffs will suffice us? or that we arewomen, and can be contented with distaffs? Let him know that a Moor isborn to the spear and scimetar--to career the steed, bend the bow, andlaunch the javelin: deprive him of these, and you deprive him of hisnature. If the Christian king desires our arms, let him come and winthem, but let him win them dearly. For my part, sweeter were a gravebeneath the walls of Granada, on the spot I had died to defend, thanthe richest couch within her palaces earned by submission to theunbeliever. "

The words of Muza were received with enthusiastic shouts by the warlikepart of the populace. Granada once more awoke, as a warrior shaking offa disgraceful lethargy. The commanders and council partook of thepublic excitement, and despatched a reply to the Christian sovereigns, declaring that they would suffer death rather than surrender their city. 

CHAPTER LXXXIV. 

HOW FERDINAND TURNED HIS HOSTILITIES AGAINST THE CITY OF GRANADA. 

When King Ferdinand received the defiance of the Moors, he madepreparations for bitter hostilities. The winter season did not admit ofan immediate campaign; he contented himself, therefore, with throwingstrong garrisons into all his towns and fortresses in the neighborhoodof Granada, and gave the command of all the frontier of Jaen to InigoLopez de Mendoza, count of Tendilla, who had shown such consummatevigilance and address in maintaining the dangerous post of Alhama. Thisrenowned veteran established his head-quarters in the mountain-cityof Alcala la Real, within eight leagues of the city of Granada andcommanding the most important passes of that rugged frontier. 

In the mean time, Granada resounded with the stir of war. The chivalryof the nation had again control of its councils, and the populace, having once more resumed their weapons, were anxious to wipe out thedisgrace of their late passive submission by signal and daring exploits. 

Muza Abul Gazan was the soul of action. He commanded the cavalry, whichhe had disciplined with uncommon skill; he was surrounded by the noblestyouths of Granada, who had caught his own generous and martial fire andpanted for the field, while the common soldiers, devoted to his person, were ready to follow him in the most desperate enterprises. He did notallow their courage to cool for want of action. The gates of Granadaonce more poured forth legions of light scouring cavalry, which skirredthe country up to the very gates of the Christian fortresses, sweepingoff flocks and herds. The name of Muza became formidable throughout thefrontier; he had many encounters with the enemy in the rough passesof the mountains, in which the superior lightness and dexterity ofhis cavalry gave him the advantage. The sight of his glistening legionreturning across the Vega with long cavalgadas of booty was hailed bythe Moors as a revival of their ancient triumphs; but when they beheldChristian banners borne into their gates as trophies, the exultation ofthe light-minded populace was beyond all bounds. 

The winter passed away, the spring advanced, yet Ferdinand delayedto take the field. He knew the city of Granada to be too strong andpopulous to be taken by assault, and too full of provisions to bespeedily reduced by siege. "We must have patience and perseverance, "said the politic monarch; "by ravaging the country this year we shallproduce a scarcity the next, and then the city may be invested witheffect. "

An interval of peace, aided by the quick vegetation of a prolific soiland happy climate, had restored the Vega to all its luxuriance andbeauty; the green pastures on the borders of the Xenil were covered withflocks and herds; the blooming orchards gave promise of abundant fruit, and the open plain was waving with ripening corn. The time was athand to put in the sickle and reap the golden harvest, when suddenlya torrent of war came sweeping down from the mountains, and Ferdinand, with an army of five thousand horse and twenty thousand foot, appearedbefore the walls of Granada. He had left the queen and princess at thefortress of Moclin, and came attended by the duke of Medina Sidonia, themarques of Cadiz, the marques de Villena, the counts of Urena and Cabra, Don Alonso de Aguilar, and other renowned cavaliers. On this occasionhe for the first time led his son, Prince Juan, into the field, andbestowed upon him the dignity of knighthood. As if to stimulate him togrand achievements, the ceremony took place on the banks of the grandcanal almost beneath the embattled walls of that warlike city, theobject of such daring enterprises, and in the midst of that famous Vega, the field of so many chivalrous exploits. Above them shone resplendentthe red towers of the Alhambra, rising from amidst delicious groves, with the standard of Mahomet waving defiance to the Christian arms. 

The duke of Medina Sidonia and Roderigo Ponce de Leon, marques of Cadiz, were sponsors, and all the chivalry of the camp was assembled on theoccasion. The prince, after he was knighted, bestowed the same honor onseveral youthful cavaliers of high rank, just entering, like himself, onthe career of arms. 

Ferdinand did not loiter in carrying his desolating plans intoexecution. He detached parties in every direction to lay waste thecountry: villages were sacked, burnt, and destroyed, and the lovely Vegawas once more laid waste with fire and sword. The ravage was carried soclose to Granada that the city was wrapped in the smoke of its gardensand hamlets. The dismal cloud rolled up the hill and hung about thetowers of the Alhambra, where the unfortunate Boabdil still remainedshut up from the indignation of his subjects. The hapless monarch smotehis breast as he looked down from his mountain-palace on the desolationeffected by his late ally. He dared not even show himself in arms amongthe populace, for they cursed him as the cause of the miseries once morebrought to their doors. 

The Moors, however, did not suffer the Christians to carry on theirravages unmolested, as in former years. Muza incited them to incessantsallies. He divided his cavalry into small squadrons, each led by adaring commander. They were taught to hover round the Christian camp;to harass it from various and opposite quarters, cutting off convoys andstraggling detachments; to waylay the army in its ravaging expeditions, lurking among rocks and passes of the mountains or in hollows andthickets of the plain, and practising a thousand stratagems andsurprises. 

The Christian army had one day spread itself out rather unguardedly inits foraging about the Vega. As the troops commanded by the marques ofVillena approached the skirts of the mountains, they beheld a number ofMoorish peasants hastily driving a herd of cattle into a narrow glen. The soldiers, eager for booty, pressed in pursuit of them. Scarcely hadthey entered the glen when shouts arose from every side, and theywere furiously attacked by an ambuscade of horse and foot. Some ofthe Christians took to flight; others stood their ground and foughtvaliantly. The Moors had the vantage-ground; some showered darts andarrows from the cliffs of the rocks, others fought hand to hand on theplain, while their cavalry carried havoc and confusion into the midst ofthe Christian forces. 

The marques de Villena, with his brother, Don Alonso de Pacheco, at thefirst onset of the Moors spurred into the hottest of the fight. They hadscarce entered when Don Alonso was struck lifeless from his horse beforethe eyes of his brother. Estevan Luzon, a gallant captain, fell fightingbravely by the side of the marques, who remained, with his chamberlainSoler and a handful of knights, surrounded by the enemy. Severalcavaliers from other parts of the army hastened to their assistance, when King Ferdinand, seeing that the Moors had the vantage-ground andthat the Christians were suffering severely, gave signal for retreat. The marques obeyed slowly and reluctantly, for his heart was full ofgrief and rage at the death of his brother. As he was retiring he beheldhis faithful chamberlain Soler defending himself valiantly against sixMoors. The marques turned and rushed to his rescue; he killed two of theenemy with his own hand and put the rest to flight. One of the Moors, however, in retreating, rose in his stirrups, and, hurling his lance atthe marques, wounded him in the right arm and crippled him for life. *

 * In consequence of this wound the marques was ever after obligedto write his signature with his left hand, though capable of managinghis lance with his right. The queen one day demanded of him why hehad adventured his life for that of a domestic? "Does not Your Majestythink, " replied he, "that I ought to risk one life for him who wouldhave adventured three for me had he possessed them?" The queen wascharmed with the magnanimity of the reply, and often quoted the marquesas setting an heroic example to the chivalry of the age. --Mariana, lib. 25, c. 15. 

Such was one of the many ambuscadoes concerted by Muza; nor did hehesitate at times to present a bold front to the Christian forces anddefy them in the open field. Ferdinand soon perceived, however, thatthe Moors seldom provoked a battle without having the advantage of theground, and that, though the Christians generally appeared to have thevictory, they suffered the greatest loss; for retreating was a partof the Moorish system by which they would draw their pursuers intoconfusion, and then turn upon them with a more violent and fatal attack. He commanded his captains, therefore, to decline all challenges toskirmish, and pursue a secure system of destruction, ravaging thecountry and doing all possible injury to the enemy with slight risk tothemselves. 

CHAPTER LXXXV. 

THE FATE OF THE CASTLE OF ROMA. 

About two leagues from Granada, on an eminence commanding an extensiveview of the Vega, stood the strong Moorish castle of Roma. Hither theneighboring peasantry drove their flocks and herds and hurried withtheir most precious effects on the irruption of a Christian force, andany foraging or skirmishing party from Granada, on being intercepted intheir return, threw themselves into Roma, manned its embattled towers, and set the enemy at defiance. The garrison were accustomed to haveparties of Moors clattering up to their gates so hotly pursued thatthere was barely time to throw open the portal, receive them within, andshut out their pursuers; while the Christian cavaliers had many a timereined up their panting steeds at the very entrance of the barbican, and retired, cursing the strong walls of Roma that robbed them of theirprey. 

The late ravages of Ferdinand and the continual skirmishings in theVega had roused the vigilance of the castle. One morning early, as thesentinels kept watch upon the battlements, they beheld a cloud of dustadvancing rapidly from a distance: turbans and Moorish weapons sooncaught their eyes, and as the whole approached they descried a droveof cattle urged on in great haste and convoyed by one hundred and fiftyMoors, who led with them two Christian captives in chains. 

When the cavalgada arrived near the castle, a Moorish cavalier of nobleand commanding mien and splendid attire rode up to the foot of the towerand entreated admittance. He stated that they were returning with richbooty from a foray into the lands of the Christians, but that the enemywas on their traces, and they feared to be overtaken before they couldreach Granada. The sentinels descended in all haste and flung open thegates. The long cavalgada defiled into the courts of the castle, which were soon filled with bleating and lowing flocks and herds, withneighing and stamping steeds, and with fierce-looking Moors from themountains. The cavalier who had asked admission was the chief of theparty; he was somewhat advanced in life, of a lofty and gallant bearing, and had with him a son, a young man of great spirit and fire. Closeby them followed the two Christian captives, with looks cast down anddisconsolate. 

The soldiers of the garrison had roused themselves from their sleep, andwere busily occupied attending to the cattle which crowded the courts, while the foraging party distributed themselves about the castle toseek refreshment or repose. Suddenly a shout arose that was echoedfrom courtyard and hall and battlement. The garrison, astonished andbewildered, would have rushed to their arms, but found themselves, almost before they could make resistance, completely in the power of anenemy. 

The pretended foraging party consisted of mudexares, or Moors tributaryto the Christians, and the commanders were the prince Cid Hiaya and hisson Alnayar. They had hastened from the mountains with this small forceto aid the Catholic sovereigns during the summer's campaign, and hadconcerted to surprise this important castle and present it to KingFerdinand as a gage of their faith and the first fruits of theirdevotion. 

The politic monarch overwhelmed his new converts and allies with favorsand distinctions in return for this important acquisition, but he tookcare to despatch a strong force of veteran and genuine Christian troopsto man the fortress. 

As to the Moors who had composed the garrison, Cid Hiaya remembered thatthey were his countrymen, and could not prevail upon himself to deliverthem into Christian bondage. He set them at liberty, and permittedthem to repair to Granada--"a proof, " says the pious Agapida, "that hisconversion was not entirely consummated, but that there were stillsome lingerings of the infidel in his heart. " His lenity was far fromprocuring him indulgence in the opinions of his countrymen; on thecontrary, the inhabitants of Granada, when they learnt from theliberated garrison the stratagem by which Roma had been captured, cursedCid Hiaya for a traitor, and the garrison joined in the malediction. *

 * Pulgar, Cron. , part 3, cap. 130; Cura de los Palacios, cap. 90. 

But the indignation of the people of Granada was destined to be rousedto tenfold violence. The old warrior Muley Abdallah el Zagal had retiredto his little mountain-territory, and for a short time endeavored toconsole himself with his petty title of king of Andarax. He soon grewimpatient, however, of the quiet and inaction of his mimic kingdom. His fierce spirit was exasperated by being shut up within such narrowlimits, and his hatred rose to downright fury against Boabdil, whom heconsidered as the cause of his downfall. When tidings were broughthim that King Ferdinand was laying waste the Vega, he took a suddenresolution. Assembling the whole disposable force of his kingdom, whichamounted but to two hundred men, he descended from the Alpuxarras andsought the Christian camp, content to serve as a vassal the enemy of hisfaith and his nation, so that he might see Granada wrested from the swayof his nephew. 

In his blind passion the old wrathful monarch injured his cause andstrengthened the cause of his adversary. The Moors of Granada had beenclamorous in his praise, extolling him as a victim to his patriotism, and had refused to believe all reports of his treaty with theChristians; but when they beheld from the walls of the city his bannermingling with the banners of the unbelievers and arrayed against hislate people and the capital he had commanded, they broke forth intorevilings and heaped curses upon his name. 

Their next emotion, of course, was in favor of Boabdil. They gatheredunder the walls of the Alhambra and hailed him as their only hope, asthe sole dependence of the country. Boabdil could scarcely believe hissenses when he heard his name mingled with praises and greeted withacclamations. Encouraged by this unexpected gleam of popularity, heventured forth from his retreat and was received with rapture. All hispast errors were attributed to the hardships of his fortune and theusurpation of his tyrant uncle, and whatever breath the populace couldspare from uttering curses on El Zagal was expended in shouts in honorof El Chico. 

CHAPTER LXXXVI. 

HOW BOABDIL EL CHICO TOOK THE FIELD, AND HIS EXPEDITION AGAINSTALHENDIN. 

For thirty days had the Vega been overrun by the Christian forces, andthat vast plain, late so luxuriant and beautiful, was one wide scene ofdesolation. The destroying army, having accomplished its task, passedover the bridge of Pinos and wound up into the mountains on the way toCordova, bearing away the spoils of towns and villages and driving offflocks and herds in long dusty columns. The sound of the last Christiantrumpet died away along the side of the mountain of Elvira, and not ahostile squadron was seen glistening on the mournful fields of the Vega. 

The eyes of Boabdil el Chico were at length opened to the real policy ofKing Ferdinand, and he saw that he had no longer anything to dependupon but the valor of his arm. No time was to be lost in hastening tocounteract the effect of the late Christian ravage and

in opening the channel for distant supplies to Granada. 

Scarcely had the retiring squadrons of Ferdinand disappeared among themountains when Boabdil buckled on his armor, sallied forth from theAlhambra, and prepared to take the field. When the populace beheld himactually in arms against his late ally, both parties thronged with zealto his standard. The hardy inhabitants also of the Sierra Nevada, orchain of snow-capped mountains which rise above Granada, descended fromtheir heights and hastened into the city gates to proffer their devotionto their youthful king. The great square of the Vivarrambla shonewith legions of cavalry decked with the colors and devices of the mostancient Moorish families, and marshalled forth by the patriot Muza tofollow the king to battle. 

It was on the 15th of June that Boabdil once more issued forth from thegates of Granada on martial enterprise. A few leagues from the city, within full view of it, and at the entrance of the Alpuxarras mountains, stood the powerful castle of Alhendin. It was built on an eminencerising from the midst of a small town, and commanding a great part ofthe Vega and the main road to the rich valleys of the Alpuxarras. Thecastle was commanded by a valiant Christian cavalier named Mendo deQuexada, and garrisoned by two hundred and fifty men, all seasoned andexperienced warriors. It was a continual thorn in the side of Granada:the laborers of the Vega were swept off from their fields by its hardysoldiers; convoys were cut off in the passes of the mountains; and, asthe garrison commanded a full view of the gates of the city, no band ofmerchants could venture forth on their needful journeys without beingswooped up by the war-hawks of Alhendin. 

It was against this important fortress that Boabdil first led histroops, and for six days and nights it was closely besieged. Thealcayde and his veteran garrison defended themselves valiantly, but wereexhausted by fatigue and constant watchfulness; for the Moors, beingcontinually relieved by fresh troops from Granada, kept up an unremittedand vigorous attack. Twice the barbican was forced, and twice theassailants were driven forth headlong with excessive loss. The garrison, however, was diminished in number by the killed and wounded; there wereno longer soldiers sufficient to man the walls and gateway; and thebrave alcayde was compelled to retire with his surviving force tothe keep of the castle, in which he continued to make a desperateresistance. 

The Moors now approached the foot of the tower under shelter of woodenscreens covered with wet hides to ward off missiles and combustibles. They went to work vigorously to undermine the tower, placing props ofwood under the foundations, to be afterward set on fire, so as to givethe besiegers time to escape before the edifice should fall. Some ofthe Moors plied their crossbows and arquebuses to defend the workmenand drive the Christians from the walls, while the latter showereddown stones and darts and melted pitch and flaming combustibles on theminers. 

The brave Mendo de Quexada had cast many an anxious eye across the Vegain hopes of seeing some Christian force hastening to his assistance. Nota gleam of spear or helm was to be descried, for no one had dreamt ofthis sudden irruption of the Moors. The alcayde beheld his bravestmen dead or wounded around him, while the remainder were sinking withwatchfulness and fatigue. In defiance of all opposition, the Moors hadaccomplished their mine; the fire was brought before the walls thatwas to be applied to the stanchions in case the garrison persisted indefence. In a little while the tower would crumble beneath him, and berent and hurled a ruin to the plain. At the very last moment the bravealcayde made the signal of surrender. He marched forth with theremnant of his veteran garrison, who were all made prisoners. Boabdilimmediately ordered the walls of the fortress to be razed and fire tobe applied to the stanchions, that the place might never again become astronghold to the Christians and a scourge to Granada. The alcayde andhis fellow-captives were led in dejected convoy across the Vega, whenthey heard a tremendous crash behind them. They turned to look upontheir late fortress, but beheld nothing but a heap of tumbling ruins anda vast column of smoke and dust where once had stood the lofty tower ofAlhendin. 

CHAPTER LXXXVII. 

EXPLOIT OF THE COUNT DE TENDILLA. 

Boabdil el Chico followed up his success by capturing the two fortressesof Marchena and Albolodny, belonging to Cid Hiaya; he also sent hisalfaquis in every direction to proclaim a holy war and to summon alltrue Moslems of town or castle, mountain or valley, to saddle steed andbuckle on armor and hasten to the standard of the faith. The tidingsspread far and wide that Boabdil el Chico was once more in the field andwas victorious. The Moors of various places, dazzled by this gleam ofsuccess, hastened to throw off their sworn allegiance to the CastilianCrown and to elevate the standard of Boabdil, and the youthful monarchflattered himself that the whole kingdom was on the point of returningto its allegiance. 

