AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF MA-KA-TAI-ME-SHE-KIA-KIAK, OR BLACK HAWK, By Black Hawk AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF MA-KA-TAI-ME-SHE-KIA-KIAK, OR BLACK HAWK, EMBRACING THE TRADITIONS OF HIS NATION, VARIOUS WARS IN WHICH HE HAS BEEN ENGAGED, AND HIS ACCOUNT OF THE CAUSE AND GENERAL HISTORY OF THE BLACK HAWK WAR OF 1832, His Surrender, and Travels Through the United States. DICTATED BY HIMSELF. ANTOINE LECLAIR, U. S. INTERPRETER. J. B. PATTERSON, EDITOR AND AMANUENSIS. ROCK ISLAND. ILLINOIS, 1833. ALSO LIFE, DEATH AND BURIAL OF THE OLD CHIEF, TOGETHER WITH A History of the Black Hawk War, By J. B. PATTERSON, OQUAWKA, ILL, 1882. Copyrighted by J. B. PATTERSON, 1882. AS A TOKEN OF HIGH REGARD, I DEDICATE THIS VOLUME TO MY FRIEND, HON. BAILEY DAVENPORT, OF ROCK ISLAND, ILL. AFFIDAVIT. DISTRICT OF ILLINOIS, SS. Be it remembered, that on this sixteenthday of November, Anno Domini eighteen hundred and thirty-three, J. B. Patterson, of said district, hath deposited in this office the title ofa Book, the title of which is in the words following, to wit: "Life of Makataimeshekiakiak, or Black Hawk, embracing the Traditions ofhis Nation--Indian Wars in which he has been engaged--Cause of joiningthe British in their late War with America, and its History--Descriptionof the Rock River Village--Manners and Customs--Encroachments by theWhites contrary to Treaty--Removal from his village in 1831. With anaccount of the Cause and General History of the Late War, his Surrenderand Confinement at Jefferson Barracks, and Travels through the UnitedStates. Dictated by himself. " J. B. Patterson, of Rock Island, Illinois, Editor and Proprietor. The right whereof he claims as author, in conformity with an actof Congress, entitled "An act to amend the several acts respectingcopyrights. " W. H. BROWN, Clerk of the District of Illinois INDIAN AGENCY, ROCK ISLAND, October 16, 1833. I do hereby certify, that Makataimeshekiakiak, or Black Hawk, did callupon me, on his return to his people in August last, and expressed agreat desire to have a History of his Life written and published, inorder (as he said) "that the people of the United States, (among whom hehad been traveling, and by whom he had been treated with great respect, friendship and hospitality, ) might know the _cause_ that had impelledhim to acts as he had done, and the _principles_ by which he wasgoverned. " In accordance with his request, I acted as Interpreter; and wasparticularly cautious to understand distinctly the narrative ofBlack Hawk throughout--and have examined the work carefully since itscompletion, and have no hesitation in pronouncing it strictly correct, in all its particulars. Given under my hand, at the Sac and Fox agency, the day and date abovewritten. ANTOINE LE CLAIR, U. S. Interpreter for the Sacs and Foxes. ORIGINAL DEDICATION. NE-KA-NA-WEN. MA-NE-SO-NO OKE-MAUT WAP-PI MAK-QUAI. WA-TA-SAI WE-YEU, Ai nan-ni ta co-si-ya-quai, na-katch ai she-ke she-he-nack, hai-me-ka-tiya-quai ke-she-he-nack, ken-e-chawe-he-ke kai-pec-kien a-cob, ai-we-ne-she we-he-yen; ne-wai-ta-sa-mak ke-kosh-pe kai-a-poi qui-wat. No-ta-wach-pai pai-ke se-na-mon nan-ni-yoo, ai-ke-kai na-o-pen. Ni-me-to sai-ne-ni-wen, ne-ta-to-ta ken ai mo-he-man ta-ta-que, ne-me-to-sai-ne-ne-wen. Nin-a-kai-ka poi-pon-ni chi-cha-yen, kai-ka-ya ha-ma-wepa-she-to-he-yen. Kai-na-ya kai-nen-ne-naip, he-nok ki-nok ke-cha-kai-yapai-no-yen ne-ket-te-sim-mak o-ke-te-wak ke-o-che, me-ka ti-ya-quoisna-kach mai-quoi, a-que-qui pa-che-qui ke-kan-ni ta-men-nin. Ke-to-tawe-yen, a-que-ka-ni-co-te she-tai-hai-hai yen, nen, chai-cha-me-cokai-ke-me-se ai we-ke ken-na-ta-mo-wat ken-ne-wa-ha-oma-quo-qua-yeai-quoi. Ken-wen-na ak-che-man wen-ni-ta-hai ke-men-neto-ta-we-yeu, ke-kog-hai ke-ta-shi ke-kai na-we-yen, he-na-chawai-che-we to-mo-nan, ai pe-che-qua-chi mo-pen ma-me-co, ma-che-we-tana-mo-nan, ne-ya-we-nan qui-a-ha-wa pe-ta-kek, a que-year tak-pa-she-quia-to-ta-mo-wat, chi-ye-tuk he-ne cha-wai-chi he-ni-nan ke-o-chi-tamow-ta-swee-pai che-qua-que. He-ni-cha-hai poi-kai-nen na-no-so-si-yen, ai o-sa-ke-we-yen, ke-pe-me-kai-mi-kat hai-nen hac-yai, na-na-co-si-peu, nen-a-kai-neco-ten ne-co-ten ne-ka chi-a-quoi ne-me-cok me-to-sai ne-ne wak-kaine-we-yen-nen, kai-shai ma-ni-to-ke ka-to-me-nak ke-wa-saihe-co-wai mi-a-me ka-chi pai-ko-tai-hear-pe kai-cee wa-wa-kia he-peha-pe-nach-he-cha, na-na-ke-na-way ni-taain ai we-pa-he-wea to-to-na ca, ke-to-ta-we-yeak, he-nok, mia-ni ai she-ke-ta ma-ke-si-yen, nen-a-kaina-co-ten ne-ka-he-nen e-ta-quois, wa toi-na-ka che-ma-ke-keu na-ta-chetai-hai-ken ai mo-co-man ye-we-yeu ke-to-towe. E-nok ma-ni-haishe-ka-ta-ma ka-si-yen, wen-e-cha-hai nai-ne-mak, mai-ko-ten ke ka-chama-men-na-tuk we-yowe, keu-ke-nok ai she-me ma-na-ni ta-men-ke-yowe. MA-KA-TAI-ME-SHE-KIA-KIAK Ma-taus-we Ki-sis, 1833. DEDICATION. [translation] To Brigadier General H. Atkinson: SIR--The changes of fortune and vicissitudes of war made you myconqueror. When my last resources were exhausted, my warriors worn downwith long and toilsome marches, we yielded, and I became your prisoner. The story of my life is told in the following pages: it is intimatelyconnected, and in some measure, identified, with a part of the historyof your own: I have, therefore, dedicated it to you. The changes of many summers have brought old age upon me, and I can notexpect to survive many moons. Before I set out on my journey to the landof my fathers, I have determined to give my motives and reasons for myformer hostilities to the whites, and to vindicate my character frommisrepresentation. The kindness I received from you whilst a prisonerof war assures me that you will vouch for the facts contained in mynarrative, so far as they came under your observation. I am now an obscure member of a nation that formerly honored andrespected my opinions. The pathway to glory is rough, and many gloomyhours obscure it. May the Great Spirit shed light on yours, and thatyou may never experience the humility that the power of the Americangovernment has reduced me to, is the wish of him, who, in his nativeforests, was once as proud and bold as yourself. BLACK HAWK. 10th Moon, 1833. ADVERTISEMENT It is presumed that no apology will be required for presenting to thepublic the life of a Hero who has lately taken such high rank among thedistinguished individuals of America. In the following pages he will beseen in the character of a Warrior, a Patriot and a State prisoner;in every situation he is still the chief of his Band, asserting theirrights with dignity, firmness and courage. Several accounts of the latewar having been published, in which he thinks justice is not done tohimself or nation, he determined to make known to the world the injurieshis people have received from the whites, the causes which broughton the war on the part of his nation, and a general history of itthroughout the campaign. In his opinion this is the only method now lefthim to rescue his little Band, the remnant of those who fought bravelywith him, from the effects of the statements that have already goneforth. The facts which he states, respecting the Treaty of 1804, in virtue ofthe provisions of which the government claimed the country in disputeand enforced its arguments with the sword, are worthy of attention. Itpurported to cede tot he United States all of the country, including thevillage and corn-fields of Black Hawk and his band, on the east side ofthe Mississippi. Four individuals of the tribe, who were on a visit toSt. Louis to obtain the liberation of on of their people from prison, were prevailed upon, says Black Hawk, to make this important treaty, without the knowledge or authority of the tribes, or nation. In treating with the Indians for their country, it has always beencustomary to assemble the whole nation; because, as has been trulysuggested by the Secretary of War, the nature of the authority of thechiefs of the tribe is such, that it is not often that they dare make atreaty of much consequence, and we might add, never, when involving somuch magnitude as the one under consideration, without the presenceof their young men. A rule so reasonable and just ought never tobe violated, and the Indians might well question the right of theGovernment to dispossess them, when such violation was made the basis ofits right. The Editor has written this work according to the dictation of BlackHawk, through the United States Interpreter, at the Sac and Fox Agencyof Rock Island. He does not, therefore, consider himself responsible forany of the facts, or views, contained in it, and leaves the Old Chiefand his story with the public, whilst he neither asks, nor expects, anyfame for his services as an amanuensis. THE EDITOR. AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF BLACK HAWK. I was born at the Sac village, on Rock river, in the year 1767, andam now in my 67th year. My great grandfather, Nanamakee, or Thunder, according to the tradition given me by my father, Pyesa, was born in thevicinity of Montreal, Canada, where the Great Spirit first placed theSac nation, and inspired him with a belief that, at the end of fouryears he should see a _white man_, who would be to him a father. Consequently he blacked his face, and eat but once a day, just as thesun was going down, for three years, and continued dreaming, throughoutall this time whenever he slept. When the Great Spirit again appeared tohim, and told him that, at the end of one year more, he should meet hisfather, and directed him to start seven days before its expiration, andtake with him his two brothers, Namah, or Sturgeon, and Paukahummawa, or Sunfish, and travel in a direction to the left of sun-rising. Afterpursuing this course for five days, he sent out his two brothers tolisten if they could hear a noise, and if so, to fasten some grass tothe end of a pole, erect it, pointing in the direction of the sound, andthen return to him. Early next morning they returned, and reported that they had heardsounds which appeared near at hand, and that they had fulfilled hisorder. They all then started for the place where the pole had beenerected; when, on reaching it, Nanamakee left his party and went aloneto the place from whence the sounds proceeded, and found, that the whiteman had arrived and pitched his tent. When he came in sight, his fathercame out to meet him. He took him by the hand and welcomed him into histent. He told him that he was the son of the King of France; that he hadbeen dreaming for four years; that the Great Spirit had directed himto come here, where he should meet a nation of people who had neveryet seen a white man; that they should be his children and he shouldbe their father; that he had communicated these things to the King, hisfather, who laughed at him and called him Mashena, but he insisted oncoming here to meet his children where the Great Spirit had directedhim. The king had told him that he would find neither land nor people;that this was an uninhabited region of lakes and mountains, but, findingthat he would have no peace without it, he fitted out a napequa, mannedit, and gave him charge of it, when he immediately loaded it, set sailand had now landed on the very day that the Great Spirit had told himin his dreams he should meet his children. He had now met the man whoshould, in future, have charge of all the nation. He then presented him with a medal which he hung round his neck. Nanamakee informed him of his dreaming, and told him that his twobrothers remained a little way behind. His father gave him a shirt, ablanket and a handkerchief besides a variety of other presents, and toldhim to go and bring his brethren. Having laid aside his buffalo robe anddressed himself in his new dress, he started to meet his brothers. When they met he explained to them his meeting with the white man andexhibited to their view the presents that he had made him. He then tookoff his medal and placed it on his elder brother Namah, and requestedthem both to go with him to his father. They proceeded thither, were where ushered into the tent, and after somebrief ceremony his father opened a chest and took presents therefrom forthe new comers. He discovered that Nanamakee had given his medal to hiselder brother Namah. He told him that he had done wrong; that he shouldwear that medal himself, as he had others for his brothers. That whichhe had given him was typical of the rank he should hold in the nation;that his brothers could only rank as _civil chiefs_, and that theirduties should consist of taking care of the village and attending to itscivil concerns, whilst his rank, from his superior knowledge, placedhim over all. If the nation should get into any difficulty with another, then his puccohawama, or sovereign decree, must be obeyed. If hedeclared war he must lead them on to battle; that the Great Spirit hadmade him a great and brave general, and had sent him here to give himthat medal and make presents to him for his people. His father remained four days, during which time he gave him guns, powder and lead, spears and lances, and taught him their use, so thatin war he might be able to chastise his enemies, and in peace theycould kill buffalo, deer and other game necessary for the comforts andluxuries of life. He then presented the others with various kinds ofcooking utensils and taught them their uses. After having given themlarge quantities of goods as presents, and everything necessary fortheir comfort, he set sail for France, promising to meet them again, atthe same place, after the 12th moon. The three newly made chiefs returned to their village and explained toMukataquet, their father, who was the principal chief of the nation, what had been said and done. The old chief had some dogs killed and made a feast preparatory toresigning his scepter, to which all the nation were invited. Greatanxiety prevailed among them to know what the three brothers had seenand heard. . When the old chief arose and related to them the sayingsand doings of his three sons, and concluded by saying that the GreatSpirit had directed that these, his three sons, should take the rankand power that had once been his, and that he yielded these honors andduties willingly to them, because it was the wish of the Great Spirit, and he could never consent to make him angry. He now presented the great medicine bag to Nanamakee, and told him thathe "cheerfully resigned it to him, it is the soul of our nation, it hasnever yet been disgraced and I will expect you to keep it unsullied. " Some dissensions arose among them, in consequence of so much power beinggiven to Nanamakee, he being so young a man. To quiet them, Nanamakee, during a violent thunder storm, told them that he had caused it, andthat it was an exemplification of the name the Great Spirit had givenhim. During the storm the lightning struck, and set fire to a tree nearby, a sight they had never witnessed before. He went to it and broughtaway some of its burning branches, made a fire in the lodge and seatedhis brothers around it opposite to one another, while he stood up andaddressed his people as follows: "I am yet young, but the Great Spirit has called me to the rank I holdamong you. I have never sought to be more than my birth entitled me to. I have not been ambitious, nor was it ever my wish while my fatherwas yet among the living to take his place, nor have I now usurped hispowers. The Great Spirit caused me to dream for four years. He told mewhere to go and meet the white man who would be a kind father to us all. I obeyed. I went, and have seen and know our new father. "You have all heard what was said and done. The Great Spirit directedhim to come and meet me, and it is his order that places me at the headof my nation, the place which my father has willingly resigned. "You have all witnessed the power that has been given me by the GreatSpirit, in making that fire, and all that I now ask is that these, mytwo chiefs, may never let it go out. That they may preserve peace amongyou and administer to the wants of the needy. And should an enemy invadeour country, I will then, and not until then, assume command, and goforth with my band of brave warriors and endeavor to chastise them. " At the conclusion of this speech every voice cried out for Nanamakee. All were satisfied when they found that the Great Spirit had done whatthey had suspected was the work of Nanamakee, he being a very shrewdyoung man. The next spring according to promise their French father returned, withhis napequa richly laden with goods, which were distributed among them. He continued for a long time to keep up a regular trade with them, theygiving him in exchange for his goods furs and peltries. After a long time the British overpowered the French, the two nationsbeing at War, and drove them away from Quebec, taking possession of itthemselves. The different tribes of Indians around our nation, envyingour people, united their forces against them and by their combinedstrength succeeded in driving them to Montreal, and from thence toMackinac. Here our people first met our British father, who furnishedthem with goods. Their enemies still wantonly pursued them and drovethem to different places along the lake. At last they made a villagenear Green Bay, on what is now called Sac river, having derived its namefrom this circumstance. Here they held a council with the Foxes, and anational treaty of friendship and alliance was agreed upon. The Foxesabandoned their village and joined the Sacs. This arrangement, beingmutually obligatory upon both parties, as neither were sufficientlystrong to meet their enemies with any hope of success, they soon becameas one band or nation of people. They were driven, however, by thecombined forces of their enemies to the Wisconsin. They remained herefor some time, until a party of their young men, who descended Rockriver to its mouth, had returned and made a favorable report of thecountry. They all descended Rock river, drove the Kaskaskias from thecountry and commenced the erection of their village, determined never toleave it. At this village I was born, being a lineal descendant of the firstchief, Nanamakee, or Thunder. Few, if any events of note transpiredwithin my recollection until about my fifteenth year. I was not allowedto paint or wear feathers, but distinguished myself at an early age bywounding an enemy; consequently I was placed in the ranks of the Braves. Soon after this a leading chief of the Muscow nation came to our villagefor recruits to go to war against the Osages, our common enemy. I volunteered my services to go, as my father had joined him, and wasproud to have an opportunity to prove to him that I was not an unworthyson, and that I had courage and bravery. It was not long before we metthe enemy and a battle immediately ensued. Standing by my father's side, I saw him kill his antagonist and tear the scalp from off his head. Fired with valor and ambition, I rushed furiously upon another and smotehim to the earth with my tomahawk. I then ran my lance through his body, took off his scalp and returned in triumph to my father. He said nothingbut looked well pleased. This was the first man I killed. The enemy'sloss in this engagement having been very great, they immediatelyretreated, which put an end to the war for the time being. Our partythen returned to the village and danced over the scalps we had taken. This was the first time I was permitted to join in a scalp dance. After a few moons had passed, being acquired considerable reputationas a brave, I led a party of seven and attacked one hundred Osages! Ikilled one man and left him for my comrades to scalp while I was takingobservations of the strength and preparations of the enemy. Finding thatthey were equally well armed with ourselves, I ordered a retreat andcame off without the loss of a man. This excursion gained for me greatapplause, and enabled me, before a great while, to raise a party of onehundred and eighty to march against the Osages. We left our village inhigh spirits and marched over a rugged country, until we reached theland of the Osages, on the borders of the Missouri. We followed their trail until we arrived at the village, which weapproached with exceeding caution, thinking that they were all here, but found, to our sorrow, that they had deserted it. The party becamedissatisfied in consequence of this disappointment, and all, with theexception of five noble braves, dispensed and went home. I then placedmyself at the head of this brave little band, and thanked the GreatSpirit that so _many_ had remained. We took to the trail of our enemies, with a full determination never to return without some trophy ofvictory. We followed cautiously on for several days, killed one man anda boy, and returned home with their scalps. In consequence of this mutiny in camp, I was not again able to raisea sufficient force to go against the Osages until about my Nineteenthyear. During this interim they committed many outrages on our nation;hence I succeeded in recruiting two hundred efficient warriors, andearly one morning took up the line of march. In a few days we were inthe enemy's country, and we had not gone far before we met a forceequal to our own with which to contend. A general battle immediatelycommenced, although my warriors were considerably fatigued by forcedmarches. Each party fought desperately. The enemy seemed unwillingto yield the ground and we were determined to conquer or die. A greatnumber of Osages were killed and many wounded before they commenced aretreat. A band of warriors more brave, skillful and efficient than minecould not be found. In this engagement I killed five men and one squaw, and had the good fortune to take the scalps of all I struck with oneexception--that of the squaw, who was accidentally killed. The enemy'sloss in this engagement was about one hundred braves. Ours nineteen. Wethen returned to our village well pleased with our success, and dancedover the scalps which we had taken. The Osages, in consequence of their great loss in this battle, becamesatisfied to remain on their own lands. This stopped for a while theirdepredations on our nation. Our attention was now directed towards anancient enemy who had decoyed and murdered some of our helpless womenand children. I started with my father, who took command of a smallparty, and proceeded against the enemy to chastise them for the wrongsthey had heaped upon us. We met near the Merimac and an action ensued;the Cherokees having a great advantage in point of numbers. Early inthis engagement my father was wounded in the thigh, but succeeded inkilling his enemy before he fell. Seeing that he had fallen, I assumedcommand, and fought desperately until the enemy commenced retreatingbefore the well directed blows of our braves. I returned to my fatherto administer to his necessities, but nothing could be done for him. Themedicine man said the wound was mortal, from which he soon after died. In this battle I killed three men and wounded several. The enemy's losswas twenty-eight and ours seven. I now fell heir to the great medicine bag of my forefathers, which hadbelonged to my father. I took it, buried our dead, and returned with myparty, sad and sorrowful, to our village, in consequence of the loss ofmy father. Owing to this misfortune I blacked my face, fasted and prayed to theGreat Spirit for five years, during which time I remained in a civilcapacity, hunting and fishing. The Osages having again commenced aggressions on our people, and theGreat Spirit having taken pity on me, I took a small party and wentagainst them. I could only find six of them, and their forces beingso weak, I thought it would be cowardly to kill them, but took themprisoners and carried them to our Spanish father at St. Louis, gave themup to him and then returned to our village. Determined on the final and complete extermination of the dastardlyOsages, in punishment for the injuries our people had received fromthem, I commenced recruiting a strong force, immediately on my return, and stated in the third moon, with five hundred Sacs and Foxes, and onehundred Iowas, and marched against the enemy. We continued our march formany days before we came upon their trail, which was discovered late inthe day. We encamped for the night, made an early start next morning, and before sundown we fell upon forty lodges, killed all the inhabitantsexcept two squaws, whom I took as prisoners. Doing this engagement Ikilled seven men and two boys with my own hands. In this battle many ofthe bravest warriors among the Osages were killed, which caused thosewho yet remained of their nation to keep within the boundaries of theirown land and cease their aggressions upon our hunting grounds. The loss of my father, by the Cherokees, made me anxious to avenge hisdeath by the utter annihilation, if possible, of the last remnant oftheir tribe. I accordingly commenced collecting another party to goagainst them. Having succeeded in this, I started with my braves andwent into their country, but I found only five of their people, whom Itook prisoners. I afterwards released four of them, the other, a youngsquaw, we brought home. Great as was my hatred of these people, I couldnot kill so small a party. About the close of the ninth moon, I led a large party against theChippewas, Kaskaskias and Osages. This was the commencement of a longand arduous campaign, which terminated in my thirty-fifth year, afterhaving had seven regular engagements and numerous small skirmishes. During this campaign several hundred of the enemy were slain. I killedthirteen of their bravest warriors with my own hands. Our enemies having now been driven from our hunting grounds, with sogreat a loss as they sustained, we returned in peace to our village. After the seasons of mourning and burying our dead braves and offeasting and dancing had passed, we commenced preparations for ourwinter's hunt. When all was ready we started on the chase and returnedrichly laden with the fruits of the hunter's toil. We usually paid a visit to St. Louis every summer, but in consequenceof the long protracted war in which we had been engaged, I had not beenthere for some years. Our difficulties all having been settled, I concluded to take a smallparty and go down to see our Spanish father during the summer. We went, and on our arrival put up our lodges where the market house now stands. After painting and dressing we called to see our Spanish father and werekindly received. He gave us a great variety of presents and an abundanceof provisions. We danced through the town as usual, and the inhabitantsall seemed well pleased. They seemed to us like brothers, and alwaysgave us good advice. On my next and last visit to our Spanish father, Idiscovered on landing, that all was not right. Every countenance seemedsad and gloomy. I inquired the cause and was informed that the Americanswere coming to take possession of the town and country, and that we wereto lose our Spanish father. This news made me and my band exceedinglysad, because we had always heard bad accounts of the Americans from theIndians who had lived near them. We were very sorry to lose our Spanishfather, who had always treated us 'with great friendship. A few days afterwards the Americans arrived. I, in company with my band, went to take leave for the last time of our father. The Americans cameto see him also. Seeing their approach, we passed out at one door asthey came in at another. We immediately embarked in our canoes for ourvillage on Rock river, not liking the change any more than our friendsat St. Louis appeared to. On arriving at our village we gave out the news that a strange peoplehad taken possession of St. Louis and that we should never see ourgenerous Spanish father again. This information cast a deep gloom overour people. Sometime afterwards a boat came up the river with a young Americanchief, at that time Lieutenant, and afterwards General Pike, and a smallparty of soldiers aboard. The boat at length arrived at Rock river andthe young chief came on shore with his interpreter. He made us a speechand gave us some presents, in return for which we gave him meat and suchother provisions as we could spare. We were well pleased with the speech of the young chief. He gave us goodadvice and said our American father would treat us well. He presentedus an American flag which we hoisted. He then requested us to lowerthe _British colors_, which were waving in the air, and to give him ourBritish medals, promising to send others on his return to St: Louis. This we declined to do as we wished to have two fathers. When the young chief started we sent runners to the village of theFoxes, some miles distant, to direct them to treat him well as hepassed, which they did. He went to the head of the Mississippi and thenreturned to St. Louis. We did not see any Americans again for some time, being supplied with goods by British traders. We were fortunate in not giving up our medals, for we learnedafterwards, from our traders, that the chiefs high up the Mississippi, who gave theirs, never received any in exchange for them. But the faultwas not with the young American chief. He was a good man, a great brave, and I have since learned, died in his country's service. Some moons after this young chief had descended the Mississippi, one ofour people killed an American, was taken prisoner and was confinedin the prison at St. Louis for the offence. We held a council atour village to see what could be done for him, and determined thatQuashquame, Pashepaho, Ouchequaka and Hashequarhiqua should go down toSt. Louis, see our American father and do all they could to have ourfriend released by paying for the person killed, thus covering the bloodand satisfying the relations of the murdered man. This being the onlymeans with us for saving a person who had killed another, and we thenthought it was the same way with the whites. The party started with the good wishes of the whole nation, who had highhopes that the emissaries would accomplish the object of their mission. The relations of the prisoner blacked their faces and fasted, hoping theGreat Spirit would take pity on them and return husband and father tohis sorrowing wife and weeping children. Quashquame and party remained a long time absent. They at lengthreturned and encamped near the village, a short distance below it, anddid not come up that day, nor did any one approach their camp. Theyappeared to be dressed in fine coats and had medals. From thesecircumstances we were in hopes that they had brought good news. Earlythe next morning the Council Lodge was crowded, Quashquame and partycame up and gave us the following account of their mission: On our arrival at St. Louis we met our American father and explained tohim our business, urging the release of our friend. The American chieftold us he wanted land. We agreed to give him some on the west side ofthe Mississippi, likewise more on the Illinois side opposite Jeffreon. When the business was all arranged we expected to have our friendreleased to come home with us. About the time we were ready to start ourbrother was let out of the prison. He started and ran a short distancewhen he was SHOT DEAD! This was all they could remember of what had been said and done. Itsubsequently appeared that they had been drunk the greater part of thetime while at St. Louis. This was all myself and nation knew of the treaty of 1804. It has sincebeen explained to me. I found by that treaty, that all of the countryeast of the Mississippi, and south of Jeffreon was ceded to the UnitedStates for one thousand dollars a year. I will leave it to the people ofthe United States to say whether our nation was properly represented inthis treaty? Or whether we received a fair compensation for the extentof country ceded by these four individuals? I could say much more respecting this treaty, but I will not at thistime. It has been the origin of all our serious difficulties with thewhites. Sometime after this treaty was made, a war chief with a party ofsoldiers came up in keel boats, encamped a short distance above thehead of the Des Moines rapids, and commenced cutting timber and buildinghouses. The news of their arrival was soon carried to all our villages, to confer upon which many councils were held. We could not understandthe intention, or comprehend the reason why the Americans wanted tobuild homes at that place. We were told that they were a party ofsoldiers, who had brought great guns with them, and looked like a warparty of whites. A number of people immediately went down to see what was going on, myself among them. On our arrival we found that they were building afort. The soldiers were busily engaged in cutting timber, and I observedthat they took their arms with them when they went to the woods. Thewhole party acted as they would do in an enemy's country. The chiefsheld a council with the officers, or head men of the party, which I didnot attend, but understood from them that the war chief had said thatthey were building homes for a trader who was coming there to live, andwould sell us goods very cheap, and that the soldiers were to remain tokeep him company. We were pleased at this information ad hoped that itwas all true, but we were not so credulous as to believe that all thesebuildings were intended merely for the accommodation of a trader. Beingdistrustful of their intentions, we were anxious for them to leave offbuilding and go back down the river. By this time a considerable number of Indians had arrived to see whatwas doing. I discovered that the whites were alarmed. Some of our youngmen watched a party of soldiers, who went out to work, carrying theirarms, which were laid aside before they commenced. Having stolen quietlyto the spot they seized the guns and gave a wild yell! The partythrew down their axes and ran for their arms, but found them gone, andthemselves surrounded. Our young men laughed at them and returned theirweapons. When this party came to the fort they reported what had been done, and the war chief made a serious affair of it. He called our chiefs tocouncil inside his fort. This created considerable excitement in ourcamp, every one wanting to know what was going to be done. The picketingwhich had been put up, being low, every Indian crowded around the fort, got upon blocks of wood and old barrels that they might see what wasgoing on inside. Some were armed with guns and others with bows andarrows. We used this precaution, seeing that the soldiers had their gunsloaded and having seen them load their big guns in the morning. A party of our braves commenced dancing and proceeded up to thegate with the intention of, going in, but were stopped. The councilimmediately broke up, the soldiers with their guns in hands rushed outfrom the rooms where they had been concealed. The cannon were hauled tothe gateway, and a soldier came running with fire in his hand, ready toapply the match. Our braves gave way and retired to the camp. There wasno preconcerted plan to attack the whites at that time, but I am ofthe opinion now that had our braves got into the fort all of the whiteswould have been killed, as were the British soldiers at Mackinac manyyears before. We broke up our camp and returned to Rock river. A short time afterwardthe party at the fort received reinforcements, among whom we observedsome of our old friends from St. Louis. Soon after our return from Fort Madison runners came to our village fromthe Shawnee Prophet. Others were despatched by him to the village ofthe Winnebagoes, with invitations for us to meet him on the Wabash. Accordingly a party went from each village. All of our party returned, among whom came a prophet, who explained tous the bad treatment the different nations of Indians had received fromthe Americans, by giving them a few presents and taking their land fromthem. I remember well his saying: "If you do not join your friends on theWabash, the Americans will take this very village from you!" I littlethought then that his words would come true, supposing that he usedthese arguments merely to encourage us to join him, which we concludednot to do. He then returned to the Wabash, where a party Of Winnebagoeshad preceded him, and preparations were making for war. A battle soonensued in which several Winnebagoes were killed. As soon as their nationheard of this battle, and that some of their people had been killed, they sent several war parties in different directions. One to the miningcounty, one to Prairie du Chien, and another to Fort Madison. The latterreturned by our village and exhibited several scalps which they hadtaken. Their success induced several parties to go against the fort. Myself and several of my band joined the last party, and were determinedto take the fort. We arrived in the vicinity during the night. The spiesthat we had sent out several days before to watch the movements of thoseat the garrison, and ascertain their numbers, came to us and gave thefollowing information: "A keel arrived from below this evening withseventeen men. There are about fifty men in the fort and they march outevery morning to exercise. " It was immediately determined that we shouldconceal ourselves in a position as near as practicable to where thesoldiers should come out, and when the signal was given each one was tofire on them and rush into the fort. With my knife I dug a hole in theground deep enough that by placing a few weeds around it, succeededin concealing myself. I was so near the fort that I could hear thesentinels walking on their beats. By day break I had finished my workand was anxiously awaiting the rising of the sun. The morning drum beat. I examined the priming of my gun, and eagerly watched for the gate toopen. It did open, but instead of the troops, a young man came out aloneand the gate closed after him. He passed so close to me that I couldhave killed him with my knife, but I let him pass unharmed. He kept thepath toward the river, and had he gone one step from it, he must havecome upon us and would have been killed. He returned immediately andentered the gate. I would now have rushed for the gate and entered itwith him, but I feared that our party was not prepared to follow me. The gate opened again when four men emerged and went down to the riverfor wood. While they were gone another man came out, walked toward theriver, was fired on and killed by a Winnebago. The others started andran rapidly towards the fort, but two of them were shot down dead. Wethen took shelter under the river's bank out of reach of the firing fromthe fort. The firing now commenced from both parties and was kept up withoutcessation all day. I advised our party to set fire to the fort, andcommenced preparing arrows for that purpose. At night we made theattempt, and succeeded in firing the buildings several times, butwithout effect, as the fire was always instantly extinguished. The next day I took my rifle and shot in two the cord by which theyhoisted their flag, and prevented them from raising it again. Wecontinued firing until our ammunition was expended. Finding that wecould not take the fort, we returned home, having one Winnebago killedand one wounded during the siege. I have since learned that the trader who lived in the fort, woundedthe Winnebago while he was scalping the first man that was killed. TheWinnebago recovered, and is now living, and is very friendly disposedtowards the trader, believing him to be a great brave. Soon after our return home, news reached us that a war was going to takeplace between the British and the Americans. Runners continued to arrive from different tribes, all confirming thereports of the expected war. The British agent, Colonel Dixon, washolding talks with, and making presents to the different tribes. I hadnot made up my mind whether to join the British or remain neutral. I hadnot discovered yet one good trait in the character of the Americans whohad come to the country. They made fair promises but never fulfilledthem, while the British made but few, and we could always relyimplicitly on their word. One of our people having killed a Frenchman at Prairie du Chien, theBritish took him prisoner and said they would shoot him next day. Hisfamily were encamped a short distance below the mouth of the Wisconsin. He begged for permission to go and see them that night, as he was todie the next day. They permitted him to go after he had promised them toreturn by sunrise the next morning. He visited his family, which consisted of his wife and six children. Ican not describe their meeting and parting so as to be understood bythe whites, as it appears that their feelings are acted upon by certainrules laid down by their preachers, while ours are governed by themonitor within us. He bade his loved ones the last sad farewell andhurried across the prairie to the fort and arrived in time. The soldierswere ready and immediately marched out and shot him down. I visited thestricken family, and by hunting and fishing provided for them until theyreached their relations. Why did the Great Spirit ever send the whites to this island to driveus from our homes and introduce among us poisonous liquors, disease anddeath? They should have remained in the land the Great Spirit allottedthem. But I will proceed with my story. My memory, however, is not verygood since my late visit to the white people. I have still a buzzingnoise in my ear from the noise and bustle incident to travel. I may givesome parts of my story out of place, but will make my best endeavors tobe correct. Several of our chiefs were called upon to go to Washington to see ourGreat Father. They started and during their absence I went to Peoria, on the Illinois river, to see an old friend and get his advice. He was aman who always told u the truth, sad knew everything that was going on. When I arrived at Peoria he had gone to Chicago, and was not at home. Ivisited the Pottawattomie villages and then returned to Rock river. Soonafter which our friends returned from their visit to the Great Fatherand reported what had been said and done. Their Great Father told themthat in the event of a war taking place with England, not to interfereon either side, but remain neutral. He did not want our help, but wishedus to hunt and supply our families, and remain in peace. He said thatBritish traders would not be allowed to come on the Mississippi tofurnish us with goods, but that we would be well supplied by an Americantrader. Our chiefs then told him that the British traders always gave uscredit in the fall for guns, powder and goods, to enable us to hunt andclothe our families. He replied that the trader at Fort Madison wouldhave plenty of goods, and if we should go there in the autumn of theyear, he would supply us on credit, as the British traders had done. Theparty gave a good account of what they had seen and the kind treatmentthey had received. This information pleased us all very much. We allagreed to follow our Great Father's advice and not interfere in thewar. Our women were much pleased at the good news. Everything went oncheerfully in our village. We resumed our pastimes of playing ball, horse-racing and dancing, which had been laid aside when this great warwas first talked about. We had fine crops of corn which were now ripe, and our women were busily engaged in gathering it and making caches tocontain it. In a short time we were ready to start to Fort Madison to get oursupply of goods, that we might proceed to our hunting grounds. We passedmerrily down the river, all in high spirits. I had determined to spendthe winter at my old favorite hunting ground on