ON ACTIVE SERVICE SERIES

 AT YPRES WITH BEST-DUNKLEY

 By THOMAS HOPE FLOYD

 LONDON: JOHN LANE THE BODLEY HEAD NEW YORK: JOHN LANE COMPANY MCMXX _Garden City Press, Letchworth, Herts. _

 TO

 ALL RANKS OF THE

 SECOND-FIFTH LANCASHIRE FUSILIERS

 WHO FELL AT

 YPRES

 ON THE THIRTY-FIRST OF JULY, 1917

 I DEDICATE THIS BOOK

 ". . . Henceforth These are our saints. 

 These that we touched, and kissed, And frowned upon; These that were frail, yet died because the good Was overthrown. 

 That they in one dread hour Were terrible Stains not their sainthood, nor is heaven less sure That they knew hell. 

 How beautiful they are, How bright their eyes. Their hands have grasped the key Of Paradise!

 They hold it out to us, Our men, our sons . . . To us The lonely ones. "

 --THOMAS MOULT. [1]

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Quoted with Mr. Moult's permission. 

FOREWORD

No doubt it will be thought that some apology is necessary for thrustingupon the public all this mass of matter, relating to many persons andepisodes with whom and with respect to which they may feel that they arein no way concerned. I quite realize that my action may appear strangeand uncalled for to the superficial observer. But I do not hold thatview. I, personally, have always felt a desire to read this kind ofliterature. The Press does not cease to pour forth volumes of memoirs byleading and prominent persons--matter which is all wanted for a trueunderstanding of the history of our times. But this is not enough. Werequire all the personal narratives we can get; and, in my opinion, themore personal and intimate, the better. We want narratives by obscurepersons: we want to know and appreciate everybody's outlook upon publicevents, whether that outlook be orthodox or unorthodox, conventional orunconventional. Only thus can we see the recent war in all its aspects. 

The motives which have prompted me to publish this book have been wellexpressed by Dr. A. C. Benson in his essay on Authorship in _From aCollege Window. _ In that volume there occurs the following strikingpassage:

"The wonderful thing to me is not that there is so much desire in theworld to express our little portion of the joy, the grief, the mysteryof it all, but that there is so little. I wish with all my heart thatthere was more instinct for personal expression; Edward Fitzgerald saidthat he wished that we had more lives of obscure persons; one wants toknow what other people are thinking and feeling about it all; what joysthey anticipate, what fears they sustain, how they regard the end andcessation of life and perception which waits for us all. The worst of itis that people are often so modest, they think that their own experienceis so dull, so unromantic, so uninteresting. It is an entire mistake. Ifthe dullest person in the world would only put down sincerely what he orshe thought about his or her life, about work and love, religion andemotion, it would be a fascinating document. My only sorrow is thatamateurs of whom I have spoken above will not do this; they rather turnto external and impersonal impressions, relate definite things, whatthey see on their travels, for instance, describing just the thingswhich anyone can see. They tend to indulge in the melancholy labour oftranslation, or employ customary, familiar forms, such as the novel orthe play. If only they would write diaries and publish them; composeimaginary letters; let one inside the house of self, instead of keepingone wandering in the park!"

These memoirs, then, consist mainly of extracts from my private diaryand my letters home during those memorable days, spent in the Salientand its vicinity, between the Battle of Messines and the Third Battle ofYpres. The letters cover a definite period in the history of a greatbattalion and in the course of the war. As will speedily be noticed, thewhole period was one of looking forward, practising and awaiting a greatday which we all knew was not far off, but the actual date of which noneof us knew until it was almost upon us. All this time our interests(and, perhaps, our fears!) were centred upon one man, the unpopularColonel who, few of us guessed in those days, was destined to win theV. C. On "the day, " going down in a blaze of glory which should everassociate his name with that battle. With that "day, " which was for manyof us the end of all earthly troubles and hopes and fears, or, at anyrate, an end for many months, the story reaches its natural termination. 

In these pages I give to the public, for what they are worth, my ownpersonal impressions of the people and things I saw and with whom Icame into contact. I hope I have revealed the late Colonel Best-Dunkleyto the public just as he was--as he appeared to me and as he appeared toothers. I believe that in this I am doing right. "Paint me in my truecolours!" exclaimed Cromwell to Lely. That is all that any hero--andBest-Dunkley was certainly a hero--can conscientiously ask. And I amsure it was all Best-Dunkley himself would ever have asked. He was abrilliant young man, endowed with a remarkable personality. It is rightthat his memory should be preserved; and if his memory is to bepreserved it must be the memory of the Best-Dunkley we knew. 

The battalion which Best-Dunkley commanded has, since his death, achieved great things and acquired great fame under the still morebrilliant leadership of his successor, Colonel Brighten; but we mustnever forget that it was Best-Dunkley who led it on the glorious day ofYpres and that it was the tradition which he inspired which has been oneof the strongest elements of esprit de corps in the 2/5th LancashireFusiliers. All who served under Best-Dunkley remember the fact with acertain amount of pride, however unfavourably his personality may haveimpressed itself upon them at the time--for "All times are good whenold!"

I am fully aware of the many imperfections of this book; but if itsucceeds at all in vividly recalling to those who were in the YpresSalient in 1917 the atmosphere of that time, and if it should encourageothers to risk a similar venture, I shall feel amply rewarded. 

 CONTENTS

 CHAPTER PAGE

 FOREWORD vii

 I OFF TO THE FRONT 1

 II THE PRISON 26

 III ENTER BEST-DUNKLEY 49

 IV MILLAIN 57

 V THE MARCH 63

 VI THE GENERAL'S SPEECH 77

 VII THE VALE OF ACQUIN 81

 VIII BACK TO THE SALIENT 103

 IX BILGE TRENCH 113

 X THE RAMPARTS 128

 XI MUSTARD OIL 136

 XII THE CITY AND THE TRENCHES 146

 XIII RELIEF 164

 XIV WATOU 168

 XV THE DAYS BEFORE 179

 XVI THE BATTLE OF YPRES 187

 APPENDICES

 I MURRAY AND ALLENBY 227

 II THE INFANTRY AT MINDEN 229

 III GENERAL RAWLINSON AND OSTEND 230

 IV EDWARD III AND THE ORDER OF THE GARTER 231

 V GOLDFISH CHÂTEAU 233

AT YPRES WITH BEST-DUNKLEY

CHAPTER I

OFF TO THE FRONT

I had been to France before--in 1916, during the Battle of theSomme--but not as an officer; in 1916 I was a private in the RoyalFusiliers, and I had received orders to return to "Blighty" in order toproceed to an officer cadet battalion at Gailes, in Ayrshire, before Ihad been able to see what a front-line trench was like. So this, then, was my first experience of war--my "baptism of fire. " I had seen andheard those magnificent bombardments up the line in 1916, and had gazedwith awestruck admiration upon the strange horizon far away from mytents at Boulogne and Étaples, wondering what it must be like to beamongst it all, and expecting to be amongst it all in the course of aday or two; but, as I have already observed, I was recalled to England, and was not destined to be amongst it until the following summer. Butnow, at last, the experience, the great adventure to which I had beenlooking forward so long, was to be mine. I was gazetted asecond-lieutenant in the 5th (Territorial) Lancashire Fusiliers on March1, 1917; on March 26, I reported for duty with the 5th (Reserve)Lancashire Fusiliers at South Camp, Ripon, where I spent some unpleasantweeks amongst snow and mud; from Ripon the unit proceeded toScarborough, where I rejoined it after having spent a couple of weeks inhospital, with tonsillitis, at the former place. Shortly after this, Ireceived orders to proceed overseas, and returned to my home inMiddleton Junction to spend my embarkation leave. 

That leave was spent in the happy way in which all such leaves werespent during the Great War, terminating with a visit to the Gaiety, inManchester, in conjunction with my father and mother, where we saw amost enjoyable comedy entitled "The Two Miss Farndons. "

I bid farewell to my parents on Victoria Station at 10. 35 thatevening--Friday, May 25, 1917; and I then proceeded to the train whichwas to carry me away to England's capital. 

The following letter, written at Folkestone at 11. 15 the followingmorning, describes my journey up to that moment:

"I hope you and Father got home safely last night and are not worrying. My train left Manchester at 11. 20. I had to change at Stockport. Inneither case could I get a carriage to myself, but I managed to doze. When dawn broke we were in Northampton. It was 6. 30 when the trainarrived in Euston Station. I got a taxi across London to Victoria. Therewas an enormous crowd of military there, bound for France. People wereseeing some of them off. I could not get any breakfast there. My trainleft London at 7. 50. The journey through Kent is really delightful, suchbeautiful country. I am sorry to leave dear old England; hope I shallsoon be back again!

"As we passed through Shorncliffe I noticed a house in ruins. Apparentlythere had been an air raid. And there has indeed! There was a bad airraid here at 6. 30 last night. There is a good deal of damage done inFolkestone: I have seen it while walking about the streets this morning. There have been a good many casualties. 

"The weather is glorious, delightful sunshine and hot. I am now havingbreakfast in a cafe in Folkestone with another officer. We sail on the_Princess Clementine_ at 2 this afternoon, and so will be in Boulogneabout 3. 30. "

I landed at Boulogne at 4 that afternoon and we went straight on toÉtaples the same evening. The following letter recounts my journey andarrival at that great camp upon the sand-hills:

"May 27th, 1917. 

"I have now, once more, safely arrived in this place, where there isnothing but sand. I expect you will already have received mycommunications from Folkestone. Is the news of the raid yet in thepapers? I was told that there were thirty German aeroplanes and onezeppelin. Bombs were dropped on the soldiers' camp there, and a goodmany soldiers were killed. Apparently the operation made a big row, forit was heard across the water in the cathedral city in which we landed. 

" . . . We went on board at 1. 30, but the boat did not start until 2. 50. It was, and still is, tremendously hot. It seems that submarines are notharassing our transport route: for the number of ships, of variouskinds, crossing was considerable. It was a pleasant voyage; but as I sawthe white cliffs of Folkestone receding from my ken I could not helprecalling with what rapture I beheld them on my return from France lastOctober, and expressing a faint wish that I were again returning ratherthan going out! But, still, one will soon get used to France again; andwe can always look forward to the next return. One thing is obvious--Iam here for the hottest weather; heat, if anything, will be the trouble, not cold. 

"The boat stood in the harbour for some time before we could land; butwe eventually did so at 4. After seeing about my kit I had tea at theBritish Officers' Club, opposite the Gare Centrale. Then I got into thetrain. It should have left at 5. 45, but, like all French trains, wasvery late in starting. It did start a little before 7. It was a trainfilled entirely with officers. It ambled along in the usual leisurelyfashion. When we were about half-way we noticed that a good many werestanding outside on the step; some had their legs hanging out of thewindow, others were actually on the roof! When we came to a tunnel thelatter dived in through the open windows. Others got out and spoke togirls on the way, and then ran on and got back into the train. This ishow travelling is carried on 'Somewhere in France'!

"The scenery, beautiful as it seemed last autumn, is much more beautifulnow. It is at its best: the green grass with the dandelions and daisies, the hawthorn and the trees in bloom, little villages clustering incharming woods, the sheep and the cows, and little children cheering thetrain, everything sparkling in the hot sunshine; such is France--andsuch was the Kent I left behind me--at present. As one looks upon thepeaceful country-side in France to-day one can scarcely realize that waris raging in all its ferocity and barbarity so near. It seems ananomaly. The weather is more suggestive of cricket than of war. 

"I got here about 8. 30, and went to the mess of the 23rd Infantry BaseDepot. Here I found Bridgestock, Hamer, and Allin (officers who had beenat Scarborough with me, and had come out a few days earlier). They havebeen here nearly a week. They are going to the 3/5th LancashireFusiliers. I had some supper before going to bed in my tent. We arethree in a tent. Leigh and Macdonald are the names of my tentcompanions. 

"Fortunately it is Sunday to-day. So we did not get up until 7. 45. I didnot feel like rising until then!

"We (the twenty Lancashire Fusilier officers who arrived here yesterday)saw the Adjutant, Captain Reid, this morning, in the orderly room, andhad some information given to us. I spent most of the morning at thefield cashier's, waiting for an 'advance of pay book'! Then lunch. It isnow about 2. 30 in the afternoon. 

"As I expected, I find that I have too much kit: I am told that I shallhave to get rid of some when I get to my unit. I am at present writingon my nice table, but no other officers have brought out tables orchairs or anything of that kind! Well--we shall see. . . . "

"May 28th, 1917. 

"It is still boiling hot; thank goodness we have finished for to-day! Imust first, however, tell you how I spent the remainder of yesterday, after writing home. I spent the afternoon in the town. I explored mostof it. Happening to pass the church, I saw a great crowd. It was fullinside; the west doors were open, and people were sitting in the doorwayand standing out in the street watching the service. So I too stoppedand watched. It was most interesting, but as the service was conductedin French (apparently the Gallican Church differs from the RomanCatholic Church in England in that the service is conducted in thevernacular), I do not know what the service was. Although most of it wasin French, bits were in Latin. It was exceptionally spectacular. Therewere about a hundred little boys in surplices and little girls in whiteveils (as if dressed for confirmation), all carrying long, lightedcandles. Music and hymns were proceeding all the time. The little boysand girls were standing still part of the time, and processing up anddown the chancel at other times. Eventually they all processed past thesenior priest, attired in full vestments; and he blew out their candlesas they passed. Towards the close of the service, a little girl, carrying her candle, was brought out by the priest and stationed infront of the altar with her face to the congregation; then she recited, in French, something which sounded like a very long creed. She was onlyabout twelve or thirteen; but she did it without a stop, and in aclear, pleasant voice. After that a bell rang, everybody bent theirheads, and the priest pronounced the Benediction. Then the congregationcame out, and behind came the boys and girls and the priest. The peoplelined the road, and the procession walked on until it reached a kind ofyard leading to some institute. The people followed. They all haltedinside here. Then the priest prepared to make a little speech andpronounce another Benediction; but he would not proceed until all thelittle choir boys were perfectly quiet. He waited about five minutes. Then he preached a brief sermon (of course in French) directed to thechildren. I could not understand much of what he was talking about; butI think he was very eloquent. I could deduce from words here and therethat he was reminding them that their fathers and brothers and uncleswere fighting at the front, and telling them that if they were not goodlittle boys and girls their fathers and brothers and uncles would fallin battle! Then he pronounced his final Benediction, and wescattered--5. 20. 

"I could see that everybody was discussing the service and the sermon. Ioverheard a Frenchman in frock coat and top hat, who seemed to be achurchwarden or something of the kind, expressing his appreciation ofthe latter. 

"Then I came back to camp and paraded for a box-respirator! We then wentthrough 'tear gas. ' Then dinner. I sat at the Commandant's table. He wastalking about a great concentration up North--guns and supplies and menswarming there recently. . . . 

"After dinner I went to bed. Thus ended Whitsun Day, 1917. 

"I got up at 7. 15 this morning. Breakfast. Then down to the 'bull ring'in full marching order. Gas all day. Fortunately we were under niceshady trees most of the time. We had sandwiches down there between 12and 1, and got back at 4. 30, feeling very hot after the march. Thentea. . . . 

"Hamer, Bridgestock, and Allin have gone up the line this morning. I amposted to the 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers (the battalion Norman Kemp wasin!). I shall not be going up the line for a few days, but by the timeyour reply to this reaches me I shall be there. . . . "

My diary of that same day, May 28, records: "To Paris Plage in theevening. " And my letter written home the following day proceeds asfollows:

"After writing home yesterday I walked down town, and took a car to theseaside place opposite. The country through which the car went waspretty, and the seaside place quite passable; all right in peace-time Ishould think. Unfortunately the last car back leaves at 8. 15, so I cameby it. . . . 

"To-day, Royal Oak Day, we have spent on the 'bull ring' again. . . . 

"I have seen David Morgan (who was in the same billet with me when wewere privates together in the 29th Royal Fusiliers at Oxford, inJanuary, 1916) this evening. I managed to find the C. R. E. Offices wherehe works. He saw me, and came out to me. I went inside. He is very cosythere, in a nice new hut. He was working at a drawing. His hours dailyare from 9 in the morning until 8 in the evening; but, as I had come, hemanaged to get a pass to go down town with me this evening. We thereforehad a walk. He looks very well with his stripe, and he seems to behaving a good time. He desires to be remembered to you both. I left himat about 8. Then I had dinner at the Officers' Club, but was not struckby it. . . . 

"It is now 'lights out, ' so I had better stop. "

"May 30th. 

" . . . We spent the day on the 'bull ring' as usual. It has been fine. Wehave not, I am thankful to say, had any rain at all since I landed inFrance on Saturday last. 

"This evening I have spent parading the streets of the town. I havebecome heartily 'fed up' with the dirty antediluvian place. Morganactually, after nine solid months of residence here, says that he likesit and the people. I could not have imagined that there were many ofthe latter whose acquaintance would be particularly charming; but hespeaks upon the authority of long experience!"

I also wrote down the following note at that time while I was still inÉtaples:

"One noticeable thing to-day (May 30) has been the number of men andtransport which have been passing through on the trains all day andgoing north, obviously coming from one part of the Front and going roundthis way, to avoid the observation of the Germans, to another. We aremassing troops round the great city where great battles have been foughtbefore--concentrating for a great offensive. So there will very soon bea third battle of Ypres, and I expect I shall be present on the occasionmyself. It should be very exciting. In the two former battles we were onthe defensive; this time we shall be on the offensive. And I mustsay--pessimistic as I am on all Western offensives--this idea holdsforth a faint ray of hope of success. I have always held that there isonly one way in which the war can be won in the West--by a flankingoffensive in the North. This is not entirely the type of flankingmovement I would myself recommend, but it is an attempt at the idea--andthat is something. It may prove a semi-fiasco like the awful tragediesof Neuve Chapelle, Loos, the Somme, and Arras; but it might possiblyturn out a success. Then it would be simply a case of _veni, vidi, vici_!"

That memorandum is particularly interesting in view of the events whichfollowed, and the story which this narrative will tell. I always heldvery strong-views on the conduct of the war. I was not one of those wholooked upon this great bid for world power on the part, of the GermanEmpire as purely a campaign on the Western Front, all other campaigns inother corners of the globe being mere "side shows. " I was always a firmand consistent supporter of the "East End" school of strategy. I lookedupon the war as a _World War_ and, since the decisive Battle of theMarne in September, 1914, when the German hopes of complete and crushingvictory in the West were shattered (which decision was still morefinally confirmed at First Ypres), as primarily a south-eastern war. Iheld with that great statesman and strategist, Mr. Winston Churchill, that Constantinople was "the great strategic nerve-centre of the worldwar. " I realized that a deadlock had been reached on the Western Front, and that nothing was to be hoped from any frontal attack there; and Ialso realized that Germany held Constantinople and the Dardanelles--thegateway to the East. And the trend of German foreign policy and Germanstrategy convinced me that it was in the Near East that the menace toour Empire lay. There was our most vulnerable part; while Germany heldthat gateway, the glamour of the East, with its possibilities ofvictories like those of Alexander, and an empire like that one which wasthe great Napoleon's early dream, would always be a great temptation toGerman strategists. I therefore always used to assert that "The sidewhich holds Constantinople when peace terms come to be discussed is theside which has won the war, " and I think the events of September, 1918, have proved that my view and prophecy were correct. I firmly believethat if unity of command under Marshal Foch and Sir Henry Wilson, withthe following decisive victories of D'Esperey at Cerna and Allenby atArmageddon in September, 1918, bringing about the capitulation ofBulgaria and the Ottoman Empire, and the surrender of Constantinople tothe Allies, had not been attained last year the war would still be inprogress. And I therefore hold that it is impossible to estimate thedebt which the Allies owe to those statesmen who brought about thatunity of command. 

But to return to my story. The next day was spent, as usual, on the"bull ring. " On June 1, I find that I recorded the following incident:

"We have been on the 'bull ring' again this morning. The weather is ashot as ever. While we were down there a German aeroplane flew rightover from one end to the other--north to south. The anti-aircraft gunswere firing at it the whole time, but failed to hit it. It was flying ata great height, and the shrapnel appeared to be bursting all round it. At one time it flew directly over our heads; but it did not drop anybombs! A few minutes after it had passed, bits of shrapnel fell quitenear us--within four or five yards--proving how much overhead it hadbeen. It was quite exciting, but not quite so much so as it was duringthose two minutes at Dover last September. Now the question which arisesis: What was its object? It did not drop any bombs. Its object, therefore, must have been reconnaissance. I suppose that it came to findout what number of troops we are moving round this way to the newbattlefield in the north. Even though we may move troops by soroundabout a way, the enemy is able to find out by means of aircraft. Aircraft makes manoeuvre in modern warfare intensely difficult. "

That same evening orders came through for me to proceed up the line, but, as the following letter will tell, they were afterwards cancelled, owing to some mistake:

"June 2nd. 

"I had a walk down town yesterday evening. Then I came back and calledat the C. R. E. Office to say good-bye to David Morgan. He was in--writingletters--and I stayed a few minutes; then he walked back with me partof the way. He wished me the best of luck. We both expressed a hope thatthe war would soon be over! 'What a life!' said Morgan. 

"Leigh got up before 4 this morning, as his train up the line left soonafter that. I got up at 6, and had breakfast. My kit was taken down tothe New Siding Station where I had to report at 7. 50. The place was, asusual, crowded with troops waiting to go up the line. There was a trainfull of Portuguese troops in the siding. I reported to the R. T. O. Hesaid 'Get in officer's coach marked C, and get out at Béthune. ' Then hesuddenly discovered that my name was crossed out. 'I've got your namecrossed off here; I don't think you are to go. You had better stand by afew minutes while I telephone and find out, ' he remarked. He thentelephoned to Headquarters and, after about ten minutes, the reply camethrough: 'Not to proceed. ' There had been a mistake about the divisionor something. Anyhow, I was ordered to return to camp. So I told my manto take my kit back, and returned. The others went up the line. It isfunny, isn't it? I am amused. I take all these changes with equalequanimity. I am quite agreeable whatever happens. . . . I know thatwhatever happens all will turn out right. I shall arrive at the rightplace at the right time. It is most interesting. I expect you will bepleased at the delay!

"When I got back I saw the Adjutant and reported to him. He was with thepadre, an Irishman who was an officer in Carson's Ulster VolunteerForce, at the time. He was amused, and the padre said 'Lucky man!' So Ihave had a nice easy day, writing letters and strolling about. . . . 

"There are a whole crowd of Portuguese here now. A large number marchedup from the station, with band playing, this morning. I find that thePortuguese troops pay more attention to saluting than do the French; Ihave received more salutes from Portuguese than from French; but I hearthat the discipline of the Portuguese in the trenches is very badindeed. 

"I notice that it is announced in the paper to-day that a violentartillery bombardment is in progress between Ypres and the sea. Thereyou are--that is the preliminary bombardment which always precedes agreat battle in war of to-day. "

"June 3rd. 

"I am still here, and have heard nothing further about going up theline. The weather is still hot and fine--summer at its best. Yesterdayevening I went down town as usual. When I got back I found somePortuguese officers in the mess. Everybody was talking French; it wasamusing; but I soon disappeared to my tent. Macdonald left this tentsome days ago; Leigh went up the line; ---- took the latter's place: sonow there are just ---- and I in Tent 12. He returned slightly tightabout 11, and talked a lot of stuff, telling me many stories of hislurid past! He seems to have been a gay undergraduate at Jesus College, Oxford, seventeen years ago; he is now thirty-eight. His home is in----. His two children live there. He has a daughter fifteen and a sonin the Cathedral choir. Yet he himself is a Quaker! And he is in theArmy! He was present at the Battle of the Marne. He is a most quaintindividual altogether. 

"He and I were censoring-letters this morning. It was amusing, but soonbecame boring as most of the men employed the same formula: 'Just a lineto let you know that I am in the pink, hoping this finds you in the bestof health as this leaves me at present, etc. '!

"I went down town this afternoon and had a bath (an expensive luxurywhich cost me 2s. ) and strawberries and cream (which cost 3s. 6d. ) Thatjust gives you an idea of prices in this God-forsaken land namedFrance. . . . 

"I also looked inside St. Michael's Church during the afternoon service. It appears to be a case of come in and go out when you please. There isone redeeming feature about the French people: they take their religionseriously, and the children are systematically taught. One can see that. The priest is a depressing-looking old chap. The service in the GallicanChurch is much nicer than the service in Roman Catholic, or extreme HighAnglican churches in England. There were not nearly so many candlesto-day carried in procession as last Sunday. Nor was the congregation solarge. 

"I read the _Middleton Guardian_ correspondence to ---- in the tent whenI got back. He was interested. We then argued until about 11. Macdonald, in a tent close by, called out 'Floyd, shut up!' The latter is marked'temporary base' for a month; that is why he has not yet gone up theline. All the others who came out when I did have now gone up the line;I am the only one left behind!"

"June 4th. 

" . . . At 3. 50 this afternoon I was informed that the Adjutant wished tosee me; so I went to the orderly room. He informed me that I go up theline to-morrow morning. I go to the 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers, 55thDivision. . . . 

"Now I am going to bed in my tent for the last time in this peacefulplace, where the only reminder of the fact that war is raging is to betraced in the encamped city on the sand dunes above the town and theswarms of soldiers. The sunset is fine, the air is now a little coolerafter the heat of the day, and the sea and the river calm andrefreshing. "

Thus ended my long wait at Étaples. The following morning (June 5) Irose at 6. Having had breakfast, I reported at the New Siding Station at6. 50. I was ordered to get into the train which was drawn up there, andget out at Hazebrouck, where I would receive further orders from theR. T. O. There. The train moved off at 7. 40. As we passed Camiers wenoticed an American camp there; an American waved the Stars and Stripesas we passed. We passed through Boulogne at 9. At 1 we reached the cityof St. Omer, where the great Earl Roberts had died at Field-MarshalFrench's G. H. Q. In 1914. All round here we noticed numerous Germanprisoners working along the line; and we passed many dumps of variouskinds. At 2. 30 we steamed into Hazebrouck. I noticed a long hospitaltrain standing in the station, full of wounded who were being taken tothe Base hospitals. Those who were in a condition to do so looked verypleased with life. 

I reported to the R. T. O. In the square at Hazebrouck, and he gave meinstructions to go by the next train to Poperinghe. It was a sultry dayand I was glad of a drink. I managed to get one on the station. I couldoccasionally hear the rumble of the guns in the distance now, but veryfaint. 

The train left Hazebrouck at 3. 30 p. M. The country looked as calm andpeaceful as anything. The only signs which suggested war were the Germanprisoners at the side of the railway and the numerous dumps. But we drewnearer to the Front. The train halted at Abeele, a village near thefrontier of France and Flanders. As we stopped here for a few minutes anumber of us managed to dash into an _estaminet_ opposite the stationand get a drink! From Abeele onwards the most noticeable objects werethe aeroplanes which were now very numerous above us, the presence ofwhich indicated our proximity to the war. 

At 6. 30 the train came to a standstill in a station which I was informedwas my destination, Poperinghe. "This is the railhead for the YpresSalient" I was told. So out I got with my kit. I was expected. There wasa mess cart awaiting me at the station; and in it I jogged along to theTransport Lines which were in the vicinity of Brandhoek a mile or sofurther on--on the left of the road from Poperinghe to Ypres. 

The transport driver told me what it was like in that part, how it hadbeen very quiet when the 55th Division took over their positions in theSalient from the 29th Division the previous autumn, but had grown morelively every day; how they had received a nasty gas bombardment only afew days ago, how the Boche had recently taken to shelling us furiouslyand systematically every night, and how there were some very hot timesahead--there was to be a raid by a battalion in our brigade that night. 

It was fairly quiet when I arrived--it was a time of the day when thingsgenerally were somewhat quiet, when the guns were resting before joiningin the nightly fray--so I did not immediately notice how near to the warI had come. But I was soon to realize it. 

When I reached the Transport Lines I made the acquaintance of twoofficers of the 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers of whom I was destined to seemuch in the coming months, Philip Cave Humfrey and JosephRoake--especially Roake, as it was his good fortune to remain with theBattalion until long after the cessation of hostilities and to be withme in the 15th Lancashire Fusiliers in the Army of the Rhine. Humfrey, by a curious coincidence, turned out--though I did not know it untilmany months after--to be the brother-in-law of my school-friend WilliamLindop!

Never shall I forget that summer evening near Brandhoek. Roake, effervescing as always with droll wit, and Humfrey, with his naturalcheerfulness and affability, made me at home in their little hut atonce. I can well recall the scene: a tiny little wooden hut at the edgeof a large field; the wall adorned by a trench map of the Ypres Salient, on which our present position was marked in pencil, and a strikinggroup photo of the Imperial War Cabinet, taken out of an illustratedjournal, in which the well-known faces of Lloyd George and Lord Curzonseemed to dominate the picture; a little table upon which Humfreydrafted a signal message to the Adjutant of the 2/5th, announcing myarrival and asking for instructions, the table upon which an excellentlittle dinner was almost immediately served; outside the observationballoons in a curved line, denoting the Salient, and aircraft sweepingthrough the skies. 

It was then that I first saw what was going to be to me a very commonsight during those memorable "Wipers days"--an air fight. I had not beenin the little wooden hut many minutes before Roake called me out towatch a scrap between British and German aeroplanes over the Salient. Wegot out our field-glasses and, in the cool of a summer's evening, whenany ordinary individual in "Blighty" would be relaxing from the laboursof the day in cricket or in tennis, we surveyed with interest thecontests between the chivalrous heroes of the air far above. It was thenthat I first saw a "blazing trail across the evening sky of Flanders. "There were many such in the summer of 1917, though the brilliant youngairman of whose death that glowing eulogy had been written now laysleeping beneath a little wooden cross in the grave in which theGermans, paying homage to true chivalry, had laid him at Annoeullin. Whocould watch those little specks rising and falling, and falling to riseno more, up there in the bright blue sky without a thrill of admirationfor these "New Elizabethans" of England and Germany?

It was during tea that I realized that I was really at the war. The gunsbegan to boom and the hut shook with the continual vibration. And thenthe band of the 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers struck up some jolly tunes inthe field. War and music going hand in hand, it was difficult to knowwhether one ought to feel jolly or sad. I think I may safely say that wefelt as jolly and gay as could be; I know that the romantic aspect wasthe one which appealed to me most. This was the real thing, none of yourhome-service games. 

The bombardment became more intense as the evening progressed. Afterdark the Transport moved off to carry rations up to the men in the line. If it is not superfluous to do so, I would wish to pay here the warmestpossible tribute to those gallant Transport men who used to "carryrations on the road from Pop to Ypres. " It was no picnic. The Boche knewquite well the time that vast and apparently never ending chain oftraffic would be wending its nightly way from Poperinghe to Ypres. Heshelled the great high road systematically every night. Every nightsome of those gallant men would go never to return. It seemed marvellousthat so many could escape the destruction which was hurled at them; butwar is full of wonders. 

My diary of that night reads as follows:

"As it began to get dark the bombardment became louder and louder andthe flashes more vivid. Shells were falling at Vlamertinghe, half waybetween Poperinghe and Ypres, exploding with a great sound. They werefalling here yesterday!

"At about 10. 30 p. M. We saw the Transport set off along the road, takingrations and supplies up to Ypres. . . . Humfrey went with them. (I wouldhave gone up with him, but the Adjutant of the 2/5th had sent a messageby the signals saying that I could sleep at the Transport Lines andreport the following morning. ) Red Cross motors were also coming backfrom Ypres with wounded. Meanwhile the moon--a full moon--steadily roseabove the Front, amid the flashes between Ypres and Messines, thebombardment sounding like thunder. It was a fine scene. If only therehad been an artist there to paint it! A farm on the Switch Road (a newroad for traffic built by the British Army) some way off got on fire. Ihear that the King's, in our Brigade, are going over the top on a raidto-night. Our great offensive here has not yet opened, but it will comeoff before very long. . . . 

"To bed 11. 30, the guns booming like continuous thunder. I was awakenedin the night by shells whizzing past the hut where I was sleeping. "

So I was, at last, introduced to that strangest of all music--thescreech of a shell: _Whoo-oo-oo-oo-oo-UMP!_

CHAPTER II

THE PRISON

It has already been observed that the 55th (West Lancashire) Division, after a hot time on the Somme, particularly at Guillemont and Ginchy, had come up the Salient in October, 1916. So when I joined the Divisionit was in the 8th Corps, commanded by Sir Aylmer Hunter-Weston("Hunter-Bunter, " as I remember Best-Dunkley calling him), in SirHerbert Plumer's Second Army. The 55th Division was responsible for thesector between Wieltje and the south of Railway Wood. 