The fiery cavaliers of Granada, eager to renew those forays into theChristian lands in which they had formerly delighted, concerted anirruption to the north, into the territory of Jaen, to harass thecountry about Quezada. They had heard of a rich convoy of merchants andwealthy travellers on the way to the city of Baza, and anticipated aglorious conclusion to their foray in capturing this convoy. 

Assembling a number of horsemen, lightly armed and fleetly mounted, andone hundred foot-soldiers, they issued forth by night from Granada, madetheir way in silence through the defiles of the mountains, crossed thefrontier without opposition, and suddenly appeared, as if fallen fromthe clouds, in the very heart of the Christian country. 

The mountainous frontier which separates Granada from Jaen was at thistime under the command of the count de Tendilla, the same veteran whohad distinguished himself by his vigilance and sagacity when commandingthe fortress of Alhama. He held his head-quarters at the city of Alcalala Real, in its impregnable fortress perched high among the mountains, about six leagues from Granada, and dominating all the frontier. Fromthis cloud-capt hold he kept an eagle eye upon Granada, and had hisscouts and spies in all directions, so that a crow could not fly overthe border without his knowledge. His fortress was a place of refuge forthe Christian captives who escaped by night from the Moorish dungeonsof Granada. Often, however, they missed their way in the defiles of themountains, and, wandering about bewildered, either repaired by mistaketo some Moorish town or were discovered and retaken at daylight by theenemy. To prevent these accidents, the count had a tower built athis own expense on the top of one of the heights near Alcala, whichcommanded a view of the Vega and the surrounding country. Here he kepta light blazing throughout the night as a beacon for all Christianfugitives to guide them to a place of safety. 

The count was aroused one night from his repose by shouts and crieswhich came up from the town and approached the castle walls. "To arms!to arms! the Moor is over the border!" was the cry. A Christian soldier, pale and emaciated, who still bore traces of Moorish chains, was broughtbefore the count. He had been taken as guide by the Moorish cavalierswho had sallied from Granada, but had escaped from them among themountains, and after much wandering had found his way to Alcala by thesignal-fire. 

Notwithstanding the bustle and agitation of the moment, the count deTendilla listened calmly and attentively to the account of the fugitive, and questioned him minutely as to the time of departure of the Moors andthe rapidity and direction of their march. He saw that it was too lateto prevent their incursion and ravage, but he determined to await themand give them a warm reception on their return. His soldiers were alwayson the alert and ready to take the field at a moment's warning. Choosingone hundred and fifty lances, hardy and valiant men, well disciplinedand well seasoned--as indeed were all his troops--he issued forthquietly before break of day, and, descending through the defiles of themountains, stationed his little force in ambush in a deep barranca, ordry channel of a torrent near Barzina, but three leagues from Granada, on the road by which the marauders would have to return. In the meantime he sent out scouts to post themselves upon different heights andlook out for the approach of the enemy. 

All day they remained concealed in the ravine and for a great part ofthe following night; not a Moor, however, was to be seen, exceptingnow and then a peasant returning from his labor or a solitary muleteerhastening toward Granada. The cavaliers of the count began to growrestless and impatient, fearing that the enemy might have taken someother route or might have received intelligence of their ambuscade. Theyurged the count to abandon the enterprise and return to Alcala. "Weare here, " said they, "almost at the gates of the Moorish capital, ourmovements may have been descried, and before we are aware Granadamay pour forth its legions of swift cavalry and crush us with anoverwhelming force. " The count, however, persisted in remaining untilhis scouts should come in. About two hours before daybreak there weresignal-fires on certain Moorish watch-towers of the mountains. Whilethey were regarding these with anxiety the scouts came hurrying into theravine. "The Moors are approaching, " said they; "we have reconnoitredthem near at hand. They are between one and two hundred strong, butencumbered with many prisoners and much booty. " The Christian cavalierslaid their ears to the ground and heard the distant tramp of horsesand the tread of foot-soldiers. They mounted their horses, braced theirshields, couched their lances, and drew near to the entrance of theravine where it opened upon the road. 

The Moors had succeeded in waylaying and surprising the Christian convoyon its way to Baza. They had captured a great number of prisoners, maleand female, with great store of gold and jewels and sumpter mules ladenwith rich merchandise. With these they had made a forced march over thedangerous parts of the mountains, but now, finding themselves so near toGranada, fancied themselves in perfect security. They loitered along theroad, therefore, irregularly and slowly, some singing, others laughingand exulting at having eluded the boasted vigilance of the count deTendilla, while ever and anon was heard the plaint of some femalecaptive bewailing the jeopardy of her honor or the heavy sighing of themerchant at beholding his property in the grasp of ruthless spoilers. 

The count waited until some of the escort had passed the ravine; then, giving the signal for assault, his cavaliers set up great shouts andcries and charged into the centre of the foe. The obscurity of the placeand the hour added to the terrors of the surprise. The Moors were throwninto confusion; some rallied, fought desperately, and fell covered withwounds. Thirty-six were killed and fifty-five were made prisoners; therest under cover of the darkness made their escape to the rocks anddefiles of the mountains. 

The good count unbound the prisoners, gladdening the hearts of themerchants by restoring to them their merchandise. To the female captivesalso he restored the jewels of which they had been despoiled, exceptingsuch as had been lost beyond recovery. Forty-five saddle horses of thechoice Barbary breed remained as captured spoils of the Moors, together with costly armor and booty of various kinds. Having collectedeverything in haste and arranged his cavalgada, the count urged hisway with all speed for Alcala la Real, lest he should be pursued andovertaken by the Moors of Granada. As he wound up the steep ascent tohis mountain-city the inhabitants poured forth to meet him with shoutsof joy. His triumph was doubly enhanced by being received at the gatesof the city by his wife, the daughter of the marques of Villena, a ladyof distinguished merit, whom he had not seen for two years, during whichhe had been separated from his home by the arduous duties of these ironwars. 

We have yet another act to relate of this good count de Tendilla, whowas in truth a mirror of knightly virtue. One day a Christian soldier, just escaped from captivity in Granada, brought word to the count thatan illustrious damsel named Fatima, niece of the alcayde Aben Comixa, was to leave the city on a certain day, escorted by a numerous party ofrelatives and friends of distinguished rank, on a journey to Almunecar, there to embark for the African coast to celebrate her nuptials with thealcayde of Tetuan. This was too brilliant a prize to be neglected. Thecount accordingly sallied forth with a light company of cavalry, and, descending the defiles of the mountains, stationed himself behind therocky sierra of Elvira, not far from the eventful bridge of Pinos, within a few short miles of Granada. Hence he detached Alonso deCardenas Ulloa, with fifty light horsemen, to post himself in ambush bythe road the bridal party had to travel. After a time the latter came insight, proving less numerous than had been expected, for the damselwas escorted merely by four armed domestics and accompanied by a fewrelatives and two female attendants. The whole party was surrounded andcaptured almost without resistance, and carried off to the count at thebridge of Pinos. The good count conveyed his beautiful captive to hisstronghold at Alcala, where he treated her and her companions with allthe delicacy and respect due to their rank and to his own character as acourteous cavalier. 

The tidings of the capture of his niece gave poignant affliction to thevizier Aben Comixa. His royal master, Boabdil, of whom he was the primefavorite and confidential adviser, sympathized in his distress. With hisown hand he wrote a letter to the count, offering in exchange for thefair Fatima one hundred Christian captives to be chosen from thosedetained in Granada. This royal letter was sent by Don Francisco deZuniga, an Aragonese cavalier, whom Aben Comixa held in captivity, andwho was set at liberty for the purpose. 

On receiving the letter of Boabdil the count de Tendilla at once gavefreedom to the Moorish maid, making her a magnificent present of jewels, and sending her and her companions under honorable escort to the verygates of Granada. 

Boabdil, exceeding his promises, immediately set free twenty captivepriests, one hundred and thirty Castilian and Aragonian cavaliers, anda number of peasant-women. His favorite and vizier, Aben Comixa, wasso rejoiced at the liberation of his niece, and so struck with thechivalrous conduct of her captor, that he maintained from that day aconstant and amicable correspondence with the count de Tendilla, andbecame in the hands of the latter one of the most efficacious agents inbringing the war of Granada to a triumphant close. *

 * This interesting anecdote of the count de Tendilla, which is a keyto the subsequent conduct of the vizier Aben Comixa, and had a singularinfluence on the fortunes of Boabdil and his kingdom, is originallygiven in a manuscript history of the counts of Tendilla, written aboutthe middle of the sixteenth century by Gabriel Rodriguez de Ardila, a Granadine clergyman. It has been brought to light recently by theresearches of Alcantara for his History of Granada (vol. 4, cap. 18). 

CHAPTER LXXXVIII. 

EXPEDITION OF BOABDIL EL CHICO AGAINST SALOBRENA. --EXPLOIT OF HERNANPEREZ DEL PULGAR. 

King Boabdil found that his diminished territory was too closelydominated by Christian fortresses like Alcala la Real, and too strictlywatched by vigilant alcaydes like the count of Tendilla, to be able tomaintain itself by internal resources. His foraging expeditions wereliable to be intercepted and defeated, while the ravage of the Vega hadswept off everything on which the city depended for future sustenance. He felt the want of a seaport through which, as formerly, he might keepopen a communication with Africa and obtain reinforcements and suppliesfrom beyond the sea. All the ports and harbors were in the hands ofthe Christians, and Granada and its remnant of dependent territory werecompletely landlocked. 

In this emergency the attention of Boabdil was called by circumstancesto the seaport of Salobrena. This redoubtable town has already beenmentioned in this chronicle as a place deemed impregnable by the Moors, insomuch that their kings were accustomed in time of peril to keep theirtreasures in its citadel. It was situated on a high rocky hilldividing one of those rich little vegas or plains which lie open to theMediterranean, but run like deep green bays into the stern bosoms of themountains. The vega was covered with beautiful vegetation, with rice andcotton, with groves of oranges, citrons, figs, and mulberries, andwith gardens enclosed by hedges of reeds, of aloes, and the Indian fig. Running streams of cool water from the springs and snows of the SierraNevada kept this delightful valley continually fresh and verdant, whileit was almost locked up by mountain-barriers and lofty promontoriesstretching far into the sea. 

Through the centre of this rich vega the rock of Salobrena reared itsrugged back, nearly dividing the plain and advancing to the margin ofthe sea, with just a strip of sandy beach at its foot laved by the bluewaves of the Mediterranean. 

The town covered the ridge and sides of the rocky hill, and wasfortified by strong walls and towers, while on the highest and mostprecipitate part stood the citadel, a huge castle that seemed to form apart of the living rock, the massive ruins of which at the present dayattract the gaze of the traveller as he winds his way far below alongthe road through the vega. 

This important fortress had been entrusted to the command of DonFrancisco Ramirez de Madrid, captain-general of the artillery and themost scientific of all the Spanish leaders. That experienced veteran, however, was with the king at Cordova, having left a valiant cavalier asalcayde of the place. 

Boabdil had full information of the state of the garrison and theabsence of its commander. Putting himself at the head of a powerfulforce, therefore, he departed from Granada, and made a rapid marchthrough the mountains, hoping to seize upon Salobrena before KingFerdinand could come to its assistance. 

The inhabitants of Salobrena were mudexares, or Moors who had swornallegiance to the Christians. Still, when they heard the sound of theMoorish drums and trumpets, and beheld the squadrons of their countrymenadvancing across the vega, their hearts yearned toward the standard oftheir nation and their faith. A tumult arose in the place; the populaceshouted the name of Boabdil el Chico and, throwing open the gates, admitted him within the walls. 

The Christian garrison was too few in number to contend for thepossession of the town: they retreated to the citadel and shutthemselves within its massive walls, which were considered impregnable. Here they maintained a desperate defence, hoping to hold out untilsuccor should arrive from the neighboring fortresses. 

The tidings that Salobrena was invested by the Moorish king spreadalong the sea-coast and filled the Christians with alarm. Don FranciscoEnriquez, uncle of the king, commanded the city of Velez Malaga, abouttwelve leagues distant, but separated by ranges of those vast rockymountains which are piled along the Mediterranean and tower in steeppromontories and precipices above its waves. 

Don Francisco summoned the alcaydes of his district to hasten with himto the relief of this important fortress. A number of cavaliers andtheir retainers answered to his call, among whom was Hernan Perez delPulgar, surnamed "El de las hazanas" (He of the exploits)--the same whohad signalized himself in a foray by elevating a handkerchief on a lancefor a banner and leading on his disheartened comrades to victory. Assoon as Don Francisco beheld a little band collected round him, heset out with all speed for Salobrena. The march was rugged and severe, climbing and descending immense mountains, and sometimes winding alongthe edge of giddy precipices, with the surges of the sea raging farbelow. When Don Francisco arrived with his followers at the loftypromontory that stretches along one side of the little vega ofSalobrena, he looked down with sorrow and anxiety upon a Moorish army ofgreat force encamped at the foot of the fortress, while Moorish bannerson various parts of the walls proved that the town was already inpossession of the infidels. A solitary Christian standard alone floatedon the top of the castle-keep, showing that the brave garrison werehemmed up in their rock-built citadel. They were, in fact, reduced togreat extremity through want of water and provisions. 

Don Francisco found it impossible, with his small force, to make anyimpression on the camp of the Moors or to get to the relief of thecastle. He stationed his little band upon a rocky height near the sea, where they were safe from the assaults of the enemy. The sight of hisfriendly banner waving in their neighborhood cheered the heart of thegarrison, and gave them assurance of speedy succor from the king, whilethe hostile menaces of Don Francisco served to check the attacks of theMoors upon the citadel. 

In the mean time, Hernan Perez del Pulgar, who always burned todistinguish himself by bold and striking exploits, had discovered in thecourse of his prowlings a postern gate of the castle opening upon thesteep part of the rocky hill looking toward the mountains. The thoughtoccurred to him that by a bold dash at a favorable moment this posternmight be attained and succor thrown into the castle. He pointed theplace out to his comrades. "Who will follow my banner, " said he, "andmake a dash for yonder postern?" A bold proposition in time of warfarenever wants for bold spirits to accept it. Seventy resolute menstepped forward to second him. Pulgar chose the early daybreak for hisenterprise, when the Moors, just aroused from sleep, were changing guardand making the various arrangements of the morning. Favored by thesemovements and the drowsiness of the hour, Pulgar approached the Moorishline silently and steadily, most of his followers armed with crossbowsand espingardas, or muskets. Then, suddenly making an onset, they brokethrough a weak part of the camp before the alarm had spread throughthe army, and succeeded in fighting their way up to the gate, which waseagerly thrown open to receive them. 

The garrison, roused to new spirit by this unlooked-for reinforcement, was enabled to make a more vigorous resistance. The Moors, however, whoknew there was a great scarcity of water in the castle, exulted in theidea that this additional number of warriors would soon exhaust thecisterns and compel a surrender. Pulgar, hearing of this hope, causeda bucket of water to be lowered from the battlements and threw a silvercup in bravado to the Moors. 

The garrison, in truth, suffered intensely from thirst, while, totantalize them in their sufferings, they beheld limpid streams windingin abundance through the green plain below them. They began to fearthat all succor would arrive too late, when one day they beheld a littlesquadron of vessels far at sea, but standing toward the shore. Therewas some doubt at first whether it might not be a hostile armament fromAfrica, but as it approached they descried, to their great joy, thebanner of Castile. 

It was a reinforcement, brought in all haste by the governor of thefortress, Don Francisco Ramirez. The squadron anchored at a steeprocky island which rises from the very margin of the smooth sandy beachdirectly in front of the rock of Salobrena and stretches out into thesea. On this island Ramirez landed his men, and was as strongly postedas if in a fortress. His force was too scanty to attempt a battle, buthe assisted to harass and distract the besiegers. Whenever King Boabdilmade an attack upon the fortress his camp was assailed on one side bythe troops of Ramirez, who landed from their island, and on another bythose of Don Francisco Enriquez, who swept down from their rock, while Hernan del Pulgar kept up a brave defence from every tower andbattlement of the castle. 

The attention of the Moorish king was diverted also, for a time, byan ineffectual attempt to relieve the little port of Adra, which hadrecently declared in his favor, but which had been recaptured for theChristians by Cid Hiaya and his son Alnayar. Thus, the unlucky Boabdil, bewildered on every hand, lost all the advantage that he had gained byhis rapid march from Granada. While he was yet besieging the obstinatecitadel, tidings were brought him that King Ferdinand was in full marchwith a powerful host to its assistance. There was no time for furtherdelay: he made a furious attack with all his forces upon the castle, butwas again repulsed by Pulgar and his coadjutors, when, abandoning thesiege in despair, he retreated with his army, lest King Ferdinand shouldget between him and his capital. On his way back to Granada, however, hein some sort consoled himself for his late disappointment by overrunninga part of the territories and possessions lately assigned to his uncleEl Zagal and to Cid Hiaya. He defeated their alcaydes, destroyed severalof their fortresses, burnt their villages, and, leaving the countrybehind him reeking and smoking with his vengeance, returned withconsiderable booty to repose himself within the walls of the Alhambra. *

 * Pulgar, Cron. , p. 3, c. 131; Cura de los Palacios, cap. 97. 

CHAPTER LXXXIX. 

HOW KING FERDINAND TREATED THE PEOPLE OF GUADIX, AND HOW EL ZAGALFINISHED HIS REGAL CAREER. 

Scarcely had Boabdil (11) ensconced himself in his capital when KingFerdinand, at the head of seven thousand horse and twenty thousand foot, again appeared in the Vega. He had set out in all haste from Cordovato the relief of Salobrena, but hearing on his march that the siege wasraised, he turned to make a second ravage round the walls of devotedGranada. His present forage lasted fifteen days, in the course of whichalmost everything that had escaped his former desolating visit wasdestroyed, and scarce a green thing or a living animal was left on theface of the land. The Moors sallied frequently and fought desperately indefence of their fields, but the work of destruction was accomplished, and Granada, once the queen of gardens, was left surrounded by a desert. 

Ferdinand next hastened to crush a conspiracy in the cities of Guadix, Baza, and Almeria. These recently conquered places had entered intosecret correspondence with Boabdil, inviting him to march to theirgates, promising to rise upon the Christian garrisons, seize upon thecitadels, and surrender them into his power. The marques of Villena hadreceived notice of the conspiracy, and suddenly thrown himself with alarge force into Guadix. Under pretence of a review of the inhabitantshe made them sally forth into the fields before the city. When the wholeMoorish population capable of bearing arms was thus without the walls, he ordered the gates to be closed. He then permitted them to enter twoby two and three by three, and take forth their wives, children, andeffects. The houseless Moors were fain to make themselves temporaryhovels in the gardens and orchards about the city; they were clamorousin their complaints at being thus excluded from their homes, but weretold they must wait with patience until the charges against them couldbe investigated and the pleasure of the king be known. *

 * Zurita, lib. --, c. 85; Cura de los Palacios, c. 97. 

