ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA IN 1895

BY

JESSE WALTER FEWKES

CONTENTS

 PageIntroductory note 527Plan of the expedition 529Ruins in Verde valley 536 Classification of the ruins 536 Cavate dwellings 537 Montezuma Well 546 Cliff houses of the Red-rocks 548 Ruins near Schürmann's ranch 550 Palatki 553 Honanki 558 Objects found at Palatki and Honanki 569 Conclusions regarding the Verde valley ruins 573Ruins in Tusayan 577 General features 577 The Middle Mesa ruins 582 Shuñopovi 582 Mishoñinovi 582 Chukubi 583 Payüpki 583 The East Mesa ruins 585 Küchaptüvela and Kisakobi 585 Küküchomo 586 Kachinba 589 Tukinobi 589 Jeditoh valley ruins 589 Awatobi 592 Characteristics of the ruin 592 Nomenclature of Awatobi 594 Historical knowledge of Awatobi 595 Legend of the destruction of Awatobi 603 Evidences of fire in the destruction 606 The ruins of the mission 606 The kivas of Awatobi 611 Old Awatobi 614 Rooms of the western mound 614 Smaller Awatobi 617 Mortuary remains 617 Shrines 619 Pottery 621 Stone implements 625 Bone objects 627 Miscellaneous objects 628 Ornaments in the form of birds and shells 628 Clay bell 628 Textile fabrics 629 Prayer-sticks--Pigments 630 Objects showing Spanish influence 631 The ruins of Sikyatki 631 Traditional knowledge of the pueblo 631 Nomenclature 636 Former inhabitants of Sikyatki 636 General features 637 The acropolis 643 Modern gardens 646 The cemeteries 646 Pottery 650 Characteristics--Mortuary pottery 650 Coiled and indented ware 651 Smooth undecorated ware 652 Polished decorated ware 652 Paleography of the pottery 657 General features 657 Human figures 660 The human hand 666 Quadrupeds 668 Reptiles 671 Tadpoles 677 Butterflies or moths 678 Dragon-flies 680 Birds 682 Vegetal designs 698 The sun 699 Geometric figures 701 Interpretation of the figures 701 Crosses 702 Terraced figures 703 The crook 703 The germinative symbol 704 Broken lines 704 Decorations on the exterior of food bowls 705 Pigments 728 Stone objects 729 Obsidian 732 Necklaces, gorgets, and other ornaments 733 Tobacco pipes 733 Prayer-sticks 736 Marine shells and other objects 739 Perishable contents of mortuary food bowls 741FOOTNOTESAPPENDIX 743INDEX 745

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLATE PageXCI_a_. Cavate dwellings--Rio Verde 537XCI_b_. Cavate dwellings--Oak creek 539XCII. Entrances to cavate ruins 541XCIII. Bowlder with pictographs near Wood's ranch 545XCIV. Montezuma Well 547XCV. Cliff house, Montezuma Well 549XCVI. Ruin on the brink of Montezuma Well 551XCVII. Pictographs near Cliff ranch, Verde valley 553XCVIII. The Red-rocks; Temple canyon 555XCIX. Palatki (Ruin I) 557C. Palatki (Ruin I) 559CI. Front wall of Palatki (Ruin II) 561CII Honanki (Ruin II) 563CIII. Walls of Honanki 565CIV. Approach to main part of Honanki 567CV. Map of the ruins of Tusayan 583CVI. The ruins of Küküchomo 587CVII. Ground plan of Awatobi 603CVIII. Ruins of San Bernardino de Awatobi 607CIX. Excavations in the western mound of Awatobi 615CX. Excavated room in the western mound of Awatobi 617CXI. Vase and mugs from the western mounds of Awatobi 618CXII. Paint pots, vase, and dipper from Awatobi 620CXIII. Pottery from intramural burial at Awatobi 622CXIV. Bone implements from Awatobi and Sikyatki 626CXV. Sikyatki mounds from the Kanelba trail 637CXVI. Ground plan of Sikyatki 639CXVII. Excavated rooms on the acropolis of Sikyatki 643CXVIII. Plan of excavated rooms on the acropolis of Sikyatki 644CXIX. Coiled and indented pottery from Sikyatki 650CXX. Saucers and slipper bowls from Sikyatki 652CXXI. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 654CXXII. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 654CXXIII. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 657CXXIV. Decorated pottery from Sikyatki 660CXXV. Flat dippers and medicine box from Sikyatki 662CXXVI. Double-lobe vases from Sikyatki 664CXXVII. Unusual forms of vases from Sikyatki 666CXXVIII. Medicine box and pigment pots from Sikyatki 668CXXIX. Designs on food bowls from Sikyatki 670CXXX. Food bowls with figures of quadrupeds from Sikyatki 672CXXXI. Ornamented ladles from Sikyatki 674CXXXII. Food bowls with figures of reptiles from Sikyatki 676CXXXIII. Bowls and dippers with figures of tadpoles, birds, etc. , from Sikyatki 676CXXXIV. Food bowls with figures of sun, butterfly, and flower, from Sikyatki 676CXXXV. Vases with figures of butterflies from Sikyatki 678CXXXVI. Vases with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 678CXXXVII. Vessels with figures of human hand, birds, turtle, etc. , from Sikyatki 680CXXXVIII. Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki 682CXXXIX. Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki 684CXL. Figures of birds from Sikyatki 686CXLI. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 688CXLII. Vases, bowls, and ladle with figures of feathers from Sikyatki 688CXLIII. Vase with figures of birds from Sikyatki 690CXLIV. Vase with figures of birds from Sikyatki 690CXLV. Vases with figures of birds from Sikyatki 690CXLVI. Bowls and potsherd with figures of birds from Sikyatki 692CXLVII. Food bowls with figures of birds from Sikyatki 692CXLVIII. Food bowls with symbols of feathers from Sikyatki 694CXLIX. Food bowls with symbols of feathers from Sikyatki 694CL. Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 696CLI. Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 696CLII. Food bowls with bird, feather, and flower symbols from Sikyatki 698CLIII. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 698CLIV. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 700CLV. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 700CLVI. Food bowls with figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 700CLVII. Figures of birds and feathers from Sikyatki 702CLVIII. Food bowls with figures of sun and related symbols from Sikyatki 702CLIX. Cross and related designs from Sikyatki 704CLX. Cross and other symbols from Sikyatki 704CLXI. Star, sun, and related symbols from Sikyatki 704CLXII. Geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 706CLXIII. Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 708CLXIV. Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 710CLXV. Food bowls with geometric ornamentation from Sikyatki 714CLXVI. Linear figures on food bowls from Sikyatki 718CLXVII. Geometric ornamentation from Awatobi 722CLXVIII. Geometric ornamentation from Awatobi 726CLXIX. Arrowshaft smoothers, selenite, and symbolic corn from Sikyatki 728CLXX. Corn grinder from Sikyatki 730CLXXI. Stone implements from Palatki, Awatobi, and Sikyatki 732CLXXII. Paint grinder, fetish, lignite, and kaolin disks from Sikyatki 734CLXXIII. Pipes, bell, clay birds, and shells from Awatobi and Sikyatki 736CLXXIV. Pahos or prayer-sticks from Sikyatki 738CLXXV. Pahos or prayer-sticks from Sikyatki 738

FIGURE245. Plan of cavate dwelling on Rio Verde 540246. Casa Montezuma on Beaver creek 552247. Ground plan of Palatki (Ruins I and II) 554248. Ground plan of Honanki 559249. The main ruin of Honanki 562250. Structure of wall of Honanki 564251. Stone implement from Honanki 571252. Tinder tube from Honanki 572253. Küküchomo 587254. Defensive wall on the East Mesa 588255. Ground plan of San Bernardino de Awatobi 608256. Structure of house wall of Awatobi 615257. Alosaka shrine at Awatobi 620258. Shrine at Awatobi 621259. Shrine at Awatobi 621260. Shrine at Awatobi 621261. Clay bell from Awatobi 629262. The acropolis of Sikyatki 644263. War god shooting an animal (fragment of food bowl) 665264. Mountain sheep 669265. Mountain lion 670266. Plumed serpent 672267. Unknown reptile 674268. Unknown reptile 675269. Unknown reptile 676270. Outline of plate CXXXV, _b_ 678271. Butterfly design on upper surface of plate CXXXV, _b_ 679272. Man-eagle 683273. Pendent feather ornaments on a vase 690274. Upper surface of vase with bird decoration 691275. Kwataka eating an animal 692276. Decoration on the bottom of plate CXLVI, _f_ 694277. Oblique parallel line decoration 706278. Parallel lines fused at one point 706279. Parallel lines with zigzag arrangement 706280. Parallel lines connected by middle bar 707281. Parallel lines of different width; serrate margin 707282. Parallel lines of different width; median serrate 707283. Parallel lines of different width; marginal serrate 707284. Parallel lines and triangles 708285. Line with alternate triangles 708286. Single line with alternate spurs 708287. Single line with hourglass figures 708288. Single line with triangles 709289. Single line with alternate triangles and ovals 709290. Triangles and quadrilaterals 709291. Triangle with spurs 709292. Rectangle with single line 709293. Double triangle; multiple lines 710294. Double triangle; terraced edges 710295. Single line; closed fret 710296. Single line; open fret 711297. Single line; broken fret 711298. Single line; parts displaced 711299. Open fret; attachment displaced 711300. Simple rectangular design 711301. Rectangular S-form 712302. Rectangular S-form with crooks 712303. Rectangular S-form with triangles 712304. Rectangular S-form with terraced triangles 712305. S-form with interdigitating spurs 713306. Square with rectangles and parallel lines 713307. Rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers 713308. Crook, feathers, and parallel lines 713309. Crooks and feathers 714310. Rectangle, triangles, and feathers 714311. Terraced crook, triangle, and feathers 714312. Double key 715313. Triangular terrace 715314. Crook, serrate end 715315. Key pattern; rectangle and triangles 716316. Rectangle and crook 716317. Crook and tail-feathers 716318. Rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs 717319. W-pattern; terminal crooks 717320. W-pattern; terminal rectangles 717321. W-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks 718322. W-pattern; terminal spurs 718323. W-pattern; bird form 719324. W-pattern; median triangle 719325. Double triangle; two breath feathers 720326. Double triangle; median trapezoid 720327. Double triangle; median rectangle 720328. Double compound triangle; median rectangle 720329. Double triangle; median triangle 721330. Double compound triangle 721331. Double rectangle; median rectangle 721332. Double rectangle; median triangle 721333. Double triangle with crooks 722334. W-shape figure; single line with feathers 722335. Compound rectangles, triangles, and feathers 722336. Double triangle 722337. Double triangle and feathers 723338. Twin triangles 723339. Triangle with terraced appendages 723340. Mosaic pattern 723341. Rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallel lines 724342. Continuous crooks 724343. Rectangular terrace pattern 724344. Terrace pattern with parallel lines 725345. Terrace pattern 725346. Triangular pattern with feathers 725347. S-pattern 726348. Triangular and terrace figures 726349. Crook, terrace, and parallel lines 726350. Triangles, squares, and terraces 726351. Bifurcated rectangular design 727352. Lines of life and triangles 727353. Infolded triangles 727354. Human hand 728355. Animal paw, limb, and triangle 728356. Kaolin disk 729357. Mortuary prayer-stick 736

ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPEDITION TO ARIZONA IN 1895

By JESSE WALTER FEWKES

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

About the close of May, 1895, I was invited to make a collection ofobjects for the National Museum, illustrating the archeology of theSouthwest, especially that phase of pueblo life pertaining to theso-called cliff houses. I was specially urged to make as large acollection as possible, and the choice of locality was generously leftto my discretion. 

Leaving Washington on the 25th of May, I obtained a collection andreturned with it to that city on the 15th of September, having spentthree months in the field. The material brought back by the expeditionwas catalogued under 966 entries, numbering somewhat over a thousandspecimens. The majority of these objects are fine examples of mortuarypottery of excellent character, fully 500 of which are decorated. 

I was particularly fortunate in my scientific collaborators. Mr F. W. Hodge, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, joined me at Sikyatki, andremained with the expedition until it disbanded, at the close ofAugust. Much of my success in the work at that ruin was due to hisadvice and aid. He was constantly at the excavations, and the majorityof the beautiful specimens were taken out of the graves by him. It iswith the greatest pleasure that I am permitted to express myappreciation of his assistance in my archeological investigations atSikyatki. Mr G. P. Winship, now librarian of the John Carter BrownLibrary at Providence, visited our camp at the ruin mentioned, andremained with us a few weeks, rendering important aid and adding anenthusiastic student to our number. Mr James S. Judd was a volunteerassistant while we were at Sikyatki, aiding me in many ways, especially in the management of our camp. I need only to refer to thebeautiful drawings which accompany this memoir to show how much I amindebted to Mrs Hodge for faithful colored figures of the remarkablepottery uncovered from the Tusayan sands. My party included Mr S. Goddard, of Prescott, Arizona, who served as cook and driver, and MrErwin Baer, of the same city, as photographer. The manual work at theruins was done by a number of young Indians from the East Mesa, whovery properly were employed on the Moki reservation. An all tooprevalent and often unjust criticism that Indians will not work ifpaid for their labor, was not voiced by any of our party. They gavemany a weary hour's labor in the hot sun, in their enthusiasm to makethe collection as large as possible. 

On my return to Washington I was invited to prepare a preliminaryaccount of my work in the field, which the Secretary of theSmithsonian Institution did me the honor to publish in his report for1895. This report was of a very general character, and from necessitylimited in pages; consequently it presented only the more salientfeatures of my explorations. 

The following account was prepared as a more exhaustive discussion ofthe results of my summer's work. The memoir is much more extended thanI had expected to make it when I accepted the invitation to collectarcheological objects for the Museum, and betrays, I fear, imperfections due to the limited time spent in the field. The mainobject of the expedition was a collection of specimens, the majorityof which, now on exhibition in the National Museum, tell their ownstory regarding its success. 

I am under deep obligations to the officers of the SmithsonianInstitution, the National Museum, and the Bureau of American Ethnologyfor many kindnesses, and wish especially to express my thanks to Mr S. P. Langley, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, for theopportunity to study the ancient ruins of Tusayan. Nothing had agreater influence on my final decision to abandon other congenial workand undertake this, than my profound respect for the late Dr G. BrownGoode, who suggested the expedition to me and urged me to plan andundertake it. 

 JESSE WALTER FEWKES. 

_Washington, May, 1897. _

PLAN OF THE EXPEDITION

It seemed to me in making a plan for archeological field work in 1895, that the prehistoric cliff houses, cave dwellings, and ruined pueblosof Arizona afforded valuable opportunities for research, and pastexperience induced me to turn my steps more especially to the northernand northeastern parts of the territory. [1] The ruins of ancienthabitations in these regions had been partially, and, I believe, unsatisfactorily explored, especially those in a limited area calledTusayan, now inhabited by the Moki or Hopi Indians. These agriculturalpeople claim to be descendants of those who once lived in the nowdeserted villages of that province. 

I had some knowledge of the ethnology of the Hopi, derived fromseveral summers' field work among them, and I believed thisinformation could be successfully utilized in an attempt to solvecertain archeological questions which presented themselves. [2] Idesired, among other things, to obtain new information on the formerextension, in one direction, of the ancestral abodes of certain clansof the sedentary people of Tusayan which are now limited to sixpueblos in the northeastern part of the territory. In carrying outthis general plan I made an examination of cliff dwellings and otherruins in Verde valley, and undertook an exploration of two old pueblosnear the Hopi villages. The reason which determined my choice of theformer as a field for investigation was a wish to obtain archeologicaldata bearing on certain Tusayan traditions. It is claimed by thetraditionists of Walpi, especially those of the Patki[3] orWater-house phratry, that their ancestors came from a land far to thesouth of Tusayan, to which they give the name Palatkwabi. Thesituation of this mythic place is a matter of considerable conjecture, but it was thought that an archeological examination of the country ator near the headwaters of the Rio Verde and its tributaries might shedlight on this tradition. 

It is not claimed, however, that all the ancestors of the Tusayanpeople migrated from the south, nor do I believe that those who camefrom that direction necessarily passed through Verde valley. Some, nodoubt, came from Tonto Basin, but I believe it can be shown that acontinuous line of ruins, similar in details of architecture, extendalong this river from its junction with Salt river to well-establishedprehistoric dwelling places of the Hopi people. Similar lines maylikewise be traced along other northern tributaries of the Salt or theGila, which may be found to indicate early migration stages. 

The ruins of Verde valley were discovered in 1854 by Antoine Leroux, acelebrated guide and trapper of his time, and were thus described byWhipple, Ewbank, and Turner in the following year:

 The river banks were covered with ruins of stone houses and regular fortifications; which, he [Leroux] says, appeared to have been the work of civilized men, but had not been occupied for centuries. They were built upon the most fertile tracts of the valley, where were signs of acequias and of cultivation. The walls were of solid masonry, of rectangular form, some twenty or thirty paces in length, and yet remaining ten or fifteen feet in height. The buildings were of two stories, with small apertures or loopholes for defence when besieged. . . . In other respects, however, Leroux says that they reminded him of the great pueblos of the Moquinos. [4]

A fragment of folklore, which is widely distributed among both theaboriginal peoples of Gila valley and the modern Tusayan Indians, recounts how the latter were at one time in communication with thepeople of the south, and traditions of both distinctly connect thesedentary people of Tusayan with those who formerly inhabited thegreat pueblos, now in ruins, dotting the plain in the delta betweenGila and Salt rivers. That archeology might give valuable informationon this question had long been my conviction, and was the maininfluence which led me to the studies recorded in the following pages. 

An examination of a map of Arizona will show that one of the pathwaysor feasible routes of travel possible to have been used in anyconnection between the pueblos of the Gila and those of northernArizona would naturally be along Rio Verde valley. Its tributariesrise at the foot of San Francisco mountains, and the main riverempties into the Salt, traversing from north to south a comparativelyfertile valley, in the main advantageous for the subsistence ofsemisedentary bands in their migrations. Here was a natural highwayleading from the Gila pueblos, now in ruins, to the former villages inthe north. 

The study of the archeology of Verde valley had gone far enough toshow that the banks of the river were formerly the sites of many andpopulous pueblos, while the neighboring mesas from one end to anotherare riddled with cavate dwellings or crowned with stone buildings. Northward from that famous crater-like depression in the Verde region, the so-called Montezuma Well on Beaver creek, one of the affluents ofthe Rio Verde, little archeological exploration had been attempted. There was, in other words, a break in the almost continuous series ofruins from Tusayan as far south as the Gila. Ruined towns had beenreported as existing not far southward from San Franciscomountains, [5] and from there by easy stages the abodes of a formerrace had been detected at intervals all the way to the Tusayanpueblos. At either end the chain of ruins between the Tusayan townsand the Gila ruins was unbroken, but middle links were wanting. Allconditions imply former habitations in this untrodden hiatus, theregion between the Verde and the Tusayan series, ending near thepresent town of Flagstaff, Arizona; but southward from that town thecountry was broken and impassable, a land where the foot of thearcheologist had not trodden. Remains of human habitations had, however, been reported by ranchmen, but these reports were vague andunsatisfactory. So far as they went they confirmed my suspicions, andthere were other significant facts looking the same way. The color ofthe red cliffs fulfilled the Tusayan tradition of Palatkwabi, or theirformer home in the far south. Led by all these considerations, beforeI took to the field I had long been convinced that this must have beenone of the homes of certain Hopi clans, and when the occasionpresented itself I determined to follow the northward extension of theancient people of the Verde into these rugged rocks. By my discoveriesin this region of ruins indicative of dwellings of great size inancient times I have supplied the missing links in the chain ofancient dwellings extending from the great towns of the Gila to theruins west of the modern Tusayan towns. If this line of ruins, continuous from Gila valley to Tusayan and beyond, be taken inconnection with legends ascribing Casa Grande to the Hopi and those ofcertain Tusayan clans which tell of the homes of their ancestors inthe south, a plausible explanation is offered for the manysimilarities between two apparently widely different peoples, and thetheory of a kinship between southern and northern sedentary tribes ofArizona does not seem as unlikely as it might otherwise appear. 

The reader will notice that I accept without question the belief thatthe so-called cliff dwellers were not a distinct people, but aspecially adaptive condition of life of a race whose place ofhabitation was determined by its environment. We are considering apeople who sometimes built dwellings in caverns and sometimes in theplains, but often in both places at the same epoch. Moreover, as longago pointed out by other students, the existing Pueblo Indians aredescendants of a people who at times lived in cliffs, and some of theTusayan clans have inhabited true cliff houses in the historic period. By intermarriage with nomadic races and from other causes thecharacter of Pueblo consanguinity is no doubt somewhat different fromthat of their ancient kin, but the character of the culture, as shownby a comparison of cliff-house and modern objects, has not greatlychanged. 

While recognizing the kinship of the Pueblos and the Cliff villagers, this resemblance is not restricted to any one pueblo or group ofmodern pueblos to the exclusion of others. Of all moderndifferentiations of this ancient substratum of culture of which cliffvillages are one adaptive expression, the Tusayan Indians are thenearest of all existing people of the Southwest[6] to the ancientpeople of Arizona. 

The more southerly ruins of Tusayan, which I have been ablesatisfactorily to identify and to designate by a Hopi name, are thosecalled Homolobi, situated not far from Winslow, Arizona, near wherethe railroad crosses the Little Colorado. These ruins are claimed bythe Hopi as the former residences of their ancestors, and were haltingplaces in the migration of certain clans from the south. They wereexamined by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, in 1893, [7] but no report on them has yet been published. 

While, however, the Homolobi group of ruins is the most southerly towhich I have been able to affix a Hopi name, others still more to thesouthward are claimed by certain of their traditions. [8] The Hopilikewise regard as homes of their ancestors certain habitations, nowin ruins, near San Francisco mountains. In a report on his explorationof Zuñi and Little Colorado rivers in 1852, Captain L. Sitgreavescalled attention to several interesting ruins, one of which was notfar from the "cascades" of the latter river. After ascending theplateau, which he found covered with volcanic detritus, he discoveredthat "all the prominent points" were "occupied by the ruins of stonehouses, which were in some instances three stories in height. They areevidently, " he says, "the remains of a large town, as they occurred atintervals for an extent of eight or nine miles, and the ground wasthickly strewn with fragments of pottery in all directions. "

In 1884 a portion of Colonel James Stevenson's expedition, under F. D. Bickford, examined the cliff houses in Walnut canyon, and in 1886Major J. W. Powell and Colonel Stevenson found scattered ruins northof San Francisco mountains having one, two, or three rooms, each"built of basaltic cinders and blocks of lava. " These explorerslikewise reported ruins of extensive dwellings in the same regionmade of sandstone and limestone. At about 25 miles north of themountains mentioned they discovered a small volcanic cone of cindersand basalt, which was formerly the site of a village or pueblo builtaround a crater, and estimated that this little pueblo contained 60 or70 rooms, with a plaza occupying one-third of an acre of surface. [9]

Twelve miles eastward from San Francisco mountains they found anothercinder cone resembling a dome, and on its southern slope, in acoherent cinder mass, were many chambers, of which one hundred andfifty are said to have been excavated. They mention the existence onthe summit of this cone of a plaza inclosed by a rude wall of volcaniccinders, with a carefully leveled floor. The former inhabitants ofthese rooms apparently lived in underground chambers hewn from thevolcanic formation. Eighteen miles farther eastward was another ruinedvillage built about the crater of a volcanic cone. Several villageswere discovered in this locality and many natural caves which had beenutilized as dwellings by inclosing them in front with walls ofvolcanic rocks and cinders. These cavate rooms were arranged tierabove tier in a very irregular way. 

At this place three distinct kinds of ruins were found--cliffvillages, cave dwellings, and pueblos. Eight miles southeastward fromFlagstaff, in Oak creek canyon, a cliff house of several hundred roomswas discovered. It was concluded that all these ruins were abandonedat a comparatively recent date, or not more than three or fourcenturies ago, and the Havasupai Indians of Cataract canyon wereregarded as descendants of the former inhabitants of these villages. The situation of some of these ruins and the published descriptionswould indicate that some of them were similar to those described andfigured by Sitgreaves, [10] to which reference has already been made. 

In 1896 two amateur explorers, George Campbell and Everett Howell, ofFlagstaff, reported that they had found, about eighteen miles fromthat place, several well-preserved cliff towns and a remarkable tunnelexcavation. The whole region in the immediate neighborhood of SanFrancisco mountains appears, therefore, to have been populated inancient times by an agricultural people, and legends ascribe some ofthese ruins to ancestors of the Hopi Indians. 

There are several ruins due south of Tusayan which have not beeninvestigated, but which would furnish important contributions to astudy of Hopi migrations. Near Saint Johns, Arizona, likewise, thereare ruins of considerable size, possibly referable to the Cibolanseries; and south of Holbrook, which lies about due south of Walpi, there are ruins, the pottery from which I have examined and found tobe of the black-and-white ware typical of the Cliff people. Perhaps, however, no ruined pueblo presents more interesting problems than themagnificent Pueblo Grande or Kintiel, about 20 miles north of NavahoSprings. This large ruin, lying between the Cibolan and Tusayangroups, has been referred to both of these provinces, and would, ifproperly excavated, shed much light on the archeology of the twoprovinces. [11] Kinnazinde lies not far from Kintiel. 

The ruins reported from Tonto Basin, of which little is known, maylater be found to be connected with early migrations of those Hopiclans which claim southern origin. From what I can judge by thepresent appearance of ruins just north of the Mogollon mountains, in adirect line between Tonto Basin and the present Tusayan towns, thereis nothing to show the age of these ruined villages, and it is quitelikely that they may have been inhabited in the middle of thesixteenth century. While it is commonly agreed that the province of"Totonteac, " which figures extensively in certain early Spanishnarratives, was the same as Tusayan, the linguistic similarity of theword to "tonto" has been suggested by others. In the troublesome yearsbetween 1860 and 1870 the Hopi, decimated by disease and harried bynomads, sent delegates to Prescott asking to be removed to TontoBasin, and it is not improbable that in making this reasonable requestthey simply wished to return to a place which they associated withtheir ancestors, who had been driven out by the Apache. Totonteac[12]is ordinarily thought to be the same as Tusayan, but it may haveincluded some of the southern pueblos now in ruins west of Zuñi. 

Having determined that the line of Verde ruins was continued into theRed-rock country, it was desirable to see how the latter compared withthose nearer Tusayan. This necessitated reexamination of many ruins inVerde valley, which was my aim during the most of June. I followedthis valley from the cavate dwellings near Squaw mountain past thegreat ruin in the neighborhood of Old Camp Verde, the unique MontezumaWell, to the base of the Red-rocks. Throughout this region I saw, ashad been expected, no change in the character of the ruins greatenough to indicate that they originally were inhabited by peoplesracially different. Stopped from further advance by a barrier ofrugged cliffs, I turned westward along their base until I foundsimilar ruins, which were named Palatki and Honanki. Having satisfiedmyself that there was good evidence that the numbers of ancientpeople were as great here as at any point in the Verde valley and thattheir culture was similar, I continued the work with an examination ofthe ruins north of the Red-rocks, where there is substantial evidencethat these were likewise of the same general character. 

The last two months of the summer, July and August, 1895, were devotedto explorations of two Tusayan ruins, called Awatobi and Sikyatki. Inthis work, apparently unconnected with that already outlined, I stillhad in mind the light to be shed on the problem of Tusayan origin. Thequestion which presented itself was: How are these ruins related tothe modern pueblos? Awatobi was a historic ruin, destroyed in 1700, and therefore somewhat influenced by the Spaniards. Many of thesurvivors became amalgamated with pueblos still inhabited. Its kinshipwith the surviving villagers was clear. Sikyatki, however, wasoverthrown in prehistoric times, and at its destruction part of itspeople went to Awatobi. Its culture was prehistoric. The discovery ofwhat these two ruins teach, by bringing prehistoric Tusayan culturedown to the present time and comparing them with the ruins of Verdevalley and southern Arizona, is of great archeological interest. 

While engaged in preparing this report, having in fact written most ofit, I received Mr Cosmos Mindeleff's valuable article on the Verderuins, [13] in which special attention is given to the cavate lodgesand villages of this interesting valley. This contribution anticipatesmany of my observations on these two groups of aboriginal habitations, and renders it unnecessary to describe them in the detailed manner Ihad planned. I shall therefore touch but briefly on these ruins, paying special attention to the cliff houses of Verde valley, situatedin the Red-rock country. This variety of dwelling was overlooked inboth Mearns' and Mindeleff's classifications, from the fact that itseems to be confined to the region of the valley characterized by thered-rock formation, which appears not to have been explored by them. The close resemblance of these cliff houses to those of the regionnorth of Tusayan is instructive, in view of the ground, well taken, Ibelieve, by Mr Mindeleff, that there is a close likeness between theVerde ruins and those farther north, especially in Tusayan. 

RUINS IN VERDE VALLEY

CLASSIFICATION OF THE RUINS

The ruined habitations in the valley of the Rio Verde may beconsidered under three divisions or types, differing in form, butessentially the same in character. In adopting this classification, which is by no means restricted to this single valley, I do not claimoriginality, but follow that used by the best writers on this subject. My limitation of the types and general definitions may, however, befound to differ somewhat from those of my predecessors. 

The three groups of ruins in our Southwest are the following:

 I--Pueblos, or Independent habitations. II--Cliff Houses }III--Cavate Dwellings } Dependent habitations. 

In the first group are placed those ancient or modern habitationswhich are isolated, on all sides, from cliffs. They may be situated invalleys or on elevations or mesas; they may be constructed of clay, adobe, or stone of various kinds, but are always isolated from cliffs. They are single or multiple chambered, circular or rectangular inshape, and may have been built either as permanent habitations or astemporary outlooks. Their main feature is freedom, on all sides exceptthe foundation, from cliffs or walls of rock in place. 

The second group includes those not isolated from natural cliffs, butwith some part of their lateral walls formed by natural rock in situ, and are built ordinarily in caverns with overhanging roofs, which thehighest courses of their walls do not join. Generally erected incaves, their front walls never close the entrances to those caverns. This kind of aboriginal buildings may, like the former, vary instructural material; but, so far as I know, they are not, for obviousreasons, made of adobe alone. 

The third kind of pueblo dwellings are called cavate dwellings orlodges, a group which includes that peculiar kind of aboriginaldwelling where the rooms are excavated from the cliff wall, formingcaves, where natural rock is a support or more often serves as thewall itself of the dwelling. The entrance may be partially closed bymasonry, the floor laid with flat stones, and the sides plastered withclay; but never in this group is there a roof distinct from the top ofthe cave. 

Naturally cavate dwellings grade into cliff houses, but neither ofthese types can be confounded with the first group, which affords usno difficulty in identification. All these kinds of dwellings weremade by people of the same culture, the character of the habitationdepending on geological environment. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCI^_a_

CAVATE DWELLINGS--RIO VERDE]

In Verde valley, villages, cliff houses, and cavate dwellings existtogether, and were, I believe, contemporaneously inhabited by a peopleof the same culture. 

These types of ancient habitations are not believed to stand in therelationship of sequence in development; nor is one simpler or lessdifficult of construction than the others. Cliff houses display noless skill and daring than do the villages in the plain, calledpueblos. The cavate dwellings are likewise a form of habitation whichshows considerable workmanship, and are far from caves like thoseinhabited by "cave men. " These dwellings were laboriously excavatedwith rude implements; had floors, banquettes, windows, walledrecesses, and the like. It is hardly proper to regard them, as lessdifficult to construct than pueblos or cliff houses. 

Cavate dwellings, like villages or cliff houses, may be single ormultiple, single or many chambered, and a cluster of these troglodyticdwellings was, in fact, as truly a village as a pueblo or cliff house. The same principle of seeking safety by crowding together held in allthree instances; and this very naturally, for the culture of theinhabitants was identical. I shall consider only two of the threetypes of dwellings in Verde valley, namely, the second and thirdgroups. 

It has, I think, been conclusively shown by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff, sofar as types of the first group of ruins on the Verde are concerned, that they practically do not differ from the modern Tusayan pueblos. The remaining types, when rightly interpreted, furnish evidence of noless important character. Notwithstanding Mindeleff's excellentdescriptions of the cavate dwellings of this region, already cited, Ihave thought it well to bring into prominence certain features whichseem to me to indicate that this form of aboriginal dwelling was highin its development, showing considerable skill in its construction, and was fashioned on the same general plan as the others. For thisdemonstration I have chosen one of the most striking clusters in Verdevalley. 

CAVATE DWELLINGS

The most accessible cavate dwellings in Verde valley (plate XCI _a_)are situated on the left bank of the river, about eight milessouthward from Camp Verde and three miles from the mouth of Clearcreek. The general characteristics of this group have been welldescribed by Mr Mindeleff in the Thirteenth Annual Report of theBureau, so that I need but refer to a few additional observations madeon these interesting habitations. [14]

These cavate lodges afford a fair idea of the best known of theseprehistoric dwellings in this part of Arizona. Although Verde valleyhas many fine ranches, the land in immediate proximity to these ruinsis uncultivated. The nearest habitation, however, is not far away, andit is not difficult to find guides to these caves, so well known arethey to the inhabitants of this part of the valley. It did not takelong to learn that any investigations which I might attempt there hadbeen anticipated by other archeologists and laymen, for many of therooms had been rifled of their contents and their walls thrown down, while it was also evident that some careful excavations had been made. 

There is, however, abundant opportunity for more detailed scientificwork than has yet been attempted on these ruins, and what has thus farbeen accomplished has been more in the nature of reconnoissance. Thecemeteries and burial places of the prehistoric people of the cavatedwellings are yet to be discovered, and it is probable, judging fromexperience gained at other ruins, that when they are found andcarefully investigated much light will be thrown on the character ofancient cave life. 

The entrances to the cavate dwellings opposite Squaw mountain arevisible from the road for quite a distance, appearing as rows of holesin the steep walls of the cliff on the opposite or left bank of theRio Verde. Owing to their proximity to the river, from which theprecipice in which they are situated rises almost vertically, we wereunable to camp under them, but remained on the right bank of theriver, where a level plain extends for some distance, bordering theriver and stretching back to the distant cliffs. We pitched our campon a bluff, about 30 feet above the river, in full sight of the caveentrances, near a small stone inclosure which bears quite a closeresemblance to a Tusayan shrine. 

Aboriginal people had evidently cultivated the plain where we camped, for there are many evidences of irrigating ditches and even walls offormer houses. At present, however, this once highly cultivated fieldlies unused, and is destitute of any valuable plants save the scantygrass which served to eke out the fodder of our horses. 

At the time of my visit the water of Rio Verde at this point wasconfined to a very narrow channel under the bluff near its right bank, but the appearance of its bed showed that in heavy freshets during therainy season the water filled the interval between the base of thecliffs in which the cavate dwellings are situated and the bluffs whichform the right bank. 

In visits to the caves it was necessary, on account of the site of thecamp, to ford the stream each time and to climb to their level overfallen stones, a task of no slight difficulty. The water in places wasshallow and the current only moderately rapid. Considering the factthat it furnished potable liquid for ourselves and horses, and thatthe line of trees which skirted the bluff was available for firewood, our camp compared well with many which we subsequently made in oursummer's explorations. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCI^_b_

CAVATE DWELLINGS--OAK CREEK]

The section of the cliff which was examined embraced the northernseries of these caves, extending from a promontory forming one side ofa blind or box canyon to nearly opposite our camp. Adjacent to thisseries of rooms, but farther down the river, on the same side, thereare two narrow side canyons, in both of which are also numerous caves, in all respects similar to the series we chose for examination. Atseveral points on the summit of the cliffs, above the caves, largerectangular ruins, with fallen walls, were discovered; these ruinsare, however, in no respect peculiar, but closely resemble thoseordinarily found in a similar position throughout this region andelsewhere in Arizona and New Mexico. From their proximity to the cavesit would seem that the cavate dwellings, and the pueblos on thesummits of the mesas in which they are found, had been inhabited byone people; but better evidence that such is true is drawn from thecharacter of the architecture and the nature of the art remains commonto both. 

Let us first consider the series of caves from a point opposite ourcamp to the promontory which forms a pinnacle at the mouth of thefirst of the two side caverns--a row of caves the entrances to whichare shown in the accompanying illustration (plate XCII). I havelettered these rooms, as indicated by their entrances, _a_ to _l_, beginning with the opening on the left. 

The rock in which these caves have been hewn is very soft, and almostwhite in color, save for a slightly reddish brown stratum just belowthe line of entrances to the cavate chambers. Although, as a generalthing, the wall of the cliff is almost perpendicular, and the caves atpoints inaccessible, entrance to the majority of them can be effectedby mounting the heaps of small stones forming the débris, which hasfallen even to the bed of the river at various places, and byfollowing a ledge which connects the line of entrances. The easiestapproach mounts a steep decline, not far from the promontory at thelower level of the line, which conducts to a ledge running along infront of the caves about 150 feet above the bed of the stream. Roughlyspeaking, this ledge is about 100 feet below the summit of the cliff. It was impossible to reach several of the rooms, and it is probablethat when the caves were inhabited access to any one of them was evenmore difficult than at present. 

Judging from the number of rooms, the cliffs on the left bank of theVerde must have had a considerable population when inhabited. Thesecaverns, no doubt, swarmed with human beings, and their inaccessibleposition furnished the inhabitants with a safe refuge from enemies, oran advantageous outlook or observation shelter for their fields on theopposite side of the stream. The soft rock of which the mesa is formedis easily worked, and there are abundant evidences, from the marks oftools employed, that the greater part of each cave was pecked out byhand. Fragments of wood were very rarely seen in these cliff dugouts;and although there is much adobe plastering, only in a few instanceswere the mouths of the caves walled or a doorway of usual shapepresent. The last room at the southern end, near the promontory at theright of the entrance to a side canyon, has walls in front resemblingthose of true cliff houses and pueblos in the Red-rock country farthernorthward, as will be shown in subsequent pages. 

This group of cavate dwellings, while a good example of the caverntype of ruins, is so closely associated, both in geographical positionand in archeological remains, with other types in Verde valley, thatwe are justified in referring them to one and the same people. Thenumber of these troglodytic dwelling places on the Verde is verylarge; indeed the mesas may be said to be fairly honeycombed withsubterranean habitations. Confined as a general thing to the softerstrata of rock, which from its character was readily excavated, theylie side by side at the same general level, and are entered from aprojecting ledge, formed by the top of the talus which follows thelevel of their entrances. 

[Illustration: FIG. 245--Plan of cavate dwelling on Rio Verde]

This ledge is easily accessible in certain places from the river bed, where stones have fallen to the base of the cliff; but at most pointsno approach is possible, and in their impregnable position theinhabitants could easily defend themselves from hostile peoples. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCII

ENTRANCES TO CAVATE RUINS]

Whether the rock had recesses in it before the caves were enlargedwould seem to be answered in the affirmative, for similar caveswithout evidences of habitations were observed. These, however, are asa rule small, and wherever available the larger caverns have beenappropriated and enlarged by stone implements, as shown by the peckingon the walls. The enlargement of these caverns, however, would not bea difficult task, for the rock is very soft and easily worked. 

Entering one of these cavate rooms the visitor finds himself in a darkchamber, as a rule with side openings or passageways into adjoiningrooms. Broad lateral banquettes are prominent features in the mostcomplicated caves, and there are many recesses and small closets orcists. 

The ramifications formed by lateral rooms are often extensive, and thechambers communicate with others so dark that we can hardly regardthem as once inhabited. In these dimly lighted rooms the walls wereblackened with smoke, as if from former fires, and in many of thelargest the position of fireplaces could plainly be discovered. As atype of one of the more complicated I have chosen that figured toillustrate the arrangement of these cavate dwellings (figure 245). Many are smaller, others have more lateral chambers, but one type ischaracteristic of all. 

A main room (_A_, figure 245), or that first entered from outside, isroughly rectangular in shape, 12 feet long by 6 feet wide, and about 6feet high. The floor, however, was covered with very dry débris whichhad blown in from the exterior or, in some instances, fallen from theroof. That part of the floor which was exposed shows that it wasroughly plastered, sometimes paved or formed of solid rock. 

On three sides of this room there is a step 2 feet high, to platforms, three in number, one in the rear and one on each side. These platformsare 5, 6, and 6 feet 6 inches wide, respectively, and of the samelength as the corresponding sides of the central room. It would appearthat these platforms are characteristic architectural features ofthese habitations, and we find them reproduced in some of the rooms ofthe cliff houses of the Red-rocks, while Nordenskiöld has described akindred feature in the kivas of the Mesa Verde ruins. A somewhatsimilar elevation of the floor in modern Tusayan kivas forms what maybe called the spectator's part, in front of the ladder as onedescends, and the same feature is common to many older Hopidwellings. [15]

Beginning with the lateral platforms (_B_, figure 245) we first note, as we step upon it at _c_, about midway of its length, a smallcircular depression in the floor of the central room extendingslightly beneath the platform, as indicated by the dotted line. It ispossible that this niche was a receptacle for important householdobjects, although it may have been a fireplace. 

In a corner of the right platform a round cist, partially hewn out ofthe rock, was found, but its walls (_a_, figure 245) were badly brokendown by some former explorer. The floor of this recess lies below thatof the platform, while the cist itself (_D_) reminds one of the closedor walled structures, so commonly found in the Verde, attached to theside of the cliff. On the lateral wall of this chamber, at about theheight of the head, a row of small holes had been drilled into thesolid wall. These holes (_d_, _d_, _d_) are almost too small for theinsertion of roof beams, and were probably made for pegs on which torest a beam for hanging blankets and other textile fabrics when not inuse. The roof of the cave was the natural rock, and showed over itswhole surface marks of a pecking implement. 

The left chamber is 6 feet 6 inches broad, and from one corner, opposite the doorway, a low passageway leads into a circular chamber, 6 feet in diameter, with its floor below the platform of the lateralroom. Between the chamber, on the left of the entrance, and the openair, the wall of solid rock is broken by a slit-like crevice, whichallows the light to enter, and no doubt served as a window. A recess, the floor of which is elevated, on a platform opposite the doorway, is5 feet broad, and has a small circular depression in one corner. Thefloor and upraise of this recess is plastered with adobe, which inseveral places is smooth and well made. 

In comparing the remaining cavate dwellings of this series with thatdescribed, we find every degree of complication in the arrangement ofrooms, from a simple cave, or irregular hole in the side of the cliff, to squared chambers with lateral rooms. The room _I_, [16] forinstance, is rectangular, 6 feet long by 3 feet wide, with an entrancethe same width as that of the room itself. 

In room _III_, however, the external opening is very small, and thereis a low, narrow ledge, or platform, opposite the doorway. There islikewise in this room a small shelf in the left-hand wall. In _IV_there is a raised platform on two adjacent sides of the square room, and the doorway is an irregular orifice broken through the wall to theopen air. 

Room _IV_ is a subterranean chamber, most of the floor of which islittered with large fragments of rock which have fallen from the roof. It has numerous small recesses in the wall resembling cubby-holeswhere household utensils of various kinds were undoubtedly formerlykept. This room is instructive, in that the entrance is partiallyclosed by two walls of masonry, which do not join. The stones arelaid in adobe in which fragments of pottery were detected. Theseunjoined walls leave a doorway which is thus flanked on each side bystone masonry, recalling in every particular the well-known walls ofcliff houses. Here, in fact, we have so close a resemblance to themasonry of true cliff houses that we can hardly doubt that theexcavators of the cavate dwellings were, in reality, people similar tothose who built the cliff houses of Verde valley. 

Room _VIII_ is a simple cave hewn out of the rock, with a chamberbehind it, entered by a passageway made of masonry, which partiallyfills a larger opening. The doorway through this masonry is smallbelow, but broadens above in much the same manner as some of thedoorways in Tusayan of today. 

Continuing along the left bank of the river, from the row of cavaterooms, just described, on the first mesa, we round a promontory andenter a small canyon, [17] which is perforated on each side withnumerous other cavate dwellings, large and small, all of the samegeneral character as the type described. Here, likewise, are smallexternal openings which evidently communicated with subterraneanchambers, but many of them are so elevated that access to them fromthe floor of the canyon or from the cliff above is not possible. Amarked feature of the whole series is the existence here and there ofsmall, often inaccessible, stone cists of masonry plastered to theside of the rocky cliff like swallows' nests. 

All of these cists which are accessible had been opened and plunderedbefore my visit, but there yet remain a few which are still intact andwould repay examination and study. Similar walled-up cists arelikewise found, as we shall see later, in the cliff-houses of theRed-rock country, hence are not confined to the Verde system of ruins. 

Cavate dwellings similar to those here described are reported to existin the canyons of upper Salado, Gala, and Zuñi rivers, and we may withreason suspect that the distribution[18] of cavate dwellings is aswide as that of the pueblos themselves, the sole requisite being asoft tufaceous rock, capable of being easily worked by people withstone implements. In none of the different regions in which they existis there any probability that these caves were made by peopledifferent in culture from pueblo or cliff dwellers. They are much morelikely to have been permanent than temporary habitations of the sameculture stock of Indians who availed themselves of rock shelterswherever the nature of the cliff permitted excavation in its walls. 

That the cavate lodges are simple "horticultural outlooks" is animportant suggestion, but one might question whether they wereconveniently placed for that purpose. So far as overlooking theopposite plain (which had undoubtedly been cultivated in ancienttimes) is concerned, the position of some of them may be regarded goodfor that purpose, but certainly not so commanding as that of the hillor mesa above, where well-marked ruins still exist. 

The position of the cavate dwellings is a disadvantageous one to reachany cultivated fields if defenders were necessary. When the TusayanIndian today moves to his _kisi_ or summer brush house shelter hepractically camps in his corn or near it, in easy reach to drive awaycrows, or build wind-breaks to shelter the tender sprouts; but to goto their cornfields the inhabitants of the cavate dwellings I havedescribed were forced to cross a river before the farm was reached. That these cavate dwellings were lookouts none can deny, but I inclineto a belief that this does not tell the whole story if we limit themto such use. It is not wholly clear to me that they were not likewisean asylum for refuge, possibly not inhabited continuously, but a verywelcome retreat when the agriculturist was sorely pressed by enemies. Following the analogy of a Hopi custom of building temporary boothsnear their fields, may we not suppose that the former inhabitants ofVerde valley may have erected similar shelters in their cornfieldsduring summer months, retiring to the cavate dwellings and the mesatops in winter? All available evidence would indicate that the cavatedwellings were permanent habitations. [19]

There are several square ruins on top of the mesa above the cavatedwellings. The walls of these were massive, but they are now very muchbroken down, and the adobe plastering is so eroded from the masonrythat I regard them of considerable antiquity. They do not differ fromother similar ruins, so common elsewhere in New Mexico and Arizona, and are identical with others in the Verde region. I visited severalof these ruins, but made no excavations in them, nor added any newdata to our knowledge of this type of aboriginal buildings. Thepottery picked up on the surface resembles that of the ruins of theLittle Colorado and Gila. 

The dwellings which I have mentioned above are said[20] to beduplicated at many other points in the watershed of the Verde, andmany undescribed ruins of this nature were reported to me by ranchmen. I do not regard them as older than the adjacent ruins on the mesaabove or the plains below them, much less as productions of people ofdifferent stages of culture, for everything about them suggestscontemporaneous occupancy. 

From what little I saw of the village sites on the Verde I believethat Mindeleff is correct in considering that these ruins representa comparatively late period of pueblo architecture. The characterof the cliff houses of the Red-rocks shows no very great antiquity ofoccupancy. While it is not possible to give any approximate date whenthey were inhabited, their general appearance indicates that they arenot more than two centuries old. There is, however, no reference tothem in the early Spanish history of the Southwest. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIII

BOWLDER WITH PICTOGRAPHS NEAR WOOD'S RANCH]

Few pictographs were found in the immediate neighborhood of the cavatedwellings; indeed the rock in their vicinity is too soft to preservefor any considerable time any great number of these rock etchings. Examples of ancient paleography were, however, discovered a shortdistance higher up the river on malpais rock, which is harder and lessrapidly eroded. A half-buried bowlder (plate XCIII) near Wood's ranchwas found to be covered with the well-known spirals with zigzagattachments, horned animals resembling antelopes, growing corn, rainclouds, and similar figures. These pictographs occur on a black, superficial layer of lava rock, or upon lighter stone with a malpaislayer, which had been pecked through, showing a lighter color beneath. There is little doubt that many examples of aboriginal pictographyexist in this neighborhood, which would reward exploration withinteresting data. The Verde pictographs can not be distinguished, sofar as designs are concerned, from many found elsewhere in Colorado, Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona. 

An instructive pictograph, different from any which I have elsewhereseen, was discovered on the upturned side of a bowlder not far fromHance's ranch, near the road from Camp Verde to the cavate dwellings. The bowlder upon which they occur lies on top of a low hill, to theleft of the road, near the river. It consists of a rectangular networkof lines, with attached key extensions, crooks, and triangles, allpecked in the surface. This dædalus of lines arises from grooves, which originate in two small, rounded depressions in the rock, nearwhich is depicted the figure of a mountain lion. The whole pictographis 3-1/2 feet square, and legible in all its parts. 

The intent of the ancient scribe is not wholly clear, but it has beensuggested that he sought to represent the nexus of irrigating ditchesin the plain below. It might have been intended as a chart of theneighboring fields of corn, and it is highly suggestive, if we adopteither of these explanations or interpretations, that a figure of themountain lion is found near the depressions, which may provisionallybe regarded as representing ancient reservoirs. Among the TusayanIndians the mountain lion is looked on as a guardian of cultivatedfields, which he is said to protect, and his stone image is sometimesplaced there for the same purpose. 

In the vicinity of the pictograph last described other bowlders, ofwhich there are many, were found to be covered with smaller rocketchings in no respect characteristic, and there is a remnant of anancient shrine a few yards away from the bowlder upon which theyoccur. 

MONTEZUMA WELL

One of the most interesting sites of ancient habitation in Verdevalley is known as Montezuma Well, and it is remarkable how littleattention has been paid to it by archeologists. [21] Dr Mearns, in hisarticle on the ancient dwellings of Verde valley, does not mention thewell, and Mindeleff simply refers to the brief description by DrHoffman in 1877. These ruins are worthy of more study than I was ableto give them, for like many other travelers I remained but a shorttime in the neighborhood. It is possible, however, that some of myhurried observations at this point may be worthy of record. 

Montezuma Well (plate XCIV) is an irregular, circular depression, closely resembling a volcanic crater, but evidently, as Dr Hoffmanwell points out, due to erosion rather than to volcanic agencies. Asone approaches it from a neighboring ranch the road ascends a lowelevation, and when on top the visitor finds that the crater occupiesthe whole interior of the hill. The exact dimensions I did notaccurately determine, but the longest diameter of the excavation isestimated at about 400 feet; its depth possibly 70 feet. On theeastern side this depression is separated from Beaver creek by aprecipitous wall which can not be scaled from that side. At the timeof my visit there was considerable water in the "well, " which wasreported to be very deep, but did not cover the whole bottom. It ispossible to descend to the water at one point on the eastern side, where a trail leads to the water's edge. 

There appears to be a subterranean waterway under the eastern rim ofthe well, and the water from the spring rushes through this passageinto Beaver creek. At the time of my visit this outflow was veryconsiderable, and in the rainy season it must be much greater. Thewell is never dry, and is supplied by perennial subterranean springsrather than by surface drainage. 

The geological agency which has been potent in giving the remarkablecrater-like form to Montezuma Well was correctly recognized by DrHoffman[22] and others as the solvent or erosive power of the spring. There is no evidence of volcanic formation in the neighborhood, andthe surrounding rocks are limestones and sandstones. Not far fromNavaho springs there is a similar circular depression, called Jacob'sWell, but which was dry when visited by me. This may later be found tohave been formed in a similar way. At several places in Arizona thereare formations of like geological character. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIV

MONTEZUMA WELL]

The walls of Montezuma Well are so nearly perpendicular that descentto the edge of the water is difficult save by a single trail whichfollows the detritus to a cave on one side. In this cave, the roof ofwhich is not much higher than the water level, there are fragmentsof masonry, as if structures of some kind had formerly been erected init. I have regarded this cave rather as a place of religious ritesthan of former habitation, possibly a place of retreat for ancientpriests when praying for rain or moisture, or a shrine for the depositof prayer offerings to rain or water gods. 

Several isolated cliff dwellings are built at different levels in thesides of the cliffs. One of the best of these is diametricallyopposite the cave mentioned above, a few feet below the rim of thedepression. While this house was entered with little difficulty, therewere others which I did not venture to visit. 

The accompanying illustration (plate XCV) gives an idea of the generalappearance of one of these cliff houses of Montezuma Well. It is builtunder an overhanging archway of rock in a deep recess, with masonry onthree sides. The openings are shown, one of which overlooks thespring; the other is an entrance at one side. The face of masonry onthe front is not plastered, and if it was formerly rough cast the mudhas been worn away, leaving the stones exposed. The side wall, whichhas been less exposed to the elements, still retains the plastering, which is likewise found on the inner walls where it is quite smooth inplaces. 

The number of cliff rooms in the walls of the well is small and theircapacity, if used as dwellings, very limited. There are, however, ruins of pueblos of some size on the edge of the well. 

One of the largest of these, shown in the accompanying illustration(plate XCVI), is situated on the neck of land separating the well fromthe valley of Beaver creek. This pueblo was rectangular in form, ofconsiderable size, built of stones, and although at present almostdemolished, shows perfectly the walls of former rooms. Fragments ofancient pottery would seem to indicate that the people who onceinhabited this pueblo were in no respect different from othersedentary occupants of Verde valley. From their housetops they had awide view over the creek on one side and the spring on the other, defending, by the site of their village, the one trail by whichdescent to the well was possible. 

The remarkable geological character of Montezuma Well, and the springwithin it, would have profoundly impressed itself on the folklore ofany people of agricultural bent who lived in its neighborhood afteremigrating to more arid lands. About a month after my visit to thisremarkable spring I described the place to some of the old priests atWalpi and showed them sketches of the ruins. These priests seemed tohave legendary knowledge of a place somewhat like it where they saidthe Great Plumed Snake had one of his numerous houses. They remindedme of a legend they had formerly related to me of how the Snake arosefrom a great cavity or depression in the ground, and how, they hadheard, water boiled out of that hole into a neighboring river. TheHopi have personal knowledge of Montezuma Well, for many of theirnumber have visited Verde valley, and they claim the ruins there asthe homes of their ancestors. It would not be strange, therefore, ifthis marvelous crater was regarded by them as a house of Palülükoñ, their mythic Plumed Serpent. 

Practically little is known of the pictography of this part of theVerde valley people, although it has an important bearing on thedistribution of the cliff dwellers of the Southwest. There is evidenceof at least two kinds of petroglyphs, indicative of two distinctpeoples. One of these was of the Apache Mohave; the other, theagriculturists who built the cliff homes and villages of the plain. Those of the latter are almost identical with the work of the Pueblopeoples in the cliff dweller stage, from southern Utah and Colorado tothe Mexican boundary. It is not a difficult task to distinguish thepictography of these two peoples, wherever found. The pictographs ofthe latter are generally pecked into the rock with a sharpenedimplement, probably of stone, while those of the former are usuallyscratched or painted on the surface of the rocks. Their maindifferences, however, are found in the character of the designs andthe objects represented. This difference can be described only byconsidering individual rock drawings, but the practiced eye mayreadily distinguish the two kinds at a glance. The pictographs whichare pecked in the cliff are, as a rule, older than those which aredrawn or scratched, and resemble more closely those widely spread inthe Pueblo area, for if the cliff-house people ever made paintedpictographs, as there is every reason to believe they did, time haslong ago obliterated them. 

The pictured rocks (plate XCVII) near Cliff's ranch, on Beaver creek, four miles from Montezuma Well, have a great variety of objectsdepicted upon them. These rocks, which rise from the left bank of thecreek opposite Cliff's ranch, bear over a hundred different rockpictures, figures of which are seen in the accompanying illustration. The rock surface is a layer of black malpais, through which the totemsignatures have been pecked, showing the light stone beneath, and thusrendering them very conspicuous. Among these pictographs many familiarforms are recognizable, among them being the crane or blue heron, bears' and badgers' paws, turtles, snakes, antelopes, earth symbols, spirals, and meanders. 

Among these many totems there was an unusual pictograph in the form ofthe figure 8, above which was a bear's paw accompanied by a humanfigure so common in southwestern rock etchings. A square figure withinterior parallel squares extending to the center is also found, aselsewhere, in cliff-dweller pictography. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCV

CLIFF HOUSE, MONTEZUMA WELL]

CLIFF HOUSES OF THE RED-ROCKS

After the road from old Camp Verde to Flagstaff passes a desertedcabin at Beaver Head, it winds up a steep hill of lava or malpais tothe top of the Mogollones. If, instead of ascending this hill, oneturns to the left, taking an obscure road across the river bed, which is full of rough lava blocks, and in June, when I traveled itscourse, was without water, he soon finds himself penetrating a ruggedcountry with bright-red cliffs on his right (plate XCVIII). Continuingthrough great parks and plains he finally descends to the well-woodedvalley of Oak creek, an affluent of Rio Verde. Here he finds evidencesof aboriginal occupancy on all sides--ruins of buildings, fortifiedhilltops, pictographs, and irrigating ditches--testifying that therewas at one time a considerable population in this valley. The fieldsof the ancient inhabitants have now given place to many excellentranches, one of the most flourishing of which is not far from a loftybutte of red rock called the Court-house, which from its great size isa conspicuous object for miles around. In many of these canyons thereare evidences of a former population, but the country is as yet almostunexplored; there are many difficult places to pass, yet once near thebase of the rocks a way can be picked from the mouth of one canyon toanother. It does not take long to discover that this now uninhabitedregion contains, like that along the Verde and its tributaries, manyancient dwellings, for there is scarcely a single canyon leading intothese red cliffs in which evidences of former human habitations arenot found in the form of ruins. There is little doubt that theseunfrequented canyons have many and extensive cliff houses, theexistence of which has thus far escaped the explorer. The sandstone ofwhich they are composed is much eroded into caves with overhangingroofs, forming admirable sites for cliff houses as distinguished fromcavate dwellings like those we have described. They are the onlydescribed ruins of a type hitherto thought to be unrepresented in thevalley of the Verde. [23]

In our excursion into the Red-rock country we were obliged to make ourown wagon road, as no vehicle had ever penetrated the rugged canyonsvisited by us. It was necessary to carry our drinking water with usfrom Oak creek, which fact impeded our progress and limited the timeavailable in our reconnoissance. There was, however, in the pool nearthe ruins of Honanki enough water for our horses, and at the time wewere there a limited amount of grass for fodder was found. I was toldthat later in the season both forage and water are abundant, so thatthese prime necessities being met, there is no reason why successfularcheological investigations may not be successfully conducted in thispart of the Verde region. 

The limited population of this portion of the country rendered itdifficult to get laborers at the time I made my reconnoissance, sothat it would be advisable for one who expects to excavate the ruinsin this region to take with him workmen from the settled portions ofthe valley. 

RUINS NEAR SCHÜRMANN'S RANCH

The valley of Oak creek, near Court-house butte, especially in thevicinity of Schürmann's ranch, is dotted with fortifications, moundsindicative of ruins, and like evidences of aboriginal occupancy. Thereis undoubted proof that the former occupants of this plain constructedelaborate irrigating ditches, and that the waters of Oak creek werediverted from the stream and conducted over the adjoining valleys. There are several fortified hills in this locality. One of the best ofthese defensive works crowned a symmetrical mountain near Schürmann'shouse. The top of this mesa is practically inaccessible from any butthe southern side, and was found to have a flat surface covered withscattered cacti and scrub cedar, among which were walls of housesnowhere rising more than two feet. The summit is perhaps 200 feetabove the valley, and the ground plan of the former habitationsextends over an area 100 feet in length, practically occupying thewhole of the summit. Although fragments of pottery are scarce, andother evidences of long habitation difficult to find, the house wallsgive every evidence of being extremely ancient, and most of the roomsare filled with red soil out of which grow trees of considerable age. 

Descending from this ruin-capped mesa, I noticed on the first terracethe remains of a roundhouse, or lookout, in the middle of which acedar tree had taken root and was growing vigorously. Although thewalls of this structure do not rise above the level of the ground, there is no doubt that they are the remains of either a lookout orcircular tower formerly situated at this point. 

Many similar ruins are found throughout this vicinity, yet but littlemore is known of them than that they antedate the advent of white men. The majority of them were defensive works, built by the housedwellers, and their frequency would indicate either considerablepopulation or long occupancy. Although many of those on the hilltopsdiffer somewhat from the habitations in the valleys, I think there islittle doubt that both were built by the same people. [24] There arelikewise many caves in this region, which seem to have been campingplaces, for their walls are covered with soot and their floors strewnwith charred mescal, evidences, probably, of Apache occupancy. Thiswhole section of country was a stronghold of this ferocious tribewithin the last few decades, which may account for the modernappearance of many of the evidences of aboriginal habitation. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVI

RUIN ON THE BRINK OF MONTEZUMA WELL]

There are some good pictographs on the foundation rocks of that greatpinnacle of red rock, called the Court-house, not far from Schürmann'sranch. [25] Some of these are Apache productions, and the neighboringcaves evidently formed shelters for these nomads, as ash pit andhalf-burnt logs would seem to show. This whole land was a strongholdof the Apache up to a recent date, and from it they were dislodged, many of the Indians being killed or removed by authority of theGovernment. 

From the geological character of the Red-rocks I was led to suspectthat cavate dwellings were not to be expected. The stone is hard andnot readily excavated by the rude implements with which the aboriginesof the region were supplied. But the remarkable erosion shown in thisrock elsewhere had formed many deep caverns or caves, withoverreaching roofs, very favorable for the sites of cliff houses. Myhurried examination confirmed my surmises, for we here found dwellingsof this kind, so similar to the type best illustrated in Mancos canyonof southern Colorado. There were several smoke-blackened caves withoutwalls of masonry, but with floors strewn with charred wood, showingApache occupancy. No cavate dwellings were found in the section of theRed-rocks visited by our party. 

The two largest of the Red-rock cliff houses to which I shall referwere named Honanki or Bear-house and Palatki or Red-house. The formerof these, as I learned from the names scribbled on its walls, hadpreviously been visited by white men, but so far as I know it hasnever been mentioned in archeological literature. My attention wascalled to it by Mr Schürmann, at whose hospitable ranch I outfittedfor my reconnoissance into the Red-rock country. The smaller ruin, Palatki, we discovered by chance during our visit, and while it ispossible that some vaquero in search of a wild steer may have visitedthe neighborhood before us, there is every reason to believe that theruin had escaped even the notice of these persons, and, like Honanki, was unknown to the archeologist. 

The two ruins, Honanki and Palatki, are not the only ones in the lonecanyon where we encamped. Following the canyon a short distance fromits entrance, there was found to open into it from the left atributary, or so-called box canyon, the walls of which are veryprecipitous. Perched on ledges of the cliffs there are several rows offortifications or walls of masonry extending for many yards. It wasimpossible for us to enter these works, even after we had clambered upthe side of the precipice to their level, so inaccessible were they toour approach. These "forts" were probably for refuge, but they are illadapted as points of observation on account of the configuration ofthe canyon. Their masonry, as examined at a distance with a fieldglass, resembles that of Palatki and Honanki. 

I was impressed by the close resemblance between the large cliffhouses of the Red-rocks, with their overhanging roof of rock, andthose of the San Juan and its tributaries in northern New Mexico. While it is recognized that cliff houses have been reported from Verdevalley, I find them nowhere described, and our lack of informationabout them, so far as they are concerned, may have justifiedNordenskiöld's belief that "the basin of the Colorado actuallycontains almost all the cliff dwellings of the United States. " As theGila flows into the Colorado near its mouth, the Red-rock ruins may ina sense be included in the Colorado basin, but there are many andbeautiful cliff houses higher up near the sources of the Gila and itstributary, the Salt. In calling attention to the characteristic cliffdwellings of the Red-rocks I am making known a new region of ruinsclosely related to those of Canyon de Tségi, or Chelly, the San Juanand its tributaries. 

Although the cliff houses of Verde valley had been known for manyyears, and the ruins here described are of the same general character, anyone who examines Casa Montezuma, on Beaver creek, and compares itwith Honanki, will note differences of an adaptive nature. The onefeature common to Honanki and the "Cliff Palace" of Mancos canyon isthe great overhanging roof of the cavern, which, in that form, we missin Casa Montezuma (figure 246). [26]

[Illustration: FIG. 246--Casa Montezuma on Beaver creek]

We made two camps in the Red-rock country, one at the mouth of a wildcanyon near an older camp where a well had been dug and the cellar ofan American house was visible. This camp was fully six miles fromSchürmann's ranch and was surrounded by some of the wildest scenerythat I had ever witnessed. The accompanying view (plate XCVIII) wastaken from a small elevation near by, and gives a faint idea of themagnificent mountains by which we were surrounded. The colors of therocks are variegated, so that the gorgeous cliffs appear to be banded, rising from 800 to 1, 000 feet sheer on all sides. These rocks hadweathered into fantastic shapes suggestive of cathedrals, Greektemples, and sharp steeples of churches extending like giant needlesinto the sky. The scenery compares very favorably with that of theGarden of the Gods, and is much more extended. This place, I have nodoubt, will sooner or later become popular with the sightseer, and Iregard the discovery of these cliffs one of the most interesting of mysummer's field work. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVII

PICTOGRAPHS NEAR CLIFF RANCH, VERDE VALLEY]

On the sides of these inaccessible cliffs we noticed several cliffhouses, but so high were they perched above us that they were almostinvisible. To reach them at their dizzy altitude was impossible, butwe were able to enter some caves a few hundred feet above our camp, finding in them nothing but charred mescal and other evidences ofApache camps. Their walls and entrances are blackened with smoke, butno sign of masonry was detected. 

We moved our camp westward from this canyon (which, from a great cliffresembling the Parthenon, I called Temple canyon), following the baseof the precipitous mountains to a second canyon, equally beautiful butnot so grand, and built our fire in a small grove of scrub oak andcottonwood. In this lonely place Lloyd had lived over a winter, watching his stock, and had dug a well and erected a corral. Weadopted his name for this camp and called it Lloyd canyon. There wasno water in the well, but a few rods beyond it there was a pool, fromwhich we watered our horses. On the first evening at this camp wesighted a bear, which gave the name Honanki, "Bear-house, " to theadjacent ruined dwellings. 

The enormous precipice of red rock west of our camp at Lloyd's corralhid Honanki from view at first, but we soon found a trail leadingdirectly to it, and during our short stay in this neighborhood weremained camped near the cottonwoods at the entrance to the canyon, not far from the abandoned corral. Our studies of Honanki led to thediscovery of Palatki (figure 247), which we investigated on our returnto Temple canyon. I will, therefore, begin my description of theRed-rock cliff houses with those last discovered, which, up to thevisit which I made, had never been studied by archeologists. 

PALATKI

There are two neighboring ruins which I shall include in myconsideration of Palatki, and these for convenience may be known asRuin I and Ruin II, the former situated a little eastward from thelatter. They are but a short distance apart, and are in the same boxcanyon. Ruin I (plate XCIX) is the better preserved, and is a finetype of the compact form of cliff dwellings in the Red-rock country. 

This ruin is perched on the top of a talus which has fallen from thecliff above, and is visible for some distance above the trees, as onepenetrates the canyon. It is built to the side of a perpendicularwall of rock which, high above its tallest walls, arches over it, sheltering the walls from rain or eroding influences. From the drycharacter of the earth on the floors I suspect that for years not adrop of water has penetrated the inclosures, although they are nowroofless. 