The 55th Division was commanded by Major-General Jeudwine, of whom ithas been said: "No General ever was more devoted to his Division: noDivision ever was more devoted to its General. "[2] The three infantrybrigades in the Division were the 164th Brigade (Brigadier-GeneralStockwell), the 165th Brigade (Brigadier-General Boyd-Moss), and the166th Brigade (then commanded by Brigadier-General Lewis). The 2/5thLancashire Fusiliers, who had been commanded by ColonelBest-Dunkley--an officer who had previously been Adjutant on theSomme--since October 20, 1916, were in the 164th Brigade. 

In those days a brigade consisted of four battalions. The other threebattalions in the 164th Brigade were the 1/4th King's Own RoyalLancaster Regiment, commanded by Colonel Balfour, the 1/8th King'sLiverpool Regiment (Liverpool Irish), commanded by Colonel Heath, andthe 1/4th Loyal North Lancashire Regiment, commanded by Colonel Hindle, who, after winning the D. S. O. And Bar, was killed at the head of hisbattalion at Heudecourt during the great Battle of Cambrai on November30, 1917. When the necessity for "infiltration" brought about thereduction of the strength of brigades from four battalions to three, theLiverpool Irish were afterwards transferred to the 57th Division. Butthroughout the whole of the period with which this narrative deals theLiverpool Irish were still with us. 

It is interesting to note the summary of the situation written by thechronicler of the 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers in the 1917 _LancashireFusiliers' Annual_:

"On May 26th, the Battalion moved back to the Prison. Lieutenant-ColonelB. Best-Dunkley went on leave the same day, leaving Major Brighten incommand. 

"Then began a very memorable 17 days--Ypres was shelled heavily everyday, particular attention being paid to the Prison. 

"By night the Battalion was occupied in digging a new communicationtrench, Pagoda Trench. The digging was finished in two nights, but therewas all the riveting to do as well. Every night the working parties haveto pass through a barrage. Our casualties during this period totalled 60or 70. The _moral_ of the men was very high all the time. The continualshelling, paradoxical as it must seem, hardened and prepared them asmuch as anything for the great day which every one knew was not far off. 

"We had our first serious gas attack on June 3rd. It was preceded by aheavy bombardment of Ypres, after which some 25, 000 gas shells were putover, lasting from 10 p. M. To 4 p. M. We were fortunate in having veryfew casualties. "

That was the position of the Battalion when I set off to join it in thePrison cells on the morning of June 5, 1917. 

I rose at 10 a. M. It was a rowdy morning. The guns were still unusuallylively. While we were having breakfast shells were bursting three orfour hundred yards away from our hut, and we could hear occasional H. E. Dropping as far back as Poperinghe behind us. 

The following letter which I wrote home from my cell (which I sharedwith three other second-lieutenants, Gilbert Verity, Bernard Priestleyand H. A. Barker) in the Prison, dated June 6, 1917, describes myjourney to Ypres:

"At 11 a. M. I set off up the road with another officer to the city wheremy unit is stationed. We got a lift in a motor as far as a townhalf-way. This town (Vlamertinghe) was almost entirely in ruins. Therehas been an ancient church there, but only the front of the tower andall the crucifixes remain. Shells were bursting all about. We sat downon a fence and waited for another lift. It was most exciting. I have notgot the 'wind up' yet; I am more interested than anything else. Icontemplated a famous hill on my right. Then we got on another motor. This ride was _most_ exciting, the excitement consisting in whether wecould reach the city without being blown to pieces by the shells whichwere exploding to front of us, to right of us, to rear of us, and toleft of us! The road was cut up by shells which had exploded on it, andtrees were felled across it. We jogged a good deal riding over thisdebris. We saw one of our batteries on the left of the road which hadbeen smashed by a German shell. A good many of the transport horses hadbeen killed on the road last night, but the bodies had been removed bynow. We got out of the car just outside the city and walked into it. What struggles have taken place here! One could hardly realize that inpre-war days this had been a great and flourishing city. Just a fewbuildings remain standing, and those all in ruins; debris everywhere, shells constantly exploding everywhere. It is reckoned that the rate ofcasualties in this city just now is a thousand a week; military, ofcourse--there are no civilians here; it is a battlefield where battleshave been fought, where strafing is going on now, and around which agreat battle is about to be fought. One battalion in our brigade wentover the top on a raid last night. Our guns are even now conducting thepreliminary bombardment along the line which precedes a great offensive. And the Germans are giving it us back too! My companion was very anxiousthat we should reach the Prison without personally encountering anyshells. He told me that the corner round which we were passing was awindy one! But we got inside the Prison safe and sound, and here I nowam writing this while the shells are flying and our guns stationed inthe city are speaking. The top of this building is in ruins as shellsare constantly hitting it, but we are down below, and we havewire-netting to catch the falling debris. 

"I was received by a young Major and the Adjutant, Lieutenant Andrews. Ihad lunch with them and the other officers in the (Headquarters)mess-room. "

There let us pause for a moment. There are scenes in one's life, pleasant and otherwise, which one can never forget, which ever restvividly in the eye of the mind. There were many such scenes during myexperiences in France and Belgium; but none do I recollect more clearly, and few with more satisfaction, than this my first meal with the 2/5thLancashire Fusiliers. Never was a subaltern given a more friendlywelcome than that which Major Brighten extended to me. I was made athome at once. Padre Newman, who seemed little more than a youngundergraduate with a gay and affable countenance, but with thatunselfish and utterly unostentatious heroism depicted in everyfeature--a typical example of the kind of hero which our public schools, with all their failings, have sent forth in hundreds and thousandsduring the last five years--was placing jolly records on a gramophonewhen I entered the little cell; and the mess-waiters were preparinglunch on a table which had been erected for the purpose. 

In England I had been accustomed to "battalion messes, " but out heresuch an arrangement was very rare. "Company messes" were the thing outhere. There were generally five messes in all--Headquarters and the fourcompanies. Major Brighten at once invited me to stay for lunch atHeadquarters and, when the meal was announced to be "served, " told me tosit next to him. I found him extremely interesting. The conversationwas most entertaining. The subject upon which his wit pivoted during agood part of the meal was the Brigadier (always an interesting topic!), his latest sayings and possible future career 'after the war'--a periodwhich Major Brighten always declared to be in the very near future. Thefirst thing which struck me about Major Brighten was his youth; he wasonly twenty-seven. I had not been accustomed to such young seniorofficers in England. In fact, youth seemed to be the foremostcharacteristic of the Battalion. Nearly all the officers were extremelyyoung. And I learnt that Colonel Best-Dunkley himself was onlytwenty-seven! It was the pride of the Battalion that it was led byyouth. If ever a proof were required of the truth of Disraeli's famousmaxim "The youth of a nation are the trustees of posterity, " it is herein the brilliant record of the 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers. Let Mr. AlecWaugh and the League of Youth and Social Progress carefully note that, for here, surely, is a feather in their cap!

After lunch I was posted to a company--"B" Company; and I was conductedto another cell where I found my company commander, Captain H. H. Andrews, sitting up in bed, looking very happy. It was quite the thingto stay in bed until the afternoon in those days, because the nightlyworking parties did not get back until just before dawn. It was a day ofpleasant surprises. I had already been very favourably impressed by themagnetic personalities of Major Brighten and Padre Newman; now I wasushered into the presence of another amiable military genius, CaptainAndrews. I had not been in his presence two minutes before Icongratulated myself on my good fortune in having "clicked" for sodelightful a company commander as Captain Andrews. Though older and verydifferent in appearance, he was another officer of the same stamp as thelovable and brilliant Major Brighten. He was an ideal company commander. One could not hope for a better either from a military or from a socialpoint of view. He was ability, wit, and sociability combined. Those weregreat days. 

But to continue the reproduction of the letter quoted above:

"I am attached to B Company, commanded by Captain Andrews, and I havebeen appointed by him to command the seventh platoon. Just before teaCaptain Andrews had me in his room and gave me maps of the district andexplained--with reference to the maps--the situation. He also told methe plan of campaign and explained what Haig's intentions for the wholesummer offensive are and what he requires us to do; so I now know thegeneral idea, and I also know in detail what this battalion, thiscompany, and my own platoon have got to do--and when; but as it is allvery secret information only for officers, I, unfortunately, cannot giveit you. My opinion is that the general plan is good, with the exceptionthat I do not quite appreciate the point with respect to the particularpart which this battalion (and brigade) has to play in a few days; itstrikes me as being rather foolish, though it may be all right. 

"While we were having tea the Germans set up a most terrific bombardmentof this prison. Shells exploded just outside the window-opening, causingquite a wind inside the room. It is going on still; shells keep strikingthe wall outside. There it goes--bang! And there are our guns smashingback at them. There again--debris scattering in the quad, the other sideof the door. Whizz-bang! It is extraordinary that any walls in this citycan remain standing at this rate. They say that this goes on day andnight. When a shell explodes the room is temporarily darkened by thecloud of smoke which rises. This is _some_ bombardment; it is worse thanthe worst of thunder-storms. 

"I have found Verity here. He has been here some time, and is alive andin the best of health. 

"Well, I really must stop now; though I could go on recording everybang as it comes; there are about two explosions during every sentencewhich I write. 

"Now do not get anxious, we manage to exist through it all; and I do notsee why my luck should desert me. I am on the one point on the WesternFront where I had a desire to explore. There is something doing here. "

And "something doing" there was, much sooner than I expected. I hadreached the Prison at Ypres just in time to hear and feel the beststaged battle in history--the Battle of Messines. The following letterwritten home on the evening of June 7, describes Messines Night:

"Since I wrote to Mother yesterday a good deal has happened. About 6. 30I attended a conference consisting of the officers and sergeants of BCompany in Captain Andrew's room; and Captain Andrews explained thescheme which he had explained to me earlier on; though he did not tellthem quite as much. I, of course, will not tell you what the scheme was!Then dinner. Things were much quieter now--quieter than they had beenall day. A working party of the Battalion was to leave after dinner. The2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers are the battalion in reserve to GeneralStockwell's brigade at present: we hang out here in the day-time, and goout on working parties in the trenches in the Salient at night. ButCaptain Andrews said that I need not go out with them on this occasion. So I remained behind and censored letters. While doing so my eyes beganto water--about 11 to 11. 30. Then the Company mess-waiter, Private Saul(Captain Andrews' batman), came in and told me that the Germans weresending over 'tear gas. ' So on with my gas helmet. The gas shells werebursting outside the windows; but I thought it safe to take off myhelmet after a few minutes; my eyes watered a good deal, that was all. At about midnight I went to bed. 

"For three hours I slept quite comfortably. At 3. 15 I was awakened by aterrific row. The whole place was shaking like an earthquake; the wallwas quivering; our guns were firing rapid as fast as ever they could go;every gun in the city, in fact, every gun on the British Front formiles, was pounding the enemy with shells. A man came in to say that theorder was 'everybody down in the cellar. ' So I threw some clothes on andwent down there. There was a crowd down there. The parties which hadbeen out working had returned, but not without casualties; there hadbeen a few killed and wounded. At a table in the centre of the room, alamp on it, sat Captain Andrews, in his shirt sleeves, and otherofficers, seriously contemplating a message which had arrived, thepurport of which they were trying to understand. The man who hadbrought it was under arrest as a suspected spy; but after inquiries hadbeen made at Brigade it was discovered that he was perfectly _bonafide_; So Major Brighten ordered him to be set free. 

"I found myself next to Verity, so I asked him whatever all this hubbubwas about. He replied that it was the expected push on our right--'theMessines push'--taking place. The New Zealanders (and Australians, the36th Ulster Division, the 16th South Ireland Division, the 23rdDivision, and the 47th London Division) were going over the top, andthis was our barrage. Captain Andrews said that this was a bombardmentwhich our guns were conducting, double in intensity to any which weinflicted upon the enemy during the Battle of the Somme! It was a rowindeed, and it continued for some time. Then dawn broke, and it hadslackened. At 5. 30 we came upstairs and had some refreshment in themess; the gramophone was set going ('The Bing Boys'--'Another littledrink wouldn't do us any harm'--was the precise record which was put onas soon as we entered the mess!); things were much quieter, but we wereexpecting the Germans to retaliate. "

It was at these early morning breakfast parties in the Prison that thegrim significance of the word "Gate" impressed itself upon me. "Whichgate did you come in at?" was a very common question which one officerwould ask another on their return from work in the trenches. "I came inby the Dixmude Gate, " or "I came in by the Menin Gate, " would be thereply. And some would say that they had avoided "gates" altogether andthreaded their way across the open. These gates were places of evilomen. The enemy had the exact range of them, and knew when workingparties would be likely to be passing them. And upon no spot wasconferred a greater legacy of awe than upon the Menin Gate. It wasalways one of the most terrible spots in Ypres. People were killed thereevery day. To go past the Menin Gate was considered to be asking for it. So a terror of the Menin Gate was bred in me before I had ever seen thegruesome, stinking spot. And the Menin Gate had taken its toll onMessines Night. 

My letter continues: "At 6 I went to bed again. Just as I was doing so, gas shells began to burst once more, but we did not smell much; the windcould not have been very favourable to the enemy. I soon got to sleepagain. We all did. In my room, apart from myself, there are Verity, Priestley, and Barker. They are in different companies from me. 

"We got up at midday to-day. Things are very much quieter; there areonly, on an average, about one or two bangs per minute; and those aregenerally caused by our guns firing shells on the enemy. Very few Germanshells have burst here to-day since the terrible bombardment in theearly hours of the morning. We lost no officers last night, but a fewnon-commissioned officers and men were killed and wounded whilereturning last night. An official message has come through that all ourobjectives were captured this morning. "

It was on this afternoon that Major Brighten gathered all officerstogether for a conference in Headquarters Mess, and read out to us, ingreat exultation, a "secret" Special Order of the Day by Sir DouglasHaig dated, if I remember rightly, the day before Messines. I wish I hada copy of that Order in my hands now in order that I might quote itverbatim here. In the course of his Order I remember the Field-Marshaldeclared that another such blow as those which we had inflicted upon theenemy on the Somme, on the Anare, and at Arras would win the war! MajorBrighten, with his eternal optimism, honestly believed it; and so dideverybody else. Everybody was effervescing with excitement aboutPlumer's brilliant victory at Messines. I hold now with Mr. John Buchan, and I realized then, that "Sir Herbert Plumer had achieved what deservesto be regarded as in its own fashion a tactical masterpiece"; but, as Ihave already pointed out, I took a much more telescopic view of theWorld War than that. So, while sharing the satisfaction of the others inthe Messines success, I could not endorse the ultra-optimistic view ofthe course of the campaign which Sir Douglas Haig had inspired. MajorBrighten was beaming with delight as he read out Sir Douglas Haig'sOrder, and informed us that General Jeudwine and General Stockwell, withwhom he had just been conversing, were equally "bucked" about it all. And he laughingly chaffed me upon my pessimism. I told him quite franklythat I did not share the general opinion. 

That night only one company had to go out to work, and the companydetailed was C Company; so I was not affected. 

In the course of a letter written the following day (June 8) I wrote:

"I went to bed about 10 last night. About 2, Barker, Priestley, andVerity returned from their working parties. Priestley was very doleful;he was mournfully discussing the horrors of the war, and of hisevening's experiences in particular. And it appears that there was somereason, for he had been in command of a party of eight whose mission hadbeen to fetch back some steel helmets from the trenches. (A ruse hadbeen played upon the Boche on Messines Night. A large number of helmetshad been placed in such a position as to encourage the Boche to thinkthat we were concentrating troops there instead of, or as well as, atMessines and Wytschaete!) They were returning, and Priestley wasremarking that the Boche was very quiet just at present, when a shellburst amongst them. Four of his party were wounded and one killed; and apiece of shrapnel went right through the tube of his box-respirator, hehimself escaping unhurt. A near shave! 'Well, do you think those helmetswere worth the life of one man and injury to four others?' I heard himasking. "

In my next letter (June 9) I wrote:

"There was only one working party last night. I went to bed at 10 p. M. At 10. 20 there was a terrible row on our front. A big artillery duel wasgoing on, machine-guns were firing continuously, and flares were goingup! I sat up in bed and watched it all through the prison bars. It wenton for about twenty minutes! I should think it must have been a raid ofsome sort. Shortly after this, Priestley came to bed, and, later, Verityand Barker. We had quite a long discussion upon all kinds of topicsranging from the conduct of the war (East versus West), and the doctrineof the Apostolical Succession, to the character and policy of WinstonChurchill (whom, of course, they all detest!), and the pre-war morals ofcivilian Ypres, concerning which Barker held very decided views. Wewent on arguing until dawn broke! Then we got to sleep. 

"I rose at 10 this morning. When I entered the mess for breakfast I wasgreeted by the inquiry from Captain Andrews: 'How's Palestine?' They allthink that the war will end out here and in two or three months' time!They think that the next great offensive will end it. I admit that thereis a great deal to be said for their theory; our plans are good, and ifsuccessful, will probably do the trick; but I am none too sanguine. Weshall see. I hope they are right. Everybody does. Everybody is 'fed up'with the war; that goes without saying. I have not read a single one ofthe men's letters in which they do not say that. To say that, and toinform their people that they are 'in the pink' is the stock substanceof their letters!

"I ought now to tell you something about my platoon. To give you thenames of my non-commissioned officers is surely not giving away anyinformation which would be of use to the enemy! So I do not see why Ishould not do so. 

"As I may already have told you I am in command of No. 7 platoon. Myplatoon sergeant (second-in-command) is Sergeant Williams. (He was awaiter in Parker's Restaurant in St. Ann's Square, Manchester, inpre-war days). A platoon consists of four sections, each of which iscommanded by a corporal. My sections are as follows: Rifle Sectioncommanded by Lance-Corporal Tipping; Bombing Section commanded byLance-Corporal Livesey; Lewis Gun Section commanded by Lance-CorporalTopping; and Rifle Grenade Section commanded by Corporal Baldwin. Youwill notice that a Lewis Gun Section is part of every platoon; I thinkthat is sufficient answer to your question whether the fact of myattending lectures on the Lewis Gun meant that I should go into a LewisGun Section. 

"There has not been much to do to-day; nor has anything very notablehappened during the day up to now. It is now 6. 40 p. M. So I will close. "

"June 10th. 

"Last night the whole Battalion went out on working parties; so I hadcommand of a party. My party was detailed to repair the parapet of acommunication trench just behind our front line. I set off with SergeantWilliams and a party of fourteen men of my platoon at 9. 40, just as itwas getting dark. We were soon in the open fields and so could see allaround us the ruined buildings of the great city. Three shells fellacross the path we had traversed, _after_ we had passed the points. Fritz was just a little too late on each occasion! We went on in thedusk, amidst the flashes of booming guns and exploding shells andflares lighting up the weird ruins and ghostly country, as far as a dump(Potidje) where the remainder of the Battalion appeared to becongregated. It occurred to me what a number would have been knocked outif a shell had burst just by this dump just then! Fortunately no suchthing happened. Tools were drawn here; then we proceeded on our way byplatoons. The whole region was swarming with little wooden crosses wherelie the thousands who have fallen on this oft-fought, long-fought, evercontending, battlefield. We threaded our way along a windingcommunication trench (Pagoda Trench). We passed a party in the trenchwith bayonets fixed--a party of one officer, Lieutenant Alexander, andthirty men of the 1/4th King's Own--waiting to go over the top for abombing raid on a section of the enemy front line. 'Good-byee!' theylaughed as we passed them. Eventually we reached the point at which wewere to commence work. Flares were going up the whole time; the enemy_must_ have seen us: the whole crowd of us all in the open by the sideof the trench which was to be repaired! When a flare goes up the wholeplace is as light as day for a few seconds; and they were going up allround the Salient--what remains of it, one side disappeared on Thursdaymorning! Now and then a machine-gun would rattle a few rounds, and wewould all duck down; but none of them were ranged on our party. 

"At 11. 20 I was informed that Captain Andrews wished to see me; and, with some difficulty, I found him. He was in a trench with the other BCompany officers and Sergeant-Major Hoyle. He had sent for us in orderto tell us that at 11. 35 we must each bring our parties into a certaintrench (Oxford Road) for refuge as we knew that the bombing raid wascoming off at 11. 45, and we expected that the Germans would retaliate. So I brought my party into this trench at the appointed time. We werethere just in time. At 11. 45 our barrage--artillery, stokes-mortars andmachine-guns--opened on the section of the enemy trench to be raided(Ibex Trench from Oskar Farm to The Stables) a little to our right; andas our barrage lifted, the bombers went into the enemy trench. We couldhear the bombs exploding. The enemy replied by sending 'whizz-bangs' inthe vicinity of the trench in which we were taking refuge. Some of themburst within a yard or two of us; but we crouched behind the parapet, and there were no casualties. 

"At about 12. 30 this morning, when the raid was over and things hadquieted, we emerged from the trench and went back to the job. Justbefore we got back an ugly instrument of death familiarly known amongstthe boys as a 'minnie' burst about the spot where our work was. Thatwas not encouraging! But we went back and set to again. One or two more'minnies' burst not far from us while we were there. You should haveseen us duck! And the flares continued rising and falling. We constantlyheard the shells from the big guns screaming like express trains overour heads; and every now and then a machine-gun or a Lewis gun wouldspurt forth its bullets. We felt anything but comfortable! One man in CCompany was carried away with very bad shell-shock--a 'Blighty' allright! None of us were sorry when 2 came. Major Brighten came along justbefore it was time to stop. 'Is that you, Floyd? How are you going on?'he inquired as he passed me. He is liked by everybody. He is awfullynice. 

"Major Brighten is the young Major who is temporarily in command of theBattalion while the real Commanding Officer--the notorious ColonelBest-Dunkley--is home on leave. By the way--I have not seen ColonelBest-Dunkley yet. He was away when I arrived. I am told that it is atreat in store for me! He is simply hated by everybody. His reputationas a beast is famed in 'Blighty. ' I heard about him in the 5th Reserve;and Brian Kemp told me about him when we were in Harrogate. He isdiscussed here every day. From what I hear he is a horrible tyrant;nobody has a good word to say for him. So I am looking forward toseeing this extraordinary man. He is only twenty-seven! His greeting toVerity when he arrived a month ago was: 'Who the d---- are you?'

"As soon as it was 2 a. M. We set off back. Going back is generallyconsidered the most dangerous of all; it is then that most of thecasualties occur. When we were going along one winding communicationtrench shells began to burst in front of us right in our course. We bentdown and dashed through the hundred yards or so which these shells weresweeping as fast as we could go. It was very hot, but we did not troubleabout that; that did not matter; to get safely past the shells was theimportant thing. We got through all right, and we managed to get all theway back to the Prison without a single casualty. I can tell you we feltvery happy when we were safely inside. To think that one should look tothe cells of a prison as a haven of refuge!

"In Lieutenant Alexander's bombing raid five German prisoners werecaptured--they are in here now--and three killed. Alexander sustained nocasualties whatever, and got back safely. 

"We had breakfast at 3 a. M. And I went to bed about 4 a. M. I rose at 12this morning. At breakfast we learnt some very good news. To-morrow weare leaving here and going into rest billets a long way behind the linefor some time. Everybody is very happy indeed about it; I think weshall have a fine time there. So you have absolutely nothing to worryabout now for quite a long time. . . . "

"Things are very quiet to-day. We had our usual gas parade outside thisafternoon. 

"Latterly all the men have been walking about with a windy expression ontheir faces; now everybody looks gay in anticipation of the time infront of us. Don't you think I am really exceedingly lucky? I do. "

FOOTNOTE:

[2] _Story of the 55th Division_, by Rev. J. O. Coop (page 25). 

CHAPTER III

ENTER BEST-DUNKLEY

The following letter, written on June 12, at Millain, recounts my firstimpressions of the colonel whose name figures on the title-page of thisbook:

"We are now in rest billets a long way behind the line. I write tonarrate to you the journey. 

"On Sunday (June 10) I went to bed about 10 p. M. , and had only been inbed half an hour when a very intense battle appeared to have broken outon our right. A violent artillery duel was in progress, with the usualaccompaniments. The thunder of the guns continued for quite a long time. I think there must have been something big on: either a further advanceof Plumer's Army or a counter-attack by the Crown Prince Rupprecht. Itwas a big row. 

"Apropos of Sir Herbert Plumer, the victor of Messines: we were in hisSecond Army until that battle; now we have been transferred to SirHubert Gough's Fifth Army. I was amused when I heard Priestley tellinghis servant that we had moved into General Gough's Army; the servantreplied 'Oh, he's a fighting man, isn't he, sir? We're in for somethingbig now!' (General Gough had the reputation of being 'a fire eater. ')

"Reveille went at 5. 30 yesterday morning. We had breakfast in bed at 6. It was arranged by Major Brighten that the Battalion should leave thecity by platoons, each platoon moving off at five minutes interval fromthe ones in front and behind of it. I moved off with the seventh platoonat 8. 10. We marched through the city as happily as if we were a SundaySchool trip, looking at the magnificent ruins as we passed. Scarcely agun was fired on either side the whole time. Things were extraordinarilyquiet. On any ordinary occasion we would have been observed by the enemyaircraft and strafed like ----; but fortunately it was very dull at thetime, the clouds precluding observation. The weather was in our favour. The whole Battalion got safely away without a single casualty! Anastonishing feat. Major Brighten has reason to feel very pleased withhimself. We marched along the road for a distance of about four miles, and then halted and concentrated; then we marched on together and at 10a. M. Reached the transport camp where I first appeared last Tuesdayevening. Here the Battalion was halted and left to have lunch. Theofficers were allowed to go into the town (Poperinghe) and have lunchthere if they wished. Donald Allen, the commander of the fifth platoon, and I, got lifts on two motors down to the town. Then we had baths atthe Divisional Baths there. We then set off to the Officers' Club forlunch; but just before we got there two other officers called out to usfrom the opposite side of the road. They inquired whether we were goingto the Club; and when we replied that we were, they exclaimed: 'Don't;the C. O. 's there!'

"'Who? _The_ C. O. --Colonel Best-Dunkley?' we asked. 

"'Yes, ' was the reply. So we jolly well did not go; we went to arestaurant instead! Apparently Colonel Best-Dunkley had now returned. Everybody was very fed up at his return. 

"At 2 we turned up at the station. The news of the Commanding Officer'sreturn had already spread throughout the Battalion. We got our platoonsentrained, and then proceeded to the officers' carriages. It wasrumoured that Colonel Best-Dunkley was going to travel by a particularcarriage. You should have seen how that carriage was boycotted! Nobodywould go into it. They preferred to crowd out the other carriages andleave the tainted carriage empty. It was most noticeable. I do not thinkthere is a single person in the Battalion who would not rather travelwith the devil incarnate than with Colonel Best-Dunkley. 

"He appeared on the scene shortly. There was a flutter of low mutteringsas he appeared. I was very interested to see this extraordinary man ofwhom I had heard so much. He stopped two or three doors away from ourown and stood talking to someone inside the carriage. He is small, clean-shaven, with a crooked nose and a noticeable blink. He looksharmless enough; but I noticed something about his eyes which did notlook exactly pleasant. He looks more than twenty-seven. When war brokeout he was a lieutenant. It is interesting to note that he was educatedat a military school in Germany! (And he had travelled a good deal inthe Far East. 'When I was in China' was one of his favourite topics ofconversation. ) I have not yet spoken to the man, so I am not yet in aposition to judge him myself. I will tell you my own opinion of him whenI have had a little experience of him. I may just remark that an officerobserved in the mess this morning that he supposed that there were somepeople who liked the Kaiser, but he was sure that there was not a singlesoul who liked Best-Dunkley! That is rather strong. 

"Well our train moved off at about 3 p. M. We travelled through pleasantcountry to a little town which I cannot, of course, name. (Esquelbeck. )Here we had tea. I may mention that this place was just over thefrontier--that is to say 'Somewhere in France. '

"Refreshed by our tea (for the preparation of which Padre Newman wasmainly responsible), we began our long march at 7. 15 in the evening. Wemarched to a village ten miles away (to Millain via Zeggers, Erkelsbrugge, Bollezeele, and Merekeghem). Colonel Best-Dunkley had goneon by himself; he left Major Brighten to carry on for the remainder ofthe journey. We had the band with us. I enjoyed the march immensely. Itwas a beautiful evening and the pretty villages through which we marchedlooked at their best. One thing which I have particularly noticed inFrance and Belgium is this: that a village, however small, seems topossess a large and magnificent church. I have not seen a single villagein Belgium or France where the church is not the most prominent object. And I think that the villages are much healthier and prettier, and inevery way much more inviting, than the towns. It is in such a villagewith such a church in pretty rural surroundings that I am now stationed. Darkness fell while we were on the march. We got here about 10. 30, feeling considerably tired and ready for bed. Talbot Dickinson had beenhere a day or two and had arranged about billets. So the men wereimmediately shown into their billets. I am billeted in a farm-house; Ihave a nice little bedroom all to myself, and sleep in a civilian bed. So I am very well off. What do you say? I have nothing to grumble aboutas regards my quarters. B Company is billeted in the two barns belongingto this farm: two platoons in each barn. The Company parade in adelightful field the other side of the barns. There are three officers'messes: Headquarters and two of two combined companies. B and ACompanies mess together in a house about two minutes' walk from thisfarm. Battalion Orderly Room is in a house about five minutes' walk fromhere. The other companies are in other parts of the village. GeneralStockwell and the remainder of the Brigade have not yet arrived, butthey will be following on shortly. I am very happy here. The weather hasbeen delightful, and the country looks fine. The trees here are verytall indeed. There was a heavy downpour of rain at tea-time: the firstreal rain we have had while I have been in France this time. 

"We have spent the day 'under company arrangements': a series ofinspections in the field outside the barn. 

"At 5. 30 Colonel Best-Dunkley wished to see all officers andsergeant-majors at Headquarters Mess. When we got there we adjourned toBattalion Orderly Room. He kept us until after 7, discussing variousmatters of routine. He seemed to have set his mind on purchasing a newband which was to cost £100 and for which officers should pay theirshare according to rank--subalterns to pay £2 each. But there was not asingle person in favour of the idea! The proposal was received in coldsilence. (Everybody had agreed before the conference upon the attitudeto be taken up! I thought the whole affair a huge joke. Plots andintrigues always appeal to me as exciting. ) Then Captain Mordecai--O. C. C Company--said that he did not think it worth it 'Since the war isnearly over. ' The Colonel did not like that idea at all! He appealed toMajor Brighten for his opinion; and Major Brighten urged that if we areto spend money like this it would be better spent in helping the men insome way. Others pointed out that one band was sufficient, and said thatthey would rather pay 10s. Each for the improvement of the present band. Colonel Best-Dunkley blinked and twitched his nose in a disapprovingmanner. Eventually it was decided that we should not get a new band, butthat we should all pay 10s. Towards the present band. ColonelBest-Dunkley had set his mind on this band enterprise; I do not supposehe is at all pleased that it has not been taken up! The officers are allcongratulating themselves on their victory. Colonel Best-Dunkley hasannounced that we must all see that the men have their equipmentblancoed and polished until it sparkles. I have no personal quarrel withColonel Best-Dunkley myself yet--in fact I have not yet exchanged a wordwith him--but I cannot say that I am very favourably impressed. "

CHAPTER IV

MILLAIN

It was at Millain that I had my first personal interview with ColonelBest-Dunkley. That interview is recounted in the following letter, datedJune 13:

" . . . The weather continues to be glorious: too hot to do anything. I amOrderly Officer to-day. One of my duties as such is to inspect thebillets. They are scattered on all sides of the village, so quite anappreciable walk is entailed. The Orderly Sergeant and I had a drink ofmilk at one farm. We felt a little refreshed after that. I mounted theguard with the Regimental Sergeant-Major. (Clements. ) This afternoon hehas been made Sergeant of the Transport, and has been succeeded asR. -S. -M. By Sergeant-Major Hoyle of B Company. Sergeant Preston becomesCompany Sergeant-Major of B Company. 

"Yesterday the padre was appointed President of the Sports Committee, but, as the Colonel wanted to arrange everything on his ownlines--suggesting races in full pack, amongst other things!--he hasresigned to-day. 

"I had my first interview with Colonel Best-Dunkley this morning. AsOrderly Officer I was present at Commanding Officer's Orders. When hearrived at the Orderly Room he saw me and said:

"'Who are you? Let me see, I don't think I have been introduced to youyet. How are you?'