When Ferdinand arrived at Guadix, he found the unhappy Moors in theircabins among the orchards. They complained bitterly of the deceptionpractised upon them, and implored permission to return into the city andlive peaceably in their dwellings, as had been promised them in theirarticles of capitulation. 

King Ferdinand listened graciously to their complaints. "My friends, "said he in reply, "I have been informed that there has been a conspiracyamong you to kill my alcayde and garrison and to take part with myenemy, the king of Granada. I shall make a thorough investigation ofthis conspiracy. Those among you who shall be proved innocent shall berestored to their dwellings, but the guilty shall incur the penalty oftheir offences. As I wish, however, to proceed with mercy as well asjustice, I now give you your choice--either to depart at once withoutfurther question, going wherever you please, and taking with you yourfamilies and effects under an assurance of safety, or to deliver upthose who are guilty, not one of whom, I give you my royal word, shallescape punishment. "

When the people of Guadix heard these words they communed amongthemselves; and, as most of them (says the worthy Agapida) were eitherculpable or feared to be considered so, they accepted the alternativeand departed sorrowfully, they and their wives and their little ones. "Thus, " in the words of that excellent and contemporary historian AndresBernaldez, commonly called the curate of Los Palacios, --"thus did theking deliver Guadix from the hands of the enemies of our holy faithafter seven hundred and seventy years that it had been in theirpossession, ever since the time of Roderick the Goth; and this was oneof the mysteries of our Lord, who would not consent that the city shouldremain longer in the power of the Moors"--a pious and sage remark whichis quoted with peculiar approbation by the worthy Agapida. 

King Ferdinand offered similar alternatives to the Moors of Baza, Almeria, and other cities accused of participation in this conspiracy, who generally preferred to abandon their homes rather than incur therisk of an investigation. Most of them relinquished Spain as a countrywhere they could no longer live in security and independence, anddeparted with their families for Africa; such as remained were sufferedto live in villages and hamlets and other unwalled places. *

 * Garibay, lib. 13, cap. 39; Pulgar, part 3, cap. 132. 

While Ferdinand was thus occupied at Guadix, dispensing justice andmercy and receiving cities in exchange, the old monarch, Muley Abdallah, surnamed El Zagal, appeared before him. He was haggard with care andalmost crazed with passion. He had found his little territory of Andaraxand his two thousand subjects as difficult to govern as had been thedistracted kingdom of Granada. The charm which had bound the Moors tohim was broken when he appeared in arms under the banner of Ferdinand. He had returned from his inglorious campaign with his petty army of twohundred men, followed by the execrations of the people of Granada andthe secret repining of those he had led into the field. No sooner hadhis subjects heard of the successes of Boabdil el Chico than theyhad seized their arms, assembled tumultuously, declared for the youngmonarch, and threatened the life of El Zagal. * The unfortunate oldking had with difficulty evaded their fury; and this last lesson seemedentirely to have cured him of his passion for sovereignty. He nowentreated Ferdinand to purchase the towns and castles and otherpossessions which had been granted to him, offering them at a low rate, and begging safe passage for himself and his followers to Africa. KingFerdinand graciously complied with his wishes. He purchased of himthree-and-twenty towns and villages in the valleys of Andarax andAlhaurin, for which he gave him five millions of maravedis. El Zagalrelinquished his right to one-half of the salinas or salt-pits of Malahain favor of his brother-in-law, Cid Hiaya. Having thus disposed of hispetty empire and possessions, he packed up all his treasure, of which hehad a great amount, and, followed by many Moorish families, passed overto Africa. **

 * Cura de los Palacios, cap. 97. 

 * *Conde, part 4, cap. 41. 

And here let us cast an eye beyond the present period of our chronicle, and trace the remaining career of El Zagal. His short and turbulentreign and disastrous end would afford a wholesome lesson to unprincipledambition, were not all ambition of the kind fated to be blind to preceptand example. When he arrived in Africa, instead of meeting with kindnessand sympathy, he was seized and thrown into prison by the caliph of Fez, Benimerin, as though he had been his vassal. He was accused of being thecause of the dissensions and downfall of the kingdom of Granada, and, the accusation being proved to the satisfaction of the king of Fez, hecondemned the unhappy El Zagal to perpetual darkness. A basin of glowingcopper was passed before his eyes, which effectually destroyed hissight. His wealth, which had probably been the secret cause of thesecruel measures, was confiscated and seized upon by his oppressor, and ElZagal was thrust forth, blind, helpless, and destitute, upon the world. In this wretched condition the late Moorish monarch groped his waythrough the regions of Tingitania until he reached the city of Velez dela Gomera. The emir of Velez had formerly been his ally, and felt somemovement of compassion at his present altered and abject state. Hegave him food and raiment and suffered him to remain unmolested in hisdominions. Death, which so often hurries off the prosperous and happyfrom the midst of untasted pleasures, spares, on the other hand, themiserable to drain the last drop of his cup of bitterness. El Zagaldragged out a wretched existence of many years in the city of Velez. Hewandered about blind and disconsolate, an object of mingled scorn andpity, and bearing above his raiment a parchment on which was written inArabic, "This is the unfortunate king of Andalusia. "*

 * Marmol, De Rebelione Maur. , lib. 1, cap. 16; Padraza, Hist. Granad. , part 3, c. 4; Suarez, Hist. Obisp. De Guadix y Baza, cap. 10. 

CHAPTER XC. 

PREPARATIONS OF GRANADA FOR A DESPERATE DEFENCE. 

How is thy strength departed, O Granada! how is thy beauty witheredand despoiled, O city of groves and fountains! The commerce that oncethronged thy streets is at an end; the merchant no longer hastens tothy gates with the luxuries of foreign lands. The cities which once paidthee tribute are wrested from thy sway; the chivalry which filled thyVivarrambla with sumptuous pageantry have fallen in many battles. TheAlhambra still rears its ruddy towers from the midst of groves, butmelancholy reigns in its marble halls, and the monarch looks down fromhis lofty balconies upon a naked waste where once extended the bloomingglories of the Vega!

Such is the lament of the Moorish writers over the lamentable state ofGranada, now a mere phantom of former greatness. The two ravages ofthe Vega, following so closely upon each other, had swept off all theproduce of the year, and the husbandman had no longer the heart to tillthe field, seeing the ripening harvest only brought the spoiler to hisdoor. 

During the winter season Ferdinand made diligent preparations for thecampaign that was to decide the fate of Granada. As this war was wagedpurely for the promotion of the Christian faith, he thought it meet thatits enemies should bear the expenses. He levied, therefore, a generalcontribution upon the Jews throughout his kingdom by synagogues anddistricts, and obliged them to render in the proceeds at the city ofSeville. *

 * Garibay, lib. 18, c. 39. 

On the 11th of April, Ferdinand and Isabella departed for the Moorishfrontier, with the solemn determination to lay close siege to Granadaand never quit its walls until they had planted the standard of thefaith on the towers of the Alhambra. Many of the nobles of the kingdom, particularly those from parts remote from the scene of action, weariedby the toils of war and foreseeing that this would be a tedious siege, requiring patience and vigilance rather than hardy deeds of arms, contented themselves with sending their vassals, while they stayed athome to attend to their domains. Many cities furnished soldiers attheir cost, and the king took the field with an army of forty thousandinfantry and ten thousand horse. The principal captains who followed himin this campaign were Roderigo Ponce de Leon, the marques of Cadiz, the master of Santiago, the marques of Villena, the counts of Tendilla, Cifuentes, Cabra, and Urena, and Don Alonso de Aguilar. 

Queen Isabella, accompanied by her son the prince Juan and theprincesses Juana, Maria, and Cathalina, her daughters, proceeded toAlcala la Real, the mountain-fortress and stronghold of the count deTendilla. Here she remained to forward supplies to the army, and to beready to repair to the camp whenever her presence might be required. 

The army of Ferdinand poured into the Vega by various defiles of themountains, and on the 23d of April the royal tent was pitched at avillage called Los Ojos de Huescar, about a league and a half fromGranada. At the approach of this formidable force the harassedinhabitants turned pale, and even many of the warriors trembled, forthey felt that the last desperate struggle was at hand. 

Boabdil el Chico assembled his council in the Alhambra, from the windowsof which they could behold the Christian squadrons glistening throughclouds of dust as they poured along the Vega. The utmost confusion andconsternation reigned in the council. Many of the members, terrifiedwith the horrors impending over their families, advised Boabdil to throwhimself upon the generosity of the Christian monarch: even several ofthe bravest suggested the possibility of obtaining honorable terms. 

The wazir of the city, Abul Casim Abdel Melic was called upon to reportthe state of the public means for sustenance and defence. There weresufficient provisions, he said, for a few months' supply, independentof what might exist in the possession of merchants and other richinhabitants. "But of what avail, " said he, "is a supply for a few monthsagainst the sieges of the Castilian monarch, which are interminable?"

He produced also the lists of men capable of bearing arms. "The number, "said he, "is great, but what can be expected from mere citizen soldiers?They vaunt and menace in time of safety; none are so arrogant when theenemy is at a distance; but when the din of war thunders at the gatesthey hide themselves in terror. "

When Muza heard these words he rose with generous warmth. "What reasonhave we, " said he, "to despair? The blood of those illustrious Moors, the conquerors of Spain, still flows in our veins. Let us be true toourselves, and fortune will again be with us. We have a veteran force, both horse and foot, the flower of our chivalry, seasoned in war andscarred in a thousand battles. As to the multitude of our citizens, spoken of so slightly, why should we doubt their valor? There are twentythousand young men, in the fire of youth, whom I will engage that in thedefence of their homes they will rival the most valiant veterans. Dowe want provisions? Our horses are fleet and our horsemen daring in theforay. Let them scour and scourge the country of those apostate Moslemswho have surrendered to the Christians. Let them make inroads into thelands of our enemies. We shall soon see them returning with cavalgadasto our gates, and to a soldier there is no morsel so sweet as thatwrested with hard fighting from the foe. "

Boabdil, though he wanted firm and durable courage, was readily excitedto sudden emotions of bravery. He caught a glow of resolution from thenoble ardor of Muza. "Do what is needful, " said he to his commanders;"into your hands I confide the common safety. You are the protectors ofthe kingdom, and, with the aid of Allah, will revenge the insults of ourreligion, the deaths of our friends and relations, and the sorrows andsufferings heaped upon our land. "*

 * Conde. 

To every one was now assigned his separate duty. The wazir had chargeof the arms and provisions and the enrolling of the people. Muza was tocommand the cavalry, to defend the gates, and to take the lead in allsallies and skirmishings. Naim Reduan and Muhammed Aben Zayde were hisadjutants. Abdel Kerim Zegri and the other captains were to guardthe walls, and the alcaydes of the Alcazaba and of the Red Towers hadcommand of the fortresses. 

Nothing now was heard but the din of arms and the bustle of preparation. The Moorish spirit, quick to catch fire, was immediately in a flame, andthe populace in the excitement of the moment set at naught the powerof the Christians. Muza was in all parts of the city, infusing hisown generous zeal into the bosoms of the soldiery. The young cavaliersrallied round him as their model; the veteran warriors regarded him witha soldier's admiration; the vulgar throng followed him with shouts; andthe helpless part of the inhabitants, the old men and the women, hailedhim with blessings as their protector. 

On the first appearance of the Christian army the principal gates of thecity had been closed and secured with bars and bolts and heavy chains:Muza now ordered them to be thrown open. "To me and my cavaliers, " saidhe, "is entrusted the defence of the gates; our bodies shall be theirbarriers. " He stationed at each gate a strong guard chosen from hisbravest men. His horsemen were always completely armed and ready tomount at a moment's warning: their steeds stood saddled and caparisonedin the stables, with lance and buckler beside them. On the leastapproach of the enemy a squadron of horse gathered within the gate, ready to launch forth like the bolt from the thunder-cloud. Muza made noempty bravado nor haughty threat; he was more terrible in deeds thanin words, and executed daring exploits beyond even the vaunt of thevainglorious. Such was the present champion of the Moors. Had theypossessed many such warriors, or had Muza risen to power at an earlierperiod of the war, the fate of Granada might have been deferred, and theMoor for a long time have maintained his throne within the walls of theAlhambra. 

CHAPTER XCI. 

HOW KING FERDINAND CONDUCTED THE SIEGE CAUTIOUSLY, AND HOW QUEENISABELLA ARRIVED AT THE CAMP. 

Though Granada was shorn of its glories and nearly cut off from allexternal aid, still its mighty castles and massive bulwarks seemed toset all attack at defiance. Being the last retreat of Moorish power, it had assembled within its walls the remnants of the armies which hadcontended, step by step, with the invaders in their gradual conquestof the land. All that remained of high-born and high-bred chivalry washere; all that was loyal and patriotic was roused to activity by thecommon danger; and Granada, so long lulled into inaction by vain hopesof security, now assumed a formidable aspect in the hour of its despair. 

Ferdinand saw that any attempt to subdue the city by main force wouldbe perilous and bloody. Cautious in his policy, and fond of conquestsgained by art rather than valor, he resorted to the plan so successfulwith Baza, and determined to reduce the place by famine. For thispurpose his armies penetrated into the very heart of the Alpuxarras, andravaged the valleys and sacked and burnt the towns upon which the citydepended for its supplies. Scouting parties also ranged the mountainsbehind Granada and captured every casual convoy of provisions. The Moorsbecame more daring as their situation became more hopeless. Never hadFerdinand experienced such vigorous sallies and assaults. Muza atthe head of his cavalry harassed the borders of the camp, and evenpenetrated into the interior, making sudden spoil and ravage, andleaving his course to be traced by the slain and wounded. To protect hiscamp from these assaults, Ferdinand fortified it with deep trenches andstrong bulwarks. It was of a quadrangular form, divided into streetslike a city, the troops being quartered in tents and in boothsconstructed of bushes and branches of trees. When it was completedQueen Isabella came in state, with all her court and the prince andprincesses, to be present at the siege. This was intended, as onformer occasions, to reduce the besieged to despair by showing thedetermination of the sovereigns to reside in the camp until the cityshould surrender. Immediately after her arrival the queen rode forth tosurvey the camp and its environs: wherever she went she was attended bya splendid retinue, and all the commanders vied with each other in thepomp and ceremony with which they received her. Nothing was heard frommorning until night but shouts and acclamations and bursts of martialmusic; so that it appeared to the Moors as if a continual festival andtriumph reigned in the Christian camp. 

The arrival of the queen, however and the menaced obstinacy of thesiege, had no effect in damping the fire of the Moorish chivalry. Muzainspired the youthful warriors with the most devoted heroism. "We havenothing left to fight for, " said he, "but the ground we stand on; whenthis is lost we cease to have a country and a name. "

Finding the Christian king forbore to make an attack, Muza incited hiscavaliers to challenge the youthful chivalry of the Christian army tosingle combat or partial skirmishes. Scarce a day passed without gallantconflicts of the kind in sight of the city and the camp. The combatantsrivalled each other in the splendor of their armor and array, as well asin the prowess of their deeds. Their contests were more like the statelyceremonials of tilts and tournaments than the rude conflicts of thefield. Ferdinand soon perceived that they animated the fiery Moors withfresh zeal and courage, while they cost the lives of many of his bravestcavaliers: he again, therefore, forbade the acceptance of any individualchallenges, and ordered that all partial encounters should be avoided. The cool and stern policy of the Catholic sovereign bore hard upon thegenerous spirits of either army, but roused the indignation of the Moorswhen they found that they were to be subdued in this inglorious manner:"Of what avail, " said they, "are chivalry and heroic valor? The craftymonarch of the Christians has no magnanimity in warfare; he seeks tosubdue us through the weakness of our bodies, but shuns to encounter thecourage of our souls. "

CHAPTER XCII. 

OF THE INSOLENT DEFIANCE OF TARFE THE MOOR, AND THE DARING EXPLOIT OFHERNAN PEREZ DEL PULGAR. 

When the Moorish knights beheld that all courteous challenges wereunavailing, they sought various means to provoke the Christian warriorsto the field. Sometimes a body of them, fleetly mounted, would gallopup to the skirts of the camp and try who should hurl his lance farthestwithin the barriers, having his name inscribed upon it or a labelaffixed containing some taunting defiance. These bravadoes causedgreat irritation; still, the Spanish warriors were restrained by theprohibition of the king. 

Among the Moorish cavaliers was one named Tarfe, renowned for strengthand daring spirit, but whose courage partook of fierce audacity ratherthan chivalric heroism. In one of these sallies, when skirtingthe Christian camp, this arrogant Moor outstripped his companions, overleaped the barriers, and, galloping close to the royal quarters, launched his lance so far within that it remained quivering in the earthclose by the pavilions of the sovereigns. The royal guards rushed forthin pursuit, but the Moorish horsemen were already beyond the camp andscouring in a cloud of dust for the city. Upon wresting the lance fromthe earth a label was found upon it importing that it was intended forthe queen. 

Nothing could equal the indignation of the Christian warriors at theinsolence of the bravado and the discourteous insult offered to thequeen. Hernan Perez del Pulgar, surnamed "He of the exploits, " waspresent, and resolved not to be outbraved by this daring infidel. "Whowill stand by me, " said he, "in an enterprise of desperate peril?" TheChristian cavaliers well knew the harebrained valor of Hernan, yetnot one hesitated to step forward. He chose fifteen companions, all ofpowerful arm and dauntless heart. 