Skunk river. I leftpart of my corn and mats at its mouth to take up as we returned and manyothers did the same. The next morning we arrived at the fort and made our encampment. Myselfand principal men paid a visit to the war chief at the fort. He receivedus kindly and gave us some tobacco, pipes and provisions. The trader came in and we all shook hands with him, for on him all ourdependence was placed, to enable us to hunt and thereby support ourfamilies. We waited a long time, expecting the trader would tell us thathe had orders from our Great Father to supply us with goods, but he saidnothing on the subject. I got up and told him in a short speech what wehad come for, and hoped he had plenty of goods to supply us. I told himthat he should be well paid in the spring, and concluded by informinghim that we had decided to follow our Great Father's advice and not goto war. He said that he was happy to hear that we had concluded to remain inpeace. That he had a large quantity of goods, and that if we had madea good hunt we should be well supplied, but he remarked that he hadreceived no instructions to furnish us anything on credit, nor could hegive us any without receiving the pay for them on the spot! We informed him what our Great Father had told our chiefs at Washington, and contended that he could supply us if he would, believing that ourGreat Father always spoke the truth. The war chief said the trader couldnot furnish us on credit, and that he had received no instructions fromour Great Father at Washington. We left the fort dissatisfied and wentto camp. What was now to be done we knew not. We questioned the partythat brought us the news from our Great Father, that we could get creditfor our winter supplies at this place. They still told the same storyand insisted on its truth. Few of us slept that night. All was gloom anddiscontent. In the morning a canoe was seen descending the river, bearing anexpress, who brought intelligence that La Gutrie, a British trader, hadlanded at Rock Island with two boat loads of goods. He requested usto come up immediately as he had good news for us, and a variety ofpresents. The express presented us with tobacco, pipes and wampum. Thenews ran through our camp like fire through dry grass on the prairie. Our lodges were soon taken down and we all started for Rock Island. Hereended all hopes of our remaining at peace, having been forced into warby being deceived. Our party were not long in getting to Rock Island. When we came in sightand saw tents pitched, we yelled, fired our guns and beat our drums. Guns were immediately fired at the island, returning our salute, and aBritish flag hoisted. We loaded, were cordially received by La Gutrie, and then smoked the pipe with him. After which he made a speech tous, saying that he had been sent by Col. Dixon. He gave us a number ofhandsome presents, among them a large silk flag and a keg of rum. Hethen told us to retire, take some refreshments and rest ourselves, as hewould have more to say to us next day. We accordingly retired to our lodges, which in the meantime had been putup, and spent the night. The next morning we called upon him and toldhim we wanted his two boat loads of goods to divide among our people, for which he should be well paid in the spring in furs and peltries. Heconsented for us to take them and do as we pleased with them. While ourpeople were dividing the goods, he took me aside and informed me thatColonel Dixon was at Green Bay with twelve boats loaded with goods, gunsand ammunition. He wished to raise a party immediately and go to him. Hesaid our friend, the trader at Peoria, was collecting the Pottawattomiesand would be there before us. I communicated this information to mybraves, and a party of two hundred warriors were soon collected andready to depart. I paid a visit to the lodge of an old friend, who hadbeen the comrade of my youth, and had been in many war parties with me, but was now crippled and no longer able to travel. He had a son thatI had adopted as my own, and who had hunted with me the two winterspreceding. I wished my old friend to let him go with me. He objected, saying he could not get his support if he did attend me, and that I, who had always provided for him since his misfortune, would be gone, therefore he could not spare him as he had no other dependence. Ioffered to leave my son in his stead but he refused to give his consent. He said that he did not like the war, as he had been down the river andhad been well treated by the Americans and could not fight against them. He had promised to winter near a white settler above Salt river, and must take his son with him. We parted and I soon concluded myarrangements and started with my party for Green Bay. On our arrivalthere we found a large encampment; were well received by Colonel Dixonand the war chiefs who were with him. He gave us plenty of provisions, tobacco and pipes, saying that he would hold a council with us the nextday. In the encampment I found a great number of Kickapoos, Ottawas andWinnebagoes. I visited all their camps and found them in high spirits. They had all received new guns, ammunition and a variety of clothing. In the evening a messenger came to visit Colonel Dixon. I went to histent, in which them were two other war chiefs and an interpreter. Hereceived me with a hearty shake of the hand; presented me to the otherchiefs, who treated me cordially, expressing themselves as being much. Pleased to meet me. After I was seated Colonel Dixon said: "GeneralBlack Hawk, I sent for you to explain to you what we are going to do andgive you the reasons for our coming here. Our friend, La Gutrie, informsus in the letter you brought from him, of what has lately taken place. You will now have to hold us fast by the hand. Your English Father hasfound out that the Americans want to take your country from you and hassent me and my braves to drive them back to their own country. He has, likewise, sent a large quantity of arms and ammunition, and we want allyour warriors to join us. " He then placed a medal around my neck and gave me a paper, which I lostin the late war, and a silk flag, saying: "You are to command all thebraves that will leave here the day after to-morrow, to join our bravesat Detroit. " I told him I was very much disappointed, as I wanted to descend theMississippi and make war upon the settlements. He said he had beenordered to lay in waste the country around St. Louis. But having been atrader on the Mississippi for many years himself, and always havingbeen treated kindly by the people there, he could not send brave mento murder helpless women and innocent children. There were no soldiersthere for us to fight, and where he was going to send us there were agreat many of them. If we defeated them the Mississippi country shouldbe ours. I was much pleased with this speech, as it was spoken by abrave. I inquired about my old friend, the trader at Peoria, and observed, "that I had expected that he would have been here before me. " He shookhis head and said, "I have sent express after express for him, and haveoffered him great sums of money to come and bring the Pottawatomies andKickapoos with him. " He refused, saying, "Your British father has notenough money to induce me to join you. I have now laid a trap for him. Ihave sent Gomo and a party of Indians to take him prisoner and bring himhere alive. I expect him in a few days. " The next day arms and ammunition, knives, tomahawks and clothing weregiven to my band. We had a great feast in the evening, and the morningfollowing I started with about five hundred braves to join the Britisharmy. We passed Chicago and observed that the fort had been evacuatedby the Americans, and their soldiers had gone to Fort Wayne. Theywere attacked a short distance from the fort and defeated. They had aconsiderable quantity of powder in the fort at Chicago, which they hadpromised to the Indians, but the night before they marched away theydestroyed it by throwing it into a well. If they had fulfilled theirword to the Indians, they doubtless would have gone to Fort Waynewithout molestation. On our arrival, I found that the Indians hadseveral prisoners, and I advised them to treat them well. We continuedour march, joining the British below Detroit, soon after which we had abattle. The Americans fought well, and drove us back with considerableloss. I was greatly surprised at this, as I had been told that theAmericans would not fight. Our next movement was against a fortified place. I was stationed with mybraves to prevent any person going to, or coming from the fort. I foundtwo men taking care of cattle and took them prisoners. I would not killthem, but delivered them to the British war chief. Soon after, severalboats came down the river fail of American soldiers. They landed on theopposite side, took the British batteries, and pursued the soldiers thathad left them. They went too far without knowing the strength of theBritish and were defeated. I hurried across the river, anxious for anopportunity to show the courage of my braves, but before we reached thescene of battle all was over. The British had taken many prisoners and the Indians were killing them. I immediately put a stop to it, as I never thought it brave, but baseand cowardly to kill in unarmed and helpless foe. We remained here forsome time. I can not detail what took place, as I was stationed with mybraves in the woods. It appeared, however, that the British could nottake this fort, for we marched to another, some distance off. When weapproached it, I found a small stockade, and concluded that there werenot many men in it. The British war chief sent a flag of truce. ColonelDixon carried it, but soon returned, reporting that the young war chiefin command would not give up the fort without fighting. Colonel Dixoncame to me and said, "you will see to-morrow, how easily we will takethat fort. " I was of the same opinion, but when the morning came I wasdisappointed. The British advanced and commenced the attack, fightinglike true braves, but were defeated by the braves in the fort, anda great number of our men were killed. The British army was makingpreparations to retreat. I was now tired of being with them, our successbeing bad, and having got no plunder. I determined on leaving them andreturning to Rock river, to see what had become of my wife and children, as I had not heard from them since I left home. That night I took abouttwenty of my braves, and left the British camp for home. On our journeywe met no one until we came to the Illinois river. Here we found twolodges of Pottawattomies. They received us in a very friendly manner, and gave us something to eat. I inquired about their friends who werewith the British. They said there had been some fighting on the Illinoisriver, and that my friend, the Peoria trader, had been taken prisoner. "By Gomo and his party?" I immediately inquired. They replied, "no, butby the Americans, who came up with boats. They took him and the Frenchsettlers prisoners, and they burned the village of Peoria. " They couldgive us no information regarding our friends on Rock river. In threedays more we were in the vicinity of our village, and were soon aftersurprised to find that a party of Americans had followed us from theBritish camp. One of them, more daring than his comrades, had made hisway through the thicket on foot, and was just in the act of shooting mewhen I discovered him. I then ordered him to surrender, marched himinto camp, and turned him over to a number of our young men with thisinjunction: "Treat him as a brother, as I have concluded to adopt him inour tribe. " A little while before this occurrence I had directed my party to proceedto the village, as I had discovered a smoke ascending from a hollow inthe bluff, and wished to go alone to the place from whence the smokeproceeded, to see who was there. I approached the spot, and when I camein view of the fire, I saw an old man sitting in sorrow beneath a matwhich he had stretched over him. At any other time I would have turnedaway without disturbing him, knowing that he came here to be alone, tohumble himself before the Great Spirit, that he might take pity on him. I approached and seated myself beside him. He gave one look at me andthen fixed his eyes on the ground. It was my old friend. I anxiouslyinquired for his son, my adopted child, and what had befallen ourpeople. My old comrade seemed scarcely alive. He must have fasted a longtime. I lighted my pipe and put it into his mouth. He eagerly drew a fewpuffs, cast up his eyes which met mine, and recognized me. His eyeswere glassy and he would again have fallen into forgetfulness, had Inot given him some water, which revived him. I again inquired, "what hasbefallen our people, and what has become of our son?" In a feeble voice he said, "Soon after your departure to join theBritish, I descended the river with a small party, to winter at theplace I told you the white man had asked me to come to. When we arrivedI found that a fort had been built, and the white family that hadinvited me to come and hunt near them had removed to it. I then paida visit to the fort to tell the white people that my little band werefriendly, and that we wished to hunt in the vicinity of the fort. The war chief who commanded there, told me that we might hunt on theIllinois side of the Mississippi, and no person would trouble us. Thatthe horsemen only ranged on the Missouri side, and he had directed themnot to cross the river. I was pleased with this assurance of safety, andimmediately crossed over and made my winter's camp. Game was plenty. Welived happy, and often talked of you. My boy regretted your absenceand the hardships you would have to undergo. We had been here about twomoons, when my boy went out as usual to hunt. Night came on and he didnot return. I was alarmed for his safety and passed a sleepless night. In the morning my old woman went to the other lodges and gave the alarmand all turned out to hunt for the missing one. There being snow uponthe ground they soon came upon his track, and after pursuing it forsome distance, found he was on the trail of a deer, which led towardthe river. They soon came to the place where he had stood and fired, andnear by, hanging on the branch of a tree, found the deer, which he hadkilled and skinned. But here were also found the tracks of white men. They had taken my boy prisoner. Their tracks led across the river andthen down towards the fort. My friends followed on the trail, and soonfound my boy lying dead. He had been most cruelly murdered. His face wasshot to pieces, his body stabbed in several places and his head scalped. His arms were pinioned behind him. " The old man paused for some time, and then told me that his wife haddied on their way up the Mississippi. I took the hand of my old friendin mine and pledged myself to avenge the death of his son. It was nowdark, and a terrible storm was raging. The rain was descending in heavytorrents, the thunder was rolling in the heavens, and the lightningflashed athwart the sky. I had taken my blanket off and wrapped itaround the feeble old man. When the storm abated I kindled a fire andtook hold of my old friend to remove him nearer to it. He was dead! Iremained with him during the night. Some of my party came early in themorning to look for me, and assisted me in burying him on the peak ofthe bluff. I then returned to the village with my friends. I visited thegrave of my old friend as I ascended Rock river the last time. On my arrival at the village I was met by the chiefs and braves andconducted to the lodge which was prepared for me. After eating, I gavea fall account of all that I had seen and done. I explained to mypeople the manner in which the British and Americans fought. Instead ofstealing upon each other and taking every advantage to kill the enemyand save their own people as we do, which, with us is consideredgood policy in a war chief, they march out in open daylight and fightregardless of the number of warriors they may lose. After the battleis over they retire to feast and drink wine as if nothing had happened. After which they make a statement in writing of what they have done, each party claiming the victory, and neither giving an account of halfthe number that have been killed on their own side They all fought likebraves, but would not do to lead a party with us. Our maxim is: "Killthe enemy and save our own men. " Those chiefs will do to paddle a canoebut not to steer it. The Americans shot better than the British, buttheir soldiers were not so well clothed, nor so well provided for. The village chief informed me that after I started with my braves andthe parties who followed, the nation was reduced to a small party offighting men; that they would have been unable to defend themselves ifthe Americans had attacked them. That all the children and old men andwomen belonging to the warriors who had joined the British were leftwith them to provide for. A council had been called which agreed thatQuashquame, the Lance, and other chiefs, with the old men, women andchildren, and such others as chose to accompany them, should descend theMississippi to St. Louis, and place themselves under the American chiefstationed there. They accordingly went down to St. Louis, were receivedas the friendly band of our nation, were sent up the Missouri andprovided for, while their friends were assisting the British! Keokuk was then introduced to me as the war chief of the braves then inthe village. I inquired how he had become chief? They said that a largearmed force was seen by their spies going toward Peoria. Fears wereentertained that they would come up and attack the village and a councilhad been called to decide as to the best course to be adopted, whichconcluded upon leaving the village and going to the west side of theMississippi to get out of the way. Keokuk, during the sitting of thecouncil, had been standing at the door of the lodge, not being allowedto enter, as he had never killed an enemy, where he remained until oldWacome came out. He then told him that he heard what they had decidedupon, and was anxious to be permitted to speak before the counciladjourned. Wacome returned and asked leave for Keokuk to come in andmake a speech. His request was granted. Keokuk entered and addressed thechiefs. He said: "I have heard with sorrow that you have determined toleave our village and cross the Mississippi, merely because you havebeen told that the Americans were coming in this direction. Would youleave our village, desert our homes and fly before an enemy approaches?Would you leave all, even the graves of our fathers, to the mercy of anenemy without trying to defend them? Give me charge of your warriors andI'll defend the village while you sleep in safety. " The council consented that Keokuk should be war chief. He marshalledhis braves, sent out his spies and advanced with a party himself onthe trail leading to Peoria. They returned without seeing an enemy. The Americans did not come by our village. All were satisfied with theappointment of Keokuk. He used every precaution that our people shouldnot be surprised. This is the manner in which and the cause of hisreceiving the appointment. I was satisfied, and then started to visit my wife and children. I foundthem well, and my boys were growing finely. It is not customary forus to say much about our women, as they generally perform their partcheerfully and never interfere with business belonging to the men. Thisis the only wife I ever had or ever will have. She is a good woman, andteaches my boys to be brave. Here I would have rested myself and enjoyedthe comforts of my lodge, but I could not. I had promised to avenge thedeath of my adopted son. I immediately collected a party of thirty braves, and explained to themthe object of my making this war party, it being to avenge the deathof my adopted son, who had been cruelly and wantonly murdered by thewhites. I explained to them the pledge I had made to his father, andtold them that they were the last words that he had heard spoken. Allwere willing to go with me to fulfill my word. We started in canoes, and descended the Mississippi, until we arrived ear the place where FortMadison had stood. It had been abandoned and burned by the whites, andnothing remained but the chimneys. We were pleased to see that the whitepeople had retired from the country. We proceeded down the river again. I landed with one brave near Cape Gray, the remainder of the party wentto the mouth of the Quiver. I hurried across to the tail that led fromthe mouth of the Quiver to a fort, and soon after heard firing at themouth of the creek. Myself and brave concealed ourselves on the sideof the road. We had not remained here long before two men, riding onehorse, came at full speed from the direction of the sound of the firing. When they came sufficiently near we fired; the horse jumped and both menfell. We rushed toward them and one rose and ran. I followed him and wasgaining on him, when he ran over a pile of rails that had lately beenmade, seized a stick and struck at me. I now had an opportunity to seehis face, and I knew him. He had been at Qaashquame's village to teachhis people how to plow. We looked upon him as a good man. I did not wishto kill him, and pursued him no further. I returned and met my brave. Hesaid he had killed the other man and had his scalp in his hand. We hadnot proceeded far before we met the man supposed to be killed, comingup the road, staggering like a drunken man, and covered all over withblood. This was the most terrible sight I had ever seen. I told mycomrade to kill him to put him out of his misery. I could not look athim. I passed on and heard a rustling in the bushes. I distinctly sawtwo little boys concealing themselves in the undergrowth, thought ofmy own children, and passed on without noticing them. My comrade herejoined me, and in a little while we met the other detachment of ourparty. I told them that we would be pursued, and directed them to followme. We crossed the creek and formed ourselves in the timber. We had notbeen here long, when a party of mounted men rushed at full speed uponus. I took deliberate aim and shot the leader of the party. He felllifeless from his horse. All my people fired, but without effect. Theenemy rushed upon us without giving us time to reload. They surrounded usand forced us into a deep sink-hole, at the bottom of which there weresome bushes. We loaded our gum and awaited the approach of the enemy. They rushed to the edge of the hole, fired on us and killed one of ourmen. We instantly returned their fire, killing one of their party. Wereloaded and commenced digging holes in the side of the bank to protectourselves, while a party watched the enemy, expecting their whole forcewould be upon us immediately. Some of my warriors commenced singingtheir death songs. I heard the whites talking, and called to them tocome out and fight. I did not like my situation and wished the mattersettled. I soon heard chopping and knocking. I could not imagine whatthey were doing. Soon after they ran up a battery on wheels and firedwithout hurting any of us. I called to them again, and told them ifthey were brave men to come out and fight us. They gave up the siege andreturned to their fort about dusk. There were eighteen in this trap withme. We came out unharmed, with the exception of the brave who was killedby the enemy's fist fire, after we were entrapped. We found one whiteman dead at the edge of the sink-hole, whom they did not remove for fearof our fire, and scalped him, placing our dead brave upon him, thinkingwe could not leave him in a better situation than on the prostrate formof a fallen foe. We had now effected our purpose and concluded to go back by land, thinking it unsafe to use our canoes. I found my wife and children, andthe greater part of our people, at the mouth of the Iowa river. I nowdetermined to remain with my family and hunt for them, and to humblemyself before the Great Spirit, returning thanks to him for preservingme through the war. I made my hunting camp on English river, which isa branch of the Iowa. During the winter a party of Pottawattomies camefrom the Illinois to pay me a visit, among them was Washeown, an old manwho had formerly lived in our village. He informed as that in the fallthe Americans had built a fort at Peoria and had prevented them fromgoing down the Sangamon to hunt. He said they were very much distressed. Gomo had returned from the British army, and brought news of theirdefeat near Malden. He told us that he went to the American chief witha flag, gave up fighting, and told him he desired to make peace for hisnation. The American chief gave him a paper to the war chief at Peoria, and I visited that fort with Gomo. It was then agreed that there shouldbe no more hostilities between the Americans and the Pottawattomies. Twoof the white chiefs, with eight Pottawattomie braves, and five others, Americans, had gone down to St. Louis to have the treaty of peaceconfirmed. This, said Washeown, is good news; for we can now go to ourhunting grounds, and, for my part, I never had anything to do with thiswar. The Americans never killed any of our people before the war, nor interfered with our hunting grounds, and I resolved to do nothingagainst them. I made no reply to these remarks as the speaker was oldand talked like a child. We gave the Pottawattomies a great feast. I presented Washeown with agood horse. My braves gave one to each of his party, and, at parting, said they wished us to make peace, which we did not promise, but toldthem that we would not send out war parties against the settlements. A short time after the Pottawattomies had gone, a party of thirty bravesbelonging to our nation, from the peace camp on the Missouri, paid us avisit. They exhibited five scalps which they had taken on the Missouri, and wished us to join in a dance over them, which we willingly did. They related the manner in which they had taken these scalps. Myself andbraves showed them the two we had taken near the Quiver, and told themthe cause that induced us to go out with the war party, as well asthe manner in which we took these scalps, and the difficulty we had inobtaining them. They recounted to us all that had taken place, the number that had beenslain by the peace party, as they were called and recognized to be, which far surpassed what our warriors, who had joined the British, haddone. This party came for the purpose of joining the British, but Iadvised them to return to the peace party, and told them the newswhich the Pottawattomies had brought. They returned to the Missouri, accompanied by some of my braves whose families were there. After "sugar-making" was over in the spring, I visited the Fox villageat the lead mines. They had nothing to do with the war, and consequentlywere not in mourning. I remained there some days, spending my time verypleasantly with them in dancing and feasting. I then paid a visit to thePottawattomie village on the Illinois river, and learned that Sanatuwaand Tatapuckey had been to St. Louis. Gomo told me that "peace had beenmade between his people and the Americans, and that seven of his bandremained with the war chief to make the peace stronger. " He then toldme: "Washeown is dead! He had gone to the fort to carry some wild fowlto exchange for tobacco, pipes and other articles. He had secured sometobacco and a little flour, and left the fort before sunset, but hadnot proceeded far when he was _shot dead_ by a white war chief, who hadconcealed himself near the path for that purpose. He then dragged himto the lake and threw him in, where I afterwards found him. I have sincegiven two homes and a rifle to his relatives, not to break the peace, towhich they have agreed. " I remained for some time at the village of Gomo, and went with him tothe fort to pay a visit to the war chief. I spoke the Pottawattomietongue well, and was taken for one of their people by him. He treatedus friendly, and said he was very much displeased about the murder of'Washeown. He promised us he would find out and punish the person whokilled him. He made some inquiries about the Sacs, which I answered. On my return to Rock river, I was informed that a party of soldiershad gone up the Mississippi to build a fort at Prairie du Chien. Theystopped near our village, appearing very friendly, and were treatedkindly by our people. We commenced repairing our lodges, putting our village in order, andclearing our cornfields. We divided the fields belonging to the party onthe Missouri among those who wanted them, on condition that theyshould be relinquished to their owners on their return from the peaceestablishment. We were again happy in our village. Our women wentcheerfully to work and all moved on harmoniously. Some time afterward, five or six boats arrived loaded with soldiers ontheir way to Prairie du Chien to reinforce the garrison at that place. They appeared friendly and were well received, and we held a councilwith the war chief. We had no intention of hurting him or any of hisparty, for we could easily have defeated them. They remained with usall day and gave oar people plenty of whisky. Doing the night a partyarrived, by way of Rock river, who brought us six kegs of powder. Theytold us that the British had gone to Prairie du Chien and taken thefort. They wished us to again join them in the war, which we agreed todo. I collected my warriors and determined to pursue the boats, whichhad sailed with a fair wind. If we had known the day before, we couldeasily have taken them all, as the war chief used no precaution toprevent it. I started immediately with my party, by land, in pursuit, thinking thatsome of their boats might get aground, or that the Great Spirit wouldput them in our power, if he wished them taken and their people killed. About half way up the rapids I had a full view of the boats all sailingwith a strong wind. I discovered that one boat was badly managed, andwas suffered to be drawn ashore by the wind. They landed by runninghard aground and lowered their sail. The others passed on. This boat theGreat Spirit gave to us. All that could, hurried aboard, but they wereunable to push off, being fast aground. We advanced to the river's bankundercover, and commenced firing on the boat. I encouraged my bravesto continue firing. Several guns were fired from the boat, but withouteffect. I prepared my bow and arrows to throw fire to the sail, whichwas lying on the boat. After two or three attempts, I succeeded insetting it on fire. The boat was soon in flames. About this time, one ofthe boats that had passed returned, dropped anchor and swung in close toone which was on fire, taking off all the people except those who werekilled or badly wounded. We could distinctly see them passing from oneboat to the other, and fired on them with good effect. We wounded thewar chief in this way. Another boat now came down, dropped her anchor, which did not take hold, and drifted whore. The other boat cut her cableand drifted down the river, leaving their comrades without attempting toassist them. We then commenced an attack upon this boat, firing severalrounds, which was not returned. We thought they were afraid or only hada few aboard. I therefore ordered a rush toward the boat, but when wegot near enough they fired, killing two of our braves--these being allwe lost in the engagement. Some of their men jumped out and shoved theboat off, and thus got away without losing a man. I had a good opinionof this war chief, as he managed so much better than the others. Itwould give me pleasure to shake him by the hand. We now put out the fire on the captured boat to save the cargo, whena skiff was seen coming down the river. Some of our people cried out, "Here comes an express from Prairie du Chien. " We hoisted the Britishflag, but they would not land. They turned their little boat around, androwed up the river. We directed a few shots at them, but they were sofar off that we could not hurt them. I found several barrels of whiskyon the captured boat, knocked in the heads and emptied the bad medicinelate the river. I next found a box full of small bottles and packages, which appeared to be bad medicine also, such as the medicine men killthe white people with when they are sick. This I threw into the river. Continuing my search for plunder, I found several guns, some largebarrels filled with clothing, and a number of cloth lodges, all ofwhich I distributed among my warriors. We now disposed of the dead, andreturned to the Fox village opposite the lower end of Rock Island, wherewe put up our new lodges, and hoisted the British flag. A great many ofour braves were dressed in the uniform clothing which we had taken fromthe Americans, which gave our encampment the appearance of a regularcamp of soldiers. We placed out sentinels and commenced dancing over thescalps we had taken. Soon after several boats passed down, among thema very large one carrying big guns. Our young men followed them somedistance, but could do them no damage more than scare them. We were nowcertain that the fort at Prairie du Chien had been taken, as this largeboat went up with the first party who built the fort. In the course of the day some of the British came down in a small boat. They had followed the large one, thinking it would get fast in therapids, in which case they were sure of taking her. They had summonedher on her way down to surrender, but she refused to do so, and now, that she had passed the rapids in safety, all hope of taking her hadvanished. The British landed a big gun and gave us three soldiers tomanage it. They complimented us for our bravery in taking the boat, andtold us what they had done at Prairie do Chien. They gave us, a keg ofrum, and joined with us in our dancing and feasting. We gave them somethings which we had taken from the boat, particularly books and papers. They started the next morning, promising to return in a few days with alarge body of soldiers. We went to work under the direction of the men left with us, and dugup the ground in two places to put the big gun in, that the men mightremain in with it and be safe. We then sent spies down the river toreconnoitre, who sent word by a runner that several boats were comingup filled with men. I marshalled my forces and was soon ready for theirarrival. I resolved to fight, as we had not yet had a fair fight withthe Americans during the war. The boats arrived in the evening, stoppingat a small willow island, nearly opposite to us. During the night weremoved our big gun further down, and at daylight next morning commencedfiring. We were pleased to see that almost every shot took effect. TheBritish being good gunners, rarely missed. They pushed off as quickly aspossible, although I had expected they would land and give us battle. Iwas fully prepared to meet them but was sadly disappointed by the boatsall sailing down the river. A party of braves followed to watch wherethey landed, but they did not stop until they got below the Des Moinesrapids, where they came ashore and commenced building a fort. I did notwant a fort in our country, as we wished to go down to the Two Rivercountry in the fall and hunt, it being our choice hunting ground, andwe concluded that if this fort was built, it would prevent us from goingthere. We arrived in the vicinity in the evening, and encamped on a highbluff for the night. We made no fire, for fear of being observed, andour young men kept watch by turns while others slept. I was very tired, and was soon asleep. The Great Spirit, during my slumber, told me togo down the bluff to a creek, that I would there find a hollow tree cutdown, and by looking in at the top of it, I would see a large snake withhead erect--to observe the direction he was looking, and I would see theenemy close by and unarmed. In the morning I communicated to my braveswhat the Great Spirit had said to me, took one of them and went down aravine that led to the creek. I soon came in sight of the place wherethey were building the fort, which was on a hill at the opposite sideof the creek. I saw a great many men. We crawled cautiously on our handsand knees until we got to the bottom land, then through the grass andweeds until we reached the bank of the creek. Here I found a tree thathad been cut down; I looked in at the top of it and saw a largesnake, with his head raised, looking across the creek. I raised myselfcautiously, and discovered nearly opposite to me, two war chiefs walkingarm in arm, without guns. They turned and walked back toward the placewhere the men were working at the fort. In a little while they returned, walking directly towards the spot where we lay concealed, but did notcome so near as before. If they had they would have been killed, foreach of us had a good rifle. We crossed the creek and crawled to acluster of bushes. I again raised myself a little to see if they werecoming; but they went into the fort, and by this they saved their lives. We recrossed the creek and I returned alone, going up the same ravine Icame down. My brave went down the creek, and I, on raising the brow ofa hill to the left of the one we came down, could plainly see the menat work. I saw a sentinel walking in the bottom near the mouth of thecreek. I watched him attentively, to see if he perceived my companion, who had gone toward him. The sentinel stopped for some time and lookedtoward where my brave was concealed. He walked first one way and thenthe other. I observed my brave creeping towards him, at last he lay still for awhile, not even moving the grass, and as the sentinel turned to walkaway, my brave fired and he fell. I looked towards the fort, and saw thewhites were in great confusion, running wildly in every direction, somedown the steep bank toward a boat. My comrade joined me, we returnedto the rest of the party and all hurried back to Rock river, where wearrived in safety at our village. I hung up my medicine bag, put away myrifle and spear, feeling as if I should want them no more, as I had nodesire to raise other war parties against the whites unless they gave meprovocation. Nothing happened worthy of note until spring, exceptthat the fort below the rapids had been abandoned and burned by theAmericans. Soon after I returned from my wintering ground we received informationthat peace had been made between the British and Americans, and that wewere required to make peace also, and were invited to go down to Portagedes Sioux, for that purpose. Some advised that we should go down, othersthat we should not. Nomite, our principal civil chief, said he would go, as soon as the Foxes came down from the mines. They came and we all started from Rock river, but we had not gone farbefore our chief was taken sick and we stopped with him at the villageon Henderson river. The Foxes went on and we were to follow as soon asour chief got better, but he rapidly became worse and soon died. Hisbrother now became the principal chief. He refused to go down, saying, that if he started, he would be taken sick and die as his brother haddone. This seemed to be reasonable, so we concluded that none of uswould go at this time. The Foxes returned. They said, "we have smokedthe pipe of peace with our enemies, and expect that the Americans willsend a war party against you if you do not go down. " This I did notbelieve, as the Americans had always lost by their armies that were sentagainst us. La Gutrie and other British traders arrived at our villagein the fall. La Gutrie told us that we must go down and make peace, asthis was the wish of our English father. He said he wished us to go downto the Two River country to winter, where game was plenty, as there hadbeen no hunting there for several years. Having heard the principal war chief had come up with a number oftroops, and commenced the erection of a fort near the Rapids des Moines, we consented to go down with the traders to visit the American chief, and tell him the reason why we had not been down sooner. When we arrivedat the head of the rapids, the traders left their goods, and all oftheir boats with one exception, in which they accompanied us to see theAmericans. We visited the war chief on board his boat, telling himwhat we had to say, and explaining why we had not been down sooner. Heappeared angry and talked to La Gutrie for some time. I inquired of himwhat the war chief said. He told me that he was threatening to hang himup to the yard arm of his boat. "But" said he, "I am not afraid of whathe says. He dare not put his threats into execution. I have done no morethan I had a right to do a. A British subject. " I then addressed the chief, asking permission for ourselves and someMenomonees, to go down to the Two River country for the purpose ofhunting. He said we might go down but must return before the ice came, as he did not intend that we should winter below the fort. "But, " heinquired, "what do you want the Menomonee to go with you for?" I did not know at first what reply to make, but told him that they had agreat many pretty squaws with them, and we wished them to go with us onthat account. He consented. We all went down the river and remained allwinter, as we had no intention of returning before spring when we askedleave to go. We made a good hunt. Having loaded our trader's boats withfurs and peltries, they started to Mackinac, and we returned to ourvillage. There is one circumstance that I did not relate at the proper place. It has no reference to myself or people, but to my friend Gomo, thePottawattomie chief. He came to Rock river to pay me a visit, and duringhis stay he related to me the following story: "The war chief at Peoria is a very good man. He always speaks the truthand treats our people well. He sent for me one day, told me he wasnearly out of provisions, and wished me to send my young men hunting tosupply his fort. I promised to do so, immediately returned to my campand told my young men the wishes and wants of the war chief. Theyreadily agreed to go and hurt for our friend and returned with plentyof deer. They carried them to the fort, laid them down at the gate andreturned to our camp. A few days afterward I went again to the fort tosee if they wanted any more meat. The chief gave me powder and leadand said he wanted, me to send my hunters out again. When I returned tocamp, I told my young men that the chief wanted more meat. Matatah, oneof my principal braves, said he would take a party and go across theIllinois, about one day's travel, where game was plenty, and make a goodhunt for our friend the war chief. He took eight hunters with him, andhis wife and several other squaws went with them. They had travelledabout half the day in the prairie when they discovered a party of whitemen coming towards them with a drove of cattle. Our hunters apprehendedno danger or they would have kept out of the way of the whites, who hadnot yet perceived them. Matatah changed his course, as he wished to meetand speak to the whites. As soon as the whites saw our party, some ofthem put off at full speed, and came up to our hunters. Matatah gave uphis gun to them, and endeavored to explain to them that he was friendlyand was hunting for the war chief. They were not satisfied with this butfired at and wounded him. He got into the branches of a tree that hadblown down, to keep the horses from running over him. He was againfired on several times and badly wounded. He, finding that he would bemurdered, and, mortally wounded already, sprang at the man nearest him, seized his gun and shot him from