"I replied that my name was Floyd; and he shook hands quite genially!

"There were only two cases up for orders. One man was there for cheekinga sergeant. He had called the sergeant something which cannot berepeated here. 

"'Why the b---- h---- did you speak to an N. C. O. Like that?' exclaimedthe Colonel in a Judge Jeffreys tone. 'Will you take my sentence? Orwill you have a court martial?' he demanded. 

"The man replied that he would take the Colonel's sentence. 

"'Fourteen days Field Punishment No. 1, ' snapped the Colonel. Exitprisoner. 

"After orders, Colonel Best-Dunkley asked me: 'What is your strongpoint?' I replied that I was sorry to have to say so, but I had none; Iwas not a specialist on anything. He did not even then become annoyed, but went on asking me one or two other questions. How long had I beengazetted? 'Not long, ' was his comment on my reply. How long had I beenin the Army? What unit was I in before? Where had I been educated? WhenI had answered these questions he expressed himself satisfied; so Isaluted and departed. So I am on quite good terms with him so far, despite his terrible reputation! The question is--how long shall Iremain on good terms with him? I wonder. "

The next letter (June 14) recounts one of those solemn Battalion paradeswhich I recollect so well--those parades concerning which copious ordersused to be issued the night before, and in preparation for which we wereinstructed in the formula which we (platoon commanders) had to employwhen the Colonel, to the accompaniment of sweet sounds from the band, reached the edge of our platoons:

"We had a Battalion parade in a large field this morning. There was along type-written programme of the ceremony to be gone through. Weparaded on the company parade ground at 8 a. M. And the Colonel arrivedon the Battalion parade ground at 9 a. M. He rode round the Battalion. When he reached my platoon he called me up to him and asked me whether Ihad a roll of my platoon. I replied that I had. He asked me whether Ihad it on me; and I replied that I had, and produced it. He seemedperfectly satisfied. He also asked me one or two other questions; toall of which I was able to give a satisfactory answer. And last night asI passed him in the road and saluted he smiled most affably and said'good evening. ' So he is quite agreeable with me so far. I do nottherefore yet join in the general condemnation of him. As far as I cantell at present his chief faults appear to me to be: that he suffersfrom a badly swelled head; that he fancies himself a budding Napoleon;that he is endowed by the fates with a very bad temper and a most viletongue; that he is inconsiderate of his inferiors wherever his personalwhims and ambitions are concerned; and that he is engrossed with aninordinate desire to be in the good graces of the Brigadier-General, whois really, I believe, a very good sort. Apart from those failings, someof which are, perhaps, excusable, I think he is probably all right. Youmay be sure that his unpopularity will not prejudice me against him; Ishall not join in the general condemnation unless and until he gives megood reason. As yet I have no such reason. Up to now his personality ismerely a source of curiosity and amusement. 

"During the course of the morning's training, Captain Andrews rearrangedthe composition of the platoons in the Company; so I now command theeighth platoon. Sergeant Clews is the name of the platoon sergeant. Sergeant Dawson (who saw Norman Kemp killed and has the same highopinion of his heroic qualities as everybody else, whether officer, N. C. O. , or man, who knew him; who tells me that he was by far the mostloved officer in the Battalion--'one who will never be forgotten') isalso in my platoon. 

"In the afternoon I went with the Company on a bathing parade. It wasabout half an hour's march. They bathed in a canal. 

"After tea I had a stroll in the country: it is very pretty, especiallythis weather. . . . 

"Captain Andrews goes home on leave to-night; so Lieutenant Halstead isin command of B Company for a fortnight. "

"June 15th. 

"The weather continues hot. We had another Battalion parade thismorning: procedure the same as yesterday. The Colonel is still mostagreeable; he has not said a cross word to me yet. 

"We took the afternoon easy, except that there was a parade forinspection of equipment at 4 p. M. 

"I received, this afternoon, a letter from you of June 11, and one fromMother of June 10, also enclosures. I am sorry to learn that you areboth worrying. What's the use of worrying? What is there to worry about?I am quite safe. If I had the 'wind up' it might be another matter; butI do not, strange to say, even dread the time when we shall go backinto the line! I think it rather exciting. One is inclined to feel alittle 'windy' when shells and 'minnies' are bursting dangerously near, or when a machine-gun spurts out of the gloaming; but there is a certainelement of excitement about it all. I would not have missed those fewdays in the Salient for worlds. I had a pleasant 'baptism of fire'there. Everybody seems to think that it was worse than going over thetop in a push. Those who fought at the Battle of the Somme last year saythat they would rather be there than in the place where we were lastweek! Candidly, I cannot understand it. 

"We shall remain out of the line for some time yet--so cheer up!"

CHAPTER V

THE MARCH

I now come to one of the most remarkable, and in some respects certainlythe most comical, of all the episodes in which Colonel Best-Dunkleyfigured--the memorable march from Millain to Westbecourt. The followinglengthy epistle which I wrote in my billet in the Vale of Acquin atWestbecourt the following day draws a perfectly accurate picture of whathappened:

"You will be interested to learn that we have moved again. We are nowbilleted in a pretty little village in the heart of north-easternFrance. . . . 

"Yesterday, Saturday June 16, 1917--the hundred and second anniversaryof Ligny and Quatre Bras--is a day I am not likely ever to forget. Sucha march we had; and it was _some_ stunt! Let me tell you, as far as Ican without naming places, the whole story. 

"Reveille sounded at 3 a. M. I rose at 5 a. M. We (the officers) hadbreakfast at 5. 30. Parade at 6. At 6. 45 we marched off from the villagein which we had been billeted during the last few days. It was a verylong march which we had before us to the village in which we now are--adistance of sixteen miles. Yet we were expecting to arrive there bymidday! I will show you how events turned out so that we did not arrivehere anything like midday. The weather was, and is, just as it has beenall the time--a cloudless sky and a burning sun. It was already quitewarm when we set off, and as the morning advanced the sun naturallybecame more powerful still. We joined up with the rest of the Brigade alittle further on, and marched past General Stockwell and Major Thompson(the Brigade-Major). "

It was in the streets of Watten that we marched past Stockwell; and Ivividly recollect that he was not at all pleased with things as early asthat. I distinctly heard the word 'rabble' burst from his lips! Theletter proceeds:

"Men began to fall out before we reached the first village (or town asit happened to be). And as soon as the falling out began it continuedwithout ceasing, only becoming more frequent the farther we got. I dothink they began falling out too early. Every time a man fell out wesubalterns had to drop behind with him and give him a chit. Thatnaturally took time and one got right behind; then one would endeavourto catch up again; as soon as one was back with one's ownplatoon--generally before--one would come across more men of one'scompany who had fallen out, and so would get right back again. Thus itwent on the whole time. It meant that we had double the walking to dothat the men had; and we were loaded like Christmas trees just likethem. Fortunately there was a mess cart with the Transport, containingstill lemonade; so I had a drink now and then. It is an Army idea thatone should not drink on the march: that it knocks one up much quicker. Isay frankly, from experience, that it is nonsense. I drank as much as Icould get hold of on the way (by no means as much as I could havedrunk!) and though I was jolly tired I was as fresh as anybody else, anda good deal fresher than the majority, as you will see later. Well, after the first halt the falling out became dreadful; it was almostimpossible for us to cope with the number of chits required; crowds musthave been without chits at all. The whole roadside became one mass ofexhausted men lying full length. Some were very bad indeed, some hadsunstroke, some were sick, more than one were dying. At one time thepadre and I were a long way behind, attending to these men. We hurriedon to catch up the Battalion. The Transport, under Humfrey, were justbehind the Battalion, so we followed along the Transport. When we got tothe front end of it we saw nothing beyond! 'Where is the Battalion?' Iasked Humfrey. He informed me that he had lost it. The Adjutant had, atthe last turning, sent the Battalion one way and the Transport another;and he (Humfrey) had not the faintest idea where he was to go to! So hehalted and got out a map. Then the Medical Officer (Adam) arrived on thescene too. We told him that the Battalion had disappeared. So we(Newman, Adam, Humfrey, and myself) sat down for about five minutes anddiscussed the situation. It struck us as being rather comical, though wewished that we were at the end of our journey instead of in a strangevillage and ignorant of which way we were to go. Humfrey decided to takehis Transport the same way as the remainder of the Brigade Transport hadgone; so we went on with him! We went across some very open country. Thesun was simply burning down upon us. I felt very exhausted now; but Ican stick almost anything in the way of a route march; no route marchcould, in my opinion, be as bad as that memorable Kidlington-Yarntonroute march in March, 1916. The difficulty then was fatigue caused bythe march through thick, soft slushy snow when vaccination was just atits worst; the difficulty this time was fatigue and thirst caused by theheat of a French summer. I admit that this route march yesterday was astern test of endurance; but if I could stick the Kidlington-Yarntonstunt I could stick this, and I did stick this all the way, which veryfew others did! The trail which we left behind us was a sight to beseen: men, rifles, equipment, riderless horses all over; the Retreatfrom Moscow was spoken of! 'An utter fiasco, a debacle!' exclaimed PadreNewman. 

"Before we had gone with the Transport very far the Medical Officer wascalled round a corner to see a man who was reported to be dying; thepadre went with him. I went on with the Transport. After a time I sawLieutenant Reginald Andrews (the Adjutant) standing alone in a village;so it looked as if the remains of our Battalion must be somewhere about. A little further on I found Captain Blamey (O. C. D Company) and Giffinsitting by the side of the road. I asked them what they were doing, andthey replied that they had fallen out with Sergeant-Major Howarth whowas very bad indeed--reported to be dying. So the Battalion had passedthat way. 

"I went on, and, in about ten minutes, saw ahead Colonel Best-Dunkleystanding at the corner of a road branching off to the left from the roadI was proceeding along with the Transport (just outside the village ofBoisdinghem). Just as I reached this corner Brigadier-General Stockwellrode up from the opposite direction (on horseback) and, with a facewincing with wrath, accosted Colonel Best-Dunkley as follows:

"'Dunkley, where's your Battalion?'

"'This is my Battalion here, sir, ' replied the Colonel, standingsubmissively to attention and indicating fifteen officers, non-commissioned officers, and men--all told--lying in a state ofexhaustion at the side of this shaded country road. 

"'What! You call that a Battalion? Fifteen men! I call it a rabble. Whatthe b---- h---- do you mean by it? Your Battalion is straggling allalong the road right away back to (Watten)! You should have halted andcollected them; not marched on like this. These men have not had a longenough halt or anything to eat all day. If this is the way you command aBattalion, you're not fit to command a Battalion. You're not even fit tocommand a platoon!'

"The General then said that the Colonel, the Adjutant, and four companycommanders could consider themselves 'under arrest'! The General wassimply fuming with wrath; I do not think I have ever seen a man in sucha temper. And I certainly never heard a colonel strafed in front of hisown men before. It was an extraordinary scene. Those who have writhedunder the venom of Colonel Best-Dunkley in the past would, doubtless, feel happy at this turning of the tables as it were, a refreshingrevenge; but I must admit that my sympathy was with ColonelBest-Dunkley--and so was that of all present--in this instance, for weall felt that the General's censure was undeserved. It was not ColonelBest-Dunkley's fault; if it was anybody's fault it was the General's ownfault for ordering the march by day instead of by night, and for nothalting the Brigade for a long enough period earlier on in the course ofthe march. One felt that Colonel Best-Dunkley was being treatedunjustly, especially as the North Lancs. Had only arrived with ten! Andthe Irish had not yet arrived at all! (These facts must soon have becomeapparent to General Stockwell, and, perhaps, caused him, inwardly at anyrate, to modify his judgment). And the way Colonel Best-Dunkley took it, the calm and submissive manner in which he bore General Stockwell'scurses and the kind and polite way in which he afterwards gave ordersto, and conversed with, his inferiors, both officers and men, endearedhim to all. I consider that out of this incident Colonel Best-Dunkleyhas won a moral victory. He played his cards very well, and feelingchanged towards him as a result. 

"The General went on: 'You yourself, the Adjutant, and four mountedofficers go right back to (Watten) immediately and collect your mentogether and bring them along here before you proceed any further. '

"'I _have_ sent two officers down the road, sir, ' replied the Colonel. 

"'What the d----s the use of detailing unmounted officers for the job?'snapped General Stockwell. The Colonel said something else, and theGeneral replied, 'That's no excuse. '

"Then General Stockwell went off, and Colonel Best-Dunkley carried outhis orders. We could see that we were now in for a very long halt here. It would take a deuce of a time to collect the Battalion together again!So we lay down under the shade of the roadside hedge and discussed thewhole affair. Three sergeant-majors had fallen out on the way, two verybad indeed; officers had fallen out; and men wearing ribbons of theD. C. M. And the M. M. , heroes of Gallipoli and the Somme, men who hadnever been beaten by a route march before, were lying along the countryroads; so there must have been some reason for it! Amongst the sturdyfifteen were the new Regimental Sergeant-Major (Hoyle) andSergeant-Major Preston of B Company; and there were also a few officers. The Transport made us some tea, which we enjoyed immensely. Humfrey hadhis little fox terrier, 'Darky, ' who was born in the trenches atThiepval during the Battle of the Somme last summer, with him. It is anice little dog. I found a gold ring on the road just by me; and Iintend to keep it as a souvenir of the episode. 

"We remained here for five hours--from 2. 30 to 7. 30. Men werereinforcing us all the time. After about half an hour General Stockwellappeared again. Glaring at Sergeant-Major Hoyle he addressed him asfollows:

"'Here are fifteen men whom _I_ myself--_I_--have collected along theroad. Get them some tea at once, sergeant-major!' He glanced at us alland then rode off again. He is clean-shaven and exceptionally young fora General; I should think he is not more than thirty-five. He is rathergood-looking, but he has _some_ temper. Some one remarked that GeneralStockwell and Colonel Best-Dunkley were men of similar temperament; onthis occasion the latter had run up against the former; this interestinglittle episode at this country corner was the result!

"There was an aerodrome near by (at Boisdinghem), and the Major therekindly sent his motor-lorries down the road to fetch up our men; so theykept arriving in motor-lorries the whole afternoon. 

"I can tell you we enjoyed this rest. One officer who had fallen out sawa mail motor-lorry. The driver said that he was looking for the (164)Brigade! So he got a lift. The mail arrived while we were resting inthis shaded road; so I got your letter of June 12 and the enclosedletters, and read them there. . . . 

"When we marched off again it was much cooler. The majority of theBattalion had been collected during the five hours, and we marchedhappily on--the band playing. The country was pretty, and everything wasgay! The Colonel was awfully nice, inquiring whether the step was to ourliking, and making himself agreeable in every possible way. All werepleased with him. 

"We arrived at our destination at 8. 30, and the men were taken straightinto the barns where they are billeted. Tea was served out immediately. 

"I am billeted in a farm again. The people are very decent indeed. Thewoman gave me three drinks as soon as I arrived, offering them herselfand refusing to take any payment for them; she also offered to boil me acouple of eggs, but I did not wish to put on good nature any further. There is a nice little boy named Edmond, aged fourteen. I talked to himin French as much as it was possible for me to do in that language. Hecannot speak English. . . . 

"Allen and I are both billeted in the same room here. B Company Mess isin a house close by, and B Company are billeted in the barns of a farmalmost opposite. 

"The village we are in (Westbecourt) is geographically divided into twoparts, north and south. The southern portion, in which we are, is avalley (le Val d'Acquin). The northern part is on the reverse slope of ahill which lies on the other side of the valley. Battalion Headquartersis at a farm on that northern side of the high ground, just by thechurch. 

"We rose at 10 a. M. This morning. The weather to-day has been hotterthan ever. One perspires even when quite still. The sun has beenscorching down. We had an inspection at 11, and the M. O. Came round toinspect the men's feet at 2. 40. Just as he was going away the Colonelturned up at the farm where B Company is in billets. He was onhorseback, in slacks and in his shirt-sleeves; to live in one's shirtsleeves is a very common custom this weather. He informed us thatGeneral Stockwell is coming to inspect the Battalion to-morrow!

"During the day I have been exploring the village. It is very prettyindeed, much prettier than the last place we were at. There are thickwoods, green fields, shaded avenues--some completely arched by all kindsof trees; and, the district being hilly, the country is thus all themore charming. Milk is very cheap here. I got a big bowl of milk for 1d. At one farm in the valley the other side of the hill. It is splendidhere; and we are likely to remain here some time. 

"At 7. 40 the padre conducted a short voluntary church parade service inan orchard behind the farm in which C Company hangs out--just oppositethe farm in which I am billeted. Allen, Priestley, Barker, Giffin, and Iwere there. The band was there for the first hymn--it then had to go toHeadquarters to play 'retreat' at 8 p. M. There were about twentymen. . . . "

Sergeant-Major Howarth, D. C. M. , died at St. Omer that day, overpoweredby the march of the previous day. "He was not at all the class of manone can afford to lose, and his loss was greatly deplored, " comments the_Lancashire Fusiliers' Annual_. And Sergeant-Major Howarth was not, Ibelieve, the only casualty of the kind caused by the march. 

Before I close this chapter I ought to say a word about the Brigadierwhose personality dominates the canvas. I do not wish it to be supposedthat I desire to reflect in any way upon the character and ability ofGeneral Stockwell. Nothing could be further from my mind. I relate theincident because it strikes me as being funny, because such an episodeforms the subject for an interesting study in the bearing of tworemarkable personalities, and because I hold that the truth shouldalways be told about such matters. The episode has long been a topic ofintimate conversation amongst members of the 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliersand their friends; many a laugh have we had about it. Why should notthe public be allowed to laugh with us?

All men and women, even the greatest, are capable of making mistakes. Nobody is perfect. Even the great Napoleon made mistakes. So GeneralStockwell will not, I am sure, claim to be immaculate. But for CliftonInglis Stockwell as a General I entertain, and always have entertained, feelings of the most profound respect. Nobody can possibly entertain amore ardent devotion for a leader than I entertain for General Stockwellunder whom it has been my good fortune to have the honour to serve in1917, in 1918, and in 1919. The longer I have served under him the morehave I admired his perfectly obvious talent, his brilliant initiative, and his striking personality. His record in the Great War is unique. Asa captain in the Royal Welsh Fusiliers, he commanded a company in theretreat from Mons in 1914. He rose rapidly. He became a major; and hebecame a colonel; and, during the Battle of the Somme, in 1916, hebecame a Brigadier-General, succeeding Brigadier-General Edwards incommand of the 164th Brigade. And he remained in command of that famousBrigade until the end of the war. As I studied the countenance ofGeneral Stockwell on that country road at Boisdinghem that afternoon Irealized that he was no ordinary twopenny-halfpenny brigadier; but Idid not then know that this was the man who, less than twelve monthslater, was destined to stand between Ludendorff and decisive victory inhis last dramatic throw at Givenchy on the glorious ninth of April, andseven months later still to be chosen to command the flying column knownby his name which captured Ath on Armistice Day and fired the last shotsof the Great War. It is right that Stockwell's place in history shouldbe duly appreciated. 

CHAPTER VI

THE GENERAL'S SPEECH

This chapter will be a very short one; but, despite its brevity, itseems to me that the event narrated in it should form the subject of asingle chapter. General Stockwell's speech at Westbecourt, on Waterlooday, 1917, was a very remarkable speech; it was the most striking speechI have ever heard--and I have listened to a good many famous publicspeakers in my time--and it produced a very profound impression upon allwho heard it. I only wish there had been a reporter present to take itdown verbatim. But that could not be. Those were the days of that mostobjectionable of all tyrants, the Censor! I can but quote from theletter which I wrote home from Westbecourt on June 18:

"The Battalion paraded in a field just by my billet this morning. General Stockwell arrived at 10. 45. The General Salute, Present Arms, was ordered by Best-Dunkley. The General rode up, and, facing theBattalion, said to Best-Dunkley: 'All right; slope arms, order arms, stand at ease, and close up your companies. ' The Colonel gave therequired orders. General Stockwell then addressed the Battalion. 'Colonel Best-Dunkley, gentlemen, non-commissioned officers, and men ofthe 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers, I am very sorry indeed to have to saywhat I am going to say to you now'--he began. He then spoke about themarch of Saturday, drew a vivid picture of the scene as it appeared tohim, said that he had had very great faith in the discipline of thisBattalion and was very sorry that under stress our discipline shouldprove so weak; said that the Brigade had been selected for the mostdifficult and trying part in the forthcoming operations (he then told uswhat part: I cannot, of course, reveal what!) because Sir Douglas Haigconsiders us the best brigade in the Division, and that if we could notstick Saturday what would we do then? He remarked that the LancashireFusiliers had won more V. C. 's than any other regiment in the BritishArmy, and he closed by saying that he would still trust us, and hopedthat we would act up to our traditions in the future. 

"Having said his say he disappeared as quickly as he had appeared!

"We then carried on with training. We finished at 12. The weather isstill hot. 

"I had a stroll about the village this afternoon, having some milkagain at the farm I spoke of yesterday. 

"At 6. 15 this evening we were all summoned to a conference at BattalionHeadquarters. Colonel Best-Dunkley told us all about a new scheme oftraining which commences to-morrow and also explained to us the plan ofcampaign and what part we are to play, with reference to the exactpoints on the map, in the next great battle, which he said would be thegreatest battle of the war. It is a thing which I have always thoughtought to be done. And I may say that I am of a very decided opinion that_if_ it is a _complete success_ there is not a shade of doubt but thatpeace will be signed in September; but unless it is a complete successwe shall have to wait for Maude and Murray in Asia Minor. . . . This battleis not going to be fought just yet; we have to practise it all first!

"There is no harm in telling you that the Colonel told us that we shouldremain billeted in this village for the remainder of this month atleast. And it is a delightful little village to be in. But we are anhour and a half's march from the divisional training area where we arenow going to proceed for training every day. . . . 

"Every time June 18 comes round I cannot help thinking of the greatdrama brought to a close on that day in 1815. Before many weeks havepassed I myself will probably partake in the operations of anotherWaterloo fought upon the blood-stained soil of unhappy Belgium! I alwayssaid that I would be in at the finish whether that finish happens to bein Belgium, on the Rhine, or in Palestine, didn't I?"

Yes, It was my destiny to be "in at the finish;" but the finish was not, as so many of our optimists then thought it would be, at Ypres in 1917!The decisive victory was not to be ours until Foch and Sir Henry Wilsonwere at the head of military affairs and D'Esperey at Cerna and Allenbyat Armageddon had won their Waterloo in the September of 1918; and whenStockwell's Force fired the last shots at Ath in Belgium I was there!

CHAPTER VII

THE VALE OF ACQUIN

We now commenced that early rising and continuous training with which wesoon became heartily "fed up. "

"June 19th. 

"I rose at 3. 30 this morning, made a hurried breakfast, and went onparade at 4. 15. We marched about three miles to the training area. Ourdress on this occasion was without tunics, but Sam Brown and otherarticles of equipment over our shirts; shirt-sleeves rolled up. When wereached very open country, high up on the moorland, a thunder-storm cameon and we were drenched! It was splendid. As we were wet through, wemarched back to our village again when it got fine! It was quite fineagain when we got back. It is just a little cooler now, but is quitefine and warm. 

"At 11 we had a conference at Battalion Headquarters. The Colonelinformed us that we are moving again, after all, to-morrow! We are goingto another village eighteen miles away. I expect the reason is becausethe selected training area for us while here is not satisfactory. I amsorry we are moving again so soon, because I like this village. . . . "

"June 20th. 

" . . . An order came round yesterday evening to the effect that we mightmove to the new place by bus, it might be by march; in case it should bethe latter we must be prepared to move off at 2 in the morning. Later inthe evening Regimental Sergeant-Major Hoyle came to see us in B CompanyOfficers' Mess, as he frequently does by invitation, and told us that itwas now official that we were to move by motor-bus at 7 this morning; sowe all decided to go to bed. We got up at 4. 30 this morning and hadbreakfast. We were then informed that the move was 'washed out' forto-day, and that we were to carry on with training. A parade wasordered, and took place at 6. 30, for the purpose of proceeding to thetraining area as per yesterday; but it rained, and the parade wasdismissed with orders to stand by until further orders. Then abox-respirator inspection in billets, with drill on same, was orderedand took place; it was, I may incidentally remark, the second they hadalready had during the day. This kind of thing went on for some time;the weather cleared up; and then another parade was ordered and tookplace at 9. 15. We then marched off to the training area. We went four orfive miles this time, further than we went yesterday. We passed throughthat village where the padre and I lost the Battalion on the march hereon Saturday! We halted in a field beyond that village. Then ColonelBest-Dunkley asked for all officers. We all sat round him on the grassfor about a quarter of an hour while he explained to us a tacticalscheme which the Battalion was now to carry out in the district. We thencarried out the tactical scheme which took place over potato fields andfine crops--it seemed a great pity for the farmers! We all had to moveour platoons across country to a certain position, each platoonproceeding separately, but, of course, keeping its correct distance fromthe others, and, by means of scouts and runners, keeping incommunication. On the front along which I had to proceed with my platoonthere were numerous fields enclosed by thick hedges and awkwardobstacles; but I got it along all right, without either map or compass. In one lane I encountered Major Brighten, sitting on horseback. He askedme various questions about the position, and gave me a word or two ofadvice. I really like Major Brighten very much; he is the nicest, aswell as one of the most capable, officer in the Battalion. When thescheme was over, Halstead told me that my platoon was in exactly theright position. That information was a pleasant surprise!

"We then marched back. Some of the way I rode on Halstead's horse, 'Peter. ' He must be a very good horse, because I got along all right; hedid not play any pranks. We got back at 3. 45. . . . We had a kind of lunchat 4 p. M. At 5. 30 we attended a conference of all officers at BattalionHeadquarters. The Colonel discussed the scheme, and criticized mostofficers very roundly; fortunately he had nothing whatever to say aboutme! While we were there the Adjutant opened an order from Brigade to theeffect that the move is now cancelled altogether; so we are remaininghere for our training. I am glad. "

"June 21st. 

"We were up at 4 again this morning. I am becoming very 'fed up' withthis stupidly early rising. I have no particular objection to shells orto route marches in themselves; but I do object to being awakened from apleasant sleep and having to get up at 4 every morning! It makes onefeel so washed out. 

"At 5 we marched off on a Battalion route march. We went round aboutnine miles, and got back at 9. 45. Then there was a kit inspection; thengas drill. This afternoon I had a stroll in the woods. There was a footinspection at 4; there is a battle-order inspection at 5. 40; and thisevening there is to be bayonet fighting and bombing! The men are, quitenaturally, not pleased. "

"June 22nd. 

"We marched off at 6 this morning to a range about seven miles away (atCormette). When we had been going about twenty minutes it began to rain. It rained all the way, but we went on just the same. I had no coat, sowas thoroughly wet. When we got to the range it was still raining. Wehad lunch there and discussed whether to fire or not. We got there at 9. At 11 it was decided to return without firing. "

This, I remember, was the occasion upon which I first met JohnBodington, who had just returned to the Battalion, from leave I suppose. He was then second-in-command of D Company, and did not possess a singleribbon. Few could have guessed what a remarkable military future laybefore him. "I should guess he's about the luckiest fellow that everdodged a 5. 9, " remarked a friend, now on the Rhine, who wrote to me theother day (August 11, 1919). 

"It simply poured on the way back. I was drenched to the skin. I do notthink I have ever had such a drenching before. The ground was thick withmud and slush. We were all horribly dirty. It was 2 p. M. When we gotback. I took off my things and had them dried by the fire. The people inthis billet are really very decent indeed. I went to bed for an hour. Then tea. At 6 we had a lecture on the compass, by Major Brighten. "

"June 23rd. 

"Reveille was not quite so early as usual this morning. We did not marchoff from here until 8 a. M. We then went, in battle-order, to thetraining area. While there I saw, through my field-glasses, General SirHubert Gough, Lieutenant-General Sir Herbert Watts, Major-GeneralJeudwine, and Brigadier-General Stockwell, on horseback, together with awhole crowd of staff-officers, on the crest of a hill some distanceaway. They were too far off for their faces to be distinguishable; but Iknew that they were the above-mentioned generals because Major Brightentold us yesterday that they were coming. They were inspecting thetraining. 

"The weather to-day has been very nice--sunshine, yet neither too hotnor too cold. We got back at 2. Then lunch. I then went to the farm theother side of the hill for some milk. Then tea. Then bombing. Thendinner. Then letter-writing. Now bed!

"Would you mind sending me a Lancashire Fusilier cap badge? Excuse measking for something fresh in every letter, but Colonel Best-Dunkley hasconceived the brilliant idea that our battalion should set an example tothe rest of the Brigade--'lead the way, ' as he calls it--by having capbadges in our steel helmets as well as in our soft hats. Of course withsuch devices we cannot fail to defeat the enemy next time we encounterhim! What a life!

"We are hoping, but scarcely daring to expect, that a somewhat easierday will be ours to-morrow, Sunday!"

"June 24th. 

"I did not get up until 9 this morning. Church parade was at 10. Theservice was, of course, taken by Newman. . . . The service was held in thefield which is the Battalion parade ground. After the service the padrehad a communion service in a corner of the field for those who wished tostay. About twenty men stayed, and the following officers--ColonelBest-Dunkley, Allen, Gratton, Giffin and myself. The padre had aminiature oak altar, containing a crucifix, with two lighted candles, ona table. 

"After this Colonel Best-Dunkley walked down the lane with us andaccepted Giffin's invitation to come inside B Company's Mess. He had adrink with us there, and stayed a minute or two. He remarked that it wasa dirty mess, pointed out a match on the floor, and, with his customaryblink and twitch of the nose, asked how we dare ask him into such adirty mess; but he also paid us the compliment of saying that B Companywas the best working company in the Battalion! Then we walked up toHeadquarters with him as he wanted us there. He told us that Sir HubertGough expressed himself pleased with the Battalion yesterday. When wegot to Headquarters he gave us a paper to answer--an account of anoperation upon which we were each to write a report. We then returnedand wrote out the reports. Then lunch. 

"The weather has been glorious to-day--bright sunshine, with arefreshing breeze, not too hot. This afternoon I had a walk in thecountry beyond this village, and strolled about a thickly-clusteredwood, plucking wild strawberries and eating them. Then back for tea. Then letter censoring. 

" . . . We are supposed to do an hour's reading per day of militarytext-books, and have to send in to Orderly Room a certificate to thateffect every evening!"

"June 25th. 

"We have been to the range again to-day. A and B Companies went laterthan the others, so we did not leave here until 8. 45. It was 11. 45 whenwe got there. The weather was glorious as usual; and, since there was aslight breeze, it was not too hot. We got the men into details of eightand fired this time. We had taken our lunch with us, and so we had itthere. The ground there (at Cormette) is very high, and there is asplendid view. I put my glass on it. We remained there until 4. Then wemarched back. . . . 

"I had three sergeants with my platoon to-day--Sergeant Clews, theplatoon-sergeant, Sergeant Dawson, and Sergeant Baldwin. The latter Ilike very much; he is a very pleasant youth; he was a corporal in 7thPlatoon when I first joined the Battalion. My four section commanders in8th Platoon are Corporal Pendleton (Bombers), Lance-Corporal Morgan(Rifleman), Lance-Corporal Flint (Rifle Grenadiers, and Gas N. C. O. ), andLance-Corporal Riley (Lewis Gunners). Lance-Corporal Topping, of 7thPlatoon, lives in Oldham Road, Middleton; he is a nice easy-going boy; Ilike him very much. He told me, when we were out on that working partyon June 9, that he knew my face. 

"Since I am on this subject I might mention that there are the followingsergeants in B Company: Sergeant-Major Preston, Quartermaster-SergeantJack, Sergeant Donovan, Sergeant Butterworth, Sergeant Williams, and thethree I have mentioned above. I think the most competent N. C. O. In myplatoon, apart from Dawson, who does not command a section, and Baldwin, who really belongs to 7th Platoon, is Corporal Pendleton. My servant isCritchley. He is, of course, in my platoon. He is a very obliging man. Iam perfectly satisfied with him. Officers' servants also act as runners. I think it is a bit thick on the part of the Colonel making them go onparade; it means that they have very little time to themselves. 