His project was to penetrate Granada in the dead of the night by asecret pass made known to him by a Moorish renegade of the city, whom hehad christened Pedro Pulgar, and who was to act as guide. They were toset fire to the Alcaiceria and other principal edifices, and then effecttheir retreat as best they might. At the hour appointed the adventuroustroops set forth provided with combustibles. The renegade led themsilently to a drain or channel of the river Darro, up which theyproceeded cautiously, single file, until they halted under a bridge nearthe royal gate. Here dismounting, Pulgar stationed six of his companionsto remain silent and motionless and keep guard, while, followed by therest and still guided by the renegade, he continued up the drain orchannel of the Darro, which passes under a part of the city, and wasthus enabled to make his way undiscovered into the streets. All wasdark and silent. At the command of Pulgar the renegade led him to theprincipal mosque. Here the cavalier, pious as brave, threw himself onhis knees, and, drawing forth a parchment scroll on which was inscribedin large letters "AVE MARIA, " nailed it to the door of the mosque, thusconverting the heathen edifice into a Christian chapel and dedicating itto the Blessed Virgin. This done, he hastened to the Alcaiceria toset it in a blaze. The combustibles were all placed, but Tristan deMontemayor, who had charge of the firebrand, had carelessly left itat the door of the mosque. It was too late to return there. Pulgar wasendeavoring to strike fire with flint and steel into the ravelled end ofa cord when he was startled by the approach of the Moorish guards goingthe rounds. His hand was on his sword in an instant. Seconded by hisbrave companions, he assailed the astonished Moors and put them toflight. In a little while the whole city resounded with alarms, soldierswere hurrying through the streets in every direction; but Pulgar, guidedby the renegade, made good his retreat by the channel of the Darro tohis companions at the bridge, and all, mounting their horses, spurredback to the camp. The Moors were at a loss to imagine the meaningof this wild and apparently fruitless assault, but great was theirexasperation on the following day when the trophy of hardihood andprowess, the "AVE MARIA, " was discovered thus elevated in bravado in thevery centre of the city. The mosque thus boldly sanctified by Hernan delPulgar was actually consecrated into a cathedral after the capture ofGranada. *

 * The account here given of the exploit of Hernan del Pulgar differsfrom that given in the first edition, and is conformable to the recordof the fact in a manuscript called "The House of Salar, " existing in thelibrary of Salazar and cited by Alcantara in his History of Granada. 

In commemoration of this daring feat of Pulgar, the emperor Charles V. In after years conferred on that cavalier and on his descendants, themarqueses of Salar, the privilege of sitting in the choir during highmass, and assigned as the place of sepulture of Pulgar himself theidentical spot where he kneeled to affix the sacred scroll; and his tombis still held in great veneration. This Hernan Perez del Pulgar was aman of letters, as well as art, and inscribed to Charles V. A summary ofthe achievements of Gonsalvo of Cordova, surnamed the Great Captain, who had been one of his comrades-in-arms. He is often confounded withHernando del Pulgar, historian and secretary to Queen Isabella. (Seenote to Pulgar's Chron. Of the Catholic Sovereigns, part 3, c. Iii. , edit. Valencia, 1780. )

CHAPTER XCIII. 

HOW QUEEN ISABELLA TOOK A VIEW OF THE CITY OF GRANADA, AND HOW HERCURIOSITY COST THE LIVES OF MANY CHRISTIANS AND MOORS. 

The royal encampment lay so distant from Granada that the general aspectof the city only could be seen as it rose gracefully from the Vega, covering the sides of the hills with palaces and towers. Queen Isabellahad expressed an earnest desire to behold nearer at hand a city whosebeauty was so renowned throughout the world; and the marques of Cadiz, with his accustomed courtesy, prepared a great military escort andguard to protect her and the ladies of the court while they enjoyed thisperilous gratification. 

On the morning of June the 18th a magnificent and powerful train issuedfrom the Christian camp. The advanced guard was composed of legions ofcavalry, heavily armed, looking like moving masses of polished steel. Then came the king and queen, with the prince and princess and theladies of the court, surrounded by the royal body-guard, sumptuouslyarrayed, composed of the sons of the most illustrious houses of Spain;after these was the rear-guard, a powerful force of horse and foot, for the flower of the army sallied forth that day. The Moors gazed withfearful admiration at this glorious pageant, wherein the pomp of thecourt was mingled with the terrors of the camp. It moved along inradiant line across the Vega to the melodious thunders of martial music, while banner and plume and silken scarf and rich brocade gave a gay andgorgeous relief to the grim visage of iron war that lurked beneath. 

The army moved toward the hamlet of Zubia, built on the skirts of themountain to the left of Granada, and commanding a view of the Alhambraand the most beautiful quarter of the city. As they approached thehamlet the marques of Villena, the count Urena, and Don Alonso deAguilar fled off with their battalions, and were soon seen glitteringalong the side of the mountain above the village. In the mean time, themarques of Cadiz, the count de Tendilla, the count de Cabra, and DonAlonso Fernandez, senior of Alcaudrete and Montemayor, drew up theirforces in battle array on the plain below the hamlet, presenting aliving barrier of loyal chivalry between the sovereigns and the city. 

Thus securely guarded, the royal party alighted, and, entering one ofthe houses of the hamlet which had been prepared for their reception, enjoyed a full view of the city from its terraced roof. The ladies ofthe court gazed with delight at the red towers of the Alhambra risingfrom amid shady groves, anticipating the time when the Catholicsovereigns should be enthroned within its walls and its courts shinewith the splendor of Spanish chivalry. "The reverend prelates and holyfriars who always surrounded the queen looked with serene satisfaction, "says Fray Antonio Agapida, "at this modern Babylon, enjoying the triumphthat awaited them when those mosques and minarets should be convertedinto churches, and goodly priests and bishops should succeed to theinfidel alfaquis. "

When the Moors beheld the Christians thus drawn forth in full array inthe plain, they supposed it was to offer battle, and hesitated not toaccept it. In a little while the queen beheld a body of Moorish cavalrypouring into the Vega, the riders managing their fleet and fiery steedswith admirable address. They were richly armed and clothed in the mostbrilliant colors, and the caparisons of their steeds flamed with goldand embroidery. This was the favorite squadron of Muza, composed ofthe flower of the youthful cavaliers of Granada. Others succeeded, someheavily armed, others "a la gineta" with lance and buckler, and lastlycame the legions of foot-soldiers with arquebuse and crossbow and spearand scimetar. 

When the queen saw this army issuing from the city she sent tothe marques of Cadiz, and forbade any attack upon the enemy or theacceptance of any challenge to a skirmish, for she was loth that hercuriosity should cost the life of a single human being. 

The marques promised to obey, though sorely against his will, and itgrieved the spirit of the Spanish cavaliers to be obliged to remainwith sheathed sword's while bearded by the foe. The Moors could notcomprehend the meaning of this inaction of the Christians after havingapparently invited a battle. They sallied several times from theirranks, and approached near enough to discharge their arrows, but theChristians were immovable. Many of the Moorish horsemen galloped closeto the Christian ranks, brandishing their lances and scimetars anddefying various cavaliers to single combat; but Ferdinand had rigorouslyprohibited all duels of the kind, and they dared not transgress hisorders under his very eye. 

Here, however, the worthy Fray Antonio Agapida, in his enthusiasm forthe triumphs of the faith, records the following incident, which we fearis not sustained by any grave chronicler of the times, but rests merelyon tradition or the authority of certain poets and dramatic writerswho have perpetuated the tradition in their works: While this grim andreluctant tranquillity prevailed along the Christian line, says Agapida, there rose a mingled shout and sound of laughter near the gate of thecity. A Moorish horseman, armed at all points, issued forth, followedby a rabble who drew back as he approached the scene of danger. TheMoor was more robust and brawny than was common with his countrymen. His visor was closed; he bore a huge buckler and a ponderous lance; hisscimetar was of a Damascus blade, and his richly ornamented dagger waswrought by an artificer of Fez. He was known by his device to be Tarfe, the most insolent yet valiant of the Moslem warriors--the same who hadhurled into the royal camp his lance inscribed to the queen. As he rodeslowly along in front of the army his very steed, prancing with fieryeye and distended nostril, seemed to breathe defiance to the Christians. 

But what were the feelings of the Spanish cavaliers when they beheld, tied to the tail of his steed and dragged in the dust, the veryinscription--"AVE MARIA"--which Hernan Perez del Pulgar had affixed tothe door of the mosque! A burst of horror and indignation brokeforth from the army. Hernan was not at hand to maintain his previousachievement, but one of his young companions-in-arms, Garcilasso dela Vega by name, putting spurs to his horse, galloped to the hamletof Zubia, threw himself on his knees before the king, and besoughtpermission to accept the defiance of this insolent infidel and torevenge the insult offered to our Blessed Lady. The request was toopious to be refused. Garcilasso remounted his steed, closed his helmet, graced by four sable plumes, grasped his buckler of Flemish workmanshipand his lance of matchless temper, and defied the haughty Moor in themidst of his career. A combat took place in view of the two armies andof the Castilian court. The Moor was powerful in wielding his weaponsand dextrous in managing his steed. He was of larger frame thanGarcilasso, and more completely armed, and the Christians trembled fortheir champion. The shock of their encounter was dreadful; their lanceswere shivered, and sent up splinters in the air. Garcilasso was thrownback in his saddle: his horse made a wide career before he couldrecover, gather up the reins, and return to the conflict. They nowencountered each other with swords. The Moor circled round his opponentas a hawk circles where about to make a swoop; his steed obeyed hisrider with matchless quickness; at every attack of the infidel it seemedas if the Christian knight must sink beneath his flashing scimetar. Butif Garcilasso was inferior to him in power, he was superior in agility:many of his blows he parried; others he received upon his Flemishshield, which was proof against the Damascus blade. The blood streamedfrom numerous wounds received by either warrior. The Moor, seeinghis antagonist exhausted, availed himself of his superior force, and, grappling, endeavored to wrest him from his saddle. They both fell toearth: the Moor placed his knee upon the breast of his victim, and, brandishing his dagger, aimed a blow at his throat. A cry of despair wasuttered by the Christian warriors, when suddenly they beheld the Moorrolling lifeless in the dust. Garcilasso had shortened his sword, and ashis adversary raised his arm to strike had pierced him to the heart. "Itwas a singular and miraculous victory, " says Fray Antonio Agapida; "butthe Christian knight was armed by the sacred nature of his cause, andthe Holy Virgin gave him strength, like another David, to slay thisgigantic champion of the Gentiles. "

The laws of chivalry were observed throughout the combat--no oneinterfered on either side. Garcilasso now despoiled his adversary;then, rescuing the holy inscription of "AVE MARIA" from its degradingsituation, he elevated it on the point of his sword, and bore it on as asignal of triumph amid the rapturous shouts of the Christian army. *

 * The above incident has been commemorated in old Spanish ballads, and made the subject of a scene in an old Spanish drama ascribed by someto Lope de Vega. 

The sun had now reached the meridian, and the hot blood of the Moors wasinflamed by its rays and by the sight of the defeat of their champion. Muza ordered two pieces of ordnance to open a fire upon the Christians. A confusion was produced in one part of their ranks: Muza called to thechiefs of the army, "Let us waste no more time in empty challenges--letus charge upon the enemy: he who assaults has always an advantage in thecombat. " So saying, he rushed forward, followed by a large body ofhorse and foot, and charged so furiously upon the advance guard of theChristians that he drove it in upon the battalion of the marques ofCadiz. 

The gallant marques now considered himself absolved from all furtherobedience to the queen's commands. He gave the signal to attack, "Santiago!" was shouted along the line, and he pressed forward tothe encounter with his battalion of twelve hundred lances. The othercavaliers followed his example, and the battle instantly became general. 

When the king and queen beheld the armies thus rushing to the combat, they threw themselves on their knees and implored the Holy Virgin toprotect her faithful warriors. The prince and princess, the ladies ofthe court, and the prelates and friars who were present did the same, and the effect of the prayers of these illustrious and saintly personswas immediately apparent. The fierceness with which the Moors had rushedto the attack was suddenly cooled; they were bold and adroit for askirmish, but unequal to the veteran Spaniards in the open field. Apanic seized upon the foot-soldiers; they turned and took to flight. Muza and his cavaliers in vain endeavored to rally them. Some tookrefuge in the mountains, but the greater part fled to the city insuch confusion that they overturned and trampled upon each other. TheChristians pursued them to the very gates. Upward of two thousandwere either killed, wounded, or taken prisoners, and the two pieces ofordnance were brought off as trophies of the victory. Not a Christianlance but was bathed that day in the blood of an infidel. *

 * Cura de los Palacios, cap. 101; Zurita, lib. 20, c. 88. 

Such was the brief but bloody action which was known among the Christianwarriors by the name of "the Queen's Skirmish;" for when the marques ofCadiz waited upon Her Majesty to apologize for breaking her commands, he attributed the victory entirely to her presence. The queen, however, insisted that it was all owing to her troops being led on by so valianta commander. Her Majesty had not yet recovered from her agitation atbeholding so terrible a scene of bloodshed, though certain veteranspresent pronounced it as gay and gentle a skirmish as they had everwitnessed. 

The gayety of this gentle pass at arms, however, was somewhat marredby a rough reverse in the evening. Certain of the Christian cavaliers, among whom were the count de Urena, Don Alonso Aguilar, his brotherGonsalvo of Cordova, Diego Castrillo, commander of Calatrava, and othersto the number of fifty, remained in ambush near Armilla, expecting theMoors would sally forth at night to visit the scene of battle and tobury their dead. They were discovered by a Moor who had climbed an elmtree to reconnoitre, and who hastened into the city to give noticeof their ambush. Scarce had night fallen when the cavaliers foundthemselves surrounded by a host which in the darkness seemedinnumerable. The Moors attacked them with sanguinary fury to revengethe disgrace of the morning. The cavaliers fought to every disadvantage, overwhelmed by numbers, ignorant of the ground, perplexed by thicketsand by the water-courses of the gardens, the sluices of which wereall thrown open. Even retreat was difficult. The count de Urena wassurrounded and in imminent peril, from which he was saved by two of hisfaithful followers at the sacrifice of their lives. Severalcavaliers lost their horses, and were themselves put to death in thewater-courses. Gonsalvo of Cordova came near having his own illustriouscareer cut short in this obscure skirmish. He had fallen into awater-course, whence he extricated himself, covered with mud and soencumbered with his armor that he could not retreat. Inigo de Mendoza, arelative of his brother Alonso, seeing his peril, offered him his horse. "Take it, senor, " said he, "for you cannot save yourself on foot, and Ican; but should I fall take care of my wife and daughters. "

Gonsalvo accepted the devoted offer, mounted the horse, and had madebut few paces when a lamentable cry caused him to turn his head, andhe beheld the faithful Mendoza transfixed by Moorish lances. The fourprincipal cavaliers already named, with several of their followers, effected their retreat and reached the camp in safety; but thisnocturnal reverse obscured the morning's triumph. Gonsalvo rememberedthe last words of the devoted Mendoza, and bestowed a pension on hiswidow and marriage portions on his daughters. *

 * The account of this nocturnal affair is from Peter Martyr, lib. 4, Epist. 90, and Pulgar, Hazanas del Gran Capitan, page 188, as cited byAlcantara, Hist. Granada, tom. 4, cap. 18. 

To commemorate the victory of which she had been an eye-witness, QueenIsabella afterward erected a monastery in the village of Zubia dedicatedto St. Francisco, which still exists, and in its garden is a laurelplanted by her hands. *

 * The house whence the king and queen contemplated the battle islikewise to be seen at the present day. It is in the first street tothe right on entering the village from the Vega, and the royal arms arepainted on the ceilings. It is inhabited by a worthy farmer, FranciscoGarcia, who in showing the house to the writer refused all compensationwith true Spanish pride, offering, on the contrary, the hospitalitiesof his mansion. His children are versed in the old Spanish ballads aboutthe exploits of Hernan Perez del Pulgar and Garcilasso de la Vega. 

CHAPTER XCIV. 

THE LAST RAVAGE BEFORE GRANADA. 

The ravages of war had as yet spared a little portion of the Vega ofGranada. A green belt of gardens and orchards still flourished roundthe city, extending along the banks of the Xenil and the Darro. They hadbeen the solace and delight of the inhabitants in their happier days, and contributed to their sustenance in this time of scarcity. Ferdinanddetermined to make a final and exterminating ravage to the very walls ofthe city, so that there should not remain a single green thing for thesustenance of man or beast. The eighth of July was the day appointedfor this act of desolation. Boabdil was informed by his spies of theintention of the Christian king, and prepared to make a desperatedefence. Hernando de Baeza, a Christian who resided with the royalfamily in the Alhambra as interpreter, gives in a manuscript memoir anaccount of the parting of Boabdil from his family as he went forth tobattle. At an early hour on the appointed day, the eighth of July, hebathed and perfumed himself, as the Moors of high rank were accustomedto do when they went forth to peril their lives. Arrayed in completearmor, he took leave of his mother, his wife, and his sister in theantechamber of the Tower of Comares. Ayxa la Horra, with her usualdignity, bestowed on him her benediction and gave him her hand to kiss. It was a harder parting with his son and his daughter, who hung roundhim with sobs and tears: the duenas and doncellas too of theroyal household made the halls of the Alhambra resound with theirlamentations. He then mounted his horse and put himself in front of hissquadrons. *

 * Hernando de Baeza, as cited by Alcantara, Hist. Gran. , t. 4, c. 18. 

The Christian army approached close to the city, and were laying wastethe gardens and orchards when Boabdil sallied forth, surrounded by allthat was left of the flower and chivalry of Granada. There is one placewhere even the coward becomes brave--that sacred spot called home. What, then, must have been the valor of the Moors, a people always ofchivalrous spirit, when the war was thus brought to their thresholds!They fought among the scenes of their loves and pleasures, the scenes oftheir infancy, and the haunts of their domestic life. They foughtunder the eyes of their wives and children, their old men and theirmaidens--of all that was helpless and all that was dear to them; for allGranada, crowded on tower and battlement, watched with trembling heartthe fate of this eventful day. 

There was not so much one battle as a variety of battles: every gardenand orchard became a scene of deadly contest; every inch of ground wasdisputed with an agony of grief and valor by the Moors; every inch ofground that the Christians advanced they valiantly maintained, but neverdid they advance with severer fighting or greater loss of blood. 

The cavalry of Muza was in every part of the field; wherever it came itgave fresh ardor to the fight. The Moorish soldier, fainting with heat, fatigue, and wounds, was roused to new life at the approach of Muza; andeven he who lay gasping in the agonies of death turned his face towardhim and faintly uttered cheers and blessings as he passed. 

The Christians had by this time gained possession of various towers nearthe city, whence they had been annoyed by crossbows and arquebuses. TheMoors, scattered in various actions, were severely pressed. Boabdil, atthe head of the cavaliers of his guard, mingling in the fight in variousparts of the field, endeavored to inspirit the foot-soldiers to thecombat. But the Moorish infantry was never to be depended upon. In theheat of the action a panic seized upon them; they fled, leaving theirsovereign exposed with his handful of cavaliers to an overwhelmingforce. Boabdil was on the point of falling into the hands of theChristians, when, wheeling round, he and his followers threw the reinson the necks of their steeds and took refuge by dint of hoof within thewalls of the city. *

 * Zurita, lib. 20, c. 88. 