A highly characteristic feature of Ruin I is the repetition of roundedor bow-shape front walls, occurring several times in their length, andarranged in such a way as to correspond roughly to the inclosuresbehind them. By this arrangement the size of the rooms was increasedand possibly additional solidity given to the wall itself. Thisdeparture from a straight wall implies a degree of architecturalskill, which, while not peculiar to the cliff dwellings of theRed-rocks, is rarely found in southern cliff houses. The total lengthof the front wall of the ruin, including the part which has fallen, isapproximately 120 feet, and the altitude of the highest wall is notfar from 30 feet. 

[Illustration: FIG. 247--Ground plan of Palatki (Ruins I and II)]

From the arrangement of openings in the front wall at the highest partthere is good evidence of the former existence of two stories. Atseveral points the foundation of the wall is laid on massive bowlders, which contribute to the height of the wall itself. The masonry is madeup of irregular or roughly squared blocks of red stone laid in redclay, both evidently gathered in the immediate neighborhood of theruin. The building stones vary in size, but are as a rule flat, andshow well directed fractures as if dressed by hammering. In severalplaces there still remains a superficial plastering, which almostconceals the masonry. The blocks of stone in the lower courses aregenerally more massive than those higher up; this feature, however, whether considered as occurring here or in the cliff houses of MesaVerde, as pointed out by Nordenskiöld, seems to me not to indicatedifferent builders, but is due simply to convenience. There appears tobe no regularity in the courses of component blocks of stone, and whennecessity compelled, as in the courses laid on bowlders, which serveas a foundation, thin wedges of stone, or spalls, were inserted in thecrevices. The walls are vertical, but the corners are sometimes farfrom perpendicular. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCVIII

THE RED ROCKS; TEMPLE CANYON]

The interior of the ruin is divided into a number of inclosures bypartitions at right angles to the front wall, fastening it to the faceof the cliff. This I have lettered, beginning at the extreme rightinclosure with _A_. The inclosure has bounding walls, built on abowlder somewhat more than six feet high. It has no externalpassageway, and probably the entrance was from the roof. Thisinclosure communicates by a doorway directly with the adjoiningchamber, _B_. The corner of this room, or the angle made by thelateral with the front walls, is rounded, a constant feature inwell-built cliff houses. No windows exist, and the upper edge of bothfront and lateral walls is but slightly broken. 

The front wall of inclosure _B_ bulges into bow-shape form, and wasevidently at least two stories high. This wall is a finely laidsection of masonry, composed of large, rough stones in the lowercourses, upon which smaller, roughly hewn stones are built. It isprobable, from the large amount of débris in the neighborhood, thatformerly there were rows of single-story rooms in front of what arenow the standing walls, but the character of their architecture isdifficult to determine with certainty. Their foundations, althoughpartially covered, are not wholly concealed. 

The front wall of inclosure _B_ is pierced by three openings, thelargest of which is a square passageway into the adjoining room, andis situated in the middle of the curved wall. A wooden lintel, whichhad been well hewn with stone implements, still remains in place abovethis passageway, and under it the visitor passes through a low openingwhich has the appearance of having been once a doorway. Above thisentrance, on each side, in the wall, is a square hole, whichoriginally may have been the points of support of floor beams. Formerly, likewise, there was a large square opening above the middlepassageway, but this has been closed with masonry, leaving in placethe wooden beam which once supported the wall above. The upper edge ofthe front wall of inclosure _B_ is level, and is but little brokenexcept in two places, where there are notches, one above each of thesquare holes already mentioned. It is probable that these depressionswere intended for the ends of the beams which once supported acombined roof and floor. 

On the perpendicular wall which forms the rear of inclosure _B_, manyfeet above the top of the standing front walls, there are severalpictographs of Apache origin. The height of these above the level ofthe former roof would appear to indicate the existence of a thirdstory, for the hands which drew them must have been at least 15 feetabove the present top of the standing wall. 

The front of _C_ is curved like that of inclosure _B_, and is muchbroken near the foundations, where there is a passageway. There is asmall hole on each side of a middle line, as in _B_, situated at aboutthe same level as the floor, indicating the former position of a beam. Within the ruin there is a well-made partition separating inclosures_B_ and _C_. 

The size of room _D_ is much less than that of _B_ or _C_, but, withthe exception of a section at the left, the front wall has fallen. Thepart which remains upright, however, stands like a pinnacle, unconnected with the face of the cliff or with the second-story wallof inclosure _C_. It is about 20 feet in height, and possibly itsaltitude appears greater than it really is from the fact that itsfoundations rest upon a bowlder nearly six feet high (plate CX). 

The foundations of rooms _E_ and _F_ (plate C) are built on a lowerlevel than those of _B_ and _C_ or _D_, and their front walls, whichare really low, are helped out by similar bowlders, which serve asfoundations. The indications are that both these inclosures wereoriginally one story in height, forming a wing to the central sectionof the ruin, which had an additional tier of rooms. There is anentrance to _F_ at the extreme left, and the whole room was lower thanthe floor of the lower stories of _B_, _C_, and _D_. 

The most conspicuous pictograph on the cliff above Ruin I of Palatki, is a circular white figure, seen in the accompanying illustration. This pictograph is situated directly above the first room on theright, _A_, and was apparently made with chalk, so elevated that atpresent it is far above the reach of a person standing on any of thewalls. From its general character I am led to believe that it was madeby the Apache and not by the builders of the pueblo. 

There were no names of white visitors anywhere on the walls ofPalatki, which, so far as it goes, affords substantial support of mybelief that we were the first white men to visit this ruin. While itcan not be positively asserted that we were the original discoverersof this interesting building, there is no doubt that I was the firstto describe it and to call attention to its highly characteristicarchitectural plan. 

The walls of Palatki are not so massive as those of the neighboringHonanki, and the number of rooms in both ruins which form Palatki ismuch smaller. Each of these components probably housed not more than afew families, while several phratries could readily be accommodated inHonanki. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XCIX

PALATKI (RUIN I)]

The second Palatki ruin is well preserved, and as a rule the rooms, especially those in front, have suffered more from vandalism and fromthe elements than have those of Ruin I. The arrangement of the roomsis somewhat different from that of the more exposed eastern ruin, towhich it undoubtedly formerly belonged. 

Ruin II lies in a deep recess or cave, the roof of which forms aperfect arch above the walls. It is situated a few hundred feet to thewest, and is easily approached by following the fallen débris at thefoot of a perpendicular cliff. The front walls have all fallen, exposing the rear wall of what was formerly a row of rooms, as shownin the accompanying illustration (plate CI). There are evidences thatthis row of rooms was but a single story in height, while those behindit have indications of three stories. Ruin II is more hidden by thetrees and by its obscure position in a cavern than the former, but themasonry in both is of the same general character. 

On approaching Ruin II from Ruin I there is first observed a well-madethough rough wall, as a rule intact, along which the line of roof andflooring can readily be traced (plate CI). In front of this uprightwall are fragments of other walls, some standing in unconnectedsections, others fallen, their fragments extending down the sides ofthe talus among the bushes. It was observed that this wall is brokenby an entrance which passes into a chamber, which may be called _A_, and two square holes are visible, one on each side, above it. Theseholes were formerly filled by two logs, which once supported the floorof a second chamber, the line of which still remains on the uprightwall. The small square orifice directly above the entrance is apeephole. 

In examining the character of the wall it will be noticed that itsmasonry is in places rough cast, and that there was little attempt atregularity in the courses of the component stones, which are neitherdressed nor aligned, although the wall is practically vertical. 

At one point, in full view of the observer, a log is apparentlyinserted in the wall, and if the surrounding masonry be examined itwill be found that an opening below it had been filled in after thewall was erected. It is evident, from its position relatively to theline indicating the roof, that this opening was originally apassageway from one room to another. Passing back of the standing wallan inclosure (room _A_) is entered, one side of which is the rock ofthe cliff, while the other three bounding walls are built of masonry, 20 feet high. This inclosure was formerly divided into an upper and alower room by a partition, which served as the roof of the lower andthe floor of the upper chambers. Two beams stretched across thisinclosure about six feet above the débris of the present floor, andthe openings in the walls, where these beams formerly rested, arereadily observed. In the same way the beam-holes of the upper storymay also be easily seen on the top of the wall. Between the rear wallof this inclosure and the perpendicular cliff there was a recess whichappears to have been a dark chamber, probably designed for use as astorage room or granary. The configuration of the cliff, which formsthe major part of the inclosing wall of this chamber, imparts to it anirregular or roughly triangular form. 

The entire central portion of the ruin is very much broken down, andthe floor is strewn to a considerable depth with the débris of fallenwalls. On both sides there are nicely aligned, smoothly finishedwalls, with traces of beams on the level of former floors. Some ofthese bounding walls are curved; others are straight, and in placesthey rise 20 feet. Marks of fire are visible everywhere; most of thebeams have been wrenched from their places, as a result of which thewalls have been much mutilated, badly cracked, or thrown down. 

There are no pictographs near this ruin, and no signs of former visitsby white men. 

Midway between Honanki and the second Palatki ruin a small ancienthouse of the same character as the latter was discovered. This ruin isvery much exposed, and therefore the walls are considerably worn, butsix well-marked inclosures, indicative of former rooms, were readilymade out. No overarching rock shielded this ruin from the elements, and rubble from fallen walls covers the talus upon which it stands. The adobe mortar between the stones is much worn, and no fragment ofplastering is traceable within or without. This evidence of the greatweathering of the walls of the ruin is not considered indicative ofgreater age than the better preserved ruins in the neighborhood, butrather of exposure to the action of the elements. Not only are thewalls in a very poor condition, but also the floors show, from theabsence of dry soil upon them, that the whole ruin has sufferedgreatly from the same denudation. There are no fragments of potteryabout it, and small objects indicating former habitation are alsowanting. A cedar had taken root where the floor once was, and itspresent great size shows considerable age. If any pictographs formerlyexisted in the adjacent cliff they have disappeared. There is likewiseno evidence that the Apache had ever sought it for shelter, or if theyhad, their occupancy occurred so long ago that time has effaced allevidence of their presence. 

HONANKI

The largest ruin visited in the Red-rock country was called, followingHopi etymology, Honanki; but the nomenclature was adopted not becauseit was so called by the Hopi, but following the rule elsewheresuggested. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. C

PALATKI (RUIN I)]

This ruin lies under a lofty buttress of rock westward from Lloyd'scanyon, which presented the only available camping place in itsneighborhood. At the time of my visit there was but scanty water inthe canyon and that not potable except for stock. We carried with usall the water we used, and when this was exhausted were obliged toretrace our steps to Oak creek. There are groves of trees in thecanyon and evidences that at some seasons there is an abundant watersupply. A corral had been made and a well dug near its mouth, but withthese exceptions there were no evidences of previous occupancy bywhite men. We had hardly pitched our camp before tracks of large gamewere noticed, and before we left we sighted a bear which had come downto the water to drink, but which beat a hasty retreat at our approach. As previously stated, the knowledge of this ruin was communicated tome by Mr Schürmann. 

[Illustration: FIG. 248--Ground plan of Honanki]

The Honanki ruin (figure 248) extends along the base of the cliff fora considerable distance, and may for convenience of description bedivided into two sections, which, although generally similar, differsomewhat in structural features. The former is lineal in itsarrangement, and consists of a fringe of houses extending along thebase of the cliff at a somewhat lower level than the other. The wallsof this section were for the greater part broken, and at no placecould anything more than the foundation of the front wall be detected, although fragments of masonry strewed the sides of the declivity nearits base. The house walls which remain are well-built parallel spursconstructed at right angles to the cliff, which served as the rear ofall the chambers. At the extreme right end of this row of rooms, situated deep in a large cavern with overhanging roof, portions of arear wall of masonry are well preserved, and the lateral walls of oneor two chambers in this portion of the ruin are still intact. Straggling along from that point, following the contour of the base ofthe cliff under which it lies, there extends a long row of rooms, alldestitute of a front wall. 

The first division (plate CII), beginning with the most easterly ofthe series, is quite hidden at one end in a deep cavern. At this pointthe builders, in order to obtain a good rear wall to their rooms, constructed a line of masonry parallel with the face of the cliff. Atright angles to this construction, at the eastern extremity, there areremnants of a lateral wall, but the remainder had tumbled to theground. The standing wall of _z_ is not continuous with that of thenext room, _y_, and apparently was simply the rear of a large roomwith the remains of a lateral wall at right angles to it. The otherwalls of this chamber had tumbled into a deep gorge, overgrown withbushes which conceal the fragments. This building is set back deeplyin the cave, and is isolated from the remaining parts of the ruin, although at the level which may have been its roof there runs a kindof gallery formed by a ledge of rock, plastered with adobe, whichformerly connected the roof with the rest of the pueblo. This ledgewas a means of intercommunication, and a continuation of the sameledge, in rooms _s_, _t_, and _u_, supported the rafters of thesechambers. At _u_ there are evidences of two stories or two tiers ofrooms, but those in front have fallen to the ground. 

The standing wall at _u_ is about five feet high, connected with theface of the cliff by masonry. The space between it and the cliff wasnot large enough for a habitable chamber, and was used probably as astorage place. In front of the standing wall of room _u_ there wasanother chamber, the walls of which now strew the talus of the cliff. 

The highest and best preserved room of the second series of chambersat Honanki is that designated _p_, at a point where the ruin reachedan elevation of 20 feet. Here we have good evidence of rooms of twostories, as indicated by the points of insertion of the beams of afloor, at the usual levels above the ground. In fact, it is probablethat the whole section of the ruin was two stories high throughout, the front walls having fallen along the entire length. From the lastroom on the left to the eastern extremity of the line of houses whichleads to the main ruin of Honanki, no ground plans were detected atthe base of the cliffs, but fallen rocks and scattered débris arestrewn over the whole interval. 

The eastern part of the main ruin of Honanki, however, lies but ashort distance west of that described, and consists of many similarchambers, arranged side by side. These are lettered in the diagram _h_to _u_, beginning with _h_, which is irregularly circular in form, andends with a high wall, the first to be seen as one approaches the ruinfrom Lloyd canyon. This range of houses is situated on a lowerfoundation and at a lower level than that of the main quarter ofHonanki, and a trail runs along so close to the rooms that the wholeseries is easily visited without much climbing. No woodwork remains inany of these rooms, and the masonry is badly broken in places eitherby natural agencies or through vandalism. 

Beginning with _h_, the round room, which adjoins the main quarter ofHonanki, we find much in its shape to remind us of a kiva. The wallsare in part built on foundations of large bowlders, one of whichformed the greater part of the front wall. This circular room wasfound to be full of fallen débris, and could not be examined withoutconsiderable excavation. If it were a kiva, which I very much doubt, it is an exception among the Verde valley ruins, where no true kivahas yet been detected. [27]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CI

FRONT WALL OF PALATKI (RUIN II)]

Following _h_ there is an inclosure which originally may have been ahabitable room, as indicated by the well-constructed front wall, butit is so filled with large stones that it is difficult to examine itsinterior. On one side the wall, which is at right angles to the faceof the cliff, is 10 feet high, and the front wall follows the surfaceof a huge bowlder which serves as its foundation. 

Room _i_ is clearly defined, and is in part inclosed by a large rock, on top of which there still remains a fragment of a portion of thefront wall. A spur of masonry connects this bowlder with the face ofthe cliff, indicating all that remains of the former division betweenrooms _i_ and _j_. An offshoot from this bowlder, in the form of awall 10 feet high, formerly inclosed one side of a room. In the rearof chamber _j_ there are found two receptacles or spaces left betweenthe rear wall and the face of the cliff, while the remaining wall, which is 10 feet high, is a good specimen of pueblo masonry. 

The two side walls of room _k_ are well preserved, but the chamberresembles the others of the series in the absence of a front wall. Inthis room, however, there remains what may have been the fragment of arear wall parallel with the face of the cliff. This room has also asmall cist of masonry in one corner, which calls to mind certainsealed cavities in the cavate dwellings. 

The two side walls of _m_ and _n_ are respectively eight and ten feethigh. There is nothing exceptional in the standing walls of room _o_, one of which, five feet in altitude, still remains erect. Room _p_ hasa remnant of a rear wall plastered to the face of the cliff. 

Room _r_ (plate CIII) is a finely preserved chamber, with lateralwalls 20 feet high, of well-constructed masonry, that in the rear, through which there is an opening leading into a dark chamber, occupying the space between it and the cliff. It is braced byconnecting walls at right angles to the face of the solid rock. 

At _s_, the face of the cliff forms a rear wall of the room, and oneof the side walls is fully 20 feet high. The points of insertion ofthe flooring are well shown, about 10 feet from the ground, provingthat the ruin at this point was at least two stories high. 

Two walled inclosures, one within the other, characterize room _u_. Onthe cliff above it there is a series of simple pictographs, consistingof short parallel lines pecked into the rock, and are probably ofApache origin. This room closes the second series, along the wholelength of which, in front of the lateral walls which mark differentchambers, there are, at intervals, piles of débris, which enabled anapproximate determination of the situation of the former front wall, fragments of the foundations of which are traceable in situ in severalplaces. 

The hand of man and the erosion of the elements have dealt harshlywith this portion of Honanki, for not a fragment of timber now remainsin its walls. This destruction, so far as human agency is concerned, could not have been due to white men, but probably to the Apache, orpossibly to the cliff villagers themselves at the time of or shortlyafter the abandonment of the settlement. 

From the second section of Honanki we pass to the third andbest-preserved portion of the ruins (figure 249), indicated in thediagram from _a_ to _g_. To this section I have referred as the "mainruin, " for it was evidently the most populous quarter of the ancientcliff dwelling. It is better preserved than the remainder of Honanki, and is the only part in which all four walls of the chambers stillremain erect. Built at a higher level than the series of rooms alreadyconsidered, it must have towered above them, and possibly served as aplace of retreat when danger beset the more exposed quarters of thevillage. 

[Illustration: FIG. 249--The main ruin of Honanki]

Approaching the main ruin of Honanki (plate CIV) from the east, orthe parts already described, one passes between the buttress on whichthe front wall of the rounded room _h_ is built and a fragment ofmasonry on the left, by a natural gateway through which the trail isvery steep. On the right there towers above the visitor awell-preserved wall of masonry, the front of room _a_, and he soonpasses abreast of the main portion of the ruin of Honanki. Thissection is built in a huge cavern, the overhanging roof of which, isformed by natural rock, arching far above the tops of the highestwalls of the pueblo and suggesting the surroundings of the "CliffPalace" of Mesa Verde, so well described by the late Baron G. Nordenskiöld in his valuable monograph on the ruins of that section ofsouthern Colorado. The main ruin of Honanki is one of the largest andbest preserved architectural monuments of the former people of Verdevalley that has yet been described. Although somewhat resembling itsrival, the well-known "Casa Montezuma" of Beaver creek, itsarchitecture is dissimilar on account of the difference in the form ofthe cavern in which it is built and the geological character of thesurrounding cliffs. Other Verde ruins may have accommodated morepeople, when inhabited, but none of its type south of Canyon de Chellyhave yet been described which excel it in size and condition ofpreservation. I soon found that our party were not the first whiteswho had seen this lonely village, as the names scribbled on its wallsattested; but so far as I know it had not previously been visited byarcheologists. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CII

HONANKI (RUIN II)]

In the main portion of Honanki we found that the two ends of thecrescentic row of united rooms which compose it are built on rockyelevations, with foundations considerably higher than those of therooms in the middle portion of the ruins. The line of the front wallis, therefore, not exactly crescentic, but irregularly curved (figure249), conforming to the rear of the cavern in which the houses aresituated. About midway in the curve of the front walls two wallsindicative of former rooms extend at an angle of about 25° to the mainfront wall. All the component rooms of the main part of Honanki can beentered, some by external passageways, others by doorwayscommunicating with adjacent chambers. None of the inclosures haveroofs or upper floors, although indications of the former existence ofboth these structural features may readily be seen in several places. Although wooden beams are invariably wanting, fragments of these stillproject from the walls, almost always showing on their free ends, inside the rooms, the effect of fire. I succeeded in adding to thecollection a portion of one of these beams, the extremity of which hadbeen battered off, evidently with a stone implement. In the alkalinedust which covered the floor several similar specimens were seen. 

The stones which form the masonry of the wall (figure 250) were not, as a rule, dressed or squared before they were laid with adobe mortar, but were generally set in place in the rough condition in which theymay still be obtained anywhere under the cliff. 

All the mortar used was of adobe or the tenacious clay which serves somany purposes among the Pueblos. The walls of the rooms were plasteredwith a thick layer of the same material. The rear wall of each room isthe natural rock of the cliff, which rises vertically and has a verysmooth surface. The great natural archway which covers the wholepueblo protects it from wind and rain, and as a consequence, save onthe front face, there are few signs of natural erosion. The hand ofman, however, has dealt rudely with this venerable building, and manyof the walls, especially of rooms which formerly stood before thecentral portion, lie prone upon the earth; but so securely were thecomponent stones held together by the adobe that even after their fallsections of masonry still remain intact. 

[Illustration: FIG. 250--Structure of wall of Honanki]

There are seven walled inclosures in the main part of Honanki, and aseach of these was formerly at least two stories high there issubstantial evidence of the former existence of fourteen rooms in thispart of the ruin. There can be little doubt that there were otherrooms along the front of the central portion, and the fallen wallsshow them to have been of large size. It would likewise appear thatthe middle part was higher than the two wings, which would increasethe number of chambers, so that with these additions it may safely besaid that this part of Honanki alone contained not far from twentyrooms. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIII

WALLS OF HONANKI]

The recess in the cliff in which the ruin is situated is lower in themiddle than at either side, where there are projecting ledges of rockwhich were utilized by the builders in the construction of thefoundations, the line of the front wall following the inequalities ofthe ground. It thus results that rooms _g_, _a_, _b_, and a part of_c_, rise from a foundation about breast high, or a little higher thanthe base of rooms _d_, _e_, and _f_. 

The front wall of _a_ has for its foundation a spur or ledge of rock, which is continued under _b_ and a part of _c_. The corner or angle ofthis wall, facing the round chamber, is curved in the form of a tower, a considerable section of its masonry being intact. Near thefoundation and following the inequalities of the rock surface thebeginning of a wall at right angles to the face of the ruin at thispoint is seen. A small embrasure, high above the base of the frontwall, on the side by which one approaches the ruin from the east, andtwo smaller openings on the same level, looking out over the valley, suggest a floor and lookouts. The large square orifice in the middleof the face of the wall has a wooden lintel, still in place; theopening is large enough for use as a door or passageway. The upperedge of the front wall is somewhat irregular, but a notch in it abovethe square opening is conspicuous. 

The rear wall of room _a_ was the face of the cliff, formed of solidrock without masonry and very much blackened by smoke from formerfires. As, however, there is evidence that since its destruction orabandonment by its builders this ruin has been occupied as a campingplace by the Apache, it is doubtful to which race we should ascribethis discoloration of the walls by soot. 

On the ground floor there is a passageway into chamber _b_, which isconsiderably enlarged, although the position of the lintel is clearlyindicated by notches in the wall. The beam which was formed there hadbeen torn from its place and undoubtedly long ago used for firewood bynomadic visitors. The open passageway, measured externally, is about15 feet above the foundation of the wall, through which it is broken, and about 8 feet below the upper edge of the wall. 

Room _b_ is an irregular, square chamber, two stories high, communicating with _a_ and _c_ by passages which are enlarged bybreakage in the walls. A small hole in the front wall, about 6 feetfrom the floor, opens externally to the air. The walls are, ingeneral, about 2 feet thick, and are composed of flat red stones laidin clay of the same color. The cliff forms the rear wall of thechamber. The clay at certain places in the walls, especially near theinsertions of the beams and about the window openings, appears to havebeen mixed with a black pitch, which serves to harden the mixture. 

Room _c_ is the first of a series of chambers, with externalpassageways, but its walls are very much broken down, and the openingsthereby enlarged. The front wall is almost straight and in one placestands 30 feet, the maximum height of the standing wall of the ruins. In one corner a considerable quantity of ashes and many evidences offire, some of which may be ascribed to Apache occupants, was detected. A wooden beam, marking the line of the floor of a second story, wasseen projecting from the front wall, and there are other evidences ofa floor at this level. Large beams apparently extended from the frontwall to the rear of the chamber, where they rested on a ledge in thecliff, and over these smaller sticks were laid side by side and atright angles to the beams. These in turn supported either flat stonesor a layer of mud or clay. The method of construction of one of theseroofs is typical of a Tusayan kiva, where ancient architectural formsare adhered to and best preserved. 

The entrance to room _d_ is very much enlarged by the disintegrationof the wall, and apparently there was at this point a difference inlevel of the front wall, for there is evidence of rooms in advance ofthose connected with the chambers described, as shown by a line ofmasonry, still standing, parallel to the front face of inclosures _c_and _d_. 

Room _e_ communicates by a doorway with the chamber marked _f_, andthere is a small window in the same partition. This room had a raisedbanquette on the side toward the cliff, recalling an arrangement ofthe floor similar to that in the cavate dwellings opposite Squawmountain which I have described. This platform is raised about threefeet above the remainder of the floor of _f_, and, like it, is strewnwith large slabs of stone, which have fallen from the overhangingroof. In the main floor, at one corner, near the platform, there is arectangular box-like structure made of thin slabs of stone set onedge, suggesting the grinding bins of the Pueblos. Room _f_communicates with _g_ by a passageway which has a stone lintel. Theholes in the walls, in which beams were once inserted, are seen inseveral places at different levels above the floor. The ends ofseveral beams, one extremity of which is invariably charred, werefound set in the masonry, and others were dug from the débris in thefloor. 

As a result of the curve in the front wall of the ruin at that point, the shape of room _f_ is roughly quadrate, with banquettes on twosides. There are six large beam holes in the walls, and the positionof the first floor is well shown on the face of the partition, separating _f_ from _g_. The passageway from one of these rooms to theother is slightly arched. 

Room _g_ is elongated, without an external entrance, and communicateswith _f_ by a small opening, through which it is very difficult tocrawl. Its longest dimension is almost at right angles to the frontface of the remaining rooms, and it is raised above them by itsfoundation on an elevated rock like that of _a_, _b_, and _c_. Thereis a small, square, external opening which may have served as theposition of a former beam or log. The upper level of the front wall ismore or less broken down in places, and formerly may have been muchhigher. Beyond _g_ a spur of masonry is built at right angles to thecliff, inclosing a rectangular chamber at the end of the ruin whichcould not be entered. Possibly in former times it was accessible bymeans of a ladder from the roof, whence communication with otherportions of the structure was also had. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIV

APPROACH TO MAIN PART OF HONANKI]

A short distance beyond the westernmost rooms of Honanki, almostcovered with bushes and adjoining the base of the cliff, there is alarge ash heap in which are many fragments of pottery and the bones ofvarious animals. It is probable that excavation in this quarter wouldreveal many interesting objects. In the cliffs above this ash heap, far beyond reach, there is a walled niche which has never beendisturbed. This structure is similar to those near the cavatedwellings, and when opened will probably be found to contain buriedmortuary objects of interesting character. I did not disturb thisinclosure, inasmuch as I had no ladders or ropes with which toapproach it. 

It is very difficult to properly estimate, from the number of rooms ina cliff house, the former population, and as a general thing thetendency is rather to overstate than to fall short of the true total. In a pueblo like Hano, on the first or east mesa of Tusayan, forinstance, there are many uninhabited rooms, and others serve asstorage chambers, while in places the pueblo has so far fallen intoruin as to be uninhabitable. If a pueblo is very much concentrated thepopulation varies at different seasons of the year. In summer it issparsely inhabited; in winter it is rather densely populated. WhilePalatki and Honanki together had rooms sufficient to house 500 people, I doubt whether their aggregate population, ever exceeded 200. Thisestimate, of course, is based on the supposition that these villageswere contemporaneously inhabited. 

The evidences all point to a belief, however, that they were bothpermanent dwelling places and not temporary resorts at certain seasonsof the year. 

The pictographs on the face of the cliff above Honanki are for thegreater part due to the former Apache occupants of the rooms, and aresituated high above the tops of the walls of the ruin. They are, as arule, drawn with white chalk, which shows very clearly on the redrock, and are particularly numerous above room _g_. The figure of acircle, with lines crossing one another diametrically and continued asrays beyond the periphery, possibly represent the sun. Many spiralfigures, almost constant pictographs in cliff ruins, are found inseveral places. Another strange design, resembling some kind ofinsect, is very conspicuous. 

A circle painted green and inclosed in a border of yellow isundoubtedly of Apache origin. There is at one point a row of smallpits, arranged in line, suggesting a score or enumeration of somekind, and a series of short parallel lines of similar import was foundnot far away. This latter method of recording accounts is commonlyused at the present time in Tusayan, both in houses and on cliffs; andone of the best of these, said to enumerate the number of Apachekilled by the Hopi in a raid many years ago, may be seen above thetrail by which the visitor enters the pueblo of Hano on the East Mesa. The names of several persons scratched on the face of the cliffindicate that Americans had visited Honanki before me. 

The majority of the paleoglyphs at both Palatki and Honanki are ofApache origin, and are of comparatively modern date, as wouldnaturally be expected. In some instances their colors are as fresh asif made a few years ago, and there is no doubt that they were drawnafter the building was deserted by its original occupants. Thepositions of the pictographs on the cliffs imply that they were drawnbefore the roofs and flooring had been destroyed, thus showing howlately the ruin preserved its ancient form. In their shelteredposition there seems to be no reason why the ancient pictographsshould not have been preserved, and the fact that so few of thefigures pecked in the cliff now remain is therefore instructive. 

One of the first tendencies of man in visiting a ruin is to inscribehis name on its walls or on neighboring cliffs. This is shared by bothIndians and whites, and the former generally makes his totem on therock surface, or adds that of his gods, the sun, rain-cloud, orkatcinas. Inscriptions recording events are less common, as they aremore difficult to indicate with exactitude in this system ofpictography. The majority of ancient pictographs in the Red-rockcountry, like those I have considered in other parts of Verde valley, are identical with picture writings now made in Tusayan, and arerecognized and interpreted without hesitation by the Hopi Indians. Intheir legends, in which the migrations of their ancestors arerecounted, the traditionists often mention the fact that theirancestors left their totem signatures at certain points in theirwanderings. The Patki people say that you will find on the rocks ofPalatkwabi, the "Red Land of the South" from which they came, totemsof the rain-cloud, sun, crane, parrot, etc. If we find these markingsin the direction which they are thus definitely declared to exist, andthe Hopi say similar pictures were made by their ancestors, thereseems no reason to question such circumstantial evidence that some ofthe Hopi clans once came from this region. [28]

One of the most interesting of the pictographs pecked in the rock is afigure which, variously modified, is a common decoration oncliff-dweller pottery from the Verde valley region to the ruins of theSan Juan and its tributaries. This figure has the form of twoconcentric spirals, the ends of which do not join. As this designassumes many modifications, it may be well to consider a few formswhich it assumes on the pottery of the cliff people and on that oftheir descendants, the Pueblos. 

The so-called black-and-white ware, or white pottery decorated withblack lines, which is so characteristic of the ceramics of thecliff-dwellers, is sometimes, as we shall see, found in ruins likeAwatobi and Sikyatki; but it is so rare, as compared with othervarieties, that it may be regarded as intrusive. 

One of the simplest forms of the broken-line motive is a Greek fret, in which there is a break in the component square figures or where theline is noncontinuous. In the simplest form, which appears prominentlyon modern pottery, but which is rare or wanting on trueblack-and-white ware, we have two crescentic figures, the concavitiesof which face in different directions, but the horns overlap. This isa symbol which the participants in the dance called the Húmiskatcinastill paint with pigments on their breasts, and which is used onshields and various religious paraphernalia. 

A study of any large collection of decorated Pueblo ware, ancient ormodern, will show many modifications of this broken line, a number ofwhich I shall discuss more in detail when pottery ornamentation isconsidered. A design so distinctive and so widespread as this mustcertainly have a symbolic interpretation. The concentric spirals witha broken line, the Hopi say, are symbols of the whirlpool, and it isinteresting to find in the beautiful plates of Chavero's _AntigüedadesMexicanas_ that the water in the lagoon surrounding the ancient Azteccapital was indicated by the Nahuatl Indians with similar symbols. 

OBJECTS FOUND AT PALATKI AND HONANKI

The isolation of these ruins and the impossibility of obtainingworkmen, combined with the brief visit which I was able to make tothem, rendered it impossible to collect very many specimens of ancienthandiwork. The few excavations which were made were limited almostwholly to Honanki, and from their success I can readily predict a richharvest for anyone who may attempt systematic work in this virginfield. We naturally chose the interior of the rooms for excavation, and I will say limited our work to these places. Every chamber wasmore or less filled with débris--fragments of overturned walls, detached rock from the cliff above, dry alkaline soil, drifted sand, dust, and animal excreta. In those places where digging was possiblewe found the dust and guano so dry and alkaline that it was next toimpossible to work for any length of time in the rooms, for the airbecame so impure that the workmen could hardly breathe, especiallywhere the inclosing walls prevented ventilation. Notwithstanding thisobstacle, however, we removed the accumulated débris down to the floorin one or two chambers, and examined with care the various objects ofaboriginal origin which were revealed. 

In studying the specimens found in cliff-houses due attention has notalways been given to the fact that occupants have oftentimes camped inthem subsequently to their abandonment by the original builders. As aconsequence of this temporary habitation objects owned by unrelatedIndians have frequently been confused with those of the cliff-dwellersproper. We found evidences that both Honanki and Palatki had beenoccupied by Apache Mohave people for longer or shorter periods oftime, and some of the specimens were probably left there by theseinhabitants. 

The ancient pottery found in the rooms, although fragmentary, issufficiently complete to render a comparison with known ceramics fromthe Verde ruins. Had we discovered the cemeteries, for which wezealously searched in vain, no doubt entire vessels, deposited asmortuary offerings, would have been found; but the kind of ware ofwhich they were made would undoubtedly have been the same as that ofthe fragments. 

No pottery distinctively different from that which has already beenreported from the Verde valley ruins was found, and the majorityresembled so closely in texture and symbolism that of the cliff housesof the San Juan, in northern New Mexico and southern Utah, that theymay be regarded as practically identical. 

The following varieties of pottery were found at Honanki:

 I. Coiled ware. II. Indented ware. III. Smooth ware. IV. Smooth ware painted white, with black geometric figures. V. Smooth red ware, with black decoration. 

By far the largest number of fragments belong to the first division, and these, as a rule, are blackened by soot, as if used in cooking. The majority are parts of large open-mouth jars with flaring rims, corrugated or often indented with the thumb-nail or some hardsubstance, the coil becoming obscure on the lower surface. The insideof these jars is smooth, but never polished, and in one instance thepotter used the corrugations of the coil as an ornamental motive. Thepaste of which this coiled ware was composed is coarse, withargillaceous grains scattered through it; but it was well fired and isstill hard and durable. When taken in connection with its tenuity, these features show a highly developed potter's technique. A singlefragment is ornamented with an S-shape coil of clay fastened to thecorrugations in much the same way as in similar ware from the ruinsnear the Colorado Chiquito. 

The fragments of smooth ware show that they, too, had been madeoriginally in the same way as coiled ware, and that their outer aswell as their inner surface had been rubbed smooth before firing. As arule, however, they are coarse in texture and have little symmetry ofform. Fragments identified as parts of bowls, vases, jars, and dippersare classed under this variety. As a rule they are badly or unevenlyfired, although evidently submitted to great heat. There was seldom aneffort made to smooth the outer surface to a polish, and no attempt atpictorial ornamentation was made. 

The fragments represented in classes IV and V were made of a muchfiner clay, and the surface bears a gloss, almost a glaze. Theornamentation on the few fragments which were found is composed ofgeometric patterns, and is identical with the sherds from other ruinsof Verde valley. A fragment each of a dipper and a ladle, portions ofa red bowl, and a rim of a large vase of the same color were picked upnear the ruin. Most of the fragments, however, belong to the firstclasses--the coiled and indented wares. 

There was no evidence that the former inhabitants of these buildingswere acquainted with metals. The ends of the beams had been hacked offevidently with blunt stone axes, aided by fire, and the lintels of thehouses were of split logs which showed no evidence that any metalimplement was used in fashioning them. We found, however, severalstone tools, which exhibit considerable skill in the art of stoneworking. These include a single ax, blunt at one end, sharpened at theother, and girt by a single groove. The variety of stone from whichthe ax was made does not occur in the immediate vicinity of the ruin. There were one or two stone hammers, grooved for hafting, like the ax. A third stone maul, being grooveless, was evidently a hand tool forbreaking other stones or for grinding pigments. 

[Illustration: FIG. 251--Stone implement from Honanki]

Perhaps the most interesting stone implement which was found wasuncovered in the excavation of one of the middle rooms of the westernpart of the ruin, about three feet below the surface. It consists of awooden handle rounded at each end and slightly curved, with asharpened stone inserted midway of its length and cemented to the woodwith pitch or asphaltum. The stone of this implement would hardly bearrough usage, or sustain, without fracture, a heavy blow. The edge istolerably sharp, and it therefore may have been used in skinninganimals. Judging from the form of the handle, the implement is bettersuited for use as a scraper than for any other purpose which hasoccurred to me (figure 251). 

The inhabitants of the two ruins of the Red-rocks used obsidianarrowpoints with shafts of reeds, and evidently highly regardedfragments of the former material for knives, spearheads, and one ortwo other purposes. 

The stone metates from these ruins are in no respect characteristic, and several fine specimens were found in place on the floors of therooms. One of these was a well-worn specimen of lava, which must havebeen brought from a considerable distance, since none of thatmaterial occurs in the neighborhood. The existence of these grindingstones implies the use of maize as food, and this evidence was muchstrengthened by the finding of corncobs, kernels of corn, and charredfragments at several points below the surface of the débris in thechambers of Honanki. One of these grinding stones was found set in thefloor of one of the rooms in the same way that similar metates may beseen in Walpi today. 

Of bone implements, our limited excavations revealed only a fewfragments. Leg bones of the turkey were used for awls, bodkins, needles, and similar objects. In general character the implements ofthis kind which were found are almost identical in form with the boneimplements from Awatobi and Sikyatki, which are later figured anddescribed. Although the bone implements unearthed were not numerous, we were well repaid for our excavations by finding an ancientfireboard, identical with those now used at Tusayan in the ceremony ofkindling "new fire, " and probably universally used for that purpose informer times. The only shell was a fragment of a bracelet made from a_Pectunculus_, a Pacific coast mollusk highly esteemed in ancienttimes among prehistoric Pueblos. The majority of the wooden objectsfound showed marks of fire, which were especially evident on the endsof the roof and floor beams projecting from the walls. 

[Illustration: FIG. 252--Tinder tube from Honanki]

A considerable collection of objects made of wickerwork and wovenvegetal fiber was found in the alkaline dust and ashes of the Red-rockcliff houses, and while there is some difficulty here as elsewhere, indeciding whether certain specimens belonged to the original buildersor to later temporary occupants, there is little doubt that most ofthem were the property of the latter. 

There were many specimens of basketry found on the surface of therubbish of the floors which, from the position of their occurrence andfrom their resemblance to the wickerwork still used by the Apache, seem without doubt to have been left there by temporary occupants ofthe rooms. There were likewise many wisps of yucca fiber tied in knotswhich must probably be regarded as of identical origin. The _Yuccabaccata_ affords the favorite fiber used by the natives at the presenttime, and it appears to have been popular for that purpose among theancients. 

Several specimens of sandals, some of which are very much worn on thesoles, were found buried at the floor level. These are all of the samekind, and are made of yucca leaves plaited in narrow strips. The modeof attachment to the foot was evidently by a loop passing over thetoes. Hide and cloth sandals have as yet not been reported from theRed-rock ruins of Verde valley. These sandals belonged to the originaloccupants of the cliff houses. 

Fabrics made of cotton are common in the ruins of the Red-rocks, andat times this fiber was combined with yucca. Some of the specimens ofcotton cloth were finely woven and are still quite strong, althoughstained dark or almost black. Specimens of netting are also common, and an open-mesh legging, similar to the kind manufactured in ancienttimes by the Hopi and still worn by certain personators in theirsacred dances, were taken from the western room of Honanki. There werealso many fragments of rope, string, cord, and loosely twisted bands, resembling head bands for carrying burdens. 

A reed (figure 252) in which was inserted a fragment of cotton fiberwas unlike anything yet reported from cliff houses, and as the end ofthe cotton which projected beyond the cavity of the reed was charred, it possibly was used as a slow-match or tinder-box. 

Several shell and turquois beads were found, but my limited studies ofthe cliff-houses revealed only a few other ornaments, among them beingbeads of turkey-bone and a single wristlet fashioned from a_Pectunculus_. One or two fragments of prayer-sticks were discoveredin a rock inclosure in a cleft to the west of the ruin. 

CONCLUSIONS REGARDING THE VERDE VALLEY RUINS

The ruins of the Verde region closely resemble those of Tusayan, andseem to support the claim of the Hopi that some of their ancestorsformerly lived in that region. This is true more especially of thevillages of the plains and mesa tops, for neither cave-houses norcavate dwellings are found in the immediate vicinity of the inhabitedTusayan pueblos. The objects taken from the ruins are similar to thosefound universally over the pueblo area, and from them alone we can notsay more than that they probably indicate the same substratum ofculture as that from which modern pueblo life with its manymodifications has sprung. 

The symbolism of the decorations on the fragments of pottery found inthe Verde ruins is the same as that of the ancient pueblos of theColorado Chiquito, and it remains to be shown whether the ancestors ofthese were Hopi or Zuñi. I believe it will be found that they wereboth, or that when the villages along the Colorado Chiquito[29] wereabandoned part of the inhabitants went to the mesas of Tusayan andothers migrated farther up the river to the Zuñi villages. 

Two centers of distribution of cliff houses occur in our Southwest:those of the upper tributaries of the Colorado in the north and thecliff houses of the affluents of the Salt and the Gila in the south. The watershed of the Rio Grande is, so far as is known, destitute ofthis kind of aboriginal dwellings. Between the two centers ofdistribution lie the pueblos of the Little Colorado and itstributaries, the home of the ancestors of the Hopi and the Zuñi. Themany resemblances between the cliff houses of the north and those ofthe south indicate that the stage of culture of both was uniform, andprobably the same conditions of environment led both peoples to buildsimilar dwellings. All those likenesses which can be found between themodern Zuñi and the Hopi to the former cliff peoples of the San Juanregion in the north, apply equally to those of the upper Salado andthe Gila and their tributaries to the south; and so far as argumentsof a northern origin of either, built on architectural ortechnological resemblances, are concerned, they are not conclusive, since they are also applicable to the cliff peoples of the south. Theone important difference between the northern and the southern tier ofcliff houses is the occurrence of the circular kiva, which has neverbeen reported south of the divide between the Little Colorado and theGila-Salado drainage. If a kiva was a feature in southern cliffhouses, which I doubt, it appears to have been a rectangular chambersimilar to a dwelling room. The circular kiva exists in neither themodern Hopi nor the Zuñi pueblos, and it has not been found inadjacent Tusayan ruins; therefore, if these habitations wereprofoundly influenced by settlers from the north, it is strange thatsuch a radical change in the form of this room resulted. The argumentsadvanced that one of the two component stocks of the Zuñi, and thatthe aboriginal, came from the cliff peoples of the San Juan, are notconclusive, although I have no doubt that the Zuñi may have receivedincrement from that direction. 

Cushing has, I believe, furnished good evidence that some of theancestors of the Zuñi population came from the south and southwest;and that some of these came from pueblos now in ruins on the LittleColorado is indicated by the great similarity in the antiquities ofancient Zuñi and the Colorado Chiquito ruins. Part of the Patki peopleof the Hopi went to Zuñi and part to Tusayan, from the same abandonedpueblo, and the descendants of this family in Walpi still recognizethis ancient kinship; but I do not know, and so far as can be seenthere is no way of determining, the relative antiquity of the pueblosin Zuñi valley and those on the lower Colorado. 

The approximate date of the immigration of the Patki people to Tusayanis as yet a matter of conjecture. It may have been in prehistorictimes, or more likely at a comparatively late period in the history ofthe people. It seems well substantiated, however, that when thisWater-house people joined the other Hopi, the latter inhabited pueblosand were to all intents a pueblo people. If this hypothesis be acorrect one, the Snake, Horn, and Bear peoples, whom the southerncolonists found in Tusayan, had a culture of their own similar to thatof the people from the south. Whence that culture came must bedetermined by studies of the component clans of the Hopi before thearrival of the Patki people. [30]

The origin of the round shape of the estufa, according to Nordenskiöld(p. 168), is most easily explained on the hypothesis that it is areminiscence of the cliff-dwellers' nomadic period. "There must besome very cogent reason for the employment of this shape, " he says, "for the construction of a cylindrical chamber within a block ofrectangular rooms involves no small amount of labor. We know howobstinately primitive nations cling to everything connected with theirreligious ideas. Then what is more natural than the retention, for theroom where religious ceremonies were performed, of the round shapecharacteristic of the original dwelling place, the nomadic hut? Thisassumption is further corroborated by the situation of the hearth andthe structure of the roof of the estufa, when we find points ofanalogy to the method employed by certain nomadic Indians in theerection of their huts. " This theory of the origin of the round formof dwelling and its retention in the architecture of the kiva, advanced by Nordenskiöld in 1893, has much in its favor, but therectangular form, which, so far as known, is the only shape of thesesacred rooms in the Tusayan region, is still unexplained. FromCastañeda's narrative of the Coronado expedition it appears that inthe middle of the sixteenth century the eastern pueblos had bothsquare and round estufas or kivas, and that these kivas belonged tothe men while the rooms of the pueblo were in the possession of thewomen. The apparent reason why we find no round rooms or kivas in thesouthern cliff houses and in Tusayan may be due to several causes. Local conditions, including the character of the building sites on theHopi mesa, made square rooms more practical, or the nomadic stage wasso far removed that the form of the inclosure in which the ancientsheld their rites had not been preserved. Moreover, some of the mostancient and secret observances at Walpi, as the Flute ceremony, arenot performed in special kivas, but take place in ordinary livingrooms. 

As in all the other ruins of Verde valley, circular kivas are absentin the Red-rock country, and this fact, which has attracted theattention of several observers, is, I believe, very significant. Although as yet our knowledge of the cliff houses of the upper Gilaand Salado and their numerous tributaries is very fragmentary, andgeneralization on that account unsafe, it may be stated provisionallythat no circular kivas have yet been found in any ruins of theGila-Salado watershed. This form of kiva, however, is an essentialfeature of the cliff dwellings of Rio Colorado, especially of thosealong its affluents in southern Colorado and northern New Mexico. Roughly speaking, then, the circular kiva is characteristic of theruins of this region and of certain others in the valley of the RioGrande, where they still survive in inhabited pueblos. 

Circular ruins likewise are limited in their distribution in theSouthwest, and it is an interesting fact that the geographicdistribution of ancient pueblos of this form is in a general way thesame as that of circular kivas. There are, of course, many exceptions, but so far as I know these can readily be explained. No ruins ofcircular dwellings occur in the Gila-Salado drainage area, wherelikewise no circular kivas have been observed. Moreover, the circularform of dwelling and kiva is distinctively characteristic ofprehistoric peoples east of Tusayan, and the few instances of theiroccurrence on its eastern border can readily be explained asextra-Hopi. 

The explanation of these circular kivas advanced by Nordenskiöld andthe Mindeleffs, that they are survivals of round habitations ofnomads, has much to commend it; but whether sufficient or not, thegeographic limitation of these structures tells in favor of theabsence of any considerable migration of the prehistoric peoples ofthe upper Colorado and Rio Grande watersheds southward into thedrainage area of the Gila-Salado. Had the migration been in thatdirection it may readily be believed that the round kiva and thecircular form of dwelling would have been brought with it. 

The round kiva has been regarded as a survival of the form of theoriginal homes of the nomad, when he became a sedentary agriculturistby conquest and marriage. 

The presence of rectangular kivas in the same areas in which roundkivas occur does not necessarily militate against this theory, nordoes it oblige us to offer an explanation of a necessarily radicalchange in architecture if we would derive it from a circular form. Itwould indeed be very unusual to find such a change in a structuredevoted to religious purposes where conservatism is so strong. Therectangular kiva is the ancient form, or rather the original form; theround kiva is not a development from it, but an introduction from analien people. It never penetrated southward of the Colorado and upperRio Grande drainage areas because the element which introduced it inthe north was never strong enough to influence the house builders ofthe Gila-Salado and tributary valleys. 

RUINS IN TUSAYAN

GENERAL FEATURES

No region of our Southwest presents more instructive antiquities thanthe ancient province of Tusayan, more widely known as the Mokireservation. In the more limited use of the term, Tusayan is appliedto the immediate surroundings of the Hopi pueblos, to which "province"it was given in the middle of the sixteenth century. In a broadersense the name would include an as yet unbounded country claimed bythe component clans of this people as the homes of their ancestors. 

The general character and distribution of Tusayan ruins (plate XVI)has been ably presented by Mr Victor Mindeleff in a previousreport. [31] While this memoir is not regarded as exhaustive, itconsiders most of the large ruins in immediate proximity to the threemesas on which the pueblos inhabited by the Hopi are situated. It isnot my purpose here to consider all Tusayan ruins, even if I were ableto do so, but to supplement with additional data the observationsalready published on two of the most noteworthy pueblo settlements. Broadly speaking, I have attempted archeological excavations in orderto obtain more light on the nature of prehistoric life in Tusayan. Itmay be advantageous, however, to refer briefly to some of the ruinsthus far discovered in the Tusayan region as preliminary to moresystematic descriptions of the two which I have chosen for specialdescription. 

The legends of the surviving Hopi contain constant references toformer habitations of different clans in the country round about theirpresent villages. These clans, which by consolidation make up thepresent population of the Hopi pueblos, are said to have originallyentered Tusayan from regions as far eastward as the Rio Grande, andfrom the southern country included within the drainage of the Gila, the Salt, and their affluents. Other increments are reputed to havecome from the northward and the westward, so that the people we nowfind in Tusayan are descendants from an aggregation of stocks fromseveral directions, some of them having migrated from considerabledistances. Natives of other regions have settled among the ancientHopi, built pueblos, and later returned to their former homes; and theHopi in turn have sent colonists into the eastern pueblo country. 

These legends of former movements of the tribal clans of Tusayan aresupplemented and supported by historical documents, and we know fromthis evidence that there has been a continual interchange between thepeople of Tusayan and almost every large pueblo of New Mexico andArizona. Some of the ruins of this region were abandoned in historictimes; others are prehistoric; many were simply temporary haltingplaces in Hopi migrations, and were abandoned as the clans driftedtogether in friendship or destroyed as a result of internecineconflicts. 

There is documentary evidence that in the years following the greatrebellion of the Pueblo tribes in 1680, which were characterized bycatastrophes of all kinds among the Rio Grande villagers, many Tanoanpeople fled to Tusayan to escape from their troubles. According toNiel, 4, 000 Tanoan refugees, under Frasquillo, loaded with booty whichthey had looted from the churches, went to Oraibi by way of Zuñi, andthere established a "kingdom, " with their chief as ruler. How muchreliance may be placed on this account is not clear to me, but thereis no doubt that many Tanoan people joined the Hopi about this time, and among them were the Asa people, the ancestors of the presentinhabitants of Hano pueblo, and probably the accolents of Payüpki. Theease with which two Franciscan fathers, in 1742, persuaded 441 ofthese to return to the Rio Grande, implies that they were not veryhostile to Christianity, and it is possible that one reason theysought Tusayan in the years after the Spaniards were expelled may havebeen their friendship for the church party. 

With the exception of Oraibi, not one of the present inhabited pueblosof Tusayan occupies the site on which it stood in the sixteenthcentury, and the majority of them do not antedate the beginning of theeighteenth century. The villages have shifted their positions butretained their names. 

At the time of the advent of Tobar, in 1540, there was but one of thepresent three villages of East Mesa. This was Walpi, and at the periodreferred to it was situated on the terrace below the site of thepresent town, near the northwestern base of the mesa proper. Twowell-defined ruins, called Kisakobi and Küchaptüvela, are now pointedout as the sites of Old Walpi. Of these Küchaptüvela is regarded asthe older. 

Judging by their ruins these towns were of considerable size. Fromtheir exposed situation they were open to the inroads of predatorytribes, and from these hostile raids their abandonment becamenecessary. From Küchaptüvela the ancient Walpians moved to a pointhigher on the mesa, nearer its western limit, and built Kisakobi, where the pueblo stood in the seventeenth century. There is evidencethat a Spanish mission was erected at this point, and the place issometimes called Nüshaki, a corruption of "Missa-ki, " Mass-house. Fromthis place the original nucleus of Walpians moved to the present siteabout the close of the seventeenth century. Later the originalpopulation was joined by other phratries, some of which, as the Asa, had lived in the cliff-houses of Tségi, or Canyon de Chelly, as lateas the beginning of the eighteenth century. This, however, is not theplace to trace the composition of the different modern villages. 

Sichomovi was a colony from Walpi, founded about 1750, and Hano wasbuilt not earlier than 1700. The former was settled by the Badgerpeople, later joined by a group of Tanoan clans called the Asa, fromthe Rio Grande, who were invited to Tusayan to aid the Hopi inresisting the invasions of northern nomads. 

By the middle of the eighteenth century the population of the provinceof Tusayan was for the first time distributed in the seven pueblos nowinhabited. No village has been deserted since that time, nor has anynew site been occupied. 

In order that the reader may have an idea of the Tusayan pueblos atthe time mentioned, an account of them from a little-known descriptionby Morfi in 1782 is introduced:[32]

 _Morfi's account of the Tusayan pueblos_

 Quarenta y seis leguas al Poniente de Zuñi, con alguna inclinacion al N. O. Están los tres primeros pueblos de la provincia de Moqui, que en el dia en el corto distrito de 4-1/2 leguas (112 recto) tiene siete pueblos en tres mesas ó peñoles que corren linea recta de Oriente á Poniente. 

 _Tanos_[33]

 En la punta occidental de la primera, y en la mas estrecho de su eminencia están situados tres de los quales el primero es el de Tanos (alli dicen Tegüas), cuyas moradores tienen idioma particular y distinto del Moquino. Es pueblo regular con un plaza en el centro, y un formacion de calles. Tendrá 110 familias. 

 El segundo[34] pueblo dista del precedente como un tiro de piedra, es de fundacion moderna, y se compondrá de mas 15 familias que se retiraron aqui de:

 _Gualpi_

 Gualpi que dista del anterior un tiro de fusil, es mas grande y populoso que los dos anteriores, puede tener hasta 200 familias. Estas tres pueblos tienen poco caballada, y algunas vacas; pero mucho ganado lanar. 

 _Mosasnabi_[35]

 Al poniente de esta mesa, y á legua y media de distancia está la segunda, cuyo intermedio es un (112 v. ) arenal, que ertrando un poco en ella la divide en dos brazas. En el septentrional, que es el mas inmediata á Gualpi hay dos anillos distantes entre si un tiro de piedra. En la cima del primero está situado el pueblo de Mosasnabi compuesto de 50 familias poco mas ó menos. 

 _Xipaolabi_[36]

 En la cumbre del secundo cerrito se fundó el quinto pueblo llamado Xipaolabi, que tendrá solo 14 familias: está casi arruinado, porque sus vecinos se han trasladado al brazo austral de la mesa y formaron el sexto pueblo llamado:

 _Xongopabi_[37]

 Xongopabi goza mejor situacion que todos los demas, tienen tres quarteles mui bien dispuestos y en ellas unas 60 familias. Estos tres pueblos tienen mas caballada que los primeros y mucho ganado menor. 

 _Oraybe_

 Dos y media leguas al Poniente de esta mesa, está la tercera, y en sucima el septimo pueblo que llaman Oraybe. Es como la capital de la provincia, el mayor y mas bien formado de toda ella, y acaso de todas las provincias internas. Tiene once quarteles ó manzanas bien largas y dispuestos con calles á cordel yá (113 r. ) todos vientos, y puede llegar su poblacion á 800 familias. Tienen buena caballada, mucho ganado menor y algun vacuno. Aunque no gozan sino una pequeña fuente de buena agua, distante del pueblo mas de una milla al Norte, han construido para suplir esta escasez, en la misma mesa, y mui inmediato à las casas seis cisternas grandes donde recoger la agua de las lluvias y nieves. 

The distribution of the population of Tusayan in the seven pueblosmentioned above remained practically the same during the centurybetween 1782 and 1882. Summer settlements for farming purposes wereinhabited by the Oraibi for brief periods. Between the years 1880 and1890 a beginning of a new distribution of Hopi families began, whenone or two of the less timid erected houses near Coyote spring, at theEast Mesa. The Tewa, represented by Polaka and Jakwaina, took the leadin this movement. From 1890 to the present time a large number ofWalpi, Sichomovi, and Hano families have built houses in the foothillsof the East Mesa and in the plain beyond the "wash. " A largeschoolhouse has been erected at Sun spring and a considerable numberof East Mesa villagers have abandoned their mesa dwellings. In thisshifting of the population the isolated house is always adopted andthe aboriginal method of roof building is abandoned. The indicationsare that in a few years the population of the East Mesa will besettled in unconnected farmhouses with little resemblance to theancient communal pueblo. 

This movement is shared to a less extent by the Middle Mesa and Oraibipeople. On my first visit to the pueblos of these mesas, in 1890, there was not a single permanent dwelling save in the ancient pueblos;but now numerous small farmhouses have been erected at or near thesprings in the foothills. I mention these facts as a matter of recordof progress in the life of these people in adapting themselves to thenew conditions or influences by which they are surrounded. I believethat if this exodus of Hopi families from the old pueblo to the plaincontinues during the next two decades as it has in the last ten years, there are children now living in Walpi who will some day see ituninhabited. 

This disintegration of the Hopi phratries, by which families areseparated from one another, is, I believe, a return to the prehistoricdistribution of the clans, and as Walpi grew into a pueblo by a unionof kindred people, so now it is again being divided and distributed, still preserving family ties in new clusters or groupings. It is thusnot impossible that the sites of certain old ruins, as Sikyatki, deserted for many years, will again be built upon if better suited fornew modes of life. The settlement near Coyote spring, for instance, isnot far from the old site of a former home of the Tanoan families, whowent to Tusayan in the beginning of the eighteenth century, and thepeople who inhabit these new houses are all Tanoan descendants of theoriginal contingent. 

In order to become familiar with the general character of Tusayanruins, I made a brief reconnoissance of those mentioned in thefollowing list, from which I selected Awatobi and Sikyatki as placesfor a more exhaustive exploration. This list is followed by a briefmention of those which I believe would offer fair opportunities for acontinuation of the work inaugurated. The ruins near Oraibi were notexamined and are therefore omitted, not that they are regarded as lessimportant, but because I was unable to undertake a study of them inthe limited time at my disposal. There are also many ruins in Tusayan, north of the inhabited pueblos, which have never been described, andwould well repay extended investigation. Some of these, as the ruinsat the sacred spring called Kishuba, are of the utmost traditionalimportance. 

 I. _Middle Mesa ruins_--(1) Old Shuñopovi; (2) Old Mishoñinovi; (3) Shitaumû; (4) Chukubi; (5) Payüpki. 

 II. _East Mesa ruins_--(1) Kisakobi; (2) Küchaptüvela; (3) Küküchomo; (4) Tukinobi; (5) Kachinba; (6) Sikyatki. 

 III. _Ruins in Keam's canyon_. 

 IV. _Jeditoh valley ruins_--(1) Bat-house; (2) Jeditoh, Kawaika; (3) Horn-house; (4) Awatobi; Smaller Awatobi. 

This method of classification is purely geographical, and is adoptedsimply for convenience; but there are one or two facts worthy ofmention in regard to the distribution of ruins in these four sections. The inhabited pueblos, like the ruins, are, as a rule, situated on theeastern side of their respective mesas, or on the cliffs or hillswhich border the adjacent plains on the west. This uniformity isthought to have resulted from a desire to occupy a sunny site forwarmth and for other reasons. 

The pueblos at or nearest the southern ends of the mesas were found tobe best suited for habitation, consequently the present towns occupythose sites, or, as in the case of the Jeditoh series, the pueblo atthat point was the last abandoned. The reason for this is thought tobe an attempt to concentrate on the most inaccessible sites available, which implies inroads of hostile peoples. For the same reason, likewise, the tendency was to move from the foothills to the mesa topswhen these invasions began. 

Early settlers near East Mesa appeared to have chosen exposed sitesfor their pueblos. This would imply that they feared no invasion, andlegendary history indicates that the first pueblos were erected beforethe hostile Ute, Apache, and Navaho appeared. The early settlements onMiddle Mesa were also apparently not made with an absorbing idea ofinaccessibility. All the Jeditoh villages, however, were on the mesatops, these sites having been selected evidently with a view toprotection, since they were not convenient to the farms. 

For many reasons it would seem that the people who occupied the nowruined Jeditoh villages were later arrivals in Tusayan than those ofEast and Middle Mesas, and that, as a rule, they came from theeastward, while those of Middle Mesa arrived from the south. The firstcolonists of all, however, appear to have been the East Mesa clans, the Bear and Snake families. If this conjecture be true, we maybelieve that the oldest pueblos in Tusayan were probably the housegroups of the Snake clan of East Mesa, for whom their traditionistsclaim a northern origin. 

THE MIDDLE MESA RUINS

SHUÑOPOVI

The site of Old Shuñopovi (plate CV) at the advent of the firstSpaniards, and for a century or more afterward, was at the foot of themesa on which the present village stands. The site of the old pueblois easily detected by the foundations of the ancient houses and theiroverturned walls, surrounded by mounds of soil filled with fragmentsof the finest pottery. 

The old village was situated on a ridge of foothills east of thepresent town and near the spring, which is still used. On the highestpoint of the ridge there rise to a considerable height the massivewalls of the old Spanish mission church, forming an inclosure, nowused as a sheep corral. The cemeteries are near by, close to the outerwalls, and among a clump of peach trees about half a mile east of theold houses. The pottery, [38] as shown by the fragments, is of thefinest old Tusayan ware, cream and red being the predominating colors, while fragments of coiled and black-and-white ware are likewisecommon. 

MISHOÑINOVI

The ruins of Old Mishoñinovi lie west of the present pueblo in thefoothills, not far from the two rocky pinnacles at that point andadjacent to a spring. In strolling over the site of the old town Ihave noted its ground plan, and have picked up many sherds whichindicate that the pottery made at that place was the fine cream-colorware for which Tusayan has always been famous. The site offers unusualopportunities for archeological studies, but excavation there is notpracticable on account of the opposition of the chiefs. 

Old Mishoñinovi was a pueblo of considerable size, and was probablyinhabited up to the close of the seventeenth century. It was probablyon this site that the early Spanish explorers found the largest puebloof the Middle Mesa. The ruin of Shitaimovi, in the foothills nearMishoñinovi, mentioned by Mindeleff, was not visited by our party. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. 

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CV. 

SKETCH MAP OF THE MESA COUNTRYOCCUPIED BY THEHOPI INDIANS]

CHUKUBI

The ruin of Chukubi bears every evidence of antiquity. It is situatedon one of the eastward projecting spurs of Middle Mesa, midway betweenPayüpki and Shipaulovi, near an excellent spring at the base of themesa. 

Chukubi was built in rectangular form, with a central plaza surroundedby rooms, two deep. There are many indications of outlying chambers, some of which are arranged in rows. The house walls are almost whollydemolished, and in far poorer state of preservation than those of theneighboring ruin of Payüpki. The evidence now obtainable indicatesthat it was an ancient habitation of a limited period of occupancy. Itis said to have been settled by the Patuñ or Squash people, whoseoriginal home was far to the south, on Little Colorado river. A fairground plan is given by Mindeleff in his memoir on PuebloArchitecture; but so far as known no studies of the pottery of thispueblo have ever been made. 

PAYÜPKI

One of the best-preserved ruins on Middle Mesa is called Payüpki bythe Hopi, and is interesting in connection with the traditions of themigration of peoples from the Rio Grande, which followed thetroublesome years at the close of the seventeenth century. In thereconquest of New Mexico by the Spaniards we can hardly say thatTusayan was conquered; the province was visited and nominallysubjugated after the great rebellion, but with the exception ofrepeated expeditions, which were often repulsed, the Hopi werepractically independent and were so regarded. No adequate punishmentwas inflicted on the inhabitants of Walpi for the destruction of thetown of Awatobi, and although there were a few military expeditious toTusayan no effort at subjugation was seriously made. 

Tusayan was regarded as an asylum for the discontented or apostate, and about the close of the seventeenth century many people from theRio Grande fled there for refuge. Some of these refugees appear tohave founded pueblos of their own; others were amalgamated withexisting villages. Payüpki seems to have been founded about thisperiod, for we find no account of it before this time, and it is notmentioned in connection with ancient migrations. In 1706 Holguin issaid to have attacked the "Tanos" village between Walpi and Oraibi andforced the inhabitants to give hostages, but he was later set upon bythe Tano and driven back to Zuñi. It would hardly seem possible thatthe pueblo mentioned could have been Hano, for this village does notlie between Oraibi and Walpi and could not have been surrounded in theway indicated in the account. Payüpki, however, not only lay on thetrail between Walpi and Oraibi--about midway, as the chroniclerstates--but was so situated on a projecting promontory that it couldeasily have been surrounded and isolated from the other pueblos. 

The Hopi legends definitely assert that the Payüpki people came fromthe "great river, " the Rio Grande, and spoke a language allied to thatof the people of Hano. They were probably apostates, who came from theeast about 1680, but did not seem to agree well with the people of theMiddle Mesa, and about 1750 returned to the river and were domiciledin Sandia, where their descendants still live. The name Payüpki isapplied by the Hopi to the pueblo of Sandia as well as to the ruin onthe Middle Mesa. The general appearance of the ruin of Payüpkiindicates that it was not long inhabited, and that it was abandoned ata comparatively recent date. The general plan is not that common toancient Tusayan ruins, but more like that of Hano and Sichomovi, whichwere erected about the time Payüpki was built. Many fragments of akind of pottery which in general appearance is foreign to Tusayan, butwhich resembles the Rio Grande ware, were found on the mounds, and thewalls are better preserved than those of the ancient Tusayan ruins. 

A notable absence of fragments of obsidian, the presence of which inabundance is characteristic of ancient ruins, was observed on the siteof Payüpki. All these evidences substantiate the Hopi legend that theTanoan inhabitants of the village of Middle Mesa, above the trail fromWalpi to Oraibi, made but a short stay in Tusayan. [39]

There is good documentary evidence that Sandia was settled by Tanoanpeople from Tusayan. Morfi in 1782 so states, [40] and in a copy of theacts of possession of the pueblo grants of 1748 we find still furtherproof of the settlement of "Moquinos" in Sandia. [41]

When Otermin returned to New Mexico in his attempted reconquest, in1681, he reached Isleta on December 6, and on the 8th Dominguezencamped in sight of Sandia, but found the inhabitants had fled. Thediscord following this event drove the few surviving families of theTiwa on their old range to Tusayan, for they were set upon by Keresand Jemez warriors on the plea that they received back the Spaniards. Possibly these families formed the nucleus of Payüpki. It was aboutthis time, also, if we can believe Niel's story, that 4, 000 Tanos wentto Tusayan. It would thus appear that the Hopi Payüpki was settled inthe decade 1680-1690. 

THE EAST MESA RUINS

KÜCHAPTÜVELA AND KISAKOBI

The two ruins of Küchaptüvela and Kisakobi mark the sites of Walpiduring the period of Spanish exploration and occupancy between 1540and 1700. The former was the older. In all probability the latter hada mission church and was inhabited at the time of the great rebellionin 1680, having been founded about fifty years previously. 