"The B Company officers are: Captain Andrews (Officer Commanding), Lieutenant Halstead (Second-in-Command) who is Company Commander whileCaptain Andrews is on leave, Lieutenant Giffin (a Rossall boy who, withthe traditional Rossall touch, tries to play the 'senior sub'part--always ticking one off and making personal remarks), Second-Lieutenant Allen, Second-Lieutenant Gratton, and myself. Grattonwas a private in Gallipoli, and so is a decent sort. Allen is veryorthodox and proper, and gets very 'windy' about being on parade intime; but he is a good sort and we are great friends. He comes fromBuxton way somewhere. Gratton comes from the south; he was in the RoyalFusiliers as a Tommy. Halstead comes from Haslingden; he is a verydecent, calm, fellow. He is married. Giffin comes from Burnley. He isabout my age. Gratton is twenty-seven. The two latter were on leave whenI arrived. 

"Two new officers have recently arrived from Scarborough--Walsh andHickey. They arrived there from cadet battalions just before I came outhere. They are in A Company, which is at present commanded by CaptainBriggs, Captain Cochrane being on leave. Lieutenant Ronald, an Argylland Sutherland Highlander attached to this Battalion--a decent sort--isalso in A Company; he has just been on leave. Leave comes round in turnthroughout the officers of the Battalion; it will be a long time beforemy turn comes: perhaps when the war is over! Horace Beesley of D Companyis very nice with me; he is an awfully decent sort. Lieutenant Joye, whois in command of Headquarters Company, is an amusing fellow; he is largeand fat, with yellow hair and a smiling face. Colonel Best-Dunkley isalways going for him; he had him under open arrest for something paltrythe other day! Lieutenant West is Assistant Adjutant and also physicaltraining officer. Captain Bodington is in command of D Company whileCaptain Blamey is on leave. Reggie Andrews, the Adjutant, amuses me. Hedoes not seem to worry much, though the Colonel gives him a deuce of atime; he is very short-sighted, but does not wear glasses. He is veryyoung. 

"I am Orderly Officer to-day and have not performed a single dutyappertaining thereto! It was too late to mount the guard when I got backfrom the range; and the Colonel had a conference of all officers thisevening at the time when staff parade was being held. These conferencesare a bore. The Colonel blinks and twitches his nose, and the thingdawdles on. The subject of the conference on this occasion was todiscuss a Brigade scheme taking place on the training area onWednesday. "

"June 27th. 

"We have had hardly a moment to ourselves during the last two days. At 9yesterday morning we walked to the training area, as all officers andN. C. O. 's had to reconnoitre the area in which the Brigade stunt was totake place to-day. When we got a little beyond the aerodrome, Allen, Verity, Barker and I got a lift in a Flying Corps tender as far as(Cormette), the little village where we had to assemble at 10. We thenwent over the area using maps, and the scheme was explained. The areawas exactly the same in dimensions as that with which we shall have todeal in the great battle, and positions were named by the names ofpositions which we shall attack then; strong points were marked by ringsof flags. We spent a terribly long time up there; we sat down waitingfor company commanders to return for about two hours. The whole thing, Iam sure, could have been done in much less time. The position of advanceallotted to our Battalion was on the extreme left of the Brigade, BCompany on the left of the Battalion, and 8th Platoon, therefore, on theextreme left of the Brigade. . . . 

"It was nearly 5 p. M. Before we got back, having had no lunch. We hadsome then. At 6. 30 we had to attend a conference at BattalionHeadquarters. It was 8 when we got back to B Company Mess, so thendinner; and at 9. 15 we were on parade for marching off on this Brigadestunt! It was midnight when the Battalion reached the village where wehad assembled in the morning; we felt very tired and sleepy. The firstthing we did was to get all the dispositions of the Battalion (the samehappened throughout the whole Brigade) effected under darkness, everysection in its correct place. The dew had fallen very thickly and thelong grass and corn were wringing wet; consequently we all got our feetand legs soaked. Then dummy ammunition was distributed. At about 2 a. M. We had permission to lie down where we were and get some sleep if wecould! I lay down in the dirt at the roadside and had an hour or two'ssleep. At about 3. 30, when it was becoming light, I was awakened, myteeth chattering horribly, hearing the Brigadier-General strafingsomebody! General Stockwell and his Staff seemed to be walking up anddown all night. I saw them just before I went to sleep, and the firstobject which I saw on opening my eyes again was General Stockwell. Ihear that poor Best-Dunkley got it hot again from the Brigadier aboutsomething during the night! The fiery young General seemed to be on thewar-path. 

"At 5. 15 we had breakfast, cooked in the travelling cook-waggons. Wehad to keep going up and down the line most of the time, explaining thescheme to the section commanders. Then Colonel Best-Dunkley went alongthe line asking questions. The first section commander he dropped on waspoor Topping, who had only been put on the particular job last night; hehad been somewhere else yesterday when it was all explained. The Colonelasked him what was the interval between his section and the section onhis right; he did not know! 'You see, your section commanders don't knowtheir orders, ' blinked the Colonel. 

"7th and 8th platoons were merged into one under Giffin. I commanded theleft wing, consisting of the sections of Lance-Corporal Topping andLance-Corporal Heap. We were the fourth wave, supporting the twoplatoons of Gratton and Allen who were in the third wave. The idea wasthat another brigade had taken all the strong points, and our brigadehad to push forward past them and penetrate the enemy's lines to acertain distance, consolidate, and repel counter-attacks. The otherbrigades were supposed to have gone over the top at dawn. So we wentover at 7 a. M. We went forward very nicely, under cover of a 'creepingbarrage' which was represented by drums rumbling and flags waving. Atthe little village of (Noir Carme) Giffin went to the right, and I tookTopping's and Heap's sections through the village and round to a fieldthe other side where I turned half-left and awaited Giffin's arrival onthe right. When he came up we all advanced to our final objective whichwas in advance of the Battalion's objective. We have to go to theoutpost line. Then we sent off flares to signal to the aircraft that wehad reached our objective; and then we were supposed to be digging inand putting out wire, patrolling, and resisting counter-attacks! As amatter of fact we sat there for a an hour or two. My two sections wereon the extreme left of the whole Brigade. 

"At 11. 30 the stunt was declared over and the men went home; but GeneralStockwell wished to see all the officers in the Brigade. So we assemblednear the aerodrome. The General was very agreeable; he was in a mostagreeable and accommodating mood; he seemed very pleased indeed witheverything. He spoke for about twenty minutes on the operations. He isreally a brilliant speaker. He said that on the whole the advance wascarried out very well indeed, that the right was not quite so good, butthat the left was very good indeed; we kept our dressing splendidly!Giffin and I exchanged glances of satisfaction. At the close of hisspeech General Stockwell said that we must do the scheme once or twiceagain, and asked the colonels (Best-Dunkley, Hindle, Heath, andBalfour) whether 9. 30 to-morrow morning would be agreeable on thetraining area. Colonel Best-Dunkley said that it would do quite well;but Colonel Heath objected that the men were all tired and would requiresome sleep--would not Friday be better? 'Very well then; I'm quiteagreeable to have it on Friday; you can do what you like to-morrow, 'replied the General in a jovial tone. We were all very pleased. Theconference over we set off back. Thus ended our first 'dress rehearsal'!

"When we got back we had some lunch. Then, at 2 in the afternoon we wentto bed. At 5. 30 Critchley wakened me with the information that there wasa conference of all officers at the aerodrome at 6. Allen immediatelygot the 'wind up, ' but I pointed out to him that even if it werecorrect, which I doubted, the thing was now out of the question so faras we were concerned; so we might as well remain in bed and get up atour leisure. As a matter of fact, the information turned out to beincorrect: it was merely company commanders who were required--Halsteadhad gone. 

"We got up for dinner at 8. Captain Andrews had then returned fromleave. When Halstead got back he was jolly glad to find that he wasrelieved from the responsibilities and worries of a company commander. But Captain Andrews is going to be second-in-command of the Battalionin the forthcoming battle, as Major Brighten, who is now home on leave, may not be there; so Halstead will have to command B Company in theoperations, and this scheme is to hold good, with regard to all schemesand rehearsals concerning the operations. "

"June 29th. 

"We are working very hard just now, and it is all I can do to find timeto write letters; one's natural inclination is to sleep when one has anafternoon free after a strenuous morning, but some letters must bewritten, so I must write. 

"Yesterday morning we rose at 8. 30 and had breakfast. Then we receivednotification that all officers and N. C. O. 's were to parade at theaerodrome at 10. 30 for a lecture. So we walked there. There was not muchof a lecture. A Royal Flying Corps officer explained some aeroplanesignals to us, and then an aeroplane went up and exhibited them. Then wewere told that we could dismiss. So we walked back again. We all thoughtit a 'wash out' having us up there just for that. Colonel Best-Dunkleystayed behind to have a fly. I will not repeat the hopes which wereexpressed by certain of his battalion! He flew over our village anddropped a message at Battalion Headquarters. All went off without anyaccidents!

"We had lunch when we got back. Then I censored two hundred letters. Wehad a thunder-storm and a heavy fall of rain in the evening. I went tobed soon after dinner. There was no mail yesterday. 

"This morning we rose at 5. 30. We marched off at 6. 30 and did theBrigade stunt again on the training area. I am getting rather fed upwith Giffin on parade. He nearly landed me in the soup this morning byhis dictatorial interference; he seems to like to make one realize thathe is a full lieutenant! When I had got Topping's section down on to theroad just before the village he signalled for me to bring it back again. The result was a 'box-up, ' and we got right behind our wave, whereas ifwe had gone straight on we would have kept in line; but, fortunately, Igot right again in a few minutes. We finished at 12. 40. Then allofficers had to attend a conference with the General again. GeneralStockwell was very pleased with the show, and had no complaints. I amgetting to like General Stockwell very much; his face is not unlike thatof the great Sir David Beatty. 

"We felt jolly tired after it all. It was hot and tiring walking back. We got back at 3 p. M. Then lunch. Giffin had the decency to apologizefor his nastiness. 'I hope you did not mind me cursing you this morning, Floyd, ' he said. I replied that I did not, but said that I thought thatit would have been better for me to go on when I had got on the road. Of course, he did not agree! When on the march if I call out a step hewashes it out and says that it is the wrong one. And he is alwayscriticizing one. Halstead is very different; he does not interfere withone; in fact, he has complimented me on all occasions of these schemes. After the General had mentioned that the left did so well the other dayHalstead said in the Mess: 'Yes, our left flank was fine, thanks toFloyd; he managed it like a general!' That is, of course exaggeration inthe opposite direction; I make no claim to any talents of that kind: butit is encouraging for one's company commander to talk like that, moreencouraging than the way the second-in-command, Giffin, behaves. Giffinis quite agreeable generally, but I do not like his patronizing air. 

"We have packed and sent off our kit-bags this evening, as we arereturning to the trenches in a day or two. So if you do not get anyletters for a few days shortly, do not get the wind up; I will writewhenever I have time. . . . 

"I am rather surprised to hear of the change in the MediterraneanCommand. I gather that Sir Archibald Murray, towards whom I entertainedsuch complete confidence, is sharing the fate of his famous predecessor, Sir Ian Hamilton; for I learn that Sir Edmund Allenby, the victor ofArras, is leaving France to take command in Egypt. Sir Julian Byng hasbeen appointed to command the Third Army in his place, and General Byngis succeeded by General Currie as commander of the Canadian Corps. Things have certainly been very quiet in Palestine lately; but I thinkthat is the fault of Sir William Robertson in taking Douglas' 42ndDivision away from Murray; but poor Murray gets sacked because he failsto get on when supplied with insufficient troops! I am sorry. I hadpictured Sir Archibald Murray leading a victorious wing at Armageddon, but that, apparently, is not now to be: Sir Edmund Allenby reigns in hisstead. Perhaps the new general will have more troops sent out to him;perhaps we shall now get a move on in Palestine, so important a theatreof operations; the arrival of Sir Edmund Allenby in the East may provethe signal for a fresh offensive out there. [3] Sir Stanley Maude hasbeen very quiet lately; but I suppose the weather will be adverse tooperations in Mesopotamia at present. I wonder why something is not donewith Sir George Milne's force at Salonica. Apparently all is not evenyet plain sailing in Greece. There is still intrigue going on. I do notthink Venizelos is going to have everything his own way, even now KingConstantine has gone to Switzerland. Switzerland is now, I think, thetheatre of important diplomatic intrigues. I think King Constantine'sabdication is only temporary; I think King Alexander only reigns for theperiod of the war. Do not fret--King Constantine knows what he is doing!

"What about Holland? There seems to be trouble there. And, as Fatherremarks, Ireland is troublesome again; but Sir Bryan Mahon ought to beable to deal with the insurgents, even though Lord Wimborne is stillViceroy; and Duke is a better Chief Secretary than Birrell!

"How is Lord Rhondda going on as Food Controller? Are things any betterthan they were under Devonport? Lloyd George seems to be declining inpopularity. And the people seem determined not to have Churchill inoffice! So what will happen? Things are very quaint at present. 

"Well, darkness has descended upon the country-side; it is time I wasretiring to rest; I therefore lay down my pen. Good night!"

My diary, under date June 30, states: "A quiet morning. Inspections. Then went to see relief plan of area of our forthcoming attack in afield at Boisdinghem. "

Thus ended our long rest. The evening of June 30--our last atWestbecourt--is one which is still well remembered by those who werethere, and still much spoken of by those who were not there! It was alively evening in the various company messes. Champagne was much indemand, and "all went merry as a marriage bell. " I will never forget thefun we had in B Company Mess that evening. I laughed for two hourswithout ceasing. At 11 p. M. I returned to my billet whence the staid andquiet Allen had already preceded me. I talked volubly to him for about aquarter of an hour, apparently causing him considerable amusement, andthen would insist on going back to the mess for my _Church Times_ whichI had left there. When I got there the mess was locked up, so I had toreturn without it! The most amusing point about this episode is that anofficer who was in another company mess at the time has always professedto know more about the happenings in B Company Mess that evening thanany B Company officers who were present!

FOOTNOTE:

[3] See Appendix I. 

CHAPTER VIII

BACK TO THE SALIENT

We returned to Ypres on July 1. Everybody was thinking and talking aboutthe great Battle on the Somme of which this was the first anniversary;but before the day was over we ourselves had cause to remember the firstof July. 

My diary contains a brief synopsis of the journey:

"July 1st. 

"Up 4 a. M. Breakfast 4. 40. Marched off from Westbecourt at 6. 15. Marchedto Lumbres. The place full of Portuguese. Entrained there. Train leftLumbres at 10 a. M. Went through St. Omer, Hazebrouck, and Poperinghe. Wegot out at Brandhoek, about two miles beyond Poperinghe--nearly atVlamertinghe. Marched to Query Camp. Remained here in tents during theafternoon. The arrangements concerning us seem very vague. DivisionalStaff do not appear to have given very definite orders to GeneralStockwell. But one thing is known: we are to relieve the 165th Brigadein the trenches in the Ypres Salient. At Query Camp we are about threemiles from the German front line, and so well within range of the guns. They are booming as usual all the time. "

In a letter written home from the Ramparts the following day, July 2, Idescribed our return to the Salient as follows:

"Yesterday, Sunday, was our last day in reserve billets. We rose at 4a. M. At 6. 15 we marched off. We marched to a village about an hour and ahalf's march away--a village where there are some Portuguese troops. There we entrained. We left at about 10 a. M. We travelled to therailhead where I got off on my arrival on June 5; but this time thetrain took us about two miles beyond the station. Then we marched to acamp about three miles behind the front line. We remained there, intents, all the afternoon. Colonel Best-Dunkley came into B Company'smess tent. He was so taken up with the arrangements which Allen, themess president, had made that he remained for tea with us! He was in avery agreeable mood; he is certainly a man of moods. He tried to put thewind up me about life in the trenches, but did not succeed. The Adjutantwas there too, also Captain Andrews and an officer from the brigade weare relieving. Nobody else seemed disposed to come in. The Colonel dinedat Division, which was the other side of some trees; but the Adjutantremained for dinner with us. Gratton asked me to show my _MiddletonGuardian_ correspondence to the Adjutant, and I did so; he was veryinterested. West, the Assistant Adjutant, also read it. "

While we were at Query Camp orders came round to all companies that oneofficer per company was to be detailed to leave at 5 p. M. And proceed tothe Salient and reconnoitre the trenches. Captain Andrews detailedHalstead to go from B Company. Ronald went from A, Barker from C, andWood from D. They all set off together. Giffin also left us, as he wasdetailed to take over billets for us in the Prison. 

"At 8. 40 we moved off. We went at intervals of three hundred yardsbetween platoons, with six connecting files. As Giffin had been sent onmuch earlier to 'take over, ' I was in command of the combined 7th and8th platoons. I had four sergeants with me--Sergeant Williams andSergeant Clews in front, and Sergeant Dawson and Sergeant Baldwinbehind. At first I marched in front, but then Captain Andrews told me tomarch in rear of my platoon; so I chatted with Sergeant Baldwin for therest of the way. He is twenty years old and has been in the Army sincehe was seventeen. He joined the Argyles in 1914, and was stationed inEdinburgh for some time. Then he was discharged on account of weakeyesight. But he immediately enlisted again; this time in theLancashire Fusiliers. His home is Higher Broughton. His father, who isforty-nine, is a sergeant in the Manchesters at Salonica; I believe hesaid that he was wounded. 

"Things were moderately quiet until we reached the (Prison). It wasabout 10 p. M. When we got there. Things then became much livelier;shells were bursting all round. We found the building uninhabitable. Thecasualties there during the last few days have been very heavy. Oneshell buried a party in the debris; it took four hours' solid digging toget them out! So it has been decided to abandon the place as a billet. 

"We were delayed here because we thought this was our destination; butwe were informed that we were to go on to some ramparts, wherever theymight be! I had not the faintest idea where they were. Anyhow I followedthose in front along the ghastly streets of the city. Shells weredropping all round. One shell exploded ten yards away. A moment laterSergeant Baldwin and I noticed one of the men in rear of the platoonfainting and pulling horrible faces. I asked him whether he was hit. Itappeared that he had got shell-shock. So we got hold of him and calledout for the stretcher-bearers. Meanwhile, we got completely out of theplatoon; they, of course, went on. So we were left behind by ourselves. A stretcher-bearer turned up in a minute or two; then another. So we gotPrivate Armstead off to the nearest dug-out we could find; it happenedto be a Brigade Headquarters of some other brigade. There was a MedicalOfficer there; so he saw to the man, and gave me a chit to take backwith me concerning him. Baldwin and I thought that we might as well havea rest for a short time as it was quite comfortable here! So we did. Ihappened to have a couple of oranges in my haversack, so we each hadone; we then felt refreshed. At about 11. 40 we thought it would not be abad idea to get a move on; so we went outside amongst the nasty shellsagain. It was decidedly exciting in that we did not know how far we hadto go, or whether we were ever likely to find the dug-outs whither ourplatoon had gone! We kept asking everybody we passed whether they had'seen any L. F. 's?' We thus kept in the right direction as we weregenerally told that they had gone over yonder! We came to a spot havinga very sinister tradition attached to it (the Menin Gate). So we doubledacross here as fast as possible! Eventually we managed to find thedug-outs where our people were. We had arrived safe and sound. SoBaldwin went to his dug-out with the others and I looked for CaptainAndrews and reported to him when I found him. I then went into mydug-out, which is the same one as his. It is very cosy. I lit a candleand read the four letters which I had received by the mail which arrivedjust before we left the tents, and also the newspapers which you havesent. . . . 

"As regards the papers--they are very interesting indeed. TheMesopotamian Commission Report seems to have caused a great sensation. Agood many public men are censured. I am glad to find that the onereputation made, or rather restored, is that of Earl Curzon! I have beendiscussing it with Captain Andrews at breakfast this morning. We hadbreakfast in the mess dug-out at 12 this morning. The other B Companyofficers stayed in bed for breakfast. 

"There was an inspection of box-respirators and rifles this afternoon. Iinspected my own platoon, which is now 7 again! with Sergeant Baldwin. Ihappened to remark to him that I presumed that he was now platoonsergeant of this platoon. He said that he was. 'That's all right, ' Ireplied; and he smiled. Then Giffin, who must have overhead our remarks, approached and, in his imperious way, said: 'Sergeant Baldwin, you'reonly in charge of 7 Platoon temporarily, until Sergeant Butterworthcomes back; you're not platoon sergeant. You understand that, Floyd?' heconcluded, turning to me. I think it a bit thick that one cannot chooseone's own platoon sergeant. . . . 

"Halstead has not yet turned up, and we now learn that the three others(who went with him), have not returned to their respective companies. When I was in that Brigade dug-out last night the M. O. Casually remarkedto me that he had attended to four officers, who appeared to belong toour brigade, at about 6 in the evening. They were all wounded; one wasvery bad. In the light of the present situation it certainly looks as ifthey must have been the unfortunate four. So Captain Andrews has sentGiffin down there to inquire. It looks serious. 

"It is now 6 p. M. I must close. Captain Andrews says that I had betterwarn you that you must not expect letters very frequently now, as it isnot easy to get them off from here. We are going further up to-night. But do not worry; it is as safe there as here!"

A postscript to this letter states: "It is as I surmised. Halstead, Barker, Ronald, and Wood are all wounded--by the same shell. "

The _Lancashire Fusiliers' Annual_ thus sums up the events of July 1 andthe fate of these four officers:

"On July 1st, the Battalion returned to the forward area. We were tohave gone into our old billets in the Prison and the Magazine, but, as a17in. Shell had just landed in the Magazine and the foundations of thePrison had been shaken by 8in. Duds, it was impossible to do so. Halfthe Battalion therefore found billets in the Ramparts, etc. , the otherhalf and Headquarters went back to Goldfish Château. During theafternoon of July 1, the Battalion suffered the most severe loss it hadsuffered for some time. Four officers, Lieut. W. C. Ronald, LieutenantH. A. Wood, Lieutenant J. Halstead and Second-Lieutenant H. A. Barker, one officer from each Company, had started up to reconnoitre the line. At Wells Cross Roads a shell landed and wounded all four. Second-Lieutenant Barker died of his wounds a month later, but the otherthree have all recovered. "

The _Lancashire Fusiliers' Annual_ goes on to say that "On July 2nd theBattalion moved up into the Potijze sector. We had a hot reception, theenemy sent over 1, 500 shells all round Battalion Headquarters betweenmidnight and 5 a. M. " But, as the following extract from my diary willshow, the move took place while I was otherwise engaged:

"July 2nd. 

" . . . There came an order for a working party of one officer and twentymen to report at Potijze dump at once. So Captain Andrew detailed me totake Sergeant Baldwin and twenty men of 5 Platoon. We went by theWater-pipe track across the open, in broad daylight. Enemy observationballoons were up all the time and spotted us. A few shells were fired, but nobody was hit. When we got to Potijze the men were given materialto take to Pagoda Trench; so we proceeded there in small parties. We gotto Pagoda Trench at 7. 30; but enemy observation balloons were still up, and a few bullets whizzed over the trench, so it was not yet safe towork. We accordingly sat in the trench and waited. Darkness fell upon abeautiful summer evening before the observation balloons disappeared. At9. 30 we decided that it was safe to begin work. The work to be doneconsisted of repairing duck-boards. It did not require much supervising, especially as representatives of the Royal Engineers were managing it, so Baldwin and I sat down and chatted most of the time. As a matter offact, we had six men too many; so they had nothing to do. One or twomachine-gun and rifle bullets whizzed past while we were there, but noone was hit. We stopped at 11. 30 and filed back down the communicationtrench through Potijze Wood. Coming round the corner here--near BottleWall--we were shelled rather badly; the shells were bursting very nearus--one within six yards--but none of my party were hit. An R. E. Officerclose by was wounded. We got back to Potijze dump at 12 midnight. Ireported to Captain Andrews, who was there in a dug-out. The Company hadmoved up while we had been on this working party. I saw my party intotheir new dug-outs here, and then came back and spent the night in theofficers' dug-out at Potijze with Captain Andrews, Giffin, and Gratton. Allen was with a working party and did not return until 3 a. M. . . . Shellswere falling round our dug-out all night. One shell blew a dug-out, afew yards away, to pieces, killing two, wounding two, and causingshell-shock to the remaining man--all of 5 Platoon (Allen's platoon). Two more B Company men were wounded on fatigue near St. Jean. A goodmany transport men and horses, and men of other units, were killed andwounded near. It was what might be called a rough night in the YpresSalient! Morning (July 3) dawned bright and clear. 

"A message came to us at 5 a. M. That I must proceed to Bilge Trench tobe temporarily attached to D Company in Wood's place. At present CCompany (Captain Mordecai) are in the front line, with theirheadquarters in the Estaminet (the deep tunnel dug-out beneath Wieltje). D Company (Captain Bodington) are in support in Bilge Trench. ColonelBest-Dunkley calls it the front line, and considers it such in hisdispositions. A Company (Captain Briggs) are in reserve. And B Company(Captain Andrews) are in Potijze dug-outs. Battalion Headquarters areclose to Potijze. "

CHAPTER IX

BILGE TRENCH

When I got to Bilge Trench I found that the facilities forletter-writing were not quite what they had been before. But there wasplenty to write about. Every hour one was confronted with some newaspect of modern warfare. I had an interesting taste of it in BilgeTrench and its vicinity! On July 5 I began a letter home in thefollowing tone: "Letter-writing of the proper kind is becoming quite aproblem. I am quite behind-hand, but fortunately I am keeping lengthydiary notes in pencil; so, if I have not the time to let you know all myexperiences just now, I hope to get a connected narrative togethersometime. How ripping it will be when that far-off day arrives when Ican come home and tell you all about everything! It will be a long talewhich I shall have to tell. I have almost forgotten which articles fromhome I have acknowledged and which not. I received a nice parcel theother day, containing a cake which we had for tea in the mess and whichwas duly appreciated--also chocolates, toffee, ink, socks, andbadge. . . . " As this letter intimates, the diary tells the clearest storyat this period. So for the time being I will quote from the diary:

"July 3rd. 

"I left Potijze at 7. 20 a. M. Accompanied by a runner named Firth. Wepassed A Company in Garden Street on the way. I saw Captain Briggs, Hickey, Kerr, and Walsh. They have had no casualties yet. We arrived inBilge Trench at 8 a. M. Here I found Captain Bodington, Victor Telfer, and Beesley. I had a cup of tea and a sleep during the morning. In theafternoon I sent for my batman, Critchley, as I expected to be here somedays. He brought up some letters for me. . . . In the evening CaptainBlamey returned from leave, and so takes over command of D Company. At10. 30 p. M. Beesley went out into no man's land with a patrol; and Kerr, of A Company, Telfer, and I went out on a wiring party just behind him. We went up Durham Trench by ourselves first; the party followed onafter. Machine-gun bullets whizzed past the desolate area; it was notexactly pleasant. We went on along New Garden Street, and waited for theparties. Then they drew wire and pickets which had been dumped by acarrying party under Giffin. The Brigade-Major and Colonel Best-Dunkleywent past us while we were at this spot. We were delayed some time. Then we moved on and got into Hopkins Trench, a new trench pushed outright beyond our front line. They began to get over the top here, butmade a great row about it. Naturally the enemy heard us and a hell of astrafe began. It continued for about five minutes; then we got on again. Beesley's covering party was right out in front of a hedge in no man'sland. Our men started wiring in front of Hopkins Trench, and just behindthe hedge. Things seem very weird out there; from the continual seriesof Véry lights it looks just as if the enemy trenches were stretched allaround one. While we were there a little raid took place on our left. Attimes machine-guns fired across from both sides--not exactly pleasantfor us in the middle of it all!

"July 4th. 

"We returned to Bilge Trench about 2 a. M. I had a sleep in my clothesuntil 8. Then breakfast. Then a wash and shave. I was officer of thewatch during the morning. Duty consists of seeing that sentries are attheir posts, and fatigue parties at work. Hostile aircraft frequentlycomes over and fires machine-gun bullets down into the trenches. Ourguns fire shrapnel at them, but I have not yet seen one hit. Periodicalshelling continues all day. At present the Germans continue to dropshell after shell on one spot near St. Jean behind us. They scream overus and alight on the same spot every time. 

"In the afternoon I had a chat with Telfer and Beesley, and then anhour's sleep. Then tea. After tea Beesley and I went up Durham Trench toWieltje--the strong point on our front line at present held by CCompany. The headquarters of a company of the 1/4th King's Own RoyalLancaster Regiment is also down in the mine at Wieltje. We went downhere and saw Captain Mordecai, Agnew, and Verity. The first had a bloodybandage round his head; he has been wounded by a piece of shrapnel, butis not bad enough to get away. We stayed there a few minutes and thenwent into Dead End, the front line trench. Here we saw Francis (who wasat Scarborough before I came out, and who has just come back here again. He was wounded out here in January in this unit) and Walsh and I sat andhad a chat with them there. These trenches are very pretty--the parapetand parados covered with grass and flowers. In fact they seem to havebecome natural features in the geography of the district. 

"We returned via New John Street to our Company Headquarters in BilgeTrench for dinner. At 9. 30 I went with Captain Blamey for a stroll upDurham Trench, Armitage Trench and Hopkins Trench, out into no man'sland. Blamey was not sure of the geography of this particular part andwanted to have a look round; so I went with him. Then Beesley got hispatrol out again. Blamey and I then supervised a working party in DurhamTrench. 

"July 5th. 

"All was moderately quiet until 1. 50 a. M. Then we heard rifle shots, andmore rifle shots, ringing out in no man's land; and at 2 a regularset-to began. The Cheshires on our immediate left were making a raidwith an artillery barrage. It was quite a set-to. Beesley got back intime. He, Telfer, and I watched it all from the parapet of DurhamTrench. The enemy were too preoccupied to trouble to shoot us! This wenton for about half an hour. Then the enemy retaliated in a furious mannerwith his artillery. We made for Wieltje dug-out and were only just intime. Shells were falling everywhere in a continual succession. It was aterrific bombardment; it was the biggest row I have heard since theBattle of Messines! After a few minutes we went and sat in C Companydug-out in the Estaminet. Captain Andrews was there too. Who should walkin but Gaulter, of Hut 5 at Gailes! He is in the 1/4th King's Own in ourBrigade. I had a talk with him. We returned about 4 a. M. To BilgeTrench; and Andrews went back to Potijze. 

"When we got back to Bilge Trench we found that there had been two orthree casualties, and one dug-out totally demolished. ColonelBest-Dunkley came on the scene, and started strafing one or two peopleabout something. He stayed and had a cup of tea in our mess. He asked mewhether I could tell him what were the six infantry regiments, includingthe Lancashire Fusiliers, which took part in the Battle of Minden! Iconfessed that I did not know. 'That's very feeble for a historian likeyou, ' he said, with a blink. As a matter of fact, he could not think ofall the names himself; he knew of about four. [4]

"The Colonel departed about 5 a. M. I then came on duty as officer of thewatch until breakfast. The Germans were still shelling that spot nearSt. Jean--some of the nose-caps returned as far back as Bilge Trench. Sleep in the morning. There was a heavy bombardment of our trench from12. 20 to 12. 45; one or two casualties. The padre called in to see us andhad tea in our dug-out. I had a little sleep before dinner, and wasofficer of the watch from 9 p. M. To 12 midnight. While on duty, Isupervised a working party, consisting of Sergeant Dawson and eleven BCompany men, in Bilge Trench. They were putting up camouflage. SergeantDawson tells me that Sergeant Butterworth is wounded. They have beenhaving a hot time of it. 

"July 6th. 

"At 12 I had another sleep until 4 a. M. , when I became officer of thewatch again. There was a good deal of aircraft about. One aeroplane, despite the fact that shrapnel was fired at it every time, was verypersevering in returning over and over again. I felt horribly sleepy allthe time. At 7. 30 Sergeant-Major Stanton took over duty again. So I hadmy breakfast. Then I had another sleep. At midday I was awakened hearinggreat excitement occasioned by an air scrap overhead. Four were broughtdown. I felt too cosy to trouble to get up and look! Up at 12. 45. One ortwo whizz-bangs landed uncomfortably near while I was shaving. At 2 p. M. There was another air scrap overhead. We watched it through our glasses. We saw one of our aeroplanes cut off and brought down into the Bochelines completely smashed. Then one of the German aeroplanes was broughtdown. There has been considerable aerial activity all day. 

"July 7th. 