his horse. He then fell, covered withblood from his wounds, and immediately expired. The other hunters beingin the rear of Matatah attempted to escape, after seeing their leader sobasely murdered by the whites. They were pursued and nearly all of theparty killed. My youngest brother brought me the news in the night, hehaving been with the party and was slightly wounded. He said the whiteshad abandoned their cattle and gone back towards the settlement. Therest of the night we spent in mourning for our friends. At daylight Iblacked my face and started for the fort to see the chief. I met him atthe gate and told him what had happened. His countenance changed and Icould see sorrow depicted in it for the death of my people. He tried topersuade me that I was mistaken, as he could not believe that the whiteswould act so cruelly. But when I convinced him, he said to me, 'thosecowards who murdered your people shall be punished. ' I told him that mypeople would have revenge, that they would not trouble any of his peopleat the fort, as we did not blame him or any of his soldiers, but thata party of my braves would go towards the Wabash to avenge the deathof their friends and relations. The next day I took a party of hunters, killed several deer, and left them at the fort gate as I passed. " Here Gomo ended his story. I could relate many similar ones that havecome within my own knowledge and observation, but I dislike to look backand bring on sorrow afresh. I will resume my narrative. The great chief at St. Louis having sent word for us to come down andconfirm the treaty, we did not hesitate, but started immediately thatwe might smoke the peace pipe with him. On our arrival we met the greatchiefs in council. They explained to us the words of our Great Fatherat Washington, accusing us of heinous crimes and many misdemeanors, particularly in not coming down when first invited. We knew very wellthat our Great Father had deceived us and thereby forced us to jointhe British, and could not believe that he had put this speech into themouths of those chiefs to deliver to us. I was not a civil chief andconsequently made no reply, but our civil chiefs told the commissionerthat, "What you say is a lie. Our Great Father sent us no such speech, he knew that the situation in which we had been placed was caused byhim. " The white chiefs appeared very angry at this reply and said, "Wewill break off the treaty and make war against you, as you have grosslyinsulted us. " Our chiefs had no intention of insulting them and told them so, saying, "we merely wish to explain that you have told us a lie, without anydesire to make you angry, in the same manner that you whites do whenyou do not believe what is told you. " The council then proceeded and thepipe of peace was smoked. Here for the first time, I touched the goose quill to the treaty notknowing, however, that, by the act I consented to give away my village. Had that been explained to me I should have opposed it and never wouldhave signed their treaty, as my recent conduct will clearly prove. What do we know of the manners, the laws, and the customs of the whitepeople? They might buy our bodies for dissection, and we would touch thegoose quill to confirm it and not know what we were doing. This was thecase with me and my people in touching the goose quill for the firsttime. We can only judge of what is proper and right by our standard of whatis right and wrong, which differs widely from the whites, if I have beencorrectly informed. The whites may do wrong all their lives, and then ifthey are sorry for it when about to die, all is well, but with us it isdifferent. We must continue to do good throughout our lives. If we havecorn and meat, and know of a family that have none, we divide with them. If we have more blankets than we absolutely need, and others have notenough, we must give to those who are in want. But I will presentlyexplain our customs and the manner in which we live. We were treated friendly by the whites and started on our return to ourvillage on Rock river. When we arrived we found that the troops hadcome to build a fort on Rock Island. This, in our opinion, was acontradiction to what we had done--"to prepare for war in time ofpeace. " We did not object, however, to their building their fort onthe island, but were very sorry, as this was the best one on theMississippi, and had long been the resort of our young people duringthe summer. It was our garden, like the white people have near theirbig villages, which supplied us with strawberries, blackberries, gooseberries, plums, apples and nuts of different kinds. Being situatedat the foot of the rapids its waters supplied us with the finest fish. In my early life I spent many happy days on this island. A good spirithad charge of it, which lived in a cave in the rocks immediately underthe place where the fort now stands. This guardian spirit has often beenseen by our people. It was white, with large wings like a swan's, butten times larger. We were particular not to make much noise in that partof the island which it inhabited, for fear of disturbing it. But thenoise at the fort has since driven it away, and no doubt a bad spirithas taken its place. Our village was situated on the north side of Rock river, at the foot ofthe rapids, on the point of land between Rock river and the Mississippi. In front a prairie extended to the Mississippi, and in the rear acontinued bluff gently ascended from the prairie. BLACK HAWK'S TOWER. On its highest peak our Watch Tower was situated, from which we had afine view for many miles up and down Rock river, and in every direction. On the side of this bluff we had our corn fields, extending about twomiles up parallel with the larger river, where they adjoined those ofthe Foxes, whose village was on the same stream, opposite the lower endof Rock Island, and three miles distant from ours. We had eight hundredacres in cultivation including what we had on the islands in Rock river. The land around our village which remained unbroken, was covered withblue-grass which furnished excellent pasture for our horses. Severalfine springs poured out of the bluff near by, from which we were wellsupplied with good water. The rapids of Rock river furnished us withan abundance of excellent fish, and the land being very fertile, neverfailed to produce good crops of corn, beans, pumpkins and squashes. Wealways had plenty; our children never cried from hunger, neither wereour people in want. Here our village had stood for more than a hundredyears, during all of which time we were the undisputed possessors of theMississippi valley, from the Wisconsin to the Portage des Sioux, nearthe mouth of the Missouri, being about seven hundred miles in length. At this time we had very little intercourse with the whites except thosewho were traders. Our village was healthy, and there was no place inthe country possessing such advantages, nor hunting grounds better thanthose we had in possession. If a prophet had come to our village inthose days and told us that the things were to take place which havesince come to pass, none of our people would have believed him. What! tobe driven from our village, and our hunting grounds, and not even to bepermitted to visit the graves of our forefathers and relatives and ourfriends? This hardship is not known to the whites. With us it is a custom tovisit the graves of our friends and keep them in repair for many years. The mother will go alone to weep over the grave of her child. Thebrave, with pleasure, visits the grave of his father, after he has beensuccessful in war, and repaints the post that marks where he lies. Thereis no place like that where the bones of our forefathers lie to go towhen in grief. Here prostrate by the tombs of our fathers will the GreatSpirit take pity on us. But how different is our situation now from what it was in those happydays. Then were we as happy as the buffalo on the plains, but now, weare as miserable as the hungry wolf on the prairie. But I am digressingfrom my story. Bitter reflections crowd upon my mind and must findutterance. When we returned to our village in the spring, from our winteringgrounds, we would finish bartering with our traders, who always followedus to our village. We purposely kept some of our fine furs for thistrade, and, as there was great opposition among them, who should getthese furs, we always got our goods cheap. After this trade was met, thetraders would give us a few kegs of rum, which were generally promisedin the fall, to encourage us to make a good hunt and not go to war. Theywould then start with their furs and peltries, for their homes, and ourold men would take a frolic. At this time our young men never drank. When this was ended, the next thing to be done was to bury our dead;such as had died during the year. This is a great medicine feast. The relations of those who have died, give all the goods they havepurchased, as presents to their friends, thereby reducing themselves topoverty, to show the Great Spirit that they are humble, so that he willtake pity on them. We would next open the caches, take out the cornand other provisions which had been put up in the fall. We would thencommence repairing our lodges. As soon as this was accomplished, werepair the fences around our corn fields and clean them off ready forplanting. This work was done by the women. The men during this time arefeasting on dried venison, bear's meat, wild fowl and corn prepared indifferent ways, while recounting to one another what took place duringthe winter. Our women plant the corn, and as soon as they are done we make a feast, at which we dance the crane dance in which they join us, dressed intheir most gaudy attire, and decorated with feathers. At this feast theyoung men select the women they wish to have for wives. He then informshis mother, who calls on the mother of the girl, when the necessaryarrangements are made and the time appointed for him to come. He goes tothe lodge when all are asleep, or pretend to be, and with his flint andsteel strikes a light and soon finds where his intended sleeps. He thenawakens her, holds the light close to his face that she may know him, after which he places the light close to her. If she blows it out theceremony is ended and he appears in the lodge next morning as one ofthe family. If she does not blow out the light, but leaves it burning heretires from the lodge. The next day he places himself in full view ofit and plays his flute. The young women go out one by one to see who heis playing for. The tune changes to let them know he is not playing forthem. When his intended makes her appearance at the door, he continueshis courting tune until she returns to the lodge. He then quits playingand makes another trial at night which mostly turns out favorable. During the first year they ascertain whether they can agree with eachother and be happy, if not they separate and each looks for anothercompanion. If we were to live together and disagree, we would be asfoolish as the whites. No indiscretion can banish a woman from herparental lodge; no difference how many children she may bring home sheis always welcome--the kettle is over the fire to feed them. The crane dance often lasts two or three days. When this is over, wefeast again and have our national dance. The large square in the villageis swept and prepared for the purpose. The chiefs and old warriors takeseats on mats, which have been spread on the upper end of the square, next come the drummers and singers, the braves and women form the sides, leaving a large space in the middle. The drums beat and the singingcommences. A warrior enters the square keeping time with the music. Heshows the manner he started on a war party, how he approached the enemy, he strikes and shows how he killed him. All join in the applause, andhe then leaves the square and another takes his place. Such of our youngmen have not been out in war parties and killed in enemy stand backashamed, not being allowed to enter the square. I remember that I wasashamed to look where our young men stood, before I could take my standin the ring as a warrior. What pleasure it is to an old warrior, to see his son come forward andrelate his exploits. It makes him feel young, induces him to enter thesquare and "fight his battles o'er again. " This national dance makes our warriors. When I was travelling lastsummer on a steamboat on the river, going from New York to Albany, I wasshown the place where the Americans dance the war-dance, (West Point), where the old warriors recount to their young men what they have doneto stimulate them to go and do likewise. This surprised me, as I did notthink the whites understood our way of making braves. When our national dance is over, our cornfields hoed, every weed dugup and our corn about knee high, all our young men start in a directiontoward sundown, to hunt deer and buffalo and to kill Sioux if any arefound on our hunting grounds. A part of our old men and women go to thelead mines to make lead, and the remainder of our people start to fishand get meat stuff. Every one leaves the village and remains awayabout forty days. They then return, the hunting party bringing in driedbuffalo and deer meat, and sometimes Sioux scalps, when they are foundtrespassing on our hunting grounds. At other times they are met by aparty of Sioux too strong for them and are driven in. If the Sioux havekilled the Sacs last, they expect to be retaliated upon and will flybefore them, and so with us. Each party knows that the other has aright to retaliate, which induces those who have killed last to give waybefore their enemy, as neither wishes to strike, except to avenge thedeath of relatives. All our wars are instigated by the relations ofthose killed, or by aggressions on our hunting grounds. The party fromthe lead mines brings lead, and the others dried fish, and mats for ourlodges. Presents are now made by each party, the first giving to theothers dried buffalo and deer, and they in return presenting them lead, dried fish and mats. This is a happy season of the year, having plentyof provisions, such as beans, squashes and other produce; with our driedmeat and fish, we continue to make feasts and visit each other untilour corn is ripe. Some lodge in the village a feast daily to the GreatSpirit. I cannot explain this so that the white people will understandme, as we have no regular standard among us. Every one makes his feast as he thinks best, to please the Great Spirit, who has the care of all beings created. Others believe in two Spirits, one good and one bad, and make feasts for the Bad Spirit, to keep himquiet. They think that if they can make peace with him, the Good Spiritwill not hurt them. For my part I am of the opinion, that so far as wehave reason, we have a right to use it in determining what is rightor wrong, and we should always pursue that path which we believe to beright, believing that "whatsoever is, is right. " If the Great and GoodSpirit wished us to believe and do as the whites, he could easily changeour opinions, so that we could see, and think, and act as they do. Weare nothing compared to his power, and we feel and know it. We have menamong us, like the whites, who pretend to know the right path, but willnot consent to show it without pay. I have no faith in their paths, butbelieve that every man must make his own path. When our corn is getting ripe, our young people watch with anxiety forthe signal to pull roasting ears, as none dare touch them until theproper time. When the corn is fit for use another great ceremony takesplace, with feasting and returning thanks to the Great Spirit for givingus Corn. I will has relate the manner in which corn first came. According totradition handed down to our people, a beautiful woman was seen todescend from the clouds, and alight upon the earth, by two of ourancestors who had killed a deer, and were sitting by a fire roastinga part of it to eat. They were astonished at seeing her, and concludedthat she was hungry and had smelt the meat. They immediately went toher, taking with them a piece of the roasted venison. They presentedit to her, she ate it, telling them to return to the spot where she wassitting at the end of one year, and they would find a reward fortheir kindness and generosity. She then ascended to the clouds anddisappeared. The men returned to their village, and explained to thetribe what they had seen, done ad heard, but were laughed at by theirpeople. When the period had arrived for them to visit this consecratedground, where they were to find a reward for their attention to thebeautiful woman of the clouds, they went with a large party, and foundwhere her right hand had rested on the ground corn growing, where theleft hand had rested beans, and immediately where she had been seated, tobacco. The two first have ever since been cultivated by our people as ourprincipal provisions, and the last is used for smoking. The white peoplehave since found out the latter, and seem to it relish it as much as wedo, as they use it in different ways: Smoking, snuffing and chewing. We thank the Great Spirit for all the good he has conferred upon us. For myself, I never take a drink of water from a spring without beingmindful of his goodness. We next have our great ball play, from three to five hundred on a sideplay this game. We play for guns, lead, homes and blankets, or any otherkind of property we may have. The successful party takes the stakes, and all return to our lodges with peace and friendship. We next commencehorse racing, and continue on, sport and feasting until the corn issecured. We then prepare to leave our village for our hunting grounds. The traders arrive and give us credit for guns, flints, powder, shotand lead, and such articles as we want to clothe our families withand enable us to hunt. We first, however, hold a council with them, toascertain the price they will give for our skins, and then they willcharge us for the goods. We inform them where we intend hunting, andtell them where to build their houses. At this place we deposit a partof our corn, and leave our old people. The traders have always been kindto them and relieved them when in want, and consequently were alwaysmuch respected by our people, and never since we were a nation, has oneof them been killed by our people. We then disperse in small parties to make our hunt, and as soon as itis over, we return to our trader's establishment, with our skins, andremain feasting, playing cards and at other pastimes until the close fthe winter. Our young men then start on the beaver hunt, others to huntraccoons and muskrats; the remainder of our people go to the sugar campsto make sugar. All leave our encampment and appoint a place to meet onthe Mississippi, so that we may return together to our village in thespring. We always spend our time pleasantly at the sugar camp. It beingthe season for wild fowl, we lived well and always had plenty, when thehunters came in that we might make a feast for them. After this is overwe return to our village, accompanied sometimes by our traders. In thisway the time rolled round happily. But these are times that were. While on the subject of our manners and customs, it might be well torelate an instance that occurred near our village just five years beforewe left it for the last time. In 1827, a young Sioux Indian got lost on the prairie, in a snow storm, and found his way into a camp of the Sacs. According to Indian customs, although he was an enemy, he was safe while accepting their hospitality. He remained there for some time on account of the severity of the storm. Becoming well acquainted he fell in love with the daughter of the Sacat whose village he had been entertained, and before leaving for his owncountry, promised to come to the Sac village for her at a certain timeduring the approaching summer. In July he made his way to the Rock rivervillage, secreting himself in the woods until he met the object of hislove, who came out to the field with her mother to assist her in hoeingcorn. Late in the afternoon her mother left her and went to the village. No sooner had she got out of hearing, than he gave a loud whistle whichassured the maiden that he had returned. She continued hoeing leisurelyto the end of the row, when her lover came to meet her, and she promisedto come to him as soon as she could go to the lodge and get her blanket, and together they would flee to his country. But unfortunately for thelovers the girl's two brothers had seen the meeting, and after procuringtheir guns started in pursuit of them. A heavy thunderstorm was comingon at the time. The lovers hastened to, and took shelter under a cliffof rocks, at Black Hawk's watchtower. Soon after a loud peal of thunderwas heard, the cliff of rocks was shattered in a thousand pieces, andthe lovers buried beneath, while in full view of her pursuing brothers. This, their unexpected tomb, still remains undisturbed. This tower to which my name had been applied, was a favorite resort andwas frequently visited by me alone, when I could sit and smoke mypipe, and look with wonder and pleasure, at the grand scenes thatwere presented by the sun's rays, even across the mighty water. Onone occasion a Frenchman, who had been making his home in our village, brought his violin with him to the tower, to play and dance for theamusement of a number of our people, who had assembled there, and whiledancing with his back to the cliff accidentally fell over it and waskilled by the fall. The Indians say that always at the same time of theyear, soft strains of the violin can be heard near that spot. On returning in the spring from oar hunting grounds, I had the pleasureof meeting our old friend, the trader of Peoria, at Rock Island. He cameup in a boat from St. Louis, not as a trader, but as our Agent. We werewell pleased to see him. He told us that he narrowly escaped fallinginto the hands of Dixon. He remained with us a short time, gave us goodadvice, and then returned to St. Louis. The Sioux having committed depredations on our people, we sent out warparties that summer, who succeeded in killing fourteen. I paid several visits to Fort Armstrong, at Rock Island, during thesummer, and was always well received by the gentlemanly officersstationed there, who were distinguished for their bravery, and theynever trampled upon an enemy's rights. Colonel George Davenport residednear the garrison, and being in connection with the American FurCompany, furnished us the greater portion of our goods. We were not ashappy then, in our village, as formerly. Our people got more liquor fromthe small traders than customary. I used all my influence to preventdrunkenness, but without effect. As the settlements progressed towardsus, we became worse off and more unhappy. Many of our people, instead of going to the old hunting grounds, whengame was plenty, would go near the settlements to hunt, and, instead ofsaving their skins, to pay the trader for goods furnished them in thefall, would sell them to the settlement for whisky, and return inthe spring with their families almost naked, and without the means ofgetting anything for them. About this time my eldest son was taken sick and died. He had alwaysbeen a dutiful child and had just grown to manhood. Soon after, myyoungest daughter, an interesting and affectionate child, died also. This was a hard stroke, because I loved my children. In my distressI left the noise of the village and built my lodge on a mound in thecorn-field, and enclosed it with a fence, around which I planted cornand beans. Here I was with my family alone. I gave everything I hadaway, and reduced myself to poverty. The only covering I retained wasa piece of buffalo robe. I blacked my face and resolved on fasting fortwenty-four moons, for the loss of my two children--drinking only ofwater during the day, and eating sparingly of boiled corn at sunset. Ifulfilled my promise, hoping that the Great Spirit would take pity onme. My nation had now some difficulty with the Iowas. Our young men hadrepeatedly killed some of them, and the breaches had always been madeup by giving presents to the relations of those killed. But the lastcouncil we had with them, we promised that in case any more of theirpeople were killed ours, instead of presents, we would give up theperson or persons, who had done the injury. We made this determinationknown to our people, but notwithstanding this, one of our young menkilled an Iowa the following winter. A party of our people were about starting for the Iowa village to givethe young man up, and I agreed to accompany them. When we were readyto start, I called at the lodge for the young man to go with us. He wassick, but willing to go, but his brother, however, prevented him andinsisted on going to die in his place, as he was unable to travel. Westarted, and on the seventh day arrived in sight of the Iowa village, and within a short distance of it we halted ad dismounted. We all bidfarewell to our young brave, who entered the village singing his deathsong, and sat down on the square in the middle of the village. One ofthe Iowa chiefs came out to us. We told him that we had fulfilled ourpromise, that we had brought the brother of the young man who had killedone of his people--that he had volunteered to come in his place, inconsequence of his brother being unable to travel from sickness. Wehad no further conversation but mounted our horses and rode off. As westarted I cast my eye toward the village, and observed the Iowas comingout of their lodges with spears and war clubs. We took the backwardtrail and travelled until dark--then encamped and made a fire. We hadnot been there long before we heard the sound of homes coming toward us. We seized our arms, but instead of an enemy it was our young brave withtwo horses. He told me that after we had left him, they menaced him withdeath for some time--then gave him something to eat--smoked the pipewith him and made him a present of the two horses and some goods, andstarted him after us. When we arrived at on, village our people weremuch pleased, and for their noble and generous conduct on this occasion, not one of the Iowa people has been killed since by our nation. That fall I visited Malden with several of my band, and was well treatedby the agent of our British Father, who gave us a variety of presents. He also gave me a medal, and told me there never would be war betweenEngland and America again; but for my fidelity to the British, duringthe war that had terminated some time before, requested me to come withmy band and get presents every year, as Colonel Dixon had promised me. I returned and hunted that winter on the Two Rivers. The whites were nowsettling the country fast. I was out one day hunting in a bottom, andmet three white men. They accused me of killing their hogs. I denied it, but they would not listen to me. One of them took my gun out of myhand and fired it off--then took out the flint, gave it back to me andcommenced beating me with sticks, ordering me at the same time to beoff. I was so much bruised that I could not sleep for several nights. Some time after this occurrence, one of my camp cut a bee tree andcarried the honey to his lodge. A party of white men soon followed him, and told him the bee tree was theirs, and that he had no right to cutit. He pointed to the honey and told them to take it. They were notsatisfied with this, but took all the packs of skins that he hadcollected during the winter, to pay his trader and clothe his familywith in the spring, and carried them off. How could we like a people who treated us so unjustly? We determined tobreak up our camp for fear they would do worse, and when we joinedour people in the spring a great many of them complained of similartreatment. This summer our agent came to live at Rock Island. He treated us welland gave us good advice. I visited him and the trader very often duringthe summer, and for the first time heard talk of our having to leave ourvillage. The trader, Colonel George Davenport, who spoke our language, explained to me the terms of the treaty that had been made, and saidwe would be obliged to leave the Illinois side of the Mississippi, andadvised us to select a good place for our village and remove to it inthe spring. He pointed out the difficulties we would have to encounterif we remained at our village on Rock river. He had great influence withthe principal Fox chief, his adopted brother, Keokuk. He persuaded himto leave his village, go to the west side of the Mississippi and buildanother, which he did the spring following. Nothing was talked of butleaving our village. Keokuk had been persuaded to consent to go, and wasusing all his influence, backed by the war chief at Fort Armstrong andour agent and trader at Rock Island, to induce others to go with him. Hesent the crier through our village, to inform our people that it was thewish of our Great Father that we should remove to the west side of theMississippi, and recommended the Iowa river as a good place for thenew village. He wished his party to make such arrangements, before theystarted on their winter's hunt, an to preclude the necessity of theirreturning to the village in the spring. The party opposed to removing called on me for my opinion. I gave itfreely, and after questioning Quashquame about the sale of our lands, heassured me that he "never had consented to the sale of our village. "I now promised this party to be the leader, and raised the standardof opposition to Keokuk, with a full determination not to leave ourvillage. I had an interview with Keokuk, to see if this difficulty couldnot be settled with our Great Father, and told him to propose to giveany other land that our Great Father might choose, even our lead mines, to be peaceably permitted to keep the small point of land on which ourvillage was situated. I was of the opinion that the white people hadplenty of land and would never take our village from us. Keokuk promisedto make an exchange if possible, and applied to our agent, and the greatchief at St. Louis, who had charge of all the agents, for permission togo to Washington for that purpose. This satisfied us for a time. We started to our hunting grounds withgood hopes that something would be done for us. Doing the winter Ireceived information that three families of whites had come to ourvillage and destroyed some of our lodges, were making fences anddividing our cornfields for their own use. They were quarreling amongthemselves about their lines of division. I started immediately forRock river, a distance of ten days' travel, and on my arrival found thereport true. I went to my lodge and saw a family occupying it. I wishedto talk to them but they could not understand me. I then went to RockIsland; the agent being absent, I told the interpreter what I wanted tosay to these people, viz: "Not to settle on our lands, nor trouble ourfences, that there was plenty of land in the country for them to settleupon, and that they must leave our village, as we were coming back toit in the spring. " The interpreter wrote me a paper, I went back to thevillage and showed it to the intruders, but could not understand theirreply. I presumed, however, that they would remove as I expected themto. I returned to Rock Island, passed the night there and had a longconversation with the trader. He advised me to give up and make myvillage with Keokuk on the Iowa river. I told him that I would not. Thenext morning I crossed the Mississippi on very bad ice, but the GreatSpirit had made it strong, that I might pass over safe. I traveled threedays farther to see the Winnebago sub-agent and converse with him aboutour difficulties. He gave no better news than the trader had done. Ithen started by way of Rock river, to see the Prophet, believing that heas a man of great knowledge. When we met, I explained to him everythingas it was. He at once agreed that I was right, and advised me never togive up our village, for the whites to plow up the bones of our people. He said, that if we remained at our village, the whites would nottrouble us, and advised me to get Keokuk, and the party that consentedto go with him to the Iowa in the spring, to return and remain at ourvillage. I returned to my hunting ground, after an absence of one moon, andrelated what I had done. In a short time we came up to our village, andfound that the whites had not left it, but that others had come, andthat the greater part of our cornfields had been enclosed. When welanded the whites appeared displeased because we came back. We repairedthe lodges that hid been left standing and built others. Keokuk came tothe village, but his object was to persuade others to follow him to theIowa. He had accomplished nothing towards making arrangements for us toremain, or to exchange other lands for our village. There was no morefriendship existing between us. I looked upon him as a coward and nobrave, to abandon his village to be occupied by strangers. What righthad these people to our village, and our fields, which the Great Spirithad given us to live upon? My reason teaches me that land cannot be sold. The Great Spirit gave itto his children to live upon and cultivate as far as necessary for theirsubsistence, and so long as they occupy and cultivate it they have theright to the soil, but if they voluntarily leave it, then any otherpeople have a right to settle on it. Nothing can be sold but such thingsas can be carried away. In consequence of the improvements of the intruders on our fields, wefound considerable difficulty to get ground to plant a little corn. Someof the whites permitted us to plant small patches in the fields they hadfenced, keeping all the best ground for themselves. Our women had greatdifficulty in climbing their fences, being unaccustomed to the kind, andwere ill treated if they left a rail down. One of my old friends thought he was safe. His cornfield was on a smallisland in Rock river. He planted his corn, it came up well, but thewhite man saw it; he wanted it, and took his teams over, ploughed upthe crop and replanted it for himself. The old man shed tears, not forhimself but on account of the distress his family would be in if theyraised no corn. The white people brought whisky to our village, made ourpeople drink, and cheated them out of their homes, guns and traps. This fraudulent system was carried to such an extent that I apprehendedserious difficulties might occur, unless a stop was put to it. Consequently I visited all the whites and begged them not to sell mypeople whisky. One of them continued the practice openly; I took a partyof my young men, went to his house, took out his barrel, broke in thehead and poured out the whisky. I did this for fear some of 'the whitesmight get killed by my people when they were drunk. Our people were treated very badly by the whites on many occasions. Atone time a white man beat one of our women cruelly, for pulling a fewsuckers of corn out of his field to suck when she was hungry. At anothertime one of our young men was beat with clubs by two white men, foropening a fence which crossed our road to take his horse through. Hisshoulder blade was broken and his body badly braised, from the effectsof which he soon after died. Bad and cruel as our people were treated by the whites, not one of themwas hurt or molested by our band. I hope this will prove that we area peaceable people--having permitted ten men to take possession of ourcorn fields, prevent us from planting corn, burn our lodges, ill-treatour women, and beat to death our men without offering resistance totheir barbarous cruelties. This is a lesson worthy for the white man tolearn: to use forebearance when injured. We acquainted our agent daily with our situation, and through him thegreat chief at St. Louis, and hoped that something would be done for us. The whites were complaining at the same time that we were intruding upontheir rights. They made it appear that they were the injured party, andwe the intruders. They called loudly to the great war chief to protecttheir property. How smooth must be the language of the whites, when they can make rightlook like wrong, and wrong like right. During this summer I happened at Rock Island, when a great chiefarrived, whom I had known as the great chief of Illinois, (GovernorCole) in company with another chief who I have been told is a greatwriter (judge James Hall. ) I called upon them and begged to explain thegrievances to them, under which my people and I were laboring, hopingthat they could do something for us. The great chief however, did notseem disposed to council with, me. He said he was no longer the chiefof Illinois; that his children had selected another father in his stead, and that he now only ranked as they did. I was surprised at this talk, as I had always heard that he was a good brave and great chief. But thewhite people appear to never be satisfied. When they get a good father, they hold councils at the suggestion of some bad, ambitious man, whowants the place himself, and conclude among themselves that this man, orsome other equally ambitious, would make a better father than they have, and nine times out of ten they don't get as good a one again. I insisted on explaining to these chiefs the true situation of mypeople. They gave their assent. I rose and made a speech, in whichI explained to them the treaty made by Quashquame, and three of ourbraves, according to the manner the trader and others had explained itto me. I then told them that Quashquame and his party positively deniedhaving ever sold my village, and that as I had never known them to lie, I was determined to keep it in possession. I told them that the white people had already entered our village, burned our lodges, destroyed on, fences, ploughed up our corn and beatour people. They had brought whisky into our country, made our peopledrunk, and taken from them their homes, guns and traps, and that I hadborne all this injury, without suffering any of my braves to raise ahand against the whites. My object in holding this council was to get the opinion of these twochiefs as to the best course for me to pursue. I had appealed in vain, time after time to our agent, who regularly represented our situation tothe chief at St. Louis, whose duty it was to call upon the Great Fatherto have justice done to us, but instead of this we are told that thewhite people wanted our county and we must leave it for them! I did not think it possible that our Great Father wished us to leave ourvillage where we had lived so long, and where the bones of so many ofour people had been laid. The great chief said that as he no longer hadany authority he could do nothing for us, and felt sorry that it wasnot in his power to aid us, nor did he know how to advise us. Neitherof them could do anything for us, but both evidently were very sorry. Itwould give e great pleasure at all times to take these two chiefs by thehand. That fall I paid a visit to the agent before we started to our huntinggrounds, to hear if he had any good news for me. He had news. He saidthat the land on which our village now stood was ordered to be sold toindividuals, and that when sold our right to remain by treaty would beat an end, and that if we returned next spring we would be forced toremove. We learned during the winter, that part of the land where our villagestood had been sold to individuals, and that the trader at Rock Island, Colonel Davenport, had bought the greater part that had been sold. Thereason was now plain to me why he urged us to remove. His object, wethought, was to get our lands. We held several councils that winter todetermine what we should do. We resolved in one of them, to return toour village as usual in the spring. We concluded that if we were removedby force, that the trader, agent and others must be the cause, and thatif they were found guilty of having driven us from our village theyshould be killed. The trader stood foremost on this list. He hadpurchased the land on which my lodge stood, and that of our graveyardalso. We therefore proposed to kill him and the agent, the interpreter, the great chief at St. Louis, the war chiefs at Forts Armstrong, RockIsland and Keokuk, these being the principal persons to blame forendeavoring to remove us. Our women received bad accounts from thewomen who had been raising corn at the new village, of the difficultyof breaking the new prairie with hoes, and the small quantity of cornraised. We were nearly in the same condition with regard to thelatter, it being the first time I ever knew our people to be in want ofprovisions. I prevailed upon some of Keokuk's band to return this spring to the Rockriver village, but Keokuk himself would not come. I hoped that he wouldget permission to go to Washington to settle our affairs with our GreatFather. I visited the agent at Rock Island. He was displeased because wehad returned to our village, and told me that we must remove to the westof the Mississippi. I told him plainly that we would not. I visited theinterpreter at his house, who advised me to do as the agent had directedme. I then went to see the trader and upbraided him for buying ourlands. He said that if he had not purchased them some person else would, and that if our Great Father would make an exchange with us, he wouldwillingly give up the land he had purchased to the government. This Ithought was fair, and began to think that he had not acted so badly as Ihad suspected. We again repaired our lodges and built others, as mostof our village had been burnt and destroyed. Our women selected smallpatches to plant corn, where the whites had not taken them in theirfences, and worked hard to raise something for our children to subsistupon. I was told that according to the treaty, we had no right to remain onthe lands sold, and that the government would force us to leave them. There was but a small portion however that had been sold, the balanceremaining in the hands of the government. We claimed the right, ifwe had no other, to "live and hunt upon it as long as it remainedthe property of the government, " by a stipulation in the treaty thatrequired us to evacuate it after it had been sold. This was the landthat we wished to inhabit and thought we had a right to occupy. I heard that there was a great chief on the Wabash, and sent a party toget his advice. They informed him that we had not sold our village. Heassured them then, that if we had not sold the land on which our villagestood, our Great Father would not take it from us. I started early to Malden to see the chief of my British Father, andtold him my story. He gave the same reply that the chief on the Wabashhad given, and in justice to him I must say he never gave me any badadvice, but advised me to apply to our American Father, who, he said, would do us justice. I next called on the great chief at Detroit andmade the same statement to him that I had made to the chief of ourBritish Father. He gave me the same reply. He said if we had not soldour lands, and would remain peaceably on them, that we would not bedisturbed. This assured me that I was right, and determined me to holdout as I had promised my people. I returned from Malden late in thefall. My people were gone to their hunting ground, whither I followed. Here I learned that they had been badly treated all summer by thewhites, and that a treaty had been held at Prairie du Chien. Keokukand some of our people attended it, and found that our Great Father hadexchanged a small strip of the land that had been ceded by Quashquameand his party, with the