Muza endeavored to retrieve the fortune of the field. He threw himselfbefore the retreating infantry, calling upon them to turn and fight fortheir homes, their families, for everything sacred and dear to them. All in vain: totally broken and dismayed, they fled tumultuously for thegates. Muza would fain have kept the field with his cavalry; but thisdevoted band, having stood the brunt of war throughout this desperatecampaign, was fearfully reduced in numbers, and many of the survivorswere crippled and enfeebled by their wounds. Slowly and reluctantly, therefore, he retreated to the city, his bosom swelling with indignationand despair. Entering the gates, he ordered them to be closed andsecured with bolts and bars; for he refused to place any furtherconfidence in the archers and arquebusiers stationed to defend them, andvowed never more to sally with foot-soldiers to the field. 

In the mean time, the artillery thundered from the walls and checked allfurther advance of the Christians. King Ferdinand therefore called offhis troops, and returned in triumph to his camp, leaving the beautifulcity of Granada wrapped in the smoke of her fields and gardens andsurrounded by the bodies of her slaughtered children. 

Such was the last sally of the Moors in defence of their favorite city. The French ambassador, who witnessed it, was filled with wonder at theprowess, the dexterity, and the daring of the Moslems. 

In truth, this whole war was an instance, memorable in history, ofthe most persevering resolution. For nearly ten years had the warendured--an almost uninterrupted series of disasters to the Moorisharms. Their towns had been taken, one after another, and their brethrenslain or led into captivity. Yet they disputed every city and townand fortress and castle, nay, every rock itself, as if they had beeninspirited by victories. Wherever they could plant foot to fight, or find wall or cliff whence to launch an arrow, they disputed theirbeloved country; and now, when their capital was cut off from allrelief and a whole nation thundered at its gates, they still maintaineddefence, as if they hoped some miracle to interpose in their behalf. Their obstinate resistance (says an ancient chronicler) shows the griefwith which they yielded up the Vega, which was to them a paradise andheaven. Exerting all the strength of their arms, they embraced, as itwere, that most beloved soil, from which neither wounds nor defeats, nordeath itself, could part them. They stood firm, battling for it with theunited force of love and grief, never drawing back the foot while theyhad hands to fight or fortune to befriend them. *

 * Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, R. 30, c. 3. 

CHAPTER XCV. 

CONFLAGRATION OF THE CHRISTIAN CAMP. --BUILDING OF SANTA FE. 

The moors now shut themselves up gloomily within their walls; therewere no longer any daring sallies from their gates, and even the martialclangor of the drum and trumpet, which had continually resounded withinthe warrior city, was now seldom heard from its battlements. In themidst of this deep despondency a single disaster in the Christian campfor a moment lit up a ray of hope in the bosom of the Moors. 

The setting sun of a hot summer's day, on the 10th of July, shonesplendidly upon the Christian camp, which was in a bustle of preparationfor the next day's service, when an attack was meditated on the city. The camp made a glorious appearance. The various tents of the royalfamily and the attendant nobles were adorned with rich hangings andsumptuous devices and costly furniture, forming, as it were, a littlecity of silk and brocade, where the pinnacles of pavilions of variousgay colors, surmounted with waving standards and fluttering pennons, might vie with the domes and minarets of the capital they werebesieging. 

In the midst of this little gaudy metropolis the lofty tent of the queendomineered over the rest like a stately palace. The marques of Cadizhad courteously surrendered his own tent to the queen: it was the mostcomplete and sumptuous in Christendom, and had been carried about withhim throughout the war. In the centre rose a stately alfaneque, orpavilion, in Oriental taste, the rich hangings being supported bycolumns of lances and ornamented with martial devices. This centralpavilion, or silken tower, was surrounded by other compartments, someof painted linen lined with silk, and all separated from each otherby curtains. It was one of those camp palaces which are raised anddemolished in an instant like the city of canvas which surrounds them. 

As the evening advanced the bustle in the camp subsided. Every onesought repose, preparatory to the next day's trial. The king retiredearly, that he might be up with the crowing of the cock to head thedestroying army in person. All stir of military preparation was hushedin the royal quarters: the very sound of minstrelsy was mute, and notthe tinkling of a guitar was to be heard from the tents of the fairladies of the court. 

The queen had retired to the innermost part of her pavilion, where shewas performing her orisons before a private altar: perhaps the perilto which the king might be exposed in the next day's foray inspiredher with more than usual devotion. While thus at her prayers she wassuddenly aroused by a glare of light and wreaths of suffocating smoke. In an instant the whole tent was in a blaze: there was a high gustywind, which whirled the light flames from tent to tent and wrapped thewhole in one conflagration. 

Isabella had barely time to save herself by instant flight. Her firstthought on being extricated from her tent was for the safety of theking. She rushed to his tent, but the vigilant Ferdinand was already atthe entrance of it. Starting from bed on the first alarm and fancying itan assault of the enemy, he had seized his sword and buckler and salliedforth undressed with his cuirass upon his arm. 

The late gorgeous camp was now a scene of wild confusion. The flameskept spreading from one pavilion to another, glaring upon the rich armorand golden and silver vessels, which seemed melting in the fervent heat. Many of the soldiers had erected booths and bowers of branches, which, being dry, crackled and blazed and added to the rapid conflagration. Theladies of the court fled, shrieking and half dressed, from their tents. There was an alarm of drum and trumpet, and a distracted hurry about thecamp of men half armed. The prince Juan had been snatched out of bed byan attendant and conveyed to the quarters of the count de Cabra, whichwere at the entrance of the camp. The loyal count immediately summonedhis people and those of his cousin Don Alonso de Montemayor, and formeda guard round the tent in which the prince was sheltered. 

The idea that this was a stratagem of the Moors soon subsided, but itwas feared they might take advantage of it to assault the camp. Themarques of Cadiz, therefore, sallied forth with three thousand horse tocheck any advance from the city. As they passed along the whole camp wasa scene of hurry and consternation--some hastening to their posts atthe call of drum and trumpet; some attempting to save rich effects andglittering armor from the tents; others dragging along terrified andrestive horses. 

When they emerged from the camp they found the whole firmamentilluminated. The flames whirled up in long light spires, and the air wasfilled with sparks and cinders. A bright glare was thrown upon the city, revealing every battlement and tower. Turbaned heads were seen gazingfrom every roof, and armor gleamed along the walls, yet not a singlewarrior sallied from the gates: the Moors suspected some stratagemon the part of the Christians and kept quietly within their walls. Bydegrees the flames expired; the city faded from sight; all again becamedark and quiet, and the marques of Cadiz returned with his cavalry tothe camp. 

When the day dawned on the Christian camp nothing remained of thatbeautiful assemblage of stately pavilions but heaps of smoulderingrubbish, with helms and corselets and other furniture of war, and massesof melted gold and silver glittering among the ashes. The wardrobeof the queen was entirely destroyed, and there was an immense lossin plate, jewels, costly stuffs, and sumptuous armor of the luxuriousnobles. The fire at first had been attributed to treachery, but oninvestigation it proved to be entirely accidental. The queen on retiringto her prayers had ordered her lady in attendance to remove a lightburning near her couch, lest it should prevent her sleeping. Throughheedlessness, the taper was placed in another part of the tent near thehangings, which, being blown against it by a gust of wind, immediatelytook fire. 

The wary Ferdinand knew the sanguine temperament of the Moors, andhastened to prevent their deriving confidence from the night's disaster. At break of day the drums and trumpets sounded to arms, and theChristian army issued forth from among the smoking ruins of their campin shining squadrons, with flaunting banners and bursts of martialmelody, as though the preceding night had been a time of high festivityinstead of terror. 

The Moors had beheld the conflagration with wonder and perplexity. When the day broke and they looked toward the Christian camp, they sawnothing but a dark smoking mass. Their scouts came in with the joyfulintelligence that the whole camp was a scene of ruin. In the exultationof the moment they flattered themselves with hopes that the catastrophewould discourage the besiegers--that, as in former years, their invasionwould end with the summer and they would withdraw before the autumnalrains. 

The measures of Ferdinand and Isabella soon crushed these hopes. Theygave orders to build a regular city upon the site of their camp, toconvince the Moors that the siege was to endure until the surrender ofGranada. Nine of the principal cities of Spain were charged with thestupendous undertaking, and they emulated each other with a zeal worthyof the cause. "It verily seems, " says Fray Antonio Agapida, "as thoughsome miracle operated to aid this pious work, so rapidly did arisea formidable city, with solid edifices and powerful walls and mightytowers, where lately had been seen nothing but tents and lightpavilions. The city was traversed by two principal streets in form ofa cross, terminating in four gates facing the four winds, and in thecentre was a vast square where the whole army might be assembled. Tothis city it was proposed to give the name of Isabella, so dear to thearmy and the nation, but that pious princess, " adds Antonio Agapida, "calling to mind the holy cause in which it was erected, gave it thename of Santa Fe (or the City of the Holy Faith), and it remains to thisday a monument of the piety and glory of the Catholic sovereigns. "

Hither the merchants soon resorted from all points. Long trains of muleswere seen every day entering and departing from its gates; the streetswere crowded with magazines filled with all kinds of costly andluxurious merchandise; a scene of bustling commerce and prosperity tookplace, while unhappy Granada remained shut up and desolate. 

CHAPTER XCVI. 

FAMINE AND DISCORD IN THE CITY. 

The besieged city now began to suffer the distress of famine. Itssupplies were all cut off; a cavalgada of flocks and herds and mulesladen with money, coming to the relief of the city from the mountains ofthe Alpuxarras, was taken by the marques of Cadiz and led in triumphto the camp in sight of the suffering Moors. Autumn arrived, but theharvests had been swept from the face of the country; a rigorous winterwas approaching and the city was almost destitute of provisions. Thepeople sank into deep despondency. They called to mind all that had beenpredicted by astrologers at the birth of their ill-starred sovereign, and all that had been foretold of the fate of Granada at the time of thecapture of Zahara. 

Boabdil was alarmed by the gathering dangers from without and by theclamors of his starving people. He summoned a council, composed of theprincipal officers of the army, the alcaydes of the fortresses, thexequis or sages of the city, and the alfaquis or doctors of the faith. They assembled in the great Hall of Audience of the Alhambra, anddespair was painted in their countenances. Boabdil demanded of themwhat was to be done in the present extremity, and their answer was, "Surrender. " The venerable Abul Casim, governor of the city, representedits unhappy state: "Our granaries are nearly exhausted, and no furthersupplies are to be expected. The provender for the war-horses isrequired as sustenance for the soldiery; the very horses themselves arekilled for food; of seven thousand steeds which once could be sent intothe field, three hundred only remain. Our city contains two hundredthousand inhabitants, old and young, with each a mouth that callspiteously for bread. "

The xequis and principal citizens declared that the people could nolonger sustain the labors and sufferings of a defence. "And of whatavail is our defence, " said they, "when the enemy is determined topersist in the siege? What alternative remains but to surrender or todie?"

The heart of Boabdil was touched by this appeal, and he maintained agloomy silence. He had cherished some faint hope of relief from thesoldan of Egypt or the Barbary powers, but it was now at an end; evenif such assistance were to be sent, he had no longer a seaport where itmight debark. The counsellors saw that the resolution of the king wasshaken, and they united their voices in urging him to capitulate. 

Muza alone rose in opposition. "It is yet too early, " said he, "to talkof surrender. Our means are not exhausted; we have yet one sourceof strength remaining, terrible in its effects, and which often hasachieved the most signal victories--it is our despair. Let us rouse themass of the people--let us put weapons in their hands--let us fight theenemy to the very utmost until we rush upon the points of their lances. I am ready to lead the way into the thickest of their squadrons; andmuch rather would I be numbered among those who fell in the defence ofGranada than of those who survived to capitulate for her surrender. "

The words of Muza were without effect, for they were addressed tobroken-spirited and heartless men, or men, perhaps, to whom sadexperience had taught discretion. They were arrived at that state ofpublic depression when heroes and heroism are no longer regarded, andwhen old men and their counsels rise into importance. Boabdil el Chicoyielded to the general voice: it was determined to capitulate with theChristian sovereigns, and the venerable Abul Casim was sent forth to thecamp empowered to treat for terms. 

CHAPTER XCVII. 

CAPITULATION OF GRANADA. 

The old governor Abul Casim was received with great courtesy byFerdinand and Isabella, who, being informed of the purport of hisembassy, granted the besieged a truce of sixty days from the 5th ofOctober, and appointed Gonsalvo of Cordova and Hernando de Zafra, thesecretary of the king, to treat about the terms of surrender with suchcommissioners as might be named by Boabdil. The latter on his part namedAbul Casim, Aben Comixa the vizier, and the grand cadi. As a pledge ofgood faith Boabdil gave his son in hostage, who was taken to Moclin, where he was treated with the greatest respect and attention by the goodcount de Tendilla as general of the frontier. 

The commissioners on both parts held repeated conferences in secretin the dead of the night at the village of Churriana, those whofirst arrived at the place of meeting giving notice to the othersby signal-fires or by means of spies. After many debates and muchdifficulty the capitulation was signed on the 25th of November. According to this, the city was to be delivered up, with all its gates, towers and fortresses, within sixty days. 

All Christian captives should be liberated without ransom. 

Boabdil and his principal cavaliers should perform the act of homage andtake an oath of fealty to the Castilian Crown. 

The Moors of Granada should become subjects of the Spanish sovereigns, retaining their possessions, their arms and horses, and yielding upnothing but their artillery. They should be protected in the exercise oftheir religion, and governed by their own laws, administered by cadis oftheir own faith under governors appointed by the sovereigns. They shouldbe exempted from tribute for three years, after which term they shouldpay the same that they had been accustomed to render to their nativemonarchs. 

Those who chose to depart for Africa within three years should beprovided with a passage for themselves and their effects, free ofcharge, from whatever port they should prefer. 

For the fulfilment of these articles five hundred hostages from theprincipal families were required previous to the surrender, who shouldbe treated with great respect and distinction by the Christians, andsubsequently restored. The son of the king of Granada and all otherhostages in possession of the Castilian sovereigns were to be restoredat the same time. 

Such are the main articles affecting the public weal which were agreedupon, after much discussion, by the mixed commission. There were otherarticles, however, secretly arranged, which concerned the royal family. These secured to Boabdil, to his wife Morayma, his mother Ayza, hisbrothers, and to Zoraya, the widow of Muley Abul Hassan, all the landedpossessions, houses, mills, baths, and other hereditaments which formedthe royal patrimony, with the power of selling them, personally orby agent, at any and all times. To Boabdil was secured, moreover, his wealthy estates both in and out of Granada, and to him and hisdescendants in perpetuity the lordships of various town and lands andfertile valleys in the Alpuxarras, forming a petty sovereignty. Inaddition to all which it was stipulated that on the day of surrender heshould receive thirty thousand castelanos of gold. *

 * Alcantara, t. 4, c. 18. 

The conditions of surrender being finally agreed upon by thecommissioners, Abul Casim proceeded to the royal camp at Santa Fe, wherethey were signed by Ferdinand and Isabella; he then returned to Granada, accompanied by Hernando de Zafra, the royal secretary, to have the sameratified also by the Moorish king. Boabdil assembled his council, andwith a dejected countenance laid before it the articles of capitulationas the best that could be obtained from the besieging foe. 

When the members of the council found the awful moment arrived when theywere to sign and seal the perdition of their empire and blot themselvesout as a nation, all firmness deserted them, and many gave way to tears. Muza alone retained an unaltered mien. "Leave, seniors, " cried he, "thisidle lamentation to helpless women and children: we are men--we havehearts, not to shed tender tears, but drops of blood. I see the spiritof the people so cast down that it is impossible to save the kingdom. Yet there still remains an alternative for noble minds--a gloriousdeath! Let us die defending our liberty and avenging the woes ofGranada. Our mother earth will receive her children into her bosom, safefrom the chains and oppressions of the conqueror, or, should any faila sepulchre to hide his remains, he will not want a sky to cover him. Allah forbid it should be said the nobles of Granada feared to die inher defence!"

Muza ceased to speak, and a dead silence reigned in the assembly. Boabdil looked anxiously round and scanned every face, but he read inall the anxiety of careworn men, in whose hearts enthusiasm was deadand who had grown callous to every chivalrous appeal. "Allah Akbar!"exclaimed he; "there is no God but God, and Mahomet is his prophet! Wehave no longer forces in the city and the kingdom to resist our powerfulenemies. It is in vain to struggle against the will of Heaven. Toosurely was it written in the book of fate that I should be unfortunateand the kingdom expire under my rule. "

"Allah Akbar!" echoed the viziers and alfaquis; "the will of Godbe done!" So they all agreed with the king that these evils werepreordained, that it was hopeless to contend with them, and that theterms offered by the Castilian monarchs were as favorable as could beexpected. 

When Muza heard them assent to the treaty of surrender he rose inviolent indignation. "Do not deceive yourselves, " cried he, "nor thinkthe Christians will be faithful to their promises, or their king asmagnanimous in conquest as he has been victorious in war. Death is theleast we have to fear. It is the plundering and sacking of our city, theprofanation of our mosques, the ruin of our homes, the violation of ourwives and daughters, cruel oppression, bigoted intolerance, whips andchains, the dungeon, the fagot, and the stake: such are the miseriesand indignities we shall see and suffer; at least those grovelling soulswill see and suffer them who now shrink from an honorable death. For mypart, by Allah, I will never witness them!"

With these words he left the council-chamber, and passed gloomilythrough the Court of Lions and the outer halls of the Alhambra withoutdeigning to speak to the obsequious courtiers who attended in them. He repaired to his dwelling, armed himself at all points, mounted hisfavorite warhorse, and, issuing from the city by the gate of Elvira, wasnever seen or heard of more. *

 * Conde, part 4. 

CHAPTER XCVIII. 

COMMOTIONS IN GRANADA. 

The capitulation for the surrender of Granada was signed on the 25thof November, 1481, and produced a sudden cessation of those hostilitieswhich had raged for so many years. Christian and Moor might now be seenmingling courteously on the banks of the Xenil and the Darro, where tohave met a few days previous would have produced a scene of sanguinarycontest. Still, as the Moors might be suddenly roused to the defenceif within the allotted term of sixty days succors should arrive fromabroad, and as they were at all times a rash, inflammable people, thewary Ferdinand maintained a vigilant watch upon the city and permittedno supplies of any kind to enter. His garrisons in the seaports andhis cruisers in the Straits of Gibraltar were ordered likewise to guardagainst any relief from the grand soldan of Egypt or the princes ofBarbary. There was no need of such precautions. Those powers were eithertoo much engrossed by their own wars or too much daunted by thesuccess of the Spanish arms to interfere in a desperate cause, and theunfortunate Moors of Granada were abandoned to their fate. 