The former or more ancient[42] pueblo was situated on the first orlowest terrace of East Mesa, below the present pueblo, on the northernand western sides. The name Küchaptüvela signifies "Ash-hill terrace, "and probably the old settlement, like the modern, was known as Walpi, "Place-of-the-gap, " referring to the gap or notch (_wala_) in the mesaeast of Hano. 

Old Walpi is said to have been abandoned because it was in the shadeof the mesa, but doubtless the true cause of its removal was that thesite was too much exposed, commanded as it was by the towering mesaabove it, and easily approached on three sides. The Walpi which wascontemporary with Sikyatki was built in an exposed location, for atthat time the Hopi were comparatively secure from invaders. Later, however, Apache, Ute, and Navaho began to raid their fields, and theSpaniards came in their midst again and again, forcing them to worklike slaves. A more protected site was necessary, and late in theseventeenth century the Walpians began to erect houses on the mesa, which formed the nucleus of the present town. The standing walls ofOld Walpi are buried in the débris, but the plans of the rooms mayreadily be traced. Comparatively speaking, it was a large, compact, well-built pueblo, and, from the great piles of débris in theneighborhood, would seem to have been occupied during severalgenerations. 

The pottery found in the neighborhood is the fine, ancient Tusayanware, like that of Sikyatki and Shuñopovi. Extended excavations wouldreveal, I am sure, many beautiful objects and shed considerable lighton the obscure history of Walpi and its early population. 

After moving from Old Walpi it seems that the people first builthouses on the terrace above, or on the platform extending westwardfrom the western limits of the summit of East Mesa. The whole top ofthat part of the mesa is covered with house walls, showing the formerexistence of a large pueblo. Here, no doubt, if we can trusttradition, the mission of Walpi was built, and I have found in thedébris fragments of pottery similar to that used in Mexico, and verydifferent from ancient or modern Pueblo ware. But even Kisakobi[43]was not a safe site for the Walpians to choose for their village, soafter they destroyed the mission and killed the priest they moved upto their present site and abandoned both of their former villages. 

It is said that with this removal of the villagers there were found tobe no easy means of climbing the precipitous walls, and that thestairway trails were made as late as the beginning of the presentcentury. In those early days there was a ladder near where thestairway trail is now situated, and some of the older men of Walpihave pointed out to me where this ladder formerly stood. 

The present plan of Walpi shows marked differences from that madetwenty years ago, and several houses between the stairway trail andthe Wikwaliobi kiva, on the edge of the mesa, which have now falleninto ruin, were inhabited when I first visited Walpi in 1890. Thebuildings between the Snake kiva and the Nacab kiva are rapidlybecoming unsafe for habitation, and most of these rooms will soon bedeserted. As many Walpi families are building new houses on the plain, it needs no prophet to predict that the desertion of the present siteof Walpi will progress rapidly in the next few years, and possibly bythe end of our generation the pueblo may be wholly deserted--one moreruin added to the multitudes in the Southwest. 

The site of Old Walpi, at Küchaptüvela, is the scene of an interestingrite in the New-fire ceremony at Walpi, for not far from it is ashrine dedicated to a supernatural being called Tüwapoñtumsi, "Earth-altar-woman. " This shrine, or house, as it is called, is about230 feet from the ruin, among the neighboring bowlders, and consistsof four flat slabs set upright, forming an inclosure in which stands alog of fossil wood. 

The ceremonials at Old Walpi in the New-fire rites are described in myaccount[44] of this observance, and from their nature I suspect thatthe essential part of this episode is the deposit of offerings at thisshrine. The circuits about the old ruin are regarded as survivals ofthe rites which took place in former times at Old Walpi. The ruin wasspoken of in the ceremony as the _Sipapüni_, the abode of the dead whohad become _katcinas_, to whom the prayers said in the circuits wereaddressed. 

KÜKÜCHOMO

The two conical mounds on the mesa above Sikyatki are often referredto that ancient pueblo, but from their style of architecture and fromother considerations I am led to connect them with other phratries ofTusayan. From limited excavations made in these mounds in 1891, I wasled to believe that they were round pueblos, similar to those east ofTusayan, and that they were temporary habitations, possibly vantagepoints, occupied for defense. Plate CVI illustrates their generalappearance, while the rooms of which they are composed are shown infigure 253. At the place where the mesa narrows between these moundsand the pueblos to the west, a wall was built from one edge of themesa to the other to defend the trail on this side. This wall appearsto have had watch towers or houses at intervals, which are now inruins, as shown in figure 254. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVI

THE RUINS OF KÜKÜCHOMO]

[Illustration: FIG. 253--Küküchomo]

The legends concerning the ancient inhabitants of Küküchomo areconflicting. The late A. M. Stephen stated that tradition ascribesthem to the Coyote and Pikya (Corn) peoples, with whom the denizens ofSikyatki made friendship, and whom the latter induced to settle thereto protect them from the Walpians. He regarded them as the lastarrivals of the Water-house phratry, while the Coyote people came fromthe north at nearly the same time. From his account it would appearthat the twin mounds, Küküchomo, were abandoned before the destructionof Sikyatki. The Coyote people were, I believe, akin to the Kokop orFirewood phratry, and as the pueblo of Sikyatki was settled by thelatter, it is highly probable that the inhabitants of the two villageswere friendly and naturally combined against the Snake pueblo ofWalpi. I believe, however, there is some doubt that any branch of thePatki people settled in Küküchomo, and the size of the town asindicated by the ruin was hardly large enough to accommodate more thanone clan. Still, as there are two Küküchomo ruins, there may have beena different family in each of the two house clusters. 

[Illustration: FIG. 254--Defensive wall on the East Mesa]

It has been said that in ancient times, before the twin mounds ofKüküchomo were erected, the people of Sikyatki were greatly harassedby the young slingers and archers of Walpi, who would come across tothe edge of the high cliff and assail them with impunity. Anyone, however, who contemplates the great distance from Sikyatki to the edgeof the mesa may well doubt whether it was possible for the Walpibowmen to inflict much harm in that way. 

Moreover, if the word "slingers" is advisedly chosen, it introduces akind of warfare which is not mentioned in other Tusayan legends, although apparently throwing stones at their enemies was practicedamong Pueblos of other stocks in early historic times. [45]

We may suppose, however, that the survivors of both Küküchomo andSikyatki sought refuge in Awatobi after the prehistoric destruction oftheir pueblos, for both were peopled by clans which came from theeast, and naturally went to that village, the founders of whichmigrated from the same direction. 

KACHINBA

The small ruin at Kachinba, the halting place of the Kachina people, seems to have escaped the attention of students of Tusayan archeology. It lies about six miles from Sikyatki, about east of Walpi, and isapproached by following the trail at the foot of the same mesa uponwhich Küküchomo is situated. The ruin is located on a small foothilland has a few standing walls. It was evidently diminutive in size andonly temporarily inhabited. The best wall found at this ruin lies atthe base of the hill, where the spring formerly was. This spring isnow filled in, but a circular wall of masonry indicates its great sizein former times. 

TUKINOBI

There are evidences that the large hill on top of East Mesa, not farfrom the twin mounds, was once the site of a pueblo of considerablesize, but I have not been able to gather any definite legend about it. Near this ruin is the "Eagle shrine" in which round wooden imitationsof eagle eggs are ceremonially deposited, and in the immediatevicinity of which is another shrine near which tracks are cut in therock, and which were evidently considered by the Indian who pointedthem out to me as having been made by some bird. [46] It is probablyfrom these footprints, which are elsewhere numerous, that the tworuins called Küküchomo ("footprints mound") takes its name. 

JEDITOH VALLEY RUINS

As one enters Antelope valley, following the Holbrook road, he findshimself in what was formerly a densely populated region of Tusayan. This valley in former times was regarded as a garden spot, and theplain was covered with patches of corn, beans, squashes, and chile. The former inhabitants lived in pueblos on the northern side, high upon the mesa which separates Jeditoh valley from Keam's canyon. All ofthese pueblos are now in ruins, and only a few Navaho and Hopifamilies cultivate small tracts in the once productive fields. 

The majority of the series of ruins along the northern rim of Antelopevalley resemble Awatobi, which is later described in detail. It isinteresting to note that in the abandonment of villages the same lawappears to have prevailed here as in the other Tusayan mesas, for inthe shrinkage of the Hopi people they concentrated more and more tothe points of the mesas. Thus, at East Mesa, Sikyatki, Kachinba, andKüküchomo were destroyed, while Walpi remained. At Middle Mesa, Chukubi and Payüpki became ruins, and in Antelope valley Awatobi wasthe last of the Jeditoh series to fall. There has thus been a gradualtendency to drift from readily accessible locations to the mostimpregnable sites, which indicates how severely the Hopi must havebeen harassed by their foes. It is significant that some of the oldestpueblos were originally built in the most exposed positions, and itmay rightly be conjectured that the pressure on the villagers camelong after these sites were chosen. The ancient or original Hopi had asense of security when they built their first houses, and they, therefore, did not find it necessary to seek the protection of cliffs. Many of them lived in the valley of the Colorado Chiquito, others atKishuba. As time went on, however, they were forced, as were theirkindred in other pueblos, to move to inaccessible mesas guarded byvertical cliffs. 

Of the several ruins of Antelope valley, that on the mesa aboveJeditoh or Antelope spring is one of the largest and most interesting. Stephen calls this ruin Mishiptonga, and a plan of the old house isgiven by Mindeleff. 

The spring called Kawaika, situated near the former village of thesame name, was evidently much used by the ancient accolents ofAntelope valley. From this neighborhood there was excavated a fewyears ago a beautiful collection of ancient mortuary pottery objects, which was purchased by Mrs Mary Hemenway, of Boston, and is now in thePeabody Museum at Cambridge. These objects have never been adequatelydescribed, although a good illustration of some of the specimens, witha brief reference thereto, was published by James Mooney[47] a fewyears ago. 

Among the most striking objects in this collection are clay models ofhouses, dishes, and small vases with rims pierced with holes, andrectangular vessels ornamented with pictures of birds. There arespecimens of cream, yellow, red, and white pottery in the collectionwhich, judging by the small size of most of the specimens, wasapparently votive in character. 

The ruins called by Stephen "Horn-house" and "Bat-house, " as well asthe smaller ruin between them, have been described by Mindeleff, whohas likewise published plans of the first two. From their generalappearance I should judge they were not occupied for so long a time asAwatobi, and by a population considerably smaller. If all theseJeditoh pueblos were built by peoples from the Rio Grande, it ispossible that those around Jeditoh spring were the first founded andthat Awatobi was of later construction; but from the data at hand therelative age of the ruins of this part of Tusayan can not bedetermined. 

There are many ruins situated on the periphery of Tusayan which areconnected traditionally with the Hopi, but are not here mentioned. Ofthese, the so-called "Fire-house" is said to have been the home ofthe ancestors of Sikyatki, and Kintiel of certain Zuñi people akin tothe Hopi. Both of the ruins mentioned differ in their architecturalfeatures from characteristic prehistoric Tusayan ruins, for they arecircular in form, as are many of the ruins in the middle zone of thepueblo area. With these exceptions there are no circular ruins withinthe area over which the Hopi lay claim, and it is probable that theaccolents of Kintiel were more Zuñi than Hopi in kinship. 

Many ruins north of Oraibi and in the neighborhood of the farmingvillage of Moenkopi are attributed to the Hopi by their traditionists. The ruins about Kishyuba, connected with the Kachina people, alsobelong to Tusayan. These and many others doubtless offer mostimportant contributions to an exact knowledge of the prehistoricmigrations of this most interesting people. 

Among the many Tusayan ruins which offer good facilities forarcheological work, the two which I chose for that purpose are Awatobiand Sikyatki. My reasons for this choice may briefly be stated. 

Awatobi is a historic pueblo of the Hopi, which was more or less underSpanish influence between the years 1540 and 1700. When properlyinvestigated, in the light of archeology, it ought to present a goodpicture of Tusayan life before the beginning of the modificationswhich appear in the modern villages of that isolated province. While Iexpected to find evidences of Spanish occupancy, I also sought factsbearing on the character of Tusayan life in the seventeenth century. 

Sikyatki, however, showed us the character of Tusayan life in thefifteenth century, or the unmodified aboriginal pueblo culture of thissection of the Southwest. Here we expected to find Hopi cultureunmodified by Spanish influence. 

The three pueblos of Sikyatki, Awatobi, and Walpi, when properlystudied, will show the condition of pueblo culture in threecenturies--in Sikyatki, pure, unmodified pueblo culture; in Awatobi, pueblo life as slightly modified by the Spaniards, and in Walpi, thosechanges resulting from the advent of Americans superadded. Whilespecial attention has thus far been given by ethnologists mainly tothe last-mentioned pueblo, a study of the ruins of the other twovillages is of great value in showing how the modern life developedand what part of it is due to foreign influence. 

A knowledge of the inner life of the inhabitants of Tusayan as itexists today is a necessary prerequisite to the interpretation of theancient culture of that province; but we must always bear in mind theevolution of society and the influences of foreign origin which havebeen exerted on it. Many, possibly the majority, of modern customs atWalpi are inherited, but others are incorporated and still others, ofancient date, have become extinct. 

As much stress is laid in this memoir on the claim that objects fromSikyatki indicate a culture uninfluenced by the Spaniards, it is wellto present the evidence on which this assertion is based. 

(1) Hopi legends all declare that Sikyatki was destroyed before theSpaniards, called the "long-gowned" and "iron-shirted" men, came toTusayan. (2) Sikyatki is not mentioned by name in any documentaryaccount of Tusayan, although the other villages are named and arereadily identifiable with existing pueblos. (3) No fragment of glass, metal, or other object indicative of the contact of Europeancivilization was found anywhere in the ruin. If we add to the abovethe general appearance of age in the mounds and the depth of thedébris which has accumulated in the rooms and over the graves, we havethe main facts on which I have relied to support my belief thatSikyatki is a prehistoric ruin. 

AWATOBI

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RUIN

No Tusayan ruin offers to the archeologist a better picture of thecharacter of Hopi village life in the seventeenth century than thatknown as Awatobi (plate CVII). [48] It is peculiarly interesting asconnecting the prehistoric culture of Sikyatki and modern Tusayanlife, with which we have become well acquainted through recentresearch. Awatobi was one of the largest Tusayan pueblos in the middleof the sixteenth century, and continued to exist to the close of theseventeenth. It was therefore a historic pueblo. It had a mission, notices of which occur in historical documents of the period. From itspreponderance in size, no less than from its position, we may suspectthat it held relatively the same leadership among the other Antelopevalley ruins that Walpi does today to Sichomovi and Hano. 

The present condition of the ruins of Awatobi is in no respectpeculiar or different from that of the remains of prehistoricstructures, except that its mounds occupy a position on a mesa topcommanding a wide outlook over a valley. On its east it is hemmed inby extensive sand dunes, which also stretch to the north and west, receding from the village all the way from a few hundred yards to aquarter of a mile. On the south the ruins overlook the plain, and thesands on the west separate it from a canyon in which there are severalsprings, some cornfields, and one or two modern Hopi houses. There isno water in the valley which stretches away from the mesa on whichAwatobi is situated, and the foothills are only sparingly clothed withdesert vegetation. The mounds of the ruin have numerous clumps of_sibibi_ (_Rhus trilobata_), and are a favorite resort of Hopi womenfor the berries of this highly prized shrub. There is a solitary treemidway between the sand dunes west of the village and the westernmounds, near which we found it convenient to camp. The onlyinhabitants of the Awatobi mesa are a Navaho family, who haveappropriated, for the shade it affords, a dwarf cedar east of the oldmission walls. No land is cultivated, save that in the canyons abovementioned, west of the sand hills; some fair harvests are, however, still gathered from Antelope valley by the Navaho, especially in thesection higher up, near Jeditoh spring. 

The ruin may be approached from the road between Holbrook and Keam'sCanyon, turning to the left after climbing the mesa. This road, however, is not usually traveled, since it trends through thedifficult sand hills. As Keam's Canyon is the only place in thisregion at which to provision an expedition, it is usual to approachAwatobi from that side, the road turning to the right shortly afterone ascends the steep hill out of the canyon near Keam's trading post. 

My archeological work at Awatobi began on July 6, 1895, and wascontinued for two weeks, being abandoned on account of the defectionof my Hopi workmen, who left their work to attend the celebration ofthe _Niman_ or "Farewell" _katcina_, [49] a July festival in which manyof them participated. The ruin is conveniently situated for the bestarcheological results; it has a good spring near by, and is not farfrom Keam's Canyon, the base of supplies. The soil covering the rooms, however, is almost as hard as cement, and fragile objects, such aspottery, were often broken before their removal from the matrix. Aconsiderable quantity of débris had to be removed before the floorswere reached, and as this was firmly impacted great difficulty wasencountered in successful excavations. 

With a corps of trained workmen much better results than those weobtained might have been expected, and the experience which theIndians subsequently had at Sikyatki would have made my excavations atAwatobi, had they been carried on later in the season, moreremunerative. While my archeological work at certain points in theseinteresting mounds of Awatobi was more or less superficial, it was inother places thorough, and revealed many new facts in regard to theculture of the inhabitants of this most important pueblo. 

I found it inexpedient to dig in the burial places among the sanddunes, on account of the religious prejudices of my workmen. This fearthey afterward overcame to a certain extent, but never completelyoutgrew, although the cemeteries at Sikyatki were quite thoroughlyexcavated, yielding some of the most striking results of the summer'sexploration. The sand hills west of Sikyatki are often swept byviolent gales, by which the surface is continually changing, andmortuary pottery is frequently exposed. This has always been afavorite place for the collector, and many a beautiful food bowl hasbeen carried by the Indians from this cemetery to the trading store, for the natives do not seem to object to selling a vase or otherobject which they find on the surface, but rarely dig in the groundfor the purpose of obtaining specimens. 

NOMENCLATURE OF AWATOBI

The name Awatobi is evidently derived from _awata_, a bow (referringto the Bow clan, one of the strongest in the ancient pueblo), and_obi_, "high place of. " A derivation from _owa_, rock, has also beensuggested, but it seems hardly distinctive enough to be applicable, and is not accepted by the Hopi themselves. 

While the different pueblos of Tusayan were not specially mentioneduntil forty years after they were first visited, the name Awatobi isreadily recognized in the account of Espejo in 1583, where it iscalled Aguato, [50] which appears as Zaguato and Ahuato in Hakluyt. [51]In the time of Oñate (1598) the same name is written Aguatuybá. [52]Vetancurt, [53] about 1680, mentions the pueblo under the namesAguatobi and Ahuatobi, and in 1692, or twelve years after the greatrebellion, Vargas visited "San Bernardo de Aguatuvi, " ten leagues fromZuñi. The name appears on maps up to the middle of the eighteenthcentury, several years after its destruction. In more modern timesvarious older spellings have been adopted or new ones introduced. Among these may be mentioned:

AGUATUVÍ. Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, 231, 1858. AGUATUYA. Bandelier in Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, III, 85, 1892 (misquoting Oñate). AGUITOBI. Bandelier in Archæological Institute Papers, Am. Series, III, pt. 1, 115, 1890. AHUATU. Bandelier, ibid. , 115, 135. AHUATUYBA. Bandelier, ibid. , 109. AH-WAT-TENNA. Bourke, Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona, 195, 1884 (so called by a Tusayan Indian). AQUATASI. Walch, Charte America, 1805. AQUATUBI. Davis, Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, 368, 1869. ATABI-HOGANDI. Bourke, op. Cit. , 84, 1884 (Navaho name). AUA-TU-UI. Bandelier in Archæological Institute Papers, op. Cit. , IV, pt. 2, 368, 1892. A-WA-TE-U. Cushing in Atlantic Monthly, 367, September, 1882. AWATÚBI. Bourke, op. Cit. , 91, 1884. Á WAT U I. Cushing in Fourth Report Bureau of Ethnology, 493, 1886 (or Aguatóbi). ZAGNATO. Brackenridge, Early Spanish Discoveries, 19, 1857 (misprint of Hakluyt's Zaguato). ZAGUATE. Prince, New Mexico, 34, 1883 (misquoting Hakluyt). ZUGUATO. Hinton, Handbook to Arizona, 388, 1878 (misquoting Hakluyt). 

The Navaho name of the ruin, as is well known, is Talla-hogan, ordinarily translated "Singing-house, " and generally interpreted torefer to the mass said by the padres in the ancient church. It isprobable, however, that kivas were used as chambers where songs weresung in ceremonials prior to the introduction of Christianity. Therefore why Awatobi should preeminently be designated as the"Singing-house" is not quite apparent. 

The name of the mission, San Bernardino, [54] or San Bernardo, refersto its patron saint, and was first applied by Porras in honor of thenatal day of this saint, on which day, in 1629, he and his companionsarrived in Tusayan. 

HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE OF AWATOBI

The identification of Tusayan with the present country of the Hopidepends in great measure on the correct determination of the situationof Cibola. I have regarded as conclusive Bandelier's argument thatCibola comprised the group of pueblos inhabited by the Zuñi in thesixteenth century. [55] Regarding this as proven, Tusayan correspondswith the Hopi villages, of which Awatobi was one of the largest. Itlies in the same direction and about the same distance from Zuñi asstated in Castañeda's narrative. The fact that Cardenas passed throughTusayan when he went from Cibola to the Grand Canyon in 1540 is inperfect harmony with the identification of the Hopi villages withTusayan, and Zuñi with Cibola. Tobar, in Tusayan, heard of the greatriver to the west, and when he returned to the headquarters ofCoronado at Cibola the general dispatched Cardenas to investigate thetruth of the report. Cardenas naturally went to Tusayan where Tobarhad heard the news, and from there took guides who conducted him tothe Grand Canyon. Had the general been in any Hopi town at the time hesent Tobar, and later Cardenas, it is quite impossible to find anycluster of ruins which we can identify as Tusayan in the directionindicated. There can be no doubt that Tusayan was the modern Hopicountry, and with this in mind the question as to which Hopi pueblowas the one first visited by Tobar is worthy of investigation. 

In order to shed what light is possible on this question, I haveexamined the account by Castañeda, the letter of Coronado to Mendoza, and the description in the "Relacion del Suceso, " but find itdifficult to determine that point definitely. 

In Hakluyt's translation of Coronado's letter, it is stated that thehouses of the "cities" which Tobar was sent to examine were "ofearth, " and the "chiefe" of these towns is called "Tucano. " As thisletter was written before Coronado had received word from Tobarconcerning his discoveries, naturally we should not expect definiteinformation concerning the new province. Capt. Juan Jaramillo'saccount speaks of "Tucayan" as a province composed of seven towns, andstates that the houses are terraced. 

In the "Relacion del Suceso" we likewise find the province called"Tuzan" (Tusayan), and the author notes the resemblance of thevillages to Cibola, but he distinctly states that the inhabitantscultivated cotton. 

Castañeda's account, which is the most detailed, is that on which Ihave relied in my identification of Awatobi as the first Hopi puebloseen by the Spaniards. 

It seems that Don Pedro de Tobar was dispatched by Coronado to explorea province called Tusayan which was reported to be twenty-five leaguesfrom Cibola. He had in his command seventeen horsemen and one or twofoot-soldiers, and was accompanied by Friar Juan de Padilla. Theyarrived in the new province after dark and concealed themselves underthe edge of the mesa, so near that they heard the voices of theIndians in their houses. The natives, however, discovered them atdaylight drawn up in order, and came out to meet them armed withwooden clubs, bow and arrows, and carrying shields. The chief drew aline of sacred meal across the trail, and in that way symbolized thatthe entrance to their pueblo was closed to the intruders. During aparley, however, one of the men made a move to cross the line of meal, and an Indian struck his horse on the bridle. This opened hostilities, in which the Hopi were worsted, but apparently without loss of life. The vanquished brought presents of various kinds--cotton cloth, cornmeal, birds, skins, piñon nuts, and a few turquoises--and findinga good camping place near their pueblo, Tobar established headquartersand received homage from all the province. They allowed the Spaniardsto enter their villages and traded with them. [56]

Espejo's reference to Awatobi in 1583 leaves no doubt that the pueblowas in existence in that year, and while, of course, we can notdefinitely say that it was not built between 1540 and 1583, theindications are that it was not. Hopi traditions assert that it was inexistence when the Spaniards came, and the statement of the legendistswhom I have consulted are definite that the survivors of Sikyatki wentto Awatobi after the overthrow of the former pueblo. It would notappear, however, that Awatobi was founded prior to Sikyatki, nor is itstated that the refugees from Sikyatki built Awatobi, which is withinthe bounds of possibility, but it seems to be quite generally concededthat the Sikyatki tragedy antedated the arrival of the firstSpaniards. 

There can, I think, be no doubt that the Hopi pueblo first entered byPedro de Tobar, in 1540, was Awatobi, and that the first conflict ofSpanish soldiers and Hopi warriors, which occurred at that time, tookplace on the well-known Zuñi trail in Antelope valley, not far fromJeditoh or Antelope spring. This pueblo is the nearest village toCibola (Zuñi), from which Tobar came, and as he took the Zuñi trail hewould naturally first approach this village, even if the other puebloson the rim of this valley were inhabited. It is interesting toconsider a few lines from Castañeda, describing the event of thatepisode, to see how closely the site of Awatobi conforms to thenarrative. In Castañeda's account of Tobar's visit we find that thelatter with his command entered Tusayan so secretly that theirpresence was unknown to the inhabitants, and they traversed acultivated plain without being seen, so that, we are told, theyapproached the village near enough to hear the voices of the Indianswithout being discovered. Moreover, the Indians, the narrative says, had a habit of descending to their cultivated fields, which impliesthat they lived on a mesa top. Awatobi was situated on a mesa, and thecultivated fields were in exactly the position indicated. The habit ofretiring to their pueblo at night is still observed, or was to withina few years. Tobar arrived at the edge of Antelope valley after dark(otherwise he would have been discovered), crossed the cultivatedfields under cover of night, and camped under the town at the base ofthe mesa. The soldiers from that point could readily hear the voicesof the villagers above them. Even at the base of the lofty East Mesa Ihave often heard the Walpi people talking, while the words of the towncrier are intelligible far out on the plain. From the configuration ofthe valley it would not, however, have been easier for Awatobians tohave seen the approaching Spaniards than for the Walpians; still itwas possible for the invaders to conceal their approach to Walpi inthe same way. If, however, the first pueblo approached was Walpi, andTobar followed the Zuñi trail, I think he would have been discoveredby the Awatobi people before nightfall if he entered the cultivatedfields early in the evening. It would be incredible to believe that hewandered from the trail; much more likely he went directly to Awatobi, the first village en route, and then encamped until the approach ofday before entering the pueblo. At sunrise the inhabitants, earlystirring, detected the presence of the intruders, and the warriorswent down the mesa to meet them. They had already heard from Cibola ofthe strange beings, men mounted on animals which were said to devourenemies. 

It may seem strange that the departure of an expedition againstTusayan was unknown to the Hopi, but the narrative leads us to believethat such was the fact. The warriors descended to the plain, and theirchief drew a line of sacred meal across the trail to symbolize thatthe way to their pueblo was closed; whoever crossed it was an enemy, and punishment should be meted out to him. This custom is stillpreserved in several ceremonials at the present day, as, for instance, in the New-fire rites[57] in November and in the Flute observance inJuly. [58] The priests say that in former times whoever crossed a lineof meal drawn on the trail at that festival was killed, and even nowthey insist that no one is allowed to pass a closed trail. The Awatobiwarriors probably warned Tobar and his comrades not to advance, butthe symbolic barrier was not understood by them. The Spaniards werenot there to parley long, and it is probable that their purpose was toengage in a quarrel with the Indians. Urged on by the priest, Juan dePadilla, "who had been a soldier in his youth, " they charged theIndians and overthrew a number, driving the others before them. Theimmediate provocation for this, according to the historian, was thatan Indian struck one of the horses on the bridle, at which the holyfather, losing patience, exclaimed to his captain, "Why are we here?"which was interpreted as a sign for the assault. 

It must, however, be confessed that if the pueblo of Walpi was thefirst discovered an approach by stealth without being seen would havebeen easier for Tobar if the village referred to was Walpi thensituated on the Ash-hill terrace, with the East Mesa between it andthe Zuñi trail. To offset this probability, however, is the fact thatthe Zuñi trail now runs through Awatobi, or in full view of it andthere is hardly a possibility that Tobar left that trail to avoidAwatobi. He would naturally visit the first village, and not go out ofhis way seven miles beyond it, seeking a more distant pueblo. 

The effect of this onslaught on men armed with spears, clubs, andleather shields can be imagined, and the encounter seems to havediscouraged the Awatobi warriors from renewed resistance. They fled, but shortly afterward brought presents as a sign of submission, whenTobar called off his men. Thus was the entry of the Spaniards intoTusayan marked with bloodshed for a trifling offense. Shortlyafterward Tobar entered the village and received the completesubmission of the people. 

The names of the Tusayan pueblos visited by Tobar in this firstentrance are nowhere mentioned in the several accounts which have comedown to us. Forty years later, however, the Spaniards returned andfound the friendly feeling of Awatobi to the visitors had not lapsed. When Espejo approached the town in 1583, over the same Zuñi trail, themultitudes with their caciques met him with great joy and poured maize(sacred meal?) on the ground for the horses to walk upon. This wassymbolic of welcome; they "made" the trail, a ceremony which is stillkept up when entrance to the pueblo is formally offered. [59]

The people, considering their poverty, were generous, and gave Espejo"hand towels with tassels" at the corners. These were probably dancekilts and ceremonial blankets, which then, as now, the Hopi made ofcotton. 

The pueblo, called "Aguato" in the account of that visit, was withoutdoubt Awatobi. The name Aguatuybá, mentioned by Oñate, is alsodoubtless the same, although, as pointed out to me by Mr Hodge, "through an error probably of the copyist or printer, the nameAguatuybá is inadvertently given by Oñate among his list of Hopichiefs, while Esperiez is mentioned among the pueblos. " In Oñate'slist we recognize Oraibi in "Naybi, " and Shuñopovi in "Xumupamí" and"Comupaví, " the most westerly town of the Middle Mesa. "Cuanrabi" and"Esperiez" are not recognizable as pueblos. 

Espejo, therefore, appears to have been the first to mention Awatobias "Aguato, " which is metamorphosed in Hakluyt into "Zaguato or"Ahuzto, "[60] although evidently Oñate's "Aguatuybá" was intended as aname of a pueblo. 

I have not been able to determine satisfactorily the date of theerection of the mission building of San Bernardino at Awatobi, but thename is mentioned as early as 1629. In that year three friars went toTusayan and began active efforts to convert the Hopi. [61]

It is recorded[62] that Padre Porras, with Andres Gutierrez, Cristovalde la Concepcion, and ten soldiers, arrived in Tusayan, "dia delglorioso San Bernardo (que és el apellido que aora tiene aquelpueblo), " which leaves no doubt why the mission at Awatobi was sonamed. Although an apostate Indian had spread the report, previouslyto the advent of these priests in Tusayan, that the Spaniards werecoming among them to burn their pueblos, rob their homes, anddevour[63] their children, the zealous missionaries in 1629 convertedmany of the chiefs and baptized their children. The cacique, DonAugustin, who appears to have been baptized at Awatobi, apparentlylived in Walpi or at the Middle Mesa, and returning to his pueblo, prepared the way for a continuation of the apostolic work in thevillages of the other mesas. 

But the missionary labors of Porras came to an untimely end. It iswritten that by 1633 he had made great progress in converting theHopi, but in that year, probably at Awatobi, he was poisoned. Of thefate of his two companions and the success of their work little isknown, but it is recorded that the succession of padres was notbroken up to the great rebellion in 1680. Figueroa, who was massacredat Awatobi in that year, went to Tusayan in 1674 with Aug. Sta. Marie. Between the death of Porras and the arrival of Figueroa there was aninterval of eleven years, during which time the two comrades of Porrasor Espeleta, who went to Tusayan in 1650, took charge of the spiritualwelfare of the Hopi. Espeleta and Aug. Sta. Marie were killed in 1680at San Francisco de Oraibi and Walpi, respectively, and José Trujilloprobably lost his life at Old Shuñopovi at the same time. As there isno good reason to suppose that Awatobi, one of the most populousTusayan pueblos, was neglected by the Spanish missionaries after thedeath of Porras in 1633, and as it was the first pueblo encountered onthe trail from Zuñi, doubtless San Bernardino was one of the earliestmissions erected in Tusayan. From 1680 until 1692, the period ofindependence resulting from the great Pueblo revolt, there was nopriest in Tusayan, nor, indeed, in all New Mexico. Possibly themission was repaired between 1692 and 1700, but it is probable that itwas built as early as the time Porras lived in Awatobi. It isexplicitly stated that in the destruction of Awatobi in 1700 nomissionaries were killed, although it is recorded that early in thatyear Padre Garaycoechea made it a visit. 

The disputes between the Jesuits and Franciscans to obtain the Hopifield for missionary work during the eighteenth century naturallyfalls in another chapter of Spanish-Tusayan history. Aside fromsporadic visits to the pueblos, nothing tangible appears to haveresulted from the attempts at conversion in this epoch. True, manyapostates were induced to return to their old homes on the Rio Grandeand some of the Hopi frequently asked for resident priests, makingplausible offers to protect them; but the people as a whole werehostile, and the mission churches were never rebuilt, nor did thefathers again live in this isolated province. 

In 1692 Awatobi was visited by Don Diego de Vargas, the reconquerer ofNew Mexico, who appears to have had no difficulty bringing to termsthe pueblos of Awatobi, Walpi, Mishoñinovi, and Shuñopovi. [64] Hefound, however, that Awatobi was "fortified, " and the entrance sonarrow that but one man could enter at a time. The description leadsus to conclude that the fortification was the wall at the eastern end, and the entrance the gateway, the sides of which are still to be seen. The plaza in which the cross was erected was probably just north ofthe walls of the mission. 

There would seem to be no doubt that a mission building was standingat Awatobi before 1680, for Vetancurt, writing about the year named, states that in the uprising it was burned. [65] At the time of thevisit of Garaycoechea, in the spring of 1700, he found that themission had been rebuilt. In this connection it is instructive, asbearing on the probable cause of the destruction of Awatobi, to findthat while the inhabitants of this pueblo desired to have the missionrehabilitated, the other Tusayan pueblos were so hostile that thefriends of the priest in Awatobi persuaded him not to attempt to visitthe other villages. This warning was no doubt well advised, and thetragic fate which befell Awatobi before the close of the year showsthat the trouble was brewing when the padre was there, and possiblyGaraycoechea's visit hastened the catastrophe or intensified thehatred of the other pueblos. 

At the time of Garaycoechea's visit he baptized, it is said, 73persons. This rite was particularly obnoxious[66] to the Hopi, asindeed to the other Pueblo Indians, notwithstanding they performedpractically the same ceremony in initiations into their own secretsocieties. The Awatobians, however, or at least some of them, allowedthis rite of the Christians, thus intensifying the hatred of the moreconservative of their own village and of the neighboring pueblos. These and other facts seem to indicate that the real cause of thedestruction of Awatobi was the reception of Christianity by itsinhabitants, which the other villagers regarded as sorcery. Theconservative party, led by Tapolo, opened the gate of the town to thewarriors of Walpi and Mishoñinovi, who slaughtered the liberals, thuseffectually rooting out the new faith from Tusayan, for after thattime it never again obtained a foothold. 

The visit of Padre Juan Garaycoechea to Tusayan was at the invitationof Espeleta, chief of Oraibi, but he went no farther than Awatobi, where he baptized the 73 Hopi. He then returned to the "governor, " andarrived at Zuñi in June. According to Bancroft (p. 222), "In the'Moqui Noticias' MS. , 669, it is stated that the other Moquis, angrythat Aguatuvi had received the padres, came and attacked the pueblo, killed all the men, and carried off all the women and children, leaving the place for many years deserted. " Although I have not beenable to consult the document quoted, this conclusion corresponds soclosely with Hopi tradition that I believe it is practically true, although Bancroft unfortunately closes the quotation I have made fromhis account with the words, "I think this must be an error. " Espeleta, the Oraibi chief, and 20 companions were in Santa Fé in October, 1700, and proposed a peace in which the Hopi asked for religious toleration, which Governor Cubero refused. As a final appeal he desired that thefathers should not permanently reside with them, but should visit onepueblo each year for six years; but this request was also rejected. Espeleta returned to Oraibi, and immediately on his appearance anunsuccessful attempt was made to destroy Awatobi, followed, asrecounted in the legend, by a union with Walpi and Mishoñinovi, bywhich the liberal-minded villagers of the Antelope mesa wereoverthrown. Documentary and legendary accounts are thus in strictaccord regarding the cause of the destruction. 

The meager fragmentary historical evidence that can be adduced showsthat the destruction of Awatobi occurred in the autumn or early winterof 1700. In May of that year we have the account of the visitingpadre, and in the summer when Espeleta was at Santa Fé, the pueblo wasflourishing. The month of November would have been a favorable one forthe destruction of the town for the reason that during this time thewarriors would all be engaged in secret kiva rites. The legend relatesthat the overthrow of the pueblo was at the _Naacnaiya_, [67] which nowtakes place in November. 

For many years after its destruction the name of Awatobi was stillretained on maps including the Tusayan province, and there existseveral published references to the place as if still inhabited; butthese appear to be compilations, as no traveler visited the sitesubsequently to 1700. It is never referred to in writings of theeighteenth or first half of the nineteenth centuries, and its siteattracted no attention. The ruins remained unidentified until about1884, when the late Captain J. G. Bourke published his book on the"Snake Dance of the Moquis, " in which he showed that the ruin calledby the Navaho Tally-hogan was the old Awatobi which played such aprominent part in early Tusayan history. 

The ruin was described and figured a few years later by Mr VictorMindeleff in his valuable memoir on Cibola and Tusayan architecture. Bourke's reference is very brief and Mindeleff's plan deficient, as itincludes only a portion of the ruin, namely, the conspicuous missionwalls and adjacent buildings, overlooking entirely the older orwestern mounds, which are the most characteristic. In 1892 I publishedthe first complete ground-plan of the ruins of Awatobi, including botheastern and western sections. As Mindeleff's plan is defective, hischaracterization of the architectural features of the pueblo isconsequently faulty. He says: "The plan suggests that the originalpueblo was built about three sides of a rectangular court, the fourthor southeast side, later occupied by the mission buildings, being leftopen or protected by a low wall. " While the eastern portionundoubtedly supports this conclusion, had he examined the western ormain section he would doubtless have qualified his conclusion (plateCVII). This portion was compact, without a rectangular court, and wasof pyramidal form. The eastern section was probably of laterconstruction, and the mission was originally built outside the mainpueblo, although probably a row of rooms of very ancient date extendedalong the northern side opposite the church. As it was customary inTusayan to isolate the kivas, these rooms in Awatobi were probablyextramural and may have been situated in this eastern court, but themajority of the people lived in the western section. The architectureof the mission and adjacent rooms shows well-marked Spanish influence, which is wholly absent in the buildings forming the western mounds. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVII

GROUND PLAN OF AWATOBI]

LEGEND OF THE DESTRUCTION OF AWATOBI

The legend of the overthrow of Awatobi is preserved in detail amongthe living villagers of Tusayan, and like all stories which have beentransmitted for several generations exist in several variants, differing in episodes, but coinciding in general outlines. In theabsence of contemporary documentary history, which some time maypossibly be brought to light, the legends are the only available dataregarding an event of great importance in the modern history ofTusayan. 

I have obtained the legends from Supela, Shimo, [68] Masiumptiwa, andSaliko, and the most complete appears to be that of the lastmentioned. The others dilated more on the atrocities which werecommitted on the bodies of the unfortunate captives, and the torturesendured before they were killed. All show traces of modification, incorporation, and modern invention. 

_Destruction of Awatobi as related by Saliko_[69]

 "The chiefs Wiki and Shimo, and others, have told you their stories, and surely their ancestors were living here at Walpi when Awatobi was occupied. It was a large village, and many people lived there, and the village chief was called Tapolo, but he was not at peace with his people, and there were quarreling and trouble. Owing to this conflict only a little rain fell, but the land was fertile and fair harvests were still gathered. The Awatobi men were bad (_powako_, sorcerers). Sometimes they went in small bands among the fields of the other villagers and cudgeled any solitary worker they found. If they overtook any woman they ravished her, and they waylaid hunting parties, taking the game, after beating and sometimes killing the hunters. There was considerable trouble in Awatobi, and Tapolo sent to the Oraibi chief asking him to bring his people and kill the evil Awatobians. The Oraibi came and fought with them, and many were killed on both sides, but the Oraibi were not strong enough to enter the village, and were compelled to withdraw. On his way back the Oraibi chief stopped at Walpi and talked with the chiefs there. Said he, 'I can not tell why Tapolo wants the Oraibi to kill his folks, but we have tried and have not succeeded very well. Even if we did succeed, what benefit would come to us who live too far away to occupy the land? You Walpi people live close to them and have suffered most at their hands; it is for you to try. ' While they were talking Tapolo had also come, and it was then decided that other chiefs of all the villages should convene at Walpi to consult. Couriers were sent out, and when all the chiefs had arrived Tapolo declared that his people had become sorcerers (Christians), and hence should all be destroyed. 

 "It was then arranged that in four days large bands from all the other villages should prepare themselves, and assemble at a spring not far from Awatobi. A long while before this, when the Spaniards lived there, they had built a wall on the side of the village that needed protection, and in this wall was a great, strong door. Tapolo proposed that the assailants should come before dawn, and he would be at this door ready to admit them, and under this compact he returned to his village. During the fourth night after this, as agreed upon, the various bands assembled at the deep gulch spring, and every man carried, besides his weapons, a cedar-bark torch and a bundle of greasewood. Just before dawn they moved silently up to the mesa summit, and, going directly to the east side of the village, they entered the gate, which opened as they approached. In one of the courts was a large kiva, and in it were a number of men engaged in sorcerer's rites. The assailants at once made for the kiva, and plucking up the ladder, they stood around the hatchway, shooting arrows down among the entrapped occupants. In the numerous cooking pits fire had been maintained through the night for the preparation of food for a feast on the appointed morning, and from these they lighted their torches. Great numbers of these and the bundles of greasewood being set on fire, they were cast down the hatchway, and firewood from stacks upon the house terraces were also thrown into the kiva. The red peppers for which Awatobi was famous were hanging in thick clusters along the fronts of the houses, and these they crushed in their hands and flung upon the blazing fire in the kiva to further torment their burning occupants. After this, all who were capable of moving were compelled to travel or drag themselves until they came to the sand-hills of Mishoñinovi, and there the final disposition of the prisoners was made. 

 "My maternal ancestor had recognized a woman chief (_Mamzrau moñwi_), and saved her at the place of massacre called Maski, and now he asked her whether she would be willing to initiate the woman of Walpi in the rites of the _Mamzrau_. She complied, and thus the observance of the ceremonial called the Mamzráuti came to Walpi. I can not tell how it came to the other villages. This Mamzrau-moñwi had no children, and hence my maternal ancestor's sister became chief, and her _tiponi_ (badge of office) came to me. Some of the other Awatobi women knew how to bring rain, and such of them as were willing to teach their songs were spared and went to different villages. The Oraibi chief saved a man who knew how to cause peaches to grow, and that is why Oraibi has such an abundance of peaches now. The Mishoñinovi chief saved a prisoner who knew how to make the sweet, small-ear corn grow, and that is why it is more abundant there than elsewhere. All the women who knew song prayers and were willing to teach them were spared, and no children were designedly killed, but were divided among the villages, most of them going to Mishoñinovi. The remainder of the prisoners, men and women, were again tortured and dismembered and left to die on the sand hills, and there their bones are, and that is the reason the place is called _Maschomo_ (Death-mound). This is the story of Awatobi told by my old people. "

All variants of the legend are in harmony in this particular, thatAwatobi was destroyed by the other Tusayan pueblos, and thatMishoñinovi, Walpi, and probably Oraibi and Shuñopovi participated inthe deed. A grievance that would unite the other villagers againstAwatobi must have been a great one, indeed, and not a mere disputeabout water or lands. The more I study the real cause, hidden in theterm _powako_, "wizard" or "sorcerer, " the more I am convinced thatthe progress Christianity was making in Awatobi, after the reconquestof the Pueblos in 1692, explains the hostility of the other villagers. The party favoring the Catholic fathers in Awatobi was increasing, andthe other Tusayan pueblos watched its growth with alarm. They foresawthat it heralded the return of the hated domination of the priests, associated in their minds with practical slavery, and they decided onthe tragedy, which was carried out with all the savagery of whichtheir natures were capable. 

They greatly feared the return of the Spanish soldiers, as the epochof Spanish rule, mild though it may have been, was held in universaldetestation. Moreover, after the reconquest of the Rio Grande pueblos, many apostates fled to Tusayan and fanned the fires of hatred againstthe priests. Walpi received these malcontents, who came in numbers afew years later. Among these arrivals were Tanoan warriors and theirfamilies, part of whom were ancestors of the present inhabitants ofHano. 

It was no doubt hoped that the destruction of Awatobi wouldeffectually root out the growing Christian influence, which it in factdid; and for fifty years afterward Tusayan successfully resisted allefforts to convert it. Franciscans from the east and Jesuits from theGila in the south strove to get a new hold, but they never succeededin rebuilding the missions in this isolated province, which wasgenerally regarded as independent. 

From the scanty data I have been able to collect from historical andlegendary sources, it seems probable that Awatobi was always moreaffected by the padres than were the other Tusayan pueblos. This wasthe village which was said to have been "converted" by Padre Porras, whose work, after his death by poison in 1633, was no doubt continuedby his associates and successors. About 1680, as we learn fromdocumentary accounts, the population of Awatobi was 800, [70] and itwas probably not much smaller in 1700, the time of its destruction. 

EVIDENCES OF FIRE IN THE DESTRUCTION

Wherever excavations were conducted in the eastern section of Awatobi, we could not penetrate far below the surface without encounteringunmistakable evidences of a great conflagration. The effect of thefire was particularly disastrous in the rooms of the eastern section, or that part of the pueblo contiguous to the mission. Hardly a singleobject was removed from this part of Awatobi that had not beencharred. Many of the beams were completely burned; others were charredonly on their surfaces. The rooms were filled with ashes and scoriæ, while the walls had been cracked as if by intense heat. 

Perhaps the most significant fact in regard to the burning of Awatobiwas seen in some of the houses where the fire seems to have been lessintense. In many chambers of the eastern section, which evidently wereused as granaries, the corn was stacked in piles just as it is todayunder many of the living rooms at Walpi, a fact which tends to showthat there was no attempt to pillage the pueblo before itsdestruction. The ears of corn in these store-rooms were simplycharred, but so well preserved that entire ears of maize werecollected in great numbers. It may here be mentioned that upon one ofthe stacks of corn I found during my excavations for the HemenwayExpedition in 1892, a rusty iron knife-blade, showing that the ownerof the room was acquainted with objects of Spanish manufacture. Thisblade is now deposited with the Hemenway collection in the PeabodyMuseum at Cambridge. 

THE RUINS OF THE MISSION

The mission church of San Bernardino de Awatobi was erected very earlyin the history of the Spanish occupancy, and its ruined walls are theonly ones now standing above the surface. This building wasconstructed by the padres on a mesa top, while the churches at Walpiand Shuñopovi were built in the foothills near those pueblos. Themission at Oraibi likewise stood on a mesa top, so that we mustqualify Mindeleff's statement[71] that "at Tusayan there is noevidence that a church or mission house ever formed part of thevillages on the mesa summits. . . . These summits have been extensivelyoccupied only in comparatively recent time, although one or morechurches may have been built here at an early date as outlooks overthe fields in the valley below. "

At the time of the Spanish invasion three of the Hopi villages stoodon the foothills or lower terraces of the mesas on which they nowstand, and the other two, Awatobi and Oraibi, occupied the same sitesas today, on the summits of the mesas. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVIII

RUINS OF SAN BERNARDINO DE AWATOBI]

I believe that at the time of the Spanish discovery of Tusayan byPedro de Tobar in 1540, there were only five Tusayan towns--Walpi, Awatobi, Shuñopovi, Mishoñinovi, and Oraibi. Later, Awatobi wasdestroyed, and shortly after 1680 Walpi, the only East Mesa town, together with Mishoñinovi and Shuñopovi, on the Middle Mesa, weremoved to the elevated sites they now occupy. Oraibi, therefore, isprobably the only Tusayan pueblo, at present inhabited, which occupiespractically the same site that it did in 1540. 

In their excavations for the foundations of new houses the presentinhabitants of Oraibi often find, as I am informed by Mr H. R. Voth, the missionary at that place, vessels or potsherds of ancient Tusayanware closely resembling that which is found in the ruins of Sikyatkiand Awatobi. 

The mission building at Awatobi, known in the church history of NewMexico and Arizona as San Bernardo or San Bernardino, was reputed tobe the largest in Tusayan, and its walls are still the best preservedof any mission structure in that province. This, however, does notimply that the church structures of Tusayan are well preserved, forthe mission buildings at Walpi have wholly disappeared, while atOraibi little more than a pile of stones remains. Of the Shuñopovimission of San Bernabe there are no standing walls save at one end, which are now used as a sheep corral. 

The mission of San Bernardino de Awatobi was built on the southernside of the eastern part of the pueblo on the edge of the cliff, andits walls are the only ones of Awatobi now standing above ground. Fromthe situation of these walls, as compared with the oldest part ofAwatobi--the western mounds--I believe that San Bernardino missionwas, when erected, beyond the limits of the pueblo proper--a customalmost universally followed in erecting pueblo missionchurches--necessary in this instance, since from the compactness ofthe village there was no other available site. The same was true ofthe missions of Oraibi and Shuñopovi, and probably of Old Walpi. Astime passed additional buildings were erected near it, this eastwardextension altering the original plan of the town, but in no wayaffecting the configuration of the older portion. 

From its commanding position on the edge of the mesa the mission wallsmust have presented an imposing appearance from the plain below, rising as they did almost continuously with the side of the cliff, making a conspicuous structure for miles across Antelope valley, fromwhich its crumbling walls are still visible (plate CVIII). 

When compared with the masonry of unmodified pueblo ruins the walls ofthe mission may be designated massive, and excavation at theirfoundations was very difficult on account of the great amount ofdébris which had fallen about them. With the limited force of laborersat my command the excavations could not be conducted with a greatdegree of thoroughness. 

In the middle of what I supposed to have been the main church therewas much sand, evidently drift, and in it I sank a trench 10 feetbelow the surface without reaching anything which I considered afloor. We found in excavations at the foundation of the church wallsfragments of glass, several copper nails, a much-corroded iron hook, acopper bell pivot, and fragments of Spanish pottery. From thecharacter of these objects alone there is no doubt in my mind of theformer existence of Spanish influence, and the method of constructionof the mission walls and the addition constructed of adobe containingchopped straw, substantiate this conclusion. Supposing, from thearchitecture and orientation of other New Mexican missions, that thealtar was at the western end, opposite the entrance to the church, Isank a trench along the foundation of the wall on that side, butencountered such a mass of fallen stone at that point that I found itimpossible to make much progress, and the fact that the floor was morethan 10 feet below the surface of the central depression led me toabandon, as impossible with my little band of native excavators, thelaying bare of the floor of the church. 

[Illustration: FIG. 255--Ground plan of San Bernardino de Awatobi]

The ground plan (figure 255) of the mission resembles that of the Zuñichurch, and is not unlike the plans of the churches in the Rio Grandepueblos. The tall buttresses, which rise 15 or 20 feet above the trailup the mesa on the southern corner, are, I believe, remnants oftowers which formerly supported a balcony. During a previous visit toTusayan I obtained fragments[72] of the ancient bell, which are now onexhibition in the Hemenway section of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge. 

The stone walls of the mission were rarely dressed or carefullyfitted, the interstices being filled in with loose rubble laid inadobe. There was apparently a gallery over the entrance to thebuilding overlooking many smaller buildings, which evidently were thequarters of the resident priest. The construction of the walls wasapparently a laborious task, as many of the stones are large and musthave been brought a considerable distance. These stones were laid inadobe, and apparently were plastered without and within, althoughlittle evidence of the former plastering may now be seen. At thenorthwestern corner, however, there still remain well-made adobewalls, the clay having been intermixed with straw. From the generalappearance of these walls I regard them as of late construction, probably long after the destruction of the mission. 

An examination of the plan of the mission building shows that it wasoriented about north and south, with the entrance toward the latterdirection. Compared with many other pueblo missions, this would seemto be an exceptional position. In my excavations I naturally soughtthe probable position of the entrance and, opposite it, the recess forthe altar. It is evident, from the form of the standing walls, that anentrance from the east would be blocked by standing walls, and theaxis of the building is north and south. The theory that the door wasat the south has much in its favor, but there are several almost fatalobjections to this conclusion. 

If, however, we suppose that the entrance was in the south wall, thehigh walls still standing above the trail up the mesa would thenrecall the façades of other missions. The rooms east of the largestinclosure, by this interpretation, would be outbuildings--residencerooms for the padres--one side of which forms the eastern walls of thechurch edifice. The form of the Awatobi church, as indicated by thewalls still standing, is very similar to that of Zuñi, notwithstandingthe orientation appears to be somewhat different. 

Excavations failed to reveal any sign of the altar recess at eitherthe northern or the western end, which is not surprising, since thewalls are so poorly preserved in both these directions. It was, moreover, very difficult to make a satisfactory examination of thefoundations of the walls at any point on account of the fallenstories, which encumbered the floor at their bases. 

From the appearance of antiquity it seems probable that long beforethe mission buildings were erected a ridge of many-storied housesextended eastward from the pueblo on the northern side of a levelspace or court, in which there were, either then or later, ceremonialchambers or kivas. The southern side of this open space was the siteof the mission, but was then unoccupied. This open space recalls thelarge court at Walpi, where the Snake dance occurs, but it wasconsiderably broader, one side being formed by the structures whichrose from the edge of the mesa. In course of time, however, themission buildings were erected on this site, and a wall connecting theridge of houses on the north and the outhouses of the mission wasmade, thus inclosing the court on all four sides. It was into thisinclosure, through a gateway, the buttresses of which still remain, that the assailants passed on that eventful night when Awatobi wasdestroyed. 

There is good evidence that a massacre of Awatobians occurred in thesoutheastern angle of the eastern part of the pueblo, just east of themission. If so, it is probable that many of the unfortunates soughtrefuge in the outbuildings of the church. Suspecting that such was thecase, I excavated a considerable space of ground at these places andfound many human skulls and other bones thrown together in confusion. The earth was literally filled with bones, evidently hastily placedthere or left where the dead fell. These bodies were not buried withpious care, for there were no fragments of mortuary pottery or otherindication of burial objects. Many of the skulls were broken, somepierced with sharp implements. While it is true that possibly this mayhave been a potter's field, or, from its position east of the mission, a Christian burial place, as at Zuñi, the evidence from the appearanceof the bodies points to a different conclusion. According to thelegends, the hostiles entered the pueblo through the adjacent gateway;their anger led them especially against those of the inhabitants whowere regarded as _powako_ or sorcerers, and their first acts ofviolence would naturally have been toward those who sought refuge inthe buildings adjacent the church. Near this hated "Singing-house" theslaughter began, soon extending to the kivas and the whole of theeastern section of the village. There was no evidence of murderousdeeds in the rooms of the western section of the old pueblo, and thelegends agree in relating that most of the men were in kivas, not farfrom the mission, when the village was overthrown. There is nolegendary evidence that there were any Spanish priests in the missionat the time of its destruction, and there is no record extant of anySpaniards losing their lives at Awatobi at the time of itsdestruction, although the fact of the occurrence, according toBandelier, [73] was recorded. 

The traditional clans which inhabited Awatobi were the Awata (Bow), Honani (Badger), Piba (Tobacco), and Buli (Butterfly). The Bow peopleappear to have been the most important of these, since their name wasapplied to the village. Their totemic signatures, in pictographicform, may still be seen on the sides of the cliff under Awatobi, andin the ruins was found a fine arrowshaft polisher on which was anincised drawing of a bow and an arrow, suggesting that the owner was amember of the Bow phratry. Saliko, the chief of the woman's societyknown as the Mamzrautû, insists that this priesthood was strong in thefated pueblo, and that a knowledge of its mysteries was brought toWalpi by one of the women who was saved. 

It is claimed by the folklorists of the Tataukyamû, a priesthoodwhich, controls the New-fire ceremonies at Walpi, and is prominent inthe Soyaluña, or the rites of the winter solstice, that the Piba orTobacco phratry brought the fetishes of that society to Walpi, andthere are many obscurely known resemblances between the Mamzrauti andthe Wüwütcimti celebrations in Walpi which appear to support thatclaim. The Piba phratry is likewise said to have come to Walpicomparatively late in the history of the village, which fact pointsthe same way. 

Undoubtedly Awatobi received additions to its population from thesouth when the pueblos on the Little Colorado were abandoned, andthere are obscure legends which support that belief; but the largestnumbers were recruited from the pueblos in the eastern section of thecountry. [74]

THE KIVAS OF AWATOBI

A pueblo of the size of Awatobi, with so many evidences of longoccupancy, would no doubt have several ceremonial chambers or kivas, but as yet no one has definitely indicated their positions. I havealready called attention to evidences that if they existed they wereprobably to be looked for in the open court east of the western moundsand in the space north of the mission. In all the inhabited Tusayanpueblos the kivas are separated from the house clusters and aresurrounded by courts or dance plazas. No open spaces existed in themain or western mounds of Awatobi, and there was no place there forkivas unless the pueblo was exceptional in having such structuresbuilt among the dwellings, as at Zuñi. A tradition has survived thatAwatobi had regular kivas, partially subterranean, of rectangularshape, and that they were situated in open courts. This would indicatethat the space east of the oldest part of the ruin may have been thesites of these chambers. The old priests whom I have consulted inregard to the probable positions of Awatobi kivas have invariablypointed out the mounds north of the mission walls in the easternsection of the ruin as the location of the kivas, and in 1892 I provedto my satisfaction that these directions were correct. 

There is no reason to suppose that the kiva was a necessity in theancient performance of the Tusayan ritual, and there are stillperformed many ceremonials as secret and as sacred as any others whichoccur in rooms used as dwellings or for the storage of corn. Thus, theFlute ceremony, one of the most complicated in Tusayan, is not, andaccording to legends never was, performed in a kiva. On the contrary, the secret rites of the Flute society are performed in the ancestralFlute chamber or home of the oldest woman of the Flute clan. Originally, I believe, the same was true in the case of otherceremonials, and that the kiva was of comparatively recentintroduction into Tusayan. [75]

Speaking of the sacred rooms of Awatobi, Mindeleff says: "No traces ofkivas were visible at the time the ruin was surveyed, " but Stephen isquoted in a legend that "the people of Walpi had partly cleaned outone of these chambers and used it as a depository for ceremonialplume-sticks, but the Navaho carried off their sacred deposits, tempted probably by their market value as ethnologic specimens. " It istrue that while from a superficial examination of the Awatobi moundsthe position of the kivas is difficult to locate, a little excavationbrings their walls to light. It is likewise quite probable that thelegend reported by Stephen has a basis in fact, and that the people atWalpi may have used old shrines in Awatobi, after its destruction, asthe priests of Mishoñinovi do at the present time; but I very muchdoubt if the Navaho sold any of the sacred prayer emblems from thesefanes. It is hardly characteristic of these people to barter suchobjects among one another, and no specimens from the shrines appear tohave made their way into the numerous collections of traders known tome. There is, however, archeological evidence revealed by excavationsthat the room centrally placed in the court north of the missioncontained a shrine in its floor on the night Awatobi fell. 

In 1892, while removing the soil from a depression about the middle ofthe eastern court of Awatobi, about 100 feet north of the northernwall of the mission, I laid bare a room 28 by 14 feet, in which werefound a skull and many other human bones which, from theirdisposition, had not been buried with care. The discovery of theseskeletons accorded with the Hopi traditions that this was one of therooms in which the men of Awatobi were gathered on the fatal night, and the inclosure where many died. I was deterred from furtherexcavation at that place by the horror of my workmen at thedesecration of the chamber. In 1895, however, I determined to continuemy earlier excavations and to trace the course of the walls ofadjacent rooms. The results obtained in this work led to a new phaseof the question, which sheds more light on the character of the roomsin the middle of the eastern court of Awatobi. Instead of a singleroom at this point, there are three rectangular chambers side by side, all of about the same size (plate CVIII). In the center of the floorof the middle room, 6 feet below the surface, I came upon a cist orstone shrine. As the workmen approached the floor they encountered astone slab, horizontally placed in the pavement of the room. This slabwas removed, and below it was another flat stone which was perforatedby a rectangular hole just large enough to admit the hand and forearm. This second slab was found to cover a stone box, the sides of whichwere formed of stone slabs about 2-1/2 feet square. On the inner facesof the upright slabs rain-cloud symbols were painted. These symbolswere of terrace form, in different colors outlined with black lines. One of the stones bore a yellow figure, another a red, and a thirdwhite. The color of the fourth was not determinable, but evidently, from its position relatively to the others, was once green. Thisarrangement corresponds with the present ceremonial assignment ofcolors to the cardinal points, or at least the north and south, as atthe present time, were yellow and red, respectively, and presumablythe white and green were on the east and west sides of the cist. Thecolors are still fairly bright and may be seen in the restoration ofthis shrine now in the National Museum. 

There was no stone floor to this shrine, but within it were foundfragments of prayer-plumes or pahos painted green, but so decayedthat, when exposed to sunlight, some of them fell into dust. Therewere likewise fragments of green carbonate of copper and kaolin, ayellow ocher, and considerable vegetal matter mixed with the sand. Allthese facts tend to the belief that this crypt was an ancient shrinein the floor of a chamber which may have been a kiva. 

The position of this room with a shrine in the middle of the court isinteresting in comparison with that of similar shrines in some of themodern Hopi pueblos. Shrines occupy the same relative position inSichomovi, Hano, Shipaulovi, and elsewhere, and within them sacredprayer-offerings are still deposited on ceremonial occasions. AtWalpi, in the middle of the plaza, there is a subterranean crypt inwhich offerings are often placed, as I have elsewhere described intreating of certain ceremonies. This shrine is not visible, for a slabof stone which is placed over it lies on a level with the plaza, andis securely luted in place with adobe. There are similar subterraneanprayer crypts in other Tusayan villages. They represent thetraditional opening, or _sipapu_, through which, in Pueblo cosmogony, races crawled to the surface of the earth from an underworld. InAwatobi also there is a similar shrine, for the deposit ofprayer-offerings, almost in the middle of a plaza bounded on threesides by the mission, the spur of many-storied houses, and the wallwith a gateway, while the remaining side was formed by the greatcommunal houses of the western part of the pueblo. 

While we were taking from their ancient resting places the slabs ofstone which formed this Awatobi shrine, the workmen reminded me howclosely it resembled the _pahoki_ used by the _katcinas_, and when, amonth later, I witnessed the _Nimán-katcina_ ceremony at Walpi, andaccompanied the chief, Intiwa, when he deposited the prayer-sticks inthat shrine, [76] I was again impressed by the similarity of the two, one in a ruin deserted two centuries ago, the other still used in theperformance of ancient rites, no doubt much older than the overthrowof the great pueblo of Antelope mesa. 

OLD AWATOBI

The western mounds of Awatobi afford satisfactory evidence that theycover the older rooms of the pueblo, and show by their compact formthat the ancient village in architectural plan was similar to modernWalpi. They indicate that Awatobi was of pyramidal form, wassymmetrical, three or four stories high, [77] without a central plaza, but probably penetrated by narrow courts or passages. No greatceremonial dance could have taken place in the heart of the pueblo, since there was not sufficient space for its celebration, but it musthave occurred outside the village, probably in the open space to theeast, near where the ruined walls of the mission now stand. 

From the nature of the western mounds I found it advantageous to beginthe work of excavation in the steep decline on the southern side, andto penetrate the mound on the level of its base or the rock formationwhich forms its foundation. In this way all the débris couldadvantageously be moved and thrown over the side of the mesa. We beganto open the mounds, therefore, on the southern side, making convergingtrenches at intervals, working toward their center. We found thatthese trenches followed continuous walls connected by crosspartitions, forming rooms, and that these were continued as far as wepenetrated. The evidence is good that these rooms are followed byothers which extend into the deepest part of the mound. We likewiseexcavated at intervals over the whole surface of the western area ofAwatobi, and wherever we dug, walls of former rooms, which diminishedin altitude on the northern side, were found. From these excavations Iconcluded that if any part of the western mound was higher than theremainder, it was on the southern side just above the edge of themesa, and from that highest point the pueblo diminished in altitude tothe north, in which direction it was continued for some distance inlow, single-story rooms. 

ROOMS OF THE WESTERN MOUND

The older or western portion of Awatobi is thus believed to be made upof a number of high mounds which rise steeply, and for a considerableheight from the southern edge of the cliff, from which it slopes moregradually to the north and west. On account of this steep declivity wewere able to examine, in vertical section, the arrangement of therooms, one above the other (figure 256). By beginning excavations onthe rocky foundation and working into the mound, parallel walls wereencountered at intervals as far as we penetrated. From the edge of thecliff there seemed to extend a series of these parallel walls, which were united by cross partitions, forming a series of rooms, one back of another. The deeper we penetrated the mound the higher thewalls were found to be, and this was true of the excavations along thewhole southern side of the elevation (plate CIX). If, as I suspect, these parallel walls extend to the heart of the mounds, the greatestelevation of the former buildings must have been four stories. Itwould likewise seem probable that the town was more or less pyramidal, with the highest point somewhat back from the one- or two-story wallsat the edge of the cliff, a style of architecture still preserved inWalpi. The loftiest wall, which was followed down to the floor, was 15feet high, but as that was measured over 20 feet below the apex of themound, it would seem that, from a distance, there would be a wall 30feet high in the center of the mound. Even counting 7 feet as theheight of each story we would have four stories above the foundation, and this, I believe, was the height of the old pueblo. But probablythe wall did not rise to this height at the edge of the mesa, where itcould not have been more than one or two stories high. There is noevidence of the former existence of an inclosed court of anyconsiderable size between the buildings and the cliff, although apassage probably skirted the brink of the precipice, and house laddersmay have been placed on that side for ready access to upper rooms. Bya series of platforms or terraces, which were in fact the roofs of thehouses, one mounted to the upper stories which formed the apex of thepueblo. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CIX

EXCAVATIONS IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI]

[Illustration: FIG. 256--Structure of house wall of Awatobi]

On the western, northern, and eastern sides the slope is more gradual, and while there are many obscurely marked house plans visible over thesurface, even quite near the top of the elevation, they are doubtlessthe remains of single-story structures. This leads me to suspect thatwhen Awatobi was built it was reared on a mound of soil or sand, andnot on the solid rock surface of the mesa. The configuration, then, shows that the pueblo sloped by easy decline to the plain to thenorth, but rose more abruptly from the south and west. There are lowextramural mounds to the north, showing that on this side thedwellings were composed of straggling chambers. The general characterof the rooms on the level slope at the western side of old Awatobi isshown in the accompanying illustration (plate CX). The peculiarity ofthese rooms appears by a comparison with the many-story chambers ofthe southern declivity of the ruin. Extending the excavations fourfeet below the surface we encountered a floor which rested on solidearth, and there were no signs of walls beneath it. This was withoutdoubt a single-story house, the roof of which had disappeared. Thesurrounding surface of the ground is level, but the tops of adjoiningwalls of rooms may readily be traced near by. 

The room was rectangular, twice as long as wide, and withoutpassageways into adjoining chambers. The northern, eastern, andwestern walls were unbroken, and there was nothing peculiar in thefloor of these sections; but we found a well-preserved, elevatedsettle at the southern side, extending two-thirds of the length of themain wall to a small side wall, inclosing a square recess, the objectof which is unknown to me. 