"On patrol with Beesley at night (July 6-7). We left our own trench soonafter 10 p. M. And filed up the communication trench and out into noman's land. The moon was shining brightly and a good deal of countrywas visible in its silvery light. We got our patrol stationed along theline of a hedge, facing the German front line. Then we crouched along tothe left to get into touch with a patrol sent out by the Cheshires onour left. It was a strange sensation creeping along no man's land, grasping our revolvers, and anxiously peering into every hedge or bushor tuft of grass or ruined cottage (such as Argyle Farm and Lytham Cot)wondering whether it were occupied; and ever and anon gingerly glancingin the direction of the German trenches, wondering whether we were seen!I cannot understand why we were not sniped; logically we ought to havebeen; but, fortunately, the enemy were not logical on this occasion. Wefound the party of the Cheshires and then crept back. We were walkingover the same ground where the recent bombing raid had taken place. I amglad the enemy did not do a stunt while we were there! Kerr and Telferwere behind us, wiring. Our patrol, or covering party, ran right acrosswhat was _avant la guerre_, the St. Julien Road. It is now so completelyovergrown with grass that it is scarcely distinguishable at first sightfrom the remaining country in no man's land. All went well until 12. 30a. M. But for the rumble of the guns on both sides of us and theperiodical sound of the shells flying high over our heads, the Vérylights and the occasional rat-tat of a machine-gun, there was little inthe peaceful, moonlit country-side to suggest to us the fact that wewere between our own lines and those of the enemy! However, at 12. 30a. M. We received a curt reminder that there was a war on, and that wewere in the very heart of it. Captain Blamey had given orders that, since I was to be officer of the watch in our trench at 4 in themorning, I must leave the patrol party at 12. 30 and return in order tobe able to get a little sleep before going on duty; so Beesley said thatas it was now 12. 30 I had better go; and I, therefore, stealthily mademy departure. A few yards behind were the wiring party; so I whispered aword or two to Kerr and Telfer. Telfer said that I ought to have a manwith me; one is not supposed to go about here alone; so he detailed aman. We were just setting off when, like a bolt from the blue, a riflebomb burst right amongst the wiring party with a crack; and immediatelywe heard groans. Three men were wounded: one had his leg very badlysmashed, and the other two had nice 'Blighties'--one in the leg, theother in the nose. That was the first shot. Shell followed shell andbomb followed bomb in one continuous succession; a regular strafe began. We made a bound for the nearest trench (Hopkins Trench) behind us. Thebottom was full of water; that did not matter; in we splashed, and onlyjust in time. The shells were dropping everywhere. An aeroplane flewoverhead and dropped a few bombs, just to liven things up a little more!And then a machine-gun also opened right on to us--only the parapet ofthe little trench saved us. But for this trench we would all have beenwiped out; the bullets were peppering the parapet. Such a to-do it was!After about ten minutes of this, Kerr said that I had better go. Thenbegan the most desperate adventure I have so far struck. I made a dashacross the open into the communication trench and hurried down it, bentdouble. I had to duck constantly, for shells were bursting around meevery yard of the journey. The dust raised by the explosions envelopedme; and, to crown all, gas shells came over. But I did not trouble toput my box-respirator on; the gas was not so bad as that. I simplydashed from bay to bay, crouching behind each traverse as the shells orbombs exploded and then bounding on to the next. In many places I wentdown into thick mud and water up to my knees; but when it is a questionof life or death things like that do not trouble one. At last I reachedBilge Trench in safety. It was crowded with fugitives from workingparties--amongst them many wounded men. There have been a whole crowdwounded and some, including Sergeant Fergusson of the patrol, gassed. Having got back, I reported the proceedings to Captain Blamey, and thenwent to sleep. 

"At 4 a. M. I got up again and went on duty as officer of the watch. Sergeant-Major Stanton relieved me at 7. Writing in the morning. Muchaerial activity. Sleep in the afternoon until 7. 30 p. M. Working partywith Sergeant Noden in New John Street from Monmouth Trench to Dead Endin the evening. "

On July 8 I wrote home from Bilge Trench as follows:

"I have just received two letters from home--July 4 and July 5--and I amsorry to observe that you are both becoming anxious just because youhave not heard from me for a day or two. You really must not do this. Circumstances may easily arise at any time out here which would preventmy writing for a week or two; it is absurd to put a bad construction oneverything. I always write when I can. By the way, blotting paper wouldbe a great aid to writing. But some is probably on the way by now. Ireceived a parcel from home yesterday containing parkin, chocolates, socks, writing material, and magazines. Thank you very much indeed. Theyhave been duly appreciated. 

"We had three artillery officers from the 36th Division here yesterdayreconnoitring as to where to place their guns. They were at the Battleof Messines and are now coming up here. Recently we have had hardly anyguns here; we have been biding our time; if we had had them here now theGermans would have found them out; as it is, they will come as asurprise upon the enemy now; he will not have time to locate them beforethe great push. We are having the same artillery which did the job atMessines. 

"I spent yesterday afternoon sleeping. At dinner I found thatSecond-Lieutenant Talbot Dickinson, M. C. , had returned from leave. Heought to have had his investiture while on leave, but, as there was notone fixed at Buckingham Palace until a few days after the date on whichhe should return, he had to come back without it. 

"Yesterday evening I was supervising a working party under SergeantNoden, repairing the parapet of a trench. All was quiet while we were atit; but I knew that a raid, about a mile away on our right, was fixedfor 1. 30 this morning. So, my party having finished their job, I broughtthem away at 1. 20 and got them all back in their dug-outs by 1. 30. Then, just as I entered our Company Headquarters dug-out at 1. 30, the peacefulnight was suddenly turned into hell. With a thunderous noise shells cameover from the German guns in hundreds. Our dug-outs seemed to be theirparticular mark. ('When in doubt, shell Bilge!' was a maxim whichBodington used to attribute to the enemy artillery opposite us. ) Theplace shook. Captain Blamey, Captain Bodington, Beesley, Dickinson and Iwere inside. We began to think that the dug-out was going to be blown toatoms; but we occupied ourselves by eating some of the parkin you sent!The candles were twice blown out by the force of the exploding shells. It seemed impossible that anything could live in such a bombardment. After about ten minutes of this the others went out, saying that all theofficers in the Company should not crowd in the same dug-out during abombardment because if a shell were to blow the dug-out to pieces wewould all be knocked out, which would not do; so Dickinson and I aloneremained. I remarked to him that this was a pleasant welcome for him onhis return from leave! After 2 a. M. The bombardment began to slackendown; and by 2. 15 it was all over, and quiet reigned again. I noticedthat it had begun to rain. When we took stock we found that D Companyhad not suffered a single casualty on this occasion! This struck me asbeing extraordinary when one takes into consideration the fact that ourtrench was simply packed like sardines with various returning workingparties which had all got congested here--working parties from variouscompanies and regiments; there were some Irish amongst them. It wasamusing to listen to the language: men shouting, with all kinds ofunmentionable oaths, to each other to get a 'bloody move on for ----sake!'

"It is amusing what a number of new men, 'obviously Derbyites andconscripts, ' as Beesley said the other day, have got the wind up. Oneincident of the kind, related by Captain Bodington, was very funny. Hewas walking along a trench last night and a man came rushing along as ifthe whole German Army were chasing him; and he bumped right intoBodington, nearly sending him flying. Bodington asked him whatever wasthe matter; and the man replied in a voice of abject terror, 'They'resniping at us up there, sir!'

"At 2. 30 this morning I retired to rest--in my clothes of course; we donot undress in the trenches. At 5. 40 I rose and took on officer of thewatch until breakfast at 8. 45, when I was relieved by Sergeant-MajorStanton. It was raining, so I wore my trench-coat. After breakfast Iretired to rest again. But at 10. 15 I noticed something happen: ourguns, of which we have heard so little during this week in the trenches, began to bombard the enemy lines. Not an intense bombardment, but acontinuous and systematic bombardment; they have been at it all day withthe exception of a pause for about an hour in the middle of the day. TheGerman guns have been quiet all day since they ceased at 2. 15 thismorning. There is always a calm after a storm. It is fine again now. Well--cheerio!. . . "

My diary of the same date (July 8) carries on:

"Germans started shelling us at 7. 45 p. M. Dinner. Sleep from 10 to11. 30. Then I went into Company Headquarters to be ready for chits, asall the other officers were away somewhere. The dug-out was shelledwhile I was in there; the candle was blown out once. The shells werelanding pretty close. 

"July 9th. 

"Sleep 1 a. M. To 4. 30. Officer of the watch from 4. 30 to 8. Thenbreakfast. Sleep, or tried to, in the morning. The Germans were shellingBilge Trench the whole time. Lunch at 1. 30. Got down again after tea. Then, at 6 p. M. , I left Bilge Trench with my batman Critchley andproceeded to Potijze to rejoin B Company, as D Company's tour in thefront line is now concluded. " Thus ended the memorable stay in BilgeTrench. 

FOOTNOTE:

[4] See Appendix II. 

CHAPTER X

THE RAMPARTS

My diary of July 9 tells how we once again got back to the cosy dug-outsin the Ramparts, those ramparts from whence was continually stretchedout before our ken, in sunshine and in moonlight, the heart of the deadcity. 

When I arrived at Potijze "Allen had gone to the Ramparts to take over, as B Company proceeds there to-night. D Company are going to GoldfishChâteau, the other side of Ypres. I had dinner at Potijze. Things werequite peaceful at that time; we stood outside after dinner and admiredthe view in the Salient. Just a few shells were flying over. At 11 p. M. Captain Andrews, Dickinson and I, with Sergeant-Major Preston and a fewrunners, left Potijze and returned to the dug-outs in the Ramparts. There is more room to move about here!"

My first letter home after my return to the Ramparts--dated July10--runs as follows:

"I am now back with B Company, as D Company have come out of thetrenches. Dickinson has been transferred from D Company and appointedsecond-in-command of B Company in Halstead's place; and he is to be incommand of the Company in the push. Captain Andrews will be, in the push(not before: Major Brighten is back and is on 'battle reserve!'), second-in-command to Colonel Best-Dunkley--'the man who stands bywaiting for the other man to die, ' as Colonel Balfour has wittilyremarked to Captain Andrews upon the arrangement! Captain Andrews isreally a very smart man; he could have been a staff officer once, butColonel Best-Dunkley would not let him go in for it. He did not want tolose him. Colonel Hindle stands in a similar position to GeneralStockwell. 

"Gratton has gone to Headquarters (as Assistant Adjutant), so theofficers in B Company Mess now are Captain Andrews, Dickinson, Giffin, Allen and myself, also an M. O. I had dinner in this dug-out and thenwrote a letter or two. Things were moderately peaceful at dinner-time, and for an hour or two after. At 11 p. M. , the relief having been carriedout, Captain Andrews, Dickinson and I, with Sergeant-Major Preston and afew runners, proceeded to Battalion Headquarters, which are at a strongpoint a little nearer the line. Then we turned back and proceeded to thedug-outs where we were on July 1 and July 2. Allen had preceded us totake over, and Giffin was with a working party in the trenches. While wewere on our way a deuce of a row began on the north; it was a Germanraid on our trenches. So we watched it all the way. We got along quitewell until we were almost here. Then two shells burst just in front ofus. But we managed to get in quite safely. 

"I am now in the same dug-out as Giffin and Allen. We did not get upuntil midday to-day. Giffin made himself quite unbearable, andeventually remarked that we would be having a scrap soon. 'Yes. I noticethat you seem to have been trying to make yourself as objectionable aspossible!' I dryly replied. He then declared that he was only pulling myleg, and he has not been quite so bad since then. 

"This afternoon we had platoon inspections. Sergeant Baldwin carried onwith 7 Platoon. Then Giffin came on the scene and said that he wantedhim in 8 Platoon because, since he is to go over the top with 8 Platoonhe ought to be with them now in order to get to know the men. Now, asyou know, Baldwin was in 7 Platoon as a corporal, so he naturally knowsthe men in 7 Platoon very well indeed; also, he himself prefers, Ibelieve, to be in 7 Platoon; also, I want him as my platoon sergeant:three excellent arguments why he should remain, as Captain Andrews hasordered to-day. Giffin said that he would see Captain Andrews about it. Then we fell to discussing the matter. The cause of the controversy isreally to be traced in a lack of sergeants now in B Company. TheQuartermaster-Sergeant having been wounded, Sergeant Jack has taken hisplace; Sergeant Butterworth has been wounded; and Sergeant Williams andSergeant Dawson are on 'battle reserve. ' There, therefore, remain onlythree sergeants to four platoons; and all the N. C. O. 's in my platoon arelance-corporals and cannot, therefore, very well be promoted to sergeantat a bound. . . . 

"I have since discussed the matter with Allen. He sees in the difficultythe chance of a solution which would give me what I want, and alsosecure something which he wants. At present he has got Sergeant ---- ashis platoon sergeant. He says that he would not go over the top with himfor worlds; so he suggests that that sergeant should be put on 'battlereserve' in place of Sergeant Williams and Corporal Stokes be promotedplatoon sergeant of 5 Platoon; that Sergeant Williams should take 8Platoon; and that I should thus retain Sergeant Baldwin for 7 Platoon. Personally I think that would be quite a good solution of the problem. Ihope it will, when put forward, meet with the approval of CaptainAndrews. "

"July 10th (later). 

"I have won! Captain Andrews has just been into our dug-out to give usour orders as to working parties for to-night. Giffin brought up thequestion of the platoon sergeants, and Captain Andrews immediatelyreplied: 'Oh, you will have to carry on with Sergeant Williams atpresent; Sergeant Baldwin is going to remain with his old platoon'--7Platoon! Giffin then asked whether Sergeant Williams would be going overthe top with him; Captain Andrews replied that it would probably end inhis doing so. Anyhow, Sergeant Baldwin is now definitely appointed to 7Platoon. That is satisfactory. I am also quite satisfied with my sectioncommanders--Lance-Corporal Livesey (Bombers), Lance-Corporal Tipping(Riflemen), Lance-Corporal Topping (Lewis Gunners), and Lance-CorporalSegar (Rifle Grenadiers). The men in my platoon are practically the sameas they were when I first had 7 Platoon. So things are now much moresatisfactory. I hope they will continue so. 

"While here we are under direct orders from Brigade. The Brigade-Majorhas just been in with detail of working parties for this evening. I amto take Sergeant Clews and a party of thirty men to carry ammunitionfrom one dump to another. 

"I must now close. It is nearly dinner-time. It is 7. 20 now; dinner at7. 30. I start with my party at 9. 25. "

My diary of July 10 states:

"Working party in the evening with Sergeant Clews--carrying ammunitionfrom a dump near White Château to a Brigade dump further on to the left, behind Congreve Walk. A very quiet night. "

On July 11 I wrote home as follows:

"We had Major Brighten and Captain Blamey in for dinner yesterdayevening. Major Brighten is delightfully optimistic; he is, like CaptainAndrews, positive that the war will be all over by October. He thinksthat the coming offensive will settle the dispute. We discussed the war, its duration, and the coming battle. The other day I remarked to CaptainBlamey that a landing ought, during the heat of the action, to beeffected at a certain place, and that a certain famous General wouldprobably be chosen to do it, because he has already done it (but undereasier conditions!) on a former occasion. A day or two later CaptainBlamey was astonished to receive information from Major Brighten thatthe very thing I had proposed, and by the very General I had suggested, was going to be done! So he told him that I had said that this Generalwould probably be the one, because he had done it before; but MajorBrighten said that he did not think that he had done it before. CaptainBlamey said that he did not argue the point because he was not surehimself, but he told me about it afterwards. I told him that thisgeneral certainly had done this thing, and referred him to a certaindespatch of Lord French. So at dinner yesterday evening the subject wasagain brought up. Major Brighten said that he had forgotten that thisgeneral had done this thing before, but accepted my statement ascorrect. [5]

"Major Brighten went on to say that the Colonel had been debating inHeadquarters Mess the question as to who was the countess whose garterEdward III picked up, and nobody knew, could I enlighten them? I repliedthat I recollected having read of the incident, but had forgotten thename of the countess!. . . "[6]

My diary proceeds--under date July 11:

"Working party in the evening with Sergeant Clews. We drew tools atPotijze dump, proceeded up Strand, which has been badly knocked about byshells, and repaired the parapet and parados of the front line to leftand right of Strand. The Germans sent over trench-mortars on our left(about ten yards to the right of Giffin's party) while we were at it. Nobody was hurt. Dickinson had a party further to my right. It is quitehigh ground up there, and the front line trench slopes down to theright; over the parados the open ground is much lower, dotted withtrees; it looks quite quaint when a flare goes up. We left about 1 a. M. And returned via Strand, Oxford Road, Pagoda Wood and Potijze. Thenalong Track 4. A thick mist came on, and we very nearly lost our way; Iwas with my party just behind Dickinson's party. We managed to find ourway in time. To bed, 3 a. M. "

"July 12th. 

"One shell during the morning so shook the place that my head bumped upand down on my pillow. Before we were up the Brigade-Major (Thompson)came to see Captain Andrews about working parties. Brigade are verypleased with our work, especially as the ---- left their workunfinished, owing to wind up about trench-mortars!

"Up 2 p. M. Platoon inspections. Then lunch. From the sound I shouldimagine that our preliminary bombardment for the forthcoming offensiveis beginning. Our artillery here is sending a good deal of stuff over. At 6 p. M. I commenced a period of twenty-four hours as Orderly Officer. My main duty consists of seeing that the road outside is cleared afterheavy shelling: for this object, Baldwin has a party permanently on thejob. "

FOOTNOTES:

[5] See Appendix III. 

[6] See Appendix IV. 

CHAPTER XI

MUSTARD OIL

"On the night of July 12th we were treated to a new form of gas, 'mustard oil. ' The two Companies billeted in Ypres suffered heavily, thecasualties numbering 3 officers and 114 other ranks. " Thus the_Lancashire Fusiliers' Annual_. The following letter, which I wrote inthe Ramparts, on July 13, after alluding to the working party recordedat the end of the last chapter, describes that great bombardment ofYpres:

"On Wednesday evening (July 11) I had had a working party, with SergeantClews, in the front line. Dickinson had a party on my right. The workwas: repair of parapet and parados knocked in by recent shelling. Whilewe were at it the Germans sent over trench-mortars, a kind of shellwhich rises to a great height, looking like a burning snake, and thendescends and pierces right into the earth, exploding underneath andsending the earth above it in all directions. The men all crouchedagainst the parapet with a certain amount of wind up; but they were wellto our left. Giffin, who had a party some distance to our left, saidthat they were about ten yards to his right. He and his party werecovered with dirt when one of them exploded. Dickinson and I ceased workabout 1 a. M. And returned. While returning, a thick mist came on. Dickinson's party was in front; my party following behind his. It wasall we could do to keep in touch; and we almost lost the way. The partyin front kept halting while Dickinson tried to find the way; then theywould go on at a great speed, so much so that we had to run to catch up, floundering into shell-holes; the men were cursing and swearing, eachthinking that he knew the way himself: on the whole it was a box-up;but, as usual, we got home all right eventually. No casualties--two dayswithout any casualties!

"To-day I am Orderly Officer. My period of duty began at 6 p. M. Yesterday and continues until 6 p. M. To-day. My chief duty is to seethat the road is repaired after shelling. There is a party permanentlydetailed for the job under Sergeant Baldwin; they do not go out at nightbecause their working hours are from 4 to 9 in the afternoons. 

"Captain Blamey, Captain Bodington, Captain Briggs and Gratton were infor dinner yesterday evening. Gratton is now Assistant Adjutant atHeadquarters. Every day Colonel Best-Dunkley goes to a certain house(Hasler House at St. Jean) which has an upstairs still left, and, through field-glasses, gazes at the front over which we shall have toadvance. On these trips Gratton accompanies him, and has to takebearings and answer silly questions. He says that he is becoming mosthorribly bored with it all. While they were at it yesterday a shellexploded just by them. Gratton says that he jumped down below as soon ashe heard it come; he was hit by one or two bricks and covered with dirt;when he looked round again he expected to find the Colonel done in, butfound him safe and sound!

"Yesterday evening Captain Andrews, Giffin, Dickinson and Allen all wentout on working parties. I remained behind as Orderly Officer. CaptainBriggs and Gratton remained in my dug-out with me. After a while Grattonhad to go to Brigade Headquarters next door to discuss a map with theBrigade-Major. Soon after he had left us--about 10. 10 p. M. --a terrificshelling of the city began. Shells were bursting everywhere; the groundfrequently vibrated as if mines were going off; dumps were blown up; andvery soon parts of the city were in flames. It was a sight such as Ihave never seen before; at times the whole scene was as light as day;the flames encircled the already ruined and broken houses, bringing themto the ground with a rumbling crash. It was a grand and awful sight--afirework display better than any at Belle Vue, and free of charge! Thesky was perforated with brilliant yellow light, and the shells werewhizzing and crashing all round. The air was thick with sulphur. So muchso that we did not smell something much more serious than sulphur. Amidst all the turmoil little gas-shells were exploding all over. As wecould not smell the gas we did not take any notice of it. We littledreamt what the results were going to be. We knew not what a revelationthe morrow had in store for us!

"At about midnight I went to bed, and at about 6 this morning I heardGiffin returning from his working party. He was muttering somethingabout gas and saying that he would be going sick with it in a few days, but I was too sleepy to take much notice. I rose at 10. 30 and made mypersonal reconnaissance of the road, but only found two very seriousshell-holes actually on the road. These I pointed out to SergeantBaldwin and got his men at them. Then I began to hear things about gas. I saw Corporal Flint (our gas N. C. O. !) being led by Sergeant Donovan andCorporal Livesey in a very bad state; he could hardly walk, his eyeswere streaming, and he was moaning that he had lost his eyesight. So Ibegan to inquire as to what was the matter. I was then informed thatthere had been a whole lot of men gassed. Then Captain Andrews sent forme and questioned me about gas last night. I told him frankly that Ihad not smelt any. He said that it was very strange, because when he gotback early this morning 'the place simply stank of it. ' He said thatthere would be a devil of a row about it; there were about tencasualties already! But, as time went on, the numbers began to growrapidly. Yet I had not smelt it; the sentry had not smelt it; and theSergeant-Major had not smelt it! After some time the Colonel appeared onthe scene. He informed us that A Company had got seventy-two casualtiesfrom last night's gas! (A Company were billeted in the Soap Factory, near the Cathedral. ) We felt a little relieved, because we realized thatours was not the only company and by no means the worst; so we could notbe held responsible, as we were fearing that we might be--myself inparticular, as the only officer on the spot at the time, for notordering box-respirators on. I, of course, never thought of orderingbox-respirators, considering that I smelt no gas myself! The Colonelfurther told us that three officers in A Company--Walsh, Hickey, andKerr--were suffering from gas. Hickey is very bad. 

"During the day our casualties have risen considerably. They are nowtwenty-eight, including Corporal Flint, Corporal Pendleton, CorporalHeap, Pritchard, Giffin's servant, and Critchley, my servant. There havebeen heavy casualties all over the city. The Boche has had a regularharvest if he only knew it! Over a thousand gas-casualties have beenadmitted to hospital from this city to-day. And many who have not yetreported sick are feeling bad. So much so that the Brigade-Major hasagreed that all our working parties, but one small one under Allen, shall be cancelled for to-night. I feel all right. I must have a stronganti-gas constitution. This is a new kind of gas; the effects aredelayed; but I do not think I am likely to get it now since I havehardly smelt any yet. 

"The Germans are doing the obvious thing--trying to prevent or hinderour forthcoming offensive. I notice that they have attacked nearNieuport and advanced to a depth of 600 yards on a 1400 yards front. Ihave been expecting an enemy attack here, because it is the best thingthe Germans can do if they have any sense; and I have repeatedly saidso, but have been told that I am silly, that the Germans dare not attackus because they are not strong enough. For a day I held the view thatpeace was coming in a week or two! But Bethmann-Hollweg'sstraightforward declaration that Germany will not make peace withoutannexations or indemnities, that she is out to conquer, has alteredthings. We now know exactly how we stand. Germany is still out for grab. Therefore she is far from beaten. _Ipso facto_, peace is out of thequestion. The end is not yet in sight. There is still a long strugglebefore us. I think the forthcoming battle here will be the semi-final:the final will be fought in the East about Christmas or the New Year. Constantinople still remains the key to victory, if victory is to be wonby fighting. "

 * * * * *

My diary of July 13 concludes with the statement: "Captain Briggs's ACompany--the remains of it--are coming to these billets to join with us. Gas casualties in Ypres (latest) over 3, 000. "

 * * * * *

It was about this time (in the middle of July) that, in the course ofone of my letters to my school-friend, Mr. K. L. P. Martin, then--havingbeen rejected for service in the Army as medically unfit--a student atManchester University, I had remarked that I would probably get a"Blighty" in a fortnight; and I would, therefore, want somethinginteresting to read in hospital: would he please send me _England SinceWaterloo_, by J. A. R. Marriott, whom I had heard lecturing at theOxford Union on "The Problem of the Near East, " in February, 1916, whenI was a recruit in the 29th Royal Fusiliers?

Mr. Martin, who was staying with another friend, Mr. George Fasnacht, at Clayton Bridge, replied as follows:

 "The Hollies, Clayton Bridge, "Manchester. "July 23rd, 1917. 

"Dear Floyd, "Many thanks for your last letter. So you consider that you are likelyto become a casualty in the near future. I hope not. Though, if such anevent should take place, I hope it will not be serious and will involvea sojourn in England for at least six months. 

"I will order the Marriott at once. I decline to accept it as off thedebt I owe you. It will do as a twenty-first birthday present, as I havereceived no news re Lovat Fraser. As soon as the book comes I willforward it on. 

"Teddy[F] and myself had a glorious cycle ride yesterday. We rode totown, took the train to Ashley, then rode to Knutsford via Mobberley. AtKnutsford we had tea and then proceeded to Pickmere where we had a row;then on to Great Budworth, Arley, Rostherne and Ashley. The country wasglorious, a fine day, good roads, midsummer and Cheshire--thecombination needs beating. 

"I may say that I am extremely pleased at Churchill going to theMinistry of Munitions. 

"Both Teddy and myself intend getting our photos taken this week, and Iwill forward copies of both to Middleton Junction. 

 "Best wishes, "Yours, "KENNETH MARTIN. "

The Marriott was destined to have a curious history. As these pages willshow, I got my "Blighty" in a fortnight all right. Meanwhile the bookwas on its way from England. It arrived after I had left the shores ofFrance behind, me. I never received it. Kenneth Martin visited me inhospital at Worsley Hall in August and told me that he had sent it. Ihad to tell him that it had not reached me. When I returned to theBattalion in the spring of 1918, Padre Newman informed me that a bookhad come out for me after I had been wounded, that he had read it withmuch interest, and that it was now in the custody of Captain J. C. Latter, M. C. Latter was one of the original 2/5th officers who had beenwounded in 1916 and who returned to the Battalion immediately after theThird Battle of Ypres, in August, 1917, and succeeded Reginald Andrewsas Adjutant. But when Padre Newman told me this Captain A. H. G. Griggs, M. C. , was Adjutant and Latter was away with Sir Herbert Plumer in Italy. However, Latter returned once more in the summer of 1918, and mentionedthat he had a book belonging to me; but he disappeared again--first onto the Brigade Staff and then to a Staff job further away--as suddenlyas he had reappeared. I did not see him again until we were both oncemore in civilian clothes, and I called at the Barracks at Bury oneAugust afternoon in 1919. He again mentioned the Marriott, remarkingthat he had discovered it in his kit in August, 1917, and had not thefaintest idea how it had got there!

FOOTNOTE:

[7] Edward James Martin, Second-Lieutenant in the Seaforth Highlanders, afterwards killed in action, December 1917. 

CHAPTER XII

THE CITY AND THE TRENCHES

After the bombardment of Ypres there still remained seven more daysbefore our memorable nineteen days' sojourn in the ghastly Salient wasto end. And memorable those days certainly were. Nearly every daybrought with it some fresh adventure. For any boy who, like this boy, craved for excitement, and, while hating war theoretically and dislikingit temperamentally, was not blind to the romance and grand drama of itall, there was ample satisfaction in the Great War; and perhaps on noother sector of the line did all the factors which are conducive toexcitement obtain as they did in the dead city of the Salient and theshell-ploughed fields around it. 

My diary of July 14 carries on as follows:

"Up about 2 a. M. Twenty-eight more men in B Company reported sick withgas, but they were not sent to hospital. The M. O. Said that they wouldbe excused duty to-night and must report sick to-morrow morning. We hada little more gas in the afternoon. I think a German heavy exploded oneof our own gas dumps near the Canal Bank. A dense cloud of vapour rosein that vicinity, and we felt the smell slowly drifting towards us inthe almost breathless calm of a bright summer afternoon. Giffin, who wasthe senior officer present at the time, ordered respirators on. But itdid not last long, so we went on with our tea. 

"In the evening Giffin and I were on a working party with SergeantClews, Sergeant Dawson and forty-five other ranks. We proceeded toPotijze Dump and drew tools; thence to Pagoda Trench and carried on withthe making of a new trench branching off that trench. All went well forthe first three quarters of an hour. Our guns were pounding the Germantrenches the whole time--the first preliminaries in the bombardmentpreceding our offensive. But the Germans do not always allow us to haveall our own way in these matters; they always retaliate. And, by Jove, we did get some retaliation too! At 10. 50 p. M. Quite suddenly, a heavyshell exploded just near us; and a regular strafe commenced. I wasstanding near a shell-hole at the time, so I immediately crouched whereI was; the men digging at the trench at once took refuge in the trench. In a few minutes I mustered sufficient courage to make a dash for thetrench. I got there just in time, for, soon afterwards, a shell burstalmost where I had been. They were dropping all round us, both in frontof and behind the trench. Only the trench could possibly have saved us. And it was a marvel that no one was hurt as it was. I honestly expectedevery moment to be my last; it was a miracle that none of our party werehit. If we had remained out in the open I firmly believe that the wholelot would have been knocked out. It seemed as if it was never going tocease. I never went through such a disagreeable experience in my lifebefore. Then, to crown all, gas shells began to be mixed with theothers. There was soon a regular stink of gas; I smelt it this time allright. We got our respirators on, which added to our discomfort. Thiswent on for quite a long time. Then it also began to pour with rain andwe were all drenched. The night was pitch dark. Every now and then theexploding shells around us and far away, the burning dumps near Ypresand the star shells along the line, lit up the whole panorama with aneffect like that of lightning. The water and mud grew thick in thetrench; and still the shells fell thickly all around. We were thankfulfor the discomfort of rain because it saved us from being gassed. "

"July 15th. 

"About 1 a. M. Giffin decided, the shelling having slackened a little, that we had better get down a mine-shaft near; so we stumbled along toit in anything but a happy frame of mind. Everybody was cursing. Despiteour discomfort, however, the humour of the situation under suchcircumstances cannot fail to strike one; I could not help chuckling. Eventually we got down the mine. It was horribly damp and dirty downthere, but the atmosphere was much clearer; there was no smell of gas. That was a relief. And we felt much safer here! No heavies could reachus at such a depth as this. But it was all darkness. We remained in thissubterranean sanctuary for three hours, standing on a water-coveredfloor, amidst dripping walls, in the darkness; above us, all the time, we could hear the dull thud and feel the vibration of the burstingshells. For want of anything better to pass the time away the men beganto air their opinions about the war to each other. 'We're winning!' 'Arewe heck as like; Billy's winning. Judging from t'newspapers you'd thinkt'war was over long since! They keep telling us he's beat; but they wantto come out 'ere and see for 'emselves. . . . They say t'last sevenyears'll be t'worst!' Such was the conversation which was going on. Others had a sing-song. 'Hi-tiddle-ite! Take me back to Blighty; Blightyis the place for me!' rang out with great enthusiasm from the darknessunderground. 

"When we did go upstairs again daylight had dawned. We left the mine at4. 20 a. M. Giffin went, with one or two men, back to the trench toreplace the camouflage; he told me to get back to the Ramparts with theremainder as quickly as possible. I did so. We went along the road allthe way from Potijze to Ypres. We were literally chased by gas-shells;we had to run in respirators as fast as we could go; we came round bythe Menin Gate and got back into the Ramparts, safe and sound, about4. 45, very thankful that nobody in our party had got hurt. Otherbattalions out on working parties had had a good many casualties. Oneparty of the King's Own had had one killed and eleven wounded by oneshell on the Canal Bank. 

"When I got back to the Mess dug-out I found Captain Andrews, Dickinson, and Allen all sitting there. They had not been to bed. They had had adeuce of a time. The shells had been falling here as well--also the gas. But due precautions against gas had this time been taken! CaptainAndrews declared that the rain had saved the lives of hundreds of men. Giffin got back soon after me. He is feeling the gas. We all got to bedabout 6 a. M. . . . 