The month of December had nearly passed away: the famine became extreme, and there was no hope of any favorable event within the term specifiedin the capitulation. Boabdil saw that to hold out to the end of theallotted time would but be to protract the miseries of his people. Withthe consent of his council he determined to surrender the city on thesixth of January. He accordingly sent his grand vizier, Yusef AbenComixa, to King Ferdinand to make known his intention, bearing him, at the same time, a present of a magnificent scimetar and two Arabiansteeds superbly caparisoned. 

The unfortunate Boabdil was doomed to meet with trouble to the end ofhis career. The very next day the santon or dervise, Hamet Aben Zarrax, the same who had uttered prophecies and excited commotions on formeroccasions, suddenly made his appearance. Whence he came no one knew: itwas rumored that he had been in the mountains of the Alpuxarras and onthe coast of Barbary endeavoring to rouse the Moslems to the relief ofGranada. He was reduced to a skeleton; his eyes glowed like coals intheir sockets, and his speech was little better than frantic raving. Heharangued the populace in the streets and squares, inveighed against thecapitulation, denounced the king and nobles as Moslems only in name, andcalled upon the people to sally forth against the unbelievers, for thatAllah had decreed them a signal victory. 

Upward of twenty thousand of the populace seized their arms and paradedthe streets with shouts and outcries. The shops and houses were shut up;the king himself did not dare to venture forth, but remained a kind ofprisoner in the Alhambra. 

The turbulent multitude continued roaming and shouting and howling aboutthe city during the day and a part of the night. Hunger and a wintrytempest tamed their frenzy, and when morning came the enthusiast whohad led them on had disappeared. Whether he had been disposed of by theemissaries of the king or by the leading men of the city is not known:his disappearance remains a mystery. *

 * Mariana. 

Boabdil now issued from the Alhambra, attended by his principal nobles, and harangued the populace. He set forth the necessity of complying withthe capitulation, from the famine that reigned in the city, the futilityof defence, and from the hostages having already been delivered into thehands of the besiegers. 

In the dejection of his spirits the unfortunate Boabdil attributed tohimself the miseries of the country. "It was my crime in ascending thethrone in rebellion against my father, " said he, mournfully, "which hasbrought these woes upon the kingdom; but Allah has grievously visitedmy sins upon my head. For your sake, my people, I have now made thistreaty, to protect you from the sword, your little ones from famine, your wives and daughters from outrage, and to secure you in theenjoyment of your properties, your liberties, your laws, and yourreligion under a sovereign of happier destinies than the ill-starredBoabdil. "

The versatile population were touched by the humility of theirsovereign: they agreed to adhere to the capitulation, and there waseven a faint shout of "Long live Boabdil the Unfortunate!" and they allreturned to their homes in perfect tranquillity. 

Boabdil immediately sent missives to King Ferdinand apprising him ofthese events, and of his fears lest further delay should produce newtumults. The vizier, Yusef Aben Comixa, was again the agent betweenthe monarchs. He was received with unusual courtesy and attentionby Ferdinand and Isabella, and it was arranged between them that thesurrender should take place on the second day of January, instead ofthe sixth. A new difficulty now arose in regard to the ceremonial ofsurrender. The haughty Ayxa la Horra, whose pride rose with the declineof her fortunes, declared that as sultana-mother she would never consentthat her son should stoop to the humiliation of kissing the hand of hisconquerors, and unless this part of the ceremonial were modified shewould find means to resist a surrender accompanied by such indignities. 

Aben Comixa was sorely troubled by this opposition. He knew the highspirit of the indomitable Ayxa and her influence over her less heroicson, and wrote an urgent letter on the subject to his friend, the countde Tendilla. The latter imparted the circumstance to the Christiansovereigns; a council was called on the matter. Spanish pride andetiquette were obliged to bend in some degree to the haughty spirit of awoman. It was agreed that Boabdil should sally forth on horseback--thaton approaching the Spanish sovereigns he should make a slight movement, as if about to draw his foot from the stirrup and dismount, but wouldbe prevented from doing so by Ferdinand, who should treat him with arespect due to his dignity and elevated birth. The count de Tendilladespatched a messenger with this arrangement, and the haughty scruplesof Ayxa la Horra were satisfied. *

 * Salazar de Mendoza, Chron. Del Gran Cardinal, lib. 1, c. 69, p. 1;Mondajar, His. MS. , as cited by Alcantara, t. 4, c. 18. 

CHAPTER XCIX. 

SURRENDER OF GRANADA. 

The night preceding the surrender was a night of doleful lamentingswithin the walls of the Alhambra, for the household of Boabdil werepreparing to take a last farewell of that delightful abode. All theroyal treasures and most precious effects were hastily packed uponmules; the beautiful apartments were despoiled, with tears and wailings, by their own inhabitants. Before the dawn of day a mournful cavalcademoved obscurely out of a postern gate of the Alhambra and departedthrough one of the most retired quarters of the city. It was composed ofthe family of the unfortunate Boabdil, which he sent off thus privately, that they might not be exposed to the eyes of scoffers or the exultationof the enemy. The mother of Boabdil, the sultana Ayxa la Horra, rode onin silence, with dejected yet dignified demeanor; but his wife Moraymaand all the females of his household gave way to loud lamentations asthey looked back upon their favorite abode, now a mass of gloomytowers behind them. They were attended by the ancient domestics of thehousehold, and by a small guard of veteran Moors loyally attached to thefallen monarch, and who would have sold their lives dearly in defence ofhis family. The city was yet buried in sleep as they passed through itssilent streets. The guards at the gate shed tears as they opened it fortheir departure. They paused not, but proceeded along the banks of theXenil on the road that leads to the Alpuxarras, until they arrived ata hamlet at some distance from the city, where they halted and waiteduntil they should be joined by King Boabdil. The night which had passedso gloomily in the sumptuous halls of the Alhambra had been one ofjoyful anticipation in the Christian camp. In the evening proclamationhad been made that Granada was to be surrendered on the following day, and the troops were all ordered to assemble at an early hour under theirseveral banners. The cavaliers, pages, and esquires were all chargedto array themselves in their richest and most splendid style for theoccasion, and even the royal family determined to lay by the mourningthey had recently assumed for the sudden death of the prince ofPortugal, the husband of the princess Isabella. In a clause of thecapitulation it had been stipulated that the troops destined to takepossession should not traverse the city, but should ascend to theAlhambra by a road opened for the purpose outside of the walls. This wasto spare the feelings of the afflicted inhabitants, and to preventany angry collision between them and their conquerors. So rigorous wasFerdinand in enforcing this precaution that the soldiers were prohibitedunder pain of death from leaving the ranks to enter into the city. 

The rising sun had scarce shed his rosy beams upon the snowy summits ofthe Sierra Nevada when three signal guns boomed heavily from the loftyfortress of the Alhambra. It was the concerted sign that all was readyfor the surrender. The Christian army forthwith poured out of the city, or rather camp, of Santa Fe, and advanced across the Vega. The king andqueen, with the prince and princess, the dignitaries and ladies of thecourt, took the lead, accompanied by the different orders of monksand friars, and surrounded by the royal guards splendidly arrayed. Theprocession moved slowly forward, and paused at the village of Armilla, at the distance of half a league from the city. 

In the mean time, the grand cardinal of Spain, Don Pedro Gonzalez deMendoza, escorted by three thousand foot and a troop of cavalry, andaccompanied by the commander Don Gutierrez de Cardenas and a number ofprelates and hidalgos, crossed the Xenil and proceeded in the advanceto ascend to the Alhambra and take possession of that royal palace andfortress. The road which had been opened for the purpose led by thePuerta de los Molinos, or Gate of Mills, up a defile to the esplanadeon the summit of the Hill of Martyrs. At the approach of this detachmentthe Moorish king sallied forth from a postern gate of the Alhambra, having left his vizier, Yusef Aben Comixa, to deliver up the palace. Thegate by which he sallied passed through a lofty tower of the outerwall, called the Tower of the Seven Floors (de los siete suelos). Hewas accompanied by fifty cavaliers, and approached the grand cardinal onfoot. The latter immediately alighted, and advanced to meet him withthe utmost respect. They stepped aside a few paces, and held a briefconversation in an under tone, when Boabdil, raising his voice, exclaimed, "Go, senor, and take possession of those fortresses in thename of the powerful sovereigns to whom God has been pleased to deliverthem in reward of their great merits and in punishment of the sins ofthe Moors. " The grand cardinal sought to console him in his reverses, and offered him the use of his own tent during any time he might sojournin the camp. Boabdil thanked him for the courteous offer, adding somewords of melancholy import, and then, taking leave of him gracefully, passed mournfully on to meet the Catholic sovereigns, descending to theVega by the same road by which the cardinal had come. The latter, withthe prelates and cavaliers who attended him, entered the Alhambra, thegates of which were thrown wide open by the alcayde Aben Comixa. At thesame time the Moorish guards yielded up their arms, and the towers andbattlements were taken possession of by the Christian troops. 

While these transactions were passing in the Alhambra and its vicinitythe sovereigns remained with their retinue and guards near the villageof Armilla, their eyes fixed on the towers of the royal fortress, watching for the appointed signal of possession. The time that hadelapsed since the departure of the detachment seemed to them more thannecessary for the purpose, and the anxious mind of Ferdinand began toentertain doubts of some commotion in the city. At length they saw thesilver cross, the great standard of this crusade, elevated on the Torrede la Vela, or Great Watch-tower, and sparkling in the sunbeams. Thiswas done by Hernando de Talavera, bishop of Avila. Beside it was plantedthe pennon of the glorious apostle St. James, and a great shout of"Santiago! Santiago!" rose throughout the army. Lastly was reared theroyal standard by the king-at-arms, with the shout of "Castile! Castile!for King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella!" The words were echoed by thewhole army, with acclamations that resounded across the Vega. At sightof these signals of possession the sovereigns sank upon their knees, giving thanks to God for this great triumph; the whole assembled hostfollowed their example, and the choristers of the royal chapel brokeforth into the solemn anthem of "Te Deum laudamus. "

The king now advanced with a splendid escort of cavalry and the sound oftrumpets, until he came to a small mosque near the banks of the Xenil, and not far from the foot of the Hill of Martyrs, which edifice remainsto the present day consecrated as the hermitage of St. Sebastian. Herehe beheld the unfortunate king of Granada approaching on horseback atthe head of his slender retinue. Boabdil as he drew near made a movementto dismount, but, as had previously been concerted, Ferdinand preventedhim. He then offered to kiss the king's hand, which according toarrangement was likewise declined, whereupon he leaned forward andkissed the king's right arm; at the same time he delivered the keysof the city with an air of mingled melancholy and resignation. "Thesekeys, " said he, "are the last relics of the Arabian empire in Spain:thine, O king, are our trophies, our kingdom, and our person. Such isthe will of God! Receive them with the clemency thou hast promised, andwhich we look for at thy hands. "*

 * Abarca, Anales de Aragon, Rey 30, c. 3. 

King Ferdinand restrained his exultation into an air of serenemagnanimity. "Doubt not our promises, " replied he, "nor that thou shaltregain from our friendship the prosperity of which the fortune of warhas deprived thee. "

Being informed that Don Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, the good count ofTendilla, was to be governor of the city, Boabdil drew from his finger agold ring set with a precious stone and presented it to the count. "Withthis ring, " said he, "Granada has been governed; take it and govern withit, and God make you more fortunate than I!"*

 * This ring remained in the possession of the descendants of thecount until the death of the marques Don Inigo, the last male heir, who died in Malaga, without children, in 1656. The ring was then lostthrough inadvertence and ignorance of its value, Dona Maria, the sisterof the marques, being absent in Madrid--"Alcantara, " 1. 4, c. 18. 

He then proceeded to the village of Armilla, where the queen Isabellaremained with her escort and attendants. The queen, like her husband, declined all acts of homage, and received him with her accustomed graceand benignity. She at the same time delivered to him his son, who hadbeen held as a hostage for the fulfilment of the capitulation. Boabdilpressed his child to his bosom with tender emotion, and they seemedmutually endeared to each other by their misfortunes. *

 * Zurita, Anales de Aragon, lib. 20, cap. 92. 

Having rejoined his family, the unfortunate Boabdil continued on towardthe Alpuxarras, that he might not behold the entrance of the Christiansinto his capital. His devoted band of cavaliers followed him in gloomysilence, but heavy sighs burst from their bosoms as shouts of joy andstrains of triumphant music were borne on the breeze from the victoriousarmy. 

Having rejoined his family, Boabdil set forth with a heavy heart for hisallotted residence in the valley of Purchena. At two leagues' distancethe cavalcade, winding into the skirts of the Alpuxarras, ascended aneminence commanding the last view of Granada. As they arrived at thisspot the Moors paused involuntarily to take a farewell gaze at theirbeloved city, which a few steps more would shut from their sight forever. Never had it appeared so lovely in their eyes. The sunshine, sobright in that transparent climate, lit up each tower and minaret, andrested gloriously upon the crowning battlements of the Alhambra, whilethe Vega spread its enamelled bosom of verdure below, glistening withthe silver windings of the Xenil. The Moorish cavaliers gazed with asilent agony of tenderness and grief upon that delicious abode, thescene of their loves and pleasures. While they yet looked a lightcloud of smoke burst forth from the citadel, and presently a peal ofartillery, faintly heard, told that the city was taken possession of, and the throne of the Moslem kings was lost for ever. The heart ofBoabdil, softened by misfortunes and overcharged with grief, could nolonger contain itself. "Allah Akbar! God is great!" said he but thewords of resignation died upon his lips and he burst into tears. 

The mother, the intrepid Ayxa, was indignant at his weakness. "You dowell, " said she, "to weep like a woman for what you failed to defendlike a man. "

The vizier Aben Comixa endeavored to console his royal master. "Consider, senor, " said he, "that the most signal misfortunes oftenrender men as renowned as the most prosperous achievements, providedthey sustain them with magnanimity. "

The unhappy monarch, however, was not to be consoled; his tearscontinued to flow. "Allah Akbar!" exclaimed he, "when did misfortuneever equal mine?"

From this circumstance the hill, which is not far from Padul, tookthe name of Feg Allah Akbar, but the point of view commanding the lastprospect of Granada is known among Spaniards by the name of "El ultimosuspiro del Moro, " or "The last sigh of the Moor. "

CHAPTER C. 

HOW THE CASTILIAN SOVEREIGNS TOOK POSSESSION OF GRANADA. 

Queen Isabella having joined the king, the royal pair, followed by atriumphant host, passed up the road by the Hill of Martyrs, and thenceto the main entrance of the Alhambra. The grand cardinal awaited themunder the lofty arch of the great Gate of Justice, accompanied by DonGutierrez de Cardenas and Aben Comixa. Here King Ferdinand gave the keyswhich had been delivered up to him into the hands of the queen; theywere passed successively into the hands of the prince Juan, the grandcardinal, and finally into those of the count de Tendilla, in whosecustody they remained, that brave cavalier having been named alcayde ofthe Alhambra and captain-general of Granada. 

The sovereigns did not remain long in the Alhambra on this first visit, but, leaving a strong garrison there under the count de Tendilla tomaintain tranquillity in the palace and the subjacent city, returned tothe camp at Santa Fe. 

We must not omit to mention a circumstance attending the surrender ofthe city which spoke eloquently to the hearts of the victors. As theroyal army had advanced in all the pomp of courtly and chivalrousarray, a procession of a different kind came forth to meet it. This wascomposed of more than five hundred Christian captives, many of whom hadlanguished for years in Moorish dungeons. Pale and emaciated, they cameclanking their chains in triumph and shedding tears of joy. They werereceived with tenderness by the sovereigns. The king hailed them as goodSpaniards, as men loyal and brave, as martyrs to the holy cause; thequeen distributed liberal relief among them with her own hands, and theypassed on before the squadrons of the army singing hymns of jubilee. 

 * Abarca, lib. Sup. ; Zurita, etc. 

The sovereigns forebore to enter the city until it should be fullyoccupied by their troops and public tranquillity ensured. All thiswas done under the vigilant superintendence of the count de Tendilla, assisted by the marques of Villena, and the glistening of Christianhelms and lances along the walls and bulwarks, and the standards ofthe faith and of the realm daunting from the towers, told that thesubjugation of the city was complete. The proselyte prince, Cid Hiaya, now known by the Christian appellation of Don Pedro de Granada Vanegas, *was appointed chief alguazil of the city, and had charge of the Moorishinhabitants, and his son, lately the prince Alnayar, now Alonso deGranada Vanegas, was appointed admiral of the fleet. 

 * Cid Hiaya was made cavalier of the order of Santiago. He and hisson intermarried with the Spanish nobility, and the marqueses ofCompotejar are among their descendants. Their portraits and theportraits of their grandsons are to be seen in one of the rooms of theGeneralife at Granada. 

It was on the sixth of January, the Day of Kings and festival of theEpiphany, that the sovereigns made their triumphant entry with grandmilitary parade. First advanced, we are told, a splendid escort ofcavaliers in burnished armor and superbly mounted. Then followed theprince Juan, glittering with jewels and diamonds; on each side of him, mounted on mules, rode the grand cardinal, clothed in purple, FrayHernando de Talavera, bishop of Airla and the archbishop-elect ofGranada. To these succeeded the queen and her ladies, and the king, managing in galliard style, say the Spanish chroniclers, a proud andmettlesome steed (un caballo arrogante). Then followed the army inshining columns, with flaunting banners and the inspiring clamorof military music. The king and queen (says the worthy Fray AntonioAgapida) looked on this occasion as more than mortal: the venerableecclesiastics, to whose advice and zeal this glorious conquest oughtin a great measure be attributed, moved along with hearts swellingwith holy exultation, but with chastened and downcast looks of edifyinghumility; while the hardy warriors, in tossing plumes and shining steel, seemed elevated with a stern joy at finding themselves in possession ofthis object of so many toils and perils. As the streets resoundedwith the tramp of steeds and swelling peals of music the Moors buriedthemselves in the deepest recesses of their dwellings. There theybewailed in secret the fallen glory of their race, but suppressed theirgroans, lest they should be heard by their enemies and increase theirtriumph. 