Pottowattomies for a portion of their lead nearChicago. That the object of this treaty was to get it back again, andthat the United States had agreed to give them sixteen thousand dollarsa year, forever for this small strip of land, it being less than atwentieth part of that taken from our nation for one thousand dollars ayear. This bears evidence of something I cannot explain. This land theysay belonged to the United States. What reason then, could have inducedthem to exchange it with the Pottowattomies if it was so valuable?Why not keep it? Or if they found they had made a bad bargain with thePottowattomies, why not take back their land at a fair proportion ofwhat they gave our nation for it! If this small portion of the landthat they took from us for one thousand dollars a year, be worth sixteenthousand dollars a year forever to the Pottowattomies, then the wholetract of country taken from us ought to be worth, to our nation, twentytimes as much a this small fraction. Here I was again puzzled to find out how the white people reasoned, andbegan to doubt whether they had any standard of right and wrong. Communication was kept up between myself and the Prophet. Runners weresent to the Arkansas, Red river and Texas, not on the subject of ourlands, but on a secret mission, which I am not at present permitted toexplain. It was related to me that the chiefs and head men of the Foxes hadbeen invited to Prairie du Chien, to hold a Council for the purpose ofsettling the difficulties existing between them and the Sioux. The chiefs and head men, amounting to nine, started for the placedesignated, taking with them one woman, and were met by the Menonomeesand Sioux, near the Wisconsin and killed, all except one man. Havingunderstood that the whole matter was published shortly after itoccurred, and is known to the white people, I will say no more about it. I would here remark, that our pastimes and sports had been laid asidefor two years. We were a divided people, forming two parties. Keokukbeing at the head of one, willing to barter our rights merely for thegood opinion of the whites, and cowardly enough to desert our villageto them. I was at the head of the other division, and was determined tohold on to my village, although I had been ordered to leave it. But, Iconsidered, as myself and band had no agency in selling our county, andthat, as provision had been made in the treaty, for us all to remainon it as long as it belonged to the United States, that we could not beforced away. I refused therefore to quit my village. It was here that Iwas born, and here lie the bones of many friends and relations. Forthis spot I felt a sacred reverence, and never could consent to leave itwithout being forced therefrom. When I called to mind the scenes of my youth and those of later days, when I reflected that the theatre on which these were acted, had beenso long the home of my fathers, who now slept on the hills around it, Icould not bring my mind to consent to leave this country to the whitesfor any earthly consideration. The winter passed off in gloom. We made a bad hunt for want of guns, traps and other necessaries which the whites had taken from our peoplefor whisky. The prospect before me was a bad one. I fasted and calledupon the Great Spirit to direct my steps to the right path. I was ingreat sorrow because all the whites with whom I was acquainted and hadbeen on terms of intimacy, advised me contrary to my wishes, that Ibegan to doubt whether I had a friend among them. Keokuk, who has a smooth tongue, and is a great speaker, was busy inpersuading my band that I was wrong, and thereby making many of themdissatisfied with me. I had one consolation, for all the women were onmy side on account of their cornfields. On my arrival again at my village, with my band increased, I found itworse than before. I visited Rock Island and the agent again ordered meto quit my village. He said that if we did not, troops would be sent todrive us off. He reasoned with me and told me it would be better for usto be with the rest of our people, so that we might avoid difficultyand live in peace. The interpreter joined him and gave me so many goodreasons that I almost wished I had not undertaken the difficult task Ihad pledged myself to my brave band to perform. In this mood I calledupon the trader, who is fond of talking, and had long been my friend, but now amongst those who advised me to give up my village. He receivedme very friendly and went on to defend Keokuk in what he had done, endeavoring to show me that I was bringing distress on our women andchildren. He inquired if some terms could not be made that would behonorable to me and satisfactory to my braves, for us to remove to thewest side of the Mississippi. I replied that if our Great Father coulddo us justice and make the proposition, I could then give up honorably. He asked me "if the great chief at St. Louis would give us six thousanddollars to purchase provisions and other articles, if I would giveup peaceably and remove to the west side of the Mississippi?" Afterthinking some time I agreed that I could honorably give up, being paidfor it, according to our customs, but told him that I could not make theproposal myself, even if I wished, because it would be dishonorable inme to do so. He said that he would do it by sending word to the greatchief at St. Louis that he could remove us peaceably for the amountstated, to the west side of the Mississippi. A steamboat arrived at theisland during my stay. After its departure the trader told me that hehad requested a war chief, who was stationed at Galena, and was on boardthe steamboat, to make the offer to the great chief at St. Louis, andthat he would soon be back and bring his answer. I did not let my peopleknow what had taken place for fear they would be displeased. I did notmuch like what had been done myself, and tried to banish it from mymind. After a few days had passed the war chief returned and brought an answerthat "the great chief at St. Louis would give us nothing, and that if wedid not remove immediately we would be driven off. " I was not much displeased with the answer they brought me, because Iwould rather have laid my bones with those of my forefathers thanremove for any consideration. Yet if a friendly offer had been made asI expected, I would, for the sake of our women and children have removedpeaceably. I now resolved to remain in my village, and make no resistance if themilitary came, but submit to my fate. I impressed the importance of thiscourse on all my band, and directed them in case the military came notto raise an arm against them. About this time our agent was put out of office, for what reason I couldnever ascertain. I then thought it was for wanting to make us leave ourvillage and if so it was right, because I was tired of hearing him talkabout it. The interpreter, who had been equally as bad in trying topersuade us to leave our village was retained in office, and the youngman who took the place of our agent, told the same old story over aboutremoving us. I was then satisfied that this could not have been thecause. Our women had planted a few patches of corn which was growing finely, and promised a subsistence for our children, but the white people againcommenced ploughing it up. I now determined to put a stop to it byclearing our county of the intruders. I went to their principal men andtold them that they should and must leave our country, giving them untilthe middle of the next day to remove. The worst left within the timeappointed, but the one who remained, represented that his family, whichwas large, would be in a starving condition, if he went and left hiscrop. He promised to behave well, if I would consent to let him remainuntil fall, in order to secure his crop. He spoke reasonably and Iconsented. We now resumed some of our games and pastimes, having been assured bythe prophet that we would not be removed. But in a little while it wasascertained that a great war chief, General Gaines, was on his way toRock river with a great number of soldiers. I again called upon theprophet, who requested a little time to see into the matter. Early nextmorning he came to me and said he had been dreaming; that he saw nothingbad in this great war chief, General Gaines, who was now near Rockriver. That his object was merely to frighten us from our village, thatthe white people might get our land for nothing. He assured us thatthis great war chief dare not, and would not, hurt any of us. That theAmericans were at peace with the British, and when they made peace, theBritish required, and the Americans agreed to it, that they should neverinterrupt any nation of Indians that was at peace, and that all we hadto do to retain our village was to refuse any and every offer that mightbe made by this war chief. The war chief arrived and convened a council at the agency. Keokuk andWapello were sent for, and with a number of their band were present. The council house was opened and all were admitted, and myself and bandwere sent for to attend. When we arrived at the door singing a war song, and armed with lances, spears, war clubs, bows and arrows, as if goingto battle, I halted and refused to enter, as I could see no necessity orpropriety in having the room crowded with those who were already there. If the council was convened for us, why then have others in our room. The war chief having sent all out except Keokuk, Wapello and a fewof their chiefs and braves, we entered the council in this warlikeappearance, being desirous of showing the war chief that we were notafraid. He then rose and made a speech. He said: "The president is very sorry to be put to the trouble and expense ofsending so large a body of soldiers here to remove you from the landsyou have long since ceded to the United States. Your Great Father hasalready warned you repeatedly, through your agent, to leave the country, and he is very sorry to find that you have disobeyed his orders. YourGreat Father wishes you well, and asks nothing from you but what isreasonable and right. I hope you will consult your own interests, andleave the country you are occupying, and go to the other side of theMississippi. " I replied: "We have never sold our country. We never received any annuities fromour American father, and we are determined to hold on to our village. " The war chief, apparently angry, rose and said "Who is _Black Hawk_? Who is _Black Hawk_?" I replied: "I am a _Sac_! My forefather was a SAC! I and all the nations call me aSAC!!" The war chief said: "I came here neither to beg nor hire you to leave your village. Mybusiness is to remove you, peaceably if I can, forcibly if I must! Iwill now give you two days in which to remove, and if you do not crossthe Mississippi by that time, I will adopt measures to force you away. " I told him that I never would consent to leave my village and wasdetermined not to leave it. The council broke up and the war chief retired to his fort. I consultedthe prophet again. He said he had been dreaming, and that the GreatSpirit had directed that a woman, the daughter of Mattatas, the oldchief of the village, should take a stick in her hand and go before thewar chief, and tell him that she is the daughter of Mattatas, and thathe had always been the white man's friend. That he had fought theirbattles, been wounded in their service and had always spoken well ofthem, and she had never heard him say that he had sold their village. The whites are numerous, and can take it from us if they choose, but shehoped they would not be so unfriendly. If they were, he had one favor toask; she wished her people to be allowed to remain long enough to gathertheir provisions now growing in their fields; that she was a woman andhad worked hard to raise something to support her children. And now, ifwe are driven from our village without being allowed to save our corn, many of our little children must perish with hunger. Accordingly Mattatas' daughter was sent to the fort, accompanied byseveral of our young men and was admitted. She went before the war chiefand told the story of the prophet. The war chief said that the presidentdid not send him here to make treaties with the women, nor to holdcouncil with them. That our young men most leave the fort, but she mightremain if she wished. All our plans were defeated. We must cross the river, or return to ourvillage and await the coming of the war chief with his soldiers. Wedetermined on the latter, but finding that our agent, interpreter, trader and Keokuk, were determined on breaking my ranks, and had inducedseveral of my warriors to cross the Mississippi, I sent a deputationto the agent, at the request of my band, pledging myself to leave thecounty in the fall, provided permission was given us to remain, andsecure our crop of corn then growing, as we would be in a starvingsituation if we were driven off without the means of subsistence. The deputation returned with an answer from the war chief, "That nofurther time would be given than that specified, and if we were not thengone he would remove us. " I directed my village crier to proclaim that my orders were, in theevent of the war chief coming to our village to remove us, that not agun should be fired or any resistance offered. That if he determined tofight, for them to remain quietly in their lodges, and let him kill themif he chose. I felt conscious that this great war chief would not hurt our people, and my object was not war. Had it been, we would have attacked andkilled the war chief and his braves, when in council with us, as theywere then completely in our power. But his manly conduct and soldierlydeportment, his mild yet energetic manner, which proved his bravery, forbade it. Some of our young men who had been out as spies came in and reportedthat they had discovered a large body of mounted men coming toward ourvillage, who looked like a war party. They arrived and took a positionbelow Rock river, for their place of encampment. The great war chief, General Gaines, entered Rock river in a steamboat, with his soldiers andone big gun. They passed and returned close by our village, but excitedno alarm among my braves. No attention was paid to the boat; even ourlittle children who were playing on the bank of the river, as usual, continued their amusement. The water being shallow, the boat gotaground, which gave the whites some trouble. If they had asked forassistance, there was not a brave in my band who would not willinglyhave aided them. Their people were permitted to pass and repass throughour village, and were treated with friendship by our people. The war chief appointed the next day to remove us. I would have remainedand been taken prisoner by the regulars, but was afraid of the multitudeof pale faced militia, who were on horse back, as they were under norestraint of their chiefs. We crossed the river during the night, and encamped some distance belowRock Island. The great war chief convened another council, for thepurpose of making a treaty with us. In this treaty he agreed to give uscorn in place of that we had left growing in our fields. I touched thegoose quill to this treaty, and was determined to live in peace. The corn that had been given us was soon found to be inadequate to ourwants, when loud lamentations were heard in the camp by the women andchildren, for their roasting ears, beans and squashes. To satisfy them, a small party of braves went over in the night to take corn fromtheir own fields. They were discovered by the whites and fired upon. Complaints were again made of the depredations committed by some of mypeople, on their own corn fields. I understood from our agent, that there had been a provision made in oneof our treaties for assistance in agriculture, and that we could haveour fields plowed if we required it. I therefore called upon him, andrequested him to have a small log home built for me, and a field plowedthat fall, as I wished to live retired. He promised to have it done. Ithen went to the trader, Colonel Davenport, and asked for permissionto be buried in the graveyard at our village, among my old friendsand warriors, which he gave cheerfully. I then returned to my peoplesatisfied. A short time after this, a party of Foxes went up to Prairie du Chiento avenge the murder of their chiefs and relations, which had beencommitted the summer previous, by the Menomonees and Sioux. When theyarrived in the vicinity of the encampment of the Menomonees, they metwith a Winnebago, and inquired for the Menomonee camp. They requestedhim to go on before them and see if there were any Winnebagoes in it, and if so, to tell them that they had better return to their own camp. He went and gave the information, not only to the Winnebagoes, but tothe Menomonees, that they might be prepared. The party soon followed, killed twenty-eight Menomonees, and made their escape. This retaliation which with us is considered lawful and right, createdconsiderable excitement among the whites. A demand was made forthe Foxes to be surrendered to, and tried by, the white people. The principal men came to me during the fall and asked my advice. Iconceived that they had done right, and that our Great Father acted veryunjustly in demanding them, when he had suffered all their chiefs to bedecoyed away, and murdered by the Menomonees, without ever having made asimilar demand of them. If he had no right in the first instance he hadnone now, and for my part, I conceived the right very questionable, ifnot an act of usurpation in any case, where a difference exists betweentwo nations, for him to interfere. The Foxes joined my band with theintention to go out with them on the fall hunt. About this time, Neapope, who started to Malden when it was ascertainedthat the great war chief, General Gaines, was coming to remove us, returned. He said he had seen the chief of our British Father, and askedhim if the Americans could force us to leave our village. He said: "Ifyou had not sold your land the Americans could not take your villagefrom you. That the right being vested in you only, could be transferredby the voice and will of the whole nation, and that as you have nevergiven your consent to the sale of your country, it yet remains yourexclusive property, from which the American government never could forceyou away, and that in the event of war, you should have nothing to fear, as we would stand by and assist you. " He said that he had called at the prophet's lodge on his way down, andthere had learned for the first time, that we had left our village. Heinformed me privately, that the prophet was anxious to see me, as he hadmuch good news to tell me, and that I would hear good news in the springfrom our British Father. "The prophet requested me to give you all theparticulars, but I would much rather you would see him yourself andlearn all from him. But I will tell you that he has received expressesfrom our British Father, who says that he is going to send us guns, ammunition, provisions and clothing early in the spring. The vesselsthat bring them will come by way of Milwaukee. The prophet has likewisereceived wampum and tobacco from the different nations on the lakes, Ottawas, Chippewas, and Pottowattomies, and as to the Winnebagoes he hasthem all at his command. We are going to be happy once more. " I told him I was pleased that our British Father intended to see usrighted. That we had been driven from our lands without receivinganything for them, and I now began to hope from his talk, that mypeople would once more be happy. If I could accomplish this I would besatisfied. I am now growing old and could spend the remnant of my timeanywhere. But I wish first to see my people happy. I can then leave themcheerfully. This has always been my constant aim, and I now begin tohope that our sky will soon be clear. Neapope said: "The prophet told me that all the tribes mentioned would fight for usif necessary, and the British father will support us. If we should bewhipped, which is hardly possible, we will still be safe, the prophethaving received a friendly talk from the chief of Wassicummico, atSelkirk's settlement, telling him, that if we were not happy in our owncountry, to let him know and he would make us happy. He had receivedinformation from our British father that we had been badly treated bythe Americans. We must go and see the prophet. I will go first; you hadbetter remain and get as many of your people to join you as you can. You know everything that we have done. We leave the matter with you toarrange among your people as you please. I will return to the prophet'svillage to-morrow. You can in the meantime make up your mind an tothe course you will take and send word to the prophet by me, as he isanxious to assist us, and wishes to know whether you will join us, andassist to make your people happy. " During the night I thought over everything that Neapope had told me, and was pleased to think that by a little exertion on my part, I couldaccomplish the object of all my wishes. I determined to follow theadvice of the prophet, and sent word by Neapope, that I would get allmy braves together, explain everything that I had heard to them, andrecruit as many as I could from the different villages. Accordingly I sent word to Keokuk's band and the Fox tribe, explainingto them all the good news I had heard. They would not hear. Keokuk saidthat I had been imposed upon by liars, and had much better remain whereI was and keep quiet. When he found that I was determined to make anattempt to recover my village, fearing that some difficulty would arise, he made application to the agent and great chief at St. Louis, askingpermission for the chiefs of our nation to go to Washington to see ourGreat Father, that we might have our difficulties settled amicably. Keokuk also requested the trader, Colonel Davenport, who was going toWashington, to call on our Great Father and explain everything to him, and ask permission for us to come on and see him. Having heard nothing favorable from the great chief at St. Louis, Iconcluded that I had better keep my band together, and recruit as manyas possible, so that I would be prepared to make the attempt to rescuemy village in the spring, provided our Great Father did not send wordfor us to go to Washington. The trader returned. He said he had calledon our Great Father and made a full statement to him in relation to ourdifficulties, and had asked leave for us to go to Washington, but hadreceived no answer. I had determined to listen to the advice of my friends, and if permittedto go to see our Great Father, to abide by his counsel, whatever itmight be. Every overture was made by Keokuk to prevent difficulty, and Ianxiously hoped that something would be done for my people that it mightbe avoided. But there was bad management somewhere, or the difficultythat has taken place would have been avoided. When it was ascertained that we would not be permitted to go toWashington, I resolved upon my course, and again tied to recruit somebraves from Keookuk's band, to accompany me, but could not. Conceiving that the peaceable disposition of Keokuk and his people hadbeen in a great measure the cause of our having been driven from ourvillage, I ascribed their present feelings to the same cause, andimmediately went to work to recruit all my own band, and makingpreparations to ascend Rock river, I made my encampment on theMississippi, where Fort Madison had stood. I requested my people torendezvous at that place, sending out soldiers to bring in the warriors, and stationed my sentinels in a position to prevent any from moving offuntil all were ready. My party having all come in and got ready, we commenced our march up theMississippi; our women and children in canoes, carrying such provisionsas we had, camp equipage, &c. My braves and warriors were on horseback, armed and equipped for defence. The prophet came down and joining usbelow Rock river, having called at Rock Island on his way down, toconsult the war chief, agent and trader; who, he said, used manyarguments to dissuade him from going with us, requesting him to come andmeet us and turn us back. They told him also there was a war chief onhis way to Rock Island with a large body of soldiers. The prophet said he would not listen to this talk, because no war chiefwould dare molest us so long as we were at peace. That we had a rightto go where we pleased peaceably, and advised me to say nothing to mybraves and warriors until we encamped that night. We moved onward untilwe arrived at the place where General Gaines had made his encampment theyear before, and encamped for the night. The prophet then addressed mybraves and warriors. He told them to "follow us and act like braves, and we have nothing to fear and much to gain. The American war chiefmay come, but will not, nor dare not interfere with us so long as we actpeaceably. We are not yet ready to act otherwise. We must wait until weascend Rock river and receive our reinforcements, and we will then beable to withstand any army. " That night the White Beaver, General Atkinson, with a party of soldierspassed up in a steamboat. Our party became alarmed, expecting to meetthe soldiers at Rock river, to prevent us going up. On our arrival atits mouth, we discovered that the steamboat had passed on. I was fearful that the war chief had stationed his men on somehigh bluff, or in some ravine, that we might be taken by surprise. Consequently, on entering Rock river we commenced beating our drums andsinging, to show the Americans that we were not afraid. Having met with no opposition, we moved up Rock river leisurely for somedistance, when we were overtaken by an express from White Beaver, withan order for me to return with my band and recross the Mississippiagain. I sent him word that I would not, not recognizing his right tomake such a demand, is I was acting peaceably, and intended to go to theprophet's village at his request, to make corn. The express returned. We moved on and encamped some distance below theprophet's village. Here another express came from the White Beaver, threatening to pursue us and drive us back, if we did not returnpeaceably. This message roused the spirit of my band, and all weredetermined to remain with me and contest the ground with the war chief, should he come and attempt to drive us. We therefore directed theexpress to say to the war chief "if he wished to fight us he might comeon. " We were determined never to be driven, and equally so, not to makethe first attack, our object being to act only on the defensive. This weconceived to be our right. Soon after the express returned, Mr. Gratiot, sub-agent for theWinnebagoes, came to our encampment. He had no interpreter, and wascompelled to talk through his chiefs. They said the object of hismission was to persuade us to return. But they advised us to goon--assuring us that the further we went up Rock river the more friendswe would meet, and our situation would be bettered. They were on ourside and all of their people were our friends. We must not give up, but continue to ascend Rock river, on which, in a short time, we wouldreceive reinforcements sufficiently strong to repulse any enemy. Theysaid they would go down with their agent, to ascertain the strength ofthe enemy, and then return and give us the news. They had to use somestratagem to deceive their agent in order to help us. During this council several of my braves hoisted the British flag, mounted their horses and surrounded the council lodge. I discovered thatthe agent was very much frightened. I told one of his chiefs to tell himthat he need not be alarmed, and then went out and directed my braves todesist. Every warrior immediately dismounted and returned to his lodge. After the council adjourned I placed a sentinel at the agent's lodge toguard him, fearing that some of my warriors might again frighten him. Ihad always thought he was a good man and was determined that he shouldnot be hurt. He started with his chiefs to Rock Island. Having ascertained that White Beaver would not permit us to remain wherewe were, I began to consider what was best to be done, and concluded tokeep on up the river, see the Pottowattomies and have a talk with them. Several Winnebago chiefs were present, whom I advised of my intentions, as they did not seem disposed to render us any assistance. I asked themif they had not sent us wampum during the winter, and requested us tocome and join their people and enjoy all the rights and privileges oftheir country. They did not deny this; and said if the white people didnot interfere, they had no objection to our making corn this year, withour friend the prophet, but did not wish us to go any further up. The next day I started with my party to Kishwacokee. That night Iencamped a short distance above the prophet's village. After all wasquiet in our camp I sent for my chiefs, and told them that we hadbeen deceived. That all the fair promises that had been held out to usthrough Neapope were false. But it would not do to let our party knowit. We must keep it secret among ourselves, move on to Kishwacokee, asif all was right, and say something on the way to encourage our people. I will then call on the Pottowattomies, hear what they say, and see whatthey will do. We started the next morning, after telling our people that news had justcome from Milwaukee that a chief of our British Father would be there ina few days. Finding that all our plans were defeated, I told the prophetthat he must go with me, and we would see what could be done with thePottowattomies. On our arrival at Kishwacokee an express was sent to thePottowattomie villages. The next day a deputation arrived. I inquiredif they had corn in their villages. They said they had a very little andcould not spare any. I asked them different questions and received veryunsatisfactory answers. This talk was in the presence of all my people. I afterwards spoke to them privately, and requested them to come to mylodge after my people had gone to sleep. They came and took seats. Iasked them if they had received any news from the British on the lake. They said no. I inquired if they had heard that a chief of our BritishFather was coming to Milwaukee to bring us guns, ammunition, goods andprovisions. They said no. I told them what news had been brought to me, and requested them to return to their village and tell the chiefs that Iwished to see them and have a talk with them. After this deputation started, I concluded to tell my people that ifWhite Beaver came after us, we would go back, as it was useless tothink of stopping or going on without more provisions and ammunition. Idiscovered that the Winnebagoes and Pottowattomies were not disposed torender us any assistance. The next day the Pottowattomie chiefs arrivedin my camp. I had a dog killed, and made a feast. When it was ready, Ispread my medicine bags, and the chiefs began to eat. When the ceremonywas about ending, I received news that three or four hundred white menon horse-back had been seen about eight miles off. I immediately startedthree young men with a white flag to meet them and conduct them to ourcamp, that we might hold a council with them and descend Rock riveragain. I also directed them, in case the whites had encamped, to return, and I would go and see them. After this party had started I sent fiveyoung men to see what might take place. The first party went to thecamp of the whites, and were taken prisoners. The last party had notproceeded far before they saw about twenty men coming toward them atfull gallop. They stopped, and, finding that the whites were comingtoward them in such a warlike attitude, they turned and retreated, butwere pursued, and two of them overtaken and killed. The others then madetheir escape. When they came in with the news, I was preparing my flagsto meet the war chief. The alarm was given. Nearly all my young men wereabsent ten miles away. I started with what I had left, about forty, andhad proceeded but a short distance, before we saw a part of the armyapproaching. I raised a yell, saying to y braves, "Some of our peoplehave been killed. Wantonly and cruelly murdered! We must avenge theirdeath!" In a little while we discovered the whole army coming towards us at afull gallop. We were now confident that our first party had been killed. I immediately placed my men behind a cluster of bushes, that we mighthave the first fire when they had approached close enough. They made ahalt some distance from us. I gave another yell, and ordered my bravewarriors to charge upon them, expecting that they would all be killed. They did charge. Every man rushed towards the enemy and fired, and theyretreated in the utmost confusion and consternation before my little butbrave band of warriors. After following the enemy for some distance, I found it uselessto pursue them further, as they rode so fast, and returned to theencampment with a few braves, as about twenty-five of them continued inpursuit of the flying enemy. I lighted my pipe and sat down to thank theGreat Spirit for what he had done. I had not been meditating long, whentwo of the three young men I had seat with the flag to meet the Americanwar chief, entered. My astonishment was not greater than my joy to seethem living and well. I eagerly listened to their story, which was asfollows: "When we arrived near the encampment of the whites, a number of themrushed out to meet us, bringing their guns with them. They took us intotheir camp, where an American who spoke the Sac language a little toldus that his chief wanted to know how we were, where we were going, whereour camp was, and where was Black Hawk? We told him that we had cometo see his chief, that our chief had directed us to conduct him to ourcamp, in case he had not encamped, and in that event to tell him thathe, Black Hawk, would come to see him; he wished to hold a council withhim, as he had given up all intention of going to war. " This man had once been a member of our tribe, having been adopted by memany years before and treated with the same kindness as was shown to ouryoung men, but like the caged bird of the woods, he yearned for freedom, and after a few years residence with us an opportunity for escape cameand he left us. On this occasion he would have respected our flag andcarried back the message I had sent to his chief, had he not been takenprisoner, with a comrade, by some of my braves who did not recognizehim, and brought him into camp. They were securely tied with cords totrees and left to meditate, but were occasionally buffeted by my youngmen when passing near them. When I passed by him there was a recognitionon the part of us both, but on account of former friendship I concludedto let him go, and some little time before the sun went down Ireleased him from his captivity by untying the cords that bound him andaccompanied him outside of our lines so that he could escape safely. His companion had previously made a desperate effort to escape from hisguards and was killed by them. They continued their story: "At the conclusion of this talk a party of white men came in onhorseback. We saw by their countenances that something had happened. Ageneral tumult arose. They looked at us with indignation, talked amongthemselves for a moment, when several of them cocked their guns andfired at us in the crowd. Our companion fell dead. We rushed throughthe crowd and made our escape. We remained in ambush but a short time, before we heard yelling like Indians running an enemy. In a little whilewe saw some of the whites in full speed. One of them came near us. Ithrew my tomahawk and struck him on the head which brought him to theground; I ran to him and with his own knife took off his scalp. I tookhis gun, mounted his horse, and brought my friend here behind me. Weturned to follow our braves, who were chasing the enemy, and had notgone far before we overtook a white man, whose horse had mired in aswamp. My friend alighted and tomahawked the man, who was apparentlyfast under his horse. He took his scalp, horse and gun. By this time ourparty was some distance ahead. We followed on and saw several white menlying dead on the way. After riding about six miles we met our partyreturning. We asked them how many of our men had been killed. . Theysaid none after the Americans had retreated. We inquired how many whiteshad been killed. They replied that they did not know, but said we willsoon ascertain, as we must scalp them as we go back. On our returnwe found ten men, besides the two we had killed before we joined ourfriends. Seeing that they did not yet recognize us, it being dark, weagain asked how many of our braves had been killed? They said five. Weasked who they were? They replied that the first party of three who wentout to meet the American war chief, had all been taken prisoners andkilled in the encampment, and that out of a party of five, who followedto see the meeting of the first party with the whites, two had beenkilled. We were now certain that they did not recognize us, nor did wetell who we were until we arrived at our camp. The news of our death hadreached it some time before, and all were surprised to see us again. " The next morning I told the crier of my village to give notice that wemust go and bury our dead. In a little while all were ready. A smalldeputation was sent for our absent warriors, and the remainder startedto bury the dead. We first disposed of them and then commenced anexamination in the enemy's deserted encampment for plunder. We foundarms and ammunition and provisions, all of which we were sadly in wantof, particularly the latter, as we were entirely without. We found alsoa variety of saddle bags, which I distributed among my braves, a smallquantity of whisky and some little barrels that had contained this badmedicine, but they were empty. I was surprised to find that the whitescarried whisky with them, as I had understood that all the pale faces, when acting is soldiers in the field, were strictly temperate. The enemy's encampment was in a skirt of woods near a run, about half aday's travel from Dixon's ferry. We attacked them in the prairie, with afew bushes between us, about sundown, and I expected that my whole partywould be killed. I never was so much surprised in all the fighting Ihave seen, knowing, too, that the Americans generally shoot well, asI was to see this army of several hundreds retreating, without showingfight, and passing immediately through their encampment, I did thinkthey intended to halt there, as the situation would have forbiddenattack by my party if their number had not exceeded half of mine, aswe would have been compelled to take the open prairie whilst they couldhave picked trees to shield themselves from our fire. I was never so much surprised in my life as I was in this attack. Anarmy of three or four hundred men, after having learned that we weresueing for peace, to attempt to kill the flag bearers that had goneunarmed to ask for a meeting of the war chiefs of the two contendingparties to hold a council, that I might return to the west side of theMississippi, to come forward with a full determination to demolishthe few braves I had with me, to retreat when they had ten to one, wasunaccountable to me. It proved a different spirit from any I had everbefore seen among the pale faces. I expected to see them fight as theAmericans did with the British during the last war, but they had no suchbraves among them. At our feast with the Pottowattomies I was convincedthat we had been imposed upon by those who had brought in reports oflarge re-enforcements to my band and resolved not to strike a blow; andin order to get permission from White Beaver to return and re-cross theMississippi, I sent a flag of peace to the American war chief, who wasreported to be close by with his army, expecting that he would convenea council and listen to what we had to say. But this chief, insteadof pursuing that honorable and chivalric course, such as I have alwayspracticed, shot down our flag-bearer and thus forced us into warwith less than five hundred warriors to contend against three or fourthousand soldiers. The supplies that Neapope and the prophet told us about, and thereinforcements we were to have, were never more heard of, and it isbut justice to our British Father to say were never promised, his chiefbeing sent word in lieu of the lies that were brought to me, "for us toremain at peace as we could accomplish nothing but our own ruin by goingto war. " What was now to be done? It was worse than folly to turn back and meetan enemy where the odds were so much against us and thereby sacrificeourselves, our wives and children to the fury of an enemy who hadmurdered some of our brave and unarmed warriors when they were on amission to sue for peace. Having returned to our encampment, and found that all our young menhad come in, I sent out spies to watch the movements of the army, andcommenced moving up Kishwacokee with the balance of my people. I did notknow where to go to find a place of safety for my women and children, but expected to find a good harbor about the head of Rock river. Iconcluded to go there, and thought my best route would be to goround the head of Kishwacokee, so that the Americans would have somedifficulty if they attempted to follow us. On arriving at the head of Kishwacokee, I was met by a party ofWinnebagoes, who seemed to rejoice at our success. They said they hadcome to offer their services, and were anxious to join in. I asked themif they knew where there was a safe place for our women and children. They told us that they would send two old men with us to guide us to agood safe place. I arranged war parties to send out in different directions, before Iproceeded further. The Winnebagoes went alone. The war parties havingall been fitted out and started, we commenced moving to the Four Lakes, the place where our guides were to conduct us. We had not gone farbefore six Winnebagoes came in with one scalp. They said they had killeda man at a grove, on the road from Dixon's to the lead mines. Fourdays after, the party of Winnebagoes who had gone out from the head ofKishwacokee, overtook us, and told me that they had killed four menand taken their scalps: and that one of them was Keokuk's father, (theagent). They proposed to have a dance over their scalps. I told themthat I could have no dancing in my camp, in consequence of my havinglost three young braves; but they might dance in their own camp, whichthey did. Two days after, we arrived in safety at the place wherethe Winnebagoes had directed us. In a few days a great number of ourwarriors came in. I called them all around me, and addressed them. I told them: "Now is the time, if any of you wish to come intodistinction, and be honored with the medicine bag! Now is the time toshow your courage and bravery, and avenge the murder of our threebraves!" Several small parties went out, and returned again in a few days, withsuccess--bringing in provisions for our people. In the mean time, somespies came in, and reported that the army had fallen back to Dixon'sferry; and others brought news that the horsemen had broken up theircamp, disbanded, and returned home. Finding that all was safe, I made a dog feast, preparatory to leavingmy camp with a large party, (as the enemy were stationed so far off). Before my braves commenced feasting, I took my medicine bags, andaddressed them in the following language: "BRAVES AND WARRIORS: These are the medicine bags of our forefather, Mukataquet, who was the father of the Sac nation. They were handed downto the great war chief