"It was 3 in the afternoon when I got up. Before rising I read nineletters which were awaiting me--_some_ post!"

After describing the happenings of the previous night in a letterwritten home that Sunday afternoon (July 15) I went on to say: "I shallpull through all these exciting little episodes all right. I am quiteall right so far. Cheer up! Better times in store! We all look forwardto that great day 'When war shall be no more. ' It will be a glorious daywhen, at last, peace is attained. I am looking forward to the happy daysto come and intend to have a good time then. We are now going throughthe storm. But there is a calm ahead: 'Peace shall follow battle, Nightshall end in day. '"

My diary of July 15 carries on:

"In the evening I went on a working party with Allen. It was a case ofextending the trench in Pagoda Wood another fifty yards. We set to workat 10 a. M. Our guns were bombarding the enemy trenches most of the time, but there were not many shells coming from the enemy. A few fell somehundred to two hundred yards away during the night. Our chief annoyanceon this occasion was a German machine-gun firing from Kaiser Bill. Itswept our trench completely. One man in my platoon, Berry by name, waswounded in the leg. It was a wonder there were no more casualties: thebullets were flying amongst us in great profusion. But they were mostlylow, so not very dangerous. 'This is the place for "Blighties"!'Lance-Corporal Livesey encouragingly observed to me while they werewhistling round us. We stayed at the job quite a long time. I wasbeginning to wonder when Allen was going to pronounce it finished; themen were obviously fed up. At last he let half the party go at 2. 30 a. M. And told me to take them back. We returned by the road all the way fromPotijze to the Menin Gate. It was 3 a. M. When we got back to theRamparts. It was getting quite light. Allen followed on with theremainder about half an hour later; he came through the fields. We hadsome refreshment and then went to bed. "

"July 16th. 

"I did not get up until 3 p. M. This afternoon. Since 8 Platoon haspractically ceased to exist owing to gas casualties, 7 and 8 are againcombined under Giffin, and I am second-in-command. Baldwin remainsplatoon sergeant. If and when we get sufficient reinforcements the twoplatoons will separate again. 

"The Germans have been bombarding Poperinghe with very big shellsto-day. The shops, I hear, are all shut. It looks as if they intend todestroy the town. Our great bombardment of the enemy trenches is inprogress. "

That evening I wrote a lengthy letter home. In the course of it I said:"The padre is in hospital at present, having been wounded by a shell inthe streets of the city the other day. It is only a very slight wound, so he will not be in hospital long. With regard to the four officers whowere wounded on July 1--Ronald is in hospital in Bristol doing well;Halstead, with a wound in the stomach, is going to 'Blighty' shortly;Barker and Wood are very bad indeed, the former was given up altogetherthe other day. They are much too bad to cross the water yet. We were allamused to read in the _Manchester Guardian_ that Halstead had beenlately in the Army Ordnance Corps; it is, of course, incorrect. 

"Whenever Colonel Best-Dunkley or Major Brighten come into our Mess theyalways ask me what I think of the war and when I think it is going toend. They came in yesterday. Colonel Best-Dunkley, with his customarysquint and twitch of the nose (I have been told that he contracted thishabit as the result of shell-shock on the Somme), said: 'Well, "GeneralFloyd, " what do you think of the war? How long is it going to last?' Ireplied: 'February, 1918. ' They then always give vent to greatamusement, especially when I mention Palestine; but I really think thissinister commanding officer is not at all badly disposed towards me; infact I am inclined to think that he likes me! I do not dislike him atall. 

"I am Orderly Officer to-night so am now going to bed. The Germans aresending copious gas shells over while I am writing this, but we havegot the gas curtain down in our dug-out and it has been sprayed; allprecautions have been taken; so we ought to be all right. There is alsoa good deal of shelling of a heavier kind going on; our guns are givingthe German trenches hell at present; we have kept up a consistentbombardment all day. The Germans are giving us some back now; but I feelquite safe in this dug-out! I am glad I am not on a working partyto-night. So good night! Again I say, 'cheer up!' It's a funny world welive in!"

My diary of July 17 states:

"Up 11 a. M. Had breakfast while dressing. Reconnoitred the road; allcorrect. At 1. 10 p. M. I reported to Captain Warburton at BrigadeHeadquarters about a working party for which I was detailed. Carberry, the Brigade bombing officer, explained to me what was to be done. At1. 30 I set off with a party of Sergeant Clews and thirty-four otherranks including Corporal Chamley and Lance-Corporal Topping. The jobconsisted of carrying boxes of bombs from a dump at the junction ofMilner Walk and the road to White Château; then detonating bombs whichwere not already detonated; then carrying S. A. A. From one spot toanother about twenty yards away. I left Corporal Chamley in charge ofthe first dump, where the men left their equipment. I went backwardsand forwards myself. On one occasion, while I was at the junction ofMilner Walk and the road, General Stockwell appeared. He asked me whatwe were doing; I told him; he expressed himself satisfied and proceededup the trench. It was a very hot day and I felt very tired. My headbegan to ache. We finished at 5. 30 p. M. Then we came back. Our guns wereblazing away all day, making a great row. It was 6. 30 when we got backto the Ramparts. I reported to Carberry at Brigade. I felt very badindeed now. The exercise in the heat, after gas, was taking effect uponme. I did not have any dinner, but lay down. I was told that I lookedwhite. I felt rotten. Giffin also is bad; he got some more gas lastnight. A good many more have reported sick with gas to-day. I think Ihave got a slight touch of it now. However, as the evening advanced Ibegan to feel much better. By midnight I felt quite well again. "

On July 18 I wrote home as follows: "More gas shells came over lastnight. We had the gas curtains down again, but, even so, gas is bound toget in. There are fresh gas casualties every day. The number is risingrapidly. Giffin has, at last, reported sick with gas and has departed tohospital to-day--another officer less! So now instead of having noplatoon at all I find myself in command of the two, 7 and 8!"

I never saw Lieutenant Giffin again. I shook hands with him in thedug-out and said good-bye when he announced that he had reported sickand was going down the line. He went away and never returned; I haveheard absolutely nothing of him since. 

"Our guns have been blazing away all night, and are still pounding theenemy lines. Our bombardment is now going full swing. But the Germansare sending shells over too. Five B Company men were wounded by oneshell, just outside, this morning. One of them was Hartshorne. He hasgot four shrapnel wounds and is off to hospital. I have been speaking tohim this afternoon. He said that they were hurting a little, but heseemed quite happy about it. He said that he wished he was in hospitalin Middleton! It is nothing very serious; it should prove a nice'Blighty' case!

"The padre is now back from hospital! He has not been there long, hashe?

"A few of those men who went to hospital with gas on July 13 were markedfor 'Blighty' and were just off, when General Jeudwine stopped them andsaid that as few as possible from this Division must be sent home atpresent. So, instead of going back, they have turned up here again as'fit. ' Hard luck!"

My diary of the same date (July 18) states that in the afternoon "I wenton a working party with Sergeant Clews and fifteen men. We were fillingin shell-holes on the road near St. Jean. After we had filled in a fewwe got shelled. We took refuge behind an artillery dug-out for about anhour. The shells were falling close all the time. One fell less than sixyards from me. I quite thought we were going to have some casualties, but the only one we had was one man who got a scratch in the arm with apiece of shrapnel. At 5. 15 we decided to come back via a trench, as theshelling was still going on. All got back safely. But it is mostdisconcerting--one cannot go out on a little job like that in theafternoon without having the wind put up us vertical! I had tea anddinner. Then to bed. I felt very hot and could not get to sleep. Allenreturned from a working party at 10. 15 p. M. There was a strafe on at10. 30; the German trenches were being raided in four places. "

The following day, July 19, I wrote to my mother as follows:

"I got up at 2. 30 a. M. This morning, and with Sergeant Clews's workingparty filled in the remaining shell-holes (outside Hasler House). We hada moderately quiet time. Only about three shells burst anywhere near usthe whole time. Yet we were working in broad daylight! We got back at5. 45 and I then went to bed again. I had breakfast in bed. Then somepost arrived: a letter from Father dated July 16 and the enclosed fromNorman Floyd. As I expected, he, too, is now in the Army; has been forsome months. He is in the 74th Training Reserve Battalion, and isthinking of going in for a commission. I have advised him to do so--in aletter which I have just written to him. 

"I got up at midday and had lunch. The afternoon I took easy. The padrewas in for tea. While we were having tea newspapers arrived. CaptainAndrews opened the _Daily Mail_ and exclaimed with horror: 'Goodheavens! Churchill's been appointed Minister of Munitions!'

"'Hurrah!' I exclaimed, nearly tumbling off my seat in my excitement. 

"'Good God! How awful!' dolefully exclaimed the padre, looking at me inamazement that I should express satisfaction at such a catastrophe. 'What? Are you pleased to hear that Churchill is in office again?'inquired he and Dickinson in surprise!

"'Rather! he's one of our two most brilliant statesmen, ' I replied. 

"Thereupon an argument began and continued throughout tea. I must say Inever admired Lloyd George more than I do at this moment when, in faceof most bitter public opposition, he has had the courage to give officeto Churchill. I admire him for it. 

"The new appointments are certainly of a sensational nature. Carsonleaves the Admiralty and enters the War Cabinet as Minister ofReconstruction (whatever that may mean!). Montagu becomes Secretary ofState for India in Austen Chamberlain's place. Then the most startlingthing of all--the wonderful Sir Eric Geddes becomes First Lord of theAdmiralty! That is very significant indeed. The appointment of thatextraordinary production of the war to the Admiralty at this particularmoment is not, I think, unconnected with the forthcoming operations. Ileave you to surmise what I mean. Churchill has now once more set footupon the ladder, despite popular prejudice. Watch him now. He will notrest until he has mounted to the top. It is really delightful. How angryeverybody will be! Do, please, pull their legs about it for me! Butwatch also Sir Eric Geddes. He is one of the most remarkable men of ourtime--general, admiral, statesman!

"I am rather amused at the change in the Royal Name: our Royal Family isnow to be known as the Royal House of Windsor! It does strike me aspandering somewhat to popular prejudice. That King George should changehis name to Windsor cannot change the fact of his ancestry; he is stilla member of the Royal House of Coburg, to which King Albert of Belgiumand King Manoel of Portugal belong: no legal document can alter thefacts of heredity! not that I think any the worse of him because he is aCoburg. However, the Royal House of Windsor will be peculiarly theBritish Royal Family and will probably marry amongst the Britishnobility. To that I have no objection whatever, as I have said before. 

"No, I have not seen the King or the Queen out here; but I knew that theQueen was inspecting the hospitals in the town where we get off thetrain for this part of the front. 

"Talking of hospitals--the Padre says that Barker is not expected tolive many hours longer. The other three are pulling through. We have gotanother officer gas casualty to-day. Kerr, who has been suffering fromthe effects of gas ever since July 12, has reported sick to-day and hasgone to hospital for a fortnight. One by one we diminish! I feel quiteall right. 

"I was talking to Sergeant Brogden--the new gas N. C. O. --last night. Hecomes from Middleton Junction. He says that he was in the Church LadsBrigade at St. Gabriel's. 

"I have been reading the leading article about popular scapegoats in the_Church Times_, and I agree with it. I think the young Duke of Argyll'sattack on Archbishop Davidson in the _Sunday Herald_ was conspicuousrather for venom than for good taste. 

"Earl Curzon's speech in the Lords on Mesopotamia I thought very soberand statesmanlike indeed. I read it in the _Times_. "

The next day (July 20) I wrote home as follows:

"We actually had no working parties to take last night. How considerateof the Brigade-Major! So we had a good night's sleep. And we have notdone anything particular to-day. We are going to have a change at last. After twenty days in the line we are going out to-night, and are goingto have a few days in a rest camp some distance behind. The place towhich we are going on this occasion is nothing like as far back as wewere last month; but I can assure you it is a perfectly _safe_ distance. So you need not worry. I can tell you it has been _some_ twenty days! Ihave never experienced such a twenty days before; and I am glad to belooking back upon them, writing during the last few hours, rather thanat the beginning. We are all glad to be going out again. GeneralStockwell has ordered that we have three days' complete rest; and SirHubert Gough has issued an order that on no account are the men in hisArmy to be worked more than four hours per day, inclusive of marching toand from parade ground, while out of the line. So the prospect isbright. It is now 4. 10, and we are going to have tea. Our bombardment isstill making a great row. "

My diary of the same date (July 20) states:

"At 4. 30 p. M. Captain Briggs, Dickinson, Allen, Sergeant Donovan and Iwalked via Wells Cross Roads, La Brique (where our guns were very closetogether, their sound almost deafening us as we passed them), toLiverpool Trench. Here we reconnoitred our starting points for theforthcoming push. Then Allen and I went on with Sergeant Donovan upThreadneedle Street to Bilge Trench. We watched, through glasses, theGerman line going up in smoke. In present-day warfare I certainly thinkthat artillery is the most formidable arm of the Service; it isartillery which is the chief factor deciding success or failure in allthe great battles in the West. It is even now preparing the way for us. After having had a look round from over the parapet in Bilge Trench wereturned the same way we had come; and we actually got safely back tothe Ramparts without having any adventures whatever!"

When we got back to the Ramparts our tour in the line was at an end. Allwe had to do now was await the arrival of relief. And a very pleasantsensation, indeed, that is to weary soldiers! The sensation of "relief"is the happiest of all the various sensations one had "out there. " Therewere just a few hours of irritating expectancy to live through--followedsometimes, as at Givenchy in 1918, by some boring experience such as a"stand to" in some particular, and generally uninviting, positions--andthen one would be free, safe and in a position and condition to enjoy adelightful sleep: free and safe for a few days, until the all too soonmoment for return should come!

CHAPTER XIII

RELIEF

My diary of July 20 goes on to state how our relief was effected: "Wewere relieved by a company of the 1/5th South Lancashires of GeneralLewis' 166 Brigade at 8. 45 p. M. So I set off with my platoon at 9p. M. . . . We went round Salvation Corner and across various tracks--a veryroundabout way; but Sergeant Baldwin, Sergeant Dawson and I between usmanaged to find our way to Vlamertinghe somehow. Then we went along theroad to Brandhoek Cross Roads and thence into our destination, B Camp, on the right. "

The letter which I wrote home on July 21 describes the events of the twodays in greater detail without naming places. It begins where my letterof the previous day left off, at tea-time: "After tea yesterday I wentup to the trenches to reconnoitre our own positions as they will be on'the day, ' and the front over which we shall have to advance. I wasaccompanied by Allen and others. We got there and back again withoutany adventures whatever; but we saw crowds of batteries bombarding theGerman lines. The noise as we passed them was deafening. And through ourglasses we saw the German lines going up in smoke. If the artilleryfails to achieve exactly what the General orders the infantry isforedoomed to failure; and, conversely, if the artillery is successfulthe infantry ought to have things all plain sailing. That was the secretof the victory of Messines last month. Churchill, with his customaryintelligence, has aptly summed up the matter in the following words: 'Inthis war two crude facts leap to the eye. The artillery kills. Theinfantry is killed. From this arises the obvious conclusion--theartillery at its maximum and infantry at its minimum. '[8]

"We got back at 6. 45 and had dinner. At 8. 30 we began to be relieved. So, at 9, I got off with my platoon. We had no adventures except thateven the three of us--Sergeant Baldwin, Sergeant Dawson and I--had somedifficulty in finding our way through the various tracks across thefields! We passed some simply huge field-guns firing into the enemylines. On one occasion if I had not called out to inquire whether allwas safe I would have been blown up with others by one of our own bigguns. 'Just a minute, ' was the reply; and then a loud report nearlylifted us off our feet as the shell left the muzzle of the gun which waspointing across the path we were taking! They ought to have had a picketout to warn passers-by as is done in the case of most big guns whenfiring. 

"We eventually got to our destination, a certain camp. We stayed thenight there. We tried to get some sleep on the floor in a large elephantdug-out, but found it utterly impossible: the sound of the guns allround was too terrific. This bombardment is as yet only in its earlystages. I was only a few hundred yards away from where I was last nighton that night previous to the night of the Battle of Messines when thepreliminary bombardment for that battle was at its height; yet I may saythat the present one sounded last night just like that one sounded then. So what will it become as the days roll on?

"We had breakfast at 4 this morning and marched off from this camp at6. 40. We marched about nine miles to a village which was really onlyabout six miles away! I can tell you I was, and we all were, very tiredindeed when we got here. It was about midday when we arrived. We arestill well in sound of the guns, but just nicely out of range of them. Nevertheless, air scraps have been going on overhead most of the day. Weare under canvas--the whole battalion in a large field enclosed byhedges. The weather is splendid; fine camping weather. We had lunchabout 2 p. M. Then I played a game something like tennis (badminton). TheColonel is very keen on it. When he saw that I was going to play hesaid, 'Oh, I'll back the "General, "' meaning me! Then he showed me howto play. He has been most agreeable with me all day. Major Brighten hasstarted calling me 'The Field-Marshal!' I think I cause these gentlemenconsiderable amusement!

"Sir Douglas Haig is in this village to-day; but as I have not been outof camp since I got here I have not seen anything of him. "

FOOTNOTE:

[8] Churchill, _London Magazine_, Dec. , 1916. 

CHAPTER XIV

WATOU

The time we spent at Valley Camp, Watou, is duly chronicled in my diary. 

"July 21st. 

"We got here at 12. Lunch at 2. . . . My servant Johnson reported sick withgas and departed for hospital; so I asked Sergeant Baldwin to suggestanother. He took me to M'Connon. I endorsed the selection. Allen'sservant, Parkinson, has also gone to hospital with gas to-day! To bed 10p. M. "

"July 22nd (Sunday). 

"Breakfast in bed. Up 9. 30. The Colonel had a conference of all officersre training and man-power. Then there was a Church parade in the fieldat 12. 15 p. M. The main points of the padre's sermon were Repentance, Hope, Intention. In the afternoon Dickinson and I went over my platoonroll with the Sergeant-Major (Preston) to see how we stand. He also didthe same with the other platoons. After tea I had a walk into thevillage of Watou and purchased some chocolates. Then dinner. The padretells me that Archbishop Lang is in Poperinghe to-day. 

"Critchley came back from hospital this evening; so he will resume hisduties as my servant to-morrow. 

"Corporal Flint has died, in hospital, of gas. "

"July 23rd. 

"Breakfast in bed. Up 7. 30. Parade 8. Training during the morning. Therewere also lectures by company commanders on the forthcoming operations, and a lecture on the compass by Major Brighten. In the afternoon GeneralStockwell spoke about the forthcoming operations to all officers andN. C. O. 's. His speech was very interesting. . . . He is to have hisHeadquarters in Wieltje Dug-out. He said that casualties of this brigadewhile in Ypres this time had been 26 officers and 470 men. I have beenvery busy with matters relating to the push all day. "

"July 24th. 

"Battalion parade 8. 30 a. M. , followed by lectures on the forthcomingoperations and a lecture to officers and N. C. O. 's on field messages byMajor Brighten. In the afternoon platoons marched to Poperinghe to batheat the Divisional Baths in the Square--just by the church, I left ValleyCamp with my platoon at 1. 45. We marched via St. Janster Biexen toPoperinghe and there bathed. Then I took my N. C. O. 's--Sergeant Baldwin, Corporal Livesey, Lance-Corporals Topping, Tipping, Heap and Hopkinson, and also Sergeant Dawson, to see a model of the battlefield at theDivisional School. We were ages finding it. We went the wrong way. Butwe eventually went along the Switch Road and found it. It was 6 p. M. Bythen. So I gave Baldwin, Topping, Tipping and Heap a pass to have tea inPoperinghe. Dawson and Hopkinson did not want one, so they set off back. I went into Poperinghe and had a drink of citron. I felt very tired. Then I set off back to Watou. I came across Dickinson returning onhorseback. Then I caught up Sergeant Dawson and Lance-CorporalHopkinson; and we got on a lorry which took us right as far as St. Janster Biexen. We then walked back to Valley Camp. I had dinner. Thento bed, feeling a little seedy. "

"July 25th. 

"Breakfast in bed at 8. Dickinson, feeling very bad, stayed in bed. Ialso felt washed out. I expect it is the gas at last taking effect. At10 a. M. I set off with one officer and one N. C. O. From each company toreconnoitre the route to Query Camp. Beesley and I with Sergeant Clewsand Sergeant Malone went one way; the others went another way. We foundourselves wrong, but eventually got right. It was raining, the route wasthick with mud, and I felt very weary. I soon felt done to the world. We had some coffee in a hut on the Poperinghe road, about a mile fromthe town; then walked on to the Switch Road, right along that and on tothe main Poperinghe-Vlamertinghe road. Here Beesley and his sergeantwent one way and Sergeant Clews and I went another--right along the mainroad. We had a drink of citron at a little hut named Villa Franca. Thenwe turned to the left at Brandhoek Cross Roads, went through B Camp, andeventually reached Query Camp. I felt horribly fatigued and also had amost annoying cold. . . . Soon Beesley and his sergeant turned up. We hadsome citron in a cottage here. The Belgian woman who served us said thatshe had lost her father, mother and three brothers in the war. Afterthis we went along Track 1 and back to the main road. Here we got amotor-lorry which took us through Poperinghe and right back to St. Janster Biexen. We walked back to Valley Camp from there. I really feeldone up; and I have a headache in addition to my bad cold--somethinglike influenza. All symptoms of gas! When we got back the rain hadceased and it was quite nice. A new large draft arrived about 6. 30;there were two new officers with it--Richard Maxwell Barlow and KennethLeslie Smith. Young has also returned to the Battalion. There have beena number of drafts recently, so we are getting up strength again. Young, Barlow and Smith have all been posted to A Company; so, as the Band A Company Mess is joint, they mess with us. "

The same day, July 25, I wrote home from Watou as follows:

"Just a line to let you know that I have received all your letters up toJuly 20 and the parcel for which I thank you very much. I have beensimply awfully busy--chiefly with maps and operation orders re comingoffensive--and have not been able to write home during the last few daysas a result. We are supposed to be resting, but I have hardly a momentto spare. General Stockwell lectured all officers and N. C. O. 's of thisBattalion here in the field on Monday afternoon. He said that he wasgoing to tell us everything that he knew himself about the comingbattle, but did not tell us anything we did not already know! I do notthink he told us all: if he did tell us all then I don't think much ofthe idea. The General had a cigarette in his mouth and his hands in hispockets the whole time he was speaking; he was quite jovial, crackingjokes all the time. He impressed upon us the importance of sendingmessages back when we reach our objectives; he said that if we do not doso it will mean his coming up to the front line himself for information'and I don't want to have to do that, ' he laughed, 'but it will come tothat if necessary, ' he went on in a more serious tone, 'and it will bewoe betide the platoon commander whose negligence has brought hisbrigadier-general's life into danger!' At the conclusion of his speechthe General asked whether any of us had any questions to ask. I couldhave asked one, but I know he would not have answered it; so I remainedsilent!

"Archbishop Lang was in the big town half-way between here and the frontline on Monday, but I did not see anything of him. Nor did I see theQueen when she was inspecting the hospitals there. But I think it veryfine of Queen Mary to visit troops within range of the Germans guns asshe did. 

" . . . It is now evening and is quite bright, the sun is shining into thetent where I am writing this. We have been stationed here since July 21, and are now marching back in a few minutes to a camp beyond theabove-mentioned town--where I went to reconnoitre this morning. 

"You will see that it is impossible to write any reply to 'Bumjo' atpresent as I have not the time. [9] I also warn you not to get the windup if you do not hear from me for a week or so. I can quite foresee aperiod of that length elapsing between my letters now, as before thispresent week is out we shall be engaged in fighting the great battle ofthe North. 'Bumjo' will have to wait until we come out of action again. I intend to deal with him and give him the telling-off which hisimpudence and his treason are asking for after the battle. I hope tohave more leisure then! So au revoir!"

These days at Watou, while being days full of work, were not unpleasant. We had plenty to talk about; and, seated on the grass on a summerevening, Joe Roake would make us rock with laughter at his quaint andhumorous tales of his experiences when a sergeant at Loos and otherbattles. Roake was always a great asset to any mess when he honoured itby a visit. He hated Headquarters Mess; he was always ready to jump atany excuse to get away from the society of Colonel Best-Dunkley; and hewas never happier than when, over a nice selection of drinks, he wasretailing the Colonel's latest sayings and doings. And we, needless tosay, were never happier than when listening to him on this mostinteresting topic! Roake and Humfrey with little "Darky, " who was theirinvariable companion, were always welcome. 

It was at this time that news came across that a son and heir had beenborn to Colonel Best-Dunkley. The event was one of considerableinterest, and was widely discussed. "Poor little ----! To think thatthere's another Best-Dunkley in the world to look forward to!" exclaimedour humorous friend when he heard the news. "Well, when he grows up hewill always have the gratification of knowing that his father was acolonel in the Great War!" mused Captain Andrews in a tone whichsuggested that he had a presentiment that Colonel Best-Dunkley would notsurvive the coming push. And, somehow--though nobody ever anticipatedfor a moment that he would win the V. C. --we all discussed theprobability of his falling, and always thought that the odds were infavour of his falling. And to be perfectly frank (my object in writingthis book is to tell the truth), nobody regretted the probability! If wehad really known what kind of a man he was, if we had been able then tofathom beneath the forbidding externals, we might have felt verydifferently about it. But it is not given to man to know the future oreven to discern the heart of his most intimate acquaintance! We only sawin him a man who was as unscrupulous as his prototype Napoleon in allmatters which affected his own personal ambition, the petty tyrant ofthe parade ground, who could occasionally be very agreeable, but of whomall were afraid or suspicious, because none knew when his mood wouldchange. In a few days this man was going to give everybody who knew himthe surprise of their lives. Had he any presentiment or intention as tothe future himself? I think he had both intention and presentiment. Throughout the whole summer of 1917 his whole heart and soul wereabsorbed in preparation for the coming push; never did a man give hismind more completely, unstintingly, and whole-heartedly to a projectthan Best-Dunkley did to the Ypres offensive which was to have carriedus to the Gravenstafel Ridge, then on to the Paschendaele Ridge, intoRoulers and across the plains of Belgium. He was determined to associatehis name indelibly with the field of Ypres; he was determined to win thehighest possible decoration on July 31: he knew what the risks were; hehad seen enough of war to know what a modern push meant; he had not comethrough Guillemont and Ginchy for nothing and learnt nothing; he wasdetermined to stake life and limbs and everything on the attainment ofhis ambition. He was determined to cover himself with glory; he wasdetermined to let people see that he did not know what fear was. And Ithink--there was that in his bearing the nearer the day became whichsuggested it, everybody who had known him of old declaring that theynoticed a certain change in him during the last two months of hislife--that he felt that his glory would be purchased at the cost of hislife. 

I well remember one afternoon in the Ramparts when Captain Andrews camein and told us that it had been proposed that Major Brighten should takethe Battalion over the top in the push and the Colonel remain behind on"battle reserve. " Captain Andrews said that that would be fine, becauseif the push were a success--as it was sure to be--Major Brighten[10]would probably get the D. S. O. Before the Colonel, which would annoy theColonel intensely; and he said that he would do anything, risk anythingto bring success to our beloved Major Brighten--feelings which we allcordially reciprocated. But Colonel Best-Dunkley would not hear of it. He implored the General to allow him to lead his battalion over the top;he waxed most importunate in his entreaties, almost bursting into tearsat the thought of being debarred from going over with the Battalion;and, at last, his request was granted and the General agreed thatBest-Dunkley should take the Battalion over. 

Another very gallant officer was also very grieved when he was informedthat he was detailed to be on "battle reserve" for the push. Thatofficer was Kenneth Blamey. When Captain Blamey was informed that hissecond-in-command would take the Company over he implored to be allowedto go over the top with his company. But his request was not granted. Bodington was to take D Company over. It would not do for all companycommanders to go over the top at once: the future has to be considered. 

One more reminiscence before I close this chapter. It was at Watou thatfat Joye used to come into the tent and get me to talk to him about thewar. I remember him coming in to see us the last night at Watou andsaying to me that we would both have nice "Blighties" in the leg in afew days. I replied that I hoped so. Things turned out exactly as Joyeforecast: about ten days later I met him on the grand staircase inWorsley Hall!

FOOTNOTES:

[9] This refers to the newspaper controversy in the _Middleton Guardian_in which I had been engaged throughout the whole time I was at theFront. 

[10] He afterwards won the D. S. O. And Bar, Belgian Ordre de la Couronneand Belgian Croix de Guerre. 

CHAPTER XV

THE DAYS BEFORE

On the evening of July 25 the 164 Brigade marched back from the Watouarea to the camps behind Ypres; we went to Query Camp. In my tent atQuery Camp on July 27 I wrote my last letter home before going intoaction. It ran as follows:

"I have received all letters up to date: I got father's letter of July23 this morning. I am still very busy, but have found time thisafternoon to send a reply to 'Bumjo's' insolent letter to the _MiddletonGuardian_ and to write this. 

"We left the last camp at 9. 30 on the evening of July 25 and marchedback here. We are now in a camp behind the line. We got here at 1 in themorning. Then we had dinner. A and B Companies mess in the same tent, sowe had the two new officers--Barlow and Smith--who arrived just beforewe marched off from the other camp. . . . They have just come out fromScarborough. 

"We went to bed at 2. 20. Allen and I had a tent to ourselves, but wereyesterday joined by Harwood, a new officer who arrived yesterday and hasbeen posted to B Company. He seems all right. The new officers are allfresh from cadet battalions via Scarborough. Captain Cocrame, who hasbeen at the Army School since June, has returned to-day, so our mess isincreasing. A and B Company Mess now consists of Captain Briggs, CaptainCocrame, West, Barlow, Smith, Young, Dickinson, Allen, Harwood andmyself. Captain Andrews has gone to Headquarters. 

"The weather just now is glorious--too hot to move. Just by our tentthere is a military railway constantly carrying things and men up to thefront line. The engines and trucks are quaint little things. They have abell which sounds like the trams running from Blackpool to Bispham andbeyond. One expects to see the sea when one hears the tinkle, but onemerely sees--well! One sees life at the Front; one hears the roar of theguns; and if one cares to lift one's eyes to the sky one sees copiousobservation balloons and aeroplanes. The day is very near now. This willprobably be my last letter before going into action, so do not worry ifyou do not hear again for a week. 

"Cheer up--all's well that ends well!"

And in a P. S. I said, "I cannot guarantee even field-cards regularly. "

My diary tells the story of these last days until I packed it up withmy kit which I handed in when we reached our concentration area in frontof the Café Belge on the right of the Vlamertinghe-Ypres road on July29. 

"July 25th. 

"We marched off from Watou at 9. 30 p. M. We got along very slowly; theNorth Lancs in front kept halting. However, it was a nice cool evening. We got to Query Camp at 1 a. M. We had dinner and then went to bed intents at 2. 20. Allen and I have a tent to ourselves. "

"July 26th. 

"Breakfast in bed. Up 10. 30. At 11. 30 Beesley, Telfer, Sergeant Donovanand I went to the 39th Division Headquarters in C Camp in a wood nearby. We saw Major-General Cuthbert while we were there. We were sent tothe 39th Division model of the Ypres battlefield where we discussed theoperations with the officers of the 1/6th Cheshires on our left. We gotback at 1. 30 p. M. And had lunch. . . . Took the afternoon easy; studiedmaps, etc. . . . To bed 9. 30. "

"July 27th. 

"Inspections and explanation of scheme in the morning. In the afternoonI went, with Sergeant Baldwin, to reconnoitre the trench on the right ofthe main road between Vlamertinghe and Ypres, where we are to spend 'XYnight'! It was a very hot day. Coming back we (and also Sergeant-MajorPreston) got a lorry all the way to Brandhoek. I got back at 4 p. M. . . . I wrote two or three letters and then had dinner. To bed at 9. 30. At10. 15 a zeppelin came over and dropped a big bomb a few hundred yardsaway, causing a loud explosion. We got up and stood outside the tentslooking for the zeppelin; but we could not see it, although there were awhole crowd of search-lights trying to get on to it. "

"July 28th. 