The royal procession advanced to the principal mosque, which had beenconsecrated as a cathedral. Here the sovereigns offered up prayers andthanksgivings, and the choir of the royal chapel chanted a triumphantanthem, in which they were joined by all the courtiers and cavaliers. Nothing (says Fray Antonio Agapida) could exceed the thankfulness toGod of the pious king Ferdinand for having enabled him to eradicate fromSpain the empire and name of that accursed heathen race, and for theelevation of the cross in that city wherein the impious doctrines ofMahomet had so long been cherished. In the fervor of his spirit hesupplicated from heaven a continuance of its grace and that thisglorious triumph might be perpetuated. * The prayer of the pious monarchwas responded to by the people, and even his enemies were for onceconvinced of his sincerity. 

 * The words of Fray Antonio Agapida are little more than an echoof those of the worthy Jesuit father Mariana (1. 25, c. 18). 

When the religious ceremonies were concluded the court ascended to thestately palace of the Alhambra and entered by the great Gate of Justice. The halls lately occupied by turbaned infidels now rustled with statelydames and Christian courtiers, who wandered with eager curiosityover this far-famed palace, admiring its verdant courts and gushingfountains, its halls decorated with elegant arabesques and storied withinscriptions, and the splendor of its gilded and brilliantly paintedceilings. 

It had been a last request of the unfortunate Boabdil--and one whichshowed how deeply he felt the transition of his fate--that no personmight be permitted to enter or depart by the gate of the Alhambrathrough which he had sallied forth to surrender his capital. His requestwas granted; the portal was closed up, and remains so to the presentday--a mute memorial of that event. *

 * Garibay, Compend. Hist. , lib. 40, c. 42. The existence of thisgateway and the story connected with it are perhaps known to few, butwere identified in the researches made to verify this history. Thegateway is at the bottom of a tower at some distance from the main bodyof the Alhambra. The tower had been rent and ruined by gunpowder at thetime when the fortress was evacuated by the French. Great masses liearound half covered by vines and fig trees. A poor man, by the nameof Mateo Ximenes, who lives in one of the halls among the ruins of theAlhambra, where his family has resided for many generations, pointed outto the author the gateway, still closed up with stones. He rememberedto have heard his father and grandfather say that it had always beenstopped up, and that out of it King Boabdil had gone when he surrenderedGranada. The route of the unfortunate king may be traced thence acrossthe garden of the convent of Los Martyros, and down a ravine beyond, through a street of gypsy caves and hovels, by the gate of Los Molinos, and so on to the Hermitage of St. Sebastian. None but an antiquarian, however, will be able to trace it unless aided by the humble historianof the place, Mateo Ximenes. 

The Spanish sovereigns fixed their throne in the presence-chamber ofthe palace, so long the seat of Moorish royalty. Hither the principalinhabitants of Granada repaired to pay them homage and kiss their handsin token of vassalage, and their example was followed by deputies fromall the towns and fortresses of the Alpuxarras which had not hithertosubmitted. 

Thus terminated the war of Granada, after ten years of incessantfighting, equalling (says Fray Antonio Agapida) the far-famed siege ofTroy in duration, and ending, like that, in the capture of the city. Thus ended also the dominion of the Moors in Spain, having endured sevenhundred and seventy-eight years from the memorable defeat of Roderick, the last of the Goths, on the banks of the Guadalete. The authenticAgapida is uncommonly particular in fixing the epoch of this event. Thisgreat triumph of our holy Catholic faith, according to his computation, took place in the beginning of January in the year of our Lord 1492, being 3655 years from the population of Spain by the patriarch Tubal, 3797 from the general deluge, 5453 from the creation of the world, according to Hebrew calculation, and in the month Rabic, in the eighthundred and ninety-seventh year of the Hegira, or flight of Mahomet, whom may God confound! saith the pious Agapida. 

APPENDIX. 

The Chronicle of the Conquest of Granada is finished, but the reader maybe desirous of knowing the subsequent fortunes of some of the principalpersonages. 

The unfortunate Boabdil retired with his mother, his wife, his son, his sister, his vizier and bosom-counsellor Aben Comixa, and many otherrelatives and friends, to the valley of Purchena, where a small butfertile territory had been allotted him, comprising several towns ofthe Alpuxarras, with all their rights and revenues. Here, surrounded byobedient vassals, devoted friends, and a loving family, and possessedof wealth sufficient to enable him to indulge in his habitual luxuryand magnificence, he for a time led a tranquil life, and may have lookedback upon his regal career as a troubled dream from which he had happilyawaked. Still, he appears to have pleased himself with a shadow ofroyalty, making occasionally progresses about his little domains, visiting the different towns, receiving the homage of the inhabitants, and bestowing largesses with a princely hand. His great delight, however, was in sylvan sports and exercises, with horses, hawks, andhounds, being passionately fond of hunting and falconry, so as to passweeks together in sporting campaigns among the mountains. The jealoussuspicions of Ferdinand followed him into his retreat. No exertions werespared by the politically pious monarch to induce him to embrace theChristian religion as a means of severing him in feelings and sympathiesfrom his late subjects; but he remained true to the faith of hisfathers, and it must have added not a little to his humiliation to livea vassal under Christian sovereigns. 

His obstinacy in this respect aggravated the distrust of Ferdinand, who, looking back upon the past inconstancy of the Moors, could not feelperfectly secure in his newly-conquered territories while there was onewithin their bounds who might revive pretensions to the throne and rearthe standard of an opposite faith in their behalf. He caused, therefore, a vigilant watch to be kept upon the dethroned monarch in hisretirement, and beset him with spies who were to report all his wordsand actions. The reader will probably be surprised to learn that theforemost of these spies was Aben Comixa! Ever since the capture andrelease of the niece of the vizier by the count de Tendilla, Aben Comixahad kept up a friendly correspondence with that nobleman, and throughthis channel had gradually been brought over to the views of Ferdinand. Documents which have gradually come to light leave little doubt thatthe vizier had been corrupted by the bribes and promises of the Spanishking, and had greatly promoted his views in the capitulation of Granada. It is certain that he subsequently received great estates from theChristian sovereigns. While residing in confidential friendship withBoabdil in his retirement Aben Comixa communicated secretly withHernando de Zafra, the secretary of Ferdinand, who resided at Granada, giving him information of all Boabdil's movements, which the secretaryreported by letter to the king. Some of the letters of the secretarystill exist in the archives of Samancas, and have been recentlypublished in the collection of unedited documents. *

 * El rey Muley Babdali (Boabdil) y sus criados andan continuamentea casa con glagos y azores, y alla esta agora en al campo de Dalias y enVerja, aunque su casa tiene en Andarax, y dican que estara alla por todoeste mes. --"Carta Secreta de Hernando de Zafra, " Decembre, 1492

The jealous doubts of Ferdinand were quickened by the letters of hisspies. He saw in the hunting campaigns and royal progresses ofthe ex-king a mode of keeping up a military spirit and a concertedintelligence among the Moors of the Alpuxarras that might prepare themfor future rebellion. By degrees the very residence of Boabdil withinthe kingdom became incompatible with Ferdinand's ideas of security. Hegave his agents, therefore, secret instructions to work upon the mindof the deposed monarch, and induce him, like El Zagal, to relinquishhis Spanish estates for valuable considerations and retire to Africa. Boabdil, however, was not to be persuaded: to the urgent suggestions ofthese perfidious counsellors he replied that he had given up a kingdomto live in peace, and had no idea of going to a foreign land toencounter new troubles and to be under the control of alarabes. *

 * Letter of Hernando de Zafra to the sovereigns, Dec. 9, 1493. 

Ferdinand persisted in his endeavors, and found means more effectual ofoperating on the mind of Boabdil and gradually disposing him to enterinto negotiations. It would appear that Aben Comixa was secretly activein this matter in the interests of the Spanish monarch, and was with himat Barcelona as the vizier and agent of Boabdil. The latter, however, finding that his residence in the Alpuxarras was a cause of suspicionand uneasiness to Ferdinand, determined to go himself to Barcelona, havea conference with the sovereigns, and conduct all his negotiations withthem in person. Zafra, the secretary of Ferdinand, who was ever onthe alert, wrote a letter from Granada apprising the king of Boabdil'sintention, and that he was making preparations for the journey. Hereceived a letter in reply, charging him by subtle management toprevent, or at least delay, the coming of Boabdil to court. * The craftymonarch trusted to effect through Aben Comixa as vizier and agent ofBoabdil an arrangement which it might be impossible to obtain fromBoabdil himself. The politic plan was carried into effect. Boabdilwas detained at Andarax by the management of Zafra. In the mean time ascandalous bargain was made on the 17th March, 1493, between Ferdinandand Aben Comixa, in which the latter, as vizier and agent of Boabdil, though without any license or authority from him, made a sale of histerritory and the patrimonial property of the princesses for eightythousand ducats of gold, and engaged that he should depart for Africa, taking care, at the same time, to make conditions highly advantageousfor himself. **

 * Letter of the sovereigns to Hernando de Zafra from Barcelona, Feb. , 1493. 

 * *Alcantara, Hist. Granad. , iv. C. 18. 

This bargain being hastily concluded, Yusef Aben Comixa loaded thetreasure upon mules and departed for the Alpuxarras. Here, spreading themoney before Boabdil, "Senior, " said he, "I have observed that as longas you live here you are exposed to constant peril. The Moors are rashand irritable; they may make some sudden insurrection, elevate yourstandard as a pretext, and thus overwhelm you and your friends withutter ruin. I have observed also that you pine away with grief, beingcontinually reminded in this country that you were once its sovereign, but never more must hope to reign. I have put an end to these evils. Your territory is sold--behold the price of it! With this gold you maybuy far greater possessions in Africa, where you may live in honor andsecurity. "

When Boabdil heard these words he burst into a sudden transport of rage, and, drawing his scimetar, would have sacrificed the officious Yusef onthe spot had not the attendants interfered and hurried the vizier fromhis presence. *

 * Marmol, Rebel. 1. 1, c. 22. 

The rage of Boabdil gradually subsided: he saw that he had been dupedand betrayed, but he knew the spirit of Ferdinand too well to hopethat he would retract the bargain, however illegitimately effected. He contented himself, therefore, with obtaining certain advantageousmodifications, and then prepared to bid a final adieu to his latekingdom and his native land. 

It took some months to make the necessary arrangements, or, rather, his departure was delayed by a severe domestic affliction. Morayma, hisgentle and affectionate wife, worn out by agitations and alarms, wasgradually sinking into the grave, a prey to devouring melancholy. Herdeath took place toward the end of August. Hernando de Zafra apprisedKing Ferdinand of the event as one propitious to his purposes, removingan obstacle to the embarkation, which was now fixed for the month ofSeptember. Zafra was instructed to accompany the exiles until he sawthem landed on the African coast. 

The embarkation, however, did not take place until some time in themonth of October. A caracca had been prepared at the port of Adra forBoabdil and his immediate family and friends. Another caracca and twogalliots received a number of faithful adherents, amounting, it is said, to eleven hundred and thirty, who followed their prince into exile. 

A crowd of his former subjects witnessed his embarkation. As the sailswere unfurled and swelled to the breeze, and the vessel bearing Boabdilparted from the land, the spectators would fain have given him afarewell cheering; but the humbled state of their once proud sovereignforced itself upon their minds, and the ominous surname of his youthrose involuntarily to their tongues: "Farewell, Boabdil! Allah preservethee, 'El Zogoybi!'" burst spontaneously from their lips. The unluckyappellation sank into the heart of the expatriated monarch, and tearsdimmed his eyes as the snowy summits of the mountains of Granadagradually faded from his view. 

He was received with welcome at the court of his relative, Muley Ahmed, caliph of Fez, the same who had treated El Zagal with such cruelty inhis exile. For thirty-four years he resided in this court, treated withgreat consideration, and built a palace or alcazar at Fez, in which, it is said, he endeavored to emulate the beauties and delights of theAlhambra. 

The last we find recorded of him is in the year 1536, when he followedthe caliph to the field to repel the invasion of two brothers of thefamous line of the Xerifes, who at the head of Berber troops had takenthe city of Morocco and threatened Fez. The armies came in sight of eachother on the banks of the Guadal Hawit, or river of slaves, at the fordof Balcuba. The river was deep, the banks were high and broken, andthe ford could only be passed in single file; for three days the armiesremained firing at each other across the stream, neither venturing toattempt the dangerous ford. At length the caliph divided his army intothree battalions: the command of the first he gave to his brother-in-lawand to Aliatar, son of the old alcayde of Loxa; another division hecommanded himself; and the third, composed of his best marksmen, heput under the command of his son, the prince of Fez, and Boabdil, nowa gray-haired veteran. The last mentioned column took the lead, dashedboldly across the ford, scrambled up the opposite bank, and attempted tokeep the enemy employed until the other battalions should have time tocross. The rebel army, however, attacked them with such fury that theson of the king of Fez and several of the bravest alcaydes were slainupon the spot; multitudes were driven back into the river, which wasalready crowded with passing troops. A dreadful confusion took place;the horse trampled upon the foot; the enemy pressed on them with fearfulslaughter; those who escaped the sword perished by the stream; the riverwas choked by the dead bodies of men and horses and by the scatteredbaggage of the army. In this scene of horrible carnage fell Boabdil, truly called El Zogoybi, or the Unlucky--an instance, says the ancientchronicler, of the scornful caprice of fortune, dying in defence of thekingdom of another after wanting spirit to die in defence of his own. *

 * Marmol, Descrip. De Africa, p. 1, 1. 2, c. 40; idem, Hist. Reb. Delos Moros, lib. 1, c. 21. 

The aspersion of the chronicler is more caustic than correct. Boabdilnever showed a want of courage in the defence of Granada, but he wantedfirmness and decision: he was beset from the first by perplexities, andultimately by the artifices of Ferdinand and the treachery of those inwhom he most confided. *

 * In revising this account of the ultimate fortunes of Boabdil theauthor has availed himself of facts recently brought out in Alcantara'sHistory of Granada, which throw strong lights on certain parts of thesubject hitherto covered with obscurity. 

ZORAYA, THE STAR OF THE MORNING. 

Notwithstanding the deadly rivalship of this youthful sultana with Ayxala Horra, the virtuous mother of Boabdil, and the disasters to which herambitious intrigues gave rise, the placable spirit of Boabdil bore herno lasting enmity. After the death of his father he treated her withrespect and kindness, and evinced a brotherly feeling toward her sonsCad and Nazar. In the capitulations for the surrender of Granada he tookcare of her interests, and the possessions which he obtained for herwere in his neighborhood in the valleys of the Alpuxarras. Zoraya, however, under the influence of Queen Isabella, returned to theChristian faith, the religion of her infancy, and resumed her Spanishname of Isabella. Her two sons, Cad and Nazar, were baptized under thenames of Don Fernando and Don Juan de Granada, and were permitted totake the titles of infantas or princes. They intermarried with nobleSpanish families, and the dukes of Granada, resident in Valladolid, aredescendants of Don Juan (once Nazar), and preserve to the present daythe blazon of their royal ancestor, Muley Abul Hassan, and his motto, LeGalib ile Ala, God alone is conqueror. 

FATE OF ABEN COMIXA. 

An ancient chronicle which has long remained in manuscript, but hasbeen published of late years in the collection of Spanish historicaldocuments, * informs us of the subsequent fortunes of the perfidious AbenComixa. Discarded and despised by Boabdil for his treachery, he repairedto the Spanish court, and obtained favor in the eyes of the devout queenIsabella by embracing the Christian religion, being baptized under herauspices with the name of Don Juan de Granada. He even carried his zealfor his newly-adopted creed so far as to become a Franciscan friar. By degrees his affected piety grew cool and the friar's garb becameirksome. Taking occasion of the sailing of some Venetian galleys fromAlmeria, he threw off his religious habit, embarked on board of one ofthem, and crossed to Africa, where he landed in the dress of a Spanishcavalier. 

 * Padilla, Cronica de Felipe el Hermosa, cap. 18, y 19, as citedby Alcantara. 

In a private interview with Abderraman, the Moorish king of Bujia, herelated his whole history, and declared that he had always been andstill was at heart a true Mahometan. Such skill had he in inspiringconfidence that the Moorish king took him into favor and appointed himgovernor of Algiers. While enjoying his new dignity a Spanish squadronof four galleys, under the celebrated count Pedro de Navarro, anchoredin the harbor in 1509. Aben Comixa paid the squadron a visit of ceremonyin his capacity of governor, gave the count repeated fetes, and insecret conversations with him laid open all the affairs of the king ofBujia, and offered, if the count should return with sufficient force, to deliver the city into his hands and aid him in conquering the wholeterritory. The count hastened back to Spain and made known the proposedtreachery to the Cardinal Ximenes, then prime minister of Spain. Inthe following month of January he was sent with thirty vessels and fourthousand soldiers to achieve the enterprise. The expedition of Navarrowas successful. He made himself master of Bujia and seized in triumph onthe royal palace, but he found there the base Aben Comixa weltering inhis blood and expiring under numerous wounds. His treachery had beendiscovered, and the vengeance of the king of Bujia had closed hisperfidious career. 

DEATH OF THE MARQUES OF CADIZ. 

The renowned Roderigo Ponce de Leon, marques-duke of Cadiz, wasunquestionably the most distinguished among the cavaliers of Spain forhis zeal, enterprise, and heroism in the great crusade of Granada. Hebegan the war by the capture of Alhama; he was engaged in almost everyinroad and siege of importance during its continuance; and was presentat the surrender of the capital, the closing scene of the conquest. Therenown thus acquired was sealed by his death, which happened in theforty-eighth year of his age, almost immediately at the close of histriumphs and before a leaf of his laurels had time to wither. He died athis palace in the city of Seville on the 27th day of August, 1492, but afew months after the surrender of Granada, and of an illness caused byexposures and fatigues undergone in this memorable war. That honestchronicler, Andres Bernaldez, the curate of Los Palacios, who was acontemporary of the marques, draws his portrait from actual knowledgeand observation. He was universally cited (says he) as the most perfectmodel of chivalrous virtue of the age. He was temperate, chaste, andrigidly devout, a benignant commander, a valiant defender of hisvassals, a great lover of justice, and an enemy to all flatterers, liars, robbers, traitors, and poltroons. 

His ambition was of a lofty kind: he sought to distinguish himself andhis family by heroic and resounding deeds, and to increase the patrimonyof his ancestors by the acquisition of castles, domains, vassals, and other princely possessions. His recreations were all of a warlikenature; he delighted in geometry as applied to fortifications, and spentmuch time and treasure in erecting and repairing fortresses. He relishedmusic, but of a military kind--the sound of clarions and sackbuts, ofdrums and trumpets. Like a true cavalier, he was a protector of the sexon all occasions, and an injured woman never applied to him in vain forredress. His prowess was so well known, and his courtesy to the fair, that the ladies of the court, when they accompanied the queen to thewars, rejoiced to find themselves under his protection; for wherever hisbanner was displayed the Moors dreaded to adventure. He was a faithfuland devoted friend, but a formidable enemy; for he was slow to forgive, and his vengeance was persevering and terrible. 