of our nation, Nanamakee, who has been at warwith all the nations of the plains, and have never yet been disgraced! Iexpect you all to protect them!" After the ceremony was over and our feasting done I started, with abouttwo hundred warriors following my great medicine bags. I directed mycourse toward sunset and dreamed, the second night after we started, that there would be a great feast prepared for us after one day'stravel. I told my warriors my dream in the morning and we started forMoscohocoynak, (Apple river). When we arrived in the vicinity of a fortthe white people had built there we saw four men on horseback. One ofmy braves fired and wounded a man when the others set up a yell as ifa large force were near and ready to come against us. We concealedourselves and remained in this position for some time watching to seethe enemy approach, but none came. The four men, in the mean time, ranto the fort and gave the alarm. We followed them and attacked theirfort. One of their braves, who seemed more valiant than the rest, raisedhis head above the picketing to fire at us when one of my braves, with awell-directed shot, put an end to his bravery. Finding that these peoplecould not be killed without setting fire to their houses and fort Ithought it more prudent to be content with what flour, provisions, cattle and horses we could find than to set fire to their buildings, asthe light would be seen at a distance and the army might suppose we werein the neighborhood and come upon us with a strong force. Accordinglywe opened a house and filled our bags with flour and provisions, tookseveral horses and drove off some of their cattle. We started in a direction toward sunrise. After marching a considerabletime I discovered some white men coming towards us. I told my bravesthat we would go into the woods and kill them when they approached. We concealed ourselves until they came near enough and then commencedyelling and firing and made a rush upon them. About this time theirchief, with a party of men, rushed up to rescue the men we had firedupon. In a little while they commenced retreating and left their chiefand a few braves who seemed willing and anxious to fight. They actedlike men, but were forced to give way when I rushed upon them with mybraves. In a short time the chief returned with a lager party. He seemeddetermined to fight, and anxious for a battle. When he came near enoughI raised the yell and firing commenced from both sides. The chief, whoseemed to be a small man, addressed his warriors in a loud voice, butthey soon retreated, leaving him and a few braves on the battle field. A great number of my warriors pursued the retreating party and killed anumber of their horses as they ran. The chief and his few braves were unwilling to leave the field. Iordered my braves to rush upon them, and had the mortification of seeingtwo of my chiefs killed before the enemy retreated. This young chief deserves great praise for his courage and bravery, butfortunately for us, his army was not all composed of such brave men. During this attack we killed several men and about forty horses and losttwo young chiefs and seven warriors. My braves were anxious to pursuethem to the fort, attack and burn it, but I told them it was useless towaste our powder as there was no possible chance of success if we didattack them, and that as we had ran the bear into his hole we wouldthere leave him and return to our camp. On arriving at our encampment we found that several of our spies hadreturned, bringing intelligence that the army had commenced moving. Another party of five came in and said they had been pursued for severalhours, and were attacked by twenty-five or thirty whites in the woods;that the whites rushed in upon them as they lay concealed and receivedtheir fire without seeing them. They immediately retreated whilst wereloaded. They entered the thicket again and as soon as they came nearenough we fired. Again they retreated and again they rushed into thethicket and fired. We returned their fire and a skirmish ensued betweentwo of their men and one of ours, who was killed by having his throatcut. This was the only man we lost, the enemy having had three killed;they again retreated. Another party of three Sacs had come in and brought two young whitesquaws, whom they had given to the Winnebagoes to take to the whites. They said they had joined a party of Pottowattomies and went with themas a war party against the settlers of Illinois. The leader of this party, a Pottowattomie, had been severely whipped bythis settler, some time before, and was anxious to avenge the insult andinjury. While the party was preparing to start, a young Pottowattomiewent to the settler's house and told him to leave it, that a war partywas coming to murder them. They started, but soon returned again, asit appeared that they were all there when the war party arrived. ThePottowattomies killed the whole family, except two young squaws, whomthe Sacs took up on their horses and carried off, to save their lives. They were brought to our encampment, and a messenger sent to theWinnebagoes, as they were friendly on both sides, to come and get them, and carry them to the whites. If these young men, belonging to my band, had not gone with the Pottowittomies, the two young squaws would haveshared the same fate as their friends. During our encampment at the Four Lakes we were hard pressed to obtainenough to eat to support nature. Situated in a swampy, marshy country, (which had been selected in consequence of the great difficulty requiredto gain access thereto, ) there was but little game of any sort tobe found, and fish were equally scarce. The great distance to anysettlement, and the impossibility of bringing supplies therefrom, ifany could have been obtained, deterred our young men from makingfurther attempts. We were forced to dig roots and bark trees, to obtainsomething to satisfy hunger and keep us alive. Several of our old peoplebecame so reduced, as to actually die with hunger! Learning that thearmy had commenced moving, and fearing that they might come upon andsurround our encampment, I concluded to remove our women and childrenacross the Mississippi, that they might return to the Sac nation again. Accordingly, on the next day we commenced moving, with five Winnebagoesacting as our guides, intending to descend the Wisconsin. Neapope, with a party of twenty, remained in our rear, to watch for theenemy, whilst we were proceeding to the Wisconsin, with our women andchildren. We arrived, and had commenced crossing over to an island, whenwe discovered a large body of the enemy coming towards us. We were nowcompelled to fight, or sacrifice our wives and children to the fury ofthe whites. I met them with fifty warriors, (having left the balance toassist our women and children in crossing) about a mile from the river, When an attack immediately commenced, I was mounted on a fine horse, and was pleased to see my warriors so brave. I addressed them in a loadvoice, telling them to stand their ground and never yield it to theenemy. At this time I was on the rise of a hill, where I wished to formmy warriors, that we might have some advantage over the whites. But theenemy succeeded in gaining this point, which compelled us to fall intoa deep ravine, from which we continued firing at them and they at us, until it began to grow dark. My horse having been wounded twice duringthis engagement, and fearing from his loss of blood that he would soongive out, and finding that the enemy would not come near enough toreceive our fire, in the dusk of the evening, and knowing that ourwomen and children had had sufficient time to reach the island in theWisconsin, I ordered my warriors to return, by different routes, andmeet me at the Wisconsin, and was astonished to find that the enemy werenot disposed to pursue us. In this skirmish with fifty braves, I defended and accomplished mypassage over the Wisconsin, with a loss of only six men, though opposedby a host of mounted militia. I would not have fought there, but to gaintime for our women and children to cross to an island. A warrior willduly appreciate the embarrassments I labored under--and whatever maybe the sentiments of the white people in relation to this battle, mynation, though fallen, will award to me the reputation of a great bravein conducting it. The loss of the enemy could not be ascertained by our party; but I amof the opinion that it was much greater, in proportion, than mine. Wereturned to the Wisconsin and crossed over to our people. Here some of my people left me, and descended the Wisconsin, hoping toescape to the west side of the Mississippi, that they might returnhome. I had no objection to their leaving me, as my people were all ina desperate condition, being worn out with traveling and starvingwith hunger. Our only hope to save ourselves was to get across theMississippi. But few of this party escaped. Unfortunately for them, aparty of soldiers from Prairie du Chien were stationed on the Wisconsin, a short distance from its mouth, who fired upon our distressed people. Some were killed, others drowned, several taken prisoners, and thebalance escaped to the woods and perished with hunger. Among this partywere a great many women and children. I was astonished to find that Neapope and his party of spies had notyet come in, they having been left in my rear to bring the news, if theenemy were discovered. It appeared, however, that the whites had comein a different direction and intercepted our trail but a short distancefrom the place where we first saw them, leaving our spies considerablyin the rear. Neapope and one other retired to the Winnebago village, and there remained during the war. The balance of his party, being bravemen, and considering our interests as their own, returned, and joinedour ranks. Myself and band having no means to descend the Wisconsin, I started overa rugged country, to go to the Mississippi, intending to cross it andreturn to my nation. Many of our people were compelled to go on foot, for want of horses, which, in consequence of their having had nothingto eat for a long time, caused our march to be very slow. At length wearrived at the Mississippi, having lost some of our old men and littlechildren, who perished on the way with hunger. We had been here but a little while before we saw a steamboat (the"Warrior, ") coming. I told my braves not to shoot, as I intended goingon board, so that we might save our women and children. I knew thecaptain (Throckmorton) and was determined to give myself up to him. I then sent for my white flag. While the messenger was gone, I tooka small piece of white cotton and put it on a pole, and called to thecaptain of the boat, and told him to send his little canoe ashore andlet me come aboard. The people on board asked whether we were Sacs orWinnebagoes. I told a Winnebago to tell them that we were Sacs, andwanted to give ourselves up! A Winnebago on the boat called out to us"to run and hide, that the whites were going to shoot!" About this timeone of my braves had jumped into the river, bearing a white flag to theboat, when another sprang in after him and brought him to the shore. Thefiring then commenced from the boat, which was returned by my braves andcontinued for some time. Very few of my people were hurt after thefirst fire, having succeeded in getting behind old logs and trees, whichshielded them from the enemy's fire. The Winnebago on the steamboat must either have misunderstood whatwas told, or did not tell it to the captain correctly; because I amconfident he would not have allowed the soldiers to fire upon us if hehad known my wishes. I have always considered him a good man, and toogreat a brave to fire upon an enemy when sueing for quarters. After the boat left us, I told my people to cross if they could, andwished; that I intended going into the Chippewa country. Some commencedcrossing, and such as had determined to follow them, remained; onlythree lodges going with me. Next morning, at daybreak, a young manovertook me, and said that all my party had determined to cross theMississippi--that a number had already got over safely and that he hadheard the white army last night within a few miles of them. I now beganto fear that the whites would come up with my people and kill thembefore they could get across. I had determined to go and join theChippewas; but reflecting that by this I could only save myself, Iconcluded to return, and die with my people, if the Great Spirit wouldnot give us another victory. During our stay in the thicket, a party ofwhites came close by us, but passed on without discovering us. Early in the morning a party of whites being in advance of the army, came upon our people, who were attempting to cross the Mississippi. They tried to give themselves up; the whites paid no attention to theirentreaties, but commenced slaughtering them. In a little while the wholearmy arrived. Our braves, but few in umber, finding that the enemy paidno regard to age or sex, and seeing that they were murdering helplesswomen and little children, determined to fight until they were killed. As many women as could, commenced swimming the Mississippi, with theirchildren on their backs. A number of them were drowned, and some shotbefore they could reach the opposite shore. One of my braves, who gave me this information, piled up some saddlesbefore him, (when the fight commenced), to shield himself from theenemy's fire, and killed three white men. But seeing that the whiteswere coming too close to him, he crawled to the bank of the withoutbeing perceived, and hid himself under the bank until the enemy retired. He then came to me and told me what had been done. After hearing thissorrowful news, I started with my little party to the Winnebago villageat Prairie La Cross. On my arrival there I entered the lodge of one ofthe chiefs, and told him that I wished him to go with me to his father, that I intended giving myself up to the American war chief and die, ifthe Great Spirit saw proper. He said he would go with me. I then took mymedicine bag and addressed the chief. I told him that it was "the soulof the Sac nation--that it never had been dishonored in any battle, takeit, it is my life--dearer than life--and give it to the American chief!"He said he would keep it, and take care of it, and if I was suffered tolive, he would send it to me. During my stay at the village, the squaws made me a white dress of deerskin. I then started with several Winnebagoes, and went to their agent, at Prairie du Chien, and gave myself up. On my arrival there, I found to my sorrow, that a large body of Siouxhad pursued and killed a number of our women and children, who had gotsafely across the Mississippi. The whites ought not to have permittedsuch conduct, and none but cowards would ever have been guilty of suchcruelty, a habit which had always been practiced on our nation by theSioux. The massacre, which terminated the war, lasted about two hours. Our lossin killed was about sixty, besides a number that was drowned. The lossof the enemy could not be ascertained by my braves, exactly; but theythink that they killed about sixteen during the action. I was now given up by the agent to the commanding officer at FortCrawford, the White Beaver having gone down the river. We remained herea short time, and then started for Jefferson Barracks, in a steam boat, under the charge of a young war chief, (Lieut. Jefferson Davis) whotreated us all with much kindness. He is a good and brave young chief, with whose conduct I was much pleased. On our way down we called atGalena and remained a short time. The people crowded to the boat to seeus: but the war chief would not permit them to enter the apartment wherewe were--knowing, from what his feelings would have been if he had beenplaced in a similar situation, that we did not wish to have a gapingcrowd around us. We passed Rock Island without stopping. The great war chief, Gen. Scott, who was then at Fort Armstrong, came out in a small boat to see us, butthe captain of the steamboat would not allow anybody from the fort tocome on board his boat, in consequence of the cholera raging among thesoldiers. I did think that the captain ought to have permitted the warchief to come on board to see me, because I could see no danger to beapprehended by it. The war chief looked well, and I have since heard wasconstantly among his soldiers, who were sick and dying, administering totheir wants, and had not caught the disease from them and I thought itabsurd to think that any of the people on the steamboat could be afraidof catching the disease from a well man. But these people are not bravelike war chiefs, who never fear anything. On our way down, I surveyed the country that had cost us so muchtrouble, anxiety and blood, and that now caused me to be a prisoner ofwar. I reflected upon the ingratitude of the whites when I saw theirfine houses, rich harvests and everything desirable around them; andrecollected that all this land had been ours, for which I and my peoplehad never received a dollar, and that the whites were not satisfieduntil they took our village and our graveyards from us and removed usacross the Mississippi. On our arrival at Jefferson Barracks we met the great war chief, WhiteBeaver, who had commanded the American army against my little band. Ifelt the humiliation of my situation; a little while before I had beenleader of my braves, now I was a prisoner of war, but had surrenderedmyself. He received us kindly and treated us well. We were now confined to the barracks and forced to wear the ball andchain. This was extremely mortifying and altogether useless. Was theWhite Beaver afraid I would break out of his barracks and run away? Orwas he ordered to inflict this punishment upon me? If I had taken himprisoner on the field of battle I would not have wounded his feelingsso much by such treatment, knowing that a brave war chief would preferdeath to dishonor. But I do not blame the White Beaver for the course hepursued, as it is the custom among the white soldiers, and I suppose wasa part of his duty. The time dragged heavily and gloomily along throughout the winter, although the White Beaver did everything is his power to render uscomfortable. Having been accustomed, throughout a long life, to roamthe forests o'er, to go and come at liberty, confinement, and under suchcircumstances, could not be less than torture. We passed away the time making pipes until spring, when we were visitedby the agent, trader and interpreter, from Rock Island, Keokuk andseveral chiefs and braves of our nation, and my wife and daughter. Iwas rejoiced to see the two latter and spent my time very agreeably withthem and my people as long as they remained. The trader, Sagenash, (Col. Davenport) presented me with some driedvenison, which had been killed and cured by some of my friends. This wasa valuable present, and although he had given me many before, none everpleased me so much. This was the first meat I had eaten for a long timethat reminded me of the former pleasures of my own wigwam, which hadalways been stored with plenty. Keokuk and his chiefs, during their stay at the barracks, petitioned ourGreat Father, the president, to release us, and pledged themselvesfor our good conduct. I now began to hope I would soon be restored toliberty and the enjoyment of my family and friends, having heard thatKeokuk stood high in the estimation of our Great Father, because hedid not join me in the war, but I was soon disappointed in my hopes. Anorder came from our Great Father to the White Beaver to send us on toWashington. In a little while all were ready and left Jefferson Barracks on board ofa steamboat, under charge of a young war chief and one soldier, whom theWhite Beaver sent along as a guide to Washington. We were accompaniedby Keokuk, wife and son, Appanooce, Wapello, Poweshiek, Pashippaho, Nashashuk, Saukee, Musquaukee, and our interpreter. Our principaltraders, Col. Geo. Davenport, of Rock Island, and S. S. Phelps andclerk, William Cousland, of the Yellow Banks, also accompanied us. Onour way up the Ohio we passed several large villages, the names of whichwere explained to me. The first is called Louisville, and is a verypetty village, situated on the bank of the Ohio River. The next isCincinnati, which stands on the bank of the same river. This is a largeand beautiful village and seemed to be in a thriving condition. Thepeople gathered on the bank as we passed, in great crowds, apparentlyanxious to see us. On our arrival at Wheeling the streets and river banks were crowded withpeople, who flocked from every direction to see us. While we remainedhere many called upon us and treated us with kindness, no one offeringto molest or misuse us. This village is not so large as either of thosebefore mentioned, but is quite a pretty one. We left the steamboat then, having traveled a long distance on theprettiest river I ever saw (except our Mississippi) and took the stage. Being unaccustomed to this mode of traveling, we soon got tired andwished ourselves seated in a canoe on one of our own rivers, that wemight return to our friends. We had traveled but a short distance beforeour carriage turned over, from which I received a slight injury, and thesoldier had one arm broken. I was sorry for this accident, as the youngman had behaved well. We had a rough and mountainous country for several days, but had a goodtrail for our carriage. It is astonishing what labor and pains the whitepeople have had to make this road, as it passes over several mountains, which are generally covered with rocks and timber, yet it has been madesmooth and easy to travel upon. Rough and mountainous as this country is there are many wigwams andsmall villages standing on the roadside. I could see nothing in thecountry to induce the people to live in it, and was astonished to findso many whites living on the hills. I have often thought of them since my return to my own people, and amhappy to think that they prefer living in their own country to comingout to ours and driving us from it, as many of the whites have alreadydone. I think with them, that wherever the Great Spirit places hispeople they ought to be satisfied to remain, and be thankful for what Hehas given them, and not drive others from the country He has given thembecause it happens to be better then theirs. This is contrary to ourway of thinking, and from my intercourse with the whites, I have learnedthat one great principle of their religion is "to do unto others as youwish them to do unto you. " Those people in the mountains seem to actupon this principle, but the settlers on our frontiers and on our landsseem never to think of it, if we are to judge by their actions. The first village of importance that we came to, after leaving themountains, is called Hagerstown. It is a large village to be so far froma river and is very pretty. The people appear to live well and enjoythemselves much. We passed through several small villages on the way to Fredericktown, but I have forgotten their names. This last is a large and beautifulvillage. The people treated us well, as they did at all other villageswhere we stopped. Here we came to another road much more wonderful than that through themountains. They call it a railroad, (the Baltimore and Ohio). I examinedit carefully, but need not describe it, as the whites know all aboutit. It is the most astonishing sight I ever saw. The great road over themountains will bear no comparison to it, although it has given the whitepeople much trouble to make. I was surprised to see so much money andlabor expended to make a good road for easy traveling. I prefer ridinghorse back, however, to any other way, but suppose these people wouldnot have gone to so much trouble and expense to make a road if they didnot prefer riding in their new fashioned carriages, which seem to runwithout any trouble, being propelled by steam on the same principle thatboats are on the river. They certainly deserve great praise for theirindustry. On our arrival at Washington, we called to see our Great Father, thePresident. He looks as if he had seen as many winters as I have, andseems to be a great brave. I had very little talk with him, as heappeared to be busy and did not seem to be much disposed to talk. Ithink he is a good man; and although he talked but little, he treatedus very well. His wigwam is well furnished with every thing good andpretty, and is very strongly built. He said he wished to know the cause of my going to war against his whitechildren. I thought he ought to have known this before; and consequentlysaid but little to him about it, as I expected he knew as well as I coldtell him. He said he wanted us to go to Fortress Monroe and stay awhile with thewar chief who commanded it. But having been so long from my people, Itold him that I would rather return to my nation; that Keokuk had comehere once on a visit to him, as we had done, and he had let him returnagain, as soon as he wished, and that I expected to be treated in thesame manner. He insisted, however, on our going to Fortress Monroe;and as the interpreter then present could not understand enough of ourlanguage to interpret a speech, I concluded it was best to obey ourGreat Father, and say nothing contrary to his wishes. During our stay at the city, we were called upon by many of the people, who treated us well, particularly the squaws; we visited the greatcouncil home of the Americans; the place where they keep their big guns;and all the public buildings, and then started for Fortress Monroe. Thewar chief met us on our arrival, and shook hands, and appeared gladto see me. He treated us with great friendship, and talked to mefrequently. Previous to our leaving this fort, he made us a feast, andgave us some presents, which I intend to keep for his sake. He is a verygood man and a great brave. I was sorry to leave him, although I wasgoing to return to my people, because he had treated me like a brother, during all the time I remained with him. Having got a new guide, a war chief (Maj. Garland), we started for ourown country, taking a circuitous route. Our Great Father being about topay a visit to his children in the big towns towards sunrise, and beingdesirous that we should have an opportunity of seeing them, had directedour guide to take us through. On our arrival at Baltimore, we were much astonished to see so large avillage; but the war chief told us we would soon see a larger one. This surprised us more. During our stay here, we visited all the publicbuildings and places of amusement, saw much to admire, and were wellentertained by the people who crowded to see us. Our Great Fatherwas there at the same time, and seemed to be much liked by his whitechildren, who flocked around him, (as they had around us) to shake himby the hand. He did not remain long, having left the city before us. Inan interview, while here, the President said: "When I saw you in Washington, I told you that you had behaved verybadly in going to war against the whites. Your conduct then compelledme to send my warriors against you, and your people were defeated withgreat loss, and several of you surrendered, to be kept until I should besatisfied that you would not try to do any more injury. I told you, too, that I would inquire whether your people wished you to return, andwhether, if you did return, there would be any danger to the frontier. Gen. Clark and Gen. Atkinson, whom you know, have informed me thatyour principal chief and the rest of your people are anxious you shouldreturn, and Keokuk has asked me to send you back. Your chiefs havepledged themselves for your good conduct, and I have given directionsthat you should be taken to your own country. "Major Garland, who is with you, will conduct you through some of ourtowns. You will see the strength of the white people. You will see thatour young men are as numerous as the leaves in the woods. What can youdo against us? You may kill a few women and children, but such a forcewould seen be sent against you as would destroy your whole tribe. Letthe red men hunt and take care of their families. I hope they will notagain raise the tomahawk against their white brethren. We do not wish toinjure you. We desire your prosperity and improvement. But if you againmake war against our people, I shall send a force which will severelypunish you. When you go back, listen to the councils of Keokuk and theother friendly chiefs; bury the tomahawk and live in peace with thepeople on the frontier. And I pray the Great Spirit to give you a smoothpath and a fair sky to return. " I was pleased with our Great Father's talk and thanked him. Toldhim that the tomahawk had been buried so deep that it would never beresurrected, and that my remaining days would be spent in peace with allmy white brethren. We left Baltimore in a steamboat, and traveled in this way to the bigvillage, where they make medals and money, (Philadelphia. ) We againexpressed surprise at finding this village so much larger than the onewe had left; but the war chief again told us we would see another muchlarger than this. I had no idea that the white people had such largevillages, and so many people. They were very kind to us, showed us alltheir great public works, their ships and steamboats. We visited theplace where they make money, (the mint) and saw the men engaged at it. They presented each of us with a number of pieces of the coin as theyfell from the mint, which are very handsome. I witnessed a militia training in this city, in which were performeda number of singular military feats. The chiefs and men were all welldressed, and exhibited quite a warlike appearance. I think our system ofmilitary parade far better than that of the whites, but as I am now donegoing to war I will not describe it, or say anything more about war, orthe preparations necessary for it. We next started for New York, and on our arrival near the wharf, saw alarge collection of people gathered at Castle Garden. We had seen manywonderful sights in our way--large villages, the great national roadover the mountains, the railroad, steam carriages, ships, steamboat, and many other things; but we were now about to witness a sight moresurprising than any of these. We were told that a man was going up inthe air in a balloon. We watched with anxiety to see if this could betrue; and to our utter astonishment, saw him ascend in the air until theeye could no longer perceive him. Our people were all surprised and oneof our young men asked the Prophet if he was going up to see the GreatSpirit? After the ascension of the balloon, we landed and got into a carriageto go to the house that had been provided for our reception. We hadproceeded but a short distance before the street was so crowded that itwas impossible for the carriage to pass. The war chief then directed thecoachman to take another street, and stop at a different house from theone we had intended. On our arrival here we were waited upon by a numberof gentlemen, who seemed much pleased to see us. We were furnished withgood rooms, good provisions, and everything necessary for our comfort. The chiefs of this big village, being desirous that all their peopleshould have an opportunity to see us, fitted up their great council homefor this purpose, where we saw an immense number of people; all of whomtreated us with great friendship, and many with great generosity. Oneof their great chiefs, John A. Graham, waited upon us and made a verypretty talk, which appeared in the village papers, one of which I nowhand you. MR. GRAHAM'S SPEECH. "BROTHERS: Open your ears. You are brave men. You have fought liketigers, but in a bad cause. We have conquered you. We were sorry lastyear that you raised the tomahawk against us; but we believe you did notknow us then as you do now. We think, in time to come, you will bewise, and that we shall be friends forever. You see that we are a greatpeople, numerous as the flowers of the field, as the shells on the seashore, or the fishes in the sea, We put one hand on the eastern, and atthe same time the other on the western ocean. We all act together. Ifsome time our great men talk long and loud at our council fires, butshed one drop of white men's blood, our young warriors, as thick as thestars of the night, will leap aboard of our great boats, which flyon the waves and over the lakes--swift as the eagle in the air--thenpenetrate the woods, make the big guns thunder, and the whole heavensred with the flames of the dwellings of their enemies. Brothers, thePresident has made you a great talk. He has but one mouth. That one hassounded the sentiments of all the people. Listen to what he has said toyou. Write it on your memories, it is good, very good. "Black Hawk, take these jewels, a pair of topaz earrings, beautifullyset in gold, for your wife or daughter, as a token of friendship, keeping always in mind, that women and children are the favorites of theGreat Spirit. These jewels are from an old man, whose head is whitenedwith the snows of seventy winters, an old man who has thrown down hisbow, put off his sword, and now stands leaning on his staff, waitingthe commands of the Great Spirit. Look around you, see all this mightypeople, then go to your homes, open your arms to receive your families. Tell them to buy the hatchet, to make bright the chain of friendship, to love the white men, and to live in peace with them, as long as therivers run into the sea, and the sun rises and sets. If you do so, youwill be happy. You will then insure the prosperity of unborn generationsof your tribes, who will go hand in hand with the sons of the white men, and all shall be blessed by the Great Spirit. Peace and happiness by theblessing of the Great Spirit attend you. Farewell. " In reply to this fine talk, I said, "Brother: We like your talk. We likethe white people. They are very kind to us. We shall not forget it. Yourcouncil is good. We shall attend to it. Your valuable present shall goto my squaw. We shall always be friends. " The chiefs were particular in showing us everything that they thoughtwould be pleasing or gratifying to us. We went with them toCastle Garden to see the fire-works, which was quite an agreeableentertainment, but to the whites who witnessed it, less magnificent thanwould have been the sight of one of our large prairies when on fire. We visited all the public buildings and places of amusement, which, tous, were truly astonishing yet very gratifying. Everybody treated us with friendship, and many with great liberality. The squaws presented us many handsome little presents that are saidto be valuable. They were very kind, very good, and very pretty--forpale-faces. Among the men, who treated us with marked friendship, by thepresentation of many valuable presents, I cannot omit to mention thename of my old friend Crooks, of the American Fur Company. I have knownhim long, and have always found him to be a good chief, one who givesgood advice, and treats our people right. I shall always be proud torecognize him as a friend, and glad to shake him by the hand. Being anxious to return to our people, our guide started with us for ourown country. On arriving at Albany, the people were so anxious to seeus, that they crowded the streets and wharfs, where the steamboatslanded, so much, that it was almost impossible for us to pass to thehotel which had been provided for our reception. We remained here buta short time, it being a comparatively small village, with only a fewlarge public buildings. The great council home of the state is locatedhere, and the big chief (the governor) resides here, in an old mansion. From here we went to Buffalo, thence to Detroit, where I had spent manypleasant days, and anticipated, on my arrival, to meet many of my oldfriends, but in this I was disappointed. What could be the cause ofthis? Are they all dead? Or what has become of them? I did not see ourold father them, who had always given me good advice and treated me withgreat friendship. After leaving Detroit it was but a few days before we landed at Prairiedu Chien. The war chief at the fort treated us very kindly, as did thepeople generally. I called on the agent of the Winnebagoes, (Gen. J. M. Street), to whom I had surrendered myself after the battle at Bad Axe, who received me very friendly. I told him that I had left my greatmedicine bag with his chiefs before I gave myself up; and now, that Iwas to enjoy my liberty again, I was anxious to get it, that I mighthead it down to my nation unsullied. He said it was safe; he had heard his chiefs speak of it, and wouldget it and send it to me. I hope he will not forget his promise, as thewhites generally do, because I have always heard that he was a good man, and a good father, and made no promise that he did not fulfill. Passing down the Mississippi, I discovered a large collection of peoplein the mining country, on the west side of the river, and on the groundthat we had given to our relation, DUBUQUE, a long time ago. I wassurprised at this, As I had understood from our Great Father thatthe Mississippi was to be the dividing line between his red and whitechildren, and he did not wish either to cross it. I was much pleasedwith this talk, and I knew it would be much better for both parties. Ihave since found the country much settled by the whites further down, and near to our people, on the west side of the river. I am very muchafraid that in a few years they will begin to drive and abuse ourpeople, as they have formerly done. I may not live to see it, but I feelcertain the day is not far distant. When we arrived at Rock Island, Keokuk and the other chiefs were sentfor. They arrived the next day with a great number of their youngmen, and came over to see me. I was pleased to see them, and they allappeared glad to see me. Among them were some who had lost relations theyear before. When we met, I perceived the tear of sorrow gush from theireyes at the recollection of their loss, yet they exhibited a smilingcountenance, from the joy they felt at seeing me alive and well. The next morning, the war chief, our guide, convened a council at FortArmstrong. Keokuk and his party went to the fort; but, in consequenceof the war chief not having called for me to accompany him, I concludedthat I would wait until I was sent for. Consequently, the interpretercame and said, "they were ready, and had been waiting for me to cometo the fort. " I told him I was ready and would accompany him. On ourarrival there the council commenced. The war chief said that the objectof this council was to deliver me up to Keokuk. He then read a paper, and directed me to follow Keokuk's advice, and be governed by hiscounsel in all things! In this speech he said much that was mortifyingto my feelings, and I made an indignant reply. I do not know what object the war chief had in making such a speech;or whether he intended what he said; but I do know that it was uncalledfor, and did not become him. I have addressed many war chiefs andlistened to their speeches with pleasure, but never had my feelings ofpride and honor insulted on any other occasion. But I am sorry I wasso hasty in reply to this chief, because I said that which I did notintend. In this council I met my old friend (Col. Wm. Davenport, ) whom I hadknown about eighteen years. He is a good and brave chief. He alwaystreated me well, and gave me good advice. He made me a speech on thisoccasion, very different from that of the other chief. It sounded likecoming from a brave. He said he had known me a long time, that we hadbeen good friends during that acquaintance, and, although he had foughtagainst my braves, in our late war, he still extended the hand offriendship to me, and hoped that I was now satisfied, from what I hadseen in my travels, that it was folly to think of going to war againstthe whites, and would ever remain at peace. He said he would be glad tosee me at all times, and on all occasions would be happy to give me goodadvice. If our Great Father were to make such men our agents he would muchbetter subserve the interests of our people, as well as his own, than inany other way. The war chiefs all know our people, and are respected bythem. If the war chiefs at the different military posts on the frontierwere made agents, they could always prevent difficulties from arisingamong the Indians and whites; and I have no doubt, had the warchief above alluded to been our agent, we would never have had thedifficulties with the whites we have had. Our agents ought always to bebraves. I would, therefore, recommend to our Great Father the proprietyof breaking up the present Indian establishment, and creating a new one, and make the commanding officers at the different frontier posts theagents of the Government for the different nations of Indians. I have a good opinion of the American war chiefs generally with whomI am acquainted, and my people, who had an opportunity of seeing andbecoming well acquainted with the great war chief (Gen. Winfield Scott), who made the last treaty with them, in conjunction with the great chiefof Illinois (Governor Reynolds), all tell me that he is the greatestbrave they ever saw, and a good man--one who fulfills his premises. Ourbraves spoke more highly of him than of any chief that had ever beenamong us, or made treaties with us. Whatever he says may be dependedupon. If he had been our Great Father we never would have been compelledto join the British in the last war with America, and I have thoughtthat as our Great Father is changed every few years, that his childrenwould do well to put this great war chief in his place, for they cannotfind a better chief for a Great Father anywhere. I would be glad if the village criers (editors), in all the villages Ipassed through, would let their people know my wishes and opinions aboutthis great war chief. During my travels my opinions were asked for on different subjects, butfor want of a good interpreter (our regular interpreter having gone homeon a different route), were seldom given. Presuming that they would beequally acceptable now, I have thought it a part of my duty to lay themost important before the public. The subject of colonizing the negroes was introduced and my opinionasked as to the best method of getting clear of these people. I was notfully prepared at that time to answer, as I knew but little about theirsituation. I have since made many inquiries on the subject, and findthat a number of States admit no slaves, whilst the balance hold thesenegroes as slaves, and are anxious, but do not know how to get clear ofthem. I will now give my plan, which, when understood, I hope will beadopted. Let the free States remove all the male negroes within their limits tothe slave States; then let our Great Father buy all the female negroesin the slave States between the ages of twelve and twenty, and sell themto the people of the free States, for a term of years, say those underfifteen until they are twenty-one, and those of and over fifteen, forfive years, and continue to buy all the females in the slave Statesas soon as they arrive at the age of twelve, and take them to the freeStates and dispose of them in the same way as the first, and it will notbe long before the country is clear of the black-skins, about which Iam told they have been talking for a long time, and for which they haveexpended a large amount of money. I have no doubt but our Great Father would willingly do his part inaccomplishing this object for his children, as he could not lose much byit, and would make them all happy. If the free