"Up 8 a. M. Parade 9 a. M. Drill and explanation of campaign. At 12 noon, Major Brighten lectured all officers and N. C. O. 's on the forthcomingbattle. He closed with an eloquent peroration in which he said that, although our little bit is only part of very large operations, ourholding the Gravenstafel Ridge may help to end the war and sway thedestiny of the world! In the afternoon I went into Poperinghe. It wasextremely hot. I had a cold bath at the Divisional Baths and felt veryrefreshed by it. I met Gaulter of the King's Own on the same job. Hesaid that he was not looking forward to the push. His battalion are atpresent in camp near Poperinghe Station. In the push they will be theright rear battalion of Stockwell's Brigade. After my bath I made one ortwo purchases in Poperinghe and then had tea there. Having had tea, Ireturned to Query Camp--by lorry most of the way--where I arrived at6. 30 p. M. "

"July 29th (Sunday). 

"Up 9 a. M. At 10 it poured with rain and prevented Church parade. At10. 30 Allen and I set off with Sergeant Baldwin, Sergeant Donovan, Sergeant Brogden, and a few other N. C. O. 's and runners, to reconnoitre atrack. We went on a miniature train as far as Vlamertinghe. Then wewalked across the fields. We were in a hot-bed of artillery batteries. Suddenly a shell dropped close to us. Three of our party werewounded--Sergeant Donovan, Lance-Corporal Segar and Private Hampson. Lance-Corporal Segar had a large slice out of his hip, but only a fleshwound, a nice, but painful, 'Blighty'! Donovan and Hampson had slightwounds; they were 'walking cases, ' but it will be hospital for them allright. When they were dressed we left them with an R. F. A. Man to betaken on the first ambulance; and we then carried on along Track 6, pastSalvation Corner, beyond Ypres and into Liverpool Trench. We left somesign-posts there and then walked back to the miniature railway. It was ahorribly dirty trip; all the ground was thick with slush. We got a trainpart of the way back and travelled on an engine the remainder! It was4. 15 p. M. When we got back. We had some tea. Then we attended aconference, presided over by Colonel Best-Dunkley, in Headquarters MessHut, to have our last corporate discussion upon the coming battle. Therewere officers from other units connected with us there; and Best-Dunkleymade sure that everybody knew exactly what he had got to do and whatassistance he could expect from anybody else. He was calm and dignifiedand even polite. He concluded the proceedings by making a soldierlyappeal to the honour of the battalion, said that he knew that everygentleman in the 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers would do his duty, that heplaced entire confidence in our loyalty and our ability; and remarkedthat he would not hesitate to recommend for decorations anybody whocarried on when wounded or distinguished himself by any conspicuous actof bravery. 

"Major Brighten looked into our mess tent just before dinner. I wasalone, looking at maps. He said that he wondered what I would think ofit all when I saw the coming battle in full swing. He told me that thelanding on the Coast is not, he thinks, after all, coming off this time!In fact Rawlinson's Fourth Army is not to be in it at all. I expect theGerman thrust at Nieuport has spoilt Haig's plans there. I am very sorryindeed. Major Brighten said that the plan is completely changed. Thisbattle is going to be fought north and south of Ypres with the object ofbreaking through here. One would naturally assume so from the number ofmaps with which we have been issued. Major Brighten is going down tothe Transport. He will not take part in this battle unless required. Heis on 'battle reserve'; and so are Barlow and Smith as they have arrivedso recently, and have not practised the 'stunt. ' Harwood is liaisonofficer with the 1/6th Cheshires on our left. 

"A and B Companies had a very lively time at dinner this 'X' evening. West was acting the fool and making us all laugh. 

"At 9. 30 p. M. The Battalion left Query Camp and we marched to ourconcentration trenches beyond Vlamertinghe. The men filed into thesetrenches--5 and 8 platoons in the same trench. Battalion Headquartersare at Café Belge on the left of the main road. B Company Headquartersare in the cellar of the next cottage on the left. About a hundred yardsfurther on--on the left of the road--is the trench my (8) platoon is in. The organization of my platoon is as follows: Sergeant Baldwin isplatoon sergeant, and Corporal Livesey is next in seniority after him. Ihave five sections. The Bombing Section, under Livesey, consists ofeight all told; Tipping's Riflemen, thirteen; Heap's Rifle-Grenade men, eleven; two Lewis Gun Sections--Topping and Hopkinson being therespective section commanders and each having seven in their sections. 

"Various articles were drawn from a dump when we got to the trench. Wegot to the trench about 11 p. M. "

There my diary of the period abruptly closes. For the events whichfollowed it is necessary to turn to the long letter describing the wholeoperations which I wrote home from Worsley Hall a few days later. Thatletter describes the Third Battle of Ypres which is the subject of thenext chapter. 

CHAPTER XVI

THE BATTLE OF YPRES

(July 31st, 1917)

 "'Tis Zero! Full of all the thoughts of years! A moment pregnant with a life-time's fears That rise to jeer and laugh, and mock awhile The vaunted courage of the human frame, Till Duty calls, till Love and beck'ning Fame Lead forth the heroes to that frenzied line. The creeping death that, searching, never stays; To brave the rattling, hissing streams of lead, The bursting shrapnel and the million ways That war entices death; when dying, dead And living, mingle in the ghastly glare That taints the beauty of a night once fair, And seems to flout the Majesty divine. " F. SHUKER (_Zero_). 

Safely ensconced beneath the sheets of a very comfortable hospital bedat Worsley Hall, I wrote the following letter in which I described theThird Battle of Ypres up to the time when I left the battlefield. Forthe progress of the battle beyond that it will be necessary to quoteother documents. Here is my own account of the operations written onAugust 3:

"I will now endeavour to tell you the story of the Third Battle ofYpres. As you are aware, we were preparing for this battle the wholetime I was at the Front. It was part of Haig's general plan of campaignfor 1917. When I first arrived in the Prison at Ypres, the day beforeMessines, Captain Andrews had me in his cell and explained to me theplan of campaign. He opened some maps and explained to me that Plumer'sSecond Army was, very shortly, going to attack on the south of the YpresSalient with the object of taking Hill 60 and the Messines Ridge. Ifthat attack should prove successful _we_ should, a few days afterwards, do a little 'stunt' on a German trench named Ice Trench. We were issuedwith photograph maps of this trench and many conferences were held withregard to it. Further, he explained that this was only a preliminaryoperation: the main campaign of the year was to be fought on the frontbetween Ypres and the Sea, and Sir Hubert Gough was coming to Ypres totake command. Well, the Battle of Messines was fought the followingmorning; all Plumer's objectives were gained; it was a perfect 'stunt';but, still, our Ice Trench affair was cancelled! We left Ypres soonafterwards and went into rest billets at Millain and then trainingbillets at Westbecourt. Hunter-Weston's VIII Corps became a reservecorps behind the line and we, Jeudwine's 55th Division, were transferredto Watts's XIX Corps which became part of Gough's Fifth Army--thatfamous general having arrived in Flanders. While at Westbecourtwe--Stockwell's 164 Brigade--practised the Third Battle of Ypres in theopen cornfields and amongst the numerous vegetable crops betweenCormette and Boisdinghem. When we got back to the Salient we understoodHaig's plan to be that Gough's Army should smash forward from Ypres, that there should be a French Army on Gough's left, and that Rawlinson'sFourth Army should land upon, or push up, the Belgian Coast at preciselythe same moment as Gough struck north from the Ypres Salient. That plancommended itself to me as highly satisfactory. But one always has toreckon with an enemy as well! I do not know whether Armin got wind of itor not, but he effectively thwarted Haig by doing precisely the kind ofthing I expected he would do. Rawlinson's Army was engaged and drivenback at Nieuport, thus disorganizing his plans; and Ypres--the otherflank--was intensely bombarded with high explosives and gas shells onthat never-to-be-forgotten night of July 12-13. The gas casualties inYpres who were taken to hospital on July 13 were, I was told, 3, 000! Amuch higher figure than I thought at first. A day or two after theseevents Gratton came in to us at the Ramparts and casually informed usthat the Coast idea was postponed: the battle was going to be foughtnorth and south of Ypres only. The Coast landing was going to take placelater if the Third Battle of Ypres should prove a success--of which, ofcourse, no patriot could entertain any doubts! Rawlinson was not ready. Nieuport was to me sufficient explanation for that. And Beatty was notready! That I do not understand. I was very disappointed, indeed, when Iheard this news, as I was not very hopeful as to the chance of successin any battle fought in the centre. A flanking movement is, in myopinion, the best policy; and the original idea would have meant, if alanding had been effected, a triangular advance which would have leftbefore Armin only two alternatives--retreat or surrender. But attritionseems to be far more in Robertson's line than strategy! So the ThirdBattle of Ypres has begun. And, unless things change very quickly, I ambound to say that it is not a success. So much for the general idea. 

"During our twenty days in the Ypres Salient, from July 1 to July 20, wesuffered very heavily in casualties; and when we came out we werecertainly not strong enough to go into battle. So while we were atValley Camp, Watou, we were reinforced by large drafts. And, inaccordance with the above plans, we left Watou on the night of July 25and marched to Query Camp, near Brandhoek, but on the left of the mainroad. Here we remained awaiting 'XY night. ' 'Z day' was the day on whichthe battle was to take place. On 'XY night' we left Query Camp and tookup our positions in our concentration trenches near Vlamertinghe. Myplatoon and Allen's platoon were in a trench on the right of theVlamertinghe-Ypres road, across the field stretching from the road tothe railway. Sergeant Brogden's platoon (6 Platoon) was a little furtheron. Dickinson was in command of B Company. We had our Headquarters in alittle wooden dug-out[11] in the centre of the field behind the trench. Battalion Headquarters were at the Café Belge--a house on the right ofthe road close by. 'XY night' was the night of July 29-30. We got alittle sleep during the morning. 

"For the last fortnight the artillery had been preparing the way for us, raids had been taking place, and conflicts in the air had been offrequent occurrence; the Royal Engineers had been constructing roads andother means of advance; miniature railways were running up to the frontline; and the road from Watou, through Poperinghe and Vlamertinghe, toYpres was simply thronged with transport. The weather had been fine andhot. On 'XY night' troops were swarming round Vlamertinghe and there wasevery sign that a great push was about to commence. 

"During July 30, in our little wooden dug-out here, Dickinson heldconferences consisting of Allen and myself with Sergeant Brogden, Sergeant Baldwin, Sergeants Stokes and, of course, Sergeant-MajorPreston and Quartermaster-Sergeant Jack. Did it occur to us that withintwenty-four hours we should all be scattered to the winds--some killed, others wounded? I expect it did. But it did not worry us. We smiled anddiscussed plans. During the day Colonel Best-Dunkley looked in andchatted most agreeably; he was in a most friendly mood. Padre Newmanalso looked in. 

"At 8. 55 p. M. I marched off with my platoon along Track 1. All unitswere moving up to the line. After I had been going about a quarter of anhour half a dozen shells burst quite close to us, badly putting the windup us. We all lay on the ground. When the disturbance had subsided wemoved on again along Track 1, leaving Goldfish Château, [12] the onebuilding in that region which stands intact, on our right, along Track6, touching Ypres at Salvation Corner, along the Canal Bank, againacross the open and though La Brique, where the Tanks (commanded byMajor Inglis) were congregating ready to go forward on the morrow, toLiverpool Trench. We reached Liverpool Trench, the assembly trench fromwhich we were to go over the top on the morrow, about 11 p. M. . . . D and BCompanies were in Liverpool Trench, and C and A Companies in CongreveWalk--the other side of Garden Street. It was a dull, cloudy night. Theguns were continually booming. Our howitzers were flinging gas-shells onto every known German battery throughout the night. The enemy replied byshelling Liverpool Trench and Congreve Walk--especially the latter. Oneshell burst right in the trench, took one of Verity's legs almost cleanoff, and killed his servant Butterworth. The shells were bursting allnight. All our trenches were simply packed with troops ready to go overthe top at Zero. Lewis's 166 Brigade filled the trenches in front of us. The 55th Division occupied a front from the west of Wieltje to WarwickFarm. Half of this frontage was occupied by Lewis's 166 Brigade on theleft, and Boyd-Moss's 165 Brigade occupied the other half on the right. Stockwell's 164 Brigade occupied the whole frontage in rear with theobject of passing through the front brigades and penetrating into theenemy's positions. The 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers were the left frontbattalion of the 164 Brigade. Colonel Hindle's 1/4th North Lancashireswere on the right. We were supported by the Liverpool Irish as 'moppersup'; and the North Lancs. Were supported by the 1/4th King's Own RoyalLancaster Regiment in the same way. In our battalion, D Company, commanded by Captain Bodington, were on the left front. On their rightwere C Company, commanded by Captain Mordecai. In rear of D Company wereB Company commanded by Second-Lieutenant Talbot Dickinson, M. C. ; and onour right were A Company commanded by Captain Briggs. The frontcompanies comprised the first two waves; the rear companies the thirdand fourth waves. The first wave of D Company contained Beesley'splatoon on the left; and behind Beesley's platoon was that of Telfer. Then came Sergeant Brogden's platoon of B Company, with Allen on hisright. My platoon occupied the whole Company front behind Brogden andAllen. My orders were to advance to the 'Green Line, ' and when I gotthere I was to take Lance-Corporal Tipping's rifle section and fourLewis Gunners on to reinforce Allen at Aviatick Farm where he was to diga strong point in front of the front-line when the Gravenstafel Ridgewas reached. Two of my sections were detached: Corporal Livesey took hisbombers with Brogden's platoon to mop up a dug-out beyond Wurst Farm, and Lance-Corporal Heap was sent with his rifle grenadiers to 15Platoon. On my left was a platoon, commanded by Sergeant Whalley, of the1/6th Cheshires. They belonged to the 118th Brigade of the 39th Divisionof Maxse's XVIII Corps--so, you see, I was on the extreme left of SirHerbert Watts's XIX Corps. It was Cuthbert's 39th Division that was totake St. Julien. We were to go through Fortuin and leave St. Julien juston our left. On the right of our division was the 15th Division. Behindus, in the Watou area, was Nugent's 36th (Ulster) Division, ready to gothrough us in a day or two. The 15th Division is entirely Scottish. Somuch for Gough's dispositions for the battle. 

"Zero was fixed for 3. 50 in the morning. As the moment drew near howeagerly we awaited it! At 3. 50 exactly I heard a mine go up, felt aslight vibration, and, as I rushed out of the little dug-out in which Ihad been resting, every gun for miles burst forth. What a sight! What arow! The early morning darkness was lit up by the flashes of thousandsof guns, the air whistling and echoing with shells, the calm atmosphereshaken by a racket such as nobody who has not heard it could imagine!The weird ruins of Ypres towered fantastically amongst the flashesbehind us. In every direction one looked guns were firing. In front ofus the 166th and 165th Brigades were dashing across no man's land, sweeping into the enemy trenches, the barrage creeping before them. Istood on the parados of Liverpool Trench and watched with amazement. Itwas a dramatic scene such as no artist could paint. 

"Before the battle had been raging half an hour German prisoners werestreaming down, only too glad to get out of range of their own guns! Isaw half a dozen at the corner of Liverpool Trench and Garden Street. They seemed very happy trying to converse with us. One of them--a boyabout twenty--asked me the nearest way to the station; he wanted to getto England as soon as possible!

"The Tanks went over. As daylight came on the battle raged furiously. Our troops were still advancing. Messages soon came through that St. Julien had been taken. 

"Our time was drawing near. At 8. 30 we were to go over. At 8 we were all'standing to' behind the parapet waiting to go over. ColonelBest-Dunkley came walking along the line, his face lit up by smiles morepleasant than I have ever seen before. 'Good morning, Floyd; best ofluck!' was the greeting he accorded me as he passed; and I, of course, returned the good wishes. At about 8. 20 Captain Andrews went past me andwished me good luck; and he then climbed over the parapet toreconnoitre. The minutes passed by. Everybody was wishing everybodyelse good luck, and many were the hopes of 'Blighty' entertained--notall to be realized. It is a wonderful sensation--counting the minutes onone's wrist watch as the moment to go over draws nigh. The fingers on mywatch pointed to 8. 30, but the first wave of D Company had not goneover. I do not know what caused the delay. Anyhow, they were climbingover. Eventually, at 8. 40, I got a signal from Dickinson to go on. Soforward we went, platoons in column of route. Could you possibly imaginewhat it was like? Shells were bursting everywhere. It was useless totake any notice where they were falling, because they were falling allround; they could not be dodged; one had to take one's chance: merely goforward and leave one's fate to destiny. Thus we advanced, amidst shotand shell, over fields, trenches, wire, fortifications, roads, ditchesand streams which were simply churned out of all recognition byshell-fire. The field was strewn with wreckage, with the mangled remainsof men and horses lying all over in a most ghastly fashion--just likeany other battlefield I suppose. Many brave Scottish soldiers were to beseen dead in kneeling positions, killed just as they were firing on theenemy. Some German trenches were lined with German dead in thatposition. It was hell and slaughter. On we went. About a hundred yardson my right, slightly in front, I saw Colonel Best-Dunkley complacentlyadvancing, with a walking stick in his hand, as calmly as if he werewalking across a parade ground. I afterwards heard that when all CCompany officers were knocked out he took command in person of thatCompany in the extreme forward line. He was still going strong last Iheard of him. 

"We passed through the 166th Brigade. We left St. Julien close on ourleft. Suddenly we were rained with bullets from rifles and machine-guns. We extended. Men were being hit everywhere. My servant, Critchley, wasthe first in my platoon to be hit. We lay down flat for a while, as itwas impossible for anyone to survive standing up. Then I determined togo forward. It was no use sticking here for ever, and we would be wantedfurther on; so we might as well try and dash through it. 'Comealong--advance!' I shouted, and leapt forward. I was just stepping oversome barbed wire defences--I think it must have been in front of SchulerFarm (though we had studied the map so thoroughly beforehand, it wasimpossible to recognize anything in this chaos) when the inevitablehappened. I felt a sharp sting through my leg. I was hit by a bullet. SoI dashed to the nearest shell-hole which, fortunately, was a very largeone, and got my first field dressing on. Some one helped me with it. Then they went on, as they were, to their great regret, not hit! Myplatoon seemed to have vanished just before I was hit. Whether they werein shell-holes or whether they were all hit, or whether they had foundsome passage through the wire, I cannot say. I only know that, with theexception of Corporal Hopkinson and one or two Lewis Gunners who wentforward soon after, they had all vanished. It was one of the manymysteries of a modern battlefield! Allen was going on all right: I sawhim going on in front: I believe he got to Aviatik Farm![13] It was 10. 20a. M. When I was wounded. I lay in this shell-hole for some time. When Ihad been there about half an hour the enemy put down a barrage just onthe line which contained my shell-hole! It was horrible. I thought I waslost this time. Shells were bursting all around me, making a horriblerow; some of them were almost in the trench. I was covered with thefumes from one or two of them and also sniffed some gas. I put on mybox-respirator. One piece of shrapnel hit me on the head, but, fortunately, I had my steel helmet on my head; so I was all right. 

"At 11. 30 a. M. I decided that I might just as well be blown to bits inthe open, trying to get back to safety, as lying in this shell-hole; soI made a dash for it and got out of the barrage. I inquired the way tothe nearest aid post, and was told that it was a long way off. But Iproceeded in the direction indicated. Before long I met Corporal Liveseyreturning from his bombing stunt with about half a dozen prisoners and ashrapnel wound in his back; also another lance-corporal, from D Company, who had been on a similar stunt and was wounded in the ear by a bullet. Some of the prisoners were also wounded. So we all walked down together. 

"Corporal Livesey told me that Sergeant Brogden[14] was wounded in thearm, Sergeant Stokes killed, and Corporal Chamley wounded. We saw somehorrible sights all the way along. We were joined by more prisoners aswe went down. German prisoners have only to be told which way to go andthey go. They are quite sociable people too--many of them bright-eyedboys of seventeen and eighteen. They are only too glad to carry ourwounded men back; they need no escort. We got on very well indeed withthem. I suppose that in a sense we were comrades in distress, or, rathercomrades in good fortune, in that we were all leaving the field ofhorrors behind us! Yet they were the very Boches who, an hour before, had been peppering us with those bullets. One would never have imaginedthat we had so recently been enemies. One of them asked for water to'drinken;' so I let him have a drink from my water-bottle. About half adozen of them drank, and they appeared very grateful. 

"Germans are not half so vile as they are painted. . . . They are onlydoing their bit for their Empire as we are for ours. The pity of it isthat destiny should have thrown us into conflict. It is a great pity. How fine it would be if we could let bygones be bygones, shake hands, and lead the world in peace and civilization side by side! If we canfraternize so speedily on the battlefield, why cannot those who are notshooting each other also fraternize? It is a cruel insult to humanitythat this thing should go on. War is hell, and the sooner some onearises who has the courage to stop it the better. Somebody will have totake the lead some time. I myself believe in peace after victory--but weare not yet going the right way about achieving victory; and, unless SirWilliam Robertson speedily changes his plans, we might as well makepeace. This killing business is horrible. The present policy of theGeneral Staff is: see which side can do the most killing. A far wiser, and far more humane, policy would be to win it by strategy. I believe inout-manoeuvring the enemy and taking as many prisoners as possible;make him evacuate territory or surrender by corps and armies; it can bedone if we go the right way about it, but this bloodshed is barbarous. 

"When we walked over Wieltje we found our once 'strong point' no longerexistent. The sandbags were scattered all over. Yet in the minebelow--in the estam--General Stockwell had his Headquarters. 

"We were sent on from aid-post to aid-post. They were all crowded withwounded. The number of 'walking cases' was very large. At Potijze wewere again sent on. So I walked into Ypres and passed the Cathedral andthe Cloth Hall and reached the remains of the Prison which is now thecentral aid-post for Ypres. There was a pleasant padre there; and he gotme a refreshing cup of tea. Then I went on again. I got on a lorry andwas taken to the mill at Vlamertinghe, which is known as the 2/1 WessexDressing Station. When I got there I was sent upstairs for some tea. Onentering the mess, I found Lieutenant Francis also there, having tea. Hewas wounded in the arm. His arm was in a sling. There were also two orthree German officers having tea there. They were quite as sociable asour Allies! Who should come in to see us, a few minutes later, but MajorBrighten, who, being on 'battle reserve, ' was down at the Transport! Heexpressed surprise when he saw me, and asked me to tell him all aboutit. He would insist on carrying some of my equipment downstairs. Heinformed me that my batman, Critchley, was down below. So I went andsaw him. He had got one in the leg too. 

"I had my wound dressed here and also had an anti-tetanous inoculationput into me. I did not like it!

"Then Francis and I got into a motor-ambulance and were motored away, through Poperinghe, to Watou. We passed what I assumed to be Nugent's36th Division coming up in motor-lorries to relieve the 55th Division. At Watou we were taken to the 10th C. C. S. We had our wounds dressedagain there and then had tea. Then we got on to a hospital train whichwas standing in the siding. Who should join us in the saloon on thistrain but Gaulter, of the King's Own! He, too, had got one in the leg!The question which interested us most on the way back was whether wewould get to 'Blighty. ' The train went very slowly. We were held upbecause the Germans were shelling Hazebrouck of all places. They musthave some long-range guns!

"We arrived in Boulogne at 5. 30 on Wednesday morning, August 1, and wereimmediately motored to Wimereux, where we entered the 14th GeneralHospital. We went to bed at once and remained in bed all day and night. 

"The next morning I was awakened by the greeting: 'You're for England;you leave at 8. 15. ' So I got up and had breakfast. Then we were motoreddown to Boulogne again where we all embarked on the _St. David_, andsailed for the shores of old England. It was a happy voyage. We landedat Dover at midday. . . . 

"The train left Dover at 4. 30 p. M. We reached Manchester at midnight andI and seven others were immediately motored to Worsley. So here I am ina nice cosy bed in the spacious mansion of the Egertons ofEllesmere--Worsley Hall. What vicissitudes one does go through!" . . . 

 * * * * *

So, as far as the writer of this book was concerned, Ypres and all thatits name implies was now but a memory: I was safely back on the rightside of the water once again. My feelings on leaving "Wipers" behind mecan best be expressed in the words which a poet of the 55th Divisiondedicated to the British Soldier in the second number of _Sub Rosa_:

 "Good-bye, Wipers! though I 'opes it is for good, It 'urts me for to leave yer--I little thought it would. 

 When I gets back to Blighty, and all the fightin's done, Mebbe the picters of the past will rise up, one by one. 

 Like movies at the Cinema, they'll bob up in my brain, The places that I knew so well--I'll see them all again. 

 The battered-in Asylum; the Prison scorched and scarred; And 'ole Salvation Corner with the guns a bellowin' 'ard. 

 The muddy, ruddy, Ramparts; the mist upon the Moat; The grey Canal between whose banks no barges ever float. 

 An' them Cathedral ruins--O Gawd, the fearsome sight! Like mutilated fingers they points up through the night. 

 The blighters what relieves us--we'll treat 'em fair an' kind, They're welcome to the soveneers what we 'ave left be'ind. 

 Good-bye, Wipers! though I 'opes it is for good, It 'urts me for to leave yer--I little thought it would. "

It was with a thrill of pride that I read in the newspapers during thefollowing days of the magnificent achievement of the 55th Division--ofthe "Lancashire Men's Great Fight:" "Stubborn in attack and withdrawal. "I read of heroic fights round Pommern Castle, of Wurst Farm beingcaptured by a gallant young officer, and, particularly, the case of: "Anofficer who was left last out of his battalion to hold out in anadvanced position (who) said to the padre who has just visited him inhospital, 'I hope the General was not disappointed with us. '" TheGeneral, I am sure, was not disappointed with these Lancashire men. Noone could think of them without enthusiasm and tenderness, marvelling attheir spirit and at the fight they made in the tragic hours--because itwas a tragedy to them that, after gaining all the ground they had beenasked to take, and not easily nor without losses, they should have tofall back and fight severe rear-guard actions to cover a necessarywithdrawal. [15]

It was, naturally, a matter of great interest to me to determine to whatparticular officers these remarks referred, as no names were given andno battalions mentioned by name. Now, of course, we all know. Theofficer who reached Wurst Farm was John Redner Bodington, and thegallant young officer who fought like a hound at bay, while wounded overand over again, and hoped that "the General was not disappointed, " wasnone other than the hero whose name is upon the title-page of thisbook--Bertram Best-Dunkley. And, as the days rolled by, one familiarname after another was recorded in the casualty lists. It was thebloodiest battle in History; the casualty list which contained my namewas the longest I have ever seen in the _Times_. 

I wrote to Sergeant Baldwin for information as to the fate of myplatoon, and, some time afterwards, received the following reply:

 "Ward 24, "Ontario Military Hospital, "Orpington, Kent. "August 15th, 1917. "Dear Sir, "I have much pleasure in replying to your letter dated August 5th, 1917. I am very pleased indeed to know that you are safe in 'Blighty. ' Well, sir, you ask me where I got to when we went over the top. I think youwill remember halting and lying down in no man's land. Well, as I laythere the time seemed to be long; then I got up and went to the front ofthe platoon to see what had gone wrong. When I got there I found you hadgone on and the remainder of the men had not the sense to follow you. SoI led on with the remainder, taking my direction from the compass. Ireached the hill and passed Schuler Farm on the right. We started toclimb the hill and then a funny thing happened: those already at the topcame running back again shouting 'Get back and dig in; they areoutflanking us. ' I took the warning and retired to a suitable positionand got the men digging themselves in. We could see the Boches comingover the ridge like a swarm of bees. When they got nearer we openedmachine gun and rifle fire. All the time this was going on the artilleryhad ceased firing, and I began to feel a bit downhearted. Then thingsquietened down a bit; so I told the lads to make a drink of tea forthemselves, which they did gladly enough. All the time we could seeFritz preparing for a counter-attack and we knew it had to come. Iwaited patiently keeping a look-out for them coming. The men weregetting knocked out one by one, until I had only five; and the Lewis Gunhad got a bullet through its pinion which rendered it useless. Nothinghappened until the evening, and then the bombardment started and we knewwe had something to put up with. I sent up an S. O. S. Rocket and ourartillery opened out, but the shells were dropping short and hitting ourmen. Then we retired for about fifty yards and took up some shell-holes. I looked round and found all my men had vanished. I was amongst some ofthe Cams. And Herts. I really did not know what to do. The artillerybecame more intense and still our shells were dropping short. There wasanother sergeant out of the Cams. In this shell-hole with a few men; soI told him I would go back and try and get in touch with the artillery. On my way back I got wounded in the leg, so I rolled into a shell-hole. It began to rain and rained heavily all the night. When day broke Ifound myself covered with clay and mud, and wet through to the skin. Icrawled out and looked about me. It was a quiet morning except for ashell bursting now and again, and I could see some men through myglasses, about a mile away, working on a road. I made my way towardsthem. How I got there I do not know, for I was more dead than alive. Iinquired for the dressing-station, which I found after a long walk. Iwas sent down to the Base to hospital and was sent to England on August6. 

"I am pleased to say that I am feeling much better and my wound isgetting on nicely. I hope my letter will find you feeling much betterfor the rest you have worked so hard for. I saw in the casualty listthat the Colonel had died of wounds, the Adjutant killed, Sec. -Lt. Gratton missing, Captain Andrews wounded, and Lt. Telfer missing. Ithink I have told you all the news you require, and hope you enjoyreading it. 

 "With best wishes, "Yours sincerely, "ROBERT CHARLES BALDWIN, Sgt. "

Sergeant Baldwin was awarded the Military Medal for his services on July31--August 1, 1917. 

Having reproduced the personal narratives of our experiences at Ypres, first by myself and then by my platoon sergeant, it is now desirable tosee what happened to the Battalion as a whole. For this it will benecessary to quote the official account in the _Lancashire Fusiliers'Annual_. After mentioning the machine-gun fire which caused me to extendmy platoon the account goes on to say:

"This fire was so heavy that it not only inflicted severe casualties, but caused confusion in the shaking out into extended order, and it isto be believed that from this moment the correct formation was neverabsolutely regained. Machine-gun fire was active chiefly from WineHouse, Spree Farm, parts of Capricorn Support and Capricorn Keep, PondFarm, Hindu Cot and other points. Seeing that they could not advancetill these points were dealt with, the commanders of the leading wavestook steps to take the first points, such as Wine House, Spree Farm, Capricorn Support. These were dealt with at considerable loss, someenemy being captured, some killed and some running away. It wasdifficult to obtain a definite account of all the incidents thathappened before the Black Line was reached, but great gallantry wasshown by the officers and N. C. O. 's in rallying and leading the men inface of heavy fire. The Commanding Officer, Lieut. -Colonel B. Best-Dunkley, put himself at the head of all men in his immediatevicinity, and led them on through intense machine-gun fire. Ultimatelythe Black Line was reached. The casualties up to this point may beestimated at anything up to 50 per cent of the total strength of theBattalion. However, the advance had to continue and that quickly, as itwas impossible to wait to reorganize under the heavy fire; moreover, theadvance was timed to a programme of artillery. The advance to the GreenLine, the Gravenstafel Switch, 6, 000 yards from our original front line, therefore continued. Few details necessarily are obtainable owing to theheavy casualties. The creeping barrage, not a heavy one, certainly notsufficient to deal with the country up to the Green Line, had run awayfrom us. Many more casualties were suffered, but the Battalioneventually reached its objective. Digging in and consolidation at oncecommenced. Captain J. R. Bodington, commanding left Company, reachedWurst Farm with ten men, this number being shortly reduced by casualtiesto two. The Green Line had only been in our possession for about twentyminutes when the first enemy counter-attack, consisting of twocompanies, commenced. This came from a north-easterly direction, sweeping across the front of the division on our left. It was verydetermined, as the division on our left had not been able to get up; ourleft flank was quite unprotected. 

"An attempt was therefore made to form a defensive flank. Thecounter-attack halted on a road running north-west and south-east. Finding we had not sufficient men to form a defensive flank, a furtherwithdrawal was ordered to Jew Hill, east of St. Julien. From this pointa large enemy counter-attack was observed commencing. This also camefrom a north-easterly direction, and was apparently simultaneous withthat from the south-east affecting the 1/4th Loyal North Lancs. --thebattalion on our right. This counter-attack was overwhelming in itsstrength. It had been preceded by four enemy aircraft, flying low overour advanced positions and firing Véry lights and machine-guns. Thelights were apparently the call for artillery cooperation. They wereanswered by the opening of fire by heavy guns which dealt withindividual points. Owing to the general disorganization caused by thevery heavy casualties, troops on the whole front of this unit had now tocommence a general withdrawal. Isolated points, however, held out mostgallantly and held up the advance of the enemy while consolidation on orabout the Black Line was completed by troops in rear and whilst thewithdrawal of the remainder was safely effected. A small strong pointsituated west of Schuler Farm was held by one hundred and thirty men ofthis Battalion, and the 1/8 (Irish) Battalion, King's Liverpool Regimentand with them Captain Bodington, one of the few remaining officers ofthe Battalion. Those were first attacked from the front, which attackthey warded off. The enemy counter-attack then developed on their leftand right; both these attacks also were held off for some time bymachine-gun, Lewis gun, and rifle fire. The few survivors were forced towithdraw and fight their way back, Captain Bodington and ten other ranksreaching the Black Line safely. 