All walls were smoothly plastered, and the floor was paved with flatstones set in adobe. The singular inclosure at the southern cornercould not be regarded as a fireplace, for there was no trace of sootupon its walls. I incline to the belief that it may have served as acloset, or possibly as a granary. Its arrangement is not unlike thatin certain modern rooms at Walpi. 

An examination of the masonry of the rooms of the western mounds ofAwatobi shows that the component stones were in a measure dressed intoshape, which was, as a rule, cubical. In this respect they differ fromthe larger stones of which the mission walls were built, for in thismasonry the natural cleavage is utilized for the face of the wall. 

The differences between the masonry of the mission and that of theroom in which we found a chief buried were very marked. In the former, elongated slabs of stone, without pecking or dressing, were universal, while in the latter the squared stones were laid in courses and neatlyfitted together. The partitions likewise are narrower, being not morethan 6 inches thick. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CX

EXCAVATED ROOM IN THE WESTERN MOUND OF AWATOBI]

SMALLER AWATOBI

About an eighth of a mile west of the great mounds of Awatobi there isa small rectangular ruin, the ground plan of which is well marked, andin which individual houses are easy to trace. Like its largerneighbor, it stands on the very edge of the mesa. None of its wallsrise above the surface of the mounds, which, however, are considerablyelevated and readily distinguished for some distance. The pueblo wasbuilt in the form of a rectangle of single-story houses surrounding aplaza. There was an opening or entrance on the southern side, nearwhich is a mound, possibly the remains of a kiva. A trail now passesdirectly through the ruin and down the mesa side to Jeditoh valley, probably the pathway by which the ancient inhabitants ascended thecliff. The Hopi Indians employed by me in excavating Awatobi had noname for this ruin and were not familiar with its existence before Ipointed it out to them. For want of a better interpretation I haveregarded it as a colony of old Awatobi, possibly of laterconstruction. 

Excavations in its mounds revealed no objects of interest, althoughfragments of beautiful pottery, related to that found at Awatobi andSikyatki, show that it must have been made by people of the older orbest epoch[78] of Tusayan ceramics. 

MORTUARY REMAINS

Although it is well known that the ancient inhabitants of the greathouses of the Gila-Salado drainage buried some of their dead withintheir dwellings, or in other rooms, and that the same mortuarypractice was observed in ancient Zuñi-Cibola, up to the time of myexcavations this form of burial had never been found in Tusayan. I amnow able to record that the same custom was practiced at Awatobi. 

Excavation made in the southeastern declivity of the western moundsled to a burial chamber in which we found the well-preserved skeletonof an old man, apparently a priest. The body was laid on the floor, atfull length, and at his head, which pointed southward, had beenplaced, not mortuary offerings of food in bowls, but insignia of hispriestly office. Eight small objects of pottery were found on his leftside (plate CXII, _a_, _b_, _d_, _e_). Among these was a symmetricalvase of beautiful red ware (plate CXI, _a_) richly decorated withgeometric patterns, and four globular paint pots, each full of pigmentof characteristic color. These paint pots were of black-and-whiteware, and contained, respectively, yellow ocher, sesquioxide of iron, green copper carbonate, and micaceous hematite (plate CXIII, _a_, _d_, _e_) such as is now called _yayala_ and used by the Snake priestsin the decoration of their faces. There were also many arrowpoints inan earthen colander, and a ladle was luted over the mouth of the redvase. My native excavators pronounced this the grave of a warriorpriest. The passageways into this chamber of death had all beenclosed, and there were no other mortuary objects in the room. This wasthe only instance of intramural interment which I discovered in theexcavations at Awatobi, but a human bone was found on the floor ofanother chamber. So far as known the Awatobi people buried most oftheir dead outside the town, either in the foothills at the base ofthe mesa, or in the adjacent sand-dunes. 

The work of excavating the graves at the foot of the mesa wasdesultory, as I found no single place where many interments had beenmade. Several food vessels were dug up at a grave opened by Kópeli, the Snake chief. I was not with him when he found the grave, but hecalled me to see it soon after its discovery. We took from thisexcavation a sandstone fetish of a mountain-lion, a fragment of thebottom of a basin perforated with holes as if used as a colander. Deposited in this fragment were many stone arrowheads, severalfragments of green paint, a flat green paho ornamented with figures ofdragon-flies in black. In addition to a single complete prayer-stickthere were fragments of many others too much broken to be identified. One of these was declared by Kópeli to be a chief's paho. The grave inwhich these objects were found was situated about halfway down theside of the mesa to the southward of the highest mounds of the westerndivision of the pueblo. 

Here and there along the base of all the foothills south of Awatobiare evidences of former burials, and complete bowls, dippers, andvases were unearthed (plate CXIII, _b_, _c_). The soil is covered withfragments of pottery, and in places, where the water has washedthrough them, exposing a vertical section of the ground, it was foundthat the fragments of pottery extended through the soil sometimes to adepth of fifty feet below the surface. There was evidence, however, that this soil had been transported more or less by rain water, whichoften courses down the sides of the mesa in impetuous torrents. 

Human bones and mortuary vessels were found south of the mission nearthe trail, at the foot of the mesa. In a single grave, a foot belowthe surface, there were two piles of food bowls, each pile containingsix vessels, all broken. 

The cemetery northwest of Awatobi, where the soil is sandy and easy toexcavate, had been searched by others, and many beautiful objects ofpottery taken from it. This burial place yielded many bowls (platesCLXVII, CLXVIII) and jars, as well as several interesting pahossimilar to those from Sikyatki, which I shall later describe but whichhave never before been reported from Awatobi. It was found that one ofthese prayer-sticks was laid over the heart of the deceased, and asthe skeleton was in a sitting posture, with the hand on the breast, the prayer-stick may thus have been held at the time of burial. Oursuccess in finding places of interment on all sides of Sikyatki, irrespective of direction, leads me to suspect that furtherinvestigation of the sand-dunes north of Awatobi will reveal graves atthat point. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXI

VASE AND MUGS FROM THE WESTERN MOUNDS OF AWATOBI]

I have already called attention to the great abundance of charred cornfound in the rooms north of the mission. Renewed work in this quarterrevealed still greater quantities of this corn stacked in piles, sometimes filling the entire side of a room. Evidently, as I haveelsewhere shown, the row of rooms at this part of the ruin were burnedwith all their contents. The corn was not removed from the granaries, as it would have been if the place had been gradually abandoned. Whenan Indian burns stored corn in such quantities as were found atAwatobi we can not believe he was bent on pillage, and it is aninstructive fact that thus far no stacked corn has been found in thewestern or most ancient section of Awatobi. 

SHRINES

Although Awatobi was destroyed almost two centuries ago, the shrinesof the old pueblo were used for many years afterward, and are even nowfrequented by some of the Mishoñinovi priests. In one of these ancientdepositories two wooden figurines sat in state up to within a fewyears ago. 

This shrine lies below the ruins of the mission, among the bowlders onthe side of the cliff, about fifty feet from the edge of the mesa, andis formed in an eroded cavity in the side of a bowlder of unusualsize. A rude wall had been built before this recess, which opened tothe east, and apparently the orifice was closed with logs, which havenow fallen in. The present appearance of this shrine is shown in theaccompanying illustration (figure 257). 

In former times two wooden idols, called the _Alosaka_, were kept inthis crypt, in much the same manner as the Dawn Maid is now sealed upby the Walpians, when not used in the New-fire ceremony, as I havedescribed in my account of _Naacnaiya_. [79] Mr Thomas V. Keam, notknowing that the Awatobi idols were still used in the Mishoñinoviritual, had removed them to his residence, but when this was known alarge number of priests begged him to return them, saying that theywere still used in religious exercises. With that consideration whichhe has always shown to the Indians, Mr Keam allowed the priests totake the images of _Alosaka_. The figurines were this time carried toMishoñinovi, the priests sprinkling a line of meal along the trailover which they carried them. The two idols[80] have not been seen bywhite people since that time, and are now, no doubt, in some hiddencrypt near the Mishoñinovi village. 

There is a shrine of simple character, near the ruins of smallerAwatobi, which bears evidence of antiquity (figure 258). It consisted, in 1892, of a circle of small stones in which were two largewater-worn stones and a fragment of petrified wood. There was noevidence that it had lately been used. 

[Illustration: FIG. 257--Alosaka shrine at Awatobi]

On the extreme western point of the mesa, at the very edge of thecliff, there was also a simple shrine (figure 259). Judging from itsgeneral appearance, this, likewise, had not been used in modern times, but there were several old prayer-sticks not far away. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXII

PAINT POTS, BOWL, AND DIPPER FROM AWATOBI]

At the foot of the mesa, below the point last mentioned, however, there is a shrine (figure 260), the earth of which contained hundredsof prayer-sticks, in all stages of decay, while some of them had beenplaced there only a few days before my visit. This shrine, I wastold, is still used by the Mishoñinovi priests in their sacredobservances. Among other forms of prayer offerings there were manysmall wooden cylinders with radiating sticks connected with yarn, thesymbolic prayer offering for squashes. [81] In former times Antelopevalley was the garden spot of Tusayan, and from what we know of theantiquity of the cultivation of squashes in the Southwest, there islittle doubt that they were cultivated by the Awatobians, and thatsimilar offerings were made by the ancient farmers for a good crop ofthese vegetables. 

[Illustration: FIG. 258--Shrine at Awatobi]

[Illustration: FIG. 259--Shrine at Awatobi]

POTTERY

The mounds of Awatobi are entirely covered with fragments of potteryof all the various kinds and colors known to ancient Tusayan. Therewere found coiled and indented ware, coarse undecorated vessels, fineyellow and smooth ware with black-and-white and red decorations. Thereis no special kind of pottery peculiar to Awatobi, but it shares withthe other Tusayan ruins all types, save a few fragments of blackglazed ware, which occur elsewhere. 

[Illustration: FIG. 260--Shrine at Awatobi]

It is highly probable that the few specimens of black-and-white warefound in this ruin were not manufactured in the village, and the redware probably came from settlements to the south, on the LittleColorado. These colors are in part due to the character of the pastewhich was used, and the clay most often selected by Awatobi pottersmade a fine yellow vessel. The material from which most of the vesselswere manufactured came, no doubt, from a bank near the ruin, wherethere is good evidence that it was formerly quarried. 

Three coarse clay objects, such as might have been used for roofdrains, were found. The use of these objects, possibly indicated bytheir resemblance, is not, however, perfectly clear. Their capacitywould not be equal to the torrents of rain which, no doubt, often fellon the housetops of Awatobi, and they can hardly be identified asspouts of large bowls, since they are attached to a circular disk withsmooth edges. In want of a satisfactory explanation I haveprovisionally regarded them as water spouts, but whether they are fromancient vessels or from the roofs of houses I am in much doubt. [82]

One of the most instructive fragments of pottery taken from the ruinsis that of a coarse clay vessel, evidently a part of a flat basin orsaucer. The rim of this vessel is punctured with numerous holes, theintervals between which are not greater than the diameter of theperforations. 

Several platter-like vessels with similar holes about their rims havebeen taken from other ruins of Jeditoh valley and mesa, the holesbeing regarded as having been made as a means of suspension. Near asacred spring called Kawaika, [83] not far from Jeditoh, near Awatobi, a large number of beautiful vessels with similar holes in their rimswere excavated by Mr T. V. Keam, and later passed into the collectionsof the Hemenway Expedition, now installed at Cambridge. They are ofall kinds of ware, widely different in shape, the number of marginalperforations varying greatly. As they were found in large numbers neara spring they are regarded as sacrificial vessels, in which food orsacred meal was deposited as an offering to some water deity. Thehandle of a mug (plate CXI, _f_) from Awatobi, so closely resemblesthe handles of certain drinking cups taken from the cliff-houses ofSan Juan valley that it should be specially mentioned. There is in thehandle of this mug a T-shape opening quite similar in form to thepeculiar doorways of certain cliff-dwellings. The mug is made of thefinest white ware, decorated with black lines arranged in geometricpatterns. So close is its likeness in form and texture to cliff-housepottery that the two may be regarded as identical. Moreover, it is notimpossible that the object may have been brought to Tusayan from Tségicanyon, in the cliff-houses of which Hopi clans[84] lived whileAwatobi was in its prime, and, indeed, possibly after the tragedy of1700. The few fragments of Tségi canyon pottery known to me havestrong resemblances to ancient Hopi ware, although the black-and-whitevariety predominates. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIII

POTTERY FROM INTRAMURAL BURIAL AT AWATOBI]

The collection of pottery from Awatobi is, comparatively speaking, small, but it shows many interesting forms. Awatobi pottery may beclassed under the same groups as other old Tusayan ceramics, but mostof the specimens collected belong to the yellow, black-and-white, andred varieties. It resembles that of Sikyatki, but bears littlelikeness to modern ware in texture or symbolism. One is impressed bythe close resemblance between the Awatobi pottery and that from theruins of the Little Colorado and Zuñi, [85] which no doubt isexplained, in part, by the identity in the constituents of thepotter's clay near Awatobi with that in more southerly regions. 

Evidences of Spanish influence may be traced on certain objects ofpottery from Awatobi, especially on those obtained from the easternmounds of the ruin. In most essentials, however, the Awatobi wareresembles that of the neighboring ruins, and is characteristicallyTusayan. 

The differentiation in modern Cibolan and Tusayan symbolism is muchgreater than that of the ancient pottery from the same provinces, afact which is believed to point to a similarity, possibly identity, ofculture in ancient times. With this thought in mind, it would behighly instructive to study the ancient ruins of the Rio Granderegion, as unfortunately no large collections of archeological objectsfrom that part of the Southwest have been made. [86]

The majority of the bowls from Awatobi are decorated in geometricpatterns and a few have animal or human figures. The symbols, as wellas the pottery itself, can not be distinguished from those ofSikyatki. Fragments of glazed ware are not unknown at Awatobi, but sofar as recorded, entire specimens have never been obtained from thelatter ruin. 

In order that the character of the geometric designs on Awatobipottery may be better understood, two plates are introduced toillustrate their modifications in connection with my discussion of thegeometric forms figured on Sikyatki ware. The figures on these bowls(plates CLXVI, CLXVII), with one or two exceptions, need no specialdescription in addition to what is said of Sikyatki geometric designs, which they closely resemble. 

The cross-shape figure (plate CLXVI, _b_) may profitably be studied inconnection with the account of the modification of Sikyatki sunsymbols. Evidences of the use of a white pigment as a slip were foundon one or two fragments of fine pottery from Awatobi, but nodecoration of this kind was observed on the Sikyatki vessels. The redware is the same as that found in ancient Cibola, while one or twofragments of glossy black recall the type common to modern SantaClara. 

Two bird-shape vessels, one made of black-and-white ware, the otherred with black-and-white decoration, were found at Awatobi. Largemasses of clay suited to the potter's art were not uncommonly found inthe corners of the rooms or in the niches in their walls. Some ofthese masses are of fine paste, the others coarse with grains of sand. The former variety was used in making the finest Tusayan ceramics; thelatter was employed in modeling cooking pots and other vessels ofruder finish. 

Several flute-shape objects of clay, with flaring extremities, werefound on the surface of the mounds of Awatobi, and one was taken froma Sikyatki grave. The use of these objects is unknown to me. 

Among the fragments of dippers from Awatobi are several withperforations in the bottom, irregularly arranged or in geometric form, as that of a cross. These colanders were rare at Sikyatki, but I findnothing in them to betray Spanish influence. [87] Handled dippers ormugs have been found so often by me in the prehistoric ruins of ourSouthwest that I can not accept the dictum that the mug form was notprehistoric, and the conclusion is legitimate that the Tusayan Indianswere familiar with mugs when the Spaniards came among them. Thehandles of the dippers or ladles are single or double, solid orhollow, simply turned up at one end or terminating with the head of ananimal. The upper side of the ladle handle may be grooved or convex. No ladle handle decorated with an image of a "mud-head" or clownpriest, so common on modern ladles, was found either at Awatobi orSikyatki. 

Rudely made imitations in miniature of all kinds of pottery, especially of ladles, were common. These are regarded as votiveofferings, from the fact that they were found usually in the graves ofchildren, and were apparently used as playthings before they wereburied. 

A common decoration on the handles of ladles is a series of shortparallel lines arranged in alternating longitudinal and transversezones. This form of decoration of ladle handles I have observed onsimilar vessels from the Casas Grandes of Chihuahua, and it reappearson pottery in all the ruins I have studied between Mexico and Tusayan. In the exhibit of the Mexican Government at Madrid in 1892-93 a finecollection of ancient pottery from Oaxaca was shown, and I havedrawings of one of these ladles with the same parallel marks on thehandle that are found on Pueblo ware from the Gila-Salado, the Cibola, and the Tusayan regions. 

The only fragment of pottery from Awatobi or Sikyatki with designswhich could be identified with any modern picture of a _katcina_ wasfound, as might be expected, in the former ruin. This small fragmentis instructive, in that it indicates the existence of the _katcina_cult in Tusayan before 1700; but the rarity of the figures of thesesupernatural beings is very suggestive. The fragment in question is ofancient ware, resembling the so-called orange type of pottery, and isapparently a part of the neck of a vase. The figure represents Wupamo, the Great-cloud _katcina_, and is marked like the doll of the same asit appears in the _Powamû_ or February celebration at Walpi. [88]

The associates of the _katcinas_ are the so-called "mud-heads" orclowns, an order of priests as widely distributed as the Pueblo area. In Tusayan villages they are called the Tcukuwympkia, and arevariously personated. As they belong especially to the _katcina_ cult, which is naturally supposed to have been in vogue at Awatobi, I wasgreatly interested in the finding of a fragment representing agrotesque head which reminded me of a glutton of the division of theTcukuwympkia called Tcuckutû. While there may be some doubt of thevalidity of my identification, yet, taken in connection with thefragment of a vase with the face of Wupamo, I think there is no doubtthat the _katcina_ cult was practiced at Awatobi. 

STONE IMPLEMENTS

Comparatively few stone implements, such as mauls, hammers, axes, andspearpoints, were found; but some of those unearthed from the moundsare finely finished, being regular in form and highly polished. Therewere many spherical stones, resembling those still sometimes used inTusayan on important occasions as badges of authority. These stoneswere tied in a buckskin bag, which was attached to a stick and used asa warclub. Many of the axes were grooved for hafting; one of thespecimens was doubly grooved and had two cutting edges. By far thelargest number were blunt at one pole and sharpened at the oppositeend. A single highly polished specimen (plate CLXXI, _f_) resembles atype very common in the Gila Salado ruins. 

Arrowheads, some of finely chipped obsidian, were common, beingfrequently found in numbers in certain mortuary bowls. Three or fourspecimens of other kinds of implements fashioned from this volcanicglass were picked up on the surface of the mounds. 

Metates, or flat stones for grinding corn, were dug up in severalhouses; they were in some instances much worn, and were eagerly soughtby the Indian women who visited our camp. These specimens differ in norespect from similar mealing stones still used at Walpi and othermodern Tusayan pueblos. Many were made of very coarse stone[89] foruse in hulling corn preparatory to grinding; others were of finertexture, and both kinds were accompanied by the corresponding mano ormuller held in the hand in grinding meal. 

The modern Hopi often use as seats in their kivas cubical blocks ofstone with depressions in two opposite sides which serve as handholdsby which they are carried from place to place. Two of these stones, about a cubic foot in size, were taken out of the chamber which I havesupposed to be the Awatobi kiva. In modern Tusayan these seats arecommonly made of soft sandstone, and are so few in number that we canhardly regard them as common. They are often used to support theuprights of altars when they are erected, and I have seen priestsgrind pigments in the depressions. Incidentally, it may be said that Ihave never seen priests use chairs in any kiva celebration; nor dothey have boxes to sit upon. During the droning of the tedious songsthey have nothing under them except a folded blanket or sheepskin. 

Excavations in the Awatobi rooms revealed several interesting shallowmortars used for grinding pigments, but no one of these is comparablein finish with that shown in the accompanying illustration (plateCLXXII, _a_). This object is made of a hard stone in the form of aperfect parallelopipedon with slightly rounded faces. The depressionis shallow, and when found there was a discoloration of pigment uponits surface. 

In almost every house that bore evidence of former occupancy, beautifully made mullers and metates were exhumed. These wereordinarily in place in the corner of the chamber, and were much worn, as if by constant use. In one grave there was found a metate reversedover a skeleton, probably that of a woman--although the bones were sodisintegrated that the determination of the sex of the individual wasimpossible. Several of these metates were taken by Indian women, whoprized them so highly that they loaded the stones on burros andcarried them ten miles to Walpi, where they are now applied to thesame purpose for which they were used over two centuries ago. 

On the surface of the mesa, beyond the extension of the ground plan ofthe ruin, there are many depressions worn in the rocks where theAwatobi women formerly whetted their grinding stones, doubtless in themanner practiced by the modern villagers of Tusayan. These depressionsare especially numerous near the edge of the cliff, between theeastern and western sections of the ruin. [90]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIV

BONE IMPLEMENTS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI]

BONE OBJECTS

A large and varied collection of bone implements was gathered atAwatobi, and a few additional specimens were exhumed from Sikyatki. Itis worthy of note that, as a rule, bone implements are more common inhouses than in graves; and since the Awatobi excavations wereconducted mostly in living rooms, while those at Sikyatki were largelyin the cemeteries, the bone implements from the former pueblo faroutnumber those from the latter. 

The collection consists of awls, bodkins, needles, whistles, and tubesmade of the bones of birds and quadrupeds. The two animals whichcontributed more than others to these objects were the turkey and therabbit, although there were fragments of the horns and shin-bones ofthe antelope or deer. Several of these specimens were blackened byfire, and one was stained with green pigment. There was also evidenceof an attempt at ornamenting the implements by incised lines, whileone was bound with string. Bones of animals which had served for foodwere very common in all the excavations at Awatobi, especially nearthe floors of the houses. With the exception of a number of largebones of a bear, found in one of the houses in the northern range ofthe eastern section, these bones were not carefully collected. 

Plate CXIV gives a general idea of some of the forms of worked bonewhich were obtained. Figure _a_ shows an awl, for the handle of whichone of the trochanters was used, the point at the opposite end beingvery sharp; _b_ and _c_ are similar objects, but slighter, and morecarefully worked; _d_ is a flattened bone implement perforated withtwo holes, and may have been used as a needle. There are similarimplements in the collection, but with a single terminal perforation. Other forms of bone awls are shown in _e_, _f_, _g_, and _j_. 

There are a number of bone objects the use of which is problematical. One of the best of these is a section of the tibia of a bird, cutlongitudinally, convex on the side represented in plate CXIV, _h_, andconcave on the opposite side. When found this bone fragment was tiedto a second similar section by a string (remnants of which can be seenin the figure), thus forming a short tube. The use of this object isnot known to me, nor were any satisfactory suggestions made by theIndians whom I consulted in relation to it. This does not apply, however, to the object illustrated in plate CXIV, _i_, which wasdeclared by several Hopi to be a bird whistle, similar to that used inceremonials connected with medicine making. 

The manner in which a bone whistle is used in imitation of a bird'scall has been noticed by me in the accounts of several ceremonials, and I will therefore quote the description of its use in the_Nimankatcina_ at Walpi. [91]

 Then followed an interval of song and accompanying rattle, at the termination of which Intiwa's associate took the bird whistle (_tatükpi_) and blew three times into the liquid, making a noise not unlike that produced by a toy bird whistle. This was repeated four times, accompanied by song and rattle. He first inserted the bone whistle on the north side, then on the other cardinal points in turn. The monotonous song and rattle then ceased, and Intiwa sprinkled corn pollen on the ears of corn in the water, and upon the line of pahos. 

The object of the whistle is to call the summer birds which areassociated with planting and harvesting. The whistle figures in manyrites, especially in those connected with the making of medicine orcharm liquid. 

MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS

ORNAMENTS IN THE FORM OF BIRDS AND SHELLS

In the excavations, as well as on the surface of the mounds atAwatobi, were found many imitations of marine shells made of clay, often painted red and ranging from the size of half a dollar to thatof the thumb nail (plate CLXXIII, _j-m_). On the convex surface ofthese objects parallel lines are etched, and they are pierced at thevalves for suspension. I have never found them suspended from the neckof a skeleton, although their general appearance indicates that theywere used as ornaments. Similarly made clay images of birds (plateCLXXIII, _g_, _h_, _i_) with extended wings were also found, and ofthese there are several different forms in the collection. A smallperforated knob at the breast served for attachment. In the absence ofany better explanation of these objects, I have regarded them asgorgets, or pendants, for personal decoration. 

In the Awatobi collections there are several small disks madeapparently of pipe clay, which also were probably used as ornaments. These are very smooth and wonderfully regular in shape--in one casewith a perforation near the rim. Turquois and shell beads were foundin considerable numbers in the excavations at Awatobi, but, as theyare similar to those from Sikyatki, I have reserved a discussion ofthem for following pages. A few fragments of shell armlets andwristlets were also exhumed. These were made generally of the Pacificcoast _Pectunculus_, so common in the ruins of the LittleColorado. [92]

CLAY BELL

Copper bells are said to be used in the secret ceremonials of themodern Tusayan villages, and in certain of the ceremonial foot racesmetal bells of great age and antique pattern are sometimes tied aboutthe waists of the runners. Small copper hawk bells, [93] found insouthern Arizonian ruins, are identical in form and make with thoseused by the ancient Nahuatl people. So far as the study of theantiquities of the ruins of Tusayan immediately about the inhabitedtowns has gone, we have no record of the finding of copper bells ofany great age. It was, therefore, with considerable interest that Iexhumed from one of the rooms of the westernmost or oldest section ofAwatobi a clay bell (figure 261) made in exact imitation of one of thecopper bells that have been reported from several southern ruins(plate CLXXIII, _a_). While it may be said that it would be moredecisive evidence of the prehistoric character of this object ifAwatobi had not been under Spanish influence for over a century, still, from the position where it was dug up and its resemblance tometal bells which are undoubtedly prehistoric, there seems to belittle reason to question its age. As with the imitation of marineshells in clay, it is probable that in this bell we have a facsimileof a metal bell with which the ancient Tusayan people were undoubtedlyfamiliar. [94]

[Illustration: FIG. 261--Clay Bell from Awatobi (natural size)]

TEXTILE FABRICS

In the very earliest accounts which we have of Tusayan the Hopi aresaid to raise cotton and to weave it into mantles. These mantles, or"towels" as they were styled by Espejo, were, according to Castañeda, ornamented with embroidery, and had tassels at the corners. In earlytimes garments were made of the fiber of the maguey, and of feathersand rabbit skins. Fabrics made of animal fiber are mentioned by FriarMarcos de Niza, and he was told that the inhabitants of Totonteacobtained the material from which they were made from animals as largeas the greyhounds which the father had with him. The historicalreferences which can be mentioned to prove that the Tusayan people, when they were first visited, knew how to spin and weave are numerous, and need not be quoted here. That the people of Awatobi made cottonfabrics there is no doubt, for it is distinctly stated by earlyvisitors that they were acquainted with the art of weaving, and someof the presents made to the first Spanish explorers were of nativecotton. 

The archeological evidence supports the historical in this particular, and several fragments of cloth were found in our excavations in thewestern mounds of the village. These fragments were of cotton andagave fiber, of cotton alone, and in one instance of the hair of someunknown animal. No signs of the famous rabbit-skin blankets were seen, and from the perishable nature of the material of which they were madeit would be strange if any traces had been discovered. At Sikyatki asmall textile fragment made of feathers was found in one of theburial vases, but no feather garments or even fragments of the samewere unearthed at Awatobi. 

A woven rope of agave fiber and many charred strings of the samematerial were found in a niche in the wall of a house in the easternsection, and from the same room there was taken a string, over a yardlong, made of human hair. It was suggested to me by one of the Hopithat this string was part of the coiffure of an Awatobi maid, and thatit was probably used to tie up her hair in whorls above the ears, asis still the Hopi custom. 

The whole number of specimens of textile fabrics found at Awatobi wassmall, and their character disappointing for study, for the conditionsof burial in the soil are not so good for their preservation as in thedry caves or cliff houses, from which beautifully preserved cloth, made at a contemporary period, has been taken. 

PRAYER-STICKS--PIGMENTS

Among the most significant mortuary objects used by the ancientTusayan people may be mentioned the so-called prayer-sticks or pahos. These were found in several graves, placed on the breast, in the hand, or at the side of the person interred, and have a variety of form, asshown in the accompanying illustrations (plates CLXXIV, CLXXV). As Ishall discuss the forms and meaning of prayer-sticks in my account ofSikyatki, where a much larger number were found, I will simply mentiona few of the more striking varieties from Awatobi. 

One of the most instructive of these objects is flat in shape, paintedgreen, and decorated with figures of a dragon-fly. As this insect is asymbol of rain, its occurrence on mortuary objects is in harmony withthe Hopi conception of the dead which will later be explained. 

Pahos, in the form of flat slats with a notched extension at one endwere common, but generally were poorly preserved. The prayer-sticksfrom the shrine in the middle of the rooms in the plaza of the easternsection crumbled into fragments when exposed to the air, but they wereapparently small, painted green, and decorated with black spots. Onseveral of the prayer-sticks the impressions of the string andfeathers that were formerly attached are still readily seen. It isprobable that the solution of a carbonate of copper, with which thegreen pahos were so colored, contributed to the preservation of thewood of which they had been manufactured. 

The only pigments detected on the prayer-sticks are black, red, andgreen, and traces of red are found also on the inner surface of astone implement from a grave at the base of the mesa. All the pigmentsused by the modern Tusayan Indians were found in the intramural burialalready described. My Hopi workmen urged me to give them smallfragments of these paints, regarding them efficacious in theirceremonials. 

OBJECTS SHOWING SPANISH INFLUENCE

We would naturally expect to find many objects of Caucasian origin inthe ruins of a pueblo which had been under Spanish influence for acentury. I have already spoken of certain architectural features inthe eastern part of Awatobi which may be traced to the influence ofthe Spanish missionaries, and of small objects there were severaldifferent kinds which show the same thing. The old iron knife-bladealready mentioned as having been found among the corn in a storagechamber in the northern row of houses was not the only metallic objectfound. Not far from the mission there were unearthed many corrodediron nails, a small hook of the same metal, a piece of cast copper, and a fragment of what appeared to be a portion of a bell. There wereseveral pieces of glass, the surfaces of which had become ground bythe sand which had beaten upon them during the years in which they hadbeen exposed. There was found also a fragment of a green glazed cup, which was undoubtedly of Spanish or Mexican make, and sherds of whitechina similar to that sold today by the traders. These latterspecimens were, as a rule, found on the surface of the ground. 

It will therefore appear that the archeology of Awatobi supports thedocumentary evidence that the pueblo was under Spanish influence forsome time, and the fact that all the above-mentioned objects weretaken on or in the eastern mounds emphasizes the conclusion that thissection of the town was the part directly under Spanish influences. Nothing of Spanish manufacture was found in the rooms of the westernmounds, but from this negative evidence there is no reason to suspectthat this section of Awatobi was not inhabited contemporaneously withthat in the vicinity of the mission. 

THE RUINS OF SIKYATKI

TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE PUEBLO

Very vague ideas are current regarding the character of Hopi cultureprior to Tobar's visit to Tusayan in 1540, and with the exception ofthe most meager information nothing concerning it has come down to usfrom early historical references in the sixteenth century. It istherefore interesting to record all possible information in regard tothese people prior to the period mentioned, and this must be donemainly through archeology. 

Although there are many Tusayan ruins which we have every reason tobelieve are older than the time of Coronado, no archeologist hasgathered from them the evidences bearing on prehistoric Tusayanculture which they will undoubtedly yield. Large and beautifulcollections of pottery ascribed to Tusayan ruins have shown theexcellent artistic taste of the ancient potters of this region, indicating that in the ceramic art they were far in advance of theirdescendants. But these collections have failed to teach, the lessonthey might have taught, from the fact that data concerning the objectscomposing them are so indefinite. Very little care had been taken tolabel these collections accurately or to collect any specimens butthose which were strikingly beautiful or commercially valuable. It wastherefore with the hope of giving a more precise and comprehensivecharacter to our knowledge of Tusayan antiquities that I wished toexcavate one of the ruins of this province which was undoubtedlyprehistoric. Conditions were favorable for success at the moundscalled by the Indians Sikyatki. [95] These ruins are situated near themodern Tusayan pueblos of East Mesa, from which I could hire workmen, and not far from Keam's Canyon, which could be made a base ofsupplies. The existing legends bearing on these ruins, althoughobscure, are sufficiently definite for all practical purposes. 

I find no mention of Sikyatki in early historical documents, nor canthe name be even remotely identified with any which has been given toa Tusayan pueblo. My knowledge of the mounds which mark the site ofthis ancient village dates back to 1892, when I visited them with oneof the old men of Walpi, who then and there narrated the legend of itsdestruction by the Walpians previously to the advent of the Spaniards. I was at that time impressed by the extent of the mounds, and prepareda rough sketch of the ground plan of the former houses, but from lackof means was unable to conduct any systematic excavation of the ruin. 

Comparatively nothing concerning the ruin of Sikyatki has beenpublished, although its existence had been known for several yearspreviously to my visit. In his brief account Mr Victor Mindeleff[96]speaks of it as two prominent knolls, "about 400 yards apart, " thesummits of which are covered with house walls. He also found portionsof walls on intervening hummocks, but gives no plan of the ruin. Thename, Sikyatki, is referred to the color of the sandstone of which thewalls were built. He found some of the rooms were constructed of smallstones, dressed by rubbing, and laid in mud. The largest chamber wasstated to be 9-1/2 by 4-1/2 feet, and it was considered that many ofthe houses were "built in excavated places around the rocky summits ofthe knolls. "[97] Mr Mindeleff identified the former inhabitants withthe ancestors of the Kokop people, and mentioned the more importantdetails of their legend concerning the destruction of the village. 

We can rely on the statement that Sikyatki was inhabited by the Kokopor Firewood people of Tusayan, who were so named because they obtainedfire from wood by the use of drills. These people are representedtoday at Walpi by Katci, whose totem is a picture of Masauwû, the Godof Fire. It is said that the home of the Firewood people before theybuilt Sikyatki was at Tebuñki, or Fire-house, a round ruinnortheastward from Keam's canyon. They were late arrivals in Tusayan, coming at least after the Flute people, and probably before the Honanior Badger people, who brought, I believe, the _katcina_ cult. Althoughwe can not definitely assert that this cultus was unknown at Sikyatki, it is significant that in the ruins no ornamental vessel was foundwith a figure of a _katcina_ mask, although these figures occur onmodern bowls. The original home of the Kokop people is not known, butindefinite legends ascribe their origin to Rio Grande valley. They arereputed to have had kindred in Antelope valley and at the Fire-house, above alluded to, near Eighteen-mile spring. 

The ruin of Fire-house, one of the pueblos where the Kokop people arereputed to have lived before they built Sikyatki, is situated on theperiphery of Tusayan. It is built of massive stones and differs fromall other ruins in that province in that it is circular in form. Theround type of ruin is, however, to be seen in the two conical moundson the mesa above Sikyatki, which was connected in some way with theinhabitants who formerly lived at its base. 

The reason the Kokop people left Fire-house is not certain, but it issaid that they came in conflict with Bear clans who were entering theprovince from the east. Certain it is that if the Kokop people onceinhabited Fire-house they must have been joined by other clans whenthey lived at Sikyatki, for the mounds of this pueblo indicate avillage much larger than the round ruin on the brink of the mesanortheast of Keam's canyon. The general ground plan of the ruinindicates an inclosed court with surrounding tiers of houses, suggesting the eastern type of pueblo architecture. 

The traditional knowledge of the destruction of Sikyatki is verylimited among the present Hopi, but the best folklorists all claimthat it was destroyed by warriors from Walpi and possibly from MiddleMesa. Awatobi seems not to have taken part in the tragedy, while Hanoand Sichomovi did not exist when the catastrophe took place. 

The cause of the destruction of Sikyatki is not clearly known, andprobably was hardly commensurate with the result. Its proximity toWalpi may have led to disputes over the boundaries of fields or theownership of the scanty water supply. The people who lived there wereintruders and belonged to clans not represented in Walpi, which in allprobability kept hostility alive. The early Tusayan peoples did notreadily assimilate, but quarreled with one another even when sorelyoppressed by common enemies. 

There is current in Walpi a romantic story connected with theoverthrow of Sikyatki. It is said that a son of a prominent chief, disguised as a _katcina_, offered a prayer-stick to a maiden, and asshe received it he cut her throat with a stone knife. He is said tohave escaped to the mesa top and to have made his way along its edgeto his own town, taunting his pursuers. It is also related that theWalpians fell upon the village of Sikyatki to avenge this bloody deed, but it is much more likely that there was ill feeling between the twovillages for other reasons, probably disputes about farm limits or thecontrol of the water supply, inflamed by other difficulties. Theinhabitants of the two pueblos came into Tusayan from differentdirections, and as they may have spoken different languages and thushave failed to understand each other, they may have been mutuallyregarded as interlopers. Petty quarrels no doubt ripened intoaltercations, which probably led to bloodshed. The forays of theApache from the south and the Ute from the north, which began at alater period, should naturally have led to a defensive alliance; butin those early days confederation was not dreamed of and the feelingbetween the two pueblos culminated in the destruction of Sikyatki. This was apparently the result of a quarrel between two pueblos ofEast Mesa, or at least there is no intimation that the other pueblostook prominent part in it. It is said that after the destruction someof those who escaped fled to Oraibi, which would imply that the Walpiand Oraibi peoples, even at that early date, were not on very friendlyterms. If, however, the statement that Oraibi was then a distinctpueblo be true, it in a way affords a suggestion of the approximateage[98] of this village. 

There was apparently a more or less intimate connection between theinhabitants of old Sikyatki and those of Awatobi, but whether or notit indicates that the latter was founded by the refugees from theformer I have not been able definitely to make out. All my informantsagree that on the destruction of Sikyatki some of its people fled toAwatobi, but no one has yet stated that the Kokop people wererepresented in the latter pueblo. The distinctive clans of the puebloof Antelope mesa are not mentioned as living in Sikyatki, and yet thetwo pueblos are said to have been kindred. The indications are thatthe inhabitants of both came from the east--possibly were intruders, which may have been the cause of the hostility entertained by bothtoward the Walpians. The problem is too complex to be solved with ourpresent limited knowledge in this direction, and archeology seems notto afford very satisfactory evidence one way or the other. We maynever know whether the Sikyatki refugees founded Awatobi or simplyfled to that pueblo for protection. 

There appears to be no good evidence that Sikyatki was destroyed byfire, nor would it seem that it was gradually abandoned. The largerbeams of the houses have disappeared from many rooms, evidently havingbeen appropriated in building or enlarging other pueblos. 

There is nothing to show that any considerable massacre of the peopletook place when the village was destroyed, in which respect it differsconsiderably from Awatobi. There is little doubt that many Sikyatkiwomen were appropriated by the Walpians, and in support of this it isstated that the Kokop people of the present Walpi are the descendantsof the people of that clan who dwelt at Sikyatki. This conclusion isfurther substantiated by the statements of one of the oldest membersof the Kokop phratry who frequently visited me while the excavationswere in progress. 

The destruction of Sikyatki and its consequent abandonment doubtlessoccurred before the Spaniards obtained a foothold in the country. Theaged Hopi folklorists insist that such is the case, and theexcavations did not reveal any evidence to the contrary. If we add tothe negative testimony that Sikyatki is not mentioned in any of theearly writings, and that no fragment of metal, glass, or Spanishglazed pottery has been taken from it, we appear to have substantialproof of its prehistoric character. 

In the early times when Sikyatki was a flourishing pueblo, Walpi wasstill a small settlement on the terrace of the mesa just below thepresent town that bears its name. Two ruins are pointed out as thesites of Old Walpi, one to the northward of the modern town, and asecond more to the westward. The former is called at present theAsh-heap house or pueblo, the latter Kisakobi. It is said that thepeople whose ancestors formed the nucleus of the more northerly townmoved from there to Kisakobi on account of the cold weather, for itwas too much in the shadow of the mesa. Its general appearance wouldindicate it to be older than the more westerly ruin, higher up on themesa. It was a pueblo of some size, and was situated on the edge ofthe terrace. The refuse from the settlement was thrown over the edgeof the decline, where it accumulated in great quantities. This débriscontains many fragments of characteristic pottery, similar to thatfrom Sikyatki, and would well repay systematic investigation. No wallsof the old town rise more than a few feet above the surface, for mostof the stones have long ago been used in rebuilding the pueblo onother sites. Kisakobi was situated higher up on the mesa, and bearsevery appearance of being more modern than the ruin below. Its sitemay readily be seen from the road to Keam's canyon, on theterrace-like prolongation of the mesa. Some of the walls are stillerect, and the house visible for a great distance is part of the oldpueblo. This, I believe, was the site of Walpi at the time theSpaniards visited Tusayan, and I have found here a fragment of potterywhich I believe is of Spanish origin. The ancient pueblo crowned theridge of the terrace which narrows here to 30 or 40 feet, so thatancient Walpi was an elongated pueblo, with narrow passageways and norectangular court. I should judge, however, that the pueblo was notinhabited for a great period, but was moved to its present site aftera few generations of occupancy. The Ash-hill village was inhabitedcontemporaneously with Sikyatki, but Kisakobi was of laterconstruction. Neither Sichomovi nor Hano was in existence whenSikyatki was in its prime, nor, indeed, at the time of itsabandonment. In 1782 Morfi spoke of Sichomovi as a pueblo recentlyfounded, with but fifteen families. Hano, although older, wascertainly not established before 1700. [99]

The assertions of all Hopi traditionists that Sikyatki is aprehistoric ruin, as well as the scientific evidence looking the sameway, are most important facts in considering the weight of deductionsin regard to the character of prehistoric Tusayan culture. 

Although we have no means of knowing how long a period has elapsedsince the occupancy and abandonment of Sikyatki, we are reasonablysure that objects taken from it are purely aboriginal in character andantedate the inception of European influence. It is certain, however, that the Sikyatki people lived long enough in that pueblo to develop aceramic art essentially peculiar to Tusayan. 

NOMENCLATURE

The commonly accepted definition of Sikyatki is "yellow house"(_sikya_, yellow; _ki_, house). One of the most reliable chiefs ofWalpi, however, called my attention to the fact that the hills in thelocality were more or less parallel, and that there might be arelationship between the parallel valleys and the name. Theapplication of the term "yellow" would not seem to be very appropriateso far as it is distinctive of the general color of the pueblo. Theneighboring spring, however, contains water which after standing sometime has a yellowish tinge, and it was not unusual to name pueblosfrom the color of the adjacent water or from some peculiarity of thespring, which was one of the most potent factors in the determinationof the site of a village. Although the name may also refer to acardinal point, a method of nomenclature followed in some regions ofthe Southwest, if such were the case in regard to Sikyatki it would beexceptional in Tusayan. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXV

SIKYATKI MOUNDS FROM THE KANELBA TRAIL]

FORMER INHABITANTS OF SIKYATKI

The origin of the pueblo settlement at Sikyatki is doubtful, but as Ihave shown in my enumeration of the clans of Walpi, the Kokop(Firewood) and the Isauûh (Coyote) phratries which lived there aresupposed to have come into Tusayan from the far east or the valleyof the Rio Grande. The former phratry is not regarded as one of theearliest arrivals in Tusayan, for when its members arrived at Walpithey found living there the Flute, Snake, and Water-house phratries. It is highly probable that the Firewood, or as they are sometimescalled the Fire, people, once lived in the round pueblo known asFire-house, and as the form of this ruin is exceptional in Tusayan, and highly characteristic of the region east of this province, thereis archeological evidence of the eastern origin of the Fire people. Perhaps the most intelligent folklorist of the Kokop people wasNasyuñweve, who died a few years ago--unfortunately before I had beenable to record all the traditions which he knew concerning hisancestors. At the present day Katci, his successor[100] in thesesacerdotal duties in the Antelope-Snake mysteries, claims that hispeople formerly occupied Sikyatki, and indeed the contiguous fieldsare still cultivated by members of that phratry. 

It is hardly possible to do more than estimate the population ofSikyatki when in its prime, but I do not believe that it was more than500;[101] probably 300 inhabitants would be a closer estimate if wejudge from the relative population to the size of the pueblo of Walpiat the present time. On the basis of population given, the evidencesfrom the size of the Sikyatki cemeteries would not point to anoccupancy of the village for several centuries, although, of course, the strict confines of these burial places may not have beendetermined by our excavations. The comparatively great depth at whichsome of the human remains were found does not necessarily mean greatantiquity, for the drifting sands of the region may cover or uncoverthe soil or rocks in a very short time, and the depth at which anobject is found below the surface is a very uncertain medium forestimating the antiquity of buried remains. 

GENERAL FEATURES

The ruin of Sikyatki (plates CXV, CXVI) lies about three miles east ofthe recent settlement of Tanoan families at Isba or Coyote spring, near the beginning of the trail to Hano. Its site is in full view fromthe road extending from the last-mentioned settlement to Keam'scanyon, and lies among the hills just below the two pyramidalelevations called Küküchomo, which are visible for a much greaterdistance. When seen from this road the mounds of Sikyatki are observedto be elevated at least 300 feet above the adjacent cultivated plain, but at the ruin itself this elevation is scarcely appreciable, sogradual is the southerly decline to the arroyo which drains the plain. The ruin is situated among foothills a few hundred yards from the baseof the mesa, and in the depression between it and the mesa there is astretch of sand in which grow peach trees and a few stunted cedars. Atthis point, likewise, there is a spring, now feeble in its flow fromthe gradually drifting sand, yet sufficient to afford a tricklingstream by means of which an enterprising native, named Tcino, irrigates a small garden of melons and onions. On all sides of theruin there are barren stretches of sand relieved in some places bystunted trees and scanty vegetation similar to that of the adjacentplains. The soil in the plaza of the ruin is cultivated, yielding afair crop of squashes, but is useless for corn or beans. 

Here and there about the ruins stand great jagged bowlders, relievingwhat would otherwise be a monotonous waste of sand. One of these stonyoutcrops forms what I have called the "acropolis" of Sikyatki, whichwill presently be described. On the eastern side the drifting sand hasso filled in around the elevation on which the ruin stands that theascent is gradual, and the same drift extends to the rim of the mesa, affording access to the summit that otherwise would necessitatedifficult climbing. Along the ridge of this great drift there runs atrail which passes over the mesa top to a beautiful spring, on theother side, called Kanelba. [102]

The highest point of the ruin as seen from the plain is the rockyeminence rising at the western edge, familiarly known among themembers of my party as the "acropolis. " As one approaches the ruinfrom a deep gulch on the west, the acropolis appears quite lofty, anda visitor would hardly suspect that it marks the culminating point ofa ruin, so similar does it appear to surrounding hills of likegeologic character where no vestiges of former house-walls appear. 

The spring from which the inhabitants of the old pueblo obtained theirwater supply lies between the ruin and the foot of the mesa, nearerthe latter. The water is yellow in color, especially after it hasremained undisturbed for some time, and the quantity is very limited. It trickles out of a bed of clay in several places and forms a poolfrom which it is drawn to irrigate a small garden and a grove of peachtrees. It is said that when Sikyatki was in its prime this spring waslarger than at present, and I am sure that a little labor spent indigging out the accumulation of sand would make the water morewholesome and probably sufficiently abundant for the needs of aconsiderable population. 

The nearest spring of potable water available for our excavation campat Sikyatki was Kanelba, or Sheep spring, one of the best sources ofwater supply in Tusayan. The word Kanelba, containing a Spanishelement, must have replaced a Hopi name, for it is hardly to besupposed that this spring was not known before sheep were brought intothe country. There is a legend that formerly the site of this springwas dry, when an ancient priest, who had deposited his _tiponi_, orchieftain's badge, at the place, caused the water to flow from theground; at present however the water rushes from a hole as large asthe arm in the face of the rock, as well as from several minoropenings. It is situated on the opposite side of the mesa fromSikyatki, a couple of miles northeastward from the ruin. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVI

GROUND PLAN OF SIKYATKI]

Half-way up the side of the mesa, about opposite Sikyatki, there is alarge reservoir, used as a watering place for sheep. The splash of thewater, as it falls into this reservoir, is an unusual sound in thisarid region, and is worth a tramp of many miles. There are manyevidences that this spring was a popular one in former times. As it isapproached from the top of the mesa, a brief inspection of thesurroundings shows that for about a quarter of a mile, on either side, there are signs of ancient terraced gardens, walled in with rows ofstones. These gardens have today greatly diminished in size, ascompared with the ancient outlines, and only that portion which isoccupied by a grove of peach trees is now under cultivation, althoughthere is plenty of water for the successful irrigation of a muchlarger tract of land than the gardens now cover. [103] Judging fromtheir size, many of the peach trees are very old, although they stillbear their annual crop of fruit. Everything indicates, as the legendsrelate, that these Kanelba gardens, the walls of which now form sheepcorrals, were long ago abandoned. 

The terraces south of the Kanelba peach grove resemble the lowerterraces of Wipo. About 100 rods farther south, along the foot of themesa, on the same level, are a number of unused fields, and a clusterof house remains. The whole of this terrace is of a type which showsgreater action of the weather than the others, but the boundaries ofthe fields are still marked with rows of stones. The adjacentfoothills contain piles of ashes in several places, as if the sites ofancient pottery kilns, and very old stone inclosures occur on the topof the mesa above Kanelba. All indications seem to point to theancient occupancy of the region about Kanelba by many more farmersthan today. Possibly the inhabitants of Sikyatki, which is only two orthree miles away, frequented this place and cultivated these ancientgardens. Kanelba is regarded as a sacred spring by several Hopireligious societies of East Mesa. The Snake priests of Walpi alwayscelebrate a feast there on the day of the snake hunt to the east inodd years, [104] while in the alternate years it is visited by theFlute men. 

The present appearance of Sikyatki (plate CXV) is very desolate, andwhen visited by our party previously to the initiation of the work, seemed to promise little in the way of archeological results. No wallswere standing above ground, and the outlines of the rooms were veryindistinct. All we saw at that time was a series of mounds, irregularly rectangular in shape, of varying altitude, with here andthere faint traces of walls. Prominent above all these mounds, however, was the pinnacle of rock on the northwestern corner, risingabruptly from the remainder of the ruin, easily approached from thewest and sloping more gradually to the south. This rocky elevation, which we styled the acropolis, was doubtless once covered with houses. 

On the western edge of the ruin a solitary farmhouse, used during thesummer season, had been constructed of materials from the old walls, and was inhabited by an Indian named Lelo and his family during ourexcavations. He is the recognized owner of the farm land aboutSikyatki and the cultivator of the soil in the old plaza of the ruins. Jakwaina, an enterprising Tewan who lives not far from Isba, thespring near the trail to Hano, has also erected a modern house nearthe Sikyatki spring, but it had not been completed at the time of ourstay. Probably never since its destruction in prehistoric times haveso many people as there were in our party lived for so long a time atthis desolate place. 

The disposition of the mounds show that the ground plan of Sikyatki(plate CXVI) was rectangular in shape, the houses inclosing a court inwhich are several mounds that may be the remains of kivas. The highestrange of rooms, and we may suppose the most populous part of theancient pueblo, was on the same side as the acropolis, where a largenumber of walled chambers in several series were traced. 

The surface of what was formerly the plaza is crossed by rows ofstones regularly arranged to form gardens, in which several kinds ofgourds are cultivated. In the sands north of the ruin there are manypeach trees, small and stunted, but yearly furnishing a fair crop. These are owned by Tcino, [105] and of course were planted long afterthe destruction of the pueblo. 

In order to obtain legends of the former occupancy and destruction ofSikyatki, I consulted Nasyuñweve, the former head of the Kokop people, and while the results were not very satisfactory, I learned that theland about Sikyatki is still claimed by that phratry. Nasyuñweve, [106]Katci, and other prominent Kokop people occupy and cultivate the landabout Sikyatki on the ground of inheritance from their ancestors whoonce inhabited the place. 

Two routes were taken to approach Sikyatki--one directly across thesandy plain from the entrance to Keam's canyon, following for somedistance the road to East Mesa; the other along the edge of the mesa, on the first terrace, to the cluster of houses at Coyote spring. Thetrail to the pueblos of East Mesa ascends the cliff just aboveSikyatki spring, and joins that to Kanelba or Sheep spring, not farfrom Küküchomo, the twin mounds. By keeping along the first terrace awell-traveled trail, with interesting views of the plain and the ruin, joins the old wagon road to _Wala_, the "gap" of East Mesa, at ahigher level than the cluster of Tewan houses at Isba. In going andreturning from their homes our Hopi workmen preferred the trail alongthe mesa, which we also often used; but the climb to the mesa top fromthe ruin is very steep and somewhat tiresome. 

We prosecuted our excavations at Sikyatki for a few days over threeweeks, choosing as a site for our camp a small depression to the eastof the ruin near a dwarf cedar at the point where the trail to Kanelbapasses the ruin. The place was advantageously near the cemeteries, andnot too far from water. For purposes other than cooking and drinkingthe Sikyatki spring was used, the remainder of the supply beingbrought from Kanelba by means of a burro. 

I employed Indian workmen at the ruin, and found them, as a rule, efficient helpers. The zeal which they manifested at the beginning ofthe work did not flag, but it must be confessed that toward the closeof the excavations it became necessary to incite their enthusiasm byprizes, and, to them, extraordinary offers of overalls and calico. They at first objected to working in the cemeteries, regarding it as adesecration of the dead, but several of their number overcame theirscruples, even handling skulls and other parts of skeletons. The Snakechief, Kopeli, however, never worked with the others, desiring not todig in the graves. Respecting his feelings, I allotted him the specialtask of excavating the rooms of the acropolis, which he performed withmuch care, showing great interest in the results. At the close of ourdaily work prayer-offerings were placed in the trenches by the Indianworkmen, as conciliatory sacrifices to Masauwûh, the dread God ofDeath, to offset any malign influence which might result from ourdesecration of his domain. A superstitious feeling that this god wasnot congenial to the work which was going on, seemed always to hauntthe minds of the laborers, and once or twice I was admonished by oldmen, visitors from Walpi, not to persist in my excavations. Theexcavators, at times, paused in their work and called my attention tostrange voices echoing from the cliffs, which they ascribed, half inearnest, to Masauwûh. 

The Indians faithfully delivered to me all objects which they found intheir digging, with the exception of turquoises, many of which, Ihave good reason to suspect, they concealed while our backs wereturned and, in a few instances, even before our eyes. 

The accompanying plan of Sikyatki (plate CXVI) shows that it was arectangular ruin with an inclosed plaza. It is evident that theancient pueblo was built on a number of low hills and that the easternportion was the highest. In this respect it resembled Awatobi, butapparently differed from the latter pueblo in having the inclosedplaza. In the same way it was unlike Walpi or the ancient and modernpueblos of Middle Mesa and Oraibi. In fact, there is no Tusayan ruinwhich resembles it in ground plan, except Payüpki, a Tanoan town ofmuch later construction. The typical Tusayan form of architecture isthe pyramidal, especially in the most ancient pueblos. The ground planof Sikyatki is of a type more common in the eastern pueblo region andin those towns of Tusayan which were built by emigrants from the RioGrande region. Sikyatki and some of the villages overlooking Antelopevalley are of this type. 

In studying the ground plans of the three modern villages on EastMesa, the fact is noted that both Sichomovi and Hano differarchitecturally from Walpi. The forms of the former smaller pueblosare primarily rectangular with an inclosed plaza in which is situatedthe kiva; Walpi, on the other hand, although furnished with a smallplaza at the western end, has kivas located peripherally rather thanin an open space between the highest house clusters. Sichomovi isconsidered by the Hopi as like Zuñi, and is sometimes called by theHano people, Sionimone, "Zuñi court, " because to the Tewan mind itresembles Zuñi; but the term is never applied to Walpi. [107] Thedistinction thus recognized is, I believe, architecturally valid. Theinclosed court or plaza in Tusayan is an intrusion from the east, andas eastern colonists built both Hano and Sichomovi, they preserved theform to which they were accustomed. The Sikyatki builders drew theirarchitectural inspiration likewise from the east, hence the inclosedcourt in the ruins of that village. 

The two most considerable house clusters of Sikyatki are at each endof a longer axis, connected by a narrow row of houses on the othersides. The western rows of houses face the plain, and were of onestory, with a gateway at one point. The opposite row was moreelevated, no doubt overlooking cultivated fields beyond the confinesof the ruin. No kivas were discovered, but if such exist they ought tobe found in the mass of houses at the southern end. I thought we hadfound circular rooms in that region, but cursory excavations did notdemonstrate their existence. As there is no reason to suspect theexistence of circular kivas in ancient Tusayan, it would be difficultto decide whether or not any one of the large rectangular rooms wasused for ceremonial purposes, for it is an interesting fact that someof the oldest secret rites in the Hopi villages occur, not in kivas, but in ordinary dwelling rooms in the village. It has yet to be shownthat there were special kivas in prehistoric Tusayan. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVII

EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI]

The longer axis of the ruin is about north and south; the greatestelevation is approximately 50 feet. Rocks outcrop only at one place, the remainder of the ruin being covered with rubble, sand, stones, andfragments of pottery. The mounds are not devoid of vegetation, forsagebrush, cacti, and other desert genera grow quite profusely overtheir surface; but they are wholly barren of trees or large bushes, and except in the plaza the ruin area is uncultivated. As previouslystated, Sikyatki is situated about 250 or 300 feet above the plain, and when approached from Keam's canyon appears to be about halfway upthe mesa height. On several adjacent elevations evidences of formerfires, or places where pottery was burned, were found, and one has notto go far to discover narrow seams of an impure lignite. Here andthere are considerable deposits of selenite, which, as pointed out bySitgreaves in his report on the exploration of the Little Colorado, looks like frost exuding from the ground in early spring. 

THE ACROPOLIS

During the limited time devoted to the excavation of Sikyatki it wasimpossible, in a ruin so large, to remove the soil covering anyconsiderable number of rooms. The excavations at different points oversuch a considerable area as that covered by the mounds would have beenmore or less desultory and unsatisfactory, but a limited sectioncarefully opened would be much more instructive and typical. While, therefore, the majority of the Indian workmen were kept employed atthe cemeteries, Kopeli, the Snake chief, a man in whom I have greatconfidence, was assigned to the excavation of a series of rooms at thehighest point of the ruin, previously referred to as the acropolis(figure 262). Although his work in these chambers did not yield suchrich results as the others, so far as the number of objects wasconcerned, he succeeded in uncovering a number of rooms to theirfloors, and unearthed many interesting objects of clay and stone. Abrief description of these excavations will show the nature of thework at that point. 

The acropolis, or highest point of Sikyatki, is a prominent rockyelevation at the western angle, and overlooks the entire ruin. On theside toward the western cemetery it rises quite abruptly, but theascent is more gradual from the other sides. The surface of thiselevation, on which the houses stood, is of rock, and originally wasas destitute of soil as the plaza of Walpi. This surface supported adouble series of rooms, and the highest point is a bare, rockyprojection. 

From the rooms of the acropolis there was a series of chambers, probably terraced, sloping to the modern gardens now occupying the oldplaza, and the broken walls of these rooms still protrude from thesurface in many places (plate CXVIII). When the excavations on theacropolis were begun, no traces of the biserial rows of rooms weredetected, although the remains of the walls were traceable. Thesurface was strewn with fragments of pottery and other evidences offormer occupancy. 

On leveling the ground and throwing off the surface stones, it wasfound that the narrow ridge which formed the top of the acropolis wasoccupied by a double line of well-built chambers which show everyevidence of having been living rooms. The walls were constructed ofsquared stones set in adobe, with the inner surface neatly plastered. Many of the rooms communicated by means of passageways with adjacentchambers, some of them being provided with niches and shelves. Theaverage height of the standing walls revealed by excavation, asindicated by the distance of the floor below the surface of the soil, was about 5 feet. 

[Illustration: FIG. 262--The acropolis of Sikyatki]

The accompanying illustration (plate CXVIII) shows a ground plan ofnine of these rooms, which, for purposes of reference, are lettered_a_ to _l_. A description of each, it is hoped, will give an idea of atypical room of Sikyatki. Room _a_ is rectangular in shape, 5 feet 3inches by 6 feet 8 inches, and is 5 feet 8 inches deep. It has twodepressions in the floor at the southeastern corner, and there is asmall niche in the side wall above them. Some good specimens of muralplastering, much blackened by soot, are found on the eastern wall. Room _a_ has no passageway into room _b_, but it opens into theadjoining room _c_ by an opening in the wall 3 feet 4 inches wide, with a threshold 9 inches high. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXVIII

PLAN OF EXCAVATED ROOMS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF SIKYATKI

(Dimensions in feet and inches)]

The shape of room _b_ is more irregular. It is 8 feet 1 inch long by 4feet 5 inches wide, and the floor is 5 feet 2 inches below thesurface. In one corner there is a raised triangular platform 2 feet 7inches above the floor. A large cooking pot, blackened with soot, wasfound in one corner of this room, and near it was a circulardepression in the floor 17 inches in diameter, evidently a fireplace. 

Room _c_ is smaller than either of the preceding, and is the only onewith two passageways into adjoining chambers. Remains of wooden beamsin a fair state of preservation were found on the floors of rooms _c_and _b_, but they were not charred, as is so often the case, nor werethere any ashes except in the supposed fireplace. 

Room _d_ is larger than those already mentioned, being 7 feet 8 inchesby 5 feet, and connects with room _c_ by means of a passageway. Rooms_e_ and _f_ communicate with each other by an opening 16 inches wide. We found the floors of these rooms 4 feet below the surface. Thelength of room _e_ is 8 feet. 

Room _f_ is 6 feet 8 inches long and of the same width as _e_. Thethree chambers _g_, _h_, and _i_ are each 6 feet 9 inches wide, but ofvarying width. Room _g_ is 5 feet 2 inches, _h_ is 8 feet 6 inches, and _i_, the smallest of all, only a foot wide. These three rooms haveno intercommunication. 

The evidence of former fires in some of these rooms, afforded by sooton the walls and ashes in the depressions identified as oldfireplaces, is most important. In one or two places I broke off afragment of the plastering and found it to be composed of many strataof alternating black and adobe color, indicating successiveplasterings of the room. Apparently when the surface wall becameblackened by smoke it was renewed by a fresh layer or wash of adobe inthe manner followed in renovating the kiva walls today. [108]

An examination of the dimensions of the rooms of the acropolis willshow that, while small, they are about the average size of thechambers in most other southwestern ruins. They are, however, muchsmaller than the rooms of the modern pueblo of Walpi or those of thecliff ruins in the Red-rock region, elsewhere described. Evidently theroof was 2 or 3 feet higher than the top of the present walls, and theabsence of external passageways would seem to indicate that entrancewas through the roof. The narrow chamber, _i_, is no smaller than someof those which were excavated at Awatobi, but unless it was a storagebin or dark closet for ceremonial paraphernalia its function is notknown to me. The mural plastering was especially well done in rooms_g_ and _h_, a section thereof showing many successive thin strata ofsoot and clay, implying long occupancy. No chimneys were found, thesmoke, as is the case with that from kiva fires today, doubtlessfinding an exit through the hatchway in the roof. 

MODERN GARDENS

The whole surface of the ancient plaza of Sikyatki is occupied byrectangular gardens outlined by rows of stones. These are of modernconstruction and are cultivated by an enterprising Hopi who, aspreviously mentioned, has erected a habitable dwelling on one of thewestern mounds from the stones of the old ruin. These gardens areplanted yearly with melons and squashes, and stones forming theoutlines serve as wind-breaks to protect the growing plants fromdrifting sand. The plotting of the plan of these gardens was made in1891, when a somewhat larger part of the plaza was under cultivationthan in 1895. [109]

There is a grove of dwarf peach trees in the sands between thenorthern side of the ruin and the mesa along the run through whichsometimes trickles a little stream from the spring. These trees belongto an inhabitant of Sichomovi named Tcino, who, it is claimed, is adescendant of the ancient Sikyatkians. The trees were of courseplanted there since the fall of the village, on land claimed by theKokop phratry by virtue of their descent from the same phratralorganization of the ancient pueblo. [110] The spring shows no evidenceof having been walled up, but apparently has been filled in bydrifting sand since the time that it formed the sole water supply ofthe neighboring pueblo. It still preserves the yellow color mentionedin traditions of the place. 

THE CEMETERIES

By far the largest number of objects found at Sikyatki were gatheredfrom the cemeteries outside the ruin, and were therefore mortuary incharacter. It would seem that the people buried their dead a shortdistance beyond the walls, at the three cardinal points. The first ofthese cemeteries was found in the dune between the ruin and the peachtrees below the spring, and from its relative position from the pueblohas been designated the northern cemetery. The cemetery proper lies onthe edge of the sandy tract, and was first detected by the finding ofthe long-bones of a human skeleton projecting from the soil. Theposition of individual graves was indicated usually by small, oblongpiles of stones; but, as this was not an invariable sign, it wasdeemed advisable to extend long trenches across the lower part of thedune. As a rule, the deeper the excavations the more numerous andelaborate were the objects revealed. Most of the skeletons were in apoor state of preservation, but several could have been saved had wethe proper means at our disposal to care for them. 

No evidence of cremation of the dead was found, either at Awatobi orSikyatki, nor have I yet detected any reference to this custom amongthe modern Hopi Indians. They have, however, a strange concept of thepurification of the breath-body, or shade of the dead, by fire, which, although I have always regarded it as due to the teaching of Christianmissionaries, may be aboriginal in character. This account of thejudgment of the dead is as follows:

There are two roads from the grave to the Below. One of these is astraight way connected with the path of the sun into the Underworld. There is a branch trail which divides from this straight way, passingfrom fires to a lake or ocean (_patübha_). At the fork of the roadsits Tokonaka, and when the breath-body comes to this place this chieflooks it over and, if satisfied, he says "_Üm-pac lo-la-mai, ta ai_, ""You are very good; go on. " Then the breath-body passes along thestraight way to the far west, to the early _Sipapû_, the Underworldfrom which it came, the home of Müiyinwû. Another breath-body comes tothe fork in the road, and the chief says, "You are bad, " and heconducts it along the crooked path to the place of the first fire pit, where sits a second chief, Tokonaka, who throws the bad breath-bodyinto the fire, and after a time it emerges purified, for it was notwholly bad. The chief says, "You are good now, " and carries it back tothe first chief, who accepts the breath-body and sends it along thestraight road to the west. 

If, on emerging from the first fire, the soul is still unpurified, ornot sufficiently so to be accepted, it is taken to the second fire pitand cast into it. If it emerges from this thoroughly purified, in theopinion of the judge, it is immediately transformed into a_ho-ho-ya-üh_, or prayer-beetle. All the beetles we now see in thevalleys or among the mesas were once evil Hopi. If, on coming out ofthe second fire pit, the breath-body is still considered bad by thechief, he takes it to the third fire, and, if there be no evil in itwhen it emerges from this pit, it is metamorphosed into an ant, but ifunpurified by these three fires--that is, if the chief still findsevil left in the breath-body--he takes it to a fourth fire and againcasts it into the flames, where it is utterly consumed, the onlyresidue being soot on the side of the pit. 

I have not recorded this as a universal or an aboriginal belief amongthe Hopi, but rather to show certain current ideas which may have beenbrought to Tusayan by missionaries or others. The details of thepurification of the evil soul are characteristic. 

The western cemetery of Sikyatki is situated among the hillockscovered with surface rubble below a house occupied in summer by aHopi and his family. From the nature of the soil the excavation ofthis cemetery was very difficult, although the mortuary objects weremore numerous. Repeated attempts to make the Indians work in asystematic manner failed, partly on account of the hard soil andpartly from other reasons. Although the lower we went the morenumerous and beautiful were the objects exhumed, the Indians soontired of deep digging, preferring to confine their work to within twoor three feet of the surface. At many places we found graves under andbetween the huge bowlders, which are numerous in this cemetery. 