The death of this good and well-beloved cavalier spread grief andlamentation throughout all ranks. His relations, dependants, andcompanions-in-arms put on mourning for his loss, and so numerous werethey that half of Seville was clad in black. None, however, deplored hisdeath more deeply and sincerely than his friend and chosen companion DonAlonso de Aguilar. 

The funeral ceremonies were of the most solemn and sumptuous kind. Thebody of the marques was arrayed in a costly shirt, a doublet of brocade, a sayo or long robe of black velvet, a marlota or Moorish tunic ofbrocade reaching to the feet, and scarlet stockings. His sword, superblygilt, was girded to his side, as he used to wear it when in the field. Thus magnificently attired, the body was enclosed in a coffin which wascovered with black velvet and decorated with a cross of white damask. Itwas then placed on a sumptuous bier in the centre of the great hall ofthe palace. Here the duchess made great lamentation over the body of herlord, in which she was joined by her train of damsels and attendants, aswell as by the pages and esquires and innumerable vassals. 

In the close of the evening, just before the Ave Maria, the funeraltrain issued from the palace. Ten banners were borne around the bier, the particular trophies of the marques won from the Moors by his valorin individual enterprises before King Ferdinand had commenced the warof Granada. The procession was swelled by an immense train of bishops, priests, and friars of different orders, together with the civil andmilitary authorities and all the chivalry of Seville, headed by thecount of Cifuentes, at that time intendente or commander of the city. Itmoved slowly and solemnly through the streets, stopping occasionally andchanting litanies and responses. Two hundred and forty waxen tapersshed a light like the day about the bier. The balconies and windowswere crowded with ladies, who shed tears as the funeral train passed by, while the women of the lower classes were loud in their lamentations, as if bewailing the loss of a father or a brother. On approaching theconvent of St. Augustine the monks came forth with the cross and tapersand eight censers and conducted the body into the church, where it layin state until all the vigils were performed by the different orders, after which it was deposited in the family tomb of the Ponces in thesame church, and the ten banners were suspended over the sepulchre. *

 * Cura de los Palacios, c. 104. 

The tomb of the valiant Roderigo Ponce de Leon, with his bannersmouldering above it, remained for ages an object of veneration with allwho had read or heard of his virtues and achievements. In the year1810, however, the chapel was sacked by the French, its altars wereoverturned, and the sepulchres of the family of the Ponces shattered topieces. The present duchess of Benevente, the worthy descendant of thisillustrious and heroic line, has since piously collected the ashesof her ancestors, restored the altar, and repaired the chapel. Thesepulchres, however, were utterly destroyed: an inscription in goldletters on the wall of the chapel to the right of the altar is all thatdenotes the place of sepulture of the brave Ponce de Leon. 

THE LEGEND OF THE DEATH OF DON ALONSO DE AGUILAR. 

To such as feel an interest in the fortune of the valiant Don Alonsode Aguilar, the chosen friend and companion-in-arms of Ponce de Leon, marques of Cadiz, and one of the most distinguished heroes of the warof Granada, a few particulars of his remarkable fate will not beunacceptable. 

For several years after the conquest of Granada the country remainedfeverish and unquiet. The zealous efforts of the Catholic clergy toeffect the conversion of the infidels, and the coercion used for thatpurpose by government, exasperated the stubborn Moors of the mountains. Several missionaries were maltreated, and in the town of Dayrin two ofthem were seized and exhorted, with many menaces, to embrace the Moslemfaith; on their resolutely refusing they were killed with staves andstones by the Moorish women and children, and their bodies burnt toashes. *

 * Cura de los Palacios, c. 165. 

Upon this event a body of Christian cavaliers assembled in Andalusia tothe number of eight hundred, and, without waiting for orders from theking, revenged the death of these martyrs by plundering and laying wastethe Moorish towns and villages. The Moors fled to the mountains, andtheir cause was espoused by many of their nation who inhabited thoserugged regions. The storm of rebellion began to gather and mutter itsthunders in the Alpuxarras. They were echoed from the Serrania of Ronda, ever ready for rebellion, but the strongest hold of the insurgents wasin the Sierra (12) Bermeja, or chain of Red Mountains, which lie nearthe sea, the savage rocks and precipices of which may be seen fromGibraltar. 

When King Ferdinand heard of these tumults he issued a proclamationordering all the Moors of the insurgent regions to leave them within tendays and repair to Castile; giving secret instructions, however, thatthose who should voluntarily embrace the Christian faith might bepermitted to remain. At the same time he ordered Don Alonso de Aguilarand the counts of Urena and Cifuentes to march against the rebels. 

Don Alonso de Aguilar was at Cordova when he received the commands ofthe king. "What force is allotted us for this expedition?" said he. On being told, he perceived that the number of troops was far fromadequate. "When a man is dead, " said he, "we send four men into hishouse to bring forth the body. We are now sent to chastise these Moors, who are alive, vigorous, in open rebellion, and ensconced in theircastles; yet they do not give us man to man. " These words of the braveAlonso de Aguilar were afterward frequently repeated, but, though he sawthe desperate nature of the enterprise, he did not hesitate to undertakeit. 

Don Alonso was at that time in the fifty-first year of his age--awarrior in whom the fire of youth was yet unquenched, though temperedby experience. The greater part of his life had been spent in camp andfield until danger was as his habitual element. His muscular frame hadacquired the firmness of iron without the rigidity of age. His armor andweapons seemed to have become a part of his nature, and he sat like aman of steel on his powerful war-horse. 

He took with him on this expedition his son, Don Pedro de Cordova, ayouth of bold and generous spirit, in the freshness of his days, andarmed and arrayed with the bravery of a young Spanish cavalier. When thepopulace of Cordova beheld the veteran father, the warrior of a thousandbattles, leading forth his son to the field, they bethought themselvesof the family appellation. "Behold, " cried they, "the eagle teaching hisyoung to fly! Long live the valiant line of Aguilar!"*

 * "Aguilar, " the Spanish for eagle. 

The prowess of Don Alonso and of his companions-in-arms was renownedthroughout the Moorish towns. At their approach, therefore, numbersof the Moors submitted, and hastened to Ronda to embrace Christianity. Among the mountaineers, however, were many of the Gandules, a tribe fromAfrica, too proud of spirit to bend their necks to the yoke. At theirhead was a Moor named El Feri of Ben Estepar, renowned for strengthand courage. At his instigation his followers gathered together theirfamilies and most precious effects, placed them on mules, and, drivingbefore them their flocks and herds, abandoned their valleys and retiredup the craggy passes of the Sierra (13) Bermeja. On the summit was afertile plain surrounded by rocks and precipices, which formed a naturalfortress. Here El Feri placed all the women and children and all theproperty. By his orders his followers piled great stones on the rocksand cliffs which commanded the defiles and the steep sides of themountain, and prepared to defend every pass that led to his place ofrefuge. 

The Christian commanders arrived, and pitched their camp before the townof Monarda, a strong place, curiously fortified, and situated at thefoot of the highest part of the Sierra (14) Bermeja. Here they remainedfor several days, unable to compel a surrender. They were separated fromthe skirt of the mountain by a deep barranca, or ravine, at the bottomof which flowed a small stream. The Moors commanded by El Feri drew downfrom their mountain-height, and remained on the opposite side of thebrook to defend a pass which led up to their stronghold. 

One afternoon a number of Christian soldiers in mere bravado seizeda banner, crossed the brook, and, scrambling up the opposite bank, attacked the Moors. They were followed by numbers of their companions, some in aid, some in emulation, but most in hope of booty. A sharpaction ensued on the mountain-side. The Moors were greatly superiorin number, and had the vantage-ground. When the counts of Urena andCifuentes beheld the skirmish, they asked Don Alonso de Aguilar hisopinion. "My opinion, " said he, "was given at Cordova, and remains thesame: this is a desperate enterprise. However, the Moors are at hand, and if they suspect weakness in us it will increase their courage andour peril. Forward then to the attack, and I trust in God we shall gaina victory. " So saying, he led his troops into the battle. *

 * Bleda, 1. 5, c. 26. 

On the skirts of the mountain were several level places, like terraces;here the Christians pressed valiantly upon the Moors, and had theadvantage; but the latter retreated to the steep and craggy heights, whence they hurled darts and rocks upon their assailants. They defendedtheir passes and defiles with valor, but were driven from height toheight until they reached the plain on the summit of the mountain wheretheir wives and children were sheltered. Here they would have made astand, but Alonso de Aguilar, with his son Don Pedro, charged uponthem at the head of three hundred men and put them to flight with greatcarnage. While they were pursuing the flying enemy the rest of the army, thinking the victory achieved, dispersed themselves over the littleplain in search of plunder. They pursued the shrieking females, tearingoff their necklaces, bracelets, and anklets of gold, and they found somuch treasure of various kinds collected in this spot that they threw bytheir armor and weapons to load themselves with booty. 

Evening was closing. The Christians, intent upon spoil, had ceased topursue the Moors, and the latter were arrested in their flight by thecries of their wives and children. Their leader, El Feri, threw himselfbefore them. "Friends, soldiers, " cried he, "whither do you fly? Whithercan you seek refuge where the enemy cannot follow you? Your wives, yourchildren, are behind you--turn and defend them; you have no chance forsafety but from the weapons in your hands. "

The Moors turned at his words. They beheld the Christians scatteredabout the plain, many of them without armor, and all encumbered withspoil. "Now is the time!" shouted El Feri: "charge upon them while ladenwith your plunder. I will open a path for you. " He rushed to the attack, followed by his Moors, with shouts and cries that echoed throughthe mountains. The scattered Christians were seized with panic, and, throwing down their booty, began to fly in all directions. Don Alonsode Aguilar advanced his banner and endeavored to rally them. Finding hishorse of no avail in these rocky heights, he dismounted, and caused hismen to do the same: he had a small band of tried followers, with whichhe opposed a bold front to the Moors, calling on the scattered troops torally in the rear. 

Night had completely closed. It prevented the Moors from seeing thesmallness of the force with which they were contending, and Don Alonsoand his cavaliers dealt their blows so vigorously that, aided bythe darkness, they seemed multiplied to ten times their number. Unfortunately, a small cask of gunpowder blew up near to the scene ofaction. It shed a momentary but brilliant light over all the plain andon every rock and cliff. The Moors beheld, with surprise, that theywere opposed by a mere handful of men, and that the greater part ofthe Christians were flying from the field. They put up loud shouts oftriumph. While some continued the conflict with redoubled ardor, others pursued the fugitives, hurling after them stones and darts anddischarging showers of arrows. Many of the Christians in their terrorand their ignorance of the mountains, rushed headlong from the brinks ofprecipices and were dashed in pieces. 

Don Alonso still maintained his ground, but, while some of the Moorsassailed him in front, others galled him with all kinds of missiles fromthe impending cliffs. Some of the cavaliers, seeing the hopeless natureof the conflict, proposed to abandon the height and retreat down themountain. "No, " said Don Alonso proudly; "never did the banner ofthe house of Aguilar retreat one foot in the field of battle. " He hadscarcely uttered these words when his son Pedro was stretched at hisfeet. A stone hurled from a cliff had struck out two of his teeth, anda lance passed quivering through his thigh. The youth attempted to rise, and, with one knee on the ground, to fight by the side of his father. Don Alonso, finding him wounded, urged him to quit the field. "Fly, myson, " said he; "let us not put everything at venture upon one hazard. Conduct thyself as a good Christian, and live to comfort and honor thymother. "

Don Pedro still refused to leave his side. Whereupon Don Alonso orderedseveral of his followers to bear him off by force. His friend DonFrancisco Alvarez of Cordova, taking him in his arms, conveyed him tothe quarters of the count of Urena, who had halted on the height atsome distance from the scene of battle for the purpose of rallying andsuccoring the fugitives. Almost at the same moment the count beheld hisown son, Don Pedro Giron, brought in grievously wounded. 

In the mean time, Don Alonso, with two hundred cavaliers, maintained theunequal contest. Surrounded by foes, they fell, one after another, like so many stags encircled by the hunters. Don Alonso was the lastsurvivor, without horse and almost without armor, his corselet unlacedand his bosom gashed with wounds. Still, he kept a brave front to theenemy, and, retiring between two rocks, defended himself with such valorthat the slain lay in a heap before him. 

He was assailed in this retreat by a Moor of surpassing strength andfierceness. The contest was for some time doubtful, but Don Alonsoreceived a wound in the head, and another in the breast, which madehim stagger. Closing and grappling with his foe, they had a desperatestruggle, until the Christian cavalier, exhausted by his wounds, fellupon his back. He still retained his grasp upon his enemy. "Think not, "cried he, "thou hast an easy prize; know that I am Don Alonso, he ofAguilar!"--"If thou art Don Alonso, " replied the Moor, "know that I amEl Feri of Ben Estepar. " They continued their deadly struggle, andboth drew their daggers, but Don Alonso was exhausted by seven ghastlywounds: while he was yet struggling his heroic soul departed from hisbody, and he expired in the grasp of the Moor. 

Thus fell Alonso de Aguilar, the mirror of Andalusian chivalry--oneof the most powerful grandees of Spain for person, blood, estate, andoffice. For forty years he had made successful war upon the Moors--inchildhood by his household and retainers, in manhood by the prowess ofhis arm and in the wisdom and valor of his spirit. His pennon had alwaysbeen foremost in danger; he had been general of armies, viceroy ofAndalusia, and the author of glorious enterprises in which kings werevanquished and mighty alcaydes and warriors laid low. He had slain manyMoslem chiefs with his own arm, and among others the renowned Ali Atarof Loxa, fighting foot to foot, on the banks of the Xenil. His judgment, discretion, magnanimity, and justice vied with his prowess. He was thefifth lord of his warlike house that fell in battle with the Moors. 

"His soul, " observes the worthy Padre Abarca, "it is believed, ascendedto heaven to receive the reward of so Christian a captain; for thatvery day he had armed himself with the sacraments of confession andcommunion. "*

 * Abarca, Anales de Aragon, Rey xxx. Cap. Ii. 

The Moors, elated with their success, pursued the fugitive Christiansdown the defiles and sides of the mountains. It was with the utmostdifficulty that the count de Urena could bring off a remnant of hisforces from that disastrous height. Fortunately, on the lower slope ofthe mountain they found the rear-guard of the army, led by the countde Cifuentes, who had crossed the brook and the ravine to come to theirassistance. As the fugitives came flying in headlong terror down themountain it was with difficulty the count kept his own troops fromgiving way in panic and retreating in confusion across the brook. Hesucceeded, however, in maintaining order, in rallying the fugitives, and checking the fury of the Moors; then, taking his station on a rockyeminence, he maintained his post until morning, sometimes sustainingviolent attacks, at other times rushing forth and making assaults uponthe enemy. When morning dawned the Moors ceased to combat, and drew upto the summit of the mountain. 

It was then that the Christians had time to breathe and to ascertain thesad loss they had sustained. Among the many valiant cavaliers who hadfallen was Don Francisco Ramirez of Madrid, who had been captain-generalof artillery throughout the war of Granada, and contributed greatly byhis valor and ingenuity to that renowned conquest. But all other griefsand cares were forgotten in anxiety for the fate of Don Alonso deAguilar. His son, Don Pedro de Cordova, had been brought off with greatdifficulty from the battle, and afterward lived to be marques of Priego;but of Don Alonso nothing was known, except that he was left with ahandful of cavaliers fighting valiantly against an overwhelming force. 

As the rising sun lighted up the red cliffs of the mountains thesoldiers watched with anxious eyes if perchance his pennon might bedescried fluttering from any precipice or defile, but nothing of thekind was to be seen. The trumpet-call was repeatedly sounded, but emptyechoes alone replied. A silence reigned about the mountain-summit whichshowed that the deadly strife was over. Now and then a wounded warriorcame dragging his feeble steps from among the cliffs and rocks, but onbeing questioned he shook his head mournfully and could tell nothing ofthe fate of his commander. 

The tidings of this disastrous defeat and of the perilous situation ofthe survivors reached King Ferdinand at Granada: he immediately marchedat the head of all the chivalry of his court to the mountains of Ronda. His presence with a powerful force soon put an end to the rebellion. A part of the Moors were suffered to ransom themselves and embark forAfrica; others were made to embrace Christianity; and those of the townwhere the Christian missionaries had been massacred were sold as slaves. From the conquered Moors the mournful but heroic end of Alonso deAguilar was ascertained. 

On the morning after the battle, when the Moors came to strip and burythe dead, the body of Don Alonso was found among those of more thantwo hundred of his followers, many of them alcaydes and cavaliers ofdistinction. Though the person of Don Alonso was well known to theMoors, being so distinguished among them both in peace and war, yet itwas so covered and disfigured with wounds that it could with difficultybe recognized. They preserved it with great care, and on making theirsubmission delivered it up to King Ferdinand. It was conveyed with greatstate to Cordova, amidst the tears and lamentations of all Andalusia. When the funeral train entered Cordova, and the inhabitants saw thecoffin containing the remains of their favorite hero, and the war-horseled in mournful trappings on which they had so lately seen him sallyforth from their gates, there was a general burst of grief throughoutthe city. The body was interred with great pomp and solemnity in thechurch of St. Hypolito. 

Many years afterward his granddaughter, Dona Catalina of Aguilar andCordova, marchioness of Priego, caused his tomb to be altered. Onexamining the body the head of a lance was found among the bones, received without doubt among the wounds of his last mortal combat. Thename of this accomplished and Christian cavalier has ever remained apopular theme of the chronicler and poet, and is endeared to the publicmemory by many of the historical ballads and songs of his country. Fora long time the people of Cordova were indignant at the brave count deUrena, who they thought had abandoned Don Alonso in his extremity;but the Castilian monarch acquitted him of all charge of the kind andcontinued him in honor and office. It was proved that neither he norhis people could succor Don Alonso, or even know his peril, from thedarkness of the night. There is a mournful little Spanish ballad orromance which breathes the public grief on this occasion, and thepopulace on the return of the count de Urena to Cordova assailed himwith one of its plaintive and reproachful verses:

 Count Urena! Count Urena! Tell us, where is Don Alonso!

 (Dezid conde Urena! Don Alonso, donde queda?)

 * Bleda, 1. 5, c. 26.