"Battalion Headquarters was situated at Spree Farm, and they onlyreceived late warning that the enemy were near them. Lieutenant-ColonelB. Best-Dunkley gathered together all men available, and, placinghimself at the head, beat off the counter-attack at this point. At thistime our own artillery brought down an extremely heavy barrage on theenemy which appeared to catch him, and it was probably due to this thatthey were unable to gain a footing in the Black Line on our immediatefront. During this withdrawal the Adjutant--Lieutenant R. Andrews--waskilled. The Commanding Officer was wounded shortly afterwards--about 8p. M. There was then no officer of this Battalion known to be alive, andthe Orderly Room Sergeant--Sergeant F. Howarth--took command, organizingthe defence of that part of the line until the Battalion was withdrawnto Bilge Trench, about 9 a. M. The following morning--August 1. CaptainBodington, who was the one surviving officer, came in subsequently fromthe left of the line. "

Let us now follow the movements of Captain Bodington. He afterwardswrote the following report:

"Up to the time of reaching a point a hundred yards in rear of the BlackLine, the advance was easy. 

"On crossing the small rise behind Wine House we came under very heavymachine-gun and rifle fire from both Wine House and Spree Farm. Twoplatoons had to be used in driving the enemy from the above-named farms, and the casualties were heavy in this minor operation. 

"Both the dug-outs at Wine House and Spree Farm were in fairly goodcondition, and from here with the remainder of the men we pushed forwardtowards Border House without much difficulty, and hence to Winnipeg, where we got into touch with the 1/6th Cheshires on our left, andproceeded to the Gravenstafel Ridge. Being left here with only two of mymen, I could do no more than reconnoitre Wurst Farm and Aviatik Farm. 

"Both the dug-outs and O. P. In these farms were in fairly goodcondition, but must have been evacuated hurriedly, although no documentsof any importance could be found. 

"We could see at a distance of about six hundred yards more of ourtroops on the right, but unable to get into touch with them as the enemyheld posts between us. 

"On returning to the 1/6th Cheshires on our left, a counter-attack hadalready been launched against their left flank, consequently it wasdecided to withdraw to the Winnipeg-Kansas Cross Roads. It was foundimpossible to make a stand here, so the withdrawal continued to a pointwhere the 13th Sussex Regiment had dug themselves in on Jew Hill. 

"About two hours elapsed, when it was found that a party of the enemywere getting round their left flank. A party was at once detailed todeal with this, but at this time I became detached from this party andconsequently reported back to Battalion Headquarters, then situated atSpree Farm. 

"I was at once detailed to take a party up to reinforce a partlyorganized strong point about the dug-outs at D. 13. A. 8. 0. I found heretwo officers and about one hundred men. The position was strong, butboth flanks were unguarded. 

"There were two machine-guns and one Lewis gun. After a short time astrong counter-attack was made by the enemy on this position from thefront which was easily beaten off, but almost simultaneously we wereattacked on either flank. 

"By this time, another machine-gun had been brought into position, butthe Lewis gun had used up all its magazines. A number of casualties hadbeen caused. We held the enemy for half an hour, and a heavy battery wasshelling us considerably. Two direct hits were obtained causing a numberof casualties. Meanwhile the enemy was advancing on either flank. It wasfound that only forty or fifty men remained, and little means of escapewas left, but it was decided to withdraw to a line well wired aboutthree hundred yards in rear. On reaching this point it was found to beuntenable and the withdrawal continued to the Black Line, where some ofthe 165 and 166 Brigades had been digging in. 

"They were at once warned of the advance of the enemy, and here he wasfinally beaten off. A number of casualties were sustained in thewithdrawal from the dug-outs behind Schuler Farm. At that time we couldnot get into touch on our left, but the gap was soon filled in by aparty of the 6th King's Liverpool Regiment and the BattalionHeadquarters from Spree Farm. Later we got into touch with the 1/5thSouth Lancashire Regiment on our left and the 45 Brigade on our right. 

"At that time I could find none of my own Battalion. 

 "(Signed) J. R. BODINGTON, "Captain, "2/5th Battalion Lancashire Fusiliers. "

The 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers, what remained of them, "spent August 1, Minden Day, in the utmost discomfort in Bilge Trench, everybody wassoaked through from the pouring rain. However, we all flaunted Mindenroses in our helmets. On August 2nd we were relieved and marched back toour transport lines. There all preparations had been made for us andeverybody enjoyed a good hot meal. The same evening we were taken backin buses to the Watou area. " Thus writes the official chronicler in the_Lancashire Fusiliers' Annual_. 

It was on July 31 that Philip Cave Humfrey distinguished himself by hisable and courageous leading of his Transport to carry supplies to theworn and wearied troops. "He led one hundred pack mules, laden withammunition and bombs, through heavy enemy barrage to a point closebehind our lines which was then being defended against a strongcounter-attack. At this point he unloaded his mules in spite of hostilemachine-gun and rifle fire, and the ammunition which he brought up wasimmediately used by the troops who were defending the position. By hispromptness and fearlessness he greatly assisted the defence at acritical moment. " For this act of gallantry he was awarded the MilitaryCross. 

Many were the brave deeds done and numerous the honours gained by theofficers, non-commissioned officers and men of the Battalion on thishistoric day. Captain Bodington was awarded the Military Cross as amatter of course. He was the sole combatant officer who came throughunscathed, and his unique services have already been fully recorded; heshowed himself on July 31, what he has invariably shown himself since, an incomparable man over the top, fearless and ruthless, ever where thefight is hottest and always ready to display his individual initiativeon all possible and impossible occasions, a born man of action to whomlong experience of shot and shell has made the art of modern war asecond nature--an officer after Best-Dunkley's own heart: the MilitaryCross was the least form of recognition which could reward such anachievement as his. The bright and chivalrous Newman too--who hadalready been recommended for the Military Cross for his bravery intending wounded at the Menin Gate on Messines Night--won this decorationby his unselfish devotion to duty on July 31. Horace Beesley commandedhis platoon with such courage and success right out on our far-flungbattle line in the vicinity of Wurst Farm and Aviatik Farm until he wasbadly wounded; and to him also was the Military Cross awarded. And JohnAgnew, who was second-in-command of C Company, took command of thatcompany when Captain Mordecai was wounded: "Although shot through theknee, he continued to advance and lead his men to their objective--adistance of some 4, 000 yards. He was then again wounded and had toreturn, being wounded a third time on his way back. Although his woundswere serious he refused to take a stretcher, in order that more seriouscases might be dealt with. He set a splendid example of pluck andunselfishness. " The Military Cross was also Agnew's reward. When I methim again at Scarborough he was a cripple. Heroic, too, was the end ofthat flamboyant patriot Talbot Dickinson, M. C. , my Company Commander. "He was wounded in the arm, " wrote one of his friends, "but carried onto a very advanced position, and, while encouraging his men, was shotthrough the head. " With him Sergeant-Major Preston, too, was killed. 

Sergeant Howarth was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal for hispersonal initiative in taking command of the Battalion when no officerswere to be found, and for the able way in which he executed his task;and the D. C. M. Was also awarded to Lance-Corporal Lawson. 

Eleven Military Medals were awarded for deeds done that day: SergeantBaldwin, Sergeant Olive, Corporal Fox, Lance-Corporal Furnes, SergeantHudson, and Privates Baron, Daynes, R. Turner, Rouse, Rodwell andFitzpatrick. 

The casualties, as has already been pointed out, were tremendous. Fivehundred and ninety-three other ranks went into battle; four hundred andseventy-three became casualties. It was a very tiny Battalion thereforethat went to rest, reorganize, and train at Le Poirier a few days later!

Gilbert Verity had expired shortly after his misfortune in CongreveWalk. Douglas Bernard Priestly was shot through the head and killedinstantly almost as soon as he got over the top. The fate of theAdjutant, Reggie Andrews, whom I last saw aimlessly wandering about thebattlefield shortly after we went over and who looked over his glassesat me and inquired whether I had seen anything of Headquarters, hasalready been recorded. And the Assistant-Adjutant met a similar fate:Gratton was, first of all, wounded and he lay in a shell-hole; and whilehe was in the shell-hole another shell came right into the hole and tookhis head clean off. Joye remained with Colonel Best-Dunkley until quitelate in the day, when he got the 'Blighty' in the leg which was to sendhim to join me at Worsley Hall. Captain Briggs, Telfer, and Young, together with a large number of other ranks, were taken prisoners;Briggs and Telfer were also wounded. West was badly wounded. CaptainAndrews, Captain Mordecai and Donald Allen were all wounded quite earlyin the day. Out of nineteen combatant officers eighteen were casualties. The non-combatants, Padre Newman and Dr. Adam came through this battlesafely, but they were both wounded at the Battle of Menin Road onSeptember 20! Newman got to England with his wound after that battle, but he was very soon back with the Battalion again to play an even moreconspicuous part in the drama of the Great War. 

It was a great day was the 31st of July. General Gough sent thefollowing message of congratulation to Brigadier-General Stockwell:

"The Army Commander wishes to convey his thanks and congratulations tothe G. O. C. And all ranks of the 164th Infantry Brigade on their fineperformance on July 31st. They carried out their task in a most gallantmanner and fought splendidly to retain their hold on the ground won. 

"All officers showed energy, courage, and initiative in dealing with thesituation, and the men under their command in spite of heavy losses didtheir utmost by carrying out their orders to ensure our success and theenemy's defeat. Great credit is due to G. O. C. 164th Brigade for themagnificent behaviour of the troops under his command. " And Stockwellsent on the message with the following personal addition: "TheBrigadier-General Commanding has much pleasure in forwarding the aboveremarks of the Army Commander. He considers that all the credit is dueto the officers and men of the Brigade. "

Major-General Jeudwine congratulated Stockwell in the following terms:"Well done, 164th Brigade. I am very proud of what you did to-day. Itwas a fine performance and no fault of yours you could not stay. " And inthe course of a Special Order of the Day issued to his Division onAugust 3, General Jeudwine said: "The attack you made on the 31st isworthy to rank with the great deeds of the British Army in the past, andhas added fresh glory to the records of that Army. "

Meanwhile, the supreme hero of the day lay at the Main Dressing Stationmortally wounded. But like Sir Henry Lawrence long ago he had theconsolation of feeling that he had tried to do his duty. The ReverendJames Odgen Coop, D. S. O. , T. D. , M. A. , the Senior Chaplain to the 55thDivision, visited the dying Best-Dunkley at the Main Dressing Stationon August 1. It was to Colonel Coop that Colonel Best-Dunkley said thathe hoped the General was satisfied, and Colonel Coop recounted theconversation to General Jeudwine. Old "Judy's" heart was touched as italways was by any deeds of gallantry, and to Best-Dunkley he immediatelywrote the following historic letter:

 "Headquarters, 55th Division. "1st August, 1917 (Minden Day). 

"Dear Best-Dunkley, "The padre has given me your message, and I am very much touched by it. 

"Disappointed! I should think not, indeed. I am more proud of having youand your Battalion under my command than of anything else that has everhappened to me. 

"It was a magnificent fight, and your officers and men behavedsplendidly, fighting with their heads as well as with the most superbpluck and determination. 

"The 31st July should for all time be remembered by your Battalion andRegiment and observed with more reverence even than Minden Day. It wasno garden of roses that you fought in. I have heard some of the storiesof your Battalion's doings and they are glorious. And I have heard ofyour own doings too, and the close shave you had. 

"Nothing would give me greater pleasure than that you should come backand command your Battalion, and I greatly hope you will. I am afraidyou have painful wounds, but I trust they will not keep you long laidby. 

"The best of luck to you. 

 "Yours, "H. S. JEUDWINE. "

"General Jeudwine's hopes were not to be realized. After a few days'agony Best-Dunkley passed away. On August 6 Major Brighten issued thefollowing pathetic Special Order to the 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers at LePoirier:

"I regret to inform all ranks of the Battalion that our late CommandingOfficer, Lieut. -Colonel B. Best-Dunkley, died at a C. C. S. Yesterday fromwounds received in the attack on 31st July--an attack to the magnificentachievement of which he contributed so largely in the long preparationand training and in the actual carrying out. His personal gallantry inleading on the Battalion in the face of heavy enemy fire was an exampleof bravery and courage which has added to the laurels of the Regiment, and his loss is one which will be felt deeply. 

 "(Signed) G. S. BRIGHTEN, "Major, Commanding 2/5 Battalion Lancashire Fusiliers. "August 6th, 1917. "

Best-Dunkley was buried at Proven. The funeral was taken by PadreNewman. As the body was lowered into the Flanders clay General Jeudwineexclaimed: "We are burying one of Britain's bravest soldiers!" TheBattalion buglers played the Last Post. And the spot where the hero liesis marked by the traditional Little Wooden Cross. 

The crowning triumph came when he was awarded the Victoria Cross;though, to the great sorrow of all, he did not live to know that he hadwon it. I well remember the excitement in the Mess at "Montpellier" atScarborough when we read the following announcement in the _ManchesterGuardian_:

 "CAPT. (T. /LT. -COL. ) BERTRAM BEST-DUNKLEY, LATE LAN. FUS. 

 "For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty when in command of his battalion, the leading waves of which, during an attack, became disorganized by reason of rifle and machine-gun fire at close range from positions which were believed to be in our hands. Lieutenant-Colonel Best-Dunkley dashed forward, rallied his leading waves, and personally led them to the assault of these positions, which, despite heavy losses, were carried. 

 "He continued to lead his battalion until all their objectives had been gained. Had it not been for this officer's gallant and determined action it is doubtful if the left of the brigade would have reached its objectives. Later in the day, when our position was threatened, he collected his battalion headquarters, led them to the attack, and beat off the advancing enemy. This gallant officer has since died of wounds. "

And some time afterwards I noticed, in an illustrated paper, a littlephoto entitled "Daddy's V. C. " It was the picture of a little baby beingheld in his mother's arms at Buckingham Palace, while His Majesty KingGeorge the Fifth pinned upon his frock the Victoria Cross. 

[Illustration: Map of FREZENBERG]

FOOTNOTES:

[11] This refers to the officers' quarters. Company Headquarters werestationed in the cellar mentioned in the previous chapter. 

[12] See Appendix V. 

[13] He did not get as far as Aviatik Farm. We met again at Scarboroughin October, and he told me that he was wounded about the same time thatI was wounded. 

[14] Sergeant Brogden was afterwards killed in action at the Battle ofMenin Road, September 20, 1917. 

[15] _Manchester Guardian_, August 4th, 1917. 

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I. 

MURRAY AND ALLENBY

In view of my comments upon the appointment of Sir Edmund Allenby tosucceed Sir Archibald Murray, the following extract from the _ManchesterGuardian_ of September 17, 1919, is of interest:

_The Victor and His Predecessor. _

When Field-Marshal Allenby stepped off the train at Victoria to-day oneof the first men whom he greeted was General Sir Archibald Murray, hispredecessor in the East. The meeting must have been a pregnant one tothem both. Sir Edmund Allenby came home victor of our most successfulcampaign in the war to receive a peerage, while inside and outside thestation London was roaring its welcome. General Murray, after thefailure of the battle of Gaza, had been transferred home and had beenreceived there with the severest criticism and some personal attacks. The War Office is famous for its short ways when it does make up itsmind to do something disagreeable, and its treatment of Sir ArchibaldMurray is said to have lacked nothing in discourtesy. Since then a gooddeal has come out about the early part of our war in the East and thework done by General Murray, and the nearness he got to success withquite inadequate support had become recognized even before Sir EdmundAllenby's dispatch was published, which officially re-established hismilitary reputation. 

To-day, at Dover, Sir Edmund Allenby spoke even more clearly of the debthe owed for the foundations laid by General Murray and for the loyal wayin which he started him off as a beginner. It is not too common in ourmilitary history to find great commanders on the same battle-ground assensitive about one another's reputation as they are of their own. It isso easy to say nothing and leave matters to history. The lustre ofAllenby's achievement is even greater for his acknowledgment of his debtto his predecessor. 

_The First Palestine Campaign. _

Something may be added now about General Murray's work in the East. Hecommanded in Egypt from January, 1916, to May, 1917. During that time hedealt with the Gallipoli forces, disorganized and with most of theirsupplies gone. He had to reorganize them into a fighting force again andto send them West. He had to organize and plan the campaign against theSenussi, to be responsible for the internal condition of Egypt, and todefend Egypt from the Turks, then relieved of the Gallipoli operations. The Turkish attack was beaten off and four thousand prisoners taken, thedefences of Egypt were pushed forward through the Sinai desert, water-lines carried up and wire ways laid, and all the vast preparationsmade by which it became possible to take Palestine. His two assaults onGaza failed, but he held the ground he had taken, including the WadiGhuzze, which would have been a big natural defence of Palestine. 

He was fighting with three divisions very far short of their fullstrength and several battalions of dismounted yeomanry, four big guns, and thirty aeroplanes, all of old-fashioned type. His pipe-line waswithin distance from which it seemed possible to "snap" the Turks atGaza, but fog delayed the start, and the manoeuvre took too long, andthe cavalry fell back from want of water. The snap was so near a successthat they picked up a wireless from the Germans in Gaza to their basesaying "Good-bye, " as they were going into captivity. That was the mainpoint of the story. 

According to General Murray's friends what happened in Palestine waswhat has happened so often in our history. A general is given a job todo with insufficient forces, and urged on despite his appeals for asufficient force. He fails. Another commander is appointed, and the newman naturally can exact his own conditions, begins the task with anadequate force, and succeeds. All this, of course, does not take away asingle leaf from Sir Edmund Allenby's brilliant bays or suggest thatGeneral Murray could have done so well. All that is suggested is that hedid not get the same chance. 

APPENDIX II

THE INFANTRY AT MINDEN

The six Infantry Regiments engaged at Minden, on August 1, 1759, were:

 12th Foot--Suffolk Regiment. 20th Foot--Lancashire Fusiliers. 23rd Foot--Royal Welsh Fusiliers. 25th Foot--King's Own Scottish Borderers. 37th Foot--Hampshire Regiment. 51st Foot--King's Own (Yorkshire Light Infantry). 

Tradition tells that in the course of the operations at Minden, the 20thwere passing through flower gardens and, while doing so, the men pluckedsome of the roses and wore them in their coats. This story was theorigin of the "Minden Rose" which is worn annually, on August 1, by allranks of the Lancashire Fusiliers. 

APPENDIX III

GENERAL RAWLINSON AND OSTEND

Field-Marshal French did not definitely state in his fourth dispatchthat General Rawlinson landed at Ostend, but he devoted a number ofparagraphs to the subject of "the forces operating in the neighbourhoodof Ghent and Antwerp under Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Rawlinson, asthe action of his force about this period exercised, in my opinion, agreat influence on the course of the subsequent operations. " However, in"1914" Lord French has written (page 200): "I returned to Abbeville thatevening. I found that an officer had arrived from Ostend by motor with aletter from Rawlinson, in which he explained the situation in the north, the details of which we know. " And John Buchan in _Nelson's History ofthe War_, Vol. IV (page 33), states that "On 6th October the 7thDivision began to disembark at Zeebrugge and Ostend, and early on 8thOctober the former point saw the landing of the 3rd Cavalry Division, after a voyage not free from sensation. The force formed the nucleus ofthe Fourth Corps, and was commanded by Major-General Sir HenryRawlinson, who had a long record of Indian, Egyptian, and South Africanservice. " G. H. Perris in _The Campaign of 1914 in France and Belgium_is even more emphatic: on page 305 of that work he writes: "Part of the4th British Corps--the 7th Infantry Division and the 3rd CavalryDivision--under Sir Henry Rawlinson, had been landed at Ostend andZeebrugge without interference, and had advanced eastward to cover theBelgian-British retreat to the south. "

APPENDIX IV

EDWARD III AND THE ORDER OF THE GARTER

Colonel Best-Dunkley's question on this subject can best be answered byquoting in full the first paragraph of Chapter XVI of David Hume's_History of England_, Vol. I:

"The prudent conduct and great success of Edward in his foreign wars hadexcited a strong emulation and a military genius among the Englishnobility; and these turbulent barons, overawed by the crown, gave now amore useful direction to their ambition, and attached themselves to aprince who led them to the acquisition of riches and glory. That hemight further promote the spirit of emulation and obedience, the kinginstituted the order of the garter, in imitation of some orders of alike nature, religious as well as military, which had been establishedin different parts of Europe. The number received into this orderconsisted of twenty-five persons, besides the sovereign; and as it hasnever been enlarged, this badge of distinction continues as honourableas at its first institution, and is still a valuable, though a cheappresent, which the prince can confer on his greatest subjects. A vulgarstory prevails, but is not supported by any ancient authority, that at acourt ball, Edward's mistress, commonly supposed to have been theCountess of Salisbury, dropped her garter; and the king, taking it up, observed some of the courtiers to smile, as if they thought that he hadnot obtained this favour merely by accident: upon which he called out, 'Honi soit qui mal y pense, ' Evil to him that evil thinks; and as everyincident of gallantry among those ancient warriors was magnified into amatter of great importance, he instituted the order of the garter inmemorial of this event, and gave these words as the motto of the order. This origin, though frivolous, is not unsuitable to the manners of thetimes; and it is indeed difficult by any other means to account, eitherfor the seemingly unmeaning terms of the motto, or for the peculiarbadge of the garter, which seems to have no reference to any purposeeither of military use or ornament. "

APPENDIX V

GOLDFISH CHÂTEAU

The following note about Goldfish Château, contained in the _ManchesterGuardian_ of September 8, 1919, is relevant to the text:

All the men who had any part in the tragic epic of Ypres will beinterested in the news that the Church Army has taken over "GoldfishChâteau" as a hostel for pilgrims to the illimitable graveyards in thedreadful salient. 

For some reason (writes a correspondent who was in it) we christened theplace "Goldfish Château. " It was a somewhat pretentious mansion, inContinental flamboyant style, standing just off the Vlamertinghe roadabout half a mile our side of Ypres. Its grounds are ploughed up byshells and bombs, but most of the fountains and wretched garden statuaryremains with the fishponds which perhaps gave the villa its army name, and rustic bridges most egregiously incongruous with the surroundingdeath and desolation. 

All through the Ypres fighting it was a conspicuous landmark well knownto every soldier, and used, as things got hotter and hotter, as staffheadquarters, first for corps, then for division, and finally forbrigade and battalion. 

Strangely enough, the château never received a direct hit, though allthe country round was ploughed up and every other building practicallyflattened out. The camp tales accounted for this immunity in all sortsof sinister ways. One story was that some big German personage hadoccupied the place. Probably these were romantic fictions. But the factremained that "Goldfish Château" bore a charmed life in spite of thefact that the German sausage balloons almost looked down the chimneysand so many staffs lived there. Hundreds of thousands of men in thiscountry who could not name half the county towns in England would beable to describe every room in this Belgian villa outside Ypres. Lancashire soldiers are well acquainted with it. 

During the third battle of Ypres the transport of the 55th Division hadto leave the fields just opposite the château in a hurry. The Germansnot only shelled the place searchingly, but one morning sent over abouta dozen bombing planes. Simultaneous shelling and bombing is not goodfor the nerves of transport mules. But the luck of the "GoldfishChâteau" held. Nothing hit it. 

 * * * * *

THE ROAD TO EN-DOR

By E. H. JONES, Lt, I. A. R. O. 

With Illustrations by C. W. HILL, Lt. , R. A. F. FourthEdition. 8s. 6d. Net. 

This book, besides telling an extraordinary story, will appeal toeveryone who is interested in spiritualism. The book reads like a wildromance, but is authenticated in every detail by fellow-officers andofficial documents. 

_Times. _--"Astounding . . . Of great value. "

_Daily Telegraph. _--"This is one of the most realistic, grimmest, and atthe same time most entertaining books ever given to the public. . . . _TheRoad to En-dor_ is a book with a thrill on every page, is full ofgenuine adventure. . . . Everybody should read it. "

_Morning Post. _--"It is easily the most surprising story of the escapeof prisoners of war which has yet appeared. . . . No more effectiveexposure of the methods of the medium has ever been written. This bookis indeed an invaluable reduction to absurdity of the claims of thespiritualist côteries. "

_Birmingham Post. _--"The story of surely the most colossal 'fake' ofmodern times. "

_Daily Graphic. _--"The most amazing story of the war. "

_Spectator. _--"The reader who begins this book after dinner willprobably be found at one o'clock in the morning still reading, with eyesgoggling and mouth open, beside his cold grate. "

_Punch. _--"It is the most extraordinary war-tale which has come my way. The author is a sound craftsman with a considerable sense of style andconstruction. His record of adventures is really astounding. "

_Country Life. _--"More exciting than any novel. . . . The book is a recordor almost incredible courage and inventiveness. "

_Bystander_. --"It is one of the most unexpected and engaging books forwhich the War has been responsible. "

_Pall Mall Gazette_. --"A really entertaining account of a wonderfullysuccessful and useful rag on an unusually big scale. "

_Westminster Gazette_. --"Lieuts. Jones and Hill displayed aninventiveness, an ingenuity, and a patience worthy of the greatestadmiration. "

_Outlook_. --"The book deserves to become a classic. "

_Illustrated London News_. --"It is an amazing story, humorously told, ofa subtle and successful conspiracy to escape. But it is also a mosttelling indictment of the spiritualistic craze. "

_New Age_. --"As a mere story of adventure and suffering the book is oneof the most remarkable known to me; it is an epic of human ingenuity andhuman endurance. "

_Queen_. --"Sensational and amazing . . . Absorbingly interesting. "

_Daily Mail_. --"A really striking and diverting story. "

_Evening News_. --"The tale of the two lieutenants is perhaps the noblestexample of the game and fine art of spoof that the world has ever seen, or ever will see . . . Their wonderful and almost monstrous elaboration. . . An amazing story. "

_Everyman_. --"One of the most amazing tales that we have ever read. Thegradual augmentation of the spook's power is one of the mostpreposterous, the most laughable histories in the whole literature ofspoofing. Lieut. Jones has given us a wonderful book--even a greatbook. "

 * * * * *

THE SILENCE OF COLONEL BRAMBLE

By ANDRÉ MAUROIS. 

_Translated from the French. _

Second Edition. With Portrait. 5s. Net. 

_Westminster Gazette_. --"_The Silence of Colonel Bramble_ is the bestcomposite character sketch I have seen to show France what the Englishgentleman at war is like . . . Much delightful humour. . . . It is full ofgood stories. . . . The translator appears to have done his workwonderfully well. "

_Daily Telegraph_. --"This book has enjoyed a great success in France, and it will be an extraordinary thing if it is not equally successfulhere. . . . Those who do not already know the book in French, will losenothing of its charm in English form. The humours of the mess-room areinimitable. . . . The whole thing is real, alive, sympathetic, there is nota false touch in all its delicate, glancing wit. . . . One need not be aFrenchman to appreciate its wisdom and its penetrating truth. "

_Star_. --"An excellent translation . . . A gay and daring translation. . . . I laughed over its audacious humour. "

_Times_. --"This admirable French picture of English officers. "

_Daily Graphic_. --"A triumph of sympathetic observation . . . Delightfulbook . . . Many moving passages. "

_Daily Mail_. --"So good as to be no less amusing than the original. . . . This is one of the finest feats of modern translations that I know. Thebook gives one a better idea of the war than any other book I canrecall. . . . Among many comical disputes the funniest is that aboutsuperstitions. That really is, in mess language, 'A scream'. "

_New Statesman_. --"The whole is of a piece charmingly harmonious in toneand closely woven together. . . . The book has a perfect ending. . . . Fewliving writers achieve so great a range of sentiment, with so uniformlylight and unassuming a manner. "

_Observer_. --"The flavour of M. Maurois' humour loses little in thistranslation. . . . The admirable verisimilitude of the dialogue. . . . M. Maurois' humorous gift is unusually varied. . . . He tells a good storywith great vivacity. "

Holbrook Jackson in the _National News_. --"The Colonel is an eternaldelight. . . . I put the volume under my arm, started reading it on the wayhome, and continued reading until I had finished the same evening. . . . That ought to be sufficient recommendation for any book. . . . "

_Times Lit. Supplement_. --(Review of French Edition. )--"M. Maurois . . . Is indeed so good an artist and so excellent an observer that we wouldnot for worlds spoil his hand, or do more than merely introduce toEnglish readers by far the most interesting and amusing group of Britishofficers that we have met in books since the war began. "

_Gentlewoman_. --"The translation of this book is so splendidly done thatit seems impossible that it can be a translation. . . . One of the very fewwar books which survive Peace. . . . This is one of the few war books thatwill not collect dust on the bookshelf. "

James Milne in the _Graphic_. --"It is all very wise and very charming. "

_Morning Post_. --"This gently-humorous little book. . . . Half an hour withColonel Bramble and his entertaining friends will stop you worrying fora whole day. "

_Saturday Review_. --"The wittiest book of comment on warfare and ournational prejudices that we have yet seen. "

 * * * * *

A KUT PRISONER

By Lieut. H. C. W. BISHOP. Illustrated. 6s. 6d. Net. 

This book is the remarkable story of the first three British officers toescape from a Turkish prison camp. It contains a description of thesiege and the march of 1, 700 miles to Kastamuni; of their capture, escape and dramatic rescue, and finally the voyage in an open boat toAlupka, in the Crimea. 

 * * * * *

SONNETS FROM A PRISON CAMP

By ARCHIBALD ALLEN BOWMAN

Crown 8vo. 5s. Net. 

This book falls naturally in two parts; the first is a sonnet sequencedescribing the author's capture with his battalion in the great MarchOffensive, his weary tramp as a prisoner, and internment in a Germancamp; the second consists of a series of meditative sonnets on theseinevitably suggested by close confinement. The poems show great promise, their intense sincerity being foremost among their merits. 

_Morning Post_. --"Mr. Bowman's rich and dignified sonnets. "

_Scotsman_. --"There is only one possible verdict on this volume--welldone. "

 * * * * *

SAPPER

DOROTHY LAWRENCE

THE ONLY ENGLISH WOMAN SOLDIER

_Late Royal Engineers, 51st Division, 179th Tunnelling Coy. B. E. F. _ WithPortraits. Crown 8vo. 5s. Net. 

_Daily Mail_. --"Her very astonishing tale . . . An extraordinaryperformance. "

_Daily Chronicle_. --"Miss Lawrence's book is interesting and well done. "

_Scotsman_. --"Her exploit supplies the materials for a fine tale ofadventure, and she tells her story uncommonly well. "

 * * * * *

A Last Diary of the Great Warr

By SAML. PEPYS, Jun. 

With a coloured Frontispiece and eight Black-and-White Illustrations byJOHN KETTELWELL. Uniform with "A Diary of the Great Warr" and"A Second Diary of the Great Warr. " 6s. Net. 

_Punch_. --"This admirable book. . . . I would certainly recommend intendinghistorians to lay in these three volumes as an epitome in a brilliantshorthand of the facts and moods of the war--packed with shrewd commentand happy strokes of irony. . . . As a literary and dramatic _tour deforce_ I should judge it to be unsurpassed of its kind. "

 * * * * *

The Hohenzollerns in America

AND OTHER IMPOSSIBILITIES

By STEPHEN LEACOCK

Author of "Literary Lapses, " "Nonsense Novels, " etc. 5s. Net. 

_Daily Chronicle_. --"Equal in gay humour and deft satire to any of itspredecessors, and no holiday will be so gay but this volume will make itgayer. . . . It is a book of rollicking good humour that will keep youchuckling long past summertime. "

 * * * * *

Temporary Crusaders

By CECIL SOMMERS

Author of "Temporary Heroes. " 4s. Net. 

_Morning Post_. --"A cheery, chatty chronicle. . . . The author has a keeneye for the humour of circumstance and a most beguiling way. "

_Scotsman_. --"Bright and exhilarating. . . . It is sure to be read widely. "

_Liverpool Courier_. --"Even more hearty and sincere than the successful_Temporary Heroes_. "

JOHN LANE, THE BODLEY HEAD, VIGO ST. , W. 1