The southern cemetery lies between the outer edge of the ruin on thatside and the decline to the plain, a few hundred feet from thesouthern row of houses. Two conspicuous bowlders mark the site of mostof the excavations in that direction. The mortuary objects from thiscemetery are not inferior in character or number to those from theother burial places. All attempts to discover a cemetery on theeastern side of the pueblo failed, although a single food basin wasbrought to the camp by an Indian who claimed he had dug it out of thedeep sand on the eastern side of the ruins. Another bowl was found inthe sand drift near the trail over the mesa to Kanelba, but carefulinvestigation failed to reveal any systematic deposit of mortuaryvessels east of the ruin. [111]

The method of excavation pursued in the cemeteries was not soscientific as I had wished, but it was the only practicable one to befollowed with native workmen. Having found the location of the gravesby means of small prospecting holes sunk at random, the workmen werealigned and directed to excavate a single long, deep trench, removingall the earth as they advanced. It was with great difficulty that theIndians were taught the importance of excavating to a sufficientdepth, and even to the end of the work they refused to be taught notto burrow. In their enthusiasm to get the buried treasures they workedvery well so long as objects were found, but became at oncediscouraged when relics were not so readily forthcoming and went offprospecting in other places when our backs were turned. A shout thatanyone had discovered a new grave in the trench was a signal for theothers to stop work, gather around the place, light cigarettes, andwatch me or my collaborators dig out the specimens with knives. Thiswe always insisted on doing, for the reason that in their haste theIndians at first often broke fragile pottery after they had discoveredit, and in spite of all precautions several fine jars and bowls werethus badly damaged by them. It is therefore not too much to say thatmost of the vessels which are now entire were dug out of the impactedsand by Mr Hodge or myself. 

No rule could be formulated in regard to the place where the potterywould occur, and often the first indication of its presence was thestroke of a shovel on the fragile edge of a vase or bowl. Having oncefound a skeleton, or discolored sand which indicated the formerpresence of human remains, the probability that burial objects werenear by was almost a certainty, although in several instances eventhese signs failed. 

A considerable number of the pottery objects had been broken when thesoil and stones were thrown on the corpse at interment. So many wereentire, however, that I do not believe any considerable number werepurposely broken at that time, and none were found with holes made inthem to "kill" or otherwise destroy their utility. 

No evidences of cremation--no charred bones of man or animal in ornear the mortuary vessels--were found. From the character of theobjects obtained from neighboring graves, rich and poor wereapparently buried side by side in the same soil. Absolutely noevidence of Spanish influence was encountered in all the excavationsat Sikyatki--no trace of metal, glass, or other object of Caucasianmanufacture such as I have mentioned as having been taken from theruins of Awatobi--thus confirming the native tradition that thecatastrophe of Sikyatki antedated the middle of the sixteenth century, when the first Spaniards entered the country. 

It is remarkable that in Sikyatki we found no fragments of basketry orcloth, the fame of which among the Pueblo Indians was known toCoronado before he left Mexico. That the people of Sikyatki worecotton kilts no one can doubt, but these fabrics, if they were buriedwith the dead, had long since decayed. Specimens of strings and ropesof yucca, which were comparatively abundant at Awatobi, were not foundat Sikyatki; yet their absence by no means proves that they were notused, for the marks of the strings used to bind feathers to themortuary pahos, on the green paint with which the wood was covered, may still be readily seen. 

The insight into ancient beliefs and practices afforded by thenumerous objects found at Sikyatki is very instructive, and while itshows the antiquity of some of the modern symbols, it betrays a stillmore important group of conventionalized figures, the meaning of whichmay always remain in doubt. This is particularly true of thedecoration on many specimens of the large collection of highlyornamented pottery found in the Sikyatki cemeteries. 

If we consider the typical designs on modern Hopi pottery and comparethem with the ancient, as illustrated by the collections from Awatobiand Sikyatki, it is noted, in the first place, how different they are, and secondly, how much better executed the ancient objects are thanthe modern. Nor is it always clear how the modern symbols are derivedfrom the ancient, so widely do they depart from them in all theiressential characters. 

POTTERY

CHARACTERISTICS--MORTUARY POTTERY

The pottery exhumed from the burial places of Sikyatki falls in thedivisions known as--

 I--Coiled and indented ware. II--Smooth undecorated ware. III--Polished decorated ware. _a_. Yellow. _b_. Red. _c_. Black-and-white. 

By far the largest number of ancient pottery objects from thislocality belong to the yellow-ware group in the above classification. This is the characteristic pottery of Tusayan, although coiled andindented ware is well represented in the collection. The few pieces ofred ware are different from that found in the ruins of the LittleColorado, while the black-and-white pottery closely resembles thearchaic ware of northern cliff houses. Although the Sikyatki potterybears resemblance to that of Awatobi, it can be distinguished from itwithout difficulty. The paste of both is of the finest character andwas most carefully prepared. Some of the ancient specimens are muchsuperior to those at present made, and are acknowledged by the finestpotters of East Mesa to be beyond their power of ceramic production. The coloration is generally in red, brown, yellow, and black. Decorative treatment by spattering is common in the food basins, andthis was no doubt performed, Chinese fashion, by means of the mouth. The same method is still employed by the Hopi priests in paintingtheir masks. 

The Sikyatki collection of pottery shows little or no duplication indecorative design, and every ornamented food basin bears practicallydifferent symbols. The decoration of the food basins is mainly on theinterior, but there is almost invariably a geometrical design of somekind on the outside, near the rim. The ladles, likewise, areornamented on their interior, and their handles also are generallydecorated. When the specimens were removed from the graves theircolors, as a rule, were apparently as well preserved as at the time oftheir burial; nor, indeed, do they appear to have faded since theirdeposit in the National Museum. 

The best examples of ceramic art from the graves of Sikyatki, intexture, finish, and decoration, are, in my judgment, superior to anypottery made by ancient or modern Indians north of Mexico. Indeed, inthese respects the old Tusayan pottery will bear favorable comparisoneven with Central American ware. It is far superior to the rudepottery of the eastern pueblos, and is also considerably better thanthat of the great villages of the Gila and Salado. Among the Hopithemselves the ceramic art has degenerated, as the few remainingpotters confess. These objects can hardly be looked upon as productsof a savage people destitute of artistic feeling, but of a race whichhas developed in this line of work, through the plane of savagery, toa high stage of barbarism. While, as a whole, we can hardly regard themodern Hopi as a degenerate people with a more cultured ancestry, certainly the entire Pueblo culture in the Southwest, judged by thecharacter of their pottery manufacture, has greatly deteriorated sincethe middle of the sixteenth century. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXIX

COILED AND INDENTED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI]

COILED AND INDENTED WARE

The rudest type of pottery from Sikyatki has been classed as coiledand indented ware. It is coarse in texture, not polished, and usuallynot decorated. Although the outer surface of the pottery of this classis rough, the general form of the ware is not less symmetrical thanthat of the finer vessels. The objects belonging to this group aremostly jars and moccasin-shape vessels, there being no bowls of thistype. As a rule, the vessels are blackened with soot, although some ofthe specimens are light-brown in color. The former variety wereundoubtedly once used in cooking; the latter apparently for containingwater or food. In the accompanying illustration (plate CXIX, _a_) isshown one of the best specimens of indented ware, the pits forming anequatorial zone about the vessel. All traces of the coil of clay withwhich the jar was built up have been obliterated save on the bottom. The vessel is symmetrical and the indentations regular, as if madewith a pointed stone, bone, or stick. 

In another form of coarse pottery (plate CXIX, _b_) the rim mergesinto two ears or rudimentary handles on opposite sides. Traces of theoriginal coiling are readily observable on the sides of this vessel. 

Another illustration (plate CXIX, _c_) shows an amphora or jar withdiametrically opposite handles extending from the rim to the side ofthe bowl. The surface of this rude jar is rough and withoutdecoration, but the form is regular and symmetrical. In anotheramphora (plate CXIX, _d_) the opposite handles appear below the neckof the vessel; they are broader and apparently more serviceable. 

The jar shown in plate CXIX, _e_, has two ear-like extensions orprojections from the neck of the jar, which are perforated forsuspension. This vessel is decorated with an incised zigzag line, which surrounds it just above its equator. This is a fair example ofornamented rough ware. 

Several of the vessels made of coarse clay mixed with sand, the grainsof which make the surface very rough, are of slipper or moccasinshape. These are covered with soot or blackened by fire, indicatingtheir former use as cooking pots. By adopting this form the ancientswere practically enabled to use the principle of the dutch-oven, thecoals being piled about the vessels containing the food to be cookedmuch more advantageously than in the vase-like forms. 

The variations in slipper-shape cooking pots are few and simple. Theblind end is sometimes of globular form, as in the example illustratedin plate CXX, _a_, and sometimes pointed as in figures _b_ and _c_ ofthe same plate. One of the specimens of this type has a handle on therim and another has a flaring lip. Slipper-form vessels are always ofcoarse ware for the obvious reason that, being somewhat more porous, they are more readily heated than polished utensils. They are notdecorated for equally obvious reasons. 

SMOOTH UNDECORATED WARE

There are many specimens of undecorated ware of all shapes and sizes, a type of which is shown in plate CXX, _d_. These include food bowls, saucers, ladles, and jars, and were taken from many graves. Theseutensils differ from the coarse-ware vessels not only in the characterof the clay from which they are made, but also in their superficialpolish, which, in some instances, is as fine as that of vessels withpainted designs. Several very good spoons of half-gourd shape werefound, and there are many undecorated food bowls and vases. The firstattempts at ornamentation appear to have been a simple spattering ofthe surface with liquid pigment or a drawing of simple encirclingbands. In one instance (plate CXX, _d_) a blackening of the surface byexposure to smoke was detected, but no superficial gloss, as in theSanta Clara ware, was noted. 

POLISHED DECORATED WARE

By far the greater number of specimens of mortuary pottery fromSikyatki are highly polished and decorated with more or lesscomplicated designs. Of these there are at least three differentgroups, based on the color of the ware. Most of the vessels are lightyellow or of cream color; the next group in point of color is the redware, the few remaining specimens being white with black decorationsin geometric patterns. These types naturally fall into divisionsconsisting of vases, jars, bowls, square boxes, cups, ladles, andspoons. 

In the group called vases (plates CXXI, CXXII) many varieties arefound; some of these are double, with an equatorial constriction;others are rounded below, flat above, with an elevated neck and arecurved lip. It is noteworthy that these jars or vases are destituteof handles, and that their decoration is always confined to theequatorial and upper sections about the opening. In the specimens ofthis group which were found at Sikyatki there is no basal rim and nodepression on the pole opposite the opening. No decoration is found onthe interior of the vases, although in several instances the inside ofthe lip bears lines or markings of various kinds. The opening isalways circular, sometimes small, often large; the neck of a vessel isoccasionally missing, although the specimens bear evidence of useafter having been thus broken. In one or two instances the equatorialconstriction is so deep that the jar is practically double; in othercases the constriction is so shallow that it is hardly perceptible(plate CXXVI, _a, b_). The size varies from a simple globular vesselnot larger than a walnut to a jar of considerable size. Many showmarks of previous use; others are as fresh as if made but yesterday. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXX

SAUCERS AND SLIPPER BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI]

One of the most fragile of all the globular vessels is a specimen ofvery thin black-and-white ware, perforated near the rim for suspension(plate CXXXII). This form, although rare at Sikyatki, is representedby several specimens, and in mode of decoration is very similar to thecliff-house pottery. From its scarcity in Tusayan I am inclined tobelieve that this and related specimens were not made of clay found inthe immediate vicinity of Sikyatki, but that the vessels were broughtto the ancient pueblo from distant places. As at least some of thecliff houses were doubtless inhabited contemporaneously with and longafter the destruction of Sikyatki, I do not hesitate to say that thepotters of that pueblo were familiar with the cliff-dweller type ofpottery and acquainted with the technic which gave the black-and-whiteware its distinctive colors. 

By far the largest number of specimens of smooth decorated potteryfrom Sikyatki graves are food bowls or basins, evidently the dishes inwhich food was placed on the floor before the members of a family attheir meals. As the mortuary offerings were intended as food for thedeceased it is quite natural that this form of pottery should faroutnumber any and all the others. In no instance do the food bowlsexhibit marks of smoke blackening, an indication that they had notbeen used in the cooking of food, but merely as receptacles of thesame. 

The beautiful decoration of these vessels speaks highly for theartistic taste of the Sikyatki women, and a feast in which they wereused must have been a delight to the native eye so far as dishes wereconcerned. When filled with food, however, much of the decoration ofthe bowls must have been concealed, a condition avoided in the mode ofornamentation adopted by modern Tusayan potters; but there is no doubtthat when not in use the decoration of the vessels was effectuallyexhibited in their arrangement on the floor or convenient shelves. 

The forms of these food bowls are hemispherical, gracefully roundedbelow, and always without an attached ring of clay on which to standto prevent rocking. Their rims are seldom flaring, but sometimes havea slight constriction, and while the rims of the majority areperfectly circular, oblong variations are not wanting. Many of thebowls are of saucer shape, with almost vertical sides and flat bases;several are double, with rounded or flat base. 

The surface, inside and out, is polished to a fine gloss, and whenexteriorly decorated, the design is generally limited to one side justbelow the rim, which is often ornamented with double or tripleparallel lines, drawn in equidistant, quaternary, and other forms. Most of the bowls show signs of former use, either wear on the innersurface or on the base where they rested on the floor in formerfeasts. 

These mortuary vessels were discovered generally at one side of thechest or neck of the person whose remains they were intended toaccompany, and a single specimen was found inverted over the head ofthe deceased. The number of vessels in each grave was not constant, and as many as ten were found with one skeleton, while in other gravesonly one or two were found. In one instance a nest of six of thesebasins, one inside another, was exhumed. While many of these mortuaryofferings were broken and others chipped, there were still a largenumber as perfect as when made. Some of the bowls had been mendedbefore burial, as holes drilled on each side of a crack clearlyindicate. Fragments of various vessels, which evidently had beenbroken before they were thrown into the graves, were common. 

There is a general similarity in the artistic decoration of bowlsfound in the same grave, as if they were made by the same potter; andpersons of distinction, as shown by other mortuary objects, were, as arule, more honored than some of their kindred in the character andnumber of pottery objects deposited with their remains. There werealso a number of skeletons without ceramic offerings of any kind. 

In one or two interments two or more small jars were found placedinside of a food bowl, and in many instances votive offerings, liketurquois, beads, stones, and arrowpoints, had been deposited with thedead. The bowls likewise contained, in some instances, prayer-sticksand other objects, which will later be described. 

One of the most interesting modifications in the form of the rim ofone of these food bowls is shown in plate CXX, _e_, which illustratesa variation from the circular shape, forming a kind of handle orsupport for the thumb in lifting the vessel. The utility of thisprojection in handling a bowl of hot food is apparent. This form ofvessel is very rare, it being the only one of its kind in thecollection. 

A considerable number of cups were found at Sikyatki; these vary insize and shape from a flat-bottom saucer like specimen to a mug-shapevariety, always with a single handle (plate CXXV). Many of theseresemble small bowls with rounded sides, but there are others in whichthe sides are vertical, and still others the sides of which incline atan angle to the flattened base. 

The handles of these cups are generally smooth, and in one instanceadorned with a figure in relief. The rims of these dippers are neverflaring, either inward or outward. As a rule they are decorated on theexterior; indeed there is only one instance of interior decoration. The handles of the dippers are generally attached at both ends, butsometimes the handle is free at the end near the body of the utensiland attached at the tip. These handles are usually flat, but sometimesthey are round, and often are decorated. Traces of imitations of thebraiding of two coils of clay are seen in a single specimen. [112]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXI

DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXII

DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI]

Small and large ladles, with long handles, occurred in large numbersin Sikyatki graves, but there was little variation among them exceptin the forms of their handles. Many of these utensils were much wornby use, especially on the rim opposite the attachment of the handle, and in some specimens the handle itself had evidently been broken andthe end rounded off by rubbing long before it was placed in the grave. From the comparatively solid character of the bowls of these dippersthey were rarely fractured, and were commonly found to contain smallermortuary objects, such as paint, arrowheads, or polishing stones. 

The ladles, unlike most of the cups, are generally decorated on theinterior as well as on the exterior. Their handles vary in size andshape, are usually hollow, and sometimes are perforated at the end. Incertain specimens the extremity is prolonged into a pointed, recurvedtip, and sometimes is coiled in a spiral. A groove in the uppersurface of one example is an unusual variation, and a right-angle bendof the tip is a unique feature of another specimen. The Sikyatkipotters, like their modern descendants, [113] sometimes ornamented thetip of a single handle with the head of an animal and painted theupper surface of the shaft with alternate parallel bars, zigzags, terraces, and frets. 

Several spoons or scoops of earthenware, which evidently had been usedin much the same way as similar objects in the modern pueblos, werefound. Some of these have the shape of a half gourd--a natural objectwhich no doubt furnished the pattern. These spoons, as a rule, werenot decorated, but on a single specimen bars and parallel lines may bedetected. In the innovations of modern times pewter spoons serve thesame purpose, and their form is sometimes imitated in earthenware. More often, in modern and probably also in ancient usage, a roll ofpaper-bread or _piki_ served the same purpose, being dipped into thestew and then eaten with the fingers. Possibly the Sikyatkian drankfrom the hollow handle of a gourd ladle, as is frequently done inWalpi today, but he generally slaked his thirst by means of a claysubstitute. [114]

Several box-like articles of pottery of both cream and red ware werefound in the Sikyatki graves, some of them having handles, othersbeing without them (plate CXXV). They are ornamented on the exteriorand on the rim, and the handle, when not lacking, is attached to thelonger side of the rectangular vessel. Not a single bowl was foundwith a terraced rim, a feature so common in the medicine bowls ofTusayan at the present time. [115]

In addition to the various forms of pottery which have been mentioned, there are also pieces made in the form of birds, one of the mosttypical of which is figured in plate CXII, _c_. In these objects thewings are represented by elevations in the form of ridges on thesides, and the tail and head by prolongations, which unfortunatelywere broken off. 

Toys or miniature reproductions of all the above-mentioned ceramicspecimens occurred in several graves. These are often very roughlymade, and in some cases contained pigments of different colors. Thefinding of a few fragments of clay in the form of animal heads, andone or two rude images of quadrupeds, would seem to indicate thatsometimes such objects were likewise deposited with the dead. A clayobject resembling the flaring end of a flageolet and ornamented with azigzag decoration is unique in the collections from Sikyatki, althoughin the western cemetery there was found a fragment of an earthenwaretube, possibly a part of a flute. 

In order to show more clearly the association of mortuary objects insingle graves a few examples of the grouping of these deposits will begiven. 

In a grave in the western cemetery the following specimens were found:1, ladle; 2, paint grinder; 3, paint slab; 4, arrowpoints; 5, fragments of a marine shell (_Pectunculus_); 6, pipe, with fragmentsof a second pipe, and 7, red paint (sesquioxide of iron). 

In the grave which contained the square medicine bowl shown in plateCXXVIII, _a_, a ladle containing food was also unearthed. 

The bowl decorated with a picture of a girl's head was associated withfragments of another bowl and four ladles. 

Another single grave contained four large and small cooking pots and abroken metate. 

In a grave 8 feet below the surface in the western cemetery we found:1, decorated food vessel; 2, black shoe-shape cooking pot resting in afood bowl and containing a small rude ladle; 3, coarse undecoratedbasin. 

A typical assemblage of mortuary objects comprised: 1, small decoratedbowl containing polishing stones; 2, miniature cooking pot blackenedby soot; 3, two small food bowls. 

In modern Hopi burials the food bowls with the food for the dead arenot buried with the deceased, but are placed on the mound of soil andstones which covers the remains. From the position of the mortuarypottery as regards the skeletons in the Sikyatki interments, it isprobable that this custom is of modern origin. Whether in former timesfood bowls were placed on the burial mounds as well as in the grave Iam not able to say. The number of food bowls in ancient graves exceedsthose placed on modern burials. 

The Sikyatki dead were apparently wrapped in coarse fabrics, possiblymatting. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIII

DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI]

PALEOGRAPHY OF THE POTTERY

GENERAL FEATURES

The pottery from Sikyatki is especially rich in picture writing, andimperfect as these designs are as a means of transmitting a knowledgeof manners, customs, and religious conceptions, they can beinterpreted with good results. 

One of the most important lessons drawn from the pottery is to be hadfrom a study of the symbols used in its decoration, as indicative ofcurrent beliefs and practices when it was made. The ancientinhabitants of Sikyatki have left no written records, for, unlike themore cultured people of Central America, they had no codices; but theyhave left on their old mortuary pottery a large body of picturewritings or paleography which reveals many instructive phases of theirformer culture. The decipherment of these symbols is in part madepossible by the aid of a knowledge of modern survivals, and wheninterpreted rightly they open a view of ancient Tusayan myths, and insome cases of prehistoric practices. [116]

Students of Pueblo mythology and ritual are accumulating aconsiderable body of literature bearing on modern beliefs andpractices. This is believed to be the right method of determiningtheir aboriginal status, and is therefore necessary as a basis of ourknowledge of their customs and beliefs. It is reasonable to supposethat what is now practiced in Pueblo ritual contains more or less ofwhat has survived from prehistoric times, but from Taos to Tusayanthere is no pueblo which does not show modifications in mythology andritual due to European contact. Modern Pueblo life resembles theancient, but is not a facsimile of it, and until we have rightlymeasured the effects of incorporated elements, we are more or lessinexact in our estimation of the character of prehistoric culture. Thevein of similarity in the old and the new can be used in aninterpretation of ancient paleography, but we overstep naturallimitations if by so doing we ascribe to prehistoric culture everyconcept which we find current among the modern survivors. To show howmuch the paleography of Tusayan has changed since Sikyatki wasdestroyed, I need only say that most of the characteristic figures ofdeities which are used today in the decoration of pottery are notfound on the Sikyatki ware. Perhaps the most common figures on modernfood bowls is the head of a mythologic being, the Corn-maid, _Calako-mana_, but this picture, or any which resembles it, is notfound on the bowls from Sikyatki. A knowledge of the cult of theCorn-maid possibly came into Tusayan, through foreign influences, after the fall of Sikyatki, and there is no doubt that the picturedecoration of modern Tusayan pottery, made within a league ofSikyatki, is so different from the ancient that it indicates amodification of the culture of the Hopi in historic times, and implieshow deceptive it may be to present modern beliefs and practices asfacsimiles of ancient culture. 

The main subjects chosen by the native women for the decoration oftheir pottery are symbolic, and the most abundant objects which bearthese decorations are food bowls and water vases. Many mythic conceptsare depicted, among which may be mentioned the Plumed Snake, variousbirds, reptiles, frogs, tadpoles, and insects. Plants or leaves areseldom employed as decorative motives, but the flower is sometimesused. The feather was perhaps the most common object utilized, and itmay likewise be said the most highly conventionalized. 

An examination of the decorations of modern food basins used in thevillages of East Mesa shows that the mythologic personages mostcommonly chosen for the ornamentation of their interiors are the Cornor Germ goddesses. [117] These assume a number of forms, yet all arereducible to one type, although known by very different names, asHewüqti, "Old Woman, " Kokle, and the like. 

Figures of reptiles, birds, the antelope, and like animals do notoccur on any of the food bowls from the large collection of modernTusayan pottery which I have studied, and as these figures are wellrepresented in the decorations on Sikyatki food bowls, we may supposetheir use has been abandoned or replaced by figures of theCorn-maids. [118] This fact, like so many others drawn from a study ofthe Tusayan ritual, indicates that the cult of the Corn-maids is morevigorous today than it was when Sikyatki was in its prime. 

Many pictures of masks on modern Tusayan bowls are identified as_Tacab_ or Navaho _katcinas_. [119] Their symbolism is wellcharacterized by chevrons on the cheeks or curved markings for eyes. None of these figures, however, have yet been found on ancient Tusayanceramics. Taken in connection with facts adduced by Hodge indicativeof a recent advent of this vigorous Athapascan tribe into Tusayan, itwould seem that the use of the _Tacab katcina_ pictures was of recentdate, and is therefore not to be expected on the prehistoric potteryof the age of that found in Sikyatki. 

In the decoration of ancient pottery I find no trace of figures of theclown-priests, or _tcukuwympkiya_, who are so prominent in modernTusayan _katcina_ celebrations. These personages, especially theTatcukti, often called by a corruption of the Zuñi name Kóyimse(Kóyomäshi), are very common on modern bowls, especially at theextremities of ladles or smaller objects of pottery. 

Many handles of ladles made at Hano in late times are modeled in theform of the Paiakyamu, [120] a glutton priesthood peculiar to thatTanoan pueblo. From the data at hand we may legitimately conclude thatthe conception of the clown-priest is modern in Tusayan, so far as theornamentation of pottery is concerned. 

The large collections of so-called modern Hopi pottery in our museumsis modified Tanoan ware, made in Tusayan. Most of the componentspecimens were made by Hano potters, who painted upon them figures of_katcinas_, a cult which they and their kindred introduced. 

Several of the food bowls had evidently cracked during their firing orwhile in use, and had been mended before they were buried in thegraves. This repairing was accomplished either by filling the crackwith gum or by boring a hole on each side of the fracture for tying. In one specimen of black-and-white ware a perfectly round hole wasmade in the bottom, as if purposely to destroy the usefulness of thebowl before burial. This hole had been covered inside with a roundeddisk of old pottery, neatly ground on the edge. It was not observedthat any considerable number of mortuary pottery objects were "killed"before burial, although a large number were chipped on the edges. Itis a great wonder that any of these fragile objects were found entire, the stones and soil covering the corpse evidently having been throwninto the grave without regard to care. 

The majority of the ancient symbols are incomprehensible to thepresent Hopi priests whom I have been able to consult, although theyare ready to suggest many interpretations, sometimes widely divergent. The only reasonable method that can be pursued in determining themeaning of the conventional signs with which the modern TusayanIndians are unfamiliar seems, therefore, to be a comparative one. Thismethod I have attempted to follow so far as possible. 

There is a closer similarity between the symbolism of the Sikyatkipottery and that of the Awatobi ware than there is between theceramics of either of these two pueblos and that of Walpi, and thesame likewise may be said of the other Tusayan ruins so far as known. It is desirable, however, that excavations be made at the site of OldWalpi in order to determine, if possible, how widely different theceramics of that village are from the towns whose ruins were studiedin 1895. There are certain practical difficulties in regard to work atOld Walpi, one of the greatest of which is its proximity to modernburial places and shrines still used. Moreover, it isprobable--indeed, quite certain--that most of the portable objectswere carried from the abandoned pueblo to the present village when thelatter was founded; but the old cemeteries of Walpi contain manyancient mortuary bowls which, when exhumed, will doubtless contributea most interesting chapter to the history of modern Tusayan decorativeart. 

One of the largest, and, so far as form goes, one of the most uniquevessels, is shown in plate CXXVI, _b_. This was not exhumed fromSikyatki, but was said to have been found in the vicinity of thatruin. While the ware is very old, I do not believe it is ancient, andit is introduced in order to show how cleverly ancient patterns maybesimulated by more modern potters. The sole way in which modernimitations of ancient vessels may be distinguished is by the peculiarcrackled or crazed surface which the former always has. This is due, Ibelieve, to the method of firing and the unequal contraction orexpansion of the slip employed. All modern imitations are covered witha white slip which, after firing, becomes crackled, a characteristicunknown to ancient ware. The most expert modern potter at East Mesa isNampéo, a Tanoan woman who is a thorough artist in her line of work. Finding a better market for ancient than for modern ware, she cleverlycopies old decorations, and imitates the Sikyatki ware almostperfectly. She knows where the Sikyatki potters obtained their clay, and uses it in her work. Almost any Hopi who has a bowl to sell willsay that it is ancient, and care must always be exercised in acceptingsuch claims. 

An examination of the ornamentation of the jar above referred to showsa series of birds drawn in the fashion common to early potterydecoration. This has led me to place this large vessel among the oldware, although the character of the pottery is different from that ofthe best examples found at Sikyatki. I believe this vessel was exhumedfrom a ruin of more modern date than Sikyatki. The woman who sold itto me has farming interests near Awatobi, which leads me to conjecturethat she or possibly one of her ancestors found it at or near thatruin. She admitted that it had been in the possession of her familyfor some time, but that the story she had heard concerning itattributed its origin to Sikyatki. 

HUMAN FIGURES

Very few figures of men or women are found on the pottery, and theseare confined to the interior of food basins (plate CXXIX). [121] Theyare ordinarily very roughly drawn, apparently with less care and withmuch less detail than are the figures of animals. From their characterI am led to the belief that the drawing of human figures on potterywas a late development in Tusayan art, and postdates the use of animalfigures on their earthenware. There are, however, a few decorations inwhich human figures appear, and these afford an interesting althoughmeager contribution to our knowledge of ancient Tusayan art andcustom. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIV

DECORATED POTTERY FROM SIKYATKI]

As is well known, the Hopi maidens wear their hair in two whorls, oneover each ear, and that on their marriage it is tied in two coilsfalling on the breast. The whorl is arranged on a U-shape stick calleda _gñela_; it is commonly done up by a sister, the mother, or somefriend of the maiden, and is stiffened with an oil pressed from squashseeds. The curved stick is then withdrawn and the two puffs held inplace by a string tightly wound between them and the head. The habitof dressing the hair in whorls is adopted after certain pubertyceremonials, which have elsewhere been described. When on betrothal aHopi maid takes her gifts of finely ground cornmeal to the house ofher future mother-in-law, her hair is dressed in this fashion for thelast time, because on her return she is attacked by the women of thepueblo, drawn hither and thither, her hair torn down, and her bodysmeared with dirt. If her gifts are accepted she immediately becomesthe wife of her lover, and her hair is thenceforth dressed in thefashion common to matrons. 

The symbolic meaning of the whorls of hair worn by the maidens is saidto be the squash-flower, or, perhaps more accurately speaking, thepotential power of fructification. There is legendary and otherevidence that this custom is very ancient among the Tusayan Indians, and the data obtainable from their ritual point the same way. In thepersonification of ancestral "breath-bodies, " or spirits by men, called _katcinas_, the female performers are termed _katcina-manas_(katcina-virgins), and it is their custom to wear the hair in thecharacteristic coiffure of maidens. In the personification of theCorn-maid by symbolic figures, such as graven images, [122] pictures, and the like, in secret rites, the style of coiffure worn by themaidens is common, as I have elsewhere shown in the descriptions ofthe ceremonials known as the Flute, _Lalakonti_, _Mamzrauti_, _Palülükoñti_, and others. The same symbol is found in images used asdolls of Calako-mana, the equivalent, as the others, of the sameCorn-maid. From the nature of these images there can hardly be a doubtof the great antiquity of this practice, and that it has been broughtdown, through their ritual, to the present day. This style of hairdressing was mentioned by the early Spanish explorers, and isrepresented in pictographs of ancient date; but if all these evidencesof its antiquity are insufficient the testimony afforded by thepictures on certain food-basins from Sikyatki leaves no doubt on thispoint. [123]

Plate CXXIX, _b_, represents a food-basin, on the inside of which isdrawn, in brown, the head and shoulders of a woman. On either side thehair is done up in coils which bear some likeness to the whorls wornby the present Hopi maidens. It must be borne in mind, however, thatsimilar coils are sometimes made after ceremonial head-washing, andcertain other rites, when the hair is tied with corn husks. The faceis painted reddish, and the ears have square pendants similar to theturquois mosaics worn by Hopi women at the present day. Although thereis other evidence than this of the use of square ear-pendants, setwith mosaic, among the ancient people--and traditions point the sameway--this figure of the head of a woman from Sikyatki leaves no doubtof the existence of this form of ornament in that ancient pueblo. 

However indecisive the last-mentioned picture may be in regard to thecoiffure of the ancient Sikyatki women, plate CXXIX, _a_, affordsstill more conclusive evidence. This picture represents a woman ofremarkable form which, from likenesses to figures at present made insand on an altar in the _Lalakonti_ ceremony, [124] I have nohesitation in ascribing to the Corn-maid. The head has the two whorlsof hair very similar to those made in that rite on the picture of theGoddess of Germs, and the square body is likewise paralleled in thesame figure. The peculiar form is employed to represent theoutstretched blanket, a style of art which is common in Mayancodices. [125] On each lower corner representations of featheredstrings, called in the modern ritual _nakwákwoci_, [126] are appended. The figure is represented as kneeling, and the four parallel lines arepossibly comparable with the prayer-sticks placed in the belt of theGerm goddess on the _Lalakonti_ altar. In her left hand (which, amongthe Hopi, is the ceremonial hand or that in which sacred objects arealways carried) she holds an ear of corn, symbolic of germs, of whichshe is the deity. The many coincidences between this figure and thatused in the ceremonials of the September moon, called Lalakonti, wouldseem to show that in both instances it was intended to represent thesame mythic being. 

There is, however, another aspect of this question which is ofinterest. In modern times there is a survival among the Hopi of thecustom of decorating the inside of a food basin with a figure of theCorn-maid, and this is, therefore, a direct inheritance of ancientmethods represented by the specimen under consideration. A largemajority of modern food bowls are ornamented with an elaborate figureof Calako-mana, the Corn-maid, very elaborately worked out, but stillretaining the essential symbolism figured in the Sikyatki bowl. [127]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXV

FLAT DIPPERS AND MEDICINE BOX FROM SIKYATKI]

While one of the two figures shown in plate CXXIX, _e_, is valuable asaffording additional and corroborative evidence of the character ofthe ancient coiffure of the women, its main interest is of a somewhatdifferent kind. Two figures are rudely drawn on the inside of thebasin, one of which represents a woman, the other, judging from thecharacter of the posterior extremity of the body, a reptilianconception in which a single foreleg is depicted, and the tail isarticulated at the end, recalling a rattlesnake. Upon the head is asingle feather;[128] the two eyes are represented on one side of thehead, and the line of the alimentary tract is roughly drawn. Thefigure is represented as standing before that of the woman. 

With these few lines the potter no doubt intended to depict one ofthose many legends, still current, of the cultus hero and heroine ofher particular family or priesthood. Supposing the reptilian figure tobe a totemic one, our minds naturally recall the legend of theSnake-hero and the Corn-mist-maid[129] whom he brought from a mythicland to dwell with his people. 

The peculiar hairdress is likewise represented in the figures on thefood basin illustrated in plate CXXIX, _c_, which represent a man anda woman. Although the figures are partly obliterated, it can easily bedeciphered that the latter figure wears a garment similar to the_kwaca_ or dark-blue blanket for which Tusayan is still famous, andthat this blanket was bound by a girdle, the ends of which hang fromthe woman's left hip. While the figure of the man is likewiseindistinct (the vessel evidently having been long in use), the natureof the act in which he is engaged is not left in doubt. [130]

Among the numerous deities of the modern Hopi Olympus there is onecalled Kokopeli, [131] often represented in wooden dolls and clayimages. From the obscurity of the symbolism, these dolls are neverfigured in works on Tusayan images. The figure in plate CXXIX, _d_, bears a resemblance to Kokopeli. It represents a man with arms raisedin the act of dancing, and the head is destitute of hair as if coveredby one of the peculiar helmets, used by the clowns in modernceremonials. As many of the acts of these priests may be regarded asobscene from our point of view, it is not improbable that this figuremay represent an ancient member of this archaic priesthood. 

The three human figures on the food basin illustrated in plate CXXIX, _f_, are highly instructive as showing the antiquity of a curious andrevolting practice almost extinct in Tusayan. 

As an accompaniment of certain religious ceremonials among the Puebloand the Navaho Indians, it was customary for certain priests to insertsticks into the esophagus. These sticks are still used to some extentand may be obtained by the collector. The ceremony of stick-swallowinghas led to serious results, so that now in the decline of this cult adeceptive method is often adopted. 

In Tusayan the stick-swallowing ceremony has been practicallyabandoned at the East Mesa, but I have been informed by reliablepersons that it has not wholly been given up at Oraibi. Theillustration above referred to indicates its former existence inSikyatki. The middle figure represents the stick-swallower forcing thestick down his esophagus, while a second figure holds before him anunknown object. The principal performer is held by a third figure, anattendant, who stands behind him. This instructive pictograph thusillustrates the antiquity of this custom in Tusayan, and would seem toindicate that it was once a part of the Pueblo ritual. [132] It ispossible that the Navaho, who have a similar practice, derived it fromthe Pueblos, but there are not enough data at hand to demonstrate thisbeyond question. 

Regarding the pose of the three figures in this picture, I have beenreminded by Dr Walter Hough of the performers who carry the wad ofcornstalks in the Antelope dance. In this interpretation we have the"carrier, " "hugger, " and possibly an Antelope priest with the unknownobject in his hand. This interpretation appears more likely to be acorrect one than that which I have suggested; and yet Kopeli, theSnake chief, declares that the Snake family was not represented atSikyatki. Possibly a dance similar to the Antelope performance on theeighth day of the Snake dance may have been celebrated at that pueblo, and the discovery of a rattlesnake's rattle in a Sikyatki grave is yetto be explained. 

One of the most prominent of all the deities in the modern TusayanOlympus is the cultus-hero called Püükoñhoya, the Little War God. Hopimythology teems with legends of this god and his deeds in killingmonsters and aiding the people in many ways. He is reputed to havebeen one of twins, children of the Sun and a maid by parthenogeneticconception. His adventures are told with many variants and hereappears with many aliases. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVI

DOUBLE-LOBE VASES FROM SIKYATKI]

The symbolism of Püükoñhoya at the present day consists of parallelmarks on the face or body, and when personated by a man the figureis always represented as carrying weapons of war, such as a bow andarrows. Images of the same hero are used in ceremonies, and aresometimes found as household gods or penates, which are fed as ifhuman beings. A fragment of pottery represented in the accompanyingillustration (figure 263), shows enough of the head of a personage toindicate that Püükoñhoya was intended, for it bears on the cheek thetwo parallel marks symbolic of that deity, while in his hands he holdsa bow and a jointed arrow as if shooting an unknown animal. All ofthese features are in harmony with the identification of the figurewith that of the cultus-hero mentioned, and seem to indicate the truthof the current legend that as a mythologic conception he is of greatantiquity in Tusayan. 

[Illustration: FIG. 263--War god shooting an animal. (Fragment of foodbowl. )]

In this connection it may be instructive to call attention to twofigures on a food bowl collected by Mr H. R. Voth from a ruin nearOraibi. It represents a man and a woman, the former with two horns, acrescent on the forehead, and holding in his outstretched hand astaff. The woman has a curious gorget, similar to some which I havefound in ruins near Tusayan, and a belt like those still worn byPueblo Indians. This smaller figure likewise has a crescent on itsface and three strange appendages on each side of the head. 

Another food basin in Mr Voth's collection is also instructive, and isdifferent in its decoration from any which I have found. The characterof the ware is ancient, but the figure is decidedly modern. If, however, it should prove to be an ancient vessel it would carry backto the time of its manufacture the existence of the _katcina_ cult inTusayan, no actual proof of the existence of which, at a time whenSikyatki was in its prime, has yet been discovered. 

The three figures represent Hahaiwüqti, Hewüqti, and Natacka exactlyas these supernatural beings are now personated at Walpi in the_Powamû_, as described and figured in a former memoir. [133]

It is unfortunate that the antiquity of this specimen, suggestive asit is, must be regarded as doubtful, for it was not exhumed from theruin by an archeologist, and the exact locality in which it was foundis not known. 

THE HUMAN HAND

Excepting the figure of the maid's head above described, the humanhand, for some unknown reason, is the only part of the body chosen bythe ancient Hopi for representation in the decoration of theirpottery. Among the present Tusayan Indians the human hand is rarelyused, but oftentimes the beams of the kivas are marked by the girlswho have plastered them with impressions of their muddy hands, andthere is a _katcina_ mask which has a hand painted in white on theface. As in the case of the decoration of all similar sacredparaphernalia, there is a legend which accounts for the origin of the_katcina_ with the imprint of the hand on its mask. The followingtale, collected by the late A. M. Stephen, from whose manuscript Iquote, is interesting in this connection:

"The figure of a hand with extended fingers is very common, in thevicinity of ruins, as a rock etching, and is also frequently seendaubed on the rocks with colored pigments or white clay. These arevestiges of a test formerly practiced by the young men who aspired foradmission to the fraternity of the Calako. The Calako is a trinity oftwo women and a man from whom the Hopi obtained the first corn, and ofwhom the following legend is told:

 "In the early days, before houses were built, the earth was devastated by a whirlwind. There was then neither springs nor streams, although water was so near the surface that it could be found by pulling up a tuft of grass. The people had but little food, however, and they besought Masauwûh to help them, but he could not. 

 "There came a little old man, a dwarf, who said that he had two sisters who were the wives of Calako, and it might be well to petition them. So they prepared an altar, every man making a _paho_, and these were set in the ground so as to encircle a sand hillock, for this occurred before houses were known. 

 "Masauwûh's brother came and told them that when Calako came to the earth's surface wherever he placed his foot a deep chasm was made; then they brought to the altar a huge rock, on which Calako might stand, and they set it between the two pahos placed for his wives. 

 "Then the people got their rattles and stood around the altar, each man in front of his own paho; but they stood in silence, for they knew no song with which to invoke this strange god. They stood there for a long while, for they were afraid to begin the ceremonies until a young lad, selecting the largest rattle, began to shake it and sing. Presently a sound like rushing water was heard, but no water was seen; a sound also like great winds, but the air was perfectly still, and it was seen that the rock was pierced with a great hole through the center. The people were frightened and ran away, all save the young lad who had sung the invocation. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVII

UNUSUAL FORMS OF VASES FROM SIKYATKI]

 "The lad soon afterward rejoined them, and they saw that his back was cut and bleeding and covered with splinters of yucca and willow. The flagellation, he told them, had been administered by Calako, who told him that he must endure this laceration before he could look upon the beings he had invoked; that only to those who passed through his ordeals could Calako become visible; and, as the lad had braved the test so well, he should thenceforth be chief of the Calako altar. The lad could not describe Calako, but said that his two wives were exceedingly beautiful and arrayed with all manner of fine garments. They wore great headdresses of clouds and every kind of corn which they were to give to the Hopi to plant for food. There were white, red, yellow, blue, black, blue-and-white speckled, and red-and-yellow speckled corn, and a seeded grass (_kwapi_). 

 "The lad returned to the altar and shook his rattle over the hole in the rock, and from its interior Calako conversed with him and gave him instructions. In accordance with these he gathered all the Hopi youths and brought them to the rock, that Calako might select certain of them to be his priests. The first test was that of putting their hands in the mud and impressing them upon the rock. Only those were chosen as novices the imprints of whose hands had dried on the instant. 

 "The selected youths then moved within the altar and underwent the test of flagellation. Calako lashed them with yucca and willow. Those who made no outcry were told to remain in the altar, to abstain from salt and flesh for ten days, when Calako would return and instruct them concerning the rites to be performed when they sought his aid. 

 "Calako and his two wives appeared at the appointed time, and after many ceremonials gave to each of the initiated five grains of each of the different kinds of corn. The Hopi women had been instructed to place baskets woven of grass at the foot of the rock, and in these Calako's wives placed the seeds of squashes, melons, beans, and all the other vegetables which the Hopi have since possessed. 

 "Calako and his wives, after announcing that they would again return, took off their masks and garments, and laying them on the rock disappeared within it. 

 "Some time after this, when the initiated were assembled in the altar, the Great Plumed Snake appeared to them and said that Calako could not return unless one of them was brave enough to take the mask and garments down into the hole and give them to him. They were all afraid, but the oldest man of the Hopi took them down and was deputed to return and represent Calako. 

 "Shortly afterward Masauwûh stole the paraphernalia, and with his two brothers masqueraded as Calako and his wives. This led the Hopi into great trouble, and they incurred the wrath of Muiyinwûh, who withered all their grain and corn. 

 "One of the Hopi finally discovered that the supposed Calako carried a cedar bough in his hand, when it should have been willow; then they knew that it was Masauwûh who had been misleading them. 

 "The boy hero one day found Masauwûh asleep, and so regained possession of the mask. Muiyinwûh then withdrew his punishments and sent Palülükoñ (the Plumed Snake) to tell the Hopi that Calako would never return to them, but that the boy hero should wear his mask and represent him, and his festival should be celebrated when they had a proper number of novices to be initiated. "[134]

Several food basins from Sikyatki have a human hand depicted uponthem, and in one of these both hands are represented. On the mostperfect of these hand figures (plate CXXXVII, _c_) a wristlet is wellrepresented, with two triangular figures, which impart to it anunusual form. From between the index and second finger there arises atriangular appendage, which joins a graceful curve, extending on oneside to the base of the thumb and continued on the other side to thearm. The whole inside of the basin, except the figure of the hand andits appendage, is decorated with spattering, [135] and on the outsidethere is a second figure, evidently a hand or the paw of some animal. This external decoration also has a triangular figure in which are twoterraces, recalling rain-cloud symbols. 

One of the most interesting representations of the human hand (figure354) is found on the exterior of a beautiful bowl. The four fingersand the thumb are shown with representations of nails, a uniquefeature in such decorations. From between the index finger and thenext, or rather from the tip of the former, arises an appendagecomparable with that before mentioned, but of much simpler form. Thepalm of the hand is crossed by a number of parallel lines, whichrecall a custom of using the palm lines in measuring ceremonial prayersticks, as I have described in a memoir on the Snake dance. In placeof the arm this hand has many parallel lines, the three medial onesbeing continued far beyond the others, as shown in the figure. 

QUADRUPEDS

Figures of quadrupeds are sparingly used in the decoration of foodbowls or basins, but the collection shows several fine specimens onwhich appear some of the mammalia with which the Hopi are familiar. Most of these are so well drawn that there appears to be no questionas to their identification. 

One of the most instructive of these figures is shown in plate CXXX, _a_, which is much worn, and indistinct in detail, although from whatcan be traced it was probably intended to represent a mythic creatureknown as the Giant Elk. The head bears two branched horns, drawnwithout perspective, and the neck has a number of short parallel markssimilar to those occurring on the figure of an antelope on the wallsof one of the kivas at Walpi. The hoofs are bifid, and from a shortstunted tail there arises a curved line which encircles the wholefigure, connecting a series of round spots and terminating in atriangular figure with three parallel lines representing feathers. Perhaps the strangest of all appendages to this animal is at the tail, which is forked, recalling the tail of certain birds. Its meaning isunknown to me. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXVIII

MEDICINE BOX AND PIGMENT POTS FROM SIKYATKI]

There can be no doubt that the delineator sought to represent in thisfigure one of the numerous horned _Cervidæ_ with which the ancientHopi were familiar, but the drawing is so incomplete that to choosebetween the antelope, deer, and elk seems impossible. It may bementioned, however, that the Horn people are reputed to have beenearly arrivals in Tusayan, and it is not improbable thatrepresentatives of the Horn clans lived in Sikyatki previous to itsoverthrow. 

Two faintly drawn animals, evidently intended for quadrupeds, appearon the interior of the food bowl shown in plate CXXX, _b_. These areinteresting from the method in which they were drawn. They are notoutlined with defined lines, but are of the original color of thebowl, and appear as two ghost-like figures surrounded by a densespattering of red spots, similar in technic to the figure of the humanhand. I am unable to identify these animals, but provisionally referthem to the rabbit. They have no distinctive symbolism, however, andare destitute of the characteristic spots which members of the Rabbitclan now invariably place on their totemic signatures. 

[Illustration: FIG. 264--Mountain sheep]

The animal design on the bowl illustrated in plate CXXX, _c_, probablyrepresents a rabbit or hare, quite well drawn in profile, with afeathered appendage from the head. Behind it is the ordinary symbol ofthe dragon-fly. Several crosses are found in an opposite hemisphere, separated from that occupied by the two animal pictures by a series ofgeometric figures ornamented with crooks and other designs. 

The interior of the food bowl shown in plate CXXX, _d_, as well as theinner sides of the two ladles represented in plate CXXXI, _b_, _d_, are decorated with peculiar figures which suggest the porcupine. Thebody is crescentic and covered with spines, and only a single leg, with claws, is represented. It is worthy of mention that so many ofthese animal forms have only one leg, representative, no doubt, of asingle pair, and that many of these have plantigrade paws like thoseof the bear and badger. The appendages to the head in this figureremind one of those of certain forms regarded as reptiles, with whichthis may be identical. 

[Illustration: FIG. 265--Mountain lion]

In another decoration we have what is apparently the same animalfurnished with both fore and hind legs, the tail curving upward likethat of a cottontail rabbit, which it resembles in other particularsas well. This figure also hangs by a band from a geometric designformed of two crescents and bearing four parallel marks representingfeathers. The single crescent depicted on the inside of the ladleshown in plate CXXXI, _b_, is believed to represent the sameconception, or the moon; and in this connection the very closephonetic resemblance between the Hopi name for moon[136] and that forthe mammal may be mentioned. In the decoration last described the samecrescentic figure is elaborated into its zoömorphic equivalent. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXIX

DESIGNS ON FOOD BOWLS FROM SIKYATKI]

An enumeration of the pictographic representations of mammaliaincludes the beautiful food bowl shown in plate CXXX, _e_, which ismade of fine clay spattered with brown pigment. This design(reproduced in figure 264) represents probably some ruminant, as themountain sheep or possibly the antelope, both of which gave names toclans said to have resided at Sikyatki. The hoofs are characteristic, and the markings on the back suggest a fawn or spotted deer. There isa close similarity between the design below this animal and that ofthe exterior decorations of certain vases and square medicine bowls. 

Among the pictures of quadrupedal animals depicted on ancient foodbowls there is none more striking than that illustrated in plate CXXX, _f_, which has been identified as the mountain lion. While thisidentification is more or less problematical, it is highly possible. The claws of the forelegs (figure 265) are evidently those of one ofthe carnivora of the cat family, of which the mountain lion is themost prominent in Tusayan. The anterior part of the body is spotted;the posterior and the hind legs are black. The snout bears littleresemblance to that of the puma. 

The entire inner surface of the bowl, save a central circle in whichthe head, fore-limbs, and anterior part of the body are represented, is decorated by spattering. Within this spattered area there arehighly interesting figures, prominent among which is a squattingfigure of a man, with the hand raised to the mouth and holding aceremonial cigarette, as if engaged in smoking. The seven patches inblack might well be regarded as either footprints or leaves, four ofwhich appear to be attached to the band inclosing the central area. Inthe intervals between three of these there are branched bodiesrepresenting plants or bushes. 

REPTILES

Snakes and other reptilian forms were represented by the ancientpotters in the decoration of food bowls, and it is remarkable howclosely some of these correspond in symbolism with conceptions stillcurrent in Tusayan. Of all reptilian monsters the worship of whichforms a prominent element in Hopi ritual, that of the Great PlumedSnake is perhaps the most important. Effigies of this monster exist inall the larger Hopi villages, and they are used in at least two greatrites--the _Soyaluña_ in December and the _Palülükonti_ in March, as Ihave already described. The symbolic markings and appendages of thePlumed Snake effigy are distinctive, and are found in all modernrepresentations of this mystic being. While several pictographs ofsnakes are found on Sikyatki pottery, there is not a single instancein which these modern markings appear; consequently there isconsiderable doubt in regard to the identification of many of theSikyatki serpents with modern mythologic representatives. 

[Illustration: FIG. 266--Plumed serpent]

In questioning the priests in regard to the derivation of the PlumedSerpent cult in Tusayan, I have found that they declare that thiscultus was brought into Tusayan from a mythic land in the south, called Palatkwabi, and that the effigies and fetiches pertaining to itwere introduced by the Patki or Water-house people. From goodevidence, I suspect that the arrival of this phratry was comparativelylate in Tusayan history, and it is possible that Sikyatki wasdestroyed before their advent, for in all the legends which I havebeen able to gather no one ascribes to Sikyatki any clan belonging tothe phratries which are said to have migrated from the far south. Ibelieve we must look toward the east, whence the ancestors of theKokop or Firewood people are reputed to have come, for the origin ofthe symbolic markings of the snakes represented on Sikyatki ceramics. Figures of apodal reptiles, with feathers represented on their heads, occur in Sikyatki pictography, although there is no resemblance in themarkings of their bodies to those of modern pictures. One of the moststriking of these occurs on the inside of the food basin shown inplate CXXXII, _a_. It represents a serpent with curved body, the tailbeing connected with the head, like an ancient symbol of eternity. Thebody (figure 266) is destitute of any distinctive markings, but iscovered with a crosshatching of black lines. The head bears twotriangular markings, which are regarded as feather symbols. Theposition of the eyes would seem to indicate that the top of the headis represented, but this conclusion is not borne out by comparativestudies, for it was often the custom of ancient Tusayan potters, likeother primitive artists, to represent both eyes on one side of thehead. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXX

FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF QUADRUPEDS FROM SIKYATKI]

The zigzag line occupying the position of the tongue and terminatingin a triangle is a lightning symbol, with which the serpent is stillassociated. While striving not to strain the symbolism of this figure, it is suggested that the three curved marks on the lower and upperjaws represent fangs. It is highly probable that conceptions notgreatly unlike those which cluster about the Great Plumed Serpent wereassociated with this mythic snake, the figure of which is devoid ofsome of the most essential elements of modern symbolism. 

While from the worn character of the middle of the food bowlillustrated in plate CXXXII, _b_, it is not possible to discoverwhether the animal was apodal or not from the crosshatching of thebody and the resemblance of the appendages of the head to those of thefigure last considered, it appears probable that this pictographlikewise was intended to represent a snake of mystic character. Likethe previous figure, this also is coiled, with the tail near the head, its body crosshatched, and with two triangular appendages to the head. There is, however, but one eye, and the two jaws are elongated andprovided with teeth, [137] as in the case of certain reptiles. 

The similarity of the head and its appendages to the snake figure lastdescribed would lead me to regard the figure shown in plate CXXXII, _c_, as representing a like animal, but the latter picture is moreelaborately worked out in details, and one of the legs is wellrepresented. I have shown in the discussion of a former figure how thedecorator, recognizing the existence of two eyes, represented themboth on one side of the head of a profile figure, although only one isvisible, and we see in this picture (figure 267) a somewhat similartendency, which is very common in modern Tusayan figures of animals. The breath line is drawn from the extremity of the snout halfway downthe length of the body. In modern pictography a representation of theheart is often depicted at the blind extremity of this line, as if, infact, there was a connection with this organ and the tubes throughwhich the breath passes. In the Sikyatki pottery, however, I find onlythis one specimen of drawing in which an attempt to represent internalorgans is made. 

The tail of this singular picture of a reptile is highlyconventionalized, bearing appendages of unknown import, but recallingfeathers, while on the back are other appendages which might becompared with wings. Both of these we might expect, considering theassociation of bird and serpent in the Hopi conception of the PlumedSnake. 

Exact identifications of these pictures with the animals by which theHopi are or were surrounded, is, of course, impossible, for they arenot realistic representations, but symbolic figures of mythic beingsunknown save to the imagination of the primitive mythologist. 

[Illustration: FIG. 267--Unknown reptile]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXI

ORNAMENTED LADLES FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: FIG. 268--Unknown reptile]

A similar reptile is pictured on the food bowl shown in plate CXXXII, _d_, in which design, however, there are important modifications, themost striking of which are: (1) The animal (figure 268) has both foreand hind legs represented; (2) the head is round; (3) the mouth isprovided with teeth; and (4) there are four instead of two featherappendages on the head, two of which are much longer than the others. Were it not that ears are not represented in reptiles, one would betempted to regard the smaller appendages as representations of theseorgans. Their similarity to the row of spines on the back and theexistence of spines on the head of the "horned toad" suggests thisreptile, with which both ancient and modern Hopi are very familiar. Ona fragment of a vessel found at Awatobi there is depicted the head ofa reptile evidently identical with this, since the drawing is analmost perfect reproduction. There is a like figure, also fromSikyatki, in the collection of pottery made at that ruin by DrMiller, of Prescott, the year following my work there. The mostelaborate of all the pictures of reptiles found on ancient Tusayanpottery is shown in plate CXXXII, _e_, in which the symbolism iscomplicated and the details carefully worked out. A few of thesesymbols I am able to decipher; others elude present analysis. There isno doubt as to the meaning of the appendage to the head (figure 269), for it well portrays an elaborate feathered headdress on which themarkings that distinguish tail-feathers, three in number, areprominent. The extension of the snout is without homologue elsewherein Hopi pictography, and, while decorative in part, is likewise highlyconventionalized. On the body semicircular rain cloud symbols andmarkings similar to those of the bodies of certain birds aredistinguishable. The feet likewise are more avian than reptilian, butof a form quite unusual in structure. It is interesting to note thesimilarity in the carved line with six sets of parallel bars to theband surrounding the figure of the human hand shown in plate CXXXVII, _c_. In attempting to identify the pictograph on the bowl reproducedin plate CXXXIV, _a_, there is little to guide me, and the nearest Ican come to its significance is to ascribe it to a reptile of somekind. Highly symbolic, greatly conventionalized as this figure is, there is practically nothing on which to base the absoluteidentification of the figure save the serrated appendage to the bodyand the leg, which resembles that of the lizard as it is sometimesdrawn. The two eyes indicate that the enlargement in which these wereplaced is the head, and the extended curved snout a beak. All else isincomprehensible to me, and my identification is therefore provisionaland largely speculative. 

[Illustration: FIG. 269--Unknown reptile]

I wish, however, in leaving the description of this beautiful bowl, toinvite attention to the brilliancy and the characteristics of thecoloring, which differ from the majority of the decorated ware fromSikyatki. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXII

FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF REPTILES FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIII

BOWLS AND DIPPERS WITH FIGURES OF TADPOLES, BIRDS, ETC. FROMSIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIV

FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN, BUTTERFLY, AND FLOWER FROM SIKYATKI]

Among the fragments of pottery found in the Sikyatki graves there wasone which, had it been entire, would doubtless have thrownconsiderable light on ancient pictography. This fragment has depictedupon it portions of the body and the whole head and neck of areptilian animal. We find on that part of the body which isrepresented, three parallel marks which recall those on the modernpictures of the Great Plumed Serpent. On the back there wereapparently the representations of wings, a feather of which is shownabove the head. The head likewise bears a crest of three feathers, andthere are three reptilian like toes. Whether this represents a reptileor a bird it is impossible for me to say, but enough has already beenrecorded to indicate how close the symbolism of these two groupssometimes is in ancient pictography. It would almost appear as if theprofound anatomical discovery of the close kinship of birds andreptiles was unconsciously recognized by a people destitute of therudiments of the knowledge of morphology. 

TADPOLES

Among the inhabitants of an arid region, where rain-making forms adominant element in their ritual, water animals are eagerly adopted assymbols. Among these the tadpole occupies a foremost position. Thefigures of this batrachian are very simple, and are among the mostcommon of those used on ceremonial paraphernalia in Tusayan at thepresent time. In none of these is anything more than a globular headand a zigzag tail represented, and, as in nature, these are coloredblack. The tadpole appears on several pieces of painted pottery fromSikyatki, one of the best of which is the food bowl illustrated inplate CXXXIII, _a_. The design represents a number of these aquaticanimals drawn in line across the diameter of the inner surface of thebowl, while on each side there is a row of rectangular blocksrepresenting rain clouds. These blocks are separated from the tadpolefigures by crescentic lines, and above them are short parallel linesrecalling the symbol of falling rain. 

One of the most beautiful forms of ladles from Sikyatki is figured inplate CXXXIII, _b_, a specimen in which the art of decoration byspattering is effectively displayed. The interior of the bowl of thisdipper is divided by parallel lines into two zones, in each of whichtwo tadpoles are represented. The handle is pointed at the end and isdecorated. This specimen is considered one of the best from Sikyatki. 

The rudely drawn picture on the bowl figured in plate CXXXII, _f_, would be identified as a frog, save for the presence of a tail whichwould seem to refer it to the lizard kind. But in the evolution of thetadpole into the frog a tailed stage persists in the metamorphosisafter the legs develop. In modern pictures[138] of the frog with whichI am familiar, this batrachian is always represented dorsally orventrally with the legs outstretched, while in the lizards, as we haveseen, a lateral view is always adopted. As the sole picture found onancient pottery where the former method is employed, this fact may beof value in the identification of this rude outline as a frog ratherthan as a true reptile. 

BUTTERFLIES OR MOTHS

One of the most characteristic modern decorations employed by theHopi, especially as a symbol of fecundity, is the butterfly or moth. It is a constant device on the beautiful white or cotton blanketswoven by the men as wedding gifts, where it is embroidered on themargin in the forms of triangles or even in more realistic patterns. This symbol is a simple triangle, which becomes quite realistic when aline is drawn bisecting one of the angles. This double triangle is notonly a constant symbol on wedding blankets, but also is found on thedadoes of houses, resembling in design the arrangement of tiles in theAlhambra and other Moorish buildings. This custom of decorating thewalls of a building with triangles placed at intervals on the upperedge of a dado is a feature of cliff-house kivas, as shown inNordenskiöld's beautiful memoir on the cliff villages of Mesa Verde. While an isosceles triangle represents the simplest form of thebutterfly symbol, and is common on ancient pottery, a few vessels fromSikyatki show a much more realistic figure. In plate CXXXIV, _f_, isshown a moth with extended proboscis and articulated antennæ, and in_d_ of the same plate another form, with the proboscis inserted in aflower, is given. As an associate with summer, the butterfly isregarded as a beneficent being aside from its fecundity, and one ofthe ancient Hopi clans regarded it as their totem. Perhaps the moststriking, and I may say the most inexplicable, use of the symbol ofthe butterfly is the so-called _Hokona_ or Butterfly virgin slab usedin the Antelope ceremonies of the Snake dance at Walpi, where it isassociated with the tadpole water symbol. 

[Illustration: FIG. 270--Outline of plate CXXXV, _b_]

The most beautiful of all the butterfly designs are the six figures onthe vase reproduced in plate CXXXV, _b_. From the number of thesepictures it would seem that they bore some relationship to the sixworld-quarters--north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir. The vasehas a flattened shoulder, and the six butterfly figures arerepresented as flying toward the orifice. These insect figures closelyresemble one another, and are divided into two groups readilydistinguished by the symbolism of the heads. Three have each a crosswith a single dot in each quadrant, and each of the other three has adotted head without the cross. These two kinds alternate with eachother, and the former probably indicate females, since the samesymbols on the heads of the snakes in the sand picture of the Antelopealtar in the Snake dance are used to designate the female. [139]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXV

VASES WITH FIGURES OF BUTTERFLIES FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVI

VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI]

Two antennæ and a double curved proboscis are indicated in all thefigures of butterflies on the vase under consideration. The zonesabove and below are both cut by a "line of life, " the opening throughwhich is situated on opposite equatorial poles in the upper and underrim. 

[Illustration: FIG. 271--Butterfly design on upper surface of plateCXXXV, _b_]

The rectangular figures associated with the butterflies on thiselaborately decorated vase are of two patterns alternating with eachother. The rectangles forming one of these patterns incloses threevertical feathers, with a triangle on the right side and a crook onthe left. The remaining three rectangles also have three feathers, butthey are arranged longitudinally on the surface of the vase. 

The elaborate decoration of the zone outside the six butterflies ismade up of feathers arranged in three clusters of three each, alternating with key patterns, crosshatched crooks, triangles, andfrets. The wealth of ornament on this part of the vase is noteworthy, and its interpretation very baffling. This vase may well be consideredthe most elaborately decorated in the whole collection from Sikyatki. 

There are several figures of butterflies, like those shown in plateCXXXI, _a_, in which the modifications of wings and body haveproceeded still further, and the only features which refer them toinsects are the jointed antennæ. The passage from this highlyconventionalized design into a triangular figure is not very great. There are still others where the head, with attached appendages, arises not from an angle of a triangle, but from the middle of oneside. This gives us a very common form of butterfly symbol, which isfound, variously modified, on many ancient vessels. In such designsthere is commonly a row of dots on each side, which may be representedby a sinuous line, a series of triangles, bars, or parallel bars. 

The design reproduced in plate CXXXIV, _d_, represents a moth orbutterfly associated with a flower, and several star symbols. It isevidently similar to that figured in _a_ of the same plate, and hasrepresentations of antennæ and extended proboscis, the latter organplaced as if extracting honey from the flower. The conventional floweris likewise shown in _e_ of this plate. The two crescentic designs inplate CXXXV, _a_, are regarded as butterflies. 

The jar illustrated in plate CXLV, _b_, is ornamented with highlyconventionalized figures on four sides, and is the only one taken fromthe Sikyatki cemeteries in which the designs are limited to theequatorial surface. The most striking figure, which is likewise foundon the base of the paint saucer shown in plate CXLVI, _f_, is adiamond-shape design with a triangle at each corner (figure 276). Thepictures drawn on alternating quadrants have very different forms, which are difficult to classify, and I have therefore provisionallyassociated this beautiful vessel with those bearing the butterfly andthe triangle. The form of this vessel closely approaches that of thegraceful cooking pots made of coiled and coarse indented ware, but thevessel was evidently not used for cooking purposes, as it bears nomarks of soot. [140]

DRAGON-FLIES

Among the most constant designs used in the decoration of Sikyatkipottery are figures of the dragon-fly. These decorations consist of aline, sometimes enlarged into a bulb at one end, with two parallelbars drawn at right angles across the end, below the enlargement. Likethe tadpole, the dragon-fly is a symbol of water, and with it areassociated many legends connected with the miraculous sprouting ofcorn in early times. It is a constant symbol on modern ceremonialparaphernalia, as masks, tablets, and pahos, and it occurs also onseveral ancient vessels (plates CXL, _b_; CLXIII, _a_), where italways has the same simple linear form, with few essentialmodifications. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVII

VESSELS WITH FIGURES OF HUMAN HAND, BIRDS, TURTLE, ETC. FROMSIKYATKI]

The symbols of four dragon-flies are well shown on the rim of thesquare box represented in plate CXXVIII, _a_. This box, which wasprobably for charm liquid, or possibly for feathers used inceremonials, is unique in form and is one of the most beautifulspecimens from the Sikyatki cemeteries. It is elaborately decorated onthe four sides with rain-cloud and other symbols, and is painted incolors which retain their original brilliancy. The interior is notdecorated. 

The four dragon-flies on the rim of this object are placed in such away as to represent insects flying about the box in a dextral circuit, or with the heads turned to the right. This position indicates aceremonial circuit, which is exceptional among the Tusayan people, although common in Navaho ceremonies. In the sand picture of the Snakesociety, for instance, where four snakes are represented in a bordersurrounding a mountain lion, these reptiles are represented ascrawling about the picture from right to left. This sequence isprescribed in Tusayan ceremonials, and has elsewhere been designatedby me as the sinistral circuit, or a circuit with the center on theleft hand. The circuit used by the decorator of this box is dextral orsunwise. 

Several rectangular receptacles of earthenware, some with handles andothers without them, were obtained in the excavations at Sikyatki. Thevariations in their forms may be seen in plates CXXVIII, _a, c, _ andCXXV, _f_. These are regarded as medicine bowls, and are supposed tohave been used in ancient ceremonials where asperging was performed. In many Tusayan ceremonials square medicine bowls, some of themwithout handles, are still used, [141] but a more common and evidentlymore modern variety are round and have handles. The rim of thesemodern sacred vessels commonly bears, in its four quadrants, terracedelevations representing rain-clouds of the cardinal points, and theouter surface of the bowl is decorated with the same symbols, accompanied with tadpole or dragon-fly designs. 