States did not want themall for servants, we would take the balance in our nation to help ourwomen make corn. I have not time now, or is it necessary to enter more into detail aboutmy travels through the United States. The white people know all aboutthem, and my people have started to their hunting grounds and I amanxious to follow them. Before I take leave of the public, I must contradict the story ofsome of the village criers, who, I have been told, accuse me of havingmurdered women ad children among the whites. This assertion is false! Inever did, nor have I any knowledge that any of my nation ever killeda white woman or child. I make this statement of truth to satisfy thewhite people among whom I have been traveling, and by whom I have beentreated with great kindness, that, when they shook me by the hand socordially, they did not shake the hand that had ever been raised againstany but warriors. It has always been our custom to receive all strangers that come to ourvillage or camps in time of peace on terms of friendship, to share withthem the best provisions we have, and give them all the assistance inour power. If on a journey or lost, to put them on the right trail, andif in want of moccasins, to supply them. I feel grateful to the whitesfor the kind manner they treated me and my party whilst traveling amongthem, and from my heart I assure them that the white man will always bewelcome in our village or camps, as a brother. The tomahawk is buriedforever! We will forget what has passed, and may the watchword betweenthe Americans and he Sacs and Foxes ever be--FRIENDSHIP. I am done now. A few more moons and I must follow my fathers to theshades. May the Great Spirit keep our people and the whites always atpeace, is the sincere wish of BLACK HAWK. STARTS FOR A NEW HOME. After we had finished his autobiography the interpreter read it over tohim carefully, and explained it thoroughly, so that he might make anyneeded corrections, by adding to, or taking from the narrations; buthe did not desire to change it in any material matter. He said, "Itcontained nothing but the truth, and that it was his desire that thewhite people in the big villages he had visited should know how badly hehad been treated, and the reason that had impelled him to act as he haddone. " Arrangements having been completed for moving to his new home, he left Rock Island on the 10th of October with his family and a smallportion of his band, for his old hunting grounds on Skunk river, onthe west side of the Mississippi river below Shokokon. Here he had acomfortable dwelling erected, and settled down with the expectation ofmaking it his permanent home, thus spending the evening of his days inpeace and quietude. Our next meeting with the Chief was in the Autumn Of 1834 while on ourway to the trading house of Captain William Phelps (now of Lewistown, Ills. ), at Sweet Home, located on the bank of the Des Moines river. Thiswas soon after the payment of the annuities at Rock Island, wherethe chiefs and head men had been assembled and received the money anddivided it among their people by such rule as they saw fit to adopt;but this mode of distribution had proved very unsatisfactory to a largenumber of Indians who felt that they had been sorely wronged. The Sacsheld a convocation at Phelps' trading house soon after our arrival, andpetitioned their Great Father to change the mode of payment of theirannuities. Black Hawk was a leading spirit in this movement, but thoughtbest not to be present at the meeting. The writer of this drew up apetition in advance of the assembling of the meeting, in accordance withthe views of the Messrs. Phelps, and after a short council, in which theIndians generally participated, the interpreter read and explained tothem the petition, which was a simple prayer to their Great Father, tocharge the mode of payment so that each head of a family should receiveand receipt for his proportion of the annuity. They were all satisfiedand the entire party "touched the goose quill, " and their names werethus duly attached to this important document. The Secretary of War had long favored this mode of payment of theannuities to the Indians, and at a meeting of the Cabinet to considerthis petition the prayer of the Indians was granted, and in due timethe Indian department received instructions, so that upon the payment of1835 this rule was adopted. On his return from Rock Island, BlackHawk, with a number of his band, called on his old friend Wahwashenequa(Hawkeye), Mr. Stephen S. Phelps, to buy their necessary supplies formaking a fall hunt, and to learn at what points trading houses would beestablished for the winter trade. During their stay the old chief hadfrequent interviews with the writer (his former amanuensis). He said hehad a very comfortable home, a good corn field, and plenty of game, and had been well treated by the few whites who had settled in hisneighborhood. He spent several days with us and then left for home witha good winter outfit. The change in the manner of payment of annuities would have been opposedby Keokuk and his head men, had they been let into the secret, as theannuity money when paid over was principally controlled by him, andalways to the detriment of the Sacs' traders who were in opposition tothe American Fur Company, the former having to rely almost entirely uponthe fall and winter trade in furs and peltries to pay the credits giventhe Indians before leaving for their hunts. BLACK HAWK'S LAST VISIT To Yellow Banks was in the fall of 1836, after the town of Oquawka hadbeen laid out, and when told that the town had taken the Indian name, instead of its English interpretation, he was very much gratified, ashe had known it as Oquawka ever since his earliest recollection and hadalways made it a stopping place when going out to their winter camps. He said the Skunk river country was dotted over with Cabins all theway down to the Des Moines river, and was filling up very fast by whitepeople. A new village had been started at Shokokon (Flint Hills) by thewhites, and some of its people have already built good houses, but thegreater number are still living in log cabins. They should have retainedits Indian name, Shokokon, as our people have spent many happy days inthis village. Here too, we had our council house in which the bravesof the Sac nation have many times assembled to listen to my words ofcounsel. It was situated in a secluded but romantic spot in the midst ofthe bluffs, not far from the river, and on frequent occasions, when itbecame necessary to send out parties to make war on the Sioux to redressour grievances, I have assembled my braves here to give them counselbefore starting on he war-path. And here, too, we have often met whenstarting out in the fall for our fall and winter's hunt, to counsel inregard to our several locations for the winter. In those days the FurCompany had a trading house here and their only neighbors were theresident Indians of Tama's town, located a few miles above on the river. The Burlington _Hawk-Eye_, of a late date, in reference to this councilhouse, says: "A little distance above the water works, and further around the turn ofthe bluff is a natural amphitheater, formed by the action of the littlestream that for ages has dripped and gurgled down its deep and narrowchannel to the river. It is a straight, clear cut opening in the hillside, slightly rising till at a distance of seventy-five or one hundredyards from the face of the bluff it terminates as suddenly and sharplyas do the steeply sloping sides. "Well back in this grassy retreat, upon a little projection of earththat elevates it above the surrounding surface, lies a huge graniteboulder. In connection with the surroundings it gives to the place theappearance of a work of man, everything is so admirably arranged for acouncil chamber. Here, it is rumored by tradition, the dusky warriors ofthe Sacs gathered to listen in attentive silence to the words of theirleader, Black Hawk, who from his rocky rostrum addressed the motionlessgroups that strewed the hill sides; motionless under his addresses andby them aroused to deeds of darkness and crafty daring that made thename of their chief a synonym with all things terrible. "Whatever of truth this story may contain we cannot say, and it may beno one knows. Certain it is, however, that Black Hawk's early history isintimately linked and interwoven with that of our city, and in justiceto a brave man and a soldier, as well as a 'first settler' and acitizen, his name and his last resting place should be rescued from theoblivion that will soon enshroud them. " Another village has been commenced by the whites on the Mississippiriver, at Fort Madison, which is being built up very rapidly. Thecountry, too, is fast settling up by farmers, and as the Sacs have madea settlement on the frontier farther west, on our old hunting grounds, he said he would have to move farther back so as to be near his people;and on bidding us farewell, said it might be the last time, as he wasgrowing old, and the distance would be too great from the point at whichhe intended to build a house and open a little farm to make a visit onhorseback, and as the Des Moines river is always low in the fall of theyear he could not come in his canoe. At the close of the summer of 1837 the President of the United Statesinvited deputations from several tribes Of Indians residing on the UpperMississippi to visit him at Washington. Among those who responded to hisinvitation were deputations from the Sacs and Foxes and Sioux, who hadbeen at enmity, and between whom hostilities had been renewed, growingout of their inhuman treatment of many of the women and children of theSacs, after they had made their escape from the battle of Bad Axe, atthe close of the war. Keokuk, principal chief of the Sacs and Foxes, (by the advice of hisfriend, Sagenash, Col. George Davenport, of Rock Island) invited BlackHawk to join his delegation, which invitation he readily accepted, andmade one of the party; whilst the Sioux were represented by several oftheir crafty chiefs. Several counsels were held, the object of which wasto establish peace between the Sacs and Foxes and Sioux, and in order toperpetuate it, make a purchase of a portion of the country of the Sioux, which territory should be declared neutral, and on which neither partyshould intrude for any purpose; but the Sioux, whose domain extends farand wide, would not consent to sell any of their land; hence nothing wasaccomplished. Before returning to their county the Sac and Fox delegation visited thelarge cities in the East, in all of which Black Hawk attracted greatattention; but more particularly in Boston, as he did not visit itduring his former tour. The delegation embraced Keokuk, his wife andlittle son, four chiefs of the nation, Black Hawk and son, and severalwarriors. Here they were received and welcomed by the mayor of the city, and afterwards by Governor Everett as the representative of the State. On the part of the city, after a public reception, the doors of FaneuilHall were opened to their visitors to hold a levee for the visits of theladies, and in a very short time the "old cradle of liberty" was jammedfull. After dinner the delegation was escorted to the State House by amilitary company, and on their arrival were conspicuously seated infront of the Speakers' desk, the house being filled with ladies, membersof the legislature, and dignitaries of the city council. Governor Everett then addressed the audience, giving a brief history ofthe Sac and Fox tribe, whose principal chiefs (including the great warchief) were then present, and then turning to them hi said: "Chiefs andwarriors of the united Sacs and Foxes, you are welcome to our hall ofcouncil. Brothers, you have come a long way from your home to visit yourwhite brethren; we rejoice to take you by the hand. Brothers, we haveheard the names of your chiefs and warriors. Our brethren who havetraveled in the West have told us a great deal about the Sacs and Foxes. We rejoice to see you with our own eyes. "Brothers, we are called the Massachusetts. This is the name of the redmen who once lived here. Their wigwams were scattered on yonder fields, and their council fire was kindled on this spot. They were of the samegreat race as the Sacs and Foxes. "Brothers, when our fathers came over the great water they were asmall band. The red man stood upon the rock by the seaside and saw ourfathers. He might have pushed them into the water and drowned them; buthe stretched out his hand to them and said: 'Welcome, white man. ' Ourfathers were hungry, and the red man gave them corn and venison. Theywere cold, and the red man wrapped them in his blanket. We are nownumerous and powerful, but we remember the kindness of the red men toour fathers. Brothers, you are welcome; we are glad to see you. "Brothers, our faces are pale, and your faces are dark, but our heartsare alike. The Great Spirit has made His children of different colors, but He loves them all. "Brothers, you dwell between the Mississippi and Missouri. They aremighty rivers. They have one branch far East in the Alleghanies andanother far West in the Rocky Mountains, but they flow together at lastinto one great stream and ran down into the sea. In like manner thered man dwells in the West and the white man in the East, by the greatwater; but they are all one band, one family. It has many branches; butone head. "Brothers, as you entered our council house, you beheld the image of ourgreat father, Washington. It is a cold stone; it cannot speak to you, but he was the friend of the red man, and bade his children live infriendship with their red brethren. He is gone to the world of spirits, but his words have made a very deep print in our hearts, like the stepof a strong buffalo on the soft clay of the prairie. "Brother, (addressing Keokuk) I perceive your little son between yourknees. May the Great Spirit preserve his life, my brother. He grows upbefore you, like the tender sapling by the side of the great oak. Maythey flourish for a long time together; and when the mighty oak isfallen on the ground may the young tree fill its place in the forest, and spread out its branches over the tribe. "Brothers, I make you a short talk and again bid you welcome to ourcouncil hall. " Keokuk rose and made an eloquent address. Several of the other chiefsspoke, and after them the old war chief, Black Hawk, on whom the largecrowd were looking with intense interest, arose and delivered a shortbut dignified address. Presents were then distributed to them by the Governor. Keokuk receiveda splendid sword and a brace of pistols, his son a nice little rifle, the other chiefs long swords, and Black Hawk a sword and brace ofpistols. After the close of ceremonies in the Capitol, the Indians gave aexhibition of the war dance, in the common in front of the Capitol, in presence of thirty thousand spectators, and then returned to theirquarters. BLACK HAWK'S REMOVAL TO THE DES MOINES RIVER. Soon after his return from Boston he removed his family and little bandfarther West, on the Des Moines river, near the storehouse of an Indiantrader, where he had previously erected a good house for his futurehome. His family embraced his wife, two sons, Nashashuk and Gamesett, and an only daughter and her husband. As he had given up the chaseentirely--having sufficient means from the annuities--he now turned hisattention to the improvement of his grounds, and soon had everythingcomfortably around him. Here he had frequent visits from the whites, whocame out in large numbers to look at the country, many of whom calledthrough curiosity to see the great war chief, but all were made welcomeand treated with great hospitality. In 1838 Fort Madison had grown to be a little village, and itsinhabitants were not only enterprising and industrious, but patrioticcitizens. On the 4th of July of that year they had a celebration andhaving known and respected Black Hawk while residing in that part of thecountry, invited him to join them as a guest on that occasion. In reply to a letter of B. F. Drake, Esq. , of Cincinnati, asking for suchincidents in the life of Black Hawk as he knew, Hon. W. Henry Starr, ofBurlington, Iowa, whom we knew for many years as a highly honorable andintelligent gentleman, gave the following account of the celebration inhis reply, dated March 21, 1839: "On the 4th of July, 1838, Black Hawk was present by special invitation, and was the most conspicuous guest of the citizens assembled incommemoration of that day. Among the toasts called forth by the occasionwas the following: "'Our illustrious guest, Black Hawk: May his declining years be as calmand serene as his previous life has been boisterous and full of warlikeincidents. His attachment and great friendship to his white brethren, fully entitle him to a seat at our festive board. '" "So soon as this sentiment was drank, Black Hawk arose and delivered thefollowing speech, which was taken down at the time by two interpreted, and by them furnished for publication: "It has pleased the Great Spirit that I am here to-day. I have eatenwith my white friends. The earth is our mother--we are now on it--withthe Great Spirit above us--it is good. I hope we are all friends here. A few summers ago I was fighting against you--I did wrong, perhaps; butthat is past--it is buried--let it be forgotten. "Rock river was a beautiful country--liked my towns, my cornfields, andthe home of my people. I fought for it. It is now yours--keep it as wedid--it will produce you good crops. "I thank the Great Spirit that I am now friendly with my whitebrethren--we are here together--we have eaten together--we arefriends--it is his wish and mine. I thank you for your friendship. "I was once a great warrior-I am now poor. Keokuk has been the cause ofmy present situation--but do not attach blame to him. I am now old. Ihave looked upon the Mississippi since I have been a child. I love theGreat river. I have dwelt upon its banks from the time I was an infant. I look upon it now. I shake hands with you, and as it is my wish, I hopeyou are my friends. ' "In the course of the day he was prevailed upon to drink several times, and became somewhat intoxicated, an uncommon circumstance, as he wasgenerally temperate. "In the autumn of 1837, he was at the house of an Indian trader, in thevicinity of Burlington, when I became acquainted and frequently convenedwith him in broken English, and through the medium of gestures andpantomine. A deep seated melancholy was apparent in his countenance, andconversation. He endeavored to make me comprehend, on one occasion, his former greatness, and represented that he was once master ofthe country, east, north, and south of us--that he had been a verysuccessful warrior-called himself, smiting his breast, 'big CaptainBlack Hawk, ' 'nesso Kaskaskias, ' (killed the Kaskaskias, ) 'nesso Siouxa heap, ' (killed a great number of Sioux). He then adverted to theingratitude of his tribe, in permitting Keokuk to supercede him, who, heaverred, excelled him in nothing but drinking whisky. "Toward Keokuk he felt the most unrelenting hatred. Keokuk was, however, beyond his influence, being recognized as chief of the tribe by thegovernment of the United States. He unquestionably possessed talents ofthe first order, excelled as an orator, but his authority will probablybe short-lived, on account of his dissipation and his profligacy inspending the money paid him for the benefit of his tribe, and which hesquanders upon himself and a few favorites, through whose influence heseeks to maintain his authority. "You inquire if Black Hawk was at the battle of the Thames? On oneoccasion I mentioned Tecumthe to him and he expressed the greatest joythat I had heard of him, and pointing away to the East, and making afeint, as if aiming a gun, said, 'Chemocoman (white man) nesso, ' (kill. )From which I had no doubt of his being personally acquainted withTecumthe, and I have been since informed, on good authority, that he wasin the battle of the Thames and in several other engagements with thatdistinguished chief. " In September, 1838, he started with the head men of his little band togo to Rock Island, the place designated by the Agent, to receive theirannuities, but was taken sick on the way and had to return to hishome. He was confined to his bed about two weeks, and on the 3d day ofOctober, 1838, he was called away by the Great Spirit to take up hisabode in the happy grounds of the future, at the age of seventy-oneyears. His devoted wife and family were his only and constant attendantsduring his last sickness, and when brought home sick, she had apremonition that he would soon be called away. The following account of his death and burial we take from theBurlington Hawk-Eye, and as we knew the writer as a reliable gentleman, many years ago, we have no doubt of it being strictly correct. Captain James H. Jordan, a trader among the Sacs and Foxes before BlackHawk's death, was present at his burial, and is now residing on thevery spot where he died. In reply to a letter of inquiry he writes asfollows: ELDON, Iowa, July 15, 1881. Black Hawk was buried on the northeast quarter of the southeast quarterof section 2, township 70, range 12, Davis county, Iowa, near thenortheast corner of the county, on the Des Moines river bottom, aboutninety rods from where he lived when he died, and the north side of theriver. I have the ground on which he lived for a door yard, it beingbetween my house and the river. The only mound over the gave was somepuncheons split out and set over his grave and then sodded over withblue gross, making a ridge about four feet high. A flag-staff, sometwenty feet high, was planted at the head, on which was a silk flag, which hung there until the wind wore it out. My house and his were onlyabout four rods apart when he died. He was sick only about fourteendays. He was buried right where he sat the year before, when in councilwith Iowa Indians, and was buried in a suit of military clothes, made toorder and given to him when in Washington City by General Jackson, withhat, sword, gold epaulets, etc. , etc. The Annals of Iowa of 1863 and 1864 state that the old chief was buriedby laying his body on a board, his feet fifteen inches below the surfaceof the ground, and his head raised three feet above the ground. He wasdressed in a military uniform, said to have been presented to him by amember of General Jackson's cabinet, with a cap on his head ornamentedwith feathers. On his left side was a sword presented him by GeneralJackson; on his right side a cane presented to him by Henry Clay, andone given to him by a British officer, and other trophies. Three medalshung about his neck from President Jackson, ex-President John QuincyAdams and the city of Boston, respectively. The body was covered withboards on each side, the length of the body, which formed a ridge, withan open space below; the gables being closed by boards, and the wholewas covered with sod. At the head was a flag-staff thirty-five feet highwhich bore an American flag worn out by exposure, and near by wasthe usual hewn post inscribed with Indian characters representing hiswar-like exploits, etc. Enclosing all was a strong circular picket fencetwelve feet high. His body remained here until July, 1839, when it wascarried off by a certain Dr. Turner, then living at Lexington, Van Burencounty, Iowa. Captain Horn says the bones were carried to Alton, Ills. , to be mounted with wire. Mr. Barrows says they were taken to Warsaw, Ills. Black Hawk's sons, when they heard of this desecration of theirfather's grave, were very indignant, and complained of it to GovernorLucas of Iowa Territory, and his excellency caused the bones to bebrought back to Burlington in the fall of 1839, or the spring of 1840. When the sons came to take possession of them, finding them safelystored "in a good dry place" they left them there. The bones weresubsequently placed in the collection of the Burlington Geological andHistorical Society, and it is certain that they perished in the firewhich destroyed the building and all the society's collections in 1855;though the editor of the Annals, (April, 1865, p. 478) says there isgood reason to believe that the bones were not destroyed by the fire, and he is "creditably informed that they are now at the residence of aformer officer of said society and thus escaped that catastrophe. " Another account, however, and probably a more reliable one, states thatthe last remains of Black Hawk were consumed as stated, in the burningbuilding containing the collections and properties of the BurlingtonGeological and Historical Society. In closing this narrative of the life of this noble old chief it may bebut just to speak briefly of his personal traits. He was an Indian, andfrom that standpoint we must judge him. The make-up of his charactercomprised those elements in a marked degree which constitutes a noblenature. In all the social relations of life he was kind and affable. Inhis house he was the affectionate husband and father. He was freefrom the many vices that others of his race had contracted from theirassociations with the white people, never using intoxicating beveragesto excess. As a warrior he knew no fear, and on the field of battle hisfeats of personal prowess stamped him as the "bravest of the brave. " But it was rather as a speaker and counsellor that he was distinguished. His patriotism, his love of his country, his home, his lands and therights of his people to their wide domain, moved his great soul to takeup arms to protect the rights of his people. Revenge and conquest formedno part of his purpose. _Right_ was all that he demanded, and for _that_he waged the unequal contests with the whites. With his tribe he hadgreat personal influence and his young men received his counsel andadvice, and yielded ready acquiescence in his admonitions. With othertribes he was held in high esteem, as well as by English and Americansoldiers, who had witnessed his prowess on the field of battle. THE BLACK HAWK TOWER. This favorite resort of Black Hawk, situated on the highest bank ofRock river, had been selected by his father as a lookout, at the firstbuilding up of their village. From this point they had an unobstructedview up and down Rock river for many miles, and across the prairiesas far as the vision could penetrate, and since that country has beensettled by the whites, for more than half a century, has been theadmiration of many thousands of people. The village of Black Hawk, including this grand "look out, " waspurchased from the Government by Col. George Davenport, at Black Hawk'sparticular request, for the reason, as he afterwards told us, that hecould leave it with an abiding assurance that the graves of their peoplewould be protected from vandal hands. This property including hundreds of acres lying between Rock river andthe Mississippi, is now owned by Hon. B. Davenport, and as it has longbeen a pleasure resort for picnic and other parties, he has erected anelegant pavilion on its site, with a good residence for a family, whohave charge of it, which will now make it the finest pleasure resort inthat part of the country. And in order to make it more easy of access, he has constructed a branch from the Rock Island and Milan railroad, leading directly to the Tower. Now its many visitors in the future cansit on the veranda, and while enjoying the elegant scenery, can takeease and comfort in the cool shade. And for this high privilege the nameof Davenport will receive many hearty greetings. Fifty years ago (1832) we made, our first visit to Black Hawk's Towerwith Col. George Davenport, and listened with intense interest to hisrecital of scenes that had been enacted there may years before; and oneyear later had them all repeated, with may more, from the lips of BlackHawk himself. How changed the scene. Then it was in its rustic state, now this fine pavilion, being a long, low structure, built somewhatafter the Swiss cottage plan, with broad sloping roofs, and wide, longporches on the north and south sides, the one facing the road and theother fronting the river and giving a view of a beautiful stretch ofcountry up and down Rock river, greatly enhances its beauty and addsmuch to the comfort of visitors. The following beautiful word paintings by a recent visitor to the Tower, we take from the Rock Island Union: BLACK HAWK'S WATCH TOWER. BY JENNIE M. FOWLER Beautiful tower! famous in history Rich in legend, in old-time mystery, Graced with tales of Indian lore, Crowned with beauty from summit to shore. Below, winds the river, silent and still, Nestling so calmly 'mid island and hill, Above, like warriors, proudly and grand, Tower the forest trees, monarchs of land. A land mark for all to admire and wonder, With thy history ancient, for nations to ponder, Boldly thou liftest they head to the breeze, Crowned with they plumes, the nodding trees. Years are now gone--forever more fled, Since the Indians crept, with cat-like tread, With mocasined foot, with eagle eye-- The red men our foes in ambush lie. The owl, still his nightly vigil keeps, While the river, below him, peacefully sleeps, The whip-poor-will utters his plaintive cry, The trees still whisper, and gently sigh. The pale moon still creeps from her daily rest, Throwing her rays o'er the river's dark breast, The katy-did and cricket, I trow, In days gone by, chirruped, even as now. Indian! thy camp-fires no longer are smoldering, They bones 'neath the forest moss long have been mouldering, The "Great Spirit" claims thee. He leadeth they tribe, To new hunting-grounds not won with a bribe. On thy Watch Tow'r the pale face his home now makes, His dwelling, the site of the forest tree takes, Gone are thy wigwams, the wild deer now fled, Black Hawk, with his tribe, lie silent and dead. ROCK ISLAND, August 18, 1882. THE BLACK HAWK WAR. PREFACE. On the 12th of April, 1832, soon after our arrival at Rock Island on avisit to relatives, (the family of Col. Geo. Davenport) a steamboat camedown from Galena with officers to Fort Armstrong, for the purpose oflaying in supplies and medical stores for a brigade then being formedat that place. One regiment, composed principally of miners, who hadabandoned their mines and came in to offer their services as soldiersin the field, were unanimous in the election of Henry Dodge as Colonel. They had long known him as a worthy, brave and accomplished gentleman, the soul of honor, and hence would be an intrepid soldier. Among the officers on this trip was Dr. A. K. Philleo, well knownto Col. Dodge as a social gentleman, a skilled physician and anaccomplished surgeon, who had accepted the position of surgeon at hisurgent request, with a _proviso:_ Being editor of the _Galenian, _(the only paper printed in the town) he considered the position a veryimportant one, as it was the only paper within hundreds of miles ofthe seat of war, and the only one on the Mississippi above Alton, Ill. ; hence he must procure a substitute or decline the appointment ofsurgeon. Having made his acquaintance after he had learned that wehad been engaged in newspaper life, he insisted that we should take aposition on the _Galenian_ for a few weeks, or until the close of thewar, so that he could accept the offer of Col. Dodge, and seeing that hewas a great favorite among the officers, and anxious to go to the field, we accepted the position and accompanied him to Galena the same evening. Here we found an infantry regiment, commanded by Col. J. M. Strode, composed principally of miners and citizens of Galena, which had beenhurriedly organized for home protection, whilst that of Col. Dodge, being well mounted, were making preparations to take the field. Aftertaking charge of the _Galenian_ we made the acquaintance of Col. Strode, and found him to be a whole-souled Kentuckian, who advised us to enrollour name on the company list of Capt. M. M. Maughs, and as our timewould mostly be devoted to the paper, he would detail us _Printer to theRegiment, _ by virtue of which appointment we would become an honorarymember of his staff. We retained our position on the paper and that onthe staff of the Colonel throughout the war, and was made the recipientof dispatches of the regular movement of the army, its skirmishesand battles from officers of the regular army as well as that of thevolunteers, from which we made our weekly report, and from these data wehave made up most of our history of the war. FOX MURDERERS WANTED. Early in April, 1832, Brig. -General Atkinson, with about three hundredtroops, was ordered to Fort Armstrong to prevent a threatened warbetween the Menominees and Fox Indians, on account of a massacre, committed by a band of the latter on a small band of drunken Menomineesthe previous summer at a point near Fort Crawford. To prevent bloodshedhe was directed to demand the murderers of the Foxes; but on arriving atRock Island he soon learned that there was imminent danger of a war of adifferent character--that Black Hawk, with his entire band, was then onhis way to invade the State of Illinois and would probably be joined bythe Pottowattamies and Winnebagoes. In order to ascertain the facts inthe case, he called upon the Indian Agent and Col. George Davenport, both located here, and requested them to furnish, in writing, all theinformation they had in relation to the movements and intentions ofBlack Hawk in coming to the State of Illinois. Both gentlemen replied tohis inquiries immediately as follows: ROCK ISLAND, April 12, 1832. My opinion is that the squaws and old men have gone to the Prophet'stown, on Rock river, and the warriors are now only a few miles below themouth of Rock river, within the limits of the State of Illinois. Thatthese Indians are hostile to the whites there is no doubt. That theyhave invaded the State of Illinois, to the great injury of her citizens, is equally true. Hence it is that that the public good requires thatstrong as well as speedy measures should be taken against Black Hawk andhis followers. Respectfully, I have the honor to be your obedient servant, [Signed, ] ANDREW S. HUGHES. To Brig-Gen. Atkinson. ROCK ISLAND, April 13, 1832. "DEAR SIR:--In reply to your inquiry of this morning, respecting theIndians, I have to state that I have been informed by the man I havewintering with the Indians that the British band of Sac Indians aredetermined to make war upon the frontier settlements. The British bandof Sac Indians did rendezvous at old Fort Madison, and induced a greatmany of the young men to join them on their arrival at the YellowBanks. They crossed about five hundred head of horses into the State ofIllinois, and sent about seventy horses through the country towardRock River. The remainder, some on horseback the others in canoes, in afighting order, advanced up the Mississippi, and were encamped yesterdayfive or six miles below Rock river and will no doubt endeavor to reachtheir stronghold in the Rock river swamps if they are not intercepted. From every information that I have received, I am of the opinionthat the intentions of the British band of Sac Indians is to commitdepredations on the inhabitants of the frontier. " Respectfully, yourobedient servant, GEORGE DAVENPORT. [Signed, ] "To Brig. Gen. Atkinson. " Being satisfied from the information thus acquired, that there wasdanger ahead for the small settlements of whites in the Northern portionof the State, he immediately addressed a letter to Gov. Reynolds, ofIllinois, from which we take the following: FORT ARMSTRONG, April 13, 1832. DEAR SIR:--The band of Sacs, under Black Hawk, joined by about onehundred Kickapoos and a few Pottowattomies, amounting in all to aboutfive hundred men, have assumed a hostile attitude. They crossed theriver at the Yellow, Banks on the sixth inst. , and are now moving up onthe east side of Rock river, towards the Prophet's village. "The regular force under my command is too small to justify me inpursuing the hostile party. To make an unsuccessful attempt to coercethem would only irritate them to acts of hostility on the frontiersooner than they probably contemplate. "Your own knowledge of the character of these Indians, with theinformation herewith submitted, will enable you to judge of the courseproper to pursue. I think the frontier is in great danger, and will useall the means at my disposal to co-operate with you in its protectionand defense. With great respect, Your most obedient servant, H. ATKINSON, Brigadier General of the U. S. Army, His Excellency, Gov. Reynolds, Belleville, Ills. " On receipt of Gen. Atkinson's letter, Gov. Reynolds issued hisproclamation, calling out a strong detachment of militia to rendezvousat Beardstown on the 22d of April. In obedience to this command a largenumber of citizens assembled and offered their services. They were metby Gov. Reynolds, and after bring organized into a brigade, he appointedBrig. Gen. Samuel Whitesides commander. His brigade embraced 1600horsemen and two hundred footmen--being four regiments and an odd spybattalion. First regiment, Col. Dewitt; second, Col. Fry; third, Col. Thomas;fourth, Col. Thompson; Col. James D. Henry, commanded the spy battalion. The troops took up their line of march at once, under command of Gen. Whitesides, accompanied by the Commander-in-Chief, Gov. Reynolds. Forthe purpose of laying in provisions for the campaign they went to YellowBanks, on the Mississippi river, where Major S. S. Phelps, who had beenappointed quarter master, supplied them. They arrived on the 3d of May, and left for Rock river on the 7th. THE BLACK HAWK WAR. About the first of April Black Hawk's band assembled at Fort Madison forthe purpose of making arrangements to ascend the Mississippi, and soonafter the entire party started. The old men, women and children, withtheir provisions and camp equipage, in canoes, and the men all armed, came on horseback. On the sixth day of April, the braves, on horseback, made a call at Yellow Banks, one day after the canoes had passed thesame point, and told Josiah Smart, Mr. Phelps' interpreter, where theywere going, and the object of their visit. They said they had observeda great war chief, with a number of troops going up on a steamboat, andthought it likely that the mission of this war chief was to prevent themgoing up Rock river, but they were bound to go. Messrs. Phelps and Smarttried to persuade them to recross the river and return to their country, assuring them that the Government would not permit them to come intoIllinois in violation of the treaty they had made last year, in whichthey had agreed to remain on the west side of the river. But they wouldnot listen to their advice. On the next day they took up the line ofmarch for Rock river, and on the 10th of April, 1832, Black Hawk, with aportion of his band of Sacs, reached the mouth of Rock river a few milesbelow Rock Island. The old men, women and children with their provisionsand camp equipage, who came up in canoes, arrived on the 9th, and themen all armed, came up on horseback, reaching the camp on the 10th. While encamped there they were joined by the Prophet, who had previouslyinvited them to come up to the country of the Winnebagoes and raisea crop. He called on his way at Fort Armstrong and had talks withthe Agent and Col. Davenport, the trader, both of whom advised him topersuade Black Hawk and party to return to their own country, or theywould be driven back by the soldiers then at Fort Armstrong, under thecommand of Gen. Atkinson, who had just arrived. The Prophet would notlisten to their advice, but assured Black Hawk that he had a right togo forward with his entire party to the Winnebago country; and as heexpected large reinforcements to his little army as he ascended Rockriver, he was determined to go forward, but had given positive orders tohis band, under no circumstances, to strike a blow until they had beenreinforced by warriors from the Winnebagoes and Pottowattomies. Early next morning they broke camp and started up Rock river, but weresoon overtaken by a small detachment of soldiers, who held a councilwith Black Hawk and communicated to him the orders of Gen. Atkinson. These were for him to return with his band and re-cross the Mississippi. Black Hawk said, as he was not on the war path, but going on a friendlyvisit to the Prophet's village, he intended to go forward, and continuedon his journey. On receipt of his answer, Gen. Atkinson sent anotherdetachment to Black Hawk with imperative orders for him to return, orhe would pursue him with his entire army and drive him back. In reply, Black Hawk said the General had no right to make the order so long ashis band was peaceable, and that he intended to go on to the Prophet'svillage. In the meantime the forces under the command of Gen. Whitesides hadarrived, and were turned over to Gen. Atkinson by the Governor. Thebrigade, under the command of Gen. Whitesides, was ordered up Rock riverto Dixon's Ferry, and as soon as boats could be got ready, Gen. Atkinsonstarted for the same destination with 300 regulars and about the samenumber of Illinois militia. Black Hawk with his party had alreadyreached a point some thirty or forty miles above Dixon's Ferry, wherethey were met in council by some Pottowattomies and Winnebago chiefs. They assured Black Hawk that their people would not join him in makingwar against the United States, and denied the Prophet's story to him. During this council Black Hawk became convinced that he had been badlyimposed upon by the Prophet, and resolved at once to send a flagof truce to Gen. Atkinson and ask permission to descend Rock river, re-cross the Mississippi and go back to their country. STILLMAN'S DEFEAT. About this time, Gen. Whitesides had concentrated a large force ofmilitia at Dixon's Ferry, and at the solicitation of Major Stillman, permitted him to take out a scouting party of nearly 300 mounted men. They went up Rock river, about thirty miles to Sycamore creek, andencamped within a few miles of Black Hawk's camp, but were not aware ofits position at the time. Indian scouts having intercepted their comingreported at once to Black Hawk that a large army of mounted militiawere coming towards his camp; and before the volunteers had entirelycompleted their arrangements for encampment, outside guards espied threeIndians coming in with a white flag. After holding a parley with them, (one of the guards being able to talk a little with them in their ownlanguage), they were hurried into camp, and before any explanations weremade, the flag bearer was shot and instantly killed, whilst his comradesmade their escape during the confusion in getting the regiment ready topursue the fleeing Indians. These had secreted themselves in ambush asthe army rushed by, helter skelter, after another small party of Indianswho had followed the flag bearers, and who, when hearing the uproarin camp made a hasty retreat. The entire regiment was soon mounted andstarted out in squads towards the camp of Black Hawk. The latter havinglearned by a scout that the army was coming, started at once with lessthan fifty mounted warriors, his entire force then in camp, to meet theenemy, and on arriving at a copse of timber and underbrush near Sycamorecreek, made ready to meet them. Capt. Eads' company, who were the first to start out, killed two ofthe five fleeing Indians. Soon after crossing Sycamore creek they weresurprised by a terrific war whoop from the Indians, who were concealedin the bushes near by, and with deadly aim commenced firing into thefront ranks of the regiment, and with unearthly