One of the best figures of the dragon-fly is seen on the saucer shownin plate CXX, _f_. The exterior of this vessel is decorated with fourrectangular terraced rain-cloud symbols, one in each quadrant, andwithin each there are three well-drawn figures of the dragon-fly. Thecurved line below represents a rainbow. The terrace form of rain-cloudsymbol is very ancient in Tusayan and antedates the well-knownsemicircular symbol which was introduced into the country by the Patkipeople. It is still preserved in the form of tablets[142] worn on thehead and in sand paintings and various other decorations on altars andreligious paraphernalia. 

BIRDS

The bird and the feather far exceed all other motives in thedecoration of ancient Tusayan pottery, and the former design wasprobably the first animal figure employed for that purpose when theart passed out of the stage where simple geometric designs were usedexclusively. A somewhat similar predominance is found in the partwhich the bird and the feather play in the modern Hopi ceremonialsystem. As one of the oldest elements in the decoration of Tusayanceramics, figures of birds have in many instances become highlyconventionalized; so much so, in fact, that their avian form has beenlost, and it is one of the most instructive problems in the study ofHopi decoration to trace the modifications of these designs from therealistic to the more conventionalized. The large series of food bowlsfrom Sikyatki afford abundant material for that purpose, and it mayincidentally be said that by this study I have been able to interpretthe meaning of certain decorations on Sikyatki bowls of which the bestHopi traditionalists are ignorant. [143] In order to show the method ofreasoning in this case I have taken a series illustrating the generalform of an unknown bird. 

There can be no reasonable doubt that the decoration of the food basinshown in plate CXXXVII, _a_, represents a bird, and analogy wouldindicate that it is the picture of some mythologic personage. It has around head (figure 272), to which is attached a headdress, which weshall later show is a highly modified feather ornament. On each sideof the body from the region of the neck there arise organs which areundoubtedly wings, with feathers continued into arrowpoints. Thedetails of these wings are very carefully and, I may add, prescriptively worked out, so that almost every line, curve, or zigzagis important. The tail is composed of three large feathers, whichproject beyond two triangular extensions, marking the end of the body. 

The technic of this figure is exceedingly complicated and the colorsvery beautiful. Although this bowl was quite badly broken whenexhumed, it has been so cleverly mended by Mr Henry Walther that nopart of the symbolism is lost. 

While it is quite apparent that this figure represents a bird, andwhile this identification is confirmed by Hopi testimony, it is farfrom a realistic picture of any known bird with which the ancientscould have been familiar. It is highly conventionalized and idealizedwith significant symbolism, which is highly suggestive. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXVIII

FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI]

Bearing in mind the picture of this bird, we pass to a second form(plate CXXXVIII, _a_), in which we can trace the same parts withoutdifficulty. On a round head is placed a feathered headdress. Thedifferent parts of the outstretched wings are readily homologized evenin details in the two figures. There are, for instance, two terminalwing feathers in each wing; the appendages to the shoulder exist inboth, and the lateral spurs, exteriorly and interiorly, arerepresented with slight modifications. 

[Illustration: FIG. 272--Man-eagle]

The body is ornamented in the same way in both figures. It iscontinued posteriorly on each side into triangular extensions, and thesame is true of its anterior, which in one figure has three curvedlines, and in the other a simple crook. There are three tail-feathersin each figure. I believe there can be no doubt that both thesedesigns represent the same idea, and that a mythologic bird wasintended in each instance. 

The step in conventionalism from the last-mentioned figure of a birdto the next (plate CXLVII, _a_) is even greater than in the former. The head in this picture is square or rectangular, and the wingslikewise simple, ending in three incurved triangles withoutappendages. The tail has five feathers instead of three, in which, however, the same symbolic markings which distinguish tail-feathersare indicated. 

The conventionalized wings of this figure are repeated again and againin ancient Tusayan pottery decorations, as one may see by anexamination of the various birds shown in the plates. In manyinstances, however, all the other parts of the bird are lost andnothing but the triangular feathers remain; but as these have the sameform, whatever organs are missing, the presumption is that theirmeaning has not changed. 

In passing to the figure of the bird shown in plate CXXXVIII, _b_, wefind features homologous with those already considered, but alsodetect considerable modification. The head is elongated, tipped withthree parallel lines, but decorated with markings similar to those ofthe preceding figure. The outstretched wings have a crescentic form, on the anterior horn of which are round spots with parallel linesarising from them. This is a favorite figure in pottery decoration, and is found very abundantly on the exterior of food bowls; itrepresents highly conventionalized feathers, and should be sointerpreted wherever found. The figure of the body of the birddepicted is simple, and the tail is continued into threetail-feathers, as is ordinarily the case in highly conventionalizedbird figures. 

The most instructive of all the appendages to the body are theclub-shape bodies, one on each side, rising from the point of union ofthe wings and the breast. These are spatulate in form, with a terracedterminal marking. They, like other appendages, represent feathers, butthat peculiar kind which is found under the wing is called the breathfeather. [144] This feather is still used in certain ceremonials, andis tied to certain prayer offerings. Its ancient symbolism is veryclearly indicated in this picture, and is markedly different from thatof either the wing or tail feathers, which have a totally differentceremonial use at the present time. 

For convenience of comparison, a number of pictures which undoubtedlyrefer to different birds in ancient interpretations will be grouped ina single series. 

Plate CXXXVIII, _d_, represents a figure of a bird showing greatrelative modification of organs when compared with those previouslydiscussed. The head is very much broadened, but the semicircularmarkings, which occur also on the heads of previously described birdfigures, are well drawn. The wings are mere curved appendages, destitute of feather symbols, but are provided with lateral spurs andhave knobs at their bases. The body is rectangular; the tail-feathersare numerous, with well-marked symbolism. Perhaps the most strikingappendages to the body are the two well-defined extensions of parts ofthe body itself, which, although represented in other pictures ofbirds, nowhere reach such relatively large size. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXXXIX

FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI]

The figure of a bird shown in plate CXXXVIII, _c_, is similar in manyrespects to that last described. The semicircular markings on the headof the former are here replaced by triangles, but both are symbolic ofrain-clouds. The wings are curved projections, without any suggestionof feathers or basal spurs and knobs. The tail-feathers show nothingexceptional, and the body is bounded posteriorly by triangularextensions, as in figures of birds already described. 

The representation of the bird in plate CXXXVIII, _e_, has atriangular body continued into two points on the posterior end, between which the tail-feathers are situated. The body is covered withterraced and triangular designs, and the head is rectangular in form. On each side of the bird figure there is a symbol of a flower, possibly the sunflower or an aster. 

In the figures of birds already considered the relative sizes of theheads and bodies are not overdrawn, but in the picture of a bird onthe food bowl shown in plate CXXXVIII, _f_, the head is very muchenlarged. It bears a well-marked terraced rain-cloud symbol abovetriangles of the same meaning. The wings are represented as diminutiveappendages, each consisting of two feathers. The body has a triangularextension on each side, and the tail is composed of two comparativelyshort rectangular feathers. The figure itself could hardly beidentified as a representation of a bird were it not for thecorrespondence, part for part, with figures which are undoubtedlythose of birds or flying animals. 

A more highly conventionalized figure of a bird than any thus fardescribed is painted on the food bowl reproduced in plate CXL, _b_. The head is represented by a terraced figure similar to those whichappear as decorations on some of the other vessels; the wings aresimply extended crescents, the tips of which are connected by a bandwhich encircles the body and tail; the body is continued at theposterior end into two triangular appendages, between which is a tail, the feathers of which are not differentiated. On each side of thebody, in the space inclosed by the band connecting the tips of thewings, a figure of a dragon-fly appears. 

The figure on the food bowl illustrated in plate CXXXIX, _c_, may alsobe reduced to a conventionalized bird symbol. The two pointed objectson the lower rim represent tail-feathers, and the triangularappendages, one on each side above them, the body, as in the designswhich have already been described. Above the triangles is arectangular figure with terraced rain-cloud emblems, a constantfeature on the body and head of the bird, and on each side, near therim of the bowl, occur the primary feathers of the wings. The cross, so frequently associated with designs representing birds, is replacedby the triple intersecting lines in the remaining area. Theresemblance of this figure to those already considered is clearlyevident after a little study. 

The decoration on the food basin presented in plate CXXXIX, _a_, isinteresting in the study of the evolution of bird designs intoconventional forms. In this figure those parts which are identified ashomologues of the wings extend wholly across the interior of the foodbowl, and have the forms of triangles with smaller triangular spurs attheir bases. The wings are extended at right angles to the axis of thebody, and taper uniformly to the rim of the bowl. The smaller spursnear the union of the wings and body represent the posterior part ofthe latter, and between them are the tail-feathers, their number beingindicated by three triangles. 

There is no representation of a head, although the terraced rain-cloudfigure is drawn on the anterior of the body between the wings. 

The reduction of the triangular wings of the last figure to a simpleband drawn diametrically across the inner surface of the bowl isaccomplished in the design shown in plate CXXXIX, _b_. At intervalsalong this line there are arranged groups of blocks, three in eachgroup, representing stars, as will later be shown. The semicircularhead has lost all appendages and is reduced to a rain-cloud symbol. The posterior angles of the body are much prolonged, and the tailstill bears the markings representing three tail-feathers. 

The association of a cross with the bird figure is both appropriateand common; its modified form in this decoration is not exceptional, but why it is appended to the wings is not wholly clear. We shall seeits reappearance on other bowls decorated with more highlyconventionalized bird figures. 

In the peculiar decoration used in the treatment of the food bowlshown in plate CXXXIX, _c_, we have almost a return to geometricfigures in a conventional representation of a bird. In this case thesemblance to wings is wholly lost in the line drawn diametricallyacross the interior of the bowl. On one side of it there are manycrosses representing stars, and on the other the body and tail of abird. The posterior triangular extensions of the former are continuedto a bounding line of the bowl, and no attempt is made to representfeathers in the tail. The rectangular figure, with serrated lower edgeand inclosed terraced figures, finds, however, a homologue in theheads and bodies of most of the representations of birds which havebeen described. 

This gradual reduction in semblance to a bird has gone still furtherin the figure represented in plate CXXXIX, _d_, where the posteriorend of the body is represented by two spurs, and the tail by threefeathers, the triangular rain-clouds still persisting in therectangular body. In fact, it can hardly be seen how a moreconventionalized figure of a bird were possible did we not find in _e_of the same plate this reduction still greater. Here the tail isrepresented by three parallel lines, the posterior of the body by twodentate appendages, and the body itself by a square. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXL

FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI]

In plate CXL, _c_, we have a similar conventional bird symbol wheretwo birds, instead of one, are represented. In both these instances itwould appear that the diametric band, originally homologous to wings, had lost its former significance. 

It must also be pointed out that there is a close likeness betweensome of these so-called conventionalized figures of birds and those ofmoths or butterflies. If, for instance, they are compared with thefigures of the six designs of the upper surface of the vase shown inplate CXXXV, _b_, we note especially this resemblance. While, therefore, it can hardly be said there is absolute proof that thesehighly conventionalized figures always represent birds, we may, Ithink, be sure that either the bird or the moth or butterfly isgenerally intended. 

There are several modifications of these highly conventionalizedfigures of birds which may be mentioned, one of the most interestingof which is figured in plate CXXXIX, _f_. In this representation thetwo posterior triangular extensions of the body are modified intograceful curves, and the tail-feathers are simply parallel lines. Thefigure in this instance is little more than a trifid appendage to abroad band across the inner surface of the food bowl. In addition tothis highly conventionalized bird figure, however, there are twocrosses which represent stars. In this decoration all resemblance to abird is lost, and it is only by following the reduction of parts thatone is able to identify this geometric design with the more elaboratepictures of mythic birds. When questioned in regard to the meaning ofthis symbol, the best informed Hopi priests had no suggestion tooffer. 

In all the figures of birds thus far considered, the head, with one ortwo exceptions, is represented or indicated by symbolic markings. Inthat which decorates the vessel shown in plate CXL, _a_, we find a newmodification; the wings, instead of being attenuated into a diametricline or band, are in this case curved to form a loose spiral. Betweenthem is the figure of a body and the three tail-feathers, while thetriangular extensions which generally indicate the posterior of thebody are simply two rounded knobs at the point of union of the wingsand tail. There is no indication of a head. 

The modifications in the figure of the bird shown in the lastmentioned pictograph, and the highly conventionalized forms which thewings and other parts assume, give me confidence to venture aninterpretation of a strange figure shown in plate CXLI, _a_. Thispicture I regard as a representation of a bird, and I do so for thefollowing resemblances to figures already studied. The head of thebird, as has been shown, is often replaced by a terraced rain-cloudsymbol. Such a figure occurs in the pictograph under consideration, where it occupies the position of the head. On either side of whatmight be regarded as a body we find, at the anterior end, two curvedappendages which so closely resemble similarly placed bodies in thepictograph last discussed that they are regarded as representations ofwings. These extensions at the posterior end of the body are readilycomparable with prolongations in that part on which we have alreadycommented. The tail, although different from that in figures of birdsthus far discussed, has many points of resemblance to them. The twocircles, one on each side of the bird figure, are important additionswhich are treated in following pages. [145]

From the study of the conventionalized forms of birds which I haveoutlined above it is possible to venture the suggestion that thestar-shape figure shown in plate CLXVII, _b_, may be referred to thesame group, but in this specimen we appear to have duplication, or arepresentation of the bird symbol repeated in both semicircles of theinterior of the bowl. Examining one of these we readily detect the twotail-feathers in the middle, with the triangular end of the body oneach side. The lateral appendages duplicated on each side correspondwith the band across the middle of the bowl in other specimens, andrepresent highly conventionalized wings. The middle of this compoundfigure is decorated with a cross, and in each quadrant there is a rowof the same emblems, equidistant from one another. 

It would be but a short step from this figure to the ancient sunsymbol with which the eagle and other raptorial birds are intimatelyassociated. The figure represented in plate CXXXIII, _c_, is asymbolic bird in which the different parts are directly comparablewith the other bird pictographs already described. One may easilydetect in it the two wings, the semicircular rain-cloud figures, andthe three tail-feathers. As in the picture last considered, we see thetwo circles, each with a concentric smaller circle, one on each sideof the mythic bird represented. Similar circular figures are likewisefound in the zone surrounding the centrally placed bird picture. 

In the food bowl illustrated in plate CXLI, _b_, we find the twocircles shown, and between them a rectangular pictograph the meaningof which is not clear. The only suggestion which I have in regard tothe significance of this object is that it is an example ofsubstitution--the substitution of a prayer offering to the mythic birdrepresented in the other bowls for a figure of the bird itself. Thisinterpretation, however, is highly speculative, and should be acceptedonly with limitations. I have sometimes thought that the prayer-stickor paho may originally have represented a bird, and the use of it isan instance of the substitution[146] of a symbolic effigy of a bird, adirect survival of the time when a bird was sacrificed to the deityaddressed. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLI

FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLII

VASES, BOWLS, AND LADLE, WITH FIGURES OF FEATHERS, FROM SIKYATKI]

The studies of the conventional bird figures which are developed inthe preceding pages make it possible to interpret one of the twopictures on the food bowl represented in plate CLII, while therealistic character of the smaller figure leaves no question that wecan rightly identify this also as a bird. In the larger figure thewings are of unequal size and are tipped with appendages of a more orless decorative nature. The posterior part of the body is formed oftwo triangular extensions, to which feathers are suspended, and thetail is composed of three large pointed feathers. The head bears theterraced rain-cloud designs almost universal in pictographs of birds. 

It is hardly necessary for me to indicate the head, body, wings, andlegs of the smaller figure, for they are evidently avian, while thecharacter of the beak would indicate that a parrot or raptorial genuswas intended. The same beak is found in the decoration of a vase witha bird design, which will later be considered. 

From an examination of the various figures of birds on the Sikyatkipottery, and an analysis of the appendages to the wings, body, andlegs, it is possible to determine the symbolic markings characteristicof two different kinds of feathers, the large wing or tail feathersand the so-called breath or body feathers. There is therefore nohesitation, when we find an object of pottery ornamented with thesesymbols, in interpreting them as feathers. Such a bowl is that shownin plate CXLI, _c_, in which we find a curved line to which areappended three breast feathers. This curved band from which they hangmay take the form of a circle with two pendent feathers as in plateCXLI, _d_. 

In the design on the bowl figured in plate CXLI, _e_, tail-feathershang from a curved band, at each extremity of which is a square designin which the cross is represented. It has been suggested that thisrepresents the feathered rainbow, a peculiar conception of both thePueblo and the Navaho Indians. The design appearing on the small foodbowl represented in plate CXLI, _f_, is no doubt connected in some waywith that last mentioned, although the likeness between the appendagesto the ring and feathers is remote. It is one of thoseconventionalized pictures, the interpretation of which, with thescanty data at hand, must be largely theoretical. 

Figures of feathers are most important features in the decoration ofancient Sikyatki pottery, and their many modifications may readily beseen by an examination of the plates. In modern Tusayan ceremonialsthe feather is appended to almost all the different objects used inworship; it is essential in the structure of the _tiponi_ or badge ofthe chief, without which no elaborate ceremony can be performed oraltar erected; it adorns the images on the altars, decorates the headsof participants, is prescribed for the prayer-sticks, and is alwaysappended to aspergills, rattles, and whistles. 

In the performance of certain ceremonials water from sacred springs isused, and this water, sometimes brought from great distances, is keptin small gourd or clay vases, around the necks of which a string withattached feathers is tied. Such a vase is the so-called _patne_ whichhas been described in a memoir on the Snake ceremonies at Walpi. [147]The artistic tendency of the ancient people of Sikyatki apparentlyexhibited itself in painting these feathers on the outside of similarsmall vases. Plate CXLII, _a_, shows one of these vessels, decoratedwith an elaborate design with four breath-feathers suspended from theequator. (See also figure 273. ) On the vases shown in plate CXLII, _b_, _c_, are found figures of tail-feathers arranged in two groups onopposite sides of the rim or orifice. One of these groups has eight, the other seven, figures of these feathers, and on the two remainingquadrants are the star emblems so constantly seen in pottery decoratedwith bird figures. The upper surface of the vase (figure 274) shows asimilar arrangement, although the feathers here are conventionalizedinto triangular dentations, seven on one side and three on the other, individual dentations alternating with rectangular designs whichsuggest rain-clouds. This vase (plate CXLIII, _a_, _b_) is alsostriking in having a well-drawn figure of a bird in profile, the head, wings, tail, and legs suggesting a parrot. The zone of decoration ofthis vessel, which surrounds the rows of feathers, is strikinglycomplicated, and comprises rain-cloud, feather, and other designs. 

[Illustration: FIG. 273--Pendent feather ornaments on a vase. ]

In a discussion of the significance of the design on the food bowlrepresented in plate CXXXIX, _a_, _b_, I have shown ample reason forregarding it a figure of a highly conventionalized bird. On the uppersurface of the vase (plate CXLIV, _a_, _b_) are four similar designs, representing birds of the four cardinal points, one on each quadrant. The wings are represented by triangular extensions, destitute ofappendages but with a rounded body at their point of juncture with thetrunk. Each bird has four tail-feathers and rain-cloud symbols on theanterior end of the body. As is the case with the figures on the foodbasins, there are crosses representing stars near the extended wings. A broad band connects all these birds, and terraced rain-cloudsymbols, six in number and arranged in pairs, fill the peripheralsections between them. This vase, although broken, is one of the mostbeautiful and instructive in the rich collection of Sikyatkiceramics. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIII

VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIV

VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLV

VASES WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: FIG. 274--Upper surface of vase with bird decoration]

I have not ventured, in the consideration of the manifold pictures ofbirds on ancient pottery, to offer an interpretation of their probablegeneric identification. There is no doubt, however, that theyrepresent mythic conceptions, and are emblematic of birds whichfigured conspicuously in the ancient Hopi Olympus. The modern legendsof Tusayan are replete with references to such bird-like beings whichplay important rôles and which bear evidence of archaic origins. Thereis, however, one fragment of a food bowl which is adorned with apictograph so realistic and so true to modern legends of a harpy thatI have not hesitated to affix to it the name current in modern Tusayanfolklore. This fragment is shown in figure 275. 

[Illustration: FIG. 275--Kwataka eating an animal]

According to modern folklore there once lived in the sky a wingedbeing called Kwataka, or Man-eagle, who sorely troubled the ancients. He was ultimately slain by their War god, the legends of which haveelsewhere been published. There is a pictograph of this monster nearWalpi, [148] and pictures of him, as he exists in modern conceptions, have been drawn for me by the priests. These agree so closely with thepictograph and with the representation on the potsherd from Sikyatki, that I regard it well-nigh proven that they represent the samepersonage. The head is round and bears two feathers, while the staremblem appears in the eye. The wing and the stump of a tail are wellrepresented, while the leg has three talons, which can only be thoseof this monster. He holds in his grasp some animal form which he isrepresented as eating. Across the body is a kilt, or ancient blanket, with four diagonal figures which are said to represent flintarrowheads. It is a remarkable fact that these latter symbols arepractically the same as those used by Nahuatl people for obsidianarrow- or spearpoints. In Hopi lore Kwataka wore a garment ofarrowpoints, or, according to some legends, a flint garment, and hiswings are said to have been composed of feathers of the samematerial. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVI

BOWLS AND POTSHERD WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVII

FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS, FROM SIKYATKI]

From the pose of the figure and the various details of its symbolismthere can be little doubt that the ancient Sikyatki artists intendedto represent this monster, of which the modern Hopi rarely speak, andthen only in awe. Probably several other bird figures likewiserepresent Kwataka, but in none of these do the symbols conform soclosely to legends of this monster which are still repeated in theTusayan villages. The home of Kwataka is reputed to be in the sky, andconsequently figures of him are commonly associated with star andcloud emblems; he is a god of luck or chance, hence it is notexceptional to find figures of gaming implements[149] in certainelaborate figures of this monster. 

By far the most beautiful of the many food bowls from Sikyatki, and, Ibelieve, the finest piece of prehistoric aboriginal pottery from theUnited States, is that figured in plate CXLVI, _d_. This remarkableobject, found with others in the sands of the necropolis of thispueblo, several feet below the surface, is decorated with a highlyconventional figure of a bird in profile, but so modified that it isdifficult to determine the different parts. The four appendages to theleft represent the tail; the two knobs at the right the head, but theremaining parts are not comprehensible. The delicacy of the detailedcrosshatching on the body is astonishing, considering that it wasdrawn freehand and without pattern. The coloring is bright and thesurface glossy. 

The curved band from which this strange figure hangs is divided intosections by perpendicular incised lines, which are connected by zigzagdiagonals. The signification of the figure in the upper part of thebowl is unknown. While this vessel is unique in the character of itsdecoration, there are others of equal fineness but less perfect indesign. Competent students of ceramics have greatly admired thisspecimen, and so fresh are the colors that some have found itdifficult to believe it of ancient aboriginal manufacture. Thespecimen itself, now on exhibition in the National Museum, gives abetter idea of its excellence than any figure which could be made. This specimen, like all the others, is in exactly the same conditionas when exhumed, save that it has been wiped with a moist cloth toclean the traces of food from its inner surface. All the pottery foundin the same grave is of the finest character, and although no twospecimens are alike in decoration, their general resemblances point tothe same maker. This fact has been noticed in several instances, although there were many exceptional cases where the coarsest and mostrudely painted vessels were associated with the finest and mostelaborately decorated ware. 

The ladle illustrated in plate CXLII, _e_, is one of the mostbeautiful in the collection. It is decorated with a picture of anunknown animal with a single feather on the head. The eyes are doubleand the snout continued into a long stick or tube, on which the animalstands. While the appendage to the head is undoubtedly a feather andthe animal recalls a bird, I am in doubt as to its trueidentification. The star emblems on the handle of the ladle are inharmony with known pictures of birds. 

The feather decoration on the broken ladle shown in plate CXXXI, _f_, is of more than usual interest, although it is not whollycomprehensible. The representations include rain-cloud symbols, birds, feathers, and falling rain. The medially placed design, with fourparallel lines arising from a round spot, is interpreted as a featherdesign, and the two triangular figures, one on each side, are believedto represent birds. 

The design on the food bowl depicted in plate CXXXI, _e_, is obscure, but in it feather and star symbols predominate. On the inside of theladle shown in plate CXXXI, _c_, there is a rectangular design with aconventionalized bird at each angle. The reduction of the figure of abird to head, body, and two or more tail-feathers occurs veryconstantly in decorations, and in many instances nothing remains savea crook with appended parallel lines representing feathers. Examplesof this kind occur on several vessels, of which that shown in plateCXLV, _a_, is an example. 

[Illustration: FIG. 276--Decoration on the bottom of plate CXLVI, _f_]

There are many pictures of birds and feathers where the design hasbecome so conventionalized that it is very difficult to recognize theintention of the decorator. Plate CXLVII, _f_, shows one of these inwhich the feather motive is prominent and an approximation to a birdform evident. The wings are shown with a symmetric arrangement on thesides of the tail, while the latter member has the three featherswhich form so constant a feature in many bird symbols. In _b_ of thesame plate there is shown a more elaborated bird figure, also highlymodified, yet preserving many of the parts which have been identifiedin the design last described. 

The beautiful design shown in plate CXLVI, _e_, represents a largebreath feather with triangular appendages on the sides, recalling theposterior end of the body of the bird figures above discussed. 

The interior of the saucer illustrated in plate CLXVI, _f_, isdecorated with feather symbols and four triangles. The remainingfigures of this plate have already been considered. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLVIII

FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXLIX

FOOD BOWLS WITH SYMBOLS OF FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI]

The figures on the vessel shown in plate CLXVII are so arranged thatthere can be little question of their homologies, and from comparisonsit is clear that they should all be regarded as representations ofbirds. There appears no necessity of discussing figures _a_ and_b_ of the plate in this interpretation. In figure _c_ the center ofthe design becomes circular, recalling certain sun symbols, and thetail-feathers are readily recognized on one side. I am by no meanssure, however, that the lateral terraced appendages at the oppositepole are representations of wings, but such an interpretation can notbe regarded as a forced one. Figure _d_ shows the three tail-feathers, lateral appendages suggestive of wings, and a square body with theusual decorations of the body and head of a bird. The design shown infigure _f_ suggests in many ways a sun-bird, and is comparable withthose previously studied and illustrated. There is no question of thehomologues of tail, head, and wings. The meridional band across thebowl is similar to those already discussed, and its relationship tothe head and tail of the bird identical. This design is interpreted asthat of one of the numerous birds associated with the sun. Thecrescentic extension above what is apparently the head occurs in manybird figures and may represent a beak. 

Many food bowls from Sikyatki are ornamented on their interior withhighly conventionalized figures, generally of curved form, in whichthe feather is predominant. Many of these are shown in plates CXLVIIIto CLVII, inclusive, and in studying them I have found it verydifficult to interpret the symbolism, although the figures of feathersare easy to find in many of them. While my attempt at decipherment isnot regarded as final, it is hoped that it may at least reveal theimportant place which the feather plays in Tusayan ceramic decoration. 

Plate CXLVIII, _a_, shows the spiral ornament worn down to its lowestterms, with no hint of the feather appendage, but its likeness inoutline to those designs where the feather occurs leads me tointroduce it in connection with those in which the feather is moreprominent. Figure _b_ of the same plate represents a spiral figurewith a bird form at the inner end, and a bundle of tail-feathers atthe outer extremity. On this design there is likewise a figure of thedragon-fly and several unknown emblems. Figure _c_ has at oneextremity a trifid appendage, recalling a feather ornament on the headof a bird shown in plate CXXXVIII, _a_. Figure _d_ has noconventionalized feather decoration, but the curved line terminateswith a triangle. Its signification is unknown to me. For severalreasons the design in _e_ reminds me of a bird; it is accompanied bythree crosses, which are almost invariably found in connection withbird figures, and at the inner end there is attached a breath feather. This end of the figure is supposed to be the head, as will appear bylater comparative studies. The bird form is masked in _f_, but thefeather designs are prominent. This bowl is exceptional in having anencircling band broken at two points, one of the components of whichis red, the other black. 

Feather designs are conspicuous in plate CXLIX, _a_, _b_, in theformer of which curved incised lines are successfully used. In _c_, however, is found the best example of the use of incised work as anaid in pottery decoration, for in this specimen there are semicircles, and rings with four triangles, straight lines, and circles. Thesymbolism of the whole figure has eluded analysis. Figure _d_ has nofeather symbols, but _e_ may later be reduced to a circle withfeathers. The only symbols in the design shown in _f_ which are at allrecognizable are the two zigzag figures which may have been intendedto represent snakes, lightning, or tadpoles. 

When the design in plate CL, _a_, is compared with the beautiful bowlshown in plate CXLVI, _d_, a treatment of somewhat similar nature isfound. It is believed that both represent birds drawn in profile; thefour bands (_a_) are tail-feathers, while the rectangle represents thebody and the curved appendage a part of the head. From a similarity tomodern figures of a turkey feather, it is possible that the triangleat the end of the curved appendage is the feather of this bird. Anexamination of _b_ leads to the conclusion that the inner end of thespiral represents a bird's head. Two eyes are represented therein, andfrom it feathers are appended. The parallel marks on the body aresuggestive of similar decorations on the figure of the Plumed Snakepainted on the kilts of the Snake priests of Walpi. The star emblemsare constant accompaniments of bird designs. Figure _c_ has, inaddition to the spiral, the star symbols and what appears to be aflower. The design shown in _d_ is so exceptional that it is hererepresented with the circular forms. It will be seen that there arewell-marked feathers in its composition. Figure _f_ is made up ofseveral bird forms, feathers, rectangles, and triangles, combined in acomplicated design, the parts of which may readily be interpreted inthe light of what has already been recorded. 

The significance of the spiral in the design on plate CLI, _a_, isunknown. It is found in several pictures, in some of which it appearsto have avian relationship. Figure _b_ of the same plate is a squareterraced design appended to the median line, on which symbolic starsare depicted. As in many bird figures, a star is found on the oppositesemicircle. There is a remote likeness between this figure and that ofthe head of the bird shown in plate CXLV, _d_. Plate CLI, _c_, is acompound figure, with four feathers arranged in two pairs at rightangles to a median band. The triangular figure associated with them issometimes found in symbols of the sun. Figure _d_ is undoubtedly abird symbol, as may be seen by a comparison of it with the birdfigures shown in plate CXXXVIII, _a-f_. There are two tail-feathers, two outstretched wings, and a head which is rectangular, with terraceddesigns. The cross is triple, and occupies the opposite segment, whichis finely spattered with pigment. This trifid cross represents a gameplayed by the Hopi with reeds and is depicted on many objects ofpottery. As representations of it sometimes accompany those of birds Iam led to interpret the figure (plate CLVII, _c_) as that of a bird, which it somewhat resembles. The two designs shown in plate CLI, _e_, _f_, are believed to be decorative, or, if symbolic, they have been soworn by the constant use of the vessel that it is impossible todetermine their meaning by comparative methods. Both of these figuresshow the "line of life" in a somewhat better way than any yetconsidered. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CL

FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLI

FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI]

In plate CLII, _a_, is shown a compound figure of doubtfulsignificance, made up of a series of crescents, triangles, andspirals, which, in _c_, are more compactly joined together, andaccompanied by three parallel lines crossing three other lines. Thecurved figure shown in _b_ represents three feathers; a large one oneach side, inclosing a medially smaller member. In _d_ is shown thespiral bird form with appended feathers, triangles, and terracedfigures. Figure _f_ of this plate is decorated with a design whichbears many resemblances to a flower, the peripheral appendagesresembling bracts of a sunflower. A somewhat similar design is paintedon the side of the helmets of some _katcina_ dancers, where the bractsor petals are colored in sequence, with the pigments corresponding tothe six directions--north, west, south, east, above, and below. In thedecoration on the ancient Sikyatki bowl we find seven peripheralbracts, one of which is speckled. The six groups of stamens(?) arerepresented between the triangular bracts. 

The designs shown in plates CLIII to CLV, inclusive, still preservethe spiral form with attached feathers, some of them being greatlyconventionalized or differentiated. In the first of these plates(figure _b_) is represented a bird form with triangular head with fourfeathers arranged in fan shape. These feathers are different from anywhich I have been able to find attached to the bodies of birds, andare thus identified from morphological rather than from other reasons. 

The body of the conventionalized bird is decorated with terracedfigures, spirals, flowers, and other designs arranged in a highlycomplicated manner. From a bar connecting the spiral with theencircling line there arises a tuft of feathers. Figure _a_ of thesame plate is characterized by a medially placed triangle and agraceful pendant from which hangs seven feathers. In this instancethese structures take the form of triangles and pairs of lines. Therelation of these structures to feathers would appear highlyspeculative, but they have been so interpreted for the followingreason: If we compare them with the appendages represented in thedesign on the vase shown in CXLIII, _b_, we find them the same innumber, form, and arrangement; the triangles in the design on thisvase are directly comparable with the figures in plate CXLIII, _b_, inthe same position, which are undoubtedly feathers, as has been shownin the discussion of this figure. Consequently, although the triangleson the pendant in plate CLIII, _a_, appear at first glance to have norelation to the prescribed feather symbol, morphology shows their trueinterpretation. The reduction of the wing feather to a simpletriangular figure is likewise shown in several other pictures on foodvessels, notably in the figure, undoubtedly of a bird, represented inplate CXLVI, _a_. 

In the two figures forming plate CLIV are found simple bird symbolsand feather designs very much conventionalized. The same is true ofthe two figures given in plate CLV. 

The vessels illustrated in plate CLVI, _a_, _b_, are decorated withdesigns of unknown meaning, save that the latter recalls themodification of the feather into long triangular forms. On the outersurface this bowl has a row of tadpoles encircling it in a sinistraldirection, or with the center of the bowl on the left. The design offigure _c_ shows a bird's head in profile, with a crest of feathersand with the two eyes on one side of the head and a necklace. Thetriangular figure bears the symbolism of the turkey feather, as atpresent designated in Tusayan altar paraphernalia. As with other birdfigures, there is a representation in red of the triple star. 

Figure _d_ is the only specimen of a vessel in the conventional formof a bird which was found at Sikyatki; it evidently formerly had ahandle. The vessel itself is globular, and the form of the bird isintensified by the designs on its surface. The bird's head is turnedto the observer, and the row of triangles represent wing feathers. Thesignification of the designs on _e_ and _f_ is unknown to me. 

Figures _e_ and _f_ of plate CLVI are avian decorations, reduced inthe case of the former to geometric forms. The triangular figure is amarked feature in the latter design. 

The designs represented in plate CLVII are aberrant bird forms. Ofthese _a_ and _b_ are the simplest and _c_ one of the mostcomplicated. Figure _d_ is interpreted as a double bird, or twins witha common head and tails pointing in opposite directions. Figure _e_shows a bird in profile with one wing, furnished with triangularfeathers, extended. There is some doubt about the identification of_f_ as a bird, but there is no question that the wing, tail, andbreath feathers are represented in it. Of the last mentioned there arethree, shown by the notch, colored black at their extremities. 

VEGETAL DESIGNS

Inasmuch as they so readily lend themselves as a motive of decoration, it is remarkable that the ancient Hopi seem to have used plants andtheir various organs so sparingly in their pottery painting. Elsewhere, especially among modern Pueblos, this is not the case, andwhile plants, flowers, and leaves are not among the common designs onmodern Tusayan ware, they are often employed. It would appear that thecorn plant or fruit would be found among other designs, especially ascorn plays a highly symbolic part in mythic conceptions, but we failto find it used as a decoration on any ancient vessel. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLII

FOOD BOWLS WITH BIRD, FEATHER, AND FLOWER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIII

FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI]

In a figure previously described, a flower, evidently an aster orsunflower, appears with a butterfly, and in the bowl shown inplate CXXXIV, _e_, we have a similar design. This figureevidently represents the sunflower, the seeds of which were ground andeaten in ancient times. The plant apparently is represented as growingfrom the earth and is surrounded by a broad band of red in rudelycircular form. The totem of the earth today among the Hopi is acircle; possibly it was the same among the ancients, in which case thehorizon may have been represented by the red encircling band, which isaccompanied by the crook and the emblem of rain. The petals arerepresented by a row of dots and no leaves are shown. From the kinshipof the ancient accolents of Sikyatki with the Flute people, it is tobe expected that in their designs figures of asters or sunflowerswould appear, for these plants play a not inconspicuous rôle in theritual of this society which has survived to modern times. 

THE SUN

Sun worship plays a most important part in modern Tusayan ritual, andthe symbol of the sun in modern pictography can not be mistaken forany other. It is a circle with radiating feathers on the periphery andordinarily with four lines arranged in quaternary groups. The face ofthe sun is indicated by triangles on the forehead, two slits for eyes, and a double triangle for the mouth. This symbol, however, is notalways used as that of the sun, for in the Oraibi _Powalawû_ there isan altar in which a sand picture of the sun has the form of afour-pointed star. The former of these sun symbols is not found onSikyatki pottery, but there is one picture which closely resembles thelatter. This occurs on the bowl illustrated in plate CLXI, _c_. Themain design is a four-pointed star, alternating with crosses andsurrounded by a zone in which are rectangular blocks. While theidentification may be fanciful, its resemblances are highlysuggestive. The existence of a double triangle adjacent to this figureon the same bowl, and its likeness to the modern mouth-design of sunpictures, appears to be more than a coincidence, and is so regarded inthis identification. 

In the design shown in plate CLVIII, _a_, one of the elaborate ancientsun figures is represented. As in modern symbols, the tail-feathers ofthe periphery of the disk are arranged in the four quadrants, and inaddition there are appended to the same points curved figures whichrecall the objects, identified as stringed feathers, attached to theblanket of the maid (plate CXXIX, _a_). The design on the disk isdifferent from that of any sun emblem known to me, and escapes myinterpretation. I have used the distribution of the feathers on thefour quadrants as an indication that this figure is a sun symbol, although it must be confessed this evidence is not so strong as mightbe wished. The triangles at the sides of two feathers indicate that atail-feather is intended, and for the correlated facts supporting thisconclusion the reader is referred to the description of the vesselsshown in plate CXXXVIII. 

It would appear that there is even more probability that the pictureon the bowl illustrated in plate CLVIII, _b_, is a sun symbol. Itrepresents a disk with tail and wing feathers arranged on theperiphery in four groups. This recalls the sun emblems used in Tusayanat the present time, although the face of the sun is not representedon this specimen. There is a still closer approximation to the modernsymbol of the sun on a bowl in a private collection from Sikyatki. 

In plate CLVIII, _c_, the sun's disk is represented with the fourclusters of feathers replaced by the extremities of the bodies of fourbirds, the tail-feathers, for some unknown reason, being omitted. Thedesign on the disk is highly symbolic, and the only modern sun symbolfound in it are the triangles, which form the mouth of the face of thesun in modern Hopi symbolism. 

One of the most aberrant pictures of the sun, which I think can beidentified with probability, is shown in the design on the specimenillustrated in plate CXXXIV, _b_. The reasons which have led me tothis identification may briefly be stated as follows:

Among the many supernaturals with which modern Hopi mythology isreplete is one called Calako-taka, or the male Calako. In legends heis the husband of the two Corn-maids of like name. The ceremonialsconnected with this being occur in Sichomovi in July, when four giantpersonifications enter the village as have been described in a formermemoir. The heads of these giants are provided with two curved horns, between which is a crest of eagle tail-feathers. 

Two of these giants, under another name, but with the same symbolism, are depicted on the altars of the _katcinas_ at Walpi and Mishoñinovi, where they represent the sun. A chief personifying the samesupernatural flogs children when they are initiated into the knowledgeof the _katcinas_. 

The figure on the bowl under discussion has many points of resemblanceto the symbolism of this personage as depicted on the altarsmentioned. The head has two horns, one on each side, with a crest, apparently of feathers, between them. The eyes and mouth arerepresented, and on the body there is a four-pointed cross. Themeaning of the remaining appendages is unknown, but the likenesses toCalako-taka[150] symbolism are noteworthy and important. The figure onthe food bowl illustrated in plate CXXXIV, _c_, is likewise regardedas a sun emblem. The disk is represented by a ring in the center, towhich feathers are appended. The triangle, which is still a sunsymbol, is shown below a band across the bowl. This band is decoratedwith highly conventionalized feathers. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLIV

FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLV

FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLVI

FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI]

It may be added that in this figure we have probably the most aberrantsun-symbol yet recognized, and on that account there is a possibilitythat the validity of my identification is more or less doubtful. 

The three designs shown in plate CLVIII, _c_, _d_, _e_, evidentlybelong in association with sun or star symbols, but it is hardlylegitimate to definitely declare that such an interpretation can bedemonstrated. The modern Tusayan Indians declare that the equal-armcross is a symbol of the "Heart of the Sky" god, which, from mystudies of the effigies of this personage on various altars, I havegood reason to identify with the lightning. 

GEOMETRIC FIGURES

INTERPRETATION OF THE FIGURES

Most of the pottery from Sikyatki is ornamented with geometric designsand linear figures, the import of many of which are unknown. 

Two extreme views are current in regard to the significance of thesedesigns. To one school everything is symbolic of something or somereligious conception; to the other the majority are meaningless saveas decorations. I find the middle path the more conservative, andwhile regarding many of the designs as highly conventionalizedsymbols, believe that there are also many where the decorator had nothought of symbolism. I have ventured an explanation of a few of theformer. 

Terraced figures are among the most common rectangular elements inPueblo ceramic decorations. These designs bear so close a likeness tothe modern rain-cloud symbol that they probably may all be referred tothis category. Their arrangement on a bowl or jar is often of such anature as to impart very different patterns. Thus terraced figuresplaced in opposition to each other may leave zigzag spaces suggestinglightning, but such forms can hardly be regarded as designed forsymbols. 

Rectangular patterns (plates CLXII-CLXV) are more ancient in theevolution of designs on Tusayan pottery than curved geometric figures, and far outnumber them in the most ancient specimens; but there hasbeen no epoch in the development reaching to modern times when theyhave been superseded. While there are many specimens of Sikyatkipottery of the type decorated with geometric figures, which bearornamentations of simple and complex terraced forms, the majorityplaced in this type are not reducible to stepped or terraced designs, but are modified straight lines, bars, crosshatching, and the like. Inolder Pueblo pottery the relative proportion of terraced figures iseven less, which would appear to indicate that basket-ware patternswere secondary rather than primary decorative forms. 

By far the largest element in ancient Tusayan pottery decoration mustbe regarded as simple geometric lines, triangles, spirals, curves, crosshatching, and the like, some of which are no doubt symbolic, others purely decorative (plate CLXVI). In the evolution of design Iam inclined to believe that this was the simplest form, and I find itthe most constant in the oldest ware. Rectangular figures are regardedas older than circular figures, and they possibly preceded the latterin evolution, but in many instances both are forms of reversion, highly conventionalized representations of more elaborate figures. Circles and crosses are sometimes combined, the former modified into awavy line surrounding the latter, as in plate CLIX, _c_, _d_, wherethere is a suggestion (_d_) of a sun emblem. 

CROSSES

A large number of food bowls are decorated with simple or elaboratecrosses, stars, and like patterns. Simple crosses with arms of equallength appear on the vessels shown in plate CLIX, _c_, _d_. There aremany similar crosses, subordinate to the main design, in variousbowls, especially those decorated with figures of birds and skydeities. 

Plate CLX, _a_, exhibits a cruciform design, to the extremities ofthree arms of which bird figures are attached. In this design thereare likewise two sunflower symbols. The modified cross figure in _b_of the same plate, like that just mentioned, suggests a swastica, butfails to be one, and unless the complicated design in figure _c_ maybe so interpreted, no swastica was found at Sikyatki or Awatobi. PlateCLX, _d_, shows another form of cross, two arms of which are modifiedinto triangles. 

On the opening of the great ceremony called _Powamû_ or"Bean-planting, " which occurs in February in the modern Tusayanvillages, there occurs a ceremony about a sand picture of the sunwhich is called _Powalawû_. The object of this rite is thefructification of all seeds known to the Hopi. The sand picture of thesun which is made at that time is in its essentials identical with thedesign on the food bowl illustrated in plate CLXI, _c_; consequentlyit is possible that this star emblem represents the sun, and theoccurrence of the eight triangles in the rim, replaced in the modernaltar by four concentric bands of differently colored sands, addsweight to this conclusion. The twin triangles outside the main figureare identical with those in the mouth of modern sun emblems. Thesesame twin triangles are arranged in lines which cross at right anglesin plate CLXI, _d_, but from their resemblance to figure _b_ theypossibly have a different meaning. 

The most complicated of all the star-shape figures, like the simplest, takes us to sun emblems, and it seems probable that there is arelationship between the two. Plate CLXI, _f_, represents four bundlesof feathers arranged in quadrants about a rectangular center. Thesefeathers vary in form and arrangement, and the angles between them areoccupied by horn-shape bodies, two of which have highly complicatedextremities recalling conventionalized birds. 

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FIGURES OF BIRDS AND FEATHERS FROM SIKYATKI]

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FOOD BOWLS WITH FIGURES OF SUN AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI]

A large number of crosses are represented in plate CLXII, _d_, inwhich the remaining semicircle is filled with a tessellated pattern. Aspiral line with round spots at intervals adorns the specimenshown in plate CLXI, _a_. Parallel lines with similar spots appear onthe vessel illustrated in plate CLXII, _e_, and a network of the sameis shown in _f_ of the same plate. Plate CLXVII, _b_, represents acompound star. 

While simple swasticas are not found on any of the Sikyatki pottery, modified and compound forms are well represented. There are severalspecimens of figures of the Maltese cross, and one closelyapproximating the Saint Andrew's cross. It is scarcely necessary tosay that the presence of the various kinds of crosses do notnecessarily indicate the influence of Semitic or Aryan races, for Ihave already shown[151] that even cross-shape prayer-sticks were inuse among the Pueblos when Coronado first visited them. 

TERRACED FIGURES

Among the most common of all geometric designs on ancient Tusayanpottery none excel in variety or number those which I place in theabove group. They form the major part of all decoration, and there ishardly a score of ornamented vessels in which they can not bedetected. In a typical form they appear as stepped designs, rectangular figures with diagonals continuous, or as triangulardesigns with steps represented along their sides. 

While it is probable that in some instances these figures are simplydecorative, with no attempt at symbolism, in other cases without doubtthey symbolize rain-clouds, and the same figures are still used withsimilar intent in modern ceremonial paraphernalia--altars, mask-tablets, and the like. Decorative modifications of this figurewere no doubt adopted by artistic potters, thus giving varieties wherethe essential meaning has been much obscured or lost. 

THE CROOK

Among the forms of geometric designs on ancient Tusayan pottery thereare many jars, bowls, and other objects on which a crook, variouslymodified, is the essential type. This figure is so constant that itmust have had a symbolic as well as a decorative meaning. The crookplays an important part in the modern ritual, and is prominent on manyTusayan altars. Around the sand picture of the rain-cloud, forexample, we find a row of wooden rods with curved ends, and in thepublic Snake dance these are carried by participants called theAntelopes. A crook in the form of a staff to which an ear of corn andseveral feathers are attached is borne by _katcinas_ or maskedparticipants in certain rain dances. It is held in the hand by apersonage who flogs the children when they are initiated into certainreligious societies. Many other instances might be mentioned in whichthis crozier-like object is carried by important personages. While itis not entirely clear to me that in all instances this crook is abadge of authority, in some cases it undoubtedly represents thestanding of the bearer. There are, likewise, prayer offerings in theform of crooks, and even common forms of prayer-sticks have miniaturecurved sticks attached to them. 

Some of the warrior societies are said to make offerings in the formof a crook, and a stick of similar form is associated with the gods ofwar. There is little doubt that some of the crook-form decorations onancient vessels may have been used as symbols with the same intent asthe sticks referred to above. The majority of the figures of thisshape elude interpretation. Many of them have probably no definitemeaning, but are simply an effective motive of decoration. 

In some instances the figure of the crook on old pottery is a symbolof a prayer offering of a warrior society, made in the form of anancient weapon, allied to a bow. 

THE GERMINATIVE SYMBOL

The ordinary symbol of germination, a median projection with lateralextensions at the base (plate CXLIX, _e_), occurs among the figures onthis ancient pottery. In its simplest form, a median line with atriangle on each side attached to one end, it is a phallic emblem. When this median line becomes oval, and the triangles elongated andcurved at the ends, it represents the ordinary squash symbol, [152]also used as an emblem of fertility. 

The triangle is also an emblem of germination and of fecundity--thefemale, as the previously mentioned principle represents the male. Thegeometric designs on the ancient Sikyatki ware abundantly illustrateboth these forms. 

BROKEN LINES

In examining the simple encircling bands of many of the food bowls, jars, and other ceramic objects, it will be noticed that they are notcontinuous, but that there is a break at one point, and this break isusually limited to one point in all the specimens. Variousexplanations of the meaning of this failure to complete the band havebeen suggested, and it is a remarkable fact that it is one of the mostwidely extended characteristics of ancient pottery decoration in thewhole Pueblo area, including the Salado and Gila basins. While in thespecimens from Sikyatki the break is simple and confined to one point, in those from other regions we find two or three similar failures inthe continuity of encircling lines, and in some instances the lines atthe point of separation are modified into spirals, terraces, and otherforms of geometric figures. In the more complex figures we find themost intricate variations, which depart so widely from the simpleforms that their resemblances are somewhat difficult to follow. Abrief consideration of these modifications may aid toward anunderstanding of the character of certain geometric ornamentalmotives. 

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CROSS AND RELATED DESIGNS FROM SIKYATKI]

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CROSS AND OTHER SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI]

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STAR, SUN, AND RELATED SYMBOLS FROM SIKYATKI]

If any of the interlocking spirals on bowls or vases are traced, it isfound that they do not join at the center of the figure. The same istrue when these spirals become frets. There is always a break in thenetwork which they form. This break is comparable with the hiatus onencircling bands and probably admits of the same interpretation. In asimple form this motive appears as two crescents or two key patternswith the ends overlapping. This simple ornament, called the friendshipsign, is commonly used in the decoration of the bodies of _katcinas_, and has been likened to the interlocking of fingers or hands of theparticipants in certain dances, the fingers half retracted with innersurfaces approximated, the palms of the hands facing in oppositedirections and the wrists at opposite points. If the points beextended into an elaborate key pattern or curved into extendedspirals, a complicated figure is produced in which the separation isless conspicuous although always present. 

The same points may be modified into terraced figures, the separationthen appearing as a zigzag line drawn across the figure, or they mayhave interlocking dentate or serrate prolongations imparting a varietyof forms to the interval between them. [153] In order to trace outthese modifications it would be necessary to specify each individualcase, but I think that is unnecessary. In other words, the broken lineappears to be a characteristic not only of simple encircling bands, but also of all geometric figures in which highly complicated designsextend about the periphery of a utensil. 

DECORATIONS ON THE EXTERIOR OF FOOD BOWLS

The decorations on the exterior of the ancient food bowls are in mostinstances very characteristic and sometimes artistic. Generally theyreproduce patterns which are found on the outside of vases and jarsand sometimes have a distant relationship to the designs in theinterior of the bowl upon which they occur. Usually these externaldecorations are found only on one side, and in that respect theydiffer from the modern food bowls, in which nothing similar to themappears. 

The characteristics of the external decorations of food bowls aresymbolic, mostly geometric, square or rectangular, triangular orstepped figures; curved lines and spirals rarely if ever occur, andhuman or animal figures are unknown in this position in Sikyatkipottery; the geometric figures can be reduced to a few patterns ofmarked simplicity. 

It is apparent that I can best discuss the variety of geometricdesigns by considering these external decorations of food vessels atlength. From the fact that they are limited to one side, the design isless complicated by repetition and seems practically the same as themore typical forms. It is rarely that two of these designs are foundto be exactly the same, and as there appears to be no duplication aclassification of them is difficult. Each potter seems to havedecorated her ware without regard to the work of her contemporaries, using simple designs but combining them in original ways. Hence thegreat variety found even in the grave of the same woman, whosehandiwork was buried with her. As, however, the art of the potterdegenerated, as it has in later times, the patterns became more alike, so that modern Tusayan decorated earthenware has little variety inornamentation and no originality in design. Every potter uses the samefigures. 

[Illustration: FIG. 277--Oblique parallel line decoration]

[Illustration: FIG. 278--Parallel lines fused at one point]

[Illustration: FIG. 279--Parallel lines with zigzag arrangement]

The simplest form of decoration on the exterior of a food bowl is aband encircling it. This line may be complete or it may be broken atone point. The next more complicated geometric decoration is a doubleor multiple band, which, however, does not occur in any of thespecimens from Sikyatki. The breaking up of this multiple band intoparallel bars is shown in figure 277. These bars generally have aquadruple arrangement, and are horizontal, vertical, or, as in theillustration, inclined at an angle. They are often found on the lipsof the bowls and in a similar position on jars, dippers, and vases. The parallel lines shown in figure 278 are seven in number, and do notencircle the bowl. They are joined by a broad connecting band near oneextremity. The number of parallel bands in this decoration is highlysuggestive. 

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Four parallel bands encircle the bowl shown in figure 279, but theyare so modified in their course as to form a number of trapezoidalfigures placed with alternating sides parallel. This interestingpattern is found only on one vessel. 

The use of simple parallel bars, arranged at equal intervals on theoutside of food bowls, is not confined to these vessels, for theyoccur on the margin of vases, cups, and dippers. They likewise occuron ladle handles, where they are arranged in alternate transverse andlongitudinal clusters. 

[Illustration: FIG. 280--Parallel lines connected by middle bar. ]

The combination of two vertical bands connected by a horizontal band, forming the letter H, is an ornamental design frequently occurring onthe finest Hopi ware. Figure 280 shows such an H form, which isordinarily repeated four times about the bowl. 

[Illustration: FIG. 281--Parallel lines of different width; serratemargin]

The interval between the parallel bands around the vessel may be verymuch reduced in size, and some of the bands may be of different width, or otherwise modified. Such a deviation is seen in figure 281, whichhas three bands, one of which is broad with straight edges, the otherwith serrate margin and hook-like appendages. 

[Illustration: FIG. 282--Parallel lines of different width; medianserrate]

[Illustration: FIG. 283--Parallel lines of different width; marginalserrate]

In figure 282 eight bands are shown, the marginal broad with edgesentire, and the median pair serrated, the long teeth fitting eachother in such a way as to impart a zigzag effect to the space whichseparates them. The remaining four lines, two on each side, appear asblack bands on a white ground. It will be noticed that an attempt wasmade to relieve the monotony of the middle band of figure 282 by theintroduction of a white line in zigzag form. A similar result wasaccomplished in the design shown in figure 283 by rectangles anddots. 

[Illustration: FIG. 284--Parallel lines and triangles]

The modification of the multiple bands in figure 283 has produced avery different decorative form. This design is composed of five bands, the marginal on each side serrate, and the middle band relatively verybroad, with diagonals, each containing four round dots regularlyarranged. In figure 284 there are many parallel, noncontinuous bandsof different breadth, arranged in groups separated by triangles withsides parallel, and the whole united by bounding lines. This is themost complicated form of design where straight lines only are used. 

[Illustration: FIG. 285--Line with alternate triangles]

We have thus far considered modifications brought about by fusion andother changes in simple parallel lines. They may be confined to oneside of the food bowl, may repeat each other at intervals, or surroundthe whole vessel. Ordinarily, however, they are confined to one sideof the bowls from Sikyatki. 

[Illustration: FIG. 286--Single line with alternate spurs]

[Illustration: FIG. 287--Single line with hourglass figures]

Returning to the single encircling band, it is found, in figure 285, broken up into alternating equilateral triangles, each pair united attheir right angles. This modification is carried still further infigure 286, where the triangles on each side of the single line areprolonged into oblique spurs, the pairs separated a short distancefrom each other. In figure 287 there is shown still anotherarrangement of these triangular decorations, the pairs forminghourglass-shape figures connected by an encircling line passingthrough their points of junction. 

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[Illustration: FIG. 288--Single line with triangles]

[Illustration: FIG. 289--Single line with alternate triangles andovals]

[Illustration: FIG. 290--Triangles and quadrilaterals]

[Illustration: FIG. 291--Triangle with spurs]

In figure 288 the double triangles, one on each side of the encirclingband, are so placed that their line of separation is lost, and asingle triangle replaces the pair. These are connected by the linesurrounding the bowl and there is a dot at the smallest angle. Infigure 289 there is a similar design, except that alternating witheach triangle, which bears more decoration than that shown in figure288, there are hourglass figures composed of ovals and triangles. Thedots at the apex of that design are replaced by short parallel linesof varying width. The triangles and ovals last considered are arrangedsymmetrically in relation to a simple band. By a reduction in theintervening spaces these triangles may be brought together and theline disappears. I have found no specimen of design illustrating thesimplest form of the resultant motive, but that shown in figure 290 isa new combination comparable with it. 

The simple triangular decorative design reaches a high degree ofcomplication in figure 290, where a connecting line is absent, and twotriangles having their smallest angles facing each other areseparated by a lozenge shape figure made up of many parallel linesplaced obliquely to the axis of the design. The central part iscomposed of seven parallel lines, the marginal of which, on twoopposite sides, is minutely dentate. The median band is very broad andis relieved by two wavy white lines. The axis of the design on eachside is continued into two triangular spurs, rising from a rectanglein the middle of each triangle. This complicated design is the highestdevelopment reached by the use of simple triangles. In figure 291, however, we have a simpler form of triangular decoration, in which noelement other than the rectangle is employed. In the chaste decorationseen in figure 292 the use of the rectangle is shown combined with thetriangle on a simple encircling band. This design is reducible to thatshown in figure 290, but is simpler, yet not less effective. In figure293 there is an aberrant form of design in which the triangle is usedin combination with parallel and oblique bands. This form, while oneof the simplest in its elements, is effective and characteristic. Thetriangle predominates in figure 294, but the details are worked out inrectangular patterns, producing the terraced designs so common in allPueblo decorations. Rectangular figures are more commonly used thanthe triangular in the decoration of the exterior of the bowls, andtheir many combinations are often very perplexing to analyze. 

[Illustration: FIG. 292--Rectangle with single line]

[Illustration: FIG. 293--Double triangle; multiple lines]

[Illustration: FIG. 294--Double triangle; terraced edges]

[Illustration: FIG. 295--Single line; closed fret]

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[Illustration: FIG. 296--Single line; open fret]

[Illustration: FIG. 297--Single line; broken fret]

[Illustration: FIG. 298--Single line; parts displaced]

In figure 295, starting with the simple encircling band, it is founddivided into alternating rectangles. The line is continuous, and henceone side of each rectangle is not complete. Both this design and itsmodification in figure 296 consist of an unbroken line of equalbreadth throughout. In the latter figure, however, the openings in thesides are larger or the approach to a straight line closer. The formsare strictly rectangular, with no additional elements. Figure 297introduces an important modification of the rectangular motive, consisting of a succession of lines broken at intervals, but whenjoined are always arranged at right angles. 

[Illustration: FIG. 299--Open fret; attachment displaced]

[Illustration: FIG. 300--Simple rectangular design]

Possibly the least complex form of rectangular ornamentation, next toa simple bar or square, is the combination shown in figure 298, a typein which many changes are made in interior as well as in exteriordecorations of Pueblo ware. One of these is shown in figure 299, wherethe figure about the vessel is continuous. An analysis of the elementsin figure 300 shows squares united at their angles, like the last, butthat in addition to parallel bands connecting adjacent figures thereare two marginal lines uniting the series. Each of the inner parallellines is bound to a marginal on the opposite side by a band at rightangles to it. The marginal lines are unbroken through the length ofthe figure. Like the last, this motive also may be regarded asdeveloped from a single line. 

[Illustration: FIG. 301--Rectangular reversed S-form]

[Illustration: FIG. 302--Rectangular S-form with crooks]

Figures 301 and 302 are even simpler than the design shown in figure300, with appended square key patterns, all preserving rectangularforms and destitute of all others. They are of S-form, and differ moreespecially in the character of their appendages. 

[Illustration: FIG. 303--Rectangular S-form with triangles]

[Illustration: FIG. 304--Rectangular S-form with terraced triangles]

While the same rectangular idea predominates in figure 303, it isworked out with the introduction of triangles and quadrilateraldesigns. This fairly compound pattern, however, is still classifiedamong rectangular forms. A combination of rectangular and triangulargeometric designs, in which, however, the former predominate, is shownin figure 304, which can readily be reduced to certain of those formsalready mentioned. The triangles appear to be subordinated to therectangles, and even they are fringed on their longer sides withterraced forms. It may be said that there are but two elementsinvolved, the rectangle and the triangle. 

[Illustration: FIG. 305--S-form with interdigitating spurs]

The decoration in figure 305 consists of rectangular and triangularfigures, the latter so closely approximated as to leave zigzag linesin white. These lines are simply highly modified breaks in bands whichjoin in other designs, and lead by comparison to the so-called "lineof life" which many of these figures illustrate. 

[Illustration: FIG. 306--Square with rectangles and parallel lines]

[Illustration: FIG. 307--Rectangles, triangles, stars, and feathers]

The distinctive feature of figure 306 is the square, with rectangulardesigns appended to diagonally opposite angles and small triangles atintermediate corners. These designs have a distant resemblance tofigures later referred to as highly conventionalized birds, althoughthey may be merely simple geometrical patterns which have lost theirsymbolic meaning. 

[Illustration: FIG. 308--Crook, feathers, and parallel lines]

Figure 307 shows a complicated design, introducing at least twoelements in addition to rectangles and triangles. One of these is acurved crook etched on a black ground. In no other exterior decorationhave curved lines been found except in the form of circles, and it isworthy of note how large a proportion of the figures are drawn instraight lines. The circular figures with three parallel linesextending from them are found so constantly in exterior decorations, and are so strikingly like some of the figures elsewhere discussed, that I have ventured a suggestion in regard to their meaning. Ibelieve they represent feathers, because the tail-feathers of certainbirds are symbolized in that manner, and their number corresponds withthose generally depicted in the highly conventionalized tails ofbirds. With this thought in mind, it may be interesting to compare thetwo projections, one on each side of the three tail-feathers of thisfigure, with the extremity of the body of a bird shown in plate CXLI, _e_. On the supposition that a bird figure was intended in thisdesign, it is interesting also to note the rectangular decorations ofthe body and the association with stars made of three blocks inseveral bird figures, as already described. It is instructive also tonote the fact that the figure of a maid represented in plate CXXIX, _a_, has two of the round designs with appended parallel lines hangingto her garment, and four parallel marks drawn from her blanket. It isstill customary in Hopi ceremonials to tie feathers to the garments ofthose who personate certain mythic beings, and it is possible thatsuch was also the custom at Sikyatki. If so, it affords additionalevidence that the parallel lines are representations of feathers. 

[Illustration: FIG. 309--Crooks and feathers]

[Illustration: FIG. 310--Rectangle, triangles, and feathers]

[Illustration: FIG. 311--Terraced crook, triangle, and feathers]

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In figure 308 a number of these parallel lines are represented, andthe general character of the design is rectangular. In figure 309 isshown a combination of rectangular and triangular figures with threetapering points and circles with lines at their tips radiating insteadof parallel. Another modification is shown in figure 310 in which thetriangle predominates, and figure 311 evidently represents one-half ofa similar device with modifications. 

[Illustration: FIG. 312--Double key]

[Illustration: FIG. 313--Triangular terrace]

One of the most common designs on ancient pottery is the steppedfigure, a rectangular ornamentation, modifications of which are shownin figures 312-314. This is a very common design on the interior offood vessels, where it is commonly interpreted as a rain-cloud symbol. 

[Illustration: FIG. 314--Crook, serrate end]

Of all patterns on ancient Tusayan ware, that of the terrace figuresmost closely resemble the geometrical ornamentation of cliff-housepottery, and there seems every reason to suppose that this form ofdesign admits of a like interpretation. The evolution of this patternfrom plaited basketry has been ably discussed by Holmes andNordenskiöld, whose works have already been quoted in this memoir. The terraced forms from the exterior of food bowls here considered arehighly aberrent; they may be forms of survivals, motives of decorationwhich have persisted from very early times. Whatever the origin of thestepped figure in Pueblo art was, it is well to remember, as shown byHolmes, that it is "impossible to show that any particular design ofthe highly constituted kind was desired through a certain identifiableseries of progressive steps. "

[Illustration: FIG. 315--Key pattern; rectangle and triangles]

[Illustration: FIG. 316--Rectangle and crook]

For some unknown reason the majority of the simple designs on theexterior of food bowls from Tusayan are rectangular, triangular, orlinear in their character. Many can be reduced to simple or multiplelines. Others were suggested by plaited ware. 

[Illustration: FIG. 317--Crook and tail feathers]

In figure 312 is found one of the simplest of rectangular designs, asimple band, key pattern in form, at one end, with a reentrant squaredepression at the opposite extremity. In figure 313 is an equallysimple terrace pattern with stepped figures at the ends and in themiddle. These forms are common decorative elements on the exterior ofjars and vases, where they occur in many combinations, all of whichare reducible to these types. The simplest form of the key pattern isshown in figure 314, and in figure 315 there is a second modificationof the same design a little more complicated. This becomes somewhatchanged in figure 316, not only by the modifications of the twoextremities, but also by the addition of a median geometric figure. 

[Illustration: FIG. 318--Rectangle, triangle, and serrate spurs]

[Illustration: FIG. 319--W-pattern; terminal crooks]

[Illustration: FIG. 320--W-pattern; terminal rectangles]

The design in figure 317 is rectangular, showing a key pattern at oneend, with two long feathers at the opposite extremity. The five bodieson the same end of the figure are unique and comparable withconventionalized star emblems. The series of designs in the upperleft-hand end of this figure are unlike any which have yet been foundon the exterior of food bowls, but are similar to designs which haveelsewhere been interpreted as feathers. On the hypothesis that thesetwo parts of the figure are tail-feathers, we find in the crook theanalogue of the head of a bird. Thus the designs on the equator of thevase (plate CXLV, _a_), which are birds, have the same crook for thehead, and two simple tail-feathers, rudely drawn but comparable withthe two in figure 317. The five dentate bodies on the lower left-handend of the figure also tell in favor of the avian character of thedesign, for the following reason: These bodies are often foundaccompanying figures of conventionalized birds (plates CXLIV, CLIV, and others). They are regarded as modified crosses of equal arms, which are all but universally present in combinations with birds andfeathers (plates CXLIV, _a_, _b_; CLIV, _a_), from the fact that in aline of crosses depicted on a bowl one of the crosses is replaced by adesign of similar character. The arms of the cross are represented;their intersection is left in white. The interpretation of figure 317as a highly conventionalized bird design is also in accord with thesame interpretation of a number of similar, although less complicated, figures which appear with crosses. Thus the three arms of plate CLX, _a_, have highly conventionalized bird symbols attached to theirextremities. In the cross figure shown in plate CLVIII, _d_, we findfour bird figures with short, stumpy tail-feathers. These highlyconventionalized birds, with the head in the form of a crook and thetail-feathers as parallel lines, are illustrated on many potteryobjects, nowhere better, however, than in those shown in plates CXXVI, _a_, and CLX, _e_. Figure 318 may be compared with figure 317. 

[Illustration: FIG. 321--W-pattern; terminal terraces and crooks. ]

[Illustration: FIG. 322--W-pattern; terminal spurs]

Numerous modifications of a key pattern, often assuming a doubletriangular form, but with rectangular elements, are found on theexterior of many food bowls. These are variations of a pattern thesimplest form of which is shown in figure 319. Resolving this figureinto two parts by drawing a median line, we find the arrangement isbilaterally symmetrical, the two sides exactly corresponding. Eachside consists of a simple key pattern with the shank inclined to therim of the bowl and a bird emblem at its junction with the othermember. 

In figure 320 there is a greater development of this pattern by anelaboration of the key, which is continued in a line resembling asquare spiral. There are also dentations on a section of the edge ofthe lines. 

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In figure 321 there is a still further development of the same designand a lack of symmetry on the two sides. The square spirals arereplaced on the left by three stepped figures, and white spaces withparallel lines are introduced in the arms of a W-shape figure. 

[Illustration: FIG. 323--W-pattern; bird form]

In figure 322 the same design is again somewhat changed bymodification of the spirals into three triangles rimmed on one sidewith a row of dots, which are also found on the outer linessurrounding the lower part of the design. 

[Illustration: FIG. 324--W-pattern; median triangle]

In figure 323 the same W shape design is preserved, but the space inthe lower reentrant angle is occupied by a symmetrical figureresembling two tail-feathers and the extremity of the body of a bird. When this figure is compared with the design on plate CXLVI, _a_, resemblances are found in the two lateral appendages or wings. Thestar emblem is also present in the design. The median figure in thatdesign which I have compared to the tail of a bird is replaced infigure 324 by a triangular ornament. The two wings are notsymmetrical, but no new decorative element is introduced. It, however, will be noticed that there is a want of symmetry on the two sides of avertical line in the figure last mentioned. The right-hand upper sideis continued into five pointed projections, which fail on theleft-hand side. There is likewise a difference in the arrangement ofthe terraced figures in the two parts. The sides of the mediantriangles are formed of alternating black and white blocks, and thequadrate figure which it incloses is etched with a diagonal and cross. 

[Illustration: FIG. 325--Double triangle; two breath feathers]

[Illustration: FIG. 326--Double triangle; median trapezoid]

The decoration in figure 325 consists of two triangles side by side, each having marginal serrations, and a median square key pattern. Oneside of these triangles is continued into a line from which hang twobreath feathers, while the other end of the same line ends in a rounddot with four radiating, straight lines. The triangles recall thebutterfly symbol, the key pattern representing the head. 

[Illustration: FIG. 327--Double triangle; median rectangle]

[Illustration: FIG. 328--Double compound triangle; median rectangle]

In figure 326 there is a still more aberrant form of the W-shapedesign. The wings are folded, ending in triangles, and prolonged attheir angles into projections to which are appended round dots withthree parallel lines. The median portion, or that in the reentrantangle of the W, is a four-sided figure in which the trianglepredominates with notched edges. Figure 327 shows the same design withthe median portion replaced by a rectangle, and in which the keypattern has wholly disappeared from the wings. In figure 328 there arestill greater modifications, but the symmetry about a median axisremains. The ends of the wings instead of being folded are expanded, and the three triangles formerly inclosed are now free and extended. The simple median rectangle is ornamented with a terrace pattern onits lower angles. 

[Illustration: FIG. 329--Double triangle; median triangle]

[Illustration: FIG. 330--Double compound triangle]

Figure 329 shows a design in which the extended triangles are evenmore regular and simple, with triangular terraced figures on theirinner edge. The median figure is a triangle instead of a rectangle. 

[Illustration: FIG. 331--Double rectangle; median rectangle]

Figure 330 shows the same design with modification in the position ofthe median figure, and a slight curvature in two of its sides. 

[Illustration: FIG. 332--Double rectangle; median triangle]

[Illustration: FIG. 333--Double triangle with crooks]

Somewhat similar designs, readily reduced to the same type as the lastthree or four which have been mentioned, are shown in figures 331 and332. The resemblances are so close that I need not refer to them indetail. The W form is wholly lost, and there is no resemblance to abird, even in its most highly conventionalized forms. The mediandesign in figure 331 consists of a rectangle and two triangles soarranged as to leave a rectangular white space between them. In figure332 the median triangle is crossed by parallel and vertical zigzaglines. 

[Illustration: FIG. 334--W-shape figure; single line with feathers]

In the design represented in figure 333 there are two triangularfigures, one on each side of a median line, in relation to which theyare symmetrical. Each triangle has a simple key pattern in the middle, and the line from which they appear to hang is blocked off withalternating black and white rectangles. At either extremity of thisline there is a circular dot from which extend four parallel lines. 

[Illustration: FIG. 335--Compound rectangle, triangles, and feathers]

A somewhat simpler form of the same design is found in figure 334, showing a straight line above terminating with dots, from which extendparallel lines, and two triangular figures below, symmetrically placedin reference to an hypothetical upright line between them. 

[Illustration: FIG. 336--Double triangle]

Figure 335 bears a similarity to the last mentioned only so far as thelower half of the design is concerned. The upper part is notsymmetrical, but no new decorative element is introduced. Triangles, frets, and terraced figures are inserted between two parallel lineswhich terminate in round dots with parallel lines. 

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[Illustration: FIG. 337--Double triangle and feathers]

The design in figure 336 is likewise unsymmetrical, but it has twolateral triangles with incurved terrace and dentate patterns. The samegeneral form is exhibited in figure 337, with the introduction of twopointed appendages facing the hypothetical middle line. From thegeneral form of these pointed designs, each of which is double, theyhave been interpreted as feathers. They closely resemble thetail-feathers of bird figures on several bowls in the collection, aswill be seen in several of the illustrations. 

[Illustration: FIG. 338--Twin triangles]

[Illustration: FIG. 339--Triangle with terraced appendages]

[Illustration: FIG. 340--Mosaic pattern]

Figure 338 is composed of two triangular designs fused at the greatestangles. The regularity of these triangles is broken by a square spaceat the fusion. At each of the acute angles of the two triangles thereare circular designs with radiating lines, a common motive on theexterior of food bowls. Although no new elements appear in figure 338, with the exception of bracket marks, one on each side of a circle, thearrangement of the two parts symmetrically about a line parallel withthe rim of the bowl imparts to the design a unique form. The motive infigure 339 is reducible to triangular and rectangular forms, and whileexceptional as to their arrangement, no new decorative feature isintroduced. 

The specimen represented in figure 340 has as its decorative elements, rectangles, triangles, parallel lines, and birds' tails, to which maybe added star and crosshatch motives. It is therefore the mostcomplicated of all the exterior decorations which have thus far beenconsidered. There is no symmetry in the arrangement of figures about acentral axis, but rather a repetition of similar designs. 

[Illustration: FIG. 341--Rectangles, stars, crooks, and parallellines]

The use of crosshatching is very common on the most ancient Puebloware, and is very common in designs on cliff-house pottery. This styleof decoration is only sparingly used on Sikyatki ware. Thecrosshatching is provisionally interpreted as a mosaic pattern, andreminds one of those beautiful forms of turquois mosaic on shell, bone, or wood found in ancient pueblos, and best known in modern timesin the square ear pendants of Hopi women. Figure 340 is one of the fewdesigns having terraced figures with short parallel lines dependingfrom them. These figures vividly recall the rain-cloud symbol withfalling rain represented by the parallel lines. Figure 341 is aperfectly symmetrical design with figures of stars, rectangles, andparallel lines. It may be compared with that shown in figure 340 inorder to demonstrate how wide the difference in design may become bythe absence of symmetrical relationship. It has been shown in some ofthe previous motives that the crook sometimes represents a bird'shead, and parallel lines appended to it the tail-feathers. Possiblythe same interpretation may be given to these designs in the followingfigures, and the presence of stars adjacent to them lends weight tothis hypothesis. 

[Illustration: FIG. 342--Continuous crooks]

[Illustration: FIG. 343--Rectangular terrace pattern]

An indefinite repetition of the same pattern of rectangular design isshown in figure 342. This highly decorative motive may be variedindefinitely by extension or concentration, and while it is modifiedin that manner in many of the decorations of vases, it is not sochanged on the exterior of food bowls. 

There are a number of forms which I am unable to classify with theforegoing, none of which show any new decorative design. All possiblechanges have been made in them without abandoning the elementalornamental motives already considered. The tendency to step or terracepatterns predominates, as exemplified in simple form in figure 343. Infigure 344 there is a different arrangement of the same terracepattern, and the design is helped out with parallel bands of differentlength at the ends of a rectangular figure. A variation in the depthof color of these lines adds to the effectiveness of the design. Thisstyle of ornamentation is successfully used in the designs representedin figures 345 and 346, in the body of which a crescentic figure inthe black serves to add variety to a design otherwise monotonous. Thetwo appendages to the right of figure 346 are interpreted as feathers, although their depart forms widely from that usually assumed by thesedesigns. The terraced patterns are replaced by dentate margins in thisfigure, and there is a successful use of most of the rectangular andtriangular designs. 

[Illustration: FIG. 344--Terrace pattern with parallel lines]

[Illustration: FIG. 345--Terrace pattern]

[Illustration: FIG. 346--Triangular pattern with feathers]

In the specimens represented in figures 347 and 348 marginaldentations are used. I have called the design referred to an S-form, which, however, owing to its elongation is somewhat masked. Theoblique bar in the middle of the figure represents the body of theletter, the two extremities taking the forms of triangles. 

[Illustration: FIG. 347--S-pattern]

[Illustration: FIG. 348--Triangular and terrace figures]

So far as decorative elements are concerned the design in figure 349can be compared with some of those preceding, but it differs from themin combination. The motive in figure 350 is not unlike theornamentation of certain oriental vases, except from the presence ofthe terraced figures. In figure 351 there are two designs separated byan inclined break the edge of which is dentate. This figure isintroduced to show the method of treatment of alternating triangles ofvarying depth of color and the breaks in the marginal bands or "linesof life. " One of the simplest combinations of triangular andrectangular figures is shown in figure 353, proving how effectuallythe original design may be obscured by concentration. 

[Illustration: FIG. 349--Crook, terrace, and parallel lines]

[Illustration: FIG. 350--Triangles, squares, and terraces]

In the foregoing descriptions I have endeavored to demonstrate that, notwithstanding the great variety of designs considered, the typesused are very limited in number. The geometrical forms are rarelycurved lines, and it may be said that spirals, which appear soconstantly on pottery from other (and possibly equally ancient orolder) pueblos than Sikyatki, are absent in the external decorationsof specimens found in the ruins of the latter village. 

Every student of ancient and modern Pueblo pottery has been impressedby the predominance of terraced figures in its ornamentation, and themeaning of these terraces has elsewhere been spoken of at some length. It would, I believe, be going too far to say that these step designsalways represent clouds, as in some instances they are produced bysuch an arrangement of rectangular figures that no other forms couldresult. 

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[Illustration: FIG. 351--Bifurcated rectangular design]

[Illustration: FIG. 352--Lines of life and triangles]

[Illustration: FIG. 353--Infolded triangles]

The material at hand adds nothing new to the theory of the evolutionof the terraced ornament from basketry or textile productions, so ablydiscussed by Holmes, Nordenskiöld, and others. When the Sikyatkipotters decorated their ware the ornamentation of pottery had reacheda high development, and figures both simple and complicated were usedcontemporaneously. While, therefore, we can so arrange them as to makea series, tracing modifications from simple to complex designs, thusforming a supposed line of evolution, it is evident that there is noproof that the simplest figures are the oldest. The great number ofterraced figures and their use in the representation of animals seemto me to indicate that they antedate all others, and I see no reasonwhy they should not have been derived from basketry patterns. We must, however, look to pottery with decorations less highly developed forevidence bearing on this point. The Sikyatki artists had advancedbeyond simple geometric figures, and had so highly modified these thatit is impossible to determine the primitive form. 

As I have shown elsewhere, the human hand is used as a decorativeelement in the ornamentation of the interior of several food bowls. Itis likewise in one instance chosen to adorn the exterior. It is theonly part of the human limbs thus used. Figure 354 shows the hand withmarks on the palm probably intended to represent the lines which areused in the measurement of the length of pahos or prayer-sticks. Frombetween the index and the middle finger rises a line which recallsthat spoken of in the account of the hand on the interior of the foodbowl shown in plate CXXXVII. 

[Illustration: FIG. 354--Human hand]

The limb of an animal with a paw, or possibly a human arm and hand, appears as a decoration on the outside of another food bowl, where itis combined with the ever-constant stepped figure, as shown in figure355. 

[Illustration: FIG. 355--Animal paw, limb, and triangle]

PIGMENTS

The ancient Sikyatki people were accustomed to deposit in theirmortuary vessels fragments of minerals or ground oxides andcarbonates, of different colors, used as paints. It thus appearsevident that these substances were highly prized in ancient as inmodern times, and it may be mentioned that the present native priestsregard the pigments found in the graves as so particularly efficaciousin coloring their ceremonial paraphernalia that they begged me to givethem fragments for that purpose. The green color, which was the mostcommon, is an impure carbonate of copper, the same as that with whichpahos are painted for ceremonial use today. Several shallow, saucer-like vessels contained yellow ocher, and others sesquioxide ofiron, which afforded both the ancients and the moderns the red pigmentcalled _cuta_, an especial favorite of the warrior societies. Theinner surface of some of the bowls is stained with the pigments whichthey had formerly contained, and it was not uncommon to find severalsmall paint pots deposited in a single grave. The white used was animpure kaolin, which was found both in masses and in powdered form, and there were unearthed several disks of this material which had beencut into definite shape as if for a special purpose. 

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One of these disks or circular plates (figure 356) was found on thehead of a skeleton. The rim is rounded, and the opposite faces areconcave, with a perforation in the middle. Other forms of this workedkaolin are spherical, oblong, or lamellar, sometimes more or lessdecorated on the outer surface, as shown in plate CLXXII, _e_. Another, shown in _f_, of the same plate, is cylindrical, and otherfragments of irregular shapes were found. A pigment made of micaceoushematite was found in one of the Sikyatki paint jars. This material isstill used as coloring matter by the Tusayan Indians, by whom it iscalled _yayala_, and is highly prized by the members of the warriorsocieties. 

[Illustration: FIG. 356--Kaolin disk (natural size)]

STONE OBJECTS

Almost every grave at Sikyatki contained stone objects which werefound either in the bowls or in the soil in the immediate neighborhoodof the skeletons. Some of these implements are pecked or chipped, others are smooth--pebbles apparently chosen for their botryoidalshape, polished surface, or fancied resemblance to some animal orother form. 

Many of the smooth stones were probably simply polishing stones, usedby the women in rubbing pottery to a gloss before it was fired. Otherswere charm stones such as are still employed in making medicine, aselsewhere described. There were still other stones which, from theirresemblance to animals, may have been personal fetishes. Among theunusual forms of stones found in this association is a quartz crystal. As I have shown in describing several ceremonies still observed, aquartz crystal is used to deflect a ray of sunlight into the medicinebowl, and is placed in the center of a sand picture of the sun incertain rites called _Powalawû_; the crystal is also used in divining, and for other purposes, and is highly prized by modern Tusayanpriests. 

A botryoidal fragment of hematite found in a grave reminds me that inthe so-called Antelope rock[154] at Walpi, around which the Snakedancers biennially carry reptiles in their mouths, there is in oneside a niche in which is placed a much larger mass of that material, to which prayers are addressed on certain ceremonial occasions, andupon which sacred meal and prayer emblems are placed. 

One or two mortuary bowls contained fragments of stalactitesapparently from the Grand canyon of the Colorado or from some otherlocality where water is or has been abundant. 

The loose shaly deposit which underlies the Tusayan mesas containsmany cephalopod fossils, a collection of which was made in formeryears and deposited in the National Museum. Among these the mostbeautiful are small cephalopods called by the Hopi, _koaitcoko_. Amongthe many sacred objects in the _tiponi_ baskets of the Lalakontisociety, as described in my account[155] of the unwrapping of thatfetish, there was a specimen of this ammonite; that the shell waspreserved in this sacred bundle is sufficient proof that it is highlyvenerated. As a natural object with a definite form it is regarded asa fetish which is looked upon with reverence by the knowing ones andpronounced bad by the uninitiated. The occurrence of this fossil inone of the mortuary bowls is in harmony with the same idea and showsthat it was regarded in a similar light by the ancient occupants ofSikyatki. 

But the resemblance of these and other stones to animal fossils[156]is not always so remote as in the instances above mentioned. There wasin one grave a single large fetish of a mountain lion, made ofsandstone (plate CLXXII, _b_, _c_), in which legs, ears, tail, andeyes are represented, and the mouth still retains the red pigment withwhich it was colored, although there was no sign of paint on otherparts of the body. This fetish is very similar to the one found atAwatobi, and is identical in form with those made by the Hopi at thepresent time. 

It was customary to bury in Sikyatki graves plates or fragments ofselenite or mica, some of which are perforated as if for suspension, while others are in plain sheets (plate CLXIX, _c_). 

Among the stone implements used as mortuary offerings which were foundin the cemeteries, was one made of the same fine lithographiclimestone as the so-called _tcamahia_ (plate CLXXI, _g_) which occuron the Antelope altar in the Snake ceremonies. The exceptionalcharacter of this fragment is instructive, and its resemblance to thefinely polished stone hoes found in other ruins is very suggestive. 

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There were found many disk-shape stones, pecked on the periphery as ifused in grinding pigment or in bruising seeds, and spheroidal stoneswith a facet worn at one pole as if used for the same or a similarpurpose (plate CLXXI, _b_, _c_). A few stone axes and hatchets werealso taken from the graves; most of these are rude specimens of stoneworking, although one of them can hardly be excelled in any othercollection. Many arrowpoints were found, but these are in no respectpeculiar. They are made of many different kinds of stone, but those ofobsidian are the most numerous. They were generally found in numbers, sometimes in bowls. Evidently they had not been attached to shaftswhen buried, for no sign of the reeds remained. Arrowheads sewed intoa bandoleer are still worn as insignia of rank by warriors, and it isprobable that such was also true in the past, so that on intermentthese arrowpoints might have been placed in the mortuary basindeposited by the side of the warrior, as indicative of his standing orrank, and the bandoleer or leather strap to which they were attacheddecayed during its long burial in the earth. Spearpoints of muchcoarser make and larger in size than the arrowheads were also found inthe graves, and a rare knife, made of chalcedony, showed that theancient, like the modern Hopi, prized a sharp cutting instrument. 

Among the many large stones picked up on the mounds of Sikyatki therewas one the use of which has long puzzled me. This is a rough stone, not worked save in an equatorial groove. The object is too heavy tohave been carried about, except with the utmost difficulty, and theprobability of the former existence of a handle is out of thequestion. It has been suggested that this and similar but largergrooved stones might have been used as tethers for some domesticatedanimal, as the eagle or the turkey, which is about the onlyexplanation I can suggest. Both of these creatures, and (if we maytrust early accounts) a quadruped about the size of a dog, weredomesticated by the ancient Pueblo people, but I have found nosurvival of tethering in use today. Eagles, however, are tied by thelegs and not confined in corrals as at Zuñi, while sheep are kept instone inclosures. It is probable that this latter custom came with theintroduction of sheep, and that these stones were weights to which theSikyatki people tied by the legs the eagles and turkeys, the feathersof which play an important part in their sacred observances. 

Certain small rectangular slabs of stone have been found, with agroove extending across one surface diagonally from one angle toanother (plate CLXIX, _a_, _b_. ) These are generally called arrowshaftpolishers, and were used to rub down the surface of arrowshafts orprayer-sticks. Several of these polishers were taken from Sikyatkigraves, and one or two were of such regular form that considerablecare must have been used in their manufacture. A specimen from Awatobiis decorated with a bow and an arrow scratched on one side, and one ofdark basaltic rock evidently came from a distance. A number of metatesand mullers were found in the graves at Sikyatki. One of the best ofthe latter is shown in plate CLXX. These stones are of differentdegrees of fineness, and vary from simple triangular slabs of finesandstone to very coarse lava. The specimen figured has depressions onthe sides to facilitate handling. [157]

Perhaps the most significant of all the worked stones found in theSikyatki cemeteries were the flat slabs the edges of which near thesurface of the soil marked the presence of the graves. These slabs maybe termed headstones, but they have a far different meaning from thosethat bear the name of the deceased with which we are most familiar, for when they have any marking on their faces, it is not a totem ofthe dead, but a symbol of the rain-cloud, which is connected withancestor worship. 

One of the best of these mortuary slabs has its edge cut in such a wayas to give it a terraced outline, and on one face a similar terrace isdrawn in black pigment. These figures are symbols of rain-clouds, andthe interpretation of the use of this design in graves is as follows:

The dead, according to current Tusayan thought, become rain-cloudgods, or powerful intercessors with those deities which cause or sendthe rains. Hence, the religious society to which the deceasedbelonged, and the members of the clan who survive, place in themortuary bowls, or in the left hand of their friend, the paho orprayer emblem for rain; hence, also, in prayers at interment theyaddress the breath body of the dead as a _katcina_, or rain god. These_katcinas_, as divinized ancestors, are supposed to return to thevillages and receive prayers for rain. In strict accord with thisconception the rain-cloud symbol is placed, in some instances, on theslab of rock in the graves of the dead at Sikyatki. It proves to methat the cult of ancestor worship, and the conception that the deadhave power to bring needed rain, were recognized in Sikyatki when thepueblo was in its prime. One of these slabs is perforated by a smallhole, an important fact, but one for which I have only a fancifulexplanation, namely, to allow the escape of the breath body. ElsewhereI have found many instances of perforated mortuary stone slabs, whichwill be considered in a report of my excavations in 1896. 

OBSIDIAN

Many fragments of obsidian, varying in size, are found strewn over thesurface of the majority of ancient ruins in Tusayan, and the quantityof this material on some mounds indicates its abundance in those earlyhabitations. This material must have been highly prized for knives, arrowpoints, and weapons of various kinds, as several of the gravescontained large fragments of it, some more or less chipped, others innatural forms. The fact of its being deemed worthy of deposit in thegraves of the Sikyatkians would indicate that it was greatly esteemed. I know of no natural deposit of obsidian near Sikyatki or in theprovince of Tusayan, so that the probability is that these fragmentshad been brought a considerable distance before they were buried inthe earth that now covers the dead of the ancient pueblos. 

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NECKLACES, GORGETS, AND OTHER ORNAMENTS

The Sikyatki people buried their dead adorned with necklaces and otherornaments as when living. The materials most highly prized fornecklaces were turquois and shell which were fashioned into beads, some of which were finely made. These necklaces did not differ fromthose now worn, and the shells employed were mostly marine varietiesof the genus _Pectunculus_. The turquois beads are often as finely cutas any now worn, and their presence in the graves led to the onlyserious trouble which I had with my native workmen, as theyundoubtedly appropriated many which were found. Some of these turquoisbeads are simply flat fragments, perforated at one end, others arewell formed. Many skeletons had a single turquois near the mastoidprocess of the skull, showing that they had been worn as ear pendants. On the neck of one skeleton we found a necklace of many strands, composed of segments of the leg bones of the turkey, stained green. There were other specimens of necklaces made of turkey bones, whichwere smoothly finished and apparently had not been stained. 

Necklaces of perforated cedar berries were likewise found, some ofthem still hanging about the necks of the dead, and in one instance, asmall saucer like vessel (plate CXX, _d_) was filled with beads ofthis kind, as if the necklace had thus been deposited in the grave asa votive offering. 

For gorgets the Sikyatki people apparently prized slabs of lignite(plate CLXXII, _d_) and plates of selenite. It was likewise customaryto make small clay imitations of birds and shells for this and forother ornamental purposes; these, for the most part, however, were notfound in the graves, but were picked up on the surface or in thedébris within the rooms. 

The three forms imitating birds shown in plate CLXXIII, _g_, _h_, _i_, are rude in character, and one of them is crossed by a black line fromwhich depend parallel lines, representing falling rain; all of thesespecimens have a perforated knot on the under side for suspension, asshown in the figure between them. 

The forms of imitations of shells, in clay, of which examples areshown in plate CLXXIII, _j_, _k_, _l_, are rude in character; they areoften painted with longitudinal or vertical black lines, and have asingle or double perforation for suspension. The shell imitated isprobably the young _Pectunculus_, a Pacific-coast mollusk, with whichthe ancient Hopi were familiar. 

TOBACCO PIPES

I have elsewhere mentioned that every modern Tusayan ceremony opensand closes with a ceremonial smoke, and it is apparent that pipes werehighly prized by the ancient Sikyatkians. 

The form of pipe used in most ceremonials today has a bowl with itsaxis at right angles to the stem, but so far as I have studied ancientPueblo pipes this form appears to be a modern innovation. [158] Todetermine the probable ancient form of pipe, as indicated by theritual, I will invite attention to one of the most archaic portions ofthe ceremonies about the altar of the Antelope priesthood, at the timeof the Snake dance at Walpi:[159]

"The songs then ceased, and Wí-ki sent Ká-tci to bring him a light. Ká-tci went out, and soon returned with a burning corncob, while allsat silently awaiting Wí-ki's preparation for the great _Ó-mow-ûh_smoke, which was one of the most sacred acts performed by the Antelopepriests in these ceremonials. 

"The _wu-kó-tco-ño_ is a huge, stemless pipe, which has a largeopening in the blunt end, and a smaller one in the pointed. It is fiveinches long, one inch in diameter at the large aperture, and itsgreatest circumference is seven and a half inches. The pipe is made ofsome black material, possibly stone, and as far as could be seen wasnot ornamented. The bowl had previously been filled with leavescarefully gathered from such places as are designated by tradition. Inthe subsequent smokes the ashes, "dottle, " were saved, being placed ina small depression in the floor, but were not again put in the pipe. 

"Wí-ki took the live ember from Ká-tci and placed it in the largeopening of the pipe, on the leaves which filled its cavity. He thenknelt down and placed the pipe between the two _tí-po-nis_, so thatthe pointed end rested on the head of the large fetish, between theears. Every one remained silent, and Wí-ki blew several dense cloudsof smoke upon the sand altar, one after another, so that the picturewas concealed. The smoke was made by blowing through the pipe, thefire being placed in the bowl next the mouth, and the whole larger endof the pipe was taken into the mouth at each exhalation. 

"At the San Juan pueblo, near Santa Fé, where I stopped on my way toTusayan, I purchased a ceremonial headdress upon which several sprucetwigs were tied. Wí-ki received some fragments of these withgratitude, and they formed one of the ingredients which were smoked inthe great _ó-mow-ûh_ pipe. The scent of the mixture was very fragrant, and filled the room, like incense. The production of this greatsmoke-cloud, which is supposed to rise to the sky, and later bring therain, ended the first series of eight songs. 

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"Immediately after this event, Há-ha-we filled one of thesmall-stemmed pipes lying near the fireplace with native tobacco, andafter lighting it puffed smoke on the altar. He passed the pipe toWí-ki, holding it near the floor, bowl foremost, as he did so, andexchanging the customary terms of relationship. Wí-ki then blew denseclouds of smoke over the two _tí-po-nis_ and on the sand picture. Há-ha-we, meanwhile, lit a second pipe, and passed it to Kó-pe-li, theSnake chief, who enjoyed it in silence, indiscriminately puffing smokeon the altar, to the cardinal points, and in other directions. Kó-pe-li later gave his pipe to Ká-kap-ti, who sat at his right, andWí-ki passed his to Na-syuñ-'we-ve, who, after smoking, handed thepipe to Kwá-a, who in turn passed it to Ká-tci, by whom it was givento Há-ha-we. Ká-tci, the last priest to receive it before it wasreturned to the pipe-lighter, smoked for a long time, and repeatedlypuffed clouds of smoke upon the sand picture. Meanwhile Ká-kap-ti hadhanded his pipe to Há-ha-we, both exchanging terms of relationship andcarefully observing the accompanying ceremonial etiquette. Há-ha-we, as was his unvarying custom, carefully cleaned the two pipes, and laidthem on the floor by the side of the fireplace. "

The form of pipe used in the above ceremony is typical of ancientPueblo pipes, several of which were found at Sikyatki. One of these, much smaller than the _ó-mow-ûh_ pipe, was made of lava, and boreevidence of use before burial. It is evident, however, that thesestraight pipes were not always smoked as above described. The mostinteresting pipes found at Sikyatki were more elongated than thatabove mentioned and were made of clay. Their forms are shown in plateCLXXIII, _b_, _c_, _d_, _f_. One of these (_b_) is very smooth, almostglazed, and enlarged into two lateral wings near the mouth end, whichis perforated with a small hole. The cavity at the opposite end islarge enough to hold sufficient for a good smoke, and shows evidenceof former use. The whole median region of the exterior is formed by acollar incised with lines, as if formerly wrapped with fiber. In someof the modern ceremonials, as that of the Bear-Puma dramatization inthe Snake dance, a reed cigarette is used, ancient forms of which havebeen found in sacrificial caves, and there seems no doubt that thispipe is simply a clay form of those reeds. The markings on the collarwould by this interpretation indicate the former existence of a smallfabric wrapped about it. The two pipes shown, in plate CLXXIII, _b_, _f_, are tubular in shape, [160] highly polished, and on one of them(_f_) we see scratches representing the same feature as the collar of_b_, and probably made with the same intent. 

The fragment of a pipe shown in plate CLXXIII, _d_, is interesting inthe same connection. The end of this pipe is broken, but the stem isintact, and on two sides of the bowl there are elevations covered withcrosshatching. The pipe is of clay and has a rough external surface. 

It is improbable that these pipes were always smoked as the_wu-kó-tco-ño_ of the Snake ceremony, but the smaller end was placedto the mouth, and smoke taken into the mouth and exhaled. It iscustomary in ceremonials now practiced, to wind a wisp of yucca aboutthe stem of a short pipe, that it may not become too hot to hold inthe hand. This may be a possible explanation[161] of the scratches onthe sides of the ancient tube pipes from Sikyatki. 

PRAYER-STICKS

One of the most important objects made in the secret ceremonials ofthe modern Pueblos is sacrificial in nature, and is called a paho or"water wood, " which is used as an offering to the gods (figure 357). These pahos are made of a prescribed wood, of length determined bytradition, and to them are tied appendages of symbolic meaning. Theyare consecrated by songs, about an altar, upon which they are laid, and afterward deposited in certain shrines by a special courier. 

[Illustration: FIG. 357--Mortuary prayer-stick (natural size)]

In modern times the forms of these pahos differ very greatly, theshape depending on the society which makes them, the god addressed, and the purpose for which they are used, as understood by theinitiated. Among many other uses they are sometimes mortuary incharacter, and are deposited in the graves of chiefs, as offeringseither to the God of Death, or to other deities, to whom they may bepresented by the shade or breath body of the deceased. This use ofpahos is of ancient origin in Tusayan, as shown by the excavations atSikyatki, where they were found in mortuary bowls or vases depositedby the relatives or surviving members of the sacerdotal societies towhich the deceased had belonged. 

This pre-Spanish custom in Tusayan was discovered in my excavations atAwatobi, but the prayer-sticks from that place were fragmentary ascompared with the almost perfect pahos from Sikyatki. These pahos areof many forms;[162] some of them are of considerable size, and themajority are of distinctive forms (plates CLXXIV-CLXXV). There arealso many fragments, the former shapes of which could not bedetermined. When it is considered that these wooden objects with theirneat carvings were fashioned with stone implements, the high characterof the work is very remarkable. They show, in several instances, theimprint of attached strings and feathers, portions of which stillremain; also, in one instance, fragments of a pine needle. They arepainted with green and black mineral pigments, the former of which hadundoubtedly done much to preserve the soft wood of which they weremanufactured. As at the present day, cottonwood and willow were thefavorite prescribed woods for pahos, and some of the best were made ofpine. The forms of these ancient prayer offerings, as mentionedhereafter, differ somewhat from those of modern make, although incertain instances there is a significant resemblance between the twokinds. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIII

PIPES, BELL, AND CLAY BIRDS AND SHELLS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI]

One of the most striking instances of resemblance between the old andthe new is the likeness of some of these ancient pahos to those nowmade by the Flute society, and if this resemblance is more than acoincidence, the conclusion that the present flute paho is a survivalof the ancient form may be accepted. As adding weight to this theoryit may be mentioned that traditionally the Flute people claim to bethe ancient people of Tusayan, and possibly contemporaries, in thatprovince, with the ancient inhabitants of Sikyatki. There is likewisea most suggestive resemblance between these pahos and certain similarsticks from cliff dwellings, and it is a belief, which I can not yetdemonstrate as true, that kindred people, or the same sacerdotalsocieties represented in cliff houses and in Sikyatki, manufacturedceremonial prayer offerings which are identical in design. PlateCLXXIV, _a_, represents a double stick paho, which closely resemblesthe prayer offering of the modern Flute society. The two rods werefound together and originally had been attached, as indicated by thearrangement of the impression of the string midway of their length. The stick of the left has a facet cut on one side, upon whichoriginally three dots were depicted to represent the eyes and themouth. This member of the paho was the female; the remaining stick wasthe male. There are two deep grooves, or ferules, cut midway of theirlength, a distinctive characteristic of the modern flute paho. Bothcomponents are painted green, as is still customary in prayer-sticksof this fraternity. The pahos shown in _b_, _c_, and _d_, are likewiseascribed to the same society, and differ from the first only inlength. They represent female sticks of double flute pahos. The lengthof these prayer-sticks varies on different ceremonial days, and isdetermined by the distance of the shrines for which they are intended. The unit of measurement is the length of certain joints of the finger, and the space between the tip of longest digit to certain creases inthe palm of the hand. The length of the ancient Sikyatki pahos, ascribed to the Flute society, follows the same rule. 

Plate CLXXIV, _e_, _f_, have the same ferules referred to in thedescription above, but are of greater diameter. They are unlike anymodern paho except in this particular. In _g_ is depicted a stilllarger prayer-stick, with two serrate incisions on each side of thecontinuation of the flattened facet. 

Specimens _h_ to _m_ are forms of pahos which I can not identify. Theyare painted green, generally with black tips, round, flattened, and ofsmall size. Figure _n_ is a part of a paho which closely resemblesprayer-sticks found in the cliff houses of Mesa Verde and San Juanvalley of northern New Mexico. 

Numerous specimens of a peculiar razor-shape paho were found, two ofwhich are shown in plate CLXXV, _o_, _s_. The paho shown in figure _d_is flat on one side and rounded on the other, narrowing at one end, where it was probably continued in a shaft, and a hole is punctured atthe opposite extremity, as if for suspension. It is barely possiblethat this may have been a whizzer or bull-roarer, such as are used atthe present day to imitate the wind, and commonly carried by theperformer in a public dance who personifies the warrior. Figure _t_differs from the ordinary flute paho in having five constrictions inthe upper part, and in being continued into a very long shank. 

The best preserved of all the pahos from the Sikyatki graves arerepresented in _u_ and _v_, both of which were found in the samemortuary bowl. They are painted with a thick layer of green pigment, and have shafts, which are blackened and placed in opposite directionsin the two figures. Their general form may be seen at a glance. Thelower surface of the object shown in _u_ is perfectly flat, and thepart represented at the upper end is evidently broken off. This islikewise true of both extremities of the object shown in _v_; it isalso probable that it had originally a serrated end, comparable withthat shown in _c_. A similar terraced extremity survives in the cornpaho carried by the so-called Flute girls in the biennial celebrationsof the Flute ceremonies in the modern Tusayan pueblos. 

I refer the paho to the second group of sacrifices mentioned byTylor, [163] that of homage, "a doctrine that the gist of sacrifice israther in the worshiper giving something precious to himself than inthe deity receiving benefit. This may be called the abnegation theory, and its origin may be fairly explained by considering it as derivedfrom the original gift theory. "

While it is probably true that the Hopi barters his paho with the ideaof receiving in return some desired gift, the main element is probablyhomage, but there is involved in it the third and highest element ofsacrifice, abnegation. It is a sacrifice by symbolism, a part for thewhole. 

On this theory the query naturally is, what does a paho represent?While it is difficult to answer this question, I think a plausiblesuggestion can be made. It is a sacrifice by symbolic methods of thatwhich the Hopi most prize, corn or its meal. 

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIV

PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI]

[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXV

PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI]

In a simple prayer the sacrifice is a pinch of meal thrown on thefetish or toward it. This is an individual method of prayer, and thepinch of meal, his prayer bearer, the sacrifice. 

When a society made its prayers this meal, symbolic of a gift of corn, is tied in a packet and attached to two sticks, one male, the otherfemale, with prescribed herbs and feathers. Here we have the ordinaryprayer-stick, varying in details but essentially the same, a sacrificeto the gods appropriately designated by prescribed accessories. 

Frequently this packet of meal may be replaced by a picture of an earof corn drawn on a flat slat, the so-called "corn paho" of the Flutemaidens, [164] or we may have an ear of corn tied to the wooden slat. In the _Mamzrau_ ceremony the women carry these painted slats in theirhands, as I have elsewhere described. [165] It appears as if, in allthese instances, there exists a sacrificial object, a symbolicoffering of corn or meal. 

The constant appearance of the feather on the paho has suggested aninterpretation of the prayer-plumes as symbolic sacrifices of birds onthe theory of a part for the whole; we know that among the Nahuasacrifices of birds were common in many ceremonials. The idea ofanimal sacrifice, and, if we judge from legends, of human sacrifice, was not an unknown conception among the Pueblos. While it is possiblethat the omnipresence of the feather on the prayer-sticks may admit ofthat interpretation, to which it must be confessed the male and thefemale components in double pahos lend some evidence, [166] I believethe main object was, as above stated, an offering of meal, whichconstituted the special wealth of an agricultural people. 

MARINE SHELLS AND OTHER OBJECTS

The excavations at Sikyatki did not reveal a large number of marineshells, although some of the more common genera used in the ancientpueblos were found. 

There were several fragments of _Pectunculus_ cut into the form ofwristlets, like those from the ruins on the Little Colorado which Ihave described. Two beautiful specimens of _Oliva angulata_, truncatedat each pole, which occurred in one of the mortuary bowls, and a fewconical rattles, made of the spires of _Conus_, were taken from thegraves; there were also a few fragments of an unknown _Haliotis_. Allof the above genera are common to the Pacific, and no doubt wereobtained by barter or brought by migratory clans to Tusayan from thefar south. One of the most interesting objects in Sikyatki food basinsfrom the necropolis was a comparatively well preserved rattle of arattlesnake. The Walpi Snake chief, who was employed by me when thiswas found and was present at the time it was removed from the earth, declared that, according to the legends, there were no Snake peopleliving at Sikyatki when it was destroyed, but the discovery of thesnake rattle shows that the rattler was not without reverence there, even if not in the house of his friends, and some other explanationmay be suggested to account for this discovery. There are evidencesthat the ancient Hopi, like certain Yuman tribes, wore a snake'srattle as an ornament for the neck, in which case the rattle found inthe Sikyatki food basin may have been simply a votive offering, and inno way connected with ceremonial symbolism. 

Among many other mortuary offerings was one which was particularlysuggestive. This specimen represented in plate CLXIX, _e_, is made ofunbaked clay, and has a reticulated surface, as if once incrusted withforeign objects. The Hopi who were at work for me declared that thisincrustation had been composed of seeds, and that the pits over thesurface of the clay cone were evidence of their former existence. Theyidentified this object as a "corn mound, " and reminded me that asimilar object is now used in the _Powamu_, _Lalakonti_, and certainother ceremonies. I have elsewhere mentioned the clay corn moundincrusted with seeds of various kinds in a description of the altar ofthe last-mentioned ceremony. These corn mountains (_ká-ü-tü'-kwi_) aremade in the November ceremony called the _N[=a]-ác-nai-ya_, asdescribed in my account of those rites from which I quote[167]--

 "The _Tá-tau-kya-mû_ were very busy in their kib-va. Every member was shelling corn of the different colors as if on a wager. Each man made a figure of moist clay, about four or five inches across the base. Some of these were in the form of two mammæ, and there were also many wedge and cone forms, in all of which were embedded corn kernels, forming the cloud and other of the simpler conventional figures in different colors, but the whole surface was studded as full as possible with the kernels. Each man brought down his own _pó-o-tas_ (tray), on which he sprinkled prayer-meal, and set his _ká-ü-tü'-kwi_ (corn mountain) upon it. He also placed ears of corn on the tray. "

These corn mountains were carried by the _Tá-tau-kya-mû_ priesthoodduring an interesting ceremony which I have thus described:[168]

 "The whole line then passed slowly along the front of the village sideways, facing the north, and singing, and all the women came out and helped themselves to the clay molds and the ears of corn borne by the _Tá-tau-kya-mû_, bestowing many thanks upon the priests. "

The fragment of polished stone shown in plate CLXIX, _d_, isperforated near the edge for suspension, and was found near the auralorifice of a skull, apparently indicating that it had been used as apendant. With this object, many rude arrowpoints, concretions ofstone, and the kaolin disk mentioned above were also found. Smallround disks of pottery, with a median perforation, were not common, although sometimes present. They are identified as parts of primitivedrills. 

No object made of metal was found at Sikyatki, nor is there anyevidence that the ancient people of that pueblo ever saw the Spaniardsor used any implement of their manufacture. While negative evidencecan hardly be regarded as a safe guide to follow, so far as knowledgeof copper is concerned, it is possible that the people of ancientTusayan pueblos, in their trading expeditions to southern Arizona, mayhave met races who owned small copper bells and trinkets of metal. Ican hardly believe, however, that the Tusayan Indians were familiarwith the art of tempering copper, and even if objects showing thistreatment shall be found hereafter in the ruins of this province itwill have to be proved that they were made in that region, and notbrought from the far south. 

No glazed pottery showing Spanish influence was found at Sikyatki, butthere can hardly be a doubt that the art of glazing pottery waspracticed by the ancestors of the Tusayan people. The modern pottersof the East Mesa never glaze their pottery, and no fragment of glazedware was obtained from the necropolis of Sikyatki. 

PERISHABLE CONTENTS OF MORTUARY FOOD BOWLS

It is the habit of the modern Tusayan Indians to deposit food ofvarious kinds on the graves of their dead. The basins used for thatpurpose are heaped up with paper-bread, stews, and various delicaciesfor the breath-body of the deceased. Naturally from its exposedposition much of this food is devoured by animals or disappears inother ways. There appears excellent evidence, however, that themortuary food offerings of the ancient Sikyatkians were deposited withthe body and covered with soil and sometimes stones. 

The lapse of time since these burials took place has of course causedthe destruction of the perishable food substances, which are found tobe simple where any sign of their former presence remains. Thin filmsof interlacing rootlets often formed a delicate network over the wholeinner surface of the bowl. Certain of the contents of these basins inthe shape of seeds still remain; but these seeds have not germinated, possibly on account of previous high temperatures to which they havebeen submitted. A considerable quantity of these contents of mortuarybowls were collected and submitted to an expert, the result of whoseexamination is set forth in the accompanying letter:

U. S. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, DIVISION OF BOTONY, _Washington, D. C. , March 25, 1896. _

 DEAR DR FEWKES: Having made a cursory examination of the samples of supposed vegetable material sent by you day before yesterday, collected at Sikyatki, Arizona, in supposed prehistoric burial places, I have the following preliminary report to make:

 No. 156247. A green resinous substance. I am unable to say whether or not this is of vegetable origin. 

 No. 156248. A mass of fibrous material intermixed with sand, the fibers consisting in part of slender roots, in part of the hair of some animal. 

 No. 156249. This consists of a mixture of seed with a small amount of sand present. The seeds are, in about the relative order of their abundance, (_a_) a leguminous shiny seed of a dirty olive color, possibly of the genus _Parosela_ (usually known as _Dalea_); (_b_) the black seed shells, flat on one side and almost invariably broken, of a plant apparently belonging to the family _Malvaceae_; (_c_) large, flat, nearly black achenia, possibly of a _Coreopsis_, bordered with a narrow-toothed wing; (_d_) the thin lenticular utricles of a _Carex_; (_e_) the minute black, bluntly trihedral seeds of some plant of the family _Polygonaceae_, probably an _Eriogonum_. The majority of these seeds have a coating of fine sand, as if their surface had originally been viscous; (_f_) a dried chrysalis bearing a slight resemblance to a seed. 

 No. 156250. This bottle contains the same material as No. 156249, except that no larvæ are found, but a large, plump, brownish, lenticular seed 4 mm. In diameter, doubtless the seed of a _Croton_. 

 No. 156251. A thin fragment of matter consisting of minute roots of plants partially intermixed on one surface with sand. 

 No. 156252. This consists almost wholly of plant rootlets and contains a very slight amount of sand. 

 No. 156254. This consists of pieces of rotten wood through which had grown the rootlets of plants. The wood, upon a microscopical examination, is shown to be that of some dicotyledonous tree of a very loose and light texture. The plant rootlets in most cases followed the large ducts that run lengthwise through the pieces of wood and take up the greater part of the space. 

 No. 156255. The mass contained in this bottle is made up of (_a_) grains, contained in their glumes or husks, of some grass, probably _Oryzopsis membranacea_; (_b_) what appears to be the minute spherical spore cases of some microscopical fungus. The spore cases have a wall with a shiny brown covering, or apparently with this covering worn off and exhibiting an interior white shell. Within this is a very large number of spherical spore-like bodies of a uniform size; (_c_) a few plant rootlets. 

 No. 156256. The material in this bottle is similar to that in 156255 except that the amount of rootlets is greater, the grass seeds are of a darker color, seemingly somewhat more disorganized, and somewhat more slender in form, and that the spore cases seem to be entirely wanting. 

 No. 156257. The material in this bottle is similar to that in No. 156249, containing the seeds numbered _a_, _b_, _c_, and _d_ mentioned under that number, besides a greater amount of plant rootlets and some fragments of corncob. 

 No. 156258. This consists almost entirely of plant rootlets and sand. 

 No. 156259. This consists chiefly of the leaves of some coniferous tree, either an _Abies_ or a _Pseudotsuga_. 

 All the seeds with the exception of those of the leguminous plant are dead and their seed-coats rotten. The leguminous seeds are still hard and will be subjected to a germination test. [169]

 For a specific and positive identification of these seeds it will be necessary either for a botanist to visit the region from which they came or to have at his disposal a complete collection of the plants of the vicinity. Under such conditions he could by process of exclusion identify the seeds with an amount of labor almost infinitely less than would be required in their identification by other means. 

Very sincerely yours, FREDERICK V. COVILLE, _Botanist. _

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: See "The Prehistoric Culture of Tusayan, " _AmericanAnthropologist_, May, 1896. "Two Ruins Recently Discovered in the RedRock Country, Arizona, " ibid. , August, 1896. "The Cliff Villages ofthe Red Rock Country, and the Tusayan Ruins, Sikyatki and Awatobi, Arizona, " Smithsonian Report for 1895. ]

[Footnote 2: The reader's attention is called to the fact that thisreport is not intended to cover all the ruins in the section ofArizona through which the expedition passed; it is simply adescription of those which were examined, with a brief mention of suchothers as would aid in a general comprehension of the subject. Theruins on the Little Colorado, near Winslow, Arizona, will beconsidered in a monograph to follow the present, which will be areport on the field work in 1896. If a series of monographs somewhatof this nature, but more comprehensive, recording explorations duringmany years in several different sections, were available, we wouldhave sufficient material for a comprehensive treatment of southwesternarcheology. ]

[Footnote 3: It may be borne in mind that several other clans besidesthe Patki claim to have lived long ago in the region southward frommodern Tusayan. Among these may be mentioned the Patuñ (Squash) andthe Tawa (Sun) people who played an important part in the earlycolonization of Middle Mesa. ]

[Footnote 4: Report upon the Indian Tribes, Pacific Railroad Survey, vol. III, pt. Iii, p. 14, Washington, 1856. The cavate dwellings ofthe Rio Verde were first described by Dr E. A. Mearns. Although it hassometimes been supposed that Coronado followed the trail along Verdevalley, and then over the Mogollones to Rio Colorado Chiquito, Bandelier has conclusively shown a more easterly route. ]

[Footnote 5: See mention of cliff houses in Walnut canyon in the FifthAnnual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. ]

[Footnote 6: The kinship of Cliff dwellers and Pueblos was long agorecognized by ethnologists, both from resemblances of skulls, thecharacter of architecture, and archeological objects found in eachclass of dwellings. It is only in later years, however, that theargument from similar ceremonial paraphernalia has been adduced, owingto an increase of our knowledge of this side of Pueblo life. SeeBessels, Bull. U. S. Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories, vol. II, 1876; Hoffman, Report on Chaco Cranium, ibid. , 1877, p. 457. Holmes, in 1878, says: "The ancient peoples of the SanJuan country were doubtless the ancestors of the present Pueblo tribesof New Mexico and Arizona. " See, likewise, Cushing, Nordenskiöld, andlater writers regarding the kinship of Cliff villagers and Pueblos. ]

[Footnote 7: Report of the Director of the Bureau of AmericanEthnology for the year ending June 30, 1894; Smithsonian Report, 1894. ]

[Footnote 8: The ruins in Chaves Pass, 110 miles south of Oraibi, willbe considered in the report of the expedition of 1896, when extensiveexcavations were made at this point. About midway between the ChavesPass ruins and those of Beaver creek, in Verde valley, there are otherruins, as at Rattlesnake Tanks, and as a well-marked trail passes bythese former habitations and connects the Verde series with those ofChaves Pass, it is possible that early migrations may have followedthis course. There is also a trail from Homolobi and the ColoradoChiquito ruins through Chaves Pass into Tonto Basin. ]

[Footnote 9: Smithsonian Report, 1883; Report of Major Powell, Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 57 et seq. Explorations in theSouthwest, ibid. , 1886, p. 52 et seq. ]

[Footnote 10: Report of an Expedition down the Zuñi and Coloradorivers; Washington, 1853. ]

[Footnote 11: Smithsonian Report, 1883, Report of the Director of theBureau of Ethnology, p. 62: "Pending the arrival of goods at Moki, MrCushing returned across the country to Zuñi for the purpose ofobserving more minutely than on former occasions the annual sunceremonials. En route he discovered two ruins, apparently beforeunvisited. One of these was the outlying structure of K'n'-i-K'él, called by the Navajos Zïnni-jin'ne and by the Zuñis He'-sho'tapathl-tâ[)i]e, both, according to Zuñi tradition, belonging to theThlé-e-tâ-kwe, the name given to the traditional northwesternmigration of the Bear, Crane, Frog, Deer, Yellow-wood, and othergentes of the ancestral pueblos. "]

[Footnote 12: The reduplicated syllable recalls Hopi methods offorming their plural, but is not characteristic of them, and the wordTotonteac has a Hopi sound. The supposed derivation of Tonto fromSpanish _tonto_, "fool, " is mentioned, elsewhere. The so-called TontoApache was probably an intruder, the cause of the desertion of the"basin" by the housebuilders. The question whether Totonteac is thesame as Tusayan or Tuchano is yet to be satisfactorily answered. Themap makers of the sixteenth century regarded them as different places, and notwithstanding Totonteac was reported to be "a hotte lake" in themiddle of the previous century, it held its place on maps into theseventeenth century. It is always on or near a river flowing into theGulf of California. ]

[Footnote 13: Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. ]

[Footnote 14: Mr Mindeleff's descriptions deal with the same clusterof cavate ruins here described, but are more specially devoted to themore southern section of them, not considering, if I understand him, the northern row here described. I had also made extensive studies ofthe rooms figured by him previously to the publication of his article, but as my notes on these rooms are anticipated by his excellent memoirI have not considered the rooms described by him, but limited myaccount to brief mention of a neighboring row of chambers notdescribed in his report. ]

[Footnote 15: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. II, No. 1. All the Tusayan kivas with which I am familiar have this raisedspectator's part at one end. The altars are always erected at theopposite end of the room, in which is likewise the hole in the floorcalled the _sipapû_, symbolic of the traditional opening through whichraces emerged to the earth's surface from an underworld. Banquettesexist in some Tusayan kivas; in others, however, they are wanting. Theraised platform in dwelling rooms is commonly a sleeping place, abovewhich blankets are hung and, in some instances, corn is stored. Asmall opening in the step often admits light to an otherwise darkgranary below the floor. In no instance, however, are there more thanone such platform, and that commonly partakes of the nature of anotherroom, although seldom separated from the other chamber by apartition. ]

[Footnote 16: Counting from the point of the cliff shown in plateXCI_a_. The positions of the rooms are indicated by the row ofentrances. ]

[Footnote 17: It was from this region that the individual chambers, described by Mindeleff, were chosen. ]

[Footnote 18: Mr Mindeleff, in his valuable memoir, has so completelydescribed the cavate dwellings of the Rio Grande and San Juan regionsthat their discussion in this account would be superfluous. ]

[Footnote 19: See Mindeleff, Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, _American Anthropologist_, April, 1895. The suggestion that cliffoutlooks were farming shelters in some instances is doubtless true, but I should hesitate giving this use a predominance over outlooks forsecurity. In times of danger, naturally the agriculturist seeks a highor commanding position for a wide outlook; but to watch his crops hemust camp among them. ]

[Footnote 20: Ancient Dwellings of the Rio Verde Valley, Dr E. A. Mearns; _Popular Science Monthly_, vol. XXVII. Mindeleff, AboriginalRemains in Verde Valley; Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau ofEthnology. ]

[Footnote 21: Since the above lines were written Mr C. F. Lummis, whohas made many well-known contributions to the ethnology and archeologyof the Pueblo area, has published in _Land of Sunshine_ (Los Angeles, 1895), a beautiful photographic illustration and an importantdescription of this unique place. ]

[Footnote 22: Miscellaneous Ethnographic Observations on Indiansinhabiting Nevada, California, and Arizona, Tenth Annual Report of theHayden Survey, p. 478; Washington, 1878. ]

[Footnote 23: The cliff houses of Bloody Basin I have not examined, but I suspect they are of the same type as the so-called MontezumaCastle, or Casa Montezuma, on the right bank of Beaver creek. Thelatter is referred to the cliff-house class, but it differsconsiderably from the ruins of the Red-rocks, on account of thecharacter of the cavern in which it is built (see figure 246). ]

[Footnote 24: Fortified hilltops occur in many places in Arizona andare likewise found in the Mexican states of Sonora and Chihuahua, where they are known as _trincheras_. They are regarded as places ofrefuge of former inhabitants of the country, contemporaneous withancient pueblos and cliff houses. ]

[Footnote 25: This pinnacle is visible for miles, and is one of manyprominences in the surrounding country. Unfortunately this region isso imperfectly surveyed that only approximations of distances arepossible in this account, and the maps known to me are too meager indetail to fairly illustrate the distribution of these buttes. ]

[Footnote 26: In certain cavate houses on Oak creek we find thesecaverns in two tiers, one above the other, and the hill above iscapped by a well-preserved building. In one of these we find theentrance to the cavern walled in, with the exception of a T-shapedoorway and a small window. This chamber shows a connecting linkbetween the type of true cavate dwellings and that of cliff-houses. ]

[Footnote 27: The absence of kivas in the ruins of the Verde has beencommented on by Mindeleff, and has likewise been found to becharacteristic of the cliff houses on the upper courses of the othertributaries of Gila and Salado rivers. The round kiva appears to beconfined to the middle and eastern ruins of the pueblo area, and arevery numerous in the ruins of San Juan valley. ]

[Footnote 28: See "Tusayan Totemic Signatures, " _AmericanAnthropologist_, Washington, January, 1897. ]

[Footnote 29: An exhaustive report on the ruins near Winslow, at theSunset Crossing of the Little Colorado, will later be published. Theseruins were the sites of my operations in the summer of 1896, and fromthem a very large collection of prehistoric objects was taken. Thereport will consider also the ruins at Chaves Pass, on the trail ofmigration used by the Hopi in prehistoric times in their visits, forbarter and other purposes, to the Gila-Salado watershed. ]

[Footnote 30: Possibly the Shoshonean elements in Hopi linguistics aredue to the Snake peoples, the early colonists who came from the north, where they may have been in contact with Paiute or other divisions ofthe Shoshonean stock. The consanguinity of this phratry may have beenclose to that of the Shoshonean tribes, as that of the Patki was tothe Piman, or the Asa to the Tanoan. The present Hopi are a compositepeople, and it is yet to be demonstrated which stock predominates inthem. ]

[Footnote 31: A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola;Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87. ]

[Footnote 32: This account was copied from a copy made by the eminentscholar, A. F. Bandelier, for the archives of the Hemenway Expedition, now at the Peabody Museum, in Cambridge, Massachusetts. ]

[Footnote 33: Hano or "Tewa. "]

[Footnote 34: Sichomovi. In the manuscript report by Don José Cortez, who wrote of the northern provinces of Mexico, where he lived in 1799, Sichomovi is mentioned as a nameless village between Tanos (Hano) andGualpi (Walpi), settled by colonists from the latter pueblo. One ofthe first references to this village by name was in a report by IndianAgent Calhoun (1850), where it is called Chemovi. ]

[Footnote 35: Mishoñinovi. ]

[Footnote 36: Shipaulovi. ]

[Footnote 37: Shuñopovi. ]

[Footnote 38: In 1896 I collected over a hundred beautiful specimensfrom this cemetery. ]

[Footnote 39: There lived in Walpi, years ago, an old woman, whorelated to a priest, who repeated the story to the writer, that when alittle girl she remembered seeing the Payüpki people pass along thevalley under Walpi when they returned to the Rio Grande. Her story isquite probable, for the lives of two aged persons could readily bridgethe interval between that event and our own time. ]

[Footnote 40: "La Mission de N. Sra. De las Dolores de Zandia deIndios Teguas á Moqui. "]

[Footnote 41: See J. F. Meline, Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, 1867. Sandia, according to Bancroft, is not mentioned by Menchero in 1744, but Bonilla gave it a population of 400 Indians in 1749. In 1742 twofriars visited Tusayan, and, it is said, brought out 441 apostateTiguas, who were later settled in the old pueblo of Sandia. Considering, then, that Sandia was resettled in 1748, six years afterthis visit, and that the numbers so closely coincide, we have goodevidence that Payüpki, in Tusayan, was abandoned about 1742. It isprobable, from known evidence, that this pueblo was built somewherebetween 1680 and 1690; so that the whole period of its occupancy wasnot far from fifty years. ]

[Footnote 42: Mindeleff mentions two other sites of Old Walpi--a moundnear _Wala_, and one in the plain between Mishoñinovi and Walpi; butneither of these is large, although claimed as former sites of theearly clans which later built the town on the terrace of East Mesabelow Walpi. I have regarded Küchaptüvela as the ancient Walpi, buthave no doubt that the Hopi emigrants had several temporary dwellingsbefore they settled there. ]

[Footnote 43: Sometimes called Nüsaki, a corruption of "Missa ki, "Mass House, Mission. One of the beams of the old mission at Nüsaki orKisakobi is in the roof of Pauwatiwa's house in the highest range ofrooms of Walpi. This beam is nicely squared, and bears marksindicative of carving. There are also large planks in one of the kivaswhich were also probably from the church building, although no one hasstated that they are. Pauwatiwa, however, declares that a legend hasbeen handed down in his family that the above-mentioned rafter camefrom the mission. ]

[Footnote 44: Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, January 2, 1895, p. 441. ]

[Footnote 45: Thus in Castañeda's account we are told: "Farther off[near Cia?] was another large village where we found in the courtyardsa great number of stone balls of the size of a leather bag, containingone arroba. They seem to have been cast with the aid of machines, andto have been employed in the destruction of the village. " It isneedless for me to say that I find no knowledge of such a machine inTusayan!]