yells (as one of thefleeing party told us on arriving at Galena), charged upon our ranks, with tomahawks raised, ready to slaughter all who might come withintheir reach. Judging from the yelling of the Indians, their number wasvariously estimated at from one thousand to two thousand. The entire party was thrown into such confusion that Major Stillmanhad no control of any of them, and, with one exception, the entire armycontinued their flight to Dixon's Ferry, thirty miles distant, whilstsome went back to their homes. The retreating army passed through their camping ground near Sycamorecreek, where they should have halted, and under cover of the timber, could have shot down their pursuers while yet in open prairie. BlackHawk and a small portion of his command gave up the chase, and returnedto his camp, while the remainder pursued the fugitives for severalmiles, occasionally overtaking and killing some soldiers, whose horseshad given out. Among the retreating party was a Methodist preacher, whose horse was tooslow to keep out of the reach of the Indians, who adopted a novel planto save himself and horse. On coming to a ravine he left the track ofhis pursuers name distance, and followed down the ravine until he founda place deep enough to shelter himself and horse from view, and remainedthere for two hours in safety. He had the precaution to keep a strictcount of the Indians as they went forward, and waited their return. Being satisfied that all had returned and continued on the way to theircamp, he quietly left his hiding place, trotted leisurely along andreached Dixon's Ferry about sunrise next morning. He reported his mode of procedure and the strategy used to render hissafety certain from the Indians who had dispersed and driven the armybefore them. He was interrogated into the number, and when he reportedTWENTY, great indignation was manifested by some of the _brave_volunteers who had got into camp some hours before him, and reported thenumber at fifteen hundred to two thousand! But as he was well knownto many of the volunteers and highly respected as a meek and lowlyChristian gentleman, they stood by him and prevented any personalviolence. When the report of this fiasco came into Galena the next morning about8 o'clock, on the 15th of May, our regiment was immediately calledto arms, as great danger was apprehended by the citizens. The generalsupposition was that the Pottowattomies and Winnebagoes had joined BlackHawk, it being well known that his entire band, including women andchildren, that had gone up Rock river, did not exceed one thousandpersons. Dwellings were vacated and most of the inhabitants repaired tothe stockades for safety. The news of Stillman's defeat "by 2, 000 blood-thirsty Indian warriors"spread fast, far and wide, and the Governor of Illinois called for morevolunteers; and when the news reached Washington, the Secretary of Warordered Gen. Scott, then at New York, to take a thousand soldiers andproceed to the seat of war and take command of the army. This violation of a flag of truce, the wanton murder of its bearers, and the attack upon a mere remnant of Black Hawk's band when sueing forpeace, precipitated a war that should have been avoided. [In confirmation of the dastardly act of the volunteers in killing thebearer of a white flag, and by which the war was precipitated, we givethe following letter of Mr. Elijah Kilbourn, one of the scouts connectedwith Stillman's command. Mr. K. Is the man Black Hawk makes mention ofin his narrative as having been taken captive during our last war withGreat Britain, and by him adopted into the Sac tribe; and again takenprisoner by three of his braves at the battle of Sycamore creek. ] KILBOURN'S NARRATIVE. A REMINISCENCE OF BLACK HAWK. [From the Soldier's Cabinet. ] Much has been said both for and against the Indian character; but wedoubt whether greater or nobler qualities have ever been exhibited inthe conduct of civilized rulers or commanders than are shown in theincidents we are about to relate concerning Black Hawk, whose deeds uponthe northwestern frontier will render his name illustrious while historyexists. Elijah Kilbourn, the subject of the great chieftain's kindness, andto whom we are indebted for the present sketch, was a native ofPennsylvania. Just before the outbreak of the late war with GreatBritain, he left the place of his birth to join the stirring scenesof adventure on the borders; and although now an old man, he stillremembers, and loves to recount, the deed, and perils of his youngerdays, and especially those we are about to record. "We had been, " commenced Kilbourn, in whose own language the story shallbe given, "scouting through the country that lay about Fort Stephenson, when early one morning one of our number came in with the intelligencethat the Fort was besieged by a combined force of British and Indians. We were very soon after in our saddles, bearing down with all speed inthat direction for the express purpose of joining in the fight--buton arriving, we found that the enemy had been signally repulsed bythe brave little garrison under the command of Major Crogan. Ourdisappointment at learning this was, however, in a measure lessened, when we learned that Black Hawk, the leader of the savages, had, soonafter the termination of the battle, gone with some twenty of hiswarriors back to his village on Rock river, whither we instantlydetermined to follow him. "At sunrise the next morning we were on his trail, and followed itwith great care to the banks of a stream. Here we ascertained thatthe savages had separated into nearly equal parties--the one keepingstraight down the banks of the stream, while the other had crossed tothe other side and continued on toward Rock river. A council was nowheld, in which the oldest members of our party gave it as their opinionthat Black Hawk had changed his intention of going to his village, andhad, with the greater part of his followers, pursued his way down thestream, while the rest had been sent by him for some purpose to thetown. In this opinion all coincided; but still our leader, who was avery shrewd man, had some doubts on his mind concerning the movements ofthe chief, and therefore, to make everything sure, he detailed four ofus to follow the trail across the stream, while he with the rest, someseven or eight in number, immediately took the one down the bank. "We soon after found ourselves alone and in the vicinity of Indiansettlements, and we were therefore obliged to move with the utmostcaution, which had the effect of rendering our progress extremely slow. During the course of the following morning we came across a great manydifferent trails and by these we were so perplexed that we resolved toreturn to the main body; but from the signs we had already seen we knewthat such a step would be attended with the greatest risk, and so itwas at last decided that it would be far more safe for all hands toseparate, and each man look out for himself. This resolve was no soonermade than it was put into execution, and a few minutes later found mealone in the great wilderness. I had often been so before, but neverbefore had I been placed in a situation as dangerous as the present one, for now on all sides I was surrounded by foes, who would rejoice in theshedding of my blood. But still I was not gong to give up easily, andlooking well to my weapons and redoubling my caution, I struck off at anangle from the course I had first chosen, why I hardly knew. "I encountered nothing very formidable till some two hours beforesunset, when, just as I emerged from a tangled thicket, I perceivedan Indian on his knees at a clear, sparkling spring, from which he wasslaking his thirst. Instinctively I placed my rifle to my shoulder, drewa bead upon the savage and pulled the trigger. Imagine, if you can, myfeelings as the flint came down and was shivered to pieces while thepriming remained unignited. "The next moment the savage was up on his feet, his piece levelleddirectly at me and his finger pressing the trigger. There was no escape;I had left my horse in the woods some time before. The thicket behind mewas too dense to permit me to enter it again quickly, and there was notree within reach of sufficient size to protect me from the aim of myfoe, who, now finding me at his mercy, advanced, his gun still in itsthreatening rest, and ordered me to surrender. Resistance and escapewere alike out of the question, and I accordingly delivered myself uphis prisoner, hoping by some means or other to escape at some futureperiod. He now told me, in good English, to proceed in a certaindirection. I obeyed him, and had not gone a stone's throw before, justas I turned a thick clump of trees, I came suddenly upon an Indian camp, the one to which my captor undoubtedly belonged. "As we came up all the savages, some six or eight in number, rosequickly and appeared much surprised at my appearing thus suddenlyamongst their number; but they offered me no harm, and they behavedwith most marked respect to my captor, whom, upon a close inspection, Irecognized to be Black Hawk himself. "'The White mole digs deep, but Makataimeshekiakiak (Black Hawk) flieshigh and can see far off, ' said the chieftain is a deep, gutteral tone, addressing me. "He then related to his followers the occasion of my capture, and ashe did so they glared on me fiercely and handled their weapons in athreatening manner, but at the conclusion of his remarks they appearedbetter pleased, although I was the recipient of many a passing frown. He now informed me that he had told his young men that they were toconsider me a brother, as he was going to adopt me into the tribe. "This was to me but little better than death itself, but there was noalternative and so I was obliged to submit, with the hope of making myescape at some future time. The annunciation of Black Hawk, moreover, caused me great astonishment, and after pondering the matter I wasfinally forced to set down as its cause one of those unaccountable whimsto which the savage temperment is often subject. "The next morning my captors forced me to go with them to their villageon Rock river, where, after going through a tedious ceremony, I wasdressed and painted, and thus turned from a white man into an Indian. "For nearly three years ensuing it was my constant study to give myadopted brothers the slip, but during the whole of that time I wasso carefully watched and guarded that I never found an opportunity toescape. "However, it is a long lane that has no turning, and so it proves inmy case. Pretending to be well satisfied with my new mode of life, I atlast gained upon the confidence of the savages, and one day when theirvigilance was considerably relaxed, I made my escape and returned insafety to my friends, who had mourned for me as dead. "Many years after this I was a participant in the battle at SycamoreCreek, which, as you know, is a tributary of Rock river. I was employedby the government as a scout, in which capacity it was acknowledged thatI had no superior; but I felt no pride in hearing myself praised, for Iknew I was working against Black Hawk, who, although he was an Indian, had once spared my life, and I was one never to forget a kindness. Andbesides this I had taken a great liking to him, for there was somethingnoble and generous in his nature. However, my first duty was to mycountry, and I did my duty at all hazards. "Now you must know that Black Hawk, after moving west of theMississippi, had recrossed, contrary to his agreement, not, however, from any hostile motive, but to raise a crop of corn and beans with thePottowattomies and Winnebagoes, of which his own people stood in theutmost need. With this intention he had gone some distance up Rockriver, when an express from General Atkinson ordered him peremptorilyto return. This order the old chief refused to obey, saying thatthe General had no right to issue it. A second express from Atkinsonthreatened Black Hawk that if he did not return peaceably, force wouldbe resorted to. The aged warrior became incensed at this and utterlyrefused to obey the mandate, but at the same time sent word to theGeneral that he would not be the first one to commence hostilities. "The movement of the renowned warrior was immediately trumpeted abroadas an invasion of the State, and with more rashness thin wisdom, Governor Reynolds ordered the Illinois militia to take the field, andthese were joined by the regulars, under General Atkinson, at RockIsland. Major Stillman, having under his command two hundred andseventy-five mounted men, the chief part of whom were volunteers, while a few like myself were regular scouts, obtained leave of GeneralWhitesides, then lying at Dixon's Ferry, to go on a scouting expedition. "I knew well what would follow; but still, as I was under orders, I wasobliged to obey, and together with the rest proceeded some thirty milesup Rock river to where Sycamore creek empties into it. This brought usto within six or eight miles of the camp of Black Hawk, who, on thatday--May 14th-was engaged in preparing a dog feast for the purpose offitly celebrating a contemplated visit of some Pottawattomie chiefs. "Soon after preparing to camp we saw three Indians approach us bearinga white flag; and these, upon coming up, were made prisoners. A seconddeputation of five were pursued by some twenty of our mounted militia, and two of them killed, while the other three escaped. One of the partythat bore the white flag was, out of the most cowardly vindictiveness, shot down while standing a prisoner in camp. The whole detachment, after these atrocities, now bore down upon the camp of Black Hawk, whose braves, with the exception of some forty or fifty, were away at adistance. "As we rode up, a galling and destructive fire was poured in upon usby the savages, who, after discharging their guns, sprung from theircoverts on either side, with their usual horrible yells, and continuedthe attack with their tomahawks and knives. My comrades fell around melike leaves; and happening to cast my eyes behind me, I beheld the wholedetachment of militia flying from the field. Some four or five of uswere left unsupported in the very midst of the foe, who, renewing theiryells, rushed down upon us in a body. Gideon Munson and myself weretaken prisoners, while others were instantly tomahawked and scalped. Munson, during the afternoon, seeing, as he supposed, a good opportunityto escape, recklessly attempted to do so, but was immediately shot downby his captor. And I now began to wish that they would serve me in thesame manner, for I knew that if recognized by the savages, I should beput to death by the most horrible tortures. Nothing occurred, however, to give me any real uneasiness upon this point till the followingmorning, when Black Hawk, passing by me, turned and eyed me keenly for amoment or so. Then, stepping close to me, he said in a low tone: _'Doesthe mole think that Black Hawk forgets?'_ "Stepping away with a dignified air, he now left me, as you may wellsuppose, bordering in despair, for I knew too well the Indian characterto imagine for a single instant that my life would be spared under thecircumstances. I had been adopted into the tribe by Black Hawk, hadlived nearly three years among them, and by escaping had incurred theirdispleasure, which could only be appeased with my blood. Added to this, I was now taken prisoner at the very time that the passions of thesavages were most highly wrought upon by the mean and cowardly conductof the whites. I therefore gave up all hope, and doggedly determined tomeet stoically my fate. "Although the Indians passed and repassed me many times during the day, often bestowing on me a buffet or a kick, yet not one of them seemedto remember me as having formerly been one of the tribe. At timesthis infused me with a faint hope, which was always immediately afterextinguished, as I recalled to mind my recognition by Black Hawkhimself. "Some two hours before sunset Black Hawk again came to where I wasbound, and having loosened the cords with which I was fastened toa tree, my arms still remaining confined, bade me follow him. Iimmediately obeyed him, not knowing what was to be my doom, thoughI expected none other than death by torture. In silence we left theencampment, not one of the savages interfering with us or offering methe slightest harm or indignity. For nearly an hour we strode on throughthe gloomy forest, now and then starting from its retreat some wildanimal that fled upon our approach. Arriving at a bend of the river myguide halted, and turning toward the sun, which was rapidly setting, hesaid, after a short pause: "'I am going to send you back to your chief, though I ought to kill youfor running away a long time ago, after I had adopted you as a son--butBlack Hawk can forgive as well as fight. When you return to your chief Iwant you to tell him all my words. Tell him that Black Hawk's eyes havelooked upon many sum, but they shall not see many more; and that hisback is no longer straight, as in his youth, but is beginning to bendwith age. The Great Spirit has whispered among the tree tops in themorning and evening and says that Black Hawk's days are few, and that heis wanted in the spirit land. He is half dead, his arm shakes and is nolonger strong, and his feet are slow on the war path. Tell him all this, and tell him, too, ' continued the untutored hero of the forest, withtrembling emotion and marked emphasis, 'that Black Hawk would have beena friend to the whites, but they would not let him, and that the hatchetwas dug up by themselves and not by the Indians. Tell your chief thatBlack Hawk meant no harm to the pale faces when he came across theMississippi, but came peaceably to raise corn for his starving women andchildren, and that even then he would have gone back, but when he senthis white flag the braves who carried it were treated like squaws andone of them inhumanly shot. Tell him too, ' he concluded with terribleforce, while his eyes fairly flashed fire, _'that Black Hawk will haverevenge, _ and that he will never stop until the Great Spirit shall sayto him, _'come away. '_ "Thus saying he loosened the cord that bound my arms, and after givingme particular directions as to the best course to pursue to my own camp, bade me farewell and struck off into the trackless forest, to commencethat final struggle which was decided against the Indians. "After the war was over, and the renowned Black Hawk had been takenprisoner, he was sent to Washington and the largest cities of theseaboard, that he might be convinced how utterly useless it was forhim to contend against fate. It was enough, and the terrible warriorreturned to the seclusion of his wilderness home, while the scepter ofhis chieftainship was given to the celebrated Keokuk. "On the occasion of the ceremony by which Black Hawk was shorn of hispower, and which took place on Rock Island, in the Mississippi, I shookthe hand of the great chief, who appeared highly pleased to meet me oncemore; and upon parting with me he said with mournful dignity, as he castabove him a glance of seeming regret: 'My children think I am too old tolead them any more!' "This was the last time I ever saw him; and the next I learned of himwas that he had left his old hunting grounds forever, and his spirit hadgone to that bar where the balance will be rightly adjusted between thechild of the forest and his pale face brethren. " Although the Winnebagoes and the Pottowattomies had resolved to takeno part in the war, a few young men from each of these tribes, beingemboldened by Black Hawk's victory in the engagement with Stillman'sregiment, concluded to join him. As the party moved up the river, warparties were sent out, in one of which the Winnebagoes joined, whilstthe Pottowattomies, some twenty-five or thirty, went alone on the warpath into a settlement that had been made on Indian creek, not far fromits entrance into Fox river, and killed fifteen men, women and children, and took two young ladies prisoners, the Misses Hall, whom two youngSacs, who had just rode up, took upon their horses and carried them toa Winnebago camp, with a request that they be delivered to the whites. They were returned soon after, and to the writer said they had been welltreated by the Winnebagoes. On the 19th of Jane a message came into Galena from Kellogg's Grove, with a report that a party of Indians had been seen in that neighborhoodand that they had stolens some horses. Captain James Stephenson, withtwelve picked men from his company, started immediately in pursuit ofthe Indians. On seeing him approach they took to the brush, when theCaptain and his men dismounted. Leaving one to hold the horses, thebalance entered the thicket, and two of them were killed at the firstfire of the Indians, while three of the enemy were laid prostrate. Forthe purpose of re-loading, Capt. Stephenson ordered a retreat, which wasa bad move, as it gave the Indians time to re-load and seek trees forsafety. Capt. Stephenson* and party again advanced, both parties firingsimultaneously, each losing a man, when an Indian who had been secretedbehind a tree rushed forward with his knife, but was suddenly checkedby one of the soldiers running his bayonet through him. While in thisposition he seized the bayonet with both hands and had almost succeededin pushing it out, when another soldier rushed forward, and with onestroke of his knife almost severed the head from his body. In thisengagement Capt. S. Lost three of the best men of his company and theIndians five, just one-half of their number. * Capt. Stephenson was held in high estimation as a brave and accomplished gentleman, and at the organization of Rock Island county the county commissioners honored his name by calling the county seat Stephenson, which name it retained until after his death, when that of Rock Island was adopted. On the return of Capt. Stephenson and party the news of his loss ofthree men, who were well known and highly respected, soon spread overtown and caused much sorrow among their many friends. After learning themode of attack, military men generally criticized it severely. BATTLE OF PECATONICA. On the 14th of June, a mall scouting party of Sacs killed five men atthe Spafford farm, and on reception of the news next day, Gen. Atkinsonordered Col. Henry Dodge to take command of Posey's brigade, thenstationed near Fort Hamilton, and while on his way from Fort Union, where his regiment was in camp, to visit the brigade, he heard the sharpcrack of a rifle, and instantly looking in the direction of the sound, saw a man fall from his horse, who had been shot by Indians nearby. Instead of going forward as he set out to do, he hastily returned to hiscommand, mustered a portion of his cavalry and went in pursuit of theIndians, and soon got on the trail of twenty-five warriors, who hadcommenced their retreat soon after shooting, and espying him, hastenedback to the front. The Indians crossed and recrossed the Pecatonicariver several times, being closely pushed by Col. Dodge and his men, and finding escape hopeless, made a stand. The colonel immediatelydismounted his men and picked his way cautiously, with the intentionof firing and then charging upon them. But the Indians, being on thelookout, watched their opportunity and got the first fire, by which abrave soldier named Apple was killed, and another by the name of Jenkinswas wounded. The fight continued vigorously until the last Indian waskilled, several of them having been shot while trying to escape byswimming. At the commencement of the fight, the forces on each sidewere nearly equal, but the Indians, in swimming the river, had got theirpowder wet, and although they made desperate efforts to close in on ourmen with knives, they were shot down in their endeavors. Col. Dodge, in speaking of this engagement, at Galena, after the closeof the war, said he was amazed at the desperation displayed by a big, burly brave, who came towards him with gun at his shoulder and haltedquickly when only a few paces from him, drew the trigger, and was sorelydisappointed in his gun not going off. Quick as thought the colonelbrought his rifle in position, pulled the trigger, but, owing to thedampness of the powder, it failed to go off. In the meantime the bravewas coming towards him, knife in hand and desperation in his eye, and when only a few feet from him the colonel shot him down with hisrevolver. At the same time one of his brave boys, by the name of Beach, was engaged in a desperate encounter with the last remaining savage, in which both used knives; the Indian was killed and Beach very badlywounded. Thus ended one of the most sanguinary engagements of the war. FIGHT AT APPLE RIVER FORT. Capt. A. W. Snyder's Company, of Col. Henry's Regiment, was detailedto guard the country between Galena and Fox and Rock rivers, and wassurprised on the night of the 17th of June, while encamped in thevicinity of Burr Oak Grove. His sentinels, while on duty, were firedupon by Indians, who did not deem it prudent to continue the attack, butimmediately fled. As soon as it was light enough next morning to followtheir trail, Capt. Snyder started with his company, but on reachingtheir camp, found that they had fled on his approach. He redoubled hisspeed and continued on their trail until he overtook them. Finding thatthere was no escape, the Indians got into a deep gully for protection, but were soon surrounded, when Capt. Snyder ordered his men to chargeupon them. The Indians fired as they approached and mortally wounded oneof his men, Mr. William B. Mekemson, a brave volunteer from St. Claircounty, (whose father's family afterwards settled in this, Hendersoncounty, all of whom, except one brother, Andrew, a highly respectedChristian gentleman, have, long since, gone to meet their kinsman inanother world. ) Mr. M. Being unable to ride, a rude litter was made andmen detailed to carry him back to camp, at Kellogg's Grove. The companyhad not proceeded far before they were attacked by about seventy-fiveIndians, and two men, Scott and McDaniel, killed, and a Mr. Corneliuswounded. The company was soon formed into line by the aid of Gen. Whiteside, who was then acting merely as a private, and using theprecaution of Indians, each man got behind a tree, and the battle waxedfuriously for sometime without any serious results, until the Indiancommander was seen to fall, from the well directed aim of Gen. Whiteside's rifle. Having now no leader the Indians ingloriously fled, but for some reason were not pursued. Our reporter, however, said thatmost of the company refused, for the reason that the second term oftheir enlistment had expired, and they were anxious to be mustered outof service, although the officers were eager to pursue. The company then commenced their march to camp, and on approachingthe litter on which Mekemson lay, found that the Indians had cut off hishead and rolled it down the hill. Soon after, Major Riley, with a smallforce of regulars, came up, and after consultation with Capt. Snyder, it was deemed best not to follow the retreating Indians, as their routeprobably led to the main army of Black Hawk. APPLE RIVER FORT. On the 23d of June scouts came into Galena, and reported at headquartersthat a large body of Indians had been seen about thirty miles distant, but not being on the march, they were not able to conjecture to whatpoint they were going. Col. Strode immediately made all necessarypreparations to receive them, should Galena be the point of attack, anddispatched an express early next morning for Dixon's Ferry. On theirarrival at Apple River Fort they halted for a short time, and thenproceeded on their journey, and while yet in sight, at the crack of agun the foremost man was seen to fall from his horse and two or threeIndians rushed upon him with hatchets raised ready to strike, while hiscomrades galloped up, and with guns pointed towards the Indians keptthem at bay until the wounded man reached the Fort. But had the Indiansknown these guns were _not loaded, _ (as afterwards reported) they couldhave dispatched all three of them with their tomahawks. In a very short time after hearing the crack of the gun a large bodyof Indians surrounded the fort, yelling and shooting, when the inmates, under command of Capt. Stone, prepared for defence, every port holebeing manned by sharp-shooters. One man, Mr. George Herclurode, was shotthrough a port hole and instantly killed, and Mr. James Nutting woundedin the same way, but not seriously; which was the only loss sustainedduring the engagement of more than one hour's duration. A number ofIndians were wounded and carried off the field. Capt. Stone had onlytwenty-five men, with a large number of women and children in the fort, but had providentially received a quantity of lead and provisions fromGalena only an hour before the attack, and as he was short of bullets, the ladies of the fort busied themselves in melting lead and runningballs as long as the battle lasted. Black Hawk, finding the fortimpregnable from assault without firing it--an act that he well knewwould, in a very short time, have brought a large body of troops on hispath--concluded that it would be better to return and carry with themall the flour they could, killed a number of cattle and took choicepieces of beef, and all the homes that were in the stable. One of theexpressmen, not deeming the fort a place of safety, hurried back toGalena, but getting lost on the way did not get in until early nextmorning. On hearing the news, Col. Strode took one hundred picked men, well mounted, and went to the relief of the fort, and was much gratifiedto find that its noble defenders had put to flight about one hundred andfifty Indians who had been under the command of Black Hawk himself. KELLOGG'S GROVE FORT. After leaving Apple River Fort, being well supplied with provisions, the Indians moved leisurely toward the fort at Kellogg's Grove, with theintention of taking it, as scouts had come in and reported that it wasnot very strongly garrisoned on the day previous to their arrival on the23d of June. At this time the Illinois troops were rendez-voused at aplace known as Fort Wilbourn on the Illinois river, at or near wherenow stands the city of LaSalle. What was then called the new levy, afterStillman's defeat, were assembled there, numbering about three thousandmen, being formed into military organizations consisting of threebrigades. The first brigade was commanded by Gen. Alexander Posey. Thesecond by Gen. M. K. Alexander, and the third by Gen. James D. Henry. Major John Dement, of Vandalia, was elected to the command of a spybattalion composed of three companies. Gen. Atkinson, of the UnitedStates Regulars, commanding, while these organizations were progressing. The Indians had made a raid on Bureau creek, situated between theIllinois and Rock rivers. John Dement had been chosen major by themembers of three companies of Gen. Posey's brigade, which was a spybattalion. The Major's battalion being ready for duty when the newsreached the fort of the attack upon the settles on Bureau creek, it wasordered to march at once to the scene of danger for protection of thesettlers, and to discover and watch the movements of the Indians, ifpossible. The Major was ordered to scour the country through to Rockriver, and then to report to Col. Zackary Taylor, who commanded a smallforce of United States troops at a small fortification at Dixon's Ferryon Rock river. On the 22d of June, 1832, Major Dement reached Colonel Taylor'scommand, having performed the duties to which he was assigned by GeneralAtkinson. On his arrival Colonel Taylor informed the Major that he hadarrived at an opportune time, as he wished him to take his command, swimtheir horses across the river, and promptly occupy the country betweenhis position and the Lead Mines at Galena, a distance of about sixtymiles, with headquarters at Kellogg's Grove, thirty-seven miles in thedirection of Galena and Apple River Fort. There had been stationed atthe grove two companies of Regulars, commanded by Major Riley, and threecompanies of Volunteers that had abandoned this position the day beforethe arrival of Major Dement, and left the country without protectionand entirely unguarded. These troops had been engaged in two or threeskirmishes with the Indians, and according to the reports of thesoldiers, had been worsted in each. Major Dement's command numberedone hundred and forty men, all told, not one of whom had ever seen anymilitary experience, but they were men to be relied upon. They werecitizen soldiers, brave and intelligent, equal to any emergency, and hadno superiors in the service. This being an odd battalion, Major Dementwas entitled to the staff of a Colonel. His staff was composed ofZadoc Casey, Paymaster; ------ Anderson, Colonel Hicks, and others. The Captains of the companies, and the staff officers, were leadingcitizens, who had, at short warning, left their several avocations toengage in defending the country against the attacks of the Indians. MAJOR DEMENT'S BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS. On the evening of the second day, after crossing Rock river, the Major'scommand marched to the stockade at Kellogg's Grove and encamped. In themorning, learning that Indian traces had been seen four or five milesfrom the grove, twenty-five volunteers were called for to go outand reconnoitre. This number was quickly filled, nearly every onevolunteering being an officer, and, as it afterward turned out, theywere unfortunately accepted. These volunteers had not yet gotten outof sight of their camp, before three Indians were seen on their poniesbetween the fort and a small grove on the prairie, riding backward andforward. The reconnoitering party started after them in one, two andthree order, according to the speed of their horses, while the Indiansmade straight for the small grove. Major Dement, who was watching themovements of the volunteers from his camp, and seeing the movements ofthe Indians, at once suspected a trap, mounted with a portion of hismen, and went to their aid. His men that had first started were amile out upon the prairie in pursuit of those few Indians. Being wellmounted, the Major and his relief party soon overtook the hindermostof the little band, but several were too far in advance in their madpursuit of the fleeing Indians for him to reach them in time. Thefleeing Indians were making for a grove some three miles away, hotlypursued by the Major's men. In this grove, as the commander feared, alarge number of the Indians were concealed. When within four or fivehundred yards of this grove he halted and dismounted his men andformed them in line. Some six or seven of his men were still in advancefollowing the Indians toward this grove. On nearing the grove, his menwho were in advance, were received with a galling fire, which killedtwo and wounded a third. With hideous yells the Indians emerged from thegrove and rapidly approached. They were all mounted, stripped to theirwaists and painted for battle. As they reached the bodies of the deadsoldiers, a large number surrounded them, clubbing and stabbing theirlifeless remains. A volley from the rifles of the whites killed two orthree at this point, but by the time the last of the little band hadreached the ridge upon which their comrades were drawn up in line, theIndians were close upon them and on both flanks. At this point three menwho had been out of their camp hunting for their homes, came in sightand were massacred in sight of their friends. The main portion of thebattalion had been ordered to hold themselves in readiness for anyemergency, but hearing the yelling, instead of obeying the order, mounted in hot haste and started to the rescue of their companions. Ondiscovering the force of the Indians, they retreated to the grove, andalmost neck and neck with the Indians, sprang over their horses andoccupied the Block House. On the least exposed side of the Fort was a work bench; over this theMajor threw the bridle rein of his horse, and most of the horses huddledaround this as if conscious of their danger. The Indians swarmed aroundthe Block House under cover; an ominous stillness pervaded the air, which was soon broken by the crack of the rifles of the white men. Thebest marksmen with the best guns were stationed at the port holes, and alively fire was kept up by the little garrison. The Indians finding thatthey were making no impression, turned their attention to shooting thehorses, twenty-five of which they succeeded in killing. After sharpfiring for two hours they retreated, leaving nine of their men deadon the field. This was the first engagement in this war, in which thewhites had held their position until reinforcements arrived, withoutretreating. If the main force had remained in the grove at this BlockHouse after the volunteers went out, without making any demonstrationwhen the Indians came charging up and still in the open prairie, theycould have been easily repulsed. This was the Major's plan of action, but the men became excited by the firing, and having no commissionedofficers to guide them, started without order to assist their exposedcomrades in the open prairie, when they were flying for their lives tothe block house. That evening Gen. Posey came up with his brigade, and although theIndians were encamped a short distance away, he made no effort to attackthem but contented himself with reporting the situation to Col. Z. Taylor at Dixon's Ferry. Gen. Whiteside had said to Major Dement beforecrossing Rock river, that he was going into the Indian rendezvous, wherehe could have an Indian for breakfast every morning, and he found itliterally true. It seems strange that Major Dement should have been ordered by Col. Taylor into the enemy's country, across Rock river, with so small aforce of volunteers, while a large force of Regulars and Volunteers, commanded by regular United States officers, remained securelyentrenched in the rear. It was Major Dement's opinion that there weremore fighting men of Black Hawk's band of warriors in the engagement atKellogg's Grove than ever afterwards made a stand during the war. Itwas easy for Gen. Posey to have moved up and attacked the Indians on hisarrival at the Grove, and then have dealt them a fatal blow by forcingthem to battle then, but he refused to do so, and the war was notterminated until the fight at Bad Axe some two months later, in whichthe Illinois troops did not engage. During this engagement at the BlockHouse, four whites and eleven Indians were killed. The whites lost alarge part of their horses--the Indians shooting them from the timber, while the poor animals were huddled about the Block House. Although in command, Black Hawk remained in the Grove doing theengagement, looking on to see that his principal aid, whose voice waslike a trumpet call, carried out his orders. While reciting the incidents of this battle to the author, when writinghis Autobiography, Black Hawk spoke in high praise of Major Dement as acommander, who had shown not only good military skill in coming to therescue of his party, but in withdrawing his little party to the Fort. After Dement's engagement General Posey's brigade started for FortHamilton and remained there a short time. News of Dement's engagementand march of Posey's brigade having been received at Dixon's Ferry, where the two other brigades were stationed, Gen. Alexander, with the2d brigade was ordered to cross Rock river and march to Plum river tointercept the Indians, as it was deemed probable that they would makefor that point to cross the Mississippi. Gen. Atkinson, with regulars, and Gen. Fry with his brigade, remained at Dixon waiting for news ofthe route taken by the Indians. Next day Capt. Walker and threePottowottamie Indians came into Dixon and reported seventy-fivePottowottamies ready to join the army now encamped at Sycamore creek, and they were afraid that Black Hawk and his army was not far off. Fortheir protection, and to await the coming of the balance of the secondbrigade, Col. Fry, of Henry's brigade, was sent forward immediately. Thenext morning Gen. Henry's brigade moved forward with Gen. Atkinsonat the head, intending to march up Rock river, to the Four Lakes, andcamped at Stillwell's battle-ground the first night and joined Col. Fryand his Pottowottamie Indians on the 29th, and continued their march. Onthe 30th, when going into camp, they saw signs of Sac Indians, but thesentinels were undisturbed during the night. The next day they saw oneIndian, but he was on the other side of Plum river. On the 2d of July, Major Ewing being in front, spied a fresh trail, and soon after cameupon the fresh trail of Black Hawk's entire force, at a point nearKeeshkanawy Lake. Scouts from the battalion came up to Black Hawk'sencampment, from which they had apparently taken their departure a fewdays before. Here they found five white men's scalps which had been lefthung up to dry. This battalion continued to march around the lake indetachments, one of which found where there had been another encampment, but on returning to camp and comparing notes they began to despair offinding the main body of Black Hawk's army in that region. On the 5thof July, Gen. Atkinson with his army took a rest. During the day somescouts brought in an old Indian nearly blind and half famished withhunger, whom the Indians had left in their flight. After eating, Gen. Atkinson questioned him closely as to the whereabouts of Black Hawk andhis army, but was satisfied from his replies and helpless condition, that he did not know, but on taking up his line of march the nearmorning, Gen. Atkinson did not leave him as the Indians had done, aloneand without any means of subsistence, but left him an abundance of food, and as we afterwards learned, the old man recruited and afterwards gotback to his tribe. , On the evening of the 9th the army encamped at White Water, and the nextmorning Indians were seen on the other side of this stream which was notfordable, one of whom shot and wounded a regular. After breaking camp, Gen. Atkinson ordered a move up the river, and that night camped withhis entire force--all having met at the same point. Gen. Dodge's corpshad taken a Winnebago prisoner and brought him into camp for the purposeof finding out if he knew where Black Hawk's forces were. He said theywere encamped on an island near Burnt Village. Col. William S. Hamilton, a brave and honored son of Alexander Hamilton, in command of a companyof Menomonees, who had joined the main army the day before, with CaptainEarly and his command, after scouring the island thoroughly, reportedthere were no Indians on the island. Governor Reynolds, who had been on the march up Rock River with hisvolunteers and the main army, together with Colonel Smith, Major SidneyBreese and Colonel A. P. Field, left the army and came into Galena onthe 12th, from whom we obtained our information of the movements of thearmy. They were firmly of the opinion that the Indians had taken tothe swamps, and gotten entirely out of reach of the army, and that nofarther danger need be apprehended. Colonel Field, who is an eloquentspeaker, at the solicitation of Colonel Strode, although nearly wornout with hard marches, made an able and soul-stirring speech to ourregiment, and a large number of the inhabitants of Galena. At this time the army was nearly out of provisions, and Fort Winnebago, about seventy-five miles distant, the nearest point at which they couldreplenish. General Atkinson then ordered General Posey with his brigade, to Fort Hamilton, General Henry's