[Footnote 46: The ceremonials attending to burial of the eagle, whoseplumes are used in secret rites, have never been described, andnothing is known of the rites about the Eagle shrine at Tukinobi. ]

[Footnote 47: Recent Archeologic Find in Arizona, _AmericanAnthropologist_, Washington, July, 1893. ]

[Footnote 48: For a previous description see the Preliminary Account, Smithsonian Report for 1895; also "Awatobi: An ArcheologicalVerification of a Tusayan Legend, " _American Anthropologist_, Washington, October, 1893. ]

[Footnote 49: This important ceremony celebrates the departure fromthe pueblos of ancestral gods called _katcinas_, and is one of themost popular in the ritual. ]

[Footnote 50: Pacheco-Cardenas, Colleccion de Documentos Inéditos, XV, 122, 182. ]

[Footnote 51: Voyages, III, pp. 463, 470, 1600; reprint 1810. ]

[Footnote 52: Pacheco-Cardenas, Documentos Inéditos, op. Cit. , XVI, 139. ]

[Footnote 53: Menologio Franciscano, 275; Teatro Mexicano, III, 321. ]

[Footnote 54: San Bernardino de Ahuatobi (Vetancurt, 1680); SanBernardo de Aguatuvi (Vargas, 1692). I find that the mission at Walpiwas also mentioned by Vargas as dedicated to San Bernardino. Thechurch at Oraibi was San Francisco de Oraybe and San Miguel. Themission at Shuñopovi was called San Bartolomé, San Bernardo, and SanBernabe. ]

[Footnote 55: This article was in type too early for a review ofDellenbaugh's identification of Cibola with a more southeasterlylocality. His arguments bear some plausibility, but they are by nomeans decisive. ]

[Footnote 56: An exact translation by Winship of the copy of Castañedain the Lenox Library was published in the Fourteenth Annual Report ofthe Bureau. ]

[Footnote 57: "At evening the chiefs asked that notices be written forthem warning all white people to keep away from the mesa tomorrow, andthese were set up by the night patrols in cleft wands on all theprincipal trails. At daybreak on the following morning the principaltrails leading from the four cardinal points were 'closed' bysprinkling meal across them and laying on each a whitened elk horn. Anawita told the observer that in former times if any reckless personhad the temerity to venture within this proscribed limit the Kwakwantûinevitably put him to death by decapitation and dismemberment. "("Naacnaiya, " _Journal of American Folk-lore_, vol. V, p. 201. ) Thisappears to be the same way in which the Awatobians "closed" the trailto Tobar. ]

[Footnote 58: When the Flute people approach Walpi, as is bienniallydramatized at the present time, "an assemblage of people there (at theentrance to the village) meet them, and just back of a line of mealdrawn across the trail stood Winuta and Hoñyi, " also two girls and aboy. After these Flute people are challenged and sing their songs thetrail is opened, viz: "Alosaka drew the end of his _moñkohu_ along theline of meal, and Winuta rubbed off the remainder from the trail withhis foot. " "Walpi Flute Observance, " _Journal of American Folk-lore_, vol. VII, p. 19. ]

[Footnote 59: This custom of sprinkling the trail with sacred meal isone of the most common in the Tusayan ritual. The gods approach andleave the pueblos along such lines, and no doubt the Awatobiansregarded the horses of Espejo as supernatural beings and threw meal onthe trail before them with the same thought in mind that they nowsprinkle the trails with meal in all the great ceremonials in whichpersonators of the gods approach the villages. ]

[Footnote 60: According to the reprint of 1891. In the reprint of 1810it appears as "Ahuato. " I would suggest that possibly the error ingiving the name of a pueblo to a chief may have arisen not from thecopyist or printer, but from inability of the Spaniards and Hopi tounderstand each other. If you ask a Hopi Indian his name, nine timesout of ten he will not tell you, and an interlocutor for a party ofnatives will almost invariably name the pueblos from which hiscomrades came. ]

[Footnote 61: This was possibly the expedition which P. Fr. Antonio(Alonzo?) made among the Hopi in 1628; however that may be, there isgood evidence that Porras, after many difficulties, baptized severalchiefs in 1629. ]

[Footnote 62: _Segunda Relacion de la grandiosa conversion que haavido en el Nuevo Mexico. Embiada por el Padre Estev[=a] de Perea_, etc. , 1633. ]

[Footnote 63: An earlier rumor was that the horses wereanthropophagous. ]

[Footnote 64: As Vargas appears not to have entered Oraibi at thistime he may have found it too hostile. Whether Frasquillo had yetarrived with his Tanos people and their booty is doubtful. The storyof the migration to Tusayan of the Tanos under Frasquillo, theassassin of Fray Simón de Jesus, and the establishment there of a"kingdom" over which he ruled as king for thirty years, is a mostinteresting episode in Tusayan history. Many Tanos people arrived inseveral bands among the Hopi about 1700, but which of them were led byFrasquillo is not known to me. ]

[Footnote 65: "El templo acabo en llamas. " At this time Awatobi wassaid to have 800 inhabitants. ]

[Footnote 66: At the present time one of the most bitter complaintswhich the Hopi have against the Spaniards is that they forciblybaptized the children of their people during the detested occupancy bythe conquerors. ]

[Footnote 67: _Naacnaiya_ and _Wüwütcimti_ are the elaborate andabbreviated New-fire ceremonies now observed by four religious warriorsocieties, known as the _Tataukyamû_, _Wüwütcimtû_, _Aaltû_ and_Kwakwantû_. Both of these ceremonials, as now observed at Walpi, haveelsewhere been described. ]

[Footnote 68: Obiit 1892. Shimo was chief of the Flute Society and"Governor" of Walpi. ]

[Footnote 69: Oldest woman of the Snake clan; mother of Kopeli, theSnake chief of Walpi; chief priestess of the Mamzráuti ceremony. ]

[Footnote 70: Vetancurt, Chronica, says that Aguatobi (Awatobi) had800 inhabitants and was converted by Padre Francisco de Porras. In1630 Benavides speaks of the Mokis as being rapidly converted. Itwould appear, if we rely on Vetancurt's figures, that Awatobi was notone of the largest villages of Tusayan in early times, for he ascribes1, 200 to Walpi and 14, 000 to Oraibi. The estimate of the population ofAwatobi was doubtless nearer the truth than that of the other pueblos, and I greatly doubt if Oraibi ever had 14, 000 people. Probably 1, 400would be more nearly correct. ]

[Footnote 71: Architecture of Cibola and Tusayan, p. 225. ]

[Footnote 72: There are two fragments, one of which is large enough toshow the size of the bell, which was made either in Mexico or inSpain. The smaller fragment was used for many years as a paint-grinderby a Walpi Indian priest. ]

[Footnote 73: See his Final Report, p. 372. ]

[Footnote 74: The only Awatobi name I know is that of a chief, Tapolo, which is not borne by any Hopi of my acquaintance (see page 603). ]

[Footnote 75: This explains the fact that the ruins in Tusayan, as arule, have no signs of kivas, and the same appears to be true of theruins of the pueblos on the Little Colorado and the Verde, in TontoBasin, and other more southerly regions. ]

[Footnote 76: See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II. ]

[Footnote 77: "Las casas son de tres altos"--_Segunda Relacion_, p. 580. ]

[Footnote 78: So far as our limited knowledge of the older ruins ofTusayan goes, we find that their inhabitants must have been as farremoved from rude Shohonean nomads as their descendants are today. Thesettlement at the early site of Walpi is reported to have been made invery early times, some legends stating that it occurred at a periodwhen the people were limited to one family--the Snake. The fragmentsof pottery which I have found in the mounds of that ancient habitationare as fine and as characteristic of Tusayan as that of Sikyatki orAwatobi. It is inferior to none in the whole pueblo area, and betrayslong sedentary life of its makers before it was manufactured. ]

[Footnote 79: Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. V, No. Xviii, 1892. ]

[Footnote 80: There is a rude sketch of these two idols of _Alosaka_in the archives of the Hemenway Expedition. They represent figurinesabout 4 feet tall, with two horns on the head not unlike those of theTewan clowns or gluttons called Paiakyamû. As so little is known ofthe Mishoñinovi ritual, the rites in which they are used are atpresent inexplicable. ]

[Footnote 81: See the ear-ornament of the mask shown in plate CVIII, of the Fifteenth Annual Report. ]

[Footnote 82: Similar "spouts" were found by Mindeleff at Awatobi, anda like use of them is suggested in his valuable memoir. ]

[Footnote 83: The Keresan people are called by the same name, Kawaika, which, as hitherto explained, is specially applied to the modernpueblo of Laguna. ]

[Footnote 84: The Asa people who came to Tusayan from the Rio Grandeclaim to have lived for a few generations in Tubka or Tségi (Chelly)canyon. ]

[Footnote 85: The pottery of ancient Cibola is practically identicalwith that of the ruined pueblos of the Colorado Chiquito, nearWinslow, Arizona. ]

[Footnote 86: The specimens labeled "New Mexico" and "Arizona" are toovaguely classified to be of any service in this consideration. It issuggested that collectors carefully label their specimens with theexact locality in which they are found, giving care to theirassociation and, when mortuary, to their position in the graves inrelation to the skeletons. ]

[Footnote 87: I am informed by Mr F. W. Hodge that similar fragmentswere found by the Hemenway Expedition in 1888 in the prehistoric ruinsof the Salado. ]

[Footnote 88: The head is round, with lateral appendages. The face isdivided into two quadrants above, with chin blackened, and marked withzigzag lines, which are lacking in modern pictures. In the left handthe figure holds a rattle. The body is wanting, but the breast isdecorated with rectangles. ]

[Footnote 89: A single metate of lava or malpais was excavated atAwatobi. This object must have had a long journey before it reachedthe village, since none of the material from which it was made isfound within many miles of the ruin. ]

[Footnote 90: There are many fine pictographs, some of which areevidently ancient, on the cliffs of the Awatobi mesa. These are in norespect characteristic, and among them I have seen the _awata_ (bow), _honani_ (badger's paw), _tcüa_ (snake), and _omowûh_ (rain-cloud). Onthe side of the precipitous wall of the mesa south of the westernmounds there is a row of small hemispherical depressions or pits, witha groove or line on one side. There is likewise, not far from thispoint, a realistic figure of a vulva, not very unlike the _asha_symbols on Thunder mountain, near Zuñi. ]

[Footnote 91: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. II, No. 1, p. 77. ]

[Footnote 92: In the expedition of 1896 there were found a largenumber of shell ornaments, which will be described in a forthcomingreport of the operations during that year. See the preliminary accountin the article "Pacific Coast Shells in Tusayan Ruins, " _AmericanAnthropologist_, December, 1896. ]

[Footnote 93: One of these bells was found in a grave at Chaves Passduring the field work of 1896. ]

[Footnote 94: Bells made of clay are not rare in modern Tusayanvillages, and while their form is different from that of the Awatobispecimen, and the size larger, there seems no reason to doubt theantiquity of the specimen from the ruin of Antelope mesa. ]

[Footnote 95: Many of the specimens in the well-known Keam collection, now in the Tusayan room of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, areundoubtedly from Sikyatki, and still more are from Awatobi. Since thebeginning of my excavations at Sikyatki it has come to be a custom forthe Hopi potters to dispose of, as Sikyatki ware, to unsuspectingwhite visitors, some of their modern objects of pottery. Thesefraudulent pieces are often very cleverly made. ]

[Footnote 96: Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola, op. Cit. , pp. 20, 21. ]

[Footnote 97: These rooms I failed to find. One of the rocky knollsmay be that called by me the "acropolis. " The second knoll I cannotidentify, unless it is the elevation in continuation of the same sidetoward the east. Possibly he confounded the ruin of Küküchomo withthat of Sikyatki. ]

[Footnote 98: The legends of the origin of Oraibi are imperfectlyknown, but it has been stated that the pueblo was founded by peoplefrom Old Shuñopovi. It seems much more likely, however, that ourknowledge is too incomplete to accept this conclusion without moreextended observations. The composition of the present inhabitantsindicates amalgamation from several quarters, and neighboring ruinsshould be studied with this thought in mind. ]

[Footnote 99: It is distinctly stated that the Tanoan families whosedescendants now inhabit Hano were not in Tusayan when Awatobi fell. Tobe sure they may have been sojourning in some valley east of theprovince, which, however, is not likely, since they were "invited" toEast Mesa for the specific purpose of aiding the Hopi against northernnomads. Much probability attaches to a suggestion that they belongedto the emigrants mentioned by contemporary historians as leaving theRio Grande on account of the unsettled condition of the country afterthe great rebellion of 1680. ]

[Footnote 100: The succession of priests is through the clan of themother, so that commonly, as in the case of Katci, the nephew takesthe place of the uncle at his death. Some instances, however, havecome to my knowledge where, the clan having become extinct, a son hasbeen elevated to the position made vacant by the death of a priest. The Kokop people at Walpi are vigorous, numbering 21 members if weinclude the Coyote and Wolf clans, the last mentioned of which may bedescendants of the former inhabitants of Küküchomo, the twin ruins onthe mesa above Sikyatki. ]

[Footnote 101: In this census I have used also the apparentlyconservative statement of Vetancurt that there were 800 people inAwatobi at the end of the seventeenth century. ]

[Footnote 102: _Kanel_ = Spanish _carnero_, sheep; _ba_ = water, spring. ]

[Footnote 103: Wipo spring, a few miles northward from the eastern endof the mesa, would be an excellent site for a Government school. It issufficiently convenient to the pueblos, has an abundant supply ofpotable water at all seasons, and cultivable fields in theneighborhood. ]

[Footnote 104: The boy who brought our drinking water from Kanelbacould not be prevailed upon to visit it on the day of the snake huntto the east in 1895, on the ground that no one not a member of thesociety should be seen there or take water from it at that time. Thisis probably a phase of the taboo of all work in the world-quarter inwhich the snake hunts occur, when the Snake priests are engaged incapturing these reptilian "elder brothers. "]

[Footnote 105: Tcino lives at Sichomovi, and in the Snake dance atWalpi formerly took the part of the old man who calls out the words, "_Awahaia_, " etc. At the kisi, before the reptiles are carried aboutthe plaza. These words are Keresan, and Tcino performed this part onaccount of his kinship. He owns the grove of peach trees because theyare on land of his ancestors, a fact confirmatory of the belief thatthe people of Sikyatki came from the Rio Grande. ]

[Footnote 106: Nasyuñweve, who died a few years ago, formerly made theprayer-stick to Masauwûh, the Fire or Death god. This he did as one ofthe senior members of the Kokop or Firewood people, otherwise known asthe Fire people, because they made fire with the fire-drill. On hisdeath his place in the kiva was taken by Katci. Nasyuñweve wasIntiwa's chief assistant in the Walpi _katcinas_, and wore the mask ofEototo in the ceremonials of the _Niman_. All this is significant, andcoincides with the theory that _katcinas_ are incorporated in theTusayan ritual, that Eototo is their form of Masauwûh, and that he isa god of fire, growth, and death, like his dreaded equivalent. ]

[Footnote 107: The Hano people call the Hopi _Koco_ or _Koso_; theSanta Clara (also Tewa) people call them _Khoso_, according to Hodge. ]

[Footnote 108: The replastering of kivas at Walpi takes place duringthe _Powamu_, an elaborate _katcina_ celebration. I have noticed thatin this renovation of the kivas one corner, as a rule, is leftunplastered, but have elicited no satisfactory explanation of thisapparent oversight, which, no doubt, has significance. Someone, perhaps overimaginative, suggested to me that the unplastered cornerwas the same as the break in encircling lines on ancient pottery. ]

[Footnote 109: I was aided in making this plan by the late J. G. Owens, my former assistant in the field work of the HemenwayExpedition. It was prepared with a few simple instruments, and is notclaimed to be accurate in all particulars. ]

[Footnote 110: The existence of these peach trees near Sikyatkisuggests, of course, an abandonment of the neighboring pueblo inhistoric times, but I hardly think it outweighs other stronger proofsof antiquity. ]

[Footnote 111: The position of the cemeteries in ancient Tusayan ruinsis by no means uniform. They are rarely situated far from the houses, and are sometimes just outside the walls. While the dead were seldomcarried far from the village, a sandy locality was generally chosenand a grave excavated a few feet deep. Usually a few stones wereplaced on the surface of the ground over the burial place, evidentlyto protect the remains from prowling beasts. ]

[Footnote 112: The excavations at Homolobi in 1896 revealed twobeautiful cups with braided handles and one where the clay strands aretwisted. ]

[Footnote 113: The modern potters commonly adorn the ends of ladlehandles with heads of different mythologic beings in their pantheon. The knob-head priest-clowns are favorite personages to represent, although even the Corn-maid and different _katcinas_ are alsosometimes chosen for this purpose. The heads of various animals arelikewise frequently found, some in artistic positions, others lessso. ]

[Footnote 114: The clay ladles with perforated handles with which themodern Hopi sometimes drink are believed to be of late origin inTusayan. ]

[Footnote 115: The oldest medicine bowls now in use ordinarily havehandles and a terraced rim, but there are one or two importantexceptions. In this connection it may be mentioned that, unlike theZuñi, the Hopi never use a clay bowl with a basket-like handle forsacred meal, but always carry the meal in basket trays. This thepriests claim is a very old practice, and so far as my observations gois confirmed by archeological evidence. The bowl with a basket-formhandle is not found either in ancient or modern Tusayan. ]

[Footnote 116: Symbolism rather than realism was the controllingelement of archaic decoration. Thus, while objects of beauty, likeflowers and leaves, were rarely depicted, and human forms are mostabsurd caricatures, most careful attention was given to minute detailsof symbolism, or idealized animals unknown to the naturalist. ]

[Footnote 117: Certainly no more appropriate design could be chosenfor the decoration of the inside of a food vessel than the head of theCorn-maid, and from our ideas of taste none less so than that of alizard or bird. The freshness and absence of wear of many of thespecimens of Sikyatki mortuary pottery raises the question whetherthey were ever in domestic use. Many evidently were thus employed, asthe evidences of wear plainly indicate, but possibly some of thevessels were made for mortuary purposes, either at the time of thedecease of a relative or at an earlier period. ]

[Footnote 118: The figure shown in plate CXXIX, _a_, was probablyintended to represent the Corn-maid, or an Earth goddess of theSikyatki pantheon. Although it differs widely in drawing from figuresof Calako-mana on modern bowls, it bears a startling resemblance tothe figure of the Germ goddess which appears on certain Tusayanaltars. ]

[Footnote 119: Hopi legends recount how certain clans, especiallythose of Tanoan origin, lived in Tségi canyon and intermarried withthe Navaho so extensively that it is said they temporarily forgottheir own language. From this source may have sprung the numerousso-called Navaho _katcinas_, and the reciprocal influence on theNavaho cults was even greater. ]

[Footnote 120: These priests wear a close-fitting skullcap, with twolong, banded horns made of leather, to the end of which corn husks aretied. For an extended description see _Journal of American Ethnologyand Archæology_, vol. II, No. 1, page 11. ]

[Footnote 121: The rarity of human figures on such kinds of pottery asare found in the oldest ruins would appear to indicate thatdecorations of this kind were a late development. No specimen ofblack-and-white ware on which pictures of human beings are present hasyet been figured. The sequence of evolution in designs is believed tobe (1) geometrical figures, (2) birds, (3) other animals, (4) humanbeings. ]

[Footnote 122: In some of the figurines used in connection with modernHopi altars these whorls are represented by small wheels made ofsticks radiating from a common juncture and connected by woolen yarn. ]

[Footnote 123: The natives of Cibola, according to Castañeda, "gathertheir hair over the two ears, making a frame which looks like anold-fashioned headdress. " The Tusayan Pueblo maidens are the onlyIndians who now dress their hair in this way, although the custom isstill kept up by men in certain sacred dances at Zuñi. The countrywomen in Salamanca, Spain, do their hair up in two flat coils, one oneach side of the forehead, a custom which Castañeda may have had inmind when he compared the Pueblo coiffure to an "old-fashionedheaddress. "]

[Footnote 124: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1892. ]

[Footnote 125: Troano and Cortesiano codices. ]

[Footnote 126: A _nakwákwoci_ is an individual prayer-string, andconsists of one or more prescribed feathers tied to a cotton string. These prayer emblems are made in great numbers in every Tusayanceremony. ]

[Footnote 127: The evidence afforded by this bowl would seem to showthat the cult of the Corn-maid was a part of the mythology and ritualof Sikyatki. The elaborate figures of the rain-cloud, which are soprominent in representations of the Corn-maid on modern plaques, bowls, and dolls, are not found in the Sikyatki picture. ]

[Footnote 128: The reason for my belief that this is a breath featherwill be shown under the discussion of feather and bird pictures. ]

[Footnote 129: For the outline of this legend see _Journal of AmericanEthnology and Archæology_, vol. IV. The maid is there called theTcüa-mana or Snake-maid, a sacerdotal society name for the Germgoddess. The same personage is alluded to under many different names, depending on the society, but they are all believed to refer to thesame mythic concept. ]

[Footnote 130: The attitude of the male and female here depicted wasnot regarded as obscene; on the contrary, to the ancient Sikyatki mindthe picture had a deep religious meaning. In Hopi ideas the male is asymbol of active generative power, the female of passive reproduction, and representations of these two form essential elements of theancient pictorial and graven art of that people. ]

[Footnote 131: The doll of Kokopeli has along, bird-like beak, generally a rosette on the side of the head, a hump on the back, andan enormous penis. It is a phallic deity, and appears in certainceremonials which need not here be described. During the excavationsat Sikyatki one of the Indians called my attention to a large Dipteraninsect which he called "Kokopeli. "]

[Footnote 132: The practice still exists at Zuñi, I am told, and thereis no sign of its becoming extinct. It is said that old Naiutci, thechief of the Priesthood of the Bow, was permanently injured during oneof these performances. (Since the above lines were written I haveexcavated from one of the ruins on the Little Colorado a specimen ofone of these objects used by ancient stick-swallowers. It is made ofbone, and its use was explained to me by a reliable informant familiarwith the practices of Oraibi and other villagers. It is my intentionto figure and describe this ancient object in the account of theexplorations of 1896. )]

[Footnote 133: "Tusayan Katcinas, " Fifteenth Annual Report of theBureau of Ethnology, 1893-94, Washington, 1897. Hewüqti is also calledSoyokmana, a Keresan-Hopi name meaning the Natacka-maid. The Keresan(Sia) Skoyo are cannibal giants, according to Mrs Stevenson, anadmirable definition of the Hopi Natackas. ]

[Footnote 134: The celebration occurs in the modern Tusayan pueblos inthe _Powamû_ where the representative of Calako flogs the children. Calako's picture is found on the _Powamû_ altars of several of thevillages of the Hopi. ]

[Footnote 135: Figures of the human hand have been found on the wallsof cliff houses. These were apparently made in somewhat the same wayas that on the above bowl, the hand being placed on the surface andpigment spattered about it. See "The Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, "by Cosmos Mindeleff; Sixteenth Annual Report, 1894-95. ]

[Footnote 136: Mu^{r}yi, mole or gopher; mu^{r}iyawû, moon. Theremaybe some Hopi legend connecting the gopher with the moon, but thusfar it has eluded my studies, and I can at present do no more thancall attention to what appears to be an interesting etymologicalcoincidence. ]

[Footnote 137: This form of mouth I have found in pictures ofquadrupeds, birds, and insects, and is believed to beconventionalized. Of a somewhat similar structure are the mouths ofthe _Natacka_ monsters which appear in the Walpi _Powamû_ ceremony. See the memoir on "Tusayan Katcinas, " in the Fifteenth Annual Report. ]

[Footnote 138: Figures of the tadpole and frog are often found onmodern medicine bowls in Tusayan. The snake, so common on Zuñiceremonial pottery, has not been seen by me on a single object ofearthenware in use in modern Hopi ritual. ]

[Footnote 139: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. IV. ]

[Footnote 140: Although made of beautiful yellow ware, it shows at onepoint marks of having been overheated in firing, as is often the casewith larger vases and jars. ]

[Footnote 141: One of the best examples of the rectangular or ancienttype of medicine bowl is used in the celebration of the Snake dance atOraibi, where it stands on the rear margin of the altar of theAntelope priesthood of that pueblo. ]

[Footnote 142: One of the best of these is that of the Humis-katcina, but good examples occur on the dolls of the Calakomanas. The Lakonemaid, however, wears a coronet of circular rain-cloud symbols, whichcorresponds with traditions which recount that this form wasintroduced by the southern clans or the Patki people. ]

[Footnote 143: In the evolution of ornament among the Hopi, as amongmost primitive peoples where new designs have replaced the old, themeaning of the ancient symbols has been lost. Consequently we areforced to adopt comparative methods to decipher them. If, forinstance, on a fragment of ancient pottery we find the figure of abird in which the wing or tail feathers have a certain characteristicsymbol form, we are justified, when we find the same symbolic designon another fragment where the rest of the bird is wanting, inconsidering the figure that of a wing or tail feather. So when theprescribed figure of the feather has been replaced by another form itis not surprising to find it incomprehensible to modern shamans. Thecomparative ethnologist may in this way learn the meanings of symbolsto which the modern Hopi priest can furnish no clue. ]

[Footnote 144: In an examination of many figures of ancient vesselswhere this peculiar design occurs it will be found that in allinstances they represent feathers, although the remainder of the birdis not to be found. The same may also be said of the design whichrepresents the tail-feathers. This way of representing feathers is notwithout modern survival, for it may still be seen in many dolls ofmystic personages who are reputed to have worn feathered garments. ]

[Footnote 145: At the present time the circle is the totemic signatureof the Earth people, representing the horizon, but it has likewisevarious other meanings. With certain appendages it is the disk of thesun--and there are ceremonial paraphernalia, as amulets, placed onsand pictures or tied to helmets, which may be represented by a simplering. The meaning of these circles in the bowl referred to above isnot clear to me, nor is my series of pictographs sufficientlyextensive to enable a discovery of its significance by comparativemethods. A ring of meal sometimes drawn on the floor of a kiva iscalled a "house, " and a little imagination would easily identify thesewith the mythic houses of the sky-bird, but this interpretation is atpresent only fanciful. ]

[Footnote 146: The _paho_ is probably a substitution of a sacrifice ofcorn or meal given as homage to the god addressed. ]

[Footnote 147: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. IV. These water gourds figure conspicuously in many ceremonies of theTusayan ritual. The two girls personating the Corn-maids carry them inthe Flute observance, and each of the Antelope priests at Oraibi bearsone of these in the Antelope or Corn dance. ]

[Footnote 148: "A few Tusayan Pictographs;" _American Anthropologist_, Washington, January, 1892. ]

[Footnote 149: A beautiful example of this kind was found at Homolobiin the summer of 1896. ]

[Footnote 150: In this connection the reader is referred to the story, already told in former pages of this memoir, concerning the floggingof the youth by the husband of the two women who brought the Hopi theseeds of corn. It may be mentioned as corroboratory evidence thatCalako-taka represents a supernatural sun-bird, that the Tataukyamûpriests carry a shield with Tunwup (Calako-taka) upon it in theSoyaluña. These priests, as shown by the etymology of their name, areassociated with the sun. In the Sun drama, or Calako ceremony, inJuly, Calako-takas are personated, and at Zuñi the Shalako is a greatwinter sun ceremony. ]

[Footnote 151: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1895, p. 133. Asthese cross-shape pahos which are now made in Tusayan are attributedto the Kawaika or Keres group of Indians, and as they were seen at theKeresan pueblo of Acoma in 1540, it is probable that they arederivative among the Hopi; but simple cross decorations on ancientpottery were probably autochthonous. ]

[Footnote 152: In dolls of the Corn-maids this germinative symbol isoften found made of wood and mounted on an elaborate tabletrepresenting rain-clouds. ]

[Footnote 153: Many similarities might be mentioned between theterraced figures used in decoration in Old Mexico and in ancientTusayan pottery, but I will refer to but a single instance, that ofthe stuccoed walls of Mitla, Oaxaca, and Teotitlan del Valle. Manydesigns from these ruins are gathered together for comparativepurposes by that eminent Mexicanist, Dr E. Seler, in his beautifulmemoir on Mitla (_Wandmalereien von Mitla_, plate X). In this plateexact counterparts of many geometric patterns on Sikyatki potteryappear, and even the broken spiral is beautifully represented. Thereare key patterns and terraced figures in stucco on monuments ofCentral America identical with the figures on pottery from Sikyatki. ]

[Footnote 154: This pillar, so conspicuous in all photographs ofWalpi, is commonly called the Snake rock. ]

[Footnote 155: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1892. ]

[Footnote 156: I failed to find out how the Hopi regard fossils. ]

[Footnote 157: These objects were eagerly sought by the Hopi women whovisited the camps at Awatobi and Sikyatki. ]

[Footnote 158: The tubular form of pipe was almost universal in thepueblo area, and I have deposited in the National Museum pipes of thiskind from several ruins in the Rio Grande valley. ]

[Footnote 159: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. IV, pp. 31, 32, 33. ]

[Footnote 160: This form of pipe occurs over the whole pueblo area. ]

[Footnote 161: Ancient cigarette reeds, found in sacrificial caves, have a small fragment of woven fabric tied about them. ]

[Footnote 162: The so-called "implements of wood" figured byNordenskiöld ("The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, " plate XLII) areidentical with some of the pahos from Sikyatki, and are undoubtedlyprayer-sticks. ]

[Footnote 163: Primitive Culture, vol. Ii, p. 396. ]

[Footnote 164: Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, Vol. _ii_, p. 131. ]

[Footnote 165: _American Anthropologist_, July, 1892. ]

[Footnote 166: As stated in former pages, there is some paleographicevidence looking in that direction. ]

[Footnote 167: _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, vol. V, no. Xviii, p. 213. ]

[Footnote 168: Op. Cit. , p. 214. ]

[Footnote 169: They failed to germinate. ]

APPENDIX

The following list introduces the numbers by which the specimensillustrated in this memoir are designated in the catalog of the UnitedStates National Museum. Each specimen is also marked with a fieldcatalog number, the locality in which it was found, and the name ofthe collector:

 PLATE CXI. _a_, 155895; _b_, 155897; _c_, 155898; _d_, 155896; _e_, 155900; _f_, 155916. 

 CXII. _a_, 155875; _b_, 155996; _c_, 155902; _d_, 155996; _e_, 155997. 

 CXIII. _a_, 155992; _b_, 155913; _c_, 155991; _d_, 155994; _e_, 155993. 

 CXIV. _a_-_g_, 156018; _h_, 156131; _i_, 156091; _j_, 156018. 

 CXIX. _a_, 155806; _b_, 155841; _c_, 155832; _d_, 155678; _e_, 155820; _f_, 155838. 

 CXX. _a_, 155867; _b_, 155866; _c_, 155871; _d_, 155856; _e_, 155861; _f_, 155460. 

 CXXI. _a_, 155694; _b_, 155698; _c_, 155719. 

 CXXII. _a_, 155702; _b_, 155684; _c_, 155688. 

 CXXIII. _a_, 155711; _b_, 155703; _c_, 155707; _d_, 155673. 

 CXXIV. _a_, 155674; _b_, 155683. 

 CXXV. _a_, 155750; _b_, 155753; _c_, 155751; _d_, 155752; _e_, 155749; _f_, 155747. 

 CXXVI. _a_, 155700; _b_, 155682. 

 CXXVII. _a_, 155718; _b_, 155714; _c_, 155723; _d_, 155691. 

 CXXVIII. _a_, 155745; _b_, 155744; _c_, 155746; _d_, 155735; _e_, 155734; _f_, 155733; _g_, 155736. 

 CXXIX. _a_, 155467; _b_, 155462; _c_, 155463; _d_, 155464; _e_, 155466; _f_, 155465. 

 CXXX. _a_, 155474; _b_, 155475; _c_, 155477; _d_, 155484; _e_, 155473; _f_, 155476. 

 CXXXI. _a_, 155758; _b_, 155773; _c_, 155768; _d_, 155771; _e_, 155546; _f_ 155764. 

 CXXXII. _a_, 155482; _b_, 155483; _c_, 155481; _d_, 155480; _e_, 155479; _f_, 155485. 

 CXXXIII. _a_, 155614; _b_, 155757; _c_, 155502; _d_, 155772; _e_, 155758; _f_, 155781. 

 CXXXIV. _a_, 155570; _b_, 155597; _c_, 155567; _d_, 155507; _e_, 155575; _f_, 155505. 

 CXXXV. _a_, 155692; _b_, 155681. 

 CXXXVI. _a_, 155687; _b_, 155737; _c_, 155695. 

 CXXXVII. _a_, 155488; _b_, 155450; _c_, 155468; _d_, 155732; _e_, 155776; _f_, 155740. 

CXXXVIII. _a_, 155498; _b_, 155490; _c_, 155492; _d_, 155500; _e_, 155499; _f_, 155494. 

 CXXXIX. _a_, 155524; _b_, 155528; _c_, 155491; _d_, 155523; _e_, 155527; _f_, 155522. 

 CXL. _a_, 155529; _b_, 155489; _c_, 155540; _d_, 155541; _e_, 155606; _f_, 155410. 

 CXLI. _a_, 155501; _b_, 155503; _c_, 155509; _d_, 155511; _e_, 155510; _f_, 155512. 

 CXLII. _a_, 155712; _b_, 155693; _c_, 155756; _d_, 155636; _e_, 155697. 

 CXLIII. _a_, _b_, 155690. 

 CXLIV. _a_, _b_, 155689. 

 CXLV. _a_, 155717; _b_, 155696. 

 CXLVI. _a_, 155538; _b_, 155508; _c_, 155802; _d_, 155537; _e_, 155487; _f_, 155653. 

 CXLVII. _a_, 155493; _b_, 155497; _c_, 155602; _d_, 155504; _e_, 155608; _f_, 155495. 

 CXLVIII. _a_, 155556; _b_, 155408; _c_, 155545; _d_, 155548; _e_, 155544; _f_, 155542. 

 CXLIX. _a_, 155554; _b_, 155549; _c_, 155573; _d_, 155607; _e_, 155572; _f_, 155581. 

 CL. _a_, 155565; _b_, 155519; _c_, 155518; _d_, 155569; _e_, 155551; _f_, 155574. 

 CLI. _a_, 155535; _b_, 155532; _c_, 155539; _d_, 155526; _e_, 155613; _f_, 155615. 

 CLII. _a_, 155555; _b_, 155547; _c_, 155571; _d_, 155553; _e_, 155536; _f_, 155521. 

 CLIII. _a_, 155558; _b_, 155564. 

 CLIV. _a_, 155560; _b_, 155568. 

 CLV. _a_, 155543; _b_, 155557. 

 CLVI. _a_, 155562; _b_, 155561; _c_, 155562; _d_, 155796; _e_, 155601; _f_, 155588. 

 CLVII. _a_, 155531; _b_, 155530; _c_, 155525; _d_, 155585; _e_, 155563; _f_, 155552. 

 CLVIII. _a_, 155628; _b_, 155742; _c_, 155632; _d_, 155633; _e_, 155587; _f_, 155634. 

 CLIX. _a_, 155583; _b_, 155598; _c_, 155516; _d_, 155629; _e_, 155590; _f_, 155520. 

 CLX. _a_, 155577; _b_, 155576; _c_, 155622; _d_, 155594; _e_, 155647; _f_, 155654. 

 CLXI. _a_, 155642; _b_, 155506; _c_, 155517; _d_, 155472; _e_, 155589; _f_, 155600. 

 CLXII. _a_, 155637; _b_, 155618; _c_, 155643; _d_, 155621; _e_, 155534; _f_, 155533. 

 CLXIII. _a_, 155611; _b_, 155612. 

 CLXIV. _a_, 155610; _b_, 155609. 

 CLXV. _a_, 155593; _b_, 155592. 

 CLXVI. _a_, 155641; _b_, 155616; _c_, 155617; _d_, 155619; _e_, 155584; _f_, 155640. 

 CLXVII. _a_, 155877; _b_, 155878; _c_, 155892; _d_, 155882; _e_, 155890; _f_, 155881. 

 CLXVIII. _a_, 155876; _b_, 155891; _c_, 155884; _d_, 155914; _e_, 155940; _f_, 155880. 

 CLXIX. _a_, 156095; _b_, 156098; _c_, 156175; _d_, 156174; _e_, 156154; _f_, 156065. 

 CLXX. _a_, _b_, 156227. 

 CLXXI. _a_, 156270; _b_, _c_, 156303; _e_, 156199; _f_, 156043. 

 CLXXII. _a_, 156042; _b_, 156169; _c_, 156169; _d_, 156170; _e_, 156184; _f_, 156164. 

 CLXXIII. _a_, 155999; _b_, 155154; _c_, 156128; _d_, 156131; _e_, _f_, 1561?0; _g_, 156010; _h-l_, 156130. 

 CLXXIV. _a_, 156191; _b_, _c_, 156183; _d_, 156185; _e-g_, 156183; _h-j_, 156194; _k_, 156180; _l_, _m_, 156191; _n_, 156182. 

 CLXXV. _o_, 156188; _p_, 156185; _q_, 156191; _r_, 156186; _s_, 156180; _t_, 156188; _u_, 156181; _v_, 156179; _w_, 156187. 

INDEX

ACROPOLIS of Sikyatki 638, 640, 643-646ADOBE plastering in cavate houses 542 [ADOBE], _see_ MASONRY, PLASTERING. AGAVE fiber used in Tusayan 629, 630AGUATO, an Awatobi synonym 594AGUATOBI, an Awatobi synonym 594AGUATUVÍ, an Awatobi synonym 594AGUATUYA, an Awatobi synonym 594AGUATUYBÁ, an Awatobi synonym 594AGUITOBI, an Awatobi synonym 594AHUATO, an Awatobi synonym 594AHUATOBI, an Awatobi synonym 594AHUATU, an Awatobi synonym 594AHUATUYBA, an Awatobi synonym 594AH-WAT-TENNA an Awatobi synonym 594ALOSAKA idols in Awatobi shrine 619ANAWITA, traditional information given by 595ANCESTOR worship at Sikyatki 732ANTELOPE VALLEY, _see_ JEDITOH VALLEY. APACHE depredation in Tusayan 585 [APACHE], late appearance of, at Tusayan 581 [APACHE] occupancy of Verde ruins 550, 565, 570 [APACHE] pictographs in Verde valley 550, 556, 567, 568AQUATASI, an Awatobi synonym 594AQUATUBI, an Awatobi synonym 594ARCHEOLOGICAL expedition to Arizona, 1895 519-744ARIZONA, archeological expedition to, 1895 519-744 [ARIZONA], _see_ NAVAHO. ARROWHEAD KILT worn by man-eagle 692-693ARROWHEADS from Awatobi 618, 625 [ARROWHEADS] in Sikyatki graves 731, 740ARROWSHAFT POLISHERS from Awatobi 611, 731[ ARROWSHAFT POLISHERS] in Sikyatki graves 731ART REMAINS in Palatki and Honanki 569ASA PEOPLE join the Hopi 578 [ASA PEOPLE], migration of 622 [ASA PEOPLE] settle at Sichomovi 578ASH-HEAP PUEBLO, former site of Walpi 635ATABI-HOGANDI, an Awatobi synonym 594AUA-TU-UI, an Awatobi synonym 594A-WA-TE-U, an Awatobi synonym 594AWATOBI and Sikyatki pottery compared 659 [AWATOBI], arrowshaft polishers from 611, 731 [AWATOBI], etymology of 594 [AWATOBI], legend of destruction of 602 [AWATOBI], population of 637 [AWATOBI], reasons for excavating 591 [AWATOBI] ruin discussed 592-631 [AWATOBI] ruin examined 535 [AWATOBI], settlement of Sikyatki people at 634 [AWATOBI] settled by Küküchomo and Sikyatki people 589 [AWATOBI] visited in 1540 596AWATÛBI, an Awatobi synonym 594Á-WAT-U-I, an Awatobi synonym 594AWLS, bone, from Awatobi 627AXES, stone, in Sikyatki graves 730, 731 [AXES] from Awatobi 625

BADGER PEOPLE settle Sichomovi 578BAER, ERWIN, with archeological expedition in 1895 527BANCROFT, H. H. , on destruction of Awatobi 601BANDELIER, A. F. , Cibola identified by 595 [BANDELIER, A. F. ], on record of Awatobi destruction 610BAPTISM opposed by the Hopi 601BASINS, _see_ POTTERY. BASKETRY found in Honanki 572 [BASKETRY] not found at Sikyatki 649BAT-HOUSE, ruin of the 590BEADS from Awatobi 628 [BEADS] in Sikyatki graves 733BEAMS of mission in Walpi houses 586 [BEAMS] of Palatki ruin 557BEAN-PLANTING ceremony of the Hopi 702BEAR CLANS, early arrival of, at Tusayan 582BELL, clay, from Awatobi 628 [BELL], copper fragments of, from Awatobi 609, 631 [BELL] used in Hopi ceremony 628BERRIES in Sikyatki graves 733BESSELS, EMIL, on affinity of cliff-dwellers and pueblos 532BICKFORD, F. D. , on cliff houses in Walnut canyon 532BIRD figures on Hopi pottery 660 [BIRD] figures on Sikyatki pottery 658, 682-698, 714 [BIRD] ornaments from Awatobi 628 [BIRD] ornaments in Sikyatki graves 733 [BIRD] vessels from Awatobi 624BLOODY BASIN, cliff houses of 549BODKINS, bone, from Awatobi 627BONE BEADS from Honanki 573 [BONE BEADS] in Sikyatki graves 733BONE OBJECTS from Awatobi 627, 628 [BONE OBJECTS], from Honanki 572BONILLA, --, on Sandia population in 1749 584BOURKE, J. G. , identifies Tally-hogan with Awatobi 602BOWLS, Sikyatki, decorations on 705 [BOWLS], _see_ POTTERY. BOXES, earthenware, from Sikyatki 655BRACELETS from Awatobi 628BUTTERFLY figures on Sikyatki pottery. 678-680, 698 [BUTTERFLY] symbol on Hopi pottery 687

CALAKO in Hopi mythology 700 [CALAKO] katcina, origin of 666CAMPBELL, GEO. , cliff houses discovered by 533CAMP VERDE, ruins near 534CARDENAS, G. L. , visits Tusayan in 1540 595CARDINAL POINTS in Hopi ceremony 613, 628, 678CASA GRANDE ascribed to the Hopi 531CASA MONTEZUMA, _see_ MONTEZUMA CASTLE. CASAS GRANDES, pottery from 624CASTEÑEDA, P. DE, account of Tusayan 596 [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on Cibola hair-dressing 661 [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on early pueblo warfare 588 [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on Hopi fabrics 629 [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on pueblo kivas in 1540 575 [CASTEÑEDA, P. DE] on visit to Tusayan in 1540 596, 597CAVATE DWELLINGS, function of 544 [CAVATE DWELLINGS] in Verde valley discussed 536, 537-545CEMETERIES of Sikyatki 646-649CEMETERY of Awatobi 593, 618CEREMONIAL CIRCUIT of the Hopi 681CHAIRS tabooed in Hopi kivas 626CHARM STONES from Sikyatki 729CHAVERO, A. , on Nahuatl water symbol 569CHAVES PASS, ruins at 532, 573CHELLY CANYON, cliff houses in 578 [CHELLY CANYON], _see_ TSÉGI. CHIMNEYS, absence of, at Sikyatki 646CHUKUBI, ruin of, discussed 583CIBOLA, identification of 595 [CIBOLA], _see_ ZUÑI. CIGARETTES of reeds in sacrificial caves 736 [CIGARETTES] in Hopi ceremony 735CINDER CONES, ruins in 532CIRCULAR RUINS absent in southern pueblo area 576CIST in Awatobi kiva 612 [CIST] in cavate lodges 542 [CIST] near cavate houses 543CLANS formerly occupying Sikyatki 636 [CLANS] of Awatobi 610 [CLANS] of Küküchomo and Sikyatki 587, 588CLIFF DWELLERS defined 531CLIFF HOUSES, age of, in Red-rocks 545 [CLIFF HOUSES] and pueblos similar 537 [CLIFF HOUSES] formerly occupied by Hopi 578 [CLIFF HOUSES], human hand figures on 668 [CLIFF HOUSES] in Walnut canyon 532 [CLIFF HOUSES] of the Red-rocks 548, 549 [CLIFF HOUSES] of Verde valley classified 536CLIFF PALACE and Honanki compared 552CLIFF'S RANCH, pictographs near 548CLOUD, _see_ RAINCLOUD. CLOWN-PRIEST figures on Hopi pottery 659COLANDER fragments from Tusayan ruins 624COMUPAVÍ identified with Shuñopovi 599CONCEPCION, CRISTOVAL DE LA, at founding of Awatobi mission 599COPPER found in Awatobi 608, 609, 631 [COPPER] bells in Arizona ruins 628, 629 [COPPER] unknown to ancient Tusayan 741CORN attached to prayer-sticks 739 [CORN] found in Awatobi 606, 619 [CORN] found in Honanki 572 [CORN], Hopi symbolism of 662 [CORN] in Hopi ceremony 628 [CORN], sweet, introduced in Mishoñinovi 604CORN-MAID dolls of the Hopi 704 [CORN-MAID] figures of the Hopi 661 [CORN-MAID] figures on Hopi pottery 657, 658, 662CORN MOUND, symbolic 740CORN POLLEN in Hopi ceremony 628CORNADO, F. V. DE, route of 530COSMOGONY of the Hopi 647, 666, 732COTTON cultivated by the Hopi 596, 629 [COTTON] fabrics in Verde ruins 573 [COTTON] garments of the Hopi 599COVILLE, F. V. , on identification of ancient food remains 741-742CREMATION not practiced at Sikyatki 649CROOKS in Tusayan ritual 703 [CROOKS] on Sikyatki pottery 703-704, 714, 724CROSS figure allied to sun symbol 623 [CROSS] on Sikyatki pottery 702CRYSTAL, _see_ QUARTZ CRYSTAL. CUANRABI mentioned by Oñate 599CUPS from Sikyatki described 654 [CUPS], _see_ POTTERY. CUSHING, F. H. , on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos 532 [CUSHING, F. H. ], on southern origin of Zuñi clans 574 [CUSHING, F. H. ], ruins visited by 534

DECORATION of Awatobi pottery 623, 624-625 [DECORATION] of Honanki pottery 570, 571 [DECORATION] of ladle handles 624 [DECORATION] of pottery by spattering 650, 668, 671, 677 [DECORATION] of Sikyatki pottery 650, 652, 655, 657-728DELLENBAUGH, F. S. , on identification of Cibola 595DIPPERS from Awatobi described 624 [DIPPERS], _see_ POTTERY. DOLLS, Corn-maid, of the Hopi 704DOMESTIC ANIMALS of the Hopi 731DOORWAYS of cavate houses 543, 552DRAGONFLY symbolic of rain 630 [DRAGONFLY] symbol on pottery 669, 680-682DRILL balances from Sikyatki graves 740

EAGLE PLUMES in Hopi rites 589EAGLE SHRINE at Tukinobi 589EAGLES kept by the Hopi 731EAST MESA, ruins at 581, 585ESPEJO, ANTONIO, Awatobi referred to by 596, 599 [ESPEJO, ANTONIO], Awatobi visited by 594 [ESPEJO, ANTONIO], on Hopi fabrics 629 [ESPEJO, ANTONIO], visits Tusayan in 1583 598ESPELETA, an Oraibi chief 601 [ESPELETA], visits Santa Fé 601, 602ESPELETA, JOSÉ, killed at Oraibi 600ESPERIEZ mentioned by Oñate 599ESTUFA, _see_ KIVA. 

FABRICS, _see_ TEXTILE. FEATHER fabrics from Sikyatki 629 [FEATHER] symbols on Hopi pottery 663 [FEATHER] symbols on Sikyatki pottery 658, 682-698, 714, 723, 724FEATHERED STRINGS represented on pottery 662FEATHERS on prayer-sticks 739FETISH, mountain lion, from Awatobi 618 [FETISH], mountain lion, from Sikyatki 730 [FETISH], personal, from Sikyatki 729FEWKES, J. W. , on archeological expedition to Arizona, 1895 519-744FIGUEROA, JOSÉ, killed at Awatobi 600FIRE, Hopi purification by 647 [FIRE], _see_ NEW-FIRE CEREMONY. FIRE-HOUSE, ancient occupancy of 633 [FIRE-HOUSE] ruin of Tusayan 590, 633FIREPLACES in cavate dwellings 641FIREWOOD PEOPLE at Sikyatki 632, 633, 640, 646 [FIREWOOD PEOPLE] of Tusayan 672FLAGSTAFF, cliff houses near 533FLOWER FIGURE on Hopi pottery 697 [FLOWER FIGURE] on Sikyatki pottery 658, 680FLOWERS, _see_ VEGETAL DESIGNS. FLUTE CEREMONY not performed in kiva 575, 612 [FLUTE CEREMONY], trails closed during 597FLUTE-LIKE OBJECTS from Awatobi 624 [FLUTE-LIKE OBJECTS] from Sikyatki 656FLUTE SOCIETY, prayer-sticks of the 737FOOD REMAINS in mortuary vessels 741FOSSILS used in Hopi ceremony 730FRASQUILLO, flight of Tanoan refugees under 578, 600FROG figures on Sikyatki pottery 658 [FROG] figures on Tusayan bowls 677

GARAYCOECHEA, JUAN, Awatobi visited by 600 [GARAYCOECHEA, JUAN], missionary labors of 601GARDENS, modern, at Sikyatki 646GENESIS, _see_ COSMOGONY. GEOMETRIC figures on Sikyatki pottery 701-705GERMINATIVE symbol on Sikyatki pottery 704GODDARD, S. , with archeological expedition in 1895 527GOD OF DEATH of the Hopi 641GOODE, G. BROWN, acknowledgments to 528GORGETS in Sikyatki graves 733GUTIERREZ, ANDRES, at founding of Awatobi mission 599

HAIR, human, woven by the Hopi 630HAIRDRESSING of the Hopi 661, 663HANCE'S RANCH, pictograph bowlder near 545HAND figures on Sikyatki pottery 666-668, 728HANO compared with Walpi 642 [HANO] in 1782 579 [HANO], when established 636HAVASUPAI, cliff dwellings occupied by 533HEART represented in animal figures 673HEMATITE fetish from Sikyatki 730HEMENWAY, MARY, Kawaika pottery purchased by 590HÉ-SHÓTA-PATHL-TÂ[)I]E, Zuñi name of Kintiel 534HODGE, F. W. , acknowledgments to 527 [HODGE, F. W. ] on colander fragments from Salado ruins 624 [HODGE, F. W. ] on recent advent of the Navaho 658 [HODGE, F. W. ], Sikyatki excavation aided by 648HODGE, _Mrs_ M. W. , acknowledgments to 527HOFFMAN, W. J. , on ruins at Montezuma Well 546HOLBROOK, ruins near 533HOLGUIN, _Capt_. , Payüpki attacked by 583HOLMES, W. H. , on evolution of pottery designs 715, 716, 727HOMOLOBI, location of 532HONANKI, art remains found at 569 [HONANKI], origin of name 553, 559 [HONANKI], discovery of ruin of 534, 551 [HONANKI] ruin discussed 558-569HOPI, abandonment of villages by 580 [HOPI] and Verde ruins compared 573 [HOPI], early migrations of clans of 574 [HOPI] knowledge of Montezuma Well 547 [HOPI] pictographic score 568 [HOPI] pueblos in 1782 579 [HOPI] request removal to Tonto basin 534 [HOPI] ruins, distribution of 581 [HOPI], southern origin of part of 568HORN CLANS at Sikyatki 669HORN-HOUSE, ruin of 590HORSES, how regarded by ancient Hopi 598, 599HOUGH, W. , pottery figure interpreted by 664HOWELL, E. , cliff houses discovered by 533HUMAN FIGURES on Sikyatki pottery 660HUMAN REMAINS in Awatobi ruins 610, 612, 618 [HUMAN REMAINS], _see_ CEMETERIES. 

IDOL, _see_ ALOSAKA, DOLL, FETISH. INSECT figures on Sikyatki pottery 658IRRIGATION represented in pictography 545 [IRRIGATION] ditches in Verde valley 538

JACOB'S WELL described 546JAKWAINA, farm of, at Sikyatki 640JARAMILLO, JUAN, on "Tucayan" 595JARS, _see_ POTTERY. JEDITOH VALLEY, ruins in 581, 589, 592JUDD, JAMES S. , acknowledgments to 527

KACHINBA ruin described 589KATCI, a Hopi folklorist 637 [KATCI], farm of, at Sikyatki 641KATCINA cult in Tusayan 625, 633 [KATCINA] defined 661, 732 [KATCINA] figures on Hopi pottery 624, 658, 665KAWAIKA, application of name 622 [KAWAIKA], pottery from 622 [KAWAIKA], ruins at 590KEAM, T. V. , excavations by, at Kawaika 622 [KEAM, T. V. ], idols removed and returned by 619KEAM'S CANYON, ruins in 581KINNAZINDE, ruin of 534KINTIEL ascribed to the Zuñi 534, 591 [KINTIEL], location of 533KISAKOBI, former site of Walpi 578 [KISAKOBI] ruins described 585 [KISAKOBI], settlement of 635KISHYUBA, a Hopi ruin 591KISI and cavate house compared 544KIVA-LIKE remains at Honanki 560KIVAS, absence of, in Sikyatki 642 [KIVAS], absence of, in southern cliff houses 574 [KIVAS], ceremonial replastering of 645 [KIVAS], distribution of 561, 574 [KIVAS] of Awatobi 611 [KIVAS], platforms characteristic of 541 [KIVAS], round, evolution of 575K'N'-I-K'ÉL, _see_ KINTIEL. KOKOPELI, a Hopi deity 663KOPELI, services of, at Sikyatki 641, 643KÓYIMSE of the Hopi 659KÜCHAPTÜVELA, former site of Walpi 578 [KÜCHAPTÜVELA] ruin described 585KÜKÜCHOMO ruins described 586KWATAKA, a Hopi monster 691

LADLES from Awatobi described 624 [LADLES] from Sikyatki described 655 [LADLES], _see_ POTTERY. LANGLEY, S. P. , acknowledgments to 528LELO, farm of, at Sikyatki 640LEROUX, A. , Verde ruins discovered by 530LIGHTNING symbol on Hopi pottery 673LIGNITE deposits near Sikyatki 643 [LIGNITE] gorgets in Sikyatki graves 733LINES, broken, on Sikyatki pottery 704LUMMIS, C. F. , on Montezuma Well ruins 546

MAMZRÁUTI ceremony introduced at Walpi 604MAN-EAGLE, a Hopi monster 691 [MAN-EAGLE] on Sikyatki pottery 683MARIE, AUG. STA. , an Awatobi missionary 600MASAUWÛH in Hopi mythology 666 [MASAUWÛH], _see_ GOD OF DEATH. MASIUMPTIWA, Awatobi legend repeated by 603MASONRY of Awatobi 616 [MASONRY] of Honanki 563 [MASONRY] of Palatki 554-555 [MASONRY] of Sikyatki 644MEAL, sacred, trail closed with 596, 597 [MEAL] sacrifice by the Hopi 739MEARNS, E. A. , on Verde valley ruins 535, 544, 546MEDICINE BOWLS of the Hopi 681 [MEDICINE BOWLS] of the Zuñi and Hopi 655MELINE, J. F. , on settlement of Sandia 584MESCAL in Verde valley caves 550METAL not found at Honanki 571 [METAL] not found at Sikyatki 649, 741METATES found in Awatobi 625, 626 [METATES] found in Honanki 571 [METATES] found in Sikyatki graves 731MICA, _see_ SELENITE. MIDDLE MESA, ruins at 581, 582MIGRATION of Hopi clans 577MILLER, _Dr_, pottery collected by 675MINDELEFF, COSMOS, Homolobi ruins examined by 532 [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on absence of kivas in Verde ruins 561 [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on cavate houses 543 [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on function of cavate lodges 544 [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on origin of circular kivas 576 [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on similarity of cliff dwellings and pueblos 537 [MINDELEFF, COSMOS], on Verde valley ruins 535MINDELEFF, VICTOR, Awatobi described by 602 [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], groundplan of Chukubi by 583 [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], groundplan of Mishiptonga by 590 [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on Awatobi kivas 612 [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on distribution of Tusayan ruins 577 [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on former sites of Walpi 585 [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on Horn-house and Bat-house 590 [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], on origin of circular kivas 576 [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], Shitaimovi mentioned by 582 [MINDELEFF, VICTOR], Sikyatki described by 632MISHIPTONGA, ruin of 590MISHOÑINOVI in 1782 579MISHOÑINOVI, OLD, discussed 582MISSION, ruins of, at Awatobi 606 [MISSION], when established at Awatobi 599MISSIONS among the Hopi 595MOKI, _see_ HOPI. MONTEZUMA CASTLE and Honanki compared 563 [MONTEZUMA CASTLE] on Beaver creek 549MONTEZUMA WELL, ruins at 534, 546-548MOONEY, JAMES, cited on Kawaika pottery 590MORFI, JUAN A. , on Hopi pueblos in 1782 579 [MORFI, JUAN A. ], on settlement of Sandia 584MORTARS found in Awatobi 626MORTUARY CUSTOMS of the Hopi 648, 656MORTUARY OBJECTS in Sikyatki graves 650, 656MORTUARY REMAINS in Awatobi 617MORTUARY SLABS from Sikyatki 732MORTUARY VESSELS, food remains in 741MOTH FIGURES on Sikyatki pottery 678-680MOUNTAIN-LION fetish from Sikyatki 730 [MOUNTAIN-LION] figure on pottery 671 [MOUNTAIN-LION] in Hopi mythology 545MOUNTAIN-SHEEP figure on pottery 669, 671MÜYINWÛ, a Hopi deity 647, 667MYTH, _see_ COSMOGONY; GENESIS. MYTHIC origin of Kanelba 638-639 [MYTHIC] personages on pottery 665

NAHUATL and Hopi pictographs compared 569NAIUTCI injured by stick swallowing 664NAKWÁKWOCI defined 662NAMPÉO, a Hopi potter 660NASYUÑWEVE, a Hopi folklorist 637, 640NAVAHO and Hopi intermarriage 658 [NAVAHO] ceremonial circuit 681 [NAVAHO] depredations in Tusayan 585 [NAVAHO] in Antelope valley 592, 593 [NAVAHO] katcinas on Hopi pottery 658 [NAVAHO], late appearance of, in Tusayan 581 [NAVAHO] name of Awatobi 594 [NAVAHO], recent advent of, in New Mexico 658 [NAVAHO], shrine robbed by 612NAYBI identified with Oraibi 599NECKLACES in Sikyatki graves 733NEEDLES, bone, from Awatobi 627NEW-FIRE CEREMONIES of the Hopi 586, 602NEW MEXICO, _see_ NAVAHO. NIEL, J. A. , on Tanoan migration to Tusayan 578, 584NIMANKATCINA of the Hopi 593NIZA, MARCOS DE, on Totonteac fabrics 629NOMENCLATURE of Awatobi 594 [NOMENCLATURE] of Sikyatki 636NORDENSKIÖLD, G. , on affinity of cliff dwellers and pueblos 532 [NORDENSKIÖLD, G. ], on evolution of pottery design 716, 727 [NORDENSKIÖLD, G. ], cited on Mesa Verde villages 555, 563, 678 [NORDENSKIÖLD, G. ], on origin of round kivas 575 [NORDENSKIÖLD, G. ], on platforms in Mesa Verde kivas 541 [NORDENSKIÖLD, G. ], prayer-sticks found by 736NÜSHAKI, etymology of 578, 586

OAK CREEK, ruins on 533, 550OBSIDIAN objects from Sikyatki 732OFFERINGS by Indian excavators 641OÑATE, JUAN DE, Awatobi visited by 594, 599OPENINGS in Honanki walls 565 [OPENINGS], _see_ DOORWAY. ORAIBI, age of 607 [ORAIBI] in 1782 580 [ORAIBI] legendary origin of 634 [ORAIBI], site of 578ORIENTATION of Awatobi mission 609ORNAMENTS in Sikyatki graves 733OTERMIN, ANT. , attempted reconquest by 584OWENS, J. G. , acknowledgments to 646

PADILLA, JUAN, visits Tusayan in 1540 596PAHO, _see_ PRAYER-STICK. PAIAKYAMU figures on Hopi pottery 659PAINT, _see_ PIGMENT. PALATKI, art remains found at 569 [PALATKI], population of 567 [PALATKI] ruins discovered 534, 551 [PALATKI] ruins described 553-558PALATKWABI, a traditional land of the Hopi 529, 531, 568, 672PALEOGRAPHY, _see_ DECORATION. PASSAGEWAYS in cavate dwellings 542 [PASSAGEWAYS] in Honanki 565PATKI PEOPLE, early migrations of the 574 [PATKI PEOPLE], southern origin of the 529, 568PATUÑ PHRATRY, southern origin of 529PAYÜPKI, a ruin in Tusayan 578, 583 [PAYÜPKI], possible origin of 584PEACHES cultivated near Sikyatki 646 [PEACHES] introduced in Oraibi 604 [PEACHES] of the Hopi 639PHALLIC representations among the Hopi 663PICTOGRAPHS at Honanki 567, 568 [PICTOGRAPHS] at Palatki ruin 556 [PICTOGRAPHS] in Verde valley 545 [PICTOGRAPHS] near Montezuma Well 548 [PICTOGRAPHS] near Schürmann's ranch 550 [PICTOGRAPHS] of Awatobi totems 610 [PICTOGRAPHS] on Awatobi cliffs 626 [PICTOGRAPHS], _see_ DECORATION. PIGMENT found at Awatobi 618 [PIGMENT] found at Sikyatki 728, 729 [PIGMENT] how applied by the Hopi 650 [PIGMENT] used on prayer-sticks 630PIPES in Sikyatki graves 733PLASTERING on Awatobi walls 616 [PLASTERING] of Honanki ruin 563 [PLASTERING] of Palatki ruin 555 [PLASTERING] of Sikyatki rooms 645, 646PLATFORMS in cavate dwellings 541 [PLATFORMS] in Honanki 566PLUMED SNAKE cult in Tusayan 671, 672 [PLUMED SNAKE] figures on Hopi kilts 696 [PLUMED SNAKE] figure on pottery 658, 671 [PLUMED SNAKE] in Hopi mythology 668POLISHING STONES from Sikyatki 729POPULATION of Awatobi 605 [POPULATION] of Honanki 567PORCUPINE figure on pottery 669PORRAS, _Padre_, missionary labors of 595, 599, 600, 605POTTERY decoration of the Hopi 569 [POTTERY] from ancient Walpi 585 [POTTERY] from Awatobi 621-625 [POTTERY] from Honanki classified 570 [POTTERY] from Payüpki 584 [POTTERY] from Shuñopovi and Mishoñinovi 582 [POTTERY] from Sikyatki discussed 650-728 [POTTERY] from Verde and Colorado Chiquito compared 573 [POTTERY], mortuary, from Awatobi 617 [POTTERY], mortuary, from Kawaika 590 [POTTERY], mortuary, from Sikyatki 649 [POTTERY] of ancient Tusayan 617POWAMÛ ceremony of the Hopi 702POWELL, J. W. , ruins found by 532PRAYER-STICKS, cross-shape, of Keres origin 703 [PRAYER-STICKS] from Awatobi 613, 618, 630-631 [PRAYER-STICKS] from Honanki 573 [PRAYER-STICKS] from Sikyatki 649, 736-739 [PRAYER-STICKS] in Hopi ceremony 628 [PRAYER-STICKS], prescribed length of 668 [PRAYER-STICKS], significance of 688, 738PRAYER-STRINGS of the Hopi 662PRIESTS, Hopi, succession of 637PUEBLO GRANDE, _see_ KINTIEL. PUEBLO INDIANS descended from cliff dwellers 531, 532 [PUEBLO INDIANS] RUINS, of Verde valley classified 536 [PUEBLO INDIANS] and cliff dwellings similar 537

QUADRUPED figures on Sikyatki pottery 668-671QUARTZ CRYSTAL from Sikyatki 729

RABBIT figure on Sikyatki pottery 669, 670RABBIT-SKIN robes of Tusayan 629RAIN symbol on bird ornaments 733RAINBOW symbols on Sikyatki pottery 681RAINCLOUD SYMBOL of the Hopi 681 [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on Awatobi cist 613 [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on gravestones 732 [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on Hopi pottery 694 [RAINCLOUD SYMBOL] on Sikyatki pottery 689, 690RATTLESNAKE TANKS, ruins at 532RED ROCKS, cliff houses of the 548-549REPTILE figures on pottery 658, 671-677RUINS of East Mesa discussed 585 [RUINS] of Tusayan 577 [RUINS], _see_ AWATOBI, HONANKI, PALATKI, SIKYATKI, _etc. _

SACRIFICE among the Hopi 738 [SACRIFICE], _see_ OFFERING. SAINT JOHNS, ruins near 533SALIKO, Awatobi legend repeated by 603 [SALIKO] on the Awatobi Mamzráutu 611SAN BERNABE, mission name of Shuñopovi 607SAN BERNARDO, mission name of Awatobi 594, 595, 599SANDALS found in Honanki 573SANDIA, Hopi name for 584 [SANDIA] settled by Tanoan people from Tusayan 584SAN JUAN, headdress from 734SCHÜRMANN, --, acknowledgments to 559 [SCHÜRMANN], ruins near ranch of 550-553SEATS, stone, in Awatobi ruins 626SEEDS in mortuary vessels 741SELENITE deposits near Sikyatki 643 [SELENITE] in Sikyatki graves 730, 733SELER, E. , Mexican designs gathered by 705SERPENT, plumed, of the Hopi 547, 548SHALAKO, _see_ CALAKO. SHELL beads from Honanki 573 [SHELL] bracelet from Honanki 572 [SHELL] from Sikyatki graves 739 [SHELL] ornaments from Awatobi 628 [SHELL] ornaments in Sikyatki graves 733SHIMO, Awatobi legend repeated by 602SHIPAULOVI in 1782 579SHITAIMOVI, ruin of 582SHRINES at Awatobi described 619-621 [SHRINES] at Walpi 586 [SHRINES] near Tukinobi 589 [SHRINES] robbed by Navaho 612 [SHRINES] unearthed at Awatobi 613 [SHRINES] of the Hopi 613SHUÑOPOVI in 1782 579 [SHUÑOPOVI], OLD, discussed 582SICHOMOVI compared with Walpi 642 [SICHOMOVI], Tewa name for 642 [SICHOMOVI], when established 578, 636SIKYATKI and Awatobi pottery compared 623, 659 [SIKYATKI] and modern Hopi pottery compared 649 [SIKYATKI], destruction of 633 [SIKYATKI], etymology of 636 [SIKYATKI] inhabitants settle at Awatobi 596 [SIKYATKI] people harrassed by Walpians 588 [SIKYATKI], prehistoric character of 592, 632 [SIKYATKI] ruins described 631-742 [SIKYATKI], reasons for excavating 591 [SIKYATKI] ruins examined 535SITES of Tusayan pueblos 578SITGREAVES, L. , on ruins near San Francisco mountains 532, 533 [SITGREAVES, L. ], cited on selenite deposits 643SLIPPER-FORM VESSELS from Sikyatki 652SMOKING in Hopi ceremony 734SNAKE represented on pottery 671, 677 [SNAKE], _see_ PLUMED SNAKE. SNAKE HUNT, taboo of work during 639SNAKE PEOPLE, absence of, at Sikyatki 740 [SNAKE PEOPLE], early arrival of, at Tusayan 582 [SNAKE PEOPLE], northern origin of 575 [SNAKE PEOPLE] settle at Walpi 617SNAKE-RATTLE in Sikyatki grave 740 [SNAKE-RATTLE] used for ornament 740SORCERY, Awatobi men accused of 603SPANISH OBJECTS found at Awatobi 606, 623, 631 [SPANISH OBJECTS] unknown to early Tusayan 741SPATTERING, pottery decorated by 650, 668, 671, 677SPOONS from Sikyatki described 655 [SPOONS], _see_ POTTERY. SQUASH indigenous to the southwest 621 [SQUASH] flower, symbolism of the 661SQUAW MOUNTAIN, cavate dwellings near 534STALACTITES in Sikyatki graves 730STAR figures on Sikyatki pottery 702, 724 [STAR] symbol on Hopi pottery 696 [STAR] symbols on Sikyatki pottery 680, 690STEPHEN, A. M. , on Awatobi kivas 612 [STEPHEN, A. M. ], on Horn-house and Bat-house 590 [STEPHEN, A. M. ], on Mishiptonga ruin 590 [STEPHEN, A. M. ], on occupancy of Küküchomo 587 [STEPHEN, A. M. ], on origin of certain katcina 666STEVENSON, JAMES, ruins discovered by 532STEVENSON, M. C. , on Keresan cannibal giants 665STICK SWALLOWING by the Hopi 664STONE IMPLEMENTS from Awatobi 625-626 [STONE IMPLEMENTS] from Honanki 571 [STONE IMPLEMENTS] from Sikyatki 729SUN FIGURE in Powamû ceremony 702SUNFLOWER symbols on Sikyatki pottery 702SUN SYMBOL, cross allied to 623 [SUN SYMBOL] on Sikyatki pottery 699-701SUN WORSHIP of the Hopi 699SUPELA, Awatobi legend repeated by 603SWASTIKA figures on Sikyatki pottery 703

TABOO of work during snake hunt 639TADPOLE figures on Sikyatki pottery 658, 677TALLA-HOGAN, meaning of 594 [TALLA-HOGAN], Navaho name of Awatobi 594TANOAN migration to Tusayan 578, 600, 636TAPOLO, an Awatobi chief 603, 611TATAUKYAMÛ, a Hopi priesthood 611TATCUKTI, a Hopi clown-priest 659TAWA (SUN) PHRATRY, southern origin of 529TCINO, garden of, at Sikyatki 638, 640, 646TERRACED FIGURES of Mexico and Tusayan 705 [TERRACED FIGURES] on Sikyatki pottery 701, 703TEWA PEOPLE occupy Payüpki 584 [TEWA PEOPLE], progressiveness of, in Tusayan 580TEXTILE FABRICS from Awatobi 629-630 [TEXTILE FABRICS], absence of, at Sikyatki 649 [TEXTILE FABRICS] found in Honanki 572, 573 [TEXTILE FABRICS], Sikyatki dead wrapped with 656TINDER TUBE from Honanki 572, 573TOBACCO, _see_ SMOKING. TOBACCO PHRATRY in Awatobi 611TOBAR, PEDRO, visits Tusayan in 1540 578, 595, 596, 631TONTO, origin of term 534TONTO BASIN, ruins in 534TOTONAKA, a Hopi deity 647TOTONTEAC identified with Tusayan 534 [TOTONTEAC], suggested origin of 534TOYS of pottery from Sikyatki 656TRAILS ceremonially closed 596-597TRINCHERAS defined 550 [TRINCHERAS] in Red-rock country 549, 550TRUJILLO, JOSÉ, probably killed at Shuñopovi 600TSÊGI CANYON and Tusayan pottery compared 623 [TSÊGI CANYON] formerly occupied by Hopi clans 658 [TSÊGI CANYON], _see_ CHELLY CANYON. TUBES, bone, from Awatobi 627TUCANO, name applied to Tusayan 595TUCAYAN, name applied to Tusayan 595TUKINOBI, ruin of, described 589TURQUOIS beads found at Honanki 573 [TURQUOIS] mosaics of the Hopi 662 [TURQUOIS] objects in Sikyatki graves 641, 733TUSAYAN, application of term 577 [TUSAYAN] identified with Hopi villages 595 [TUSAYAN] ruins discussed 577-742 [TUSAYAN] towns in 1540 606 [TUSAYAN], _see_ HOPI. TUZAN, name applied to Tusayan 595TYLOR, E. B. , cited on primitive sacrifice 738

UTE depredations in Tusayan 585 [UTE], late appearance of, at Tusayan 581

VARGAS, DIEGO DE, Awatobi visited by 594 [VARGAS, DIEGO DE], Tusayan conquered by 600VASES, _see_ POTTERY. VEGETAL DESIGNS on Hopi pottery 698-699VERDE VALLEY and Tusayan ruins compared 573 [VERDE VALLEY], archeology of 530 [VERDE VALLEY] ruins discussed 536, 576VETANCURT, A. DE, Awatobi mentioned by 594 [VETANCURT, A. DE], on destruction of Awatobi mission 600VOTH, H. R. , decorated bowl collected by 665 [VOTH, H. R. ], on ancient pottery found at Oraibi 607

WALLS of Honanki described 559 [WALLS] of Palatki ruin 557 [WALLS], _see_ MASONRY. WALNUT CANYON, cliff houses in 532WALPI, ancient, pottery of 660 [WALPI] compared with other villages 642 [WALPI], former sites of 585, 635 [WALPI], gradual desertion of 586 [WALPI] in 1540 578 [WALPI] in 1782 579 [WALPI], origin of name 585 [WALPI], southern origin of clans of 529WALTHER, HENRY, pottery repaired by 682WAR GOD symbolism on Hopi pottery 664WATER used in Hopi ceremony 689WATER-HOUSE PEOPLE of Tusayan 672 [WATER-HOUSE PEOPLE], _see_ PATKI. WATER SUPPLY of Sikyatki 638, 646WEAPONS of ancient Tusayan 596, 598WHISTLES, bone, from Awatobi 627 [WHISTLES] used in Hopi ceremonies 628WINSHIP, G. P. , acknowledgments to 527 [WINSHIP, G. P. ], Castañeda's narrative translated by 596WIPO SPRING in Tusayan 639WOOD in Palatki ruin 555 [WOOD], method of working, at Honanki 571 [WOOD], remains of, at Honanki 562, 566 [WOOD], objects of, from Honanki 572WOOD'S RANCH, pictograph bowlder near 545

XUMUPAMÍ identified with Shuñopovi 599

YUCCA fiber anciently used 572

ZAGNATO, an Awatobi synonym 594ZAGUATE, an Awatobi synonym 594ZAGUATO, an Awatobi synonym 594ZÏNNI-JINNE, _see_ KINNAZINDE. ZUÑI and other pottery compared 623 [ZUÑI] origin of Kintiel 534, 591 [ZUÑI], Shalako ceremony of 700 [ZUÑI], snake figures on pottery of 677 [ZUÑI], southern origin of clans of 574 [ZUÑI], stick-swallowing at 664

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Transcriber's Notes:

Some illustrations have been repositioned to avoid breaking up thetext. Page numbers in the List of Illustrations refer to the originalprinted report. The Index has been edited to list only the topicscontained in this report. 

The original book contains some diacriticals that are represented inthis e-text as follows:

 The [)i] represents a breve (u-shaped) above the i. (He'-sho'ta pathl-tâ[)i]e, )

 The [=a] represents a macron (straight-line) above the a. (_N[=a]-ác-nai-ya_, and Estev[=a])

Page 522, Table of Contents: Ornaments, necklaces, and gorgets (page733) in original report changed to Necklaces, gorgets, and otherornaments to match the actual section heading. 

Page 525, List of Illustrations: CXXXV, _a_ in original report changedto CXXXV, _b_ to match the actual caption. (Fig. 270. Outline of plate CXXXV, _a_)

Page 526, List of Illustrations: triangles in original report changedto triangle to match the actual captions. (Fig. 336. Double triangles) and (Fig. 337. Double triangles and feathers)

Page 652: attemps in original report changed to attempts. (The first attemps at ornamentation)

Page 688, Footnote 1 in original report, now Footnote 145:annulets in original report changed to amulets. (ceremonial paraphernalia, as annulets, placed on sand pictures)

Page 702: respresented in original report changed to represented. (A large number of crosses are respresented in plate)

Page 706: Sityatki in original report changed to Sikyatki. (animal figures are unknown in this position in Sityatki pottery;)

Page 709 in original report, now page 708: lines in original report changed to line. (FIG. 288--Single lines with triangles)

Page 731: to-day in original report changed to today for consistency. (tethering in use today. )

Page 737: offerigs in original report changed to offerings. (ancient prayer offerigs)

Page 741: accompaning in original report changed to accompanying. (is set forth in the accompaning letter)

Page 744: In Appendix, Plate CLXXIII, _f_, the 5th digit of numberis missing in original report; represented by a question mark. (_f_, 1561 0;)

Plate CXL: SITYATKI in original report changed to SIKYATKI. (FIGURES OF BIRDS FROM SITYATKI)

All other spelling and accent variations and inconsistencies have notbeen changed from the original document, except for minor punctuationcorrections.