and Alexander's brigade and GeneralDodge's squadron to Fort Winnebago for provisions; and sent GeneralEwing and his regiment to Dixon with Colonel Dunn, who had beenseriously wounded by one of his own sentinels, but who afterwardsrecovered. General Atkinson then built a fort near the camping ground, which was Fort Keeshkanong. General Alexander returned on the 15th withprovisions to the fort, while Generals Dodge and Henry thought best togo with their commands to the head of Fox river, and while on the waystopped at a Winnebago village and had a talk with their head men, whoassured them that Black Hawk was then at Cranberry Lake, a point higherup Rock river. After a consultation by the Generals, it was deemed bestto send an express to General Atkinson at Fort Keeshkanong, to let himknow of the information they had got, and their intention of moving onthe enemy the next morning. Dr. Merryman, of Colonel Collins' regiment, and Major Woodbridge, Adjutant of General Dodge's corps, volunteered togo, and with Little Thunder, a Winnebago chief, as pilot, started out toperform this dangerous service, and after traveling a few miles, came onfresh Indian trails, which Little Thunder pronounced to have been madeby Black Hawk's party, and fearing that they would be intercepted, insisted on returning to camp. Night was then approaching, and havingno guide to lead them forward, they reluctantly followed Little Thunderback to camp. Orders were then given for an early move next morning, andat daylight the bugle sounded, and the army moved onwards. The trail wasfollowed for two days, leading for Four Lakes. On the second day, July21st, scouts from General Dodge's corps came in and reported Indians, and as a confirmation of the fact, Dr. A. K. Philleo exhibited a scalpthat he had taken from the head of one that he had shot. Dr. Philleo wasbrave as the bravest, and whenever a scouting party started out to lookfor Indians (unless his services were required in camp), was always inthe lead, and this being his first Indian, took his scalp, and sent itto the writer, with written instructions how to preserve it. To thisend we handed over both to a deaf and dumb printer in the office, whoboasted somewhat of his chemical knowledge, who spent considerable timefor a number of days in following the Doctor's instructions. After thekilling of this Indian, some of the scouts discovered fresh signs ofmore Indians, and after pursuing it for some miles, Dr. Philleo and hisfriend Journey, equally as brave, being in the lead, espied two moreIndians, when each picked his man and fired, and both fell; one of them, although badly wounded, fired as he fell, and wounded one of the scouts. The Doctor's attention was now directed to his wounded companion, hencehis second Indian was allowed to retain his scalp. The scouts, finding that the trail was fresh, and the Indians wererapidly retreating, having strewed their trail with camp equipage, inorder to facilitate their movements, sent an express back to camp, when the army hastily took up the line of march, with Dodge's corps andEwing's Spy battalion in the front. By fast riding they soon came upwith the Indians, whom they found already in line to receive them. AT WISCONSIN HEIGHTS. Orders were at once given to dismount (leaving enough to hold thehorses) and charge upon the Indians. They had scarcely time to form intoline when they were met by the yelling Indians and a heavy volley fromtheir guns. Dodge and Ewing ordered a charge, and as they moved forward, returnedthe fire at close quarters, with deadly effect. The Indians thencommenced a flank movement, and by securing a position in the high grasswhere they could in a measure conceal themselves, fought bravely, untilDodge and Ewing gave orders to charge upon them at the point of thebayonet. In this engagement Col. Jones had his horse shot from underhim, and one man killed--but at the word _"charge, "_ he went forwardwith his brave men, and all performed their duty nobly and fearlessly, and soon dislodged the Indians from their hiding place and forced theminto a hasty retreat. It being then too late to pursue them, orders weregiven to camp on the battle-ground. In this engagement Neapope had command, who was not only brave andfearless, but well skilled in strategy. Having become well acquaintedwith him after the war, he told the writer that he knew Gen. Dodgepersonally, and had met him on the field of battle, and considered himone of the bravest men he had ever met, although in this engagement allthe officers showed great skill and bravery, and thus encouragedtheir men to acts of noble daring to a degree that he had never beforewitnessed in common--not regular--soldiers. He said in this engagement, the command had been entrusted to him of this small force--about twohundred--Indians, in order to give Black Hawk and the remainder of hisparty, time to cross the river. He reported his loss at twenty-eight(28) killed. The newt morning a portion of the army was ordered forward to pursue thefleeing enemy, but on reaching the river, found that they had takento the swamps, when it was deemed prudent to return to camp withoutattempting to follow them. Here the army rested for one day, and made comfortable provisions tocarry the wounded, after having consigned the remains of John Short, whohad been killed the day before, to mother Earth, with the honors of war. In the meantime, Gen. Atkinson arrived with his regulars and thebrigades of Generals Posey and Alexander; and on the 28th of July, tookup the line of march with Gen. Atkinson at the head. Their route ledthrough a mountainous country for several days, as the Indiana seemed tohave selected the most difficult route they could find in order to gaintime, and reach the river in advance, and then secure the best possiblepositions to defend themselves. Having learned from an old Indian that had been left behind, that theenemy was only a short distance ahead, Gen. Atkinson, on breaking campat an early hour in the morning, gave orders for the march towardsthe river, with Gen. Dodge's squadron in front; Infantry next; Secondbrigade, under command of Gen. Alexander, next; Gen. Posey's brigadenext, and Gen. Henry's in the rear. After marching a few miles Gen. Dodge's scouts discovered the rear guardof the enemy, when an express was sent immediately to Gen. Atkinson, whoordered troops to proceed at double quick. In the meantime Gen. Dodge'scommand pushed forward and opened a heavy fire, from which many Indianswere shot down while retreating toward the Mississippi, where their mainbody was stationed. Dodge's squadron being in the lead, were first toopen upon the main army of the Indians, whilst Gen. Henry's brigade, that had been placed in the rear in the morning, came first to his aid. The battle waged furiously for more than two hours, and until the lastvisible Indian warrior was killed. The Indians had commenced crossingbefore the battle opened, and a number took to their canoes and madegood their escape as the battle progressed. The number killed wasestimated at something over one hundred, but the Indians afterwardreported their loss at seventy-eight killed and forty-two wounded. Ourloss was seventeen killed and about the same number wounded. During the engagement several squaws were killed accidentally and anumber wounded, including children, who were taken prisoners. Amongthe latter, Dr. Philleo reported a boy with one arm badly broken, who exhibited a greater degree of stoicism during the operation ofamputation, than he had ever before witnessed. Being very hungry, theygave him a piece of bread to eat, which he ravenously masticated duringthe entire operation, apparently manifesting no pain whatever from thework of the surgeon. Many of the Indians who got across the river in safety were afterwardskilled by the Menomonees. STEAMBOAT WARRIOR'S FIGHT. On the 2d of August, 1832, the steamboat, Warrior, was lying at Prairiedu Chien, and word having been received at the fort that Black Hawk'smain army was then at, or near the river above, at a point designatedfor all to meet for the purpose of crossing the river, Lieut. Kingsburytook her in charge, and started up with one company, in order tointercept the Indians and prevent their crossing before the main armyarrived, as he knew it was in close pursuit of them. The boat soon camein view of Indians on both sides of the river--Black Hawk and severallodges having already crossed over-when they were hailed by Lieut. Kingsbury. A white flag was hoisted by the Indians, and Black Hawkdirected the Winnebago interpreter on board the Warrior, to say to hischief that he wanted him to send out his small boat so as he could go onboard, a he desired to give himself up. The Winnebago, however, reportedto the commander that they refused to bring their flag aboard. He thendirected his interpreter to say that if they still refused he would openfire upon them. In reply, the interpreter said they still refused, whenthe Lieutenant directed his six-pounder to be fired among them, and alsoopened a musketry fire by his company. This was returned by the Indians, and the battle continued for some time. Several Indians were killedat the first fire, after which the remainder sought protection behindtrees, stumps, etc. It was then getting late in the afternoon, andas the boat was nearly out of wood they dropped down to the fort toreplenish, and started back again the next morning. On reaching anisland some miles above their battle-ground of the day before, theycommenced to rake it with their six-pounder, supposing the Indians hadtaken shelter there, and the army considering it a salute, Gen. Atkinsonreturned it. Soon after the boat landed and took on board Gen. Atkinsonand the regulars and then returned to Prairie du Chien. The Illinoisvolunteers were ordered to Dixon, at which place they were discharged, while the troops of the lead mines were mustered out at Galena. Afterthe boat started down the evening before, Black Hawk and a few of hispeople left for the lodge of a Winnebago friend, and gave himselfup. Thus ended a bloody war which had been forced upon Black Hawk byStillman's troops violating a flag of truce, which was contrary to therules of war of all civilized nations, and one that had always beenrespected by the Indians. And thus, by the treachery or ignorance of theWinnebago interpreter on board of the Warrior, it was bought to a closein the same ignoble way it commenced--disregarding a flag of truce--andby which Black Hawk lost more than half of his army. But in justice toLieut. Kingsbury, who commanded the troops on the Warrior, and to hiscredit it must be said, that Black Hawk's flag would have been respectedif the Winnebago, who acted as his interpreter on the boat, had reportedhim correctly. GENERAL ATKINSON'S REPORT. HEADQUARTERS FIRST ARTILLERY CORPS, NORTH-WESTERN ARMY, Prairie duChiens, Aug. 25, 1832. SIR:--I have the honor to report to you that I crossed the Ouisconsinon the 27th and 28th ultimo, with a select body of troops, consistingof the regulars under Colonel Taylor, four hundred in number, part ofHenry's, Posey's and Alexander's brigades, amounting in all to 1, 300men, and immediately fell upon the trail of the enemy, and pursued itby a forced march, through a mountainous and difficult country, till themorning of the 2d inst. , when we came up with his main body on the leftbank of the Mississippi, nearly opposite the mouth of the Ioway, whichwe attacked, defeated and dispensed, with a loss on his part of abouta hundred and fifty men killed, thirty men, women and children takenprisoners--the precise number could not be ascertained, as the greaterpotion was slain after being forced into the river. Our loss in killedand wounded, which is stated below, is very small in comparison withthe enemy, which may be attributed to the enemy's being forced fromhis position by a rapid charge the commencement, and throughout theengagement the remnant of the enemy, cut up and disheartened, crossed tothe opposite side of the river, and had fled into the interior, with aview, it is supposed, of joining Keokuk and Wapello's bands of Sacs andFoxes. The horses of the volunteer troops being exhausted by long marches, and the regular troops without shoes, it was not thought advisable tocontinue the pursuit; indeed, a stop to the further effusion of bloodseemed to be called for, till it might be ascertained if the enemy wouldsurrender. It is ascertained from our prisoners that the enemy lost in the battleof the Ouisconsin sixty-eight killed and a very large number wounded;his whole loss does not fall short of three hundred. After the battleon the Ouisconsin, those of the enemy's women and children, and somewho were dismounted, attempted to make their escape by descendingthat river, but judicious measures being taken by Captain Loomis andLieutenant Street, Indian Agent, thirty-two women and children and fourmen have been captured, and some fifteen men killed by the detachmentunder Lieutenant Ritner. The day after the battle on the river, I fell down with the regulartroops to this place by water, and the wounded men will join us to-day. It is now my purpose to direct, Keokuk to demand a surrender of theremaining principal men of the hostile party, which, from the largenumber of women and children we hold prisoners, I have every reason tobelieve will be compiled with. Should it not, they should be pursued andsubdued, a step Major-General Scott will take upon his arrival. I cannot speak too highly of the brave conduct of the regular andvolunteer forces engaged in the last battle, and the fatiguing marchthat preceded it, and as soon as the reports of officers of the brigadesand corps are handed in, they shall be submitted with further remarks: 5 killed, 6 wounded, 6th inft. 2 wounded, 5th inft. 1 Captain, 5 privates, Dodge's Bat. , mounted. 1 Lieutenant, 6 privates, Henry's Bat. 1 private wounded, Alexander's. 1 private wounded Posey's. I have the great honor to be, with great respect, Your obedient servant, H. ATKINSON, Brevet Brig. Gen. U. S. A. Maj. Gen. Macomb, Com. In Chief, Washington. APPENDIX. AT YELLOW BANKS. Among the many hundreds of troops that came to Yellow Bank--Oquawka--ontheir way to the sea of war, Major S. S. Phelps always spoke in highterms of their good discipline and gentlemanly conduct, except in oneinstance--that of a few persons in a company from McDonough county, whocame over at a time when old chief Tama and his wife, who was noted forbeing the white man's friend, came over to get provisions for his littleband. On seeing an Indian some of these soldiers, who had been usingtheir canteens rather frequently, were eager to slay him, and not onlythreatened him but Major P. Also, for harboring him. The officers seemedto have no control of these men--and just at a time when their threatswere loudest of what they intended to do at the close of three minutes, Major P. And one of his clerks, Mr. Joseph Smart, were standing withtheir rifles cocked ready to make the first shot, a cry came fromoutside of the building, by one of the more peaceable soldiers, "Herecomes another company, Capt. Peter Butler's, from Monmouth, " when thesewould-be braves instantly retreated. We are assured by one of Capt. B. 's company, Mr. James Ryason, thatthe foregoing is literally true, and that Major P. And Mr. Smart, afterwards, amid the threats of these same soldiers, escorted Tama andwife to the river bank to take their canoe to cross the river, and stoodthere with their guns, ready to protect the Indians until they got outof reach of gunshot--Smart threatening all the time to put a ball thoughthe first man that attempted to shoot. In order to appease the wrath of these soldiers and prevent some of thembeing killed, Capt. B. Advised Maj. P. Not to give Tama any provisions;but on the way down, Mr. Ryason says, Smart (who talked their languageequal to a native born) told them to meet them at a certain point afternight and they would be supplied; and that for the purpose of assistingMr. Smart in taking supplies to Tama, he got leave of absence from theCaptain until next morning. Messrs. James Ryason and Gabriel Shot, both honorable and highlyrespected Christian gentlemen, are the only survivors of that companynow residing in this county. Tama's village, located on South Henderson, half a mile below the farmof Mr. John T. Cook, at Gladstone, was always noted as being the abodeof friendly Indians. In the fall of 1829, some write men came in andmade improvements on the land in the vicinity, and at the advice of Mr. Phelps, Tama crossed the river and made a new town at the mouth of Flintriver on the Mississippi, and at the time of Black Hawk's raid intoIllinois, it was the rendezvous of many young men who had been persuadedby Tama not to join Black Hawk. But when the news reached them of theindignities offered to their good old chief, they secretly determined togo upon the war path, and soon after four young Foxes started to crossthe river and avenge the insult. On going up Henderson creek they espiedMr. William Martin while in the act of mowing, at a point near LittleYork, whom they shot and killed, and for fear of detection, immediatelytook to the brush. It being late when they got through the woods, theymade a fire and camped just at the edge of the prairie. Some time after the shooting, friends of Mr. Martin discovered hislifeless body and after removing it to the home, started on the trail ofhis murderers, and followed it some distance through the underbrush, butwisely concluded, as it was growing late, to return and give the alarm. An express was sent to Capt. Butler during the night, who started outwith his company early in the morning, and on emerging into the prairiediscovered the camp fire of the Indians, add followed their trail to aslough in the Mississippi two miles below Keithsburgh. Here the Indiansembarked in their canoes and were probably on the other side of theriver by this time. A demand was immediately made upon Keokuk for themurderers, as they belonged to his band of Foxes, who surrendered twomen to the commanding officer at Rock Island. These Indians soon afterwards made their escape, and before the timefixed for their trial, Keokuk delivered four young men to Maj. Phelps, then sheriff of Warren county, to be tried for the offence. Maj. P. And his deputy, Mr. James Ryason, took them to Monmouth jail, where thefollowing proceedings were had before the Circuit Court (for a copy ofwhich we are indebted to George C. Rankin, Esq. , now Circuit Clerk): WARREN COUNTY CIRCUIT COURT. William Martin was shot and scalped by two Indians, near Little York, Warren county, August 9th, 1832. In their report at the October term ofthe Warren Circuit Court, the Grand jurors say: "Six or seven Indians of Keokuk's band of Sac and Fox Indians who werenot included in the war path under Black Hawk and other chiefs of theSac and Fox, nation, came over from the western bank of the Mississippiriver to the inhabited parts of Warren county, in said State, andunlawfully and feloniously murdered the said William Martin in the mostbarbarous manner. That the names of the said Indians are unknown to theGrand Jury. That two of the said Indians have been heretofore given upby the chiefs of said Indians, that they were confined in the Fort atRock Island for some time but have made their escape, and are now atlarge in their own country. That the Grand jury cannot now find anindictment because the names of the said Indiana are unknown to saidjury. But they recommend that the Governor of the State be furnishedwith a copy of this presentment, and that he be desired to request ofthe President of the United States that the whole of the said Indiansconcerned in the said murder may be demanded of the said Sac and Foxnation that they may be indicted and punished for murder under theauthority of the laws of this State. " In compliance with the demand of the President, the chiefs surrenderedfour Indians, namely, with their Interpretations; Sa-sa-pi-ma (he that troubleth). Ka-ke-mo (he that speaks with something in his mouth). I-o-nah (stay here). Wa-pa-sha-kon (the white string). Concerning which, the Grand jury at the June term 1833 say: "From an examination made by this Grand Jury they we now able to statethat the four Indians lately surrendered by the chiefs at the requestof the President of the United States, are not the real murderers ofMartin. The chiefs represent that at the time the demand was made thereal offenders had escaped from the territory and power of theirnation. That the prisoners now in custody volunteered themselves to besurrendered in place of those who escaped, and that from custom amongstIndians, they supposed this would be a sufficient compliance with therequisition of the President. The Grand jury will not positively saythat the chiefs have prevaricated, but they do say that the demandalready made has been eluded. " By a writ of habeas corpus, the four Indians above named were broughtbefore the judge, presiding, Hon. Richard M. Young, June 14th, 1833, andreleased. Indictment was returned against the real murderers, Shash-quo-washi, Muck-que-che-qua, Muck-qua-pal-ashah, and Was-a-wau-a-quot, who, "nothaving the fear of God before their eyes, but being moved and seducedby the instigations of the devil, " killed Wm. Martin. The indictment wasdrawn by Thomas Ford, States Attorney, and recites that William Martinwas shot a little below the shoulder blade. Among the witnesses namedwere Keokuk and Stabbing Chief. The guilty parties were never arrested, and a _nolle prosequi_ was entered at the October term at court, 1835. GEN. SCOTT ARRIVES AT CHICAGO. Gen. Scott, with a full regiment of regulars, came up the lake andlanded at Chicago about the 10th of July--the cholera in the meantimehaving broken out among his troops, from which several had died. Whileencamped at that point, it continued its virulence to such an extent, and in a number of cases fatally, that he deemed it best to much out onthe high land, and soon after continued his journey, by slow marches, to Rock Island. On reaching Rock river, where Milan is now situated, thecholera had disappeared, and he went into camp with his entire regiment. The clear water of this beautiful stream was a Godsend to the manytired men, for the ablution of their bodies and the cleansing of theirapparel, tents, etc. , and seemed to have a general invigorating effectupon the entire regiment. Gen. Scott then went over to Rock Island with two companies to garrisonFort Armstrong, and there learned the situation of affairs in thearmy, and the great reduction made in the ranks of Black Hawk's band ofIndians, so that a final close of the war was daily expected. A few days after their arrival at Fort Armstrong, symptoms of choleraagain appeared among the troops of the company, and the physicianin charge tried every known remedy to check it, but failed in everyinstance, and after running its course, which was usually abouttwenty-four hours, the patient died. During the first three or four daysof its ravages, about one-half of that company had been consigned totheir last resting place in the soldiers' cemetery. Being on a visit to Rock Island at the time the cholera was raging, the writer, at the request of Col. Wm. Berry, (who had also come downfrom Galena to pay his respects to Gen. Scott, ) accompanied him tothe Fort and introduced him to the General. It was a very warm, butbeautiful Sabbath, when we were admitted to the General's quarters, about 10 o'clock in the morning, and after the introduction of ourfriend and the usual salutations of the day, the General, afterexpressing his doubts of the propriety of admitting us into the Fort, forcibly and touchingly detailed the ravages that the cholera was makingin his ranks. Medicine, in the hands of a skillful physician, seemedto have no effect to stay its progress, and he was just on the eve oftrying a different remedy as we came in, and if we would join him ina glass of brandy and water, he would proceed at once to put it intoexecution. He said he was satisfied that brandy was a good antidote tocholera, and by its use many of his soldiers were still well. THE GENERAL'S REMEDY. The General pulled off his coat, rolled up his sleeves, and directed anorderly to tear off strips of red flannel, fill a bucket with brandy andcarry them to the hospital. On arriving at the bedside of a patient hedirected him to be stripped, and then with flannel soaked in brandy herubbed his chest thoroughly, in order to bring on a reaction, in themeantime administering a little brandy with a spoon. In the course ofhalf an hour he returned and reported progress. He said he left hispatient free from pain, and directed a small portion of the brandy to begiven occasionally. The well soldiers, seeing that their General was not afraid of cholera, nor too proud to act as nurse to a sick soldier, took courage andinsisted on his retiring, so that they could fill his place. Seeing thatnew life had been infused among the well soldiers, and a gleam of hopeseeming to inspire the sick, he gave directions for them to continue, ashe had commenced, and then retired. On returning to his quarters he washed his hands, rolled down hissleeves, put on his uniform, and then invited us to take a littlebrandy. After listening to his mode of treatment, we casually remarkedthat it looked feasible, but at the same time reprehensible in theGeneral of the army exposing himself in the performance of a duty thatcould be done as well by a common soldier. He gave us a look, and kepthis eyes upon us as his giant form raised up, and, with a sweep of hissword arm, said in majestic tones: "Sir, it is the duty of a General totake care of his army; should he fall another can take his place; but, without an army his occupation is gone!" The General's treatment was continued right along, and the result wasthat many of those attacked got well. Soon after the close of the war, which terminated with the battle ofBad Axe, on the second day of August, 1832, he came to Galena, and, inconference with Governor John Reynolds, ordered the chiefs head men andwarriors of the Winnebago Nation to meet them at Fort Armstrong, RockIsland, on the 15th day of September, 1832, for the purpose of holding atreaty. At the time fixed by the Commissioners they were met by the chiefs, headmen and warriors of the Winnebago Nation, with whom a treaty was madeand concluded, by which the Winnebagoes ceded to the United States allthe lands claimed by them lying to the south and east of Wisconsin riverand the Fox river of Green Bay. The consideration of this cession on thepart of the United States, to be a grant to the Winnebago Nation of atract on the west side of the Mississippi river known as the neutralground and annual annuities for twenty-seven years of $10, 000 in specieand a further sum, not to exceed $3, 000 annually, for the purposes ofmaintaining a farm and a school for the education of Winnebago childrenduring the same period of twenty-seven years. TREATY WITH SACS AND FOXES. After concluding the treaty with the Winnebagoes, and for the purpose ofmaking a lasting peace with the Sacs and Foxes, these Commissionersheld a treaty at the same place, and a week later, on the 21st day ofSeptember, with chiefs, head men and warriors of that confederate tribe. The Commissioners demanded, partly as indemnity for expenses incurred inthe late war with Black Hawk's band and to secure future tranquility, acession of a large portion of their country bordering on the frontiers. In consideration thereof the United States agree to pay to saidconfederate tribes annually, for thirty years, $20, 000 in specie; also, to pay Messrs. Farnham and Davenport, Indian traders at Rock Island, thesum of $40, 000, to be receipted for in full of all demands againstsaid Indians. And, further, at the special request of said confederatetribes, the United States agree to grant, by letters patent, to theirparticular friend, Antoine LeClair, interpreter, one section of landopposite Rock Island and one section at the head of the rapids of theMississippi river. THE CITY OF DAVENPORT, IOWA. This beautiful city now covers that "Section of land opposite RockIsland" that was donated by treaty to Antoine LeClair by the Sacs andFoxes, and also three or four more sections. At that time it was whollyuninhabited, the Foxes having removed their village from that pointsome three years before. As a town site it was regarded by strangers andtravelers on steamboats as the most beautiful west of the Mississippibetween St. Louis and St. Paul, and now, with its twenty-three thousandinhabitants, elegant residences, magnificent public buildings, finechurches, schoolhouses, extensive manufactories, and large businessblocks, it Stands unrivalled as a beautiful city. It has ten miles ofstreet railroads, affording easy access to all parts of the city. It hastwo daily papers, the _Gazette_ and _Democrat_, (morning and evening)both ably conducted; and also a German daily and two weeklies. The riveris spanned by an elegant bridge that was built at the cost of nearlya million dollars, which is used by the various railroads from East toWest, and has a roadway for teams and pedestrians. THE CITY OF ROCK ISLAND Is located on the bank of the river in Illinois, immediately oppositeto Davenport, and is a large and flourishing city, with a population ofabout twelve thousand inhabitants. It has fine public buildings, elegant churches and residences, substantial business blocks, extensivemanufactories and elegant water works. The city is lighted by electriclights, from high towers, that cast their refulgent rays over the entirecity, which makes it the finest lighted city in the west. There are twodaily papers, (morning and evening) _The Union_ and _The Argus_, bothenjoying the privilege of Press dispatches, and both issue weeklies. _The Rock Islander_ is also published weekly, and all have theappearance of great prosperity. The professions are represented by menof fine ability, including some of wide reputation. The banking businessis done principally by two National Banks, that have a deservedly highreputation, and are doing a large business. There are two first-classhotels--the Harper House and Rock Island House--and several of lesspretentions. The city has large coal fields, in close proximity, withrailroads running daily to and from the banks, by which the three citiesare supplied. THE CITY OF MOLINE Is located two miles up the river from Rock Island, but connected withit by street railways. It has a population of over 8, 000 inhabitants, and is extensively known from its many manufacturing establishments, which are supplied with water power from a dam across the river from theIsland. FIFTY YEARS AGO When the writer first visited this most beautiful Island in theMississippi river, then and now known as Rock Island, the ground onwhich the triplet cities of Davenport, Rock Island, and Moline nowstands, was covered with prairie grass, and apparently a sterile wasteas regards to the two former, whilst the latter was principally coveredwith timber. Now how changed! Then the site of Davenport was claimed tobe the most beautiful on the west bank of the Mississippi, between St. Paul and St. Louis by Black Hawk and his confreres, who had traveledup and down the river in canoes, whilst his judgment was confirmed bythousands of passengers who viewed it from steamboats in after years. THE TRIPLE CITIES are widely known as the leading manufacturing cities of the great west, with railroads stretching out from ocean to ocean, and although theMississippi makes a dividing line, they are united by a magnificentbridge, which makes their intercourse easier than over paved streets. Rock Island, at that time, was excluded from settlement by the orders ofGovernment, as it had been reserved, on the recommendation of Hon. LewisCass, whilst he was in the Senate and Cabinet, as a site for a UnitedStates Arsenal and Armory. Fort Armstrong was situated on the lower endof the Island, and was then in command of Col. William Davenport. TheSac and Fox agency (Maj. Davenport, agent, ) stood on the bank of theriver about half a mile above the Fort; next came the residence andoffice of Antoine Le Clair, United States Interpreter for the Samand Foxes, and a little higher up, the residence, store-house and outbuildings of Col. George Davenport, who had by an act of Congress, preempted a claim of two hundred acres of land running across the Islandfrom bank to bank of the river. The Island is about two miles long, andbeing at the foot of the rapids has the best water power on the river, capable of running a much greater amount of machinery than is atpresent in operation. The entire Island is now owned and occupied by theGovernment, (the heirs of Col. Davenport having sold and deeded theirinterest), and is now used as an ARMORY AND ARSENAL which are destined to be in the near future, the most extensive works ofthe kind probably in the world. Indeed, army officers who have traveledextensively in the Old World, say they have never seen anything tocompare with it, in elegant grounds, water power and buildings, and withsuch facilities for moving anything to and from the Arsenal. These workswere commenced under the supervision of Gen. Rodman, the inventor of theRodman gun, and since the death of the General, D. W. Flagler, Lieut. Col. Of Ordinance, has been in command, and a more efficient and betterqualified officer for the place could not have been found in the army. There are already completed ten massive stone buildings, which are usedfor work shops, storage, etc. , officers' quarters, both durable andcomfortable, and many other buildings. The former residence of Col. George Davenport, (the House in which he as killed for money manyyears ago) built in 1831, of solid hewed timber, and afterwardsweather-boarded, still stands unoccupied. The Island is mostly covered with trees of different varieties, whichare kept neatly trimmed, and is laid out like a park, with wide avenuesextending its whole length, which makes the most elegant drives andshady walks for the thousands of visitors who flock to the Island tofeast their eyes upon its magnificence. THE CITY OF KEOKUK, IOWA, Is located at the foot of the Lower Rapids, 139 miles from Rock Island, and bears the name of the distinguished chief of the Sacs and Foxes. At our first visit there, in 1832, there was a long row of one-storybuildings fronting on the river, that were used by Col. Farnham, agentof the American Fur Company, as a store and warehouse--this being theprincipal depot for trade with the Sacs and Foxes, who were then thesole proprietors of the country and its principal inhabitants, with theexception of a few individuals who had got permission to put up shantiesfor occupation during the low-water season, while they were engaged inlighting steamers passing up and down the river, but unable to cross therapids while loaded. At that day the old chief, Keokuk, boasted of having the handsomest sitefor a big village that could be found on the river, and since that dayit has grown to be a large and elegant city, with wide streets, finepublic buildings, nice churches, school-houses, elegant residences, extensive business houses, wholesale and retail stores, manufactories, and a flourishing Medical University with elegant buildings, which hasbeen in successful operation for more than twenty years. The UnitedStates District Court for Southern Iowa is also located here. The cityis well provided with good hotels. The Patterson House, an immensebuilding, five stories high, being chief, which has always ranked asfirst-class-with a number of hotels of smaller dimensions, but wellkept--affording ample accommodation for the thousands of travelersthat frequently congregate at this place. The various professions arerepresented by men of fine ability--some of them of wide reputation. They have two daily papers, _The Gale City, _ and _The Constitution_, which are ably conducted. A fine canal, running the entire length of the Rapids, from Montrose toKeokuk, has been built by the United States, through which steamboatscan now pass at any stage of water--but designed more particularlyfor low water--so that there is no longer any detention to lightensteamboats over the Rapids. THE CITY OF MUSCATINE, IOWA. Muscatine was first settled as a wood yard by Col. John Vanater, inJuly, 1834, and was laid out as a town by him in 1836, and calledBloomington. The county was organized in 1837, under the name ofMuscatine, and Bloomington made the county seat. The name of thetown was changed to correspond with that of the county in 1851. Itspopulation at the last census was 8, 294; present population not lessthan 10, 000. Besides being the centre of a large trade in agriculturalproducts, it is extensively engaged in manufacturing lumber, sash, doorsand blinds, and possesses numerous large manufactories, oat-meal mills, and the finest marble works in the State. It is also the centering pointof a very large wholesale and retail trade. It is situated at the headof the rich Muscatine Island, the garden spot of the Northwest, and isthe shipping point for millions of melons and sweet potatoes annually. Muscatine is a good town, with a good business and good newspapers. The_Journal_ and _Tribune_ are published daily, semi-weekly and weekly. Hon. John Mahin has been the editor of the _Journal_ since 1852, andthere is no editor in the State whose service dates further back thanhis. THE CITY OF DUBUQUE. Soon after the close of the war and the discharge of the volunteer army, the writer, with some twenty others who had served through the war, formed a company for the purpose of laying out the town of Dubuque. Oneof their number, Capt. James Craig, being a surveyor, he was selectedto survey the lines and lay out the town. About the middle of September, 1832, he started out from Galena with his chain-carriers, stake-drivers, etc. , (stakes having been previously sawed and split on an islandopposite, all ready for use), and in due time completed the survey. Blocks fronting the river on three or four streets back were completed, each lot receiving its stakes, whilst those farther back were staked asblocks, and not subdivided. A few of the original proprietors builtand took possession at once. Among them were the Messrs. Langworthy, enterprising and energetic young gentlemen, who commenced business asgrocers in a small way, with supplies for miners. Their faith was strongthat adventurers would come in, and that the time was not far distantwhen the town would take a start, and in a few years become a populouscity. Miners and prospectors soon took possession of claims in theimmediate vicinity, and in one instance a claim was made and ore struckwithin the limits of our survey. It was well known that the Indians had been in the habit, for manyyears, of visiting this portion of their country, for the purpose ofgetting their supplies of lead; hence the supposition of miners, whohad long been engaged in prospecting for lead-mining, that lead wouldbe found on this side of the river and in the vicinity of Dubuque. Thiscaused a great rush to the new fields, of hundreds, who expected tostrike it rich with less labor and expense. All were aware, however, that under the treaty just made with the Sacs and Foxes by Gen. Scottand Gov. Reynolds, they had no right to enter upon these lands, andstood in daily fear of being ordered off by United States troops. Buttheir numbers steadily increased. At length the long expected ordercame. Major Davenport, Indian Agent at Rock Island, was ordered togo forward, and, with one company of infantry in two Mackinaw boats, commanded by Lieut. Beach, they landed near the mouth of Fever river(Galena) about the first of October. The Major came up to Galena witha letter from Col. George Davenport to the writer, to assist him in thedischarge of his delicate duty. Word was sent to Lieut. Beach not toproceed up the river until the afternoon of the next day, as the sightof troops by the miners might make them hard to manage; otherwise, Iassured the Major, he would have no trouble. We proceeded at once to apoint opposite Dubuque, where we found a comfortable stopping place withthe ferryman, and he being a man of considerable influence, I suggestedto him the propriety of going over to Dubuque to send men to all themining camps, requesting a meeting the next morning, at nine o'clock, of all the miners, with the agent, to hear what he had to say, and toassure them at the same time that his mission was a peaceable one, andthat there should be no objection manifested to disobey the orders ofthe Government. After the departure of our messenger we took a private room to talk overthe programme for the meeting, when we suggested that, on assembling, the Major should make a little speech explanatory of his visit, in whichhe should express sorrow for the hardships it would be to leave theirclaims, with the hope that the time was not distant when all mightlawfully return, etc. The Major said he was not a speech-maker, or avery good talker, but would read the orders sent to him to dispossessthem, and see that they crossed the river. After some discussion, the writer, at his request, wrote out a shortaddress for the Major, and on going over the next morning, we met somefour or five hundred miners at the grocery store, who had assembled tolisten to the orders sent for their removal. There being no boards orboxes into which to improvise a stand for the speaker, a whisky-barrelwas introduced, from the head of which, after apologizing to the minersfor the disagreeable duty that had been placed upon the Major, and inconsequence of his suffering from a bad cold, we had taken the stand toread to them his short address, and as most of them had spent the summerin the service of the Government as soldiers in the field, and had beenhonorably discharged, the Major felt satisfied that there would be noobjection manifested by any one in the large crowd before us to disobeyan order from the Government. After the close of the Major's address, the question was put to vote by raising of hands. There was a generalupraising of hands, which was declared to be unanimous for immediateremoval. Owing to the good treatment received by the Major, he proposedto treat the entire party, and, to facilitate the matter, buckets ofwhisky with tin cups were passed around, and after all had partaken theyshook hands with the Major and commenced Crossing over in flatboats. At three o'clock in the afternoon we crossed over on the last boat, andtook our departure for Galena. During the evening the Major's report ofhow his peaceable removal of a large body of intruders from the west tothe east bank of the Mississippi had been accomplished, was made outand mailed. But the further fact that all those miners had recrossed theriver, and were then in their mining camps, was not recorded, for thereason that the Major had not been posted as to their intentions. Owing to the provisions of the treaty, it was a long time beforeCongress passed an act for the sale of these lands, and confirmation tothe titles of town sites, hence, many of those who had laid out thetown of Dubuque had left the county, and at the time of proving uptheir claims failed to put in an appearance--the writer being one ofthem--whilst those who remained, with the Messrs. Langworthy, becamesole proprietors--the latter having lived to see the town rise inimportance, and at this time become one of the most populous cities onthe west